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Career Psychology usefully consolidates and advances knowledge about the scientific foundations and practical applications of vocational psychology and career counseling, a field that serves as the basis for career planning, occupational exploration, career decision making, vocational choice, job entry, work adjustment, and retirement. Chapters written by expert contributors cover key theories and approaches, core and emerging constructs, cultural contexts, and career interventions, showing how counselors can assist diverse groups of people across developmental age periods to construct personally meaningful and socially relevant work lives. This comprehensive work will serve as a ready reference on the evolution, current status, and future directions of vocational psychology and is useful for researchers, practitioners, and students alike.
Career Psychology Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment
Also of Interest From APA Books Career Assessment: Integrating Interests, Abilities, and Personality Rodney L. Lowman
Editors
W. Bruce Walsh • Lisa Y. Flores Paul J. Hartung • Frederick T. L. Leong
Career Counseling, Second Edition Mark L. Savickas APA Handbook of Career Intervention Edited by Paul J. Hartung, Mark L. Savickas, and W. Bruce Walsh Handbook of Occupational Health Psychology, Third Edition Edited by Lois E. Tetrick, Gwenith G. Fisher, Michael T. Ford, and James Campbell Quick Please visit www.apa.org/pubs/books to obtain more information on specific titles or to order.
ISBN 9781433837982
90000 >
9 781433 837982
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Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. Except as permitted under the United States Copyright Act of 1976, no part of this publication may be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means, including, but not limited to, the process of scanning and digitization, or stored in a database or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of the publisher. The opinions and statements published are the responsibility of the authors, and such opinions and statements do not necessarily represent the policies of the American Psychological Association. Published by American Psychological Association 750 First Street, NE Washington, DC 20002 https://www.apa.org Order Department https://www.apa.org/pubs/books [email protected] In the U.K., Europe, Africa, and the Middle East, copies may be ordered from Eurospan https://www.eurospanbookstore.com/apa [email protected] Typeset in Meridien and Ortodoxa by TIPS Publishing Services, Carrboro, NC Printer: Sheridan Books, Chelsea, MI Cover Designer: Anthony Paular Design, Newbury Park, CA Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Walsh, W. Bruce, 1936– editor. | American Psychological Association. Title: Career psychology : models, concepts, and counseling for meaningful employment / edited by W. Bruce Walsh, Lisa Y. Flores, Paul J. Hartung, and Frederick T. L. Leong. Description: Washington, DC : American Psychological Association, 2023. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2022043376 (print) | LCCN 2022043377 (ebook) | ISBN 9781433837982 (paperback) | ISBN 9781433837999 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Vocational guidance. | Career development. Classification: LCC HF5381 .C26655 2023 (print) | LCC HF5381 (ebook) | DDC 650.1—dc23/ eng/20230104 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022043376 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022043377 https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-000 Printed in the United States of America 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
CONTENTS
Contributors ix Acknowledgments xiii Introduction: Integrating Theory, Culture, and Practice in Career Psychology 3 W. Bruce Walsh, Lisa Y. Flores, Paul J. Hartung, and Frederick T. L. Leong
I. CAREER THEORIES 1. Person–Environment Fit
13 15
Nadya A. Fouad, Jane L. Swanson, Stephanie G. Burrows, and Jo-Ida C. Hansen
2. Social Cognitive Career Theory
37
Steven D. Brown and Robert W. Lent
3. Psychology of Working Theory
59
Ryan D. Duffy, David L. Blustein, Gianella Perez, and Camille Smith
4. A Cognitive Information Processing Approach
79
James P. Sampson Jr., Janet G. Lenz, Robert C. Reardon, Emily Bullock-Yowell, Debra S. Osborn, and Gary W. Peterson
5. Work as Calling Theory
101
Ryan D. Duffy, Gianella Perez, Bryan J. Dik, and Dylan R. Marsh
6. Life Development and Life Designing for Career Construction
121
Peter McIlveen and Jennifer Luke
v
vi Contents
II. CORE AND EMERGING CONSTRUCTS 7. Vocational Interests: Conceptual Issues, Research Findings, and Practical Implications
143 145
Hui Xu
8. The Interface Between Career Exploration and Decision Making: From Parsons to the 21st Century’s Volatile World of Work
169
Itamar Gati
9. Self-Efficacy Theory and the Career Behavior of Women
193
Nancy E. Betz
10. Career Adaptability
213
Madeleine Haenggli and Andreas Hirschi
11. Well-Being and Career Success
235
Lisa C. Walsh, S. Gokce Boz, and Sonja Lyubomirsky
III. CULTURE AND CONTEXT 12. Sexual and Gender Minority Career Psychology
257 259
Brandon L. Velez
13. Career Psychology in the Immigrant Context
279
Kelsey L. Autin, Germán A. Cadenas, and Willy Anthony Diaz Tapia
14. Career Counseling With African Americans
299
Rosie Phillips Davis and Connie M. Ward
15. Career Psychology and Work in the Asian American Context
321
Frederick T. L. Leong and Deepshikha Chatterjee
16. Latinx Career Psychology: Work and Vocational Development of Latinx Individuals 345 Lisa Y. Flores, Xiaotian Hu, and Leticia D. Martinez
17. Career Psychology and Work in the Native American Context 367 Sherri L. Turner and Mark Pope
18. Social Class in Work and Career Psychology
389
Blake A. Allan, Eileen Joy, and Patrick K. Murphy
IV. CAREER INTERVENTION
409
19. Career Assessment: Foundations, Approaches, and Applications 411 Patrick J. Rottinghaus and Felice Chen
20. Career Management
435
Mo Wang, Yanjun Guan, and Yanran Fang
21. Exploring Global Careers: Individual Mobility and Organizational Management 467 Michael Dickmann and Rodrigo Mello
Contents vii
22. Career Counseling and Psychotherapy: The Working Alliance and Reflexive Practice
493
Peter McIlveen and Malcolm Choat
23. Careers and the Gifted: Implications for Society and Education Policy 509 Jonathan Wai and Don C. Zhang
24. Work and Unemployment
529
Frank Burtnett
25. Work Disability
553
Connie Sung and Amy Nasamran
26. Experiences of Marginalization in Career Development: From Education to the Workplace
577
Richard P. Douglass
27. Healthy Careers: An Occupational Health Psychology Perspective
591
Robert R. Sinclair, Baylor Graham, Lauren Kistler, Meredith Pool, Danielle Sperry, and Gwendolyn P. Watson
Index 617 About the Editors 653
CONTRIBUTORS
Blake A. Allan, PhD, University of Houston, Houston, TX, United States Kelsey L. Autin, PhD, University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee, Milwaukee, WI, United States Nancy E. Betz, PhD, (Emeritus) The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH, United States David L. Blustein, PhD, Boston College, Chestnut Hill, MA, United States S. Gokce Boz, BA, University of California, Riverside, Riverside, CA, United States Steven D. Brown, PhD, Loyola University Chicago, Chicago, IL, United States Emily Bullock-Yowell, PhD, University of Southern Mississippi, Hattiesburg, MS, United States Stephanie G. Burrows, MA, University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee, Milwaukee, WI, United States Frank Burtnett, EdD, Marymount University, Arlington, VA, United States Germán A. Cadenas, PhD, Lehigh University, Bethlehem, PA, United States Deepshikha Chatterjee, PhD, Baruch College, City University of New York, New York City, NY, United States Felice Chen, MEd, University of Missouri–Columbia, Columbia, MO, United States Malcolm Choat, MCL, University of Southern Queensland, Toowoomba QLD, Australia Rosie Phillips Davis, PhD, University of Memphis, Memphis, TN, United States Willy Anthony Diaz Tapia, PhD, University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee, Milwaukee, WI, United States ix
x Contributors
Michael Dickmann, PhD, Cranfield University, Bedfordshire, United Kingdom Bryan J. Dik, PhD, Colorado State University, Fort Collins, CO, United States Richard P. Douglass, PhD, University of Minnesota–Twin Cities, Minneapolis, MN, United States Ryan D. Duffy, PhD, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL, United States Yanran Fang, PhD, Zhejiang University, Hangzhou, China Lisa Y. Flores, PhD, University of Missouri–Columbia, Columbia, MO, United States Nadya A. Fouad, PhD, University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee, Milwaukee, WI, United States Itamar Gati, PhD, The Hebrew University, Jerusalem, Israel Baylor Graham, MS, Clemson University, Clemson, SC, United States Yanjun Guan, PhD, Durham University, Durham, United Kingdom Madeleine Haenggli, PhD, University of Bern, Bern, Switzerland Jo-Ida C. Hansen, PhD, University of Minnesota–Twin Cities, Minneapolis, MN, United States Paul J. Hartung, PhD, Northeast Ohio Medical University, Rootstown, OH, United States Andreas Hirschi, PhD, University of Bern, Bern, Switzerland Xiaotian Hu, MS, University of Missouri–Columbia, Columbia, MO, United States Eileen Joy, PhD, Purdue University, West Lafayette, IN, United States Lauren Kistler, MS, Clemson University, Clemson, SC, United States Robert W. Lent, PhD, University of Maryland, College Park, MD, United States Janet G. Lenz, PhD, Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL, United States Frederick T. L. Leong, PhD, (Retired) Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, United States Jennifer Luke, PhD, University of Southern Queensland, Toowoomba QLD, Australia Sonja Lyubomirsky, PhD, University of California, Riverside, Riverside, CA, United States Dylan R. Marsh, MS, Colorado State University, Fort Collins, CO, United States Leticia D. Martinez, MA, University of Missouri–Columbia, Columbia, MO, United States Peter McIlveen, PhD, University of Southern Queensland, Toowoomba QLD, Australia Rodrigo Mello, PhD, University of Vaasa, Vaasa, Finland Patrick K. Murphy, MS, Purdue University, West Lafayette, IN, United States Amy Nasamran, PhD, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, United States
Contributors xi
Debra S. Osborn, PhD, Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL, United States Gianella Perez, MHS, MS, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL, United States Gary W. Peterson, PhD, Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL, United States Meredith Pool, BS, Clemson University, Clemson, SC, United States Mark Pope, EdD, University of Missouri, St. Louis, St. Louis, MO, United States Robert C. Reardon, PhD, Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL, United States Patrick J. Rottinghaus, PhD, University of Missouri–Columbia, Columbia, MO, United States James P. Sampson Jr., PhD, Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL, United States Robert R. Sinclair, PhD, Clemson University, Clemson, SC, United States Camille Smith, MSEd, Boston College, Chestnut Hill, MA, United States Danielle Sperry, MS, Clemson University, Clemson, SC, United States Connie Sung, PhD, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, United States Jane L. Swanson, PhD, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, IL, United States Sherri L. Turner, PhD, University of Minnesota–Twin Cities, Minneapolis, MN, United States Brandon L. Velez, PhD, Teachers College, Columbia University, New York, NY, United States Jonathan Wai, PhD, University of Arkansas, Fayetteville, AR, United States Lisa C. Walsh, PhD, University of California, Los Angeles, Los Angeles, CA, United States W. Bruce Walsh, PhD, (Emeritus) The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH, United States Mo Wang, PhD, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL, United States Connie M. Ward, PhD, Private Practice, Jonesboro, GA, United States Gwendolyn P. Watson, MS, Clemson University, Clemson, SC, United States Hui Xu, PhD, Loyola University Chicago, Chicago, IL, United States Don C. Zhang, PhD, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, LA, United States
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The work and expertise of Lisa Flores, Paul Hartung, Fred Leong, Jane Walsh, Molly Gage, Robert Knight, and others in the preparation of this edited book are acknowledged and greatly appreciated.
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Introduction Integrating Theory, Culture, and Practice in Career Psychology W. Bruce Walsh, Lisa Y. Flores, Paul J. Hartung, and Frederick T. L. Leong
I
n today’s complex, changeable, and often chaotic world, work continually gets redefined to meet contemporary conditions. Conceptions of career as vertical movement through a sequence of positions within an organizational workplace now give way to notions of career unbounded by such limits. Organizational structures in constant flux require people to be adaptable, self-regulating, and self-managing. Within this contemporary context, the overall goal of this volume is to examine the challenges and opportunities for integrating theory, emerging constructs, culture, and practice in career psychology and, in so doing, to assist diverse groups of people across developmental age periods to construct personally meaningful and socially relevant work lives. Specific objectives include the following: • to make readers aware of the practical and applied aspects of the field in a cultural context and to prepare them to maintain a science-based objectivity about the field • to realistically assess the significance of career psychology for professional functioning and societal development • to stimulate colleagues and students to make a commitment to continue professional growth in theory, emerging constructs, culture, and practice in the field of career psychology Taking up the call to shape career psychology’s future and adapt the discipline to complex and ever-changing circumstances, the authors in this volume https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-001 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 3
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examine a range of issues and advances in career psychology. Collectively, the authors demonstrate the field’s stable base of theory, science, and practice and at the same time respond to contemporary conditions. Given this context, the volume’s 27 chapters are distributed among four parts (Career Theories, Core and Emerging Constructs, Culture and Context, and Career Intervention).
CAREER THEORIES Leading off the volume, the six chapters in Part I discuss career choice and development theory. All of these chapters deal mostly with specific conceptual and research advances. Nadya A. Fouad, Jane L. Swanson, Stephanie G. Burrows, and Jo-Ida C. Hansen begin this part by discussing two theories of person– environment fit (Holland’s theory and the theory of work adjustment). These theories evolved from Parsons’s matching model of career guidance, developed in the early part of the 20th century. The authors then move to a review of other models and theories of person–environment fit developed in industrial and organizational psychology and in occupational health psychology and further discuss nonwork predictors and outcomes of person–environment fit models. The authors conclude Chapter 1 with some interesting suggestions for future research. Steven D. Brown and Robert W. Lent use Chapter 2 to examine social cognitive career theory (SCCT). The authors note that, in its current form, the SCCT framework includes five interconnected theoretical models, all of which feature a common set of social cognitive, other person (e.g., ability, personality), and contextual variables in a core set of assumptions. They maintain that self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations are key driving forces behind many aspects of educational and vocational behavior. Toward this end, they function as key psychological precursors of the interests that people develop, the career choice goals they favor, the choice actions they take, the choice persistence they display, the quality of performances they achieve, and the satisfactions they experience in their school and work lives. Brown and Lent further note that the SCCT models have generated a great deal of research over the years, much of which supports the viability of the theory’s basic predictions in diverse populations and settings. The psychology of working theory (PWT) discussed by Ryan D. Duffy, David L. Blustein, Gianella Perez, and Camille Smith in Chapter 3 builds on research from vocational psychology, multicultural psychology, intersectionality, and the sociology of work. The primary function of this theory is to explain important elements in the process of securing decent work and to describe how performing decent work leads to needs satisfaction, work fulfillment, and wellbeing. Decent work, according to the authors, consists of safe working conditions, hours that allow for free time and adequate rest, organizational values that complement family and social values, adequate compensation, and access to adequate health care. The authors propose that decent work exists when all
Introduction 5
these components are present, and they note that the theory may be particularly helpful in understanding the experiences of marginalized and economically constrained people in the workplace and in college. The research evidence to date supports the main premises of PWT, which reflect the broad array of social, economic, and psychological factors that shape people’s work lives. The cognitive information processing (CIP) theory has evolved over the past 50 years from a unique community of practice beginning at Florida State University and expanding to other researchers and practitioners worldwide. The theory’s core principle, as explained in Chapter 4 by James P. Sampson Jr., Janet G. Lenz, Robert C. Reardon, Emily Bullock-Yowell, Debra S. Osborn, and Gary W. Peterson, is that problem-solving and decision-making skills are essential in making career choices. CIP theory represents an application of general information processing theory to career choice. The theory assumes that information processing is key to learning and that learning is crucial in promoting the understanding of self and options necessary to make informed and careful choices about occupations, education, training, employment, and leisure. Toward this end the authors note that core elements of CIP theory include how persons use knowledge structures to organize, add to, and revise knowledge that they have about themselves and their options; the rational intuitive processes persons apply to use what they know to arrive at a decision; and the metacognitive processes persons use to manage problem solving. The authors further note that in its current form, CIP theory includes both a theory of vocational behavior and a theory of career intervention. For the past 15 years, research on the study of work as a calling has grown significantly, spanning the fields of counseling, vocational, and industrial and organizational psychology as well as management, philosophy, and religion. Given this context, Duffy et al. (2018) took on the task of developing an overall theory of work as calling (WCT). The primary aim of the theory is to explain how perceiving a calling links with living a calling and, in turn, the associated outcomes that occur when one lives out their calling. Duffy et al. defined calling as an approach to work that reflects seeking a sense of overall purpose and meaning and is used to help others or contribute to the common good, motivated by an external or internal summons. In Chapter 5, Ryan D. Duffy, Gianella Perez, Bryan J. Dik, and Dylan R. Marsh note that when people are able to engage in their calling, they are more likely to experience job and life satisfaction as well as improved job performance. Since WCT was proposed, there has been significant research done to support many of the propositions. In conclusion, the authors note that, as with any new theory, further empirical testing will determine the extent to which the theory’s structure and propositions are valid or in need of modification and extension. Life designing is a model for the theory and practice of career construction and aims to assist people in generating personal meaningfulness about their work. In Chapter 6, Peter McIlveen and Jennifer Luke focus on career construction theory and its contribution to life designing for career construction. The authors present a selective summary of career construction theories and
6 Walsh et al.
wrestle with the philosophical limitations. In addition, they speculate about future directions for life designing and its fitness for current social and economic challenges associated with sustaining employability in the world of work. Stated differently, employability is the true test for life design counseling. Life design counseling must be able to demonstrate its utility to individuals striving to sustain their employment throughout life and, in addition, address the intellectual and practical challenges involved in developing meaningful (some would say reliable and valid) definitions to operationalizing the theory and its concepts.
CORE AND EMERGING CONSTRUCTS Empirical research of key career behavior constructs represents a hallmark of career psychology. The five chapters in Part II consider research advances with regard to interests, decision making, self-efficacy, adaptability, and well-being. Hui Xu begins this group of chapters by examining extant interest-related research and practice toward formulating a promising new agenda about the science and practice of interests in an uncertain world. To do this, he reviews key conceptual issues, research findings, and practical implications about interests; outlines several major directions for the future science and practice of interests; and discusses the role of interests in career development given the current socioeconomic context. He concludes Chapter 7 by saying that although interests do not provide decisive answers, they do offer useful information for career decision making and need to be considered together with other personal and contextual information to facilitate career development. Chapter 8, by Itamar Gati, begins by distinguishing between the two facets of career exploration: self-exploration and environmental exploration. Next, it discusses the essence, goal, and the core features of self-exploration and the difficult task of knowing the world of work. The chapter continues by focusing on the present and the future of true reasoning and the process of combining the information compiled during self-exploration and environmental exploration. This is followed by a discussion of the interface between self and environmental information and the core stages of the career decision-making process and the challenges presented in career decision making. Finally, Gati explores future directions for processing career information and offers suggestions for designing information and communication technology-based self-help systems to facilitate career decision making. The introduction of self-efficacy theory to career behavior has had farreaching implications and applications. In Chapter 9, Nancy E. Betz documents the use of self-efficacy theory in career psychology well beyond the original focus of Betz and Hackett on the career development of women, expanding to members of racial/ethnic minority groups in the United States and to international samples. It has become a central concept in explaining career development processes and in the design of interventions and support systems focused
Introduction 7
on facilitating that development. Betz further indicates that it is also essential to remember that a focus on the utility of self-efficacy theory is not itself sufficient. She concludes that alleviation of the large number of educational and workplace barriers to women, persons of color, and others with marginalized status is essential. Due to the dynamics of today’s working world, individuals face constantly changing work environments. As a consequence, careers are increasingly self-determined and require flexibility and adaptability from individuals. Given this context, Madeleine Haenggli and Andreas Hirschi note in Chapter 10 that career adaptability has emerged as a core concept in vocational and career research in recent decades. The concept is rooted in earlier notions of career maturity and has seen significant conceptual and empirical advancements in recent years. The authors show that there is now ample research available to support the relevance of career adaptability to successfully developing a career. They conclude that emerging research shows that adaptability can be systemically promoted by career interventions. Closing this second part, Lisa C. Walsh, S. Gokce Boz, and Sonja Lyubomirsky present an extensive review of well-being and career success. Taken together, the hundreds of studies these authors reviewed across cross-sectional, longitudinal, and experimental investigations demonstrate that well-being positively affects career success on a host of outcomes. The authors further note that although they did not delve into the weeds of bidirectional relationships (and the multiple mechanisms underlying them) in this review, the literature suggests the presence of upward spirals, whereby greater levels of well-being cause greater levels of success. The authors close Chapter 11 with a discussion of how organizations might improve worker well-being, such as by measuring it, building thriving work cultures, and deploying well-being enhancing positive activities.
CULTURE AND CONTEXT The first chapter in Part III, by Brandon L. Velez, discusses contextual issues that may be uniquely salient to the lives of sexual and gender minority people, including workplace discrimination, identity management, and gender transitions. The author reviews conceptual and empirical work exploring the applicability of career development frameworks to the career development and vocational functioning of sexual and gender minority populations. Chapter 12 concludes with a discussion of directions for future research and implications for career counseling practice with sexual and gender minority clients. Chapter 13, on career psychology in the immigrant context by Kelsey L. Autin, Germán A. Cadenas, and Willy Anthony Diaz Tapia, begins with a review of the literature on factors affecting immigrant workers, including contextual factors, barriers, and resources. The authors note that the immigration literature has identified several factors that shape one’s experience premigration, during migration, and postmigration. They point out that when
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working with immigrant populations, practitioners and researchers need to assess resources and challenges that come about at each of these stages of migration. They conclude with implications for career counseling practice and advocacy. In Chapter 14, Rosie Phillips Davis and Connie M. Ward outline an approach to career counseling with African Americans. The authors describe their model for delivering counseling that is based on the culturally appropriate counseling model developed by Fouad and Bingham (1995) and extended by Ward and Bingham (1993). They begin by providing a review of African Americans’ work history, share updated assumptions relevant for the model, and highlight some of the American Psychological Association guidelines that are meaningful for integrating the concept of intersectionality into their model. The authors conclude with case applications of the model and provide recommendations for future practice. In their chapter focusing on career psychology and work in the Asian American context, Frederick T. L. Leong and Deepshikha Chatterjee propose that many of the errors in career psychology of racial and ethnic minority groups consist of only using the etic (universal) or the emic (culture-specific) approach. These authors argue that researchers need to critically examine both the extent to which prevailing theories do apply cross culturally and the extent to which these theories exclude important culturally specific variables. Chapter 15 presents a critical review of the literature on the career psychology of Asian Americans by using the twin concepts of cultural validity and cultural specificity. The chapter discusses the foundational issues identified by Leong and Hardin (2002) and updates the empirical literature related to cultural validity and cultural specificity for the past 2 decades. The basic premise of this framework is that research that emphasizes cultural validity at the expense of cultural specificity only addresses half the problem. Thus, the primary message of this chapter is that an integrated and combined use of etic (universal) and emic (culture-specific) approaches is needed to examine the cultural validity and cultural specificity of career theories and models in order to advance our knowledge of the career psychology of Asian Americans. In Chapter 16, on Latinx career psychology, Lisa Y. Flores, Xiaotian Hu, and Leticia D. Martinez provide an overview of the vocational psychology research over the past decade that can inform work and career research and practice with Latinx. The authors begin with a brief introduction to Latinx representation in the United States, their educational and labor force participation, and cultural characteristics. This is followed by a review of recent theoretical advancements that can be incorporated in vocational research and practice with Latinx. The authors conclude by summarizing research related to the career development of Latinx, providing recommendations for career counseling practice for Latinx, and discussing future directions for research and practice. In response to a strong need, Sherri L. Turner and Mark Pope conducted a review for Chapter 17 of the extant literature on career psychology and work with Native Americans. To incorporate the latest critical thinking and empirical
Introduction 9
research, the authors used a time frame of 2000 to 2021. They highlighted the educational and career development of K–12 students, college students, and adults, paying particular attention to barriers, supports, and psychological factors at each of these stages. They found that while there are developmental differences in the tasks and challenges that Native Americans face at each stage, there are also consistent themes across stages that could potentially guide both counseling and research approaches. Social class in work is a contextual variable that figures prominently in people’s work and career development. Elaborating on this point, Blake A. Allan, Eileen Joy, and Patrick K. Murphy close out this part with Chapter 18 by describing how psychologists have conceptualized social class, how career theories have incorporated social class, how social class operates as a cultural variable that intersects with other cultural identities, how classism affects career and work outcomes, how social class relates to unemployment and social quality, and how social class can be integrated into career counseling. The authors conclude that the existing research has broadly found social class to be a meaningful factor to consider across all areas of career development and work. In addition, they discuss how career practitioners can integrate social class into clinical practice and advocacy to increase the effectiveness of interventions. In short, the authors note that social class is a critical part of career psychology and will continue to be relevant in the future.
CAREER INTERVENTION Theory, research, and culture tend to guide and be guided by practice. In Part IV, nine chapters deal with issues and advances in practice related to career psychology. Patrick J. Rottinghaus and Felice Chen launch this part with Chapter 19 by discussing career assessment with regard to several empirically supported key constructs related to career processes and outcomes. They offer a process- and outcomes-based framework for situating career assessment within an individual’s unique life context. Using Rottinghaus and Eshelman’s (2015) six-step model, the authors present insights for organizing and implementing integrative approaches to career assessment. Given recent trends involving increased utilization of online interventions, they highlight emerging advances in internet-based assessment and resources. The authors conclude with take-home points and key resources to support practitioners in advancing their knowledge of career assessment research and practice innovations. Mo Wang, Yanjun Guan, and Yanran Fang introduce the lifespan perspective of career management, which they define as an umbrella term that encompasses various individual activities that shape people’s career transitions and experience. In Chapter 20, the authors integrate the lifespan perspective and dual process model to introduce a theoretical framework that explains how individuals exert agency and adjust to constraints or changes in managing their careers. Drawing on this framework, the authors review career management
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literature in three critical stages: school-to-work transition, workforce participation, and work-to-retirement transition. Moving on from the general level of individual careers, Michael Dickmann and Rodrigo Mello specify issues and advances in understanding global careers. The authors note that global careers are not a new phenomenon. Since World War II, an increasingly interdependent global economy has transformed how organizations operate across the world, creating a strong need for culturally sophisticated and globally savvy individuals who must be able to manage international operations effectively. In Chapter 21, the authors explore individual careers that involve living and working in different countries. They further discuss the changing times that involve moving international work to people instead of moving people to their international work. Substantial research evidence attests to the working alliance’s contribution to outcomes for clients. In Chapter 22, on career counseling and psychotherapy, Peter McIlveen and Malcolm Choat discuss the working alliance and its centrality to counseling for work, job, and career. The client and the client’s needs are the focus of counseling. The working alliance inherently involves the practitioner as an active partner in the relationship as much as it does the client. The authors point out that the career development literature is limited by insufficient theory and research that explores the role and experiences of the practitioner in counseling. They attempt to address this gap through a consideration of practitioner countertransference and an ethic of reflexivity. In Chapter 23, Jonathan Wai and Don C. Zhang illustrate the connection between cognitive abilities, careers, and giftedness through two approaches: prospective and retrospective. Using these approaches, they illustrate that people identified as gifted when young end up in highly select and diverse careers and that people who end up at the pinnacle of career achievement largely are gifted. The authors further note that this does not mean that having high cognitive ability or being gifted is the sole criterion for ending up in a highly prestigious career, only that increasing cognitive ability typically does increase the likelihood of all kinds of positive outcomes. In practice, career counseling of the gifted—namely, helping match them in regard to ability level, ability pattern, interests, personality, lifestyle preferences, and other factors—is quite important for the full talent development and flourishing of these students. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics of the U.S. Department of Labor, there is only one official definition of unemployment: people who are employable but jobless, actively seeking work, and available to take work. Chapter 24, by Frank Burtnett, recognizes that unemployment in the United States represents a significant problem, one that will not be eliminated or alleviated solely by job creation, education and training reform, and other macro solutions. He points out that relevant attention to the needs of the victims of unemployment will require the ongoing design and delivery of comprehensive programs and services that address both their career and human growth and development needs. He concludes by noting that understanding the impact that unemployment has on the wellness and development of its victims, followed by taking
Introduction 11
assertive action to address their needs, represent the first steps to the reduction of this significant problem. Individuals with disabilities face multiple challenges and barriers in finding and maintaining employment. Chapter 25, by Connie Sung and Amy Nasamran, describes how the impact of disability on work experience depends on many factors beyond the disability condition, such as the nature of the job, the work environment and culture, available resources, and barriers to work. Career and rehabilitation psychologists must play a significant role in the career development of individuals with disabilities by providing quality assessment; utilizing evidence-based treatment and intervention approaches; advocating for clients; and integrating disability-related issues into research, assessment, intervention, consultation, and advocacy. The authors conclude their discussion by saying that all individuals have the right to work on an equal basis with others, which includes the right to have the opportunity to gain a living by work freely chosen or accepted in the labor market and work environment that is open, inclusive, and accessible. More recently, scholars have noted that factors outside of an individual’s control, such as bullying, discrimination, harassment, and marginalization, negatively affect the person’s career development and experiences in the workplace. Chapter 26, by Richard P. Douglass, builds on this shift within the career development literature in four ways by defining bullying, discrimination, and harassment; reviewing career theories with an emphasis on how recent advances have begun to focus on these constructs; examining the effects that experiences of marginalization have on an individual’s career development and experiences in the workplace; and discussing the implications for career psychology. In a fitting conclusion to this final part, Robert R. Sinclair, Baylor Graham, Lauren Kistler, Meredith Pool, Danielle Sperry, and Gwendolyn P. Watson highlight the importance of occupational health psychology. Occupational health psychology has emerged as a scientific discipline that focuses on the relationship between work and employee health with the goal of developing theories about the psychological mechanisms that influence employee health as well as implementing interventions that result in safer and healthier workplaces. Chapter 27 begins with a brief overview of occupational health psychology. Next, the authors present the job demands–resources model as a broad theoretical framework for thinking about how the workplace influences occupational health- and career-related outcomes. The final section of the chapter describes several trends in occupational health scholarship that have implications for career psychology. These trends fall into three broad areas: economic stress, changing forms of labor, and the experience of work.
REFERENCES Duffy, R. D., Dik, B. J., Douglass, R. P., England, J. W., & Velez, B. L. (2018). Work as a calling: A theoretical model. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 65(4), 423–439. https:// doi.org/10.1037/cou0000276
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Fouad, N. A., & Bingham, R. P. (1995). Career counseling with racial and ethnic minorities. In W. B. Walsh & S. H. Osipow (Eds.), Handbook of vocational psychology: Theory, research, and practice (pp. 331–365). Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Leong, F., & Hardin, E. (2002). Career psychology of Asian Americans: Cultural validity and cultural specificity. In G. C. Nagayama Hall & S. Okazaki (Eds.), Asian American psychology: The science of lives in context (pp. 131–152). American Psychology Association. https://doi.org/10.1037/10473-005 Rottinghaus, P. J., & Eshelman, A. (2015). Integrative approaches to career intervention. In P. J. Hartung, M. L. Savickas, & W. B. Walsh (Eds.). APA handbook of career interventions: Vol. 2. Applications (pp. 25–39). American Psychological Association. https://doi.org/10.1037/14439-003 Ward, C. M., & Bingham, R. P. (1993). Career assessment of ethnic minority women. Journal of Career Assessment, 1(3), 246–257. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 106907279300100304
I CAREER THEORIES
1 Person–Environment Fit Nadya A. Fouad, Jane L. Swanson, Stephanie G. Burrows, and Jo-Ida C. Hansen
W
e begin this chapter on person–environment (P-E) fit with a case presentation that demonstrates the meaning and practice of the theories we discuss.
THE CASE OF NICOLE Nicole is a 42-year-old White woman living in the southwest United States.1 She seeks career counseling because she is struggling to determine whether she should change careers from nursing. Nicole went to nursing school right after her high school graduation. She wanted to help others and liked her science courses in high school. Her original goal was to have a job that she could easily blend with her strong desire to stay home with children. After college, she married and had two children in 5 years. After her children were in school full-time, she began to look for work as a nurse and took a third shift position so she could be home when her children came home from school. Although she did not get to interact much with her patients, she liked the camaraderie of the regular group of nurses working third shift. She also appreciated the quiet time in the hospital, and she enjoyed the opportunity to get out of the house but also be with her children when they got home from school. But, as they got older, her children were more independent, budget cuts meant fewer people working on third shift, and the reality of third-shift work was taking a toll on the rest of This case example is a fictitious account.
1
https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-002 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 15
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her life. Nicole was chronically tired, her marriage was falling apart, she was rarely awake when her children were home, there was more drudgery work on third shift with fewer people to do it, and she had less time with coworkers. There were no opportunities to move to a different shift in her hospital, and she was struggling to decide whether to change careers or to change to a different type of nursing (such as in a different type of medical setting). She began to consider working in health information, but she was not sure if she would need more schooling for that career.
PERSON–ENVIRONMENT FIT The case of Nicole may be viewed as an example of poor P-E fit that may lead her to a career counselor. A career choice that originally was a good fit for her interests and needs changed over time as Nicole’s needs and interests changed, and she may now need help finding a better fit. It may be that she needs to change careers entirely, or it may be that she needs to find a better way to adjust to the career she has already chosen with different hours and/or a different setting. In working with Nicole, the counselor could use a model of helping her find what is the best match or fit with a career or environment. This notion of matching people and careers has been a hallmark of career counseling and vocational psychology for over a century. This chapter discusses two foundational theories of P-E fit: Holland’s theory (Holland, 1997; Nauta, 2020) and the theory of work adjustment (TWA; Dawis, 2005; Dawis & Lofquist, 1984; Swanson & Schneider, 2020). These theories evolved from Parsons’s matching model of career guidance (Parsons, 1909/1989), developed in the early part of the 20th century. We then review other models and theories of P-E fit developed in industrial and organizational psychology (I/O psychology) and in occupational health psychology (OHP). We also discuss nonwork predictors and outcomes of P-E fit models and end the chapter with suggestions for future research. By reviewing P-E fit theories we gain insight into possible solutions for Nicole and other clients seeking career and work-related counseling. The original theory of matching a person to their environment was developed by Frank Parsons. Parsons wrote Choosing a Vocation in 1909 as an effort to document how to help poor teenage boys in early 20th-century Boston with work choices. He was an early proponent of the concept of a good fit between an individual’s aptitudes and capacities and the requirements of the job, believing that a poor fit, or one that was “out of harmony with the nature of the man means inefficiency, unenthusiastic and perhaps distasteful labor” (Parsons, 1909/1989, p. 3). However, an occupation “in harmony . . . means enthusiasm, love of work, and high economic values” (p. 3). In other words, if there was a good match between the person and their work environment, the individual would be more successful and satisfied in their work. To accomplish this, Parsons argued that “in the wise choice of a vocation, there are three broad factors: (1) a clear understanding of yourself . . . (2) knowledge of the requirements . . . in different lines
Person–Environment Fit 17
of work, [and] (3) true reasoning on the relations of these two groups of facts” (p. 5), and that all young men (and, he acknowledged, some women) needed help in uncovering these aspects of vocational choice. A clear understanding of oneself and knowledge of the requirements of different occupations are thoroughly explored in models of P-E fit. P-E fit models differ on what aspects of the person the theory emphasizes to help clients understand themselves. For example, some focus on skills, others on values, and still others on interests. We highlight two P-E fit theories in this chapter: Holland’s (1997) theory, which focuses on interests, and TWA (Dawis, 2005), which spotlights an individual’s needs. These theories have led to the development of a number of assessments to provide individuals with information to know themselves, such as interest assessments and values/needs assessments, often with help from a counselor. These two theories also recognize the importance of the work environment, and models have been developed to categorize aspects of the work environment so that clients understand how their interests or needs fit with the environment. The U.S. Department of Labor’s Occupational Network (O*Net), for example, has cataloged the interests and needs for various occupations, allowing a match between the individual and the occupation. The Department of Labor also has interest and values assessments on the O*Net site, allowing individuals to fulfill two of Parsons’s three factors. Although P-E fit can often be assessed individually or with the help of a professional, Parsons’s suggested application of “true reasoning” poses a particular challenge to individuals. It has therefore functioned as the foundation of career counseling since Parsons proposed it. Parsons’s (1909/1989) advice to help individuals with reasoning instructs that it “calls for clear thinking, logical reasoning, a careful, painstaking weighing of all the evidence, [and] a broadminded attitude toward the whole problem” (p. 40). Parsons’s original theory and related three factors were limited in several ways. For instance, he made several assumptions about career decision making. First, that it would be made once in early adolescence, that opportunity played a role in available choices, and that the best decisions were rational. He also acknowledged the importance of industrial demand and how that could potentially shift across geographic regions. But he could not have imagined how much economic, organizational and technological changes have dramatically changed the nature and frequency of work decisions. They are not made once in early adolescence; individuals make many more work and career decisions over the span of their working careers (Hirschi, 2018). Opportunity still plays a role in possible choices. However, Lent and Brown (2020) argued that the limitations for application of Parsons’s model come primarily from what we have learned from cognitive science about decision making. Most individuals are not, in fact, very good rational decision makers, relying instead on quick, intuitive decision making. Lent and Brown noted, “Lost in this equation [of true reasoning] are the apparent limits of humans as information processors/true reasoners, particularly when faced with complex, risky, and consequential decisions” (p. 2). To update
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Parsons’s model, they developed a content-process-context (CPC) model of intervention. The CPC is based on an explicit assessment of decisional problems that may interfere with the ability to make a career-related decision and attends to potential biases, as well as the traditional aspects of P-E fit models in assessing self and world of work, such as we discuss next in Holland’s theory (Holland, 1997; Nauta, 2020) and TWA (Dawis, 2005; Swanson & Schneider, 2020).
HOLLAND’S THEORY OF VOCATIONAL CHOICE AND ADJUSTMENT Holland’s theory of P-E fit was first introduced in 1959 in an article in the Journal of Counseling Psychology, and Holland continued to revise and refine the theory until his last book, published in 1997. Holland’s theory, from the beginning, assumed that individuals were a “product of the interaction of [their] . . . heredity with a variety of cultural and personal forces” (Holland, 1959, p. 35). Vocational choice was presumed to result from an individual’s searching among six different types of environments: Motoric, Intellectual, Esthetic, Supportive, Persuasive, and Conforming. Later, these six environments were labeled Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional, abbreviated RIASEC (Holland, 1997). Holland developed the Vocational Preference Inventory in 1965 to assess the RIASEC preferences. Holland, in the introduction to his 1997 book, noted that the theory answered three fundamental questions. First, what are the characteristics of persons and environments that lead to positive or negative vocational outcomes? Positive outcomes include career satisfaction and achievement, whereas negative outcomes include indecision and dissatisfaction. Second, what are the characteristics of persons and environments that lead to stability or change over an individual’s work life? And third, what are the best ways to assist people with their career concerns? Holland’s theory proposes that career choice is an expression of one’s personality and, further, that people choose occupations based on those personalities and thus people in those occupations have similar personalities. Holland outlined four fundamental tenets of his theory. First, individuals resemble one or more of six personality types: Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional. Each personality type is “the product of cultural and personal forces” (Holland, 1997, p. 2) from which individuals learn to prefer some activities over others. These preferences form early in life, then help individuals to develop interests (preferences for vocational and avocational activities), as well as the ways they respond to the environment. Individuals most often have preferences for a combination of two or more types, with one type that is dominant and other types that are secondary. Holland noted that a person’s type may be discerned from an interest inventory or from their work history. Holland developed the Self-Directed Search (SDS; Holland et al., 1994) as one way to determine vocational personality type(s). An individual’s interests in conjunction with their competencies form a
Person–Environment Fit 19
specific “disposition” that allows the individual to “think, perceive, and act in special ways” (Holland, 1997, p. 2). Holland’s second tenet is that the six types described here can also be used to categorize vocational environments. The environment’s type is determined by the type of the individuals in that environment because individuals prefer to surround themselves with similar others: “Where people congregate, they create an environment that reflects the types they most resemble” (Holland, 1997, p. 3). Each environment has a characteristic set of problems and opportunities as well as requiring differing activities and competencies and offering different rewards. The third tenet of Holland’s theory is the fundamental core of P-E fit theories. The theory presumes that “people search for environments that will let them exercise their skills and abilities, express their attitudes and values, and take on agreeable problems and roles” (Holland, 1997, p. 4). As noted in the second tenet, people gravitate to similar environments. Holland proposes that environments search for people, primarily through recruitment. Thus, people in charge of hiring in a Realistic environment choose individuals with Realistic interests. The fourth tenet is that personality and the environment interact, determining behavior. The resulting behavior leads to outcomes, such that a good fit between personality and environment leads to positive outcomes, including initial (and subsequent) vocational choice, job tenure and turnover, achievement, and satisfaction. Conversely, poor fit between personality and the environment leads to lack of tenure, lack of achievement, and dissatisfaction. The degree of fit indicates how much individuals match with their environments. Holland (1997) proposed additional assumptions to suggest ways that types are interrelated. He termed these “secondary” assumptions, although they form the heart of P-E interactions within his theory. The first is the calculus assumption. The six types are arranged equidistantly around a circle in a hexagon in this order: Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional. Holland proposed that those types next to each other are more similar and those opposite on the hexagon from each other are least similar to each other. In other words, the Realistic type is most similar to the Investigative and Conventional types and least similar to the Social type. Four additional constructs were proposed to describe the relationships within people or environments and between people and environments: congruence, differentiation, consistency, and identity. The concept of congruence is the most critical P-E concept in Holland’s theory and indicates the P-E match in terms of type of the individual and the environment. A highly congruent individual is one who works in an environment that is identical to their type. An example of this would be an Artistic individual working in an Artistic environment, whereas an Artistic individual working in a Conventional environment would be incongruent. Incongruence, as we noted earlier, would be related to negative outcomes, whereas congruence is related to positive outcomes, such as job satisfaction and job tenure. As Holland (1997) described it, “Persons in congruent environments are encouraged to express their favorite behavior repertoires in familiar and congenial settings. In contrast, persons in incongruent
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environments find that they have behavior repertoires that are out of place and unappreciated” (p. 56). Two secondary assumptions also focus on the relationships among an individual’s primary and secondary types. Differentiation refers to clear distinction between an individual’s highest and lowest types. An individual is well differentiated when one type (or two) is distinctly higher (or more endorsed) than the other types. Consistency is a reflection of the coherence (Spokane, 1996) of an individual’s personality types around the hexagon. If the types are next to each other on the hexagon, the individual would be considered to be more consistent than an individual with preference for types opposite each other. Individuals with highly differentiated and consistent types are much more likely to find congruent environments. Finally, identity provides “an estimate of the clarity and stability” (Holland, 1997, p. 5) of a person’s identity or goals, interests, and talents. Research Support for Holland’s Theory From his initial 1959 article, Holland focused on the importance of proposing a theory that would generate research. In his 1997 book, two chapters summarized the evidence supporting the theory, divided into years 1959 to 1984 and 1985 to 1996. His conclusion of the research conducted on the theory up to 1996 is that the research generally supports the theory, but more study is needed, particularly on environmental types and the secondary constructs. He also encouraged more research on congruence and its relationship to vocational outcomes, in part because this research has been equivocal, with correlations between congruence and satisfaction typically around .30 (Nauta, 2010, 2020; Spokane & Cruza-Guet, 2005). Nauta (2020) reviewed the research on Holland’s theoretical constructs in several areas. She concluded that the six types are found among a wide variety of age groups, that the six types have been found to be related to personality types in expected ways, and that they tend to be stable over time (also one of his fundamental questions). As noted earlier, research has not shown predicted relationships between congruence and the prediction of job satisfaction, but a more recent meta-analysis (Nye et al., 2017) showed that congruence was a better predictor of performance outcomes than interest alone. Nauta also reviewed the research on group differences (especially race and gender differences) in RIASEC scores, noting that women score higher than men in Social and Artistic areas and men score higher on Realistic and Investigative areas. Moving beyond scale scores, Fouad and Kantamneni (2020) reviewed whether the overall structure of the hexagon (and calculus assumption) fit across racial/ethnic groups. Although some studies have found similar structures across racial/ethnic groups, others have not found the same ordering of Holland types, leading the authors to call for more research on Holland’s theory across groups, including how cultural factors influence the development of interests.
Person–Environment Fit 21
Nonetheless, as many have concluded, this is one of the most successful theories in vocational psychology (e.g., Juntunen & Even, 2012; Nauta, 2020). This is in part due to Holland’s commitment to research and his focus on applying the theory to substantively help clients. It is also due to the parsimony of the theory and how easy it is to communicate. Holland’s theory has also been translated into easily accessed tools, such as the Interest Profiler and the occupations in the Department of Labor’s O*Net, making the practical implications very accessible to clients. Applying Holland’s Theory Using Holland’s theory to understand Nicole’s current career dilemma focuses attention on both her characteristics and the features of her environment. First, Nicole’s personality type may be Investigative–Social (IS), as she enjoyed science courses and the social aspects of her work as a nurse. We could suggest that she take an interest inventory to determine if these are the most preferred interests or if she has other areas of interest, as well as how differentiated and consistent her interests are. She could take the SDS (Holland et al., 1994) or the Interest Profiler (Lewis & Rivkin, 1999). One part of the SDS asks clients to list their vocational daydreams; those occupations could then be coded according to Holland type and used to talk to Nicole about the coherence of her career aspirations. An analysis of Nicole’s current work environment reveals some important information. In general, nurses are likely to be predominantly Social and Investigative types and are the colleagues with whom Nicole spends most of her workday. But health information management, if she were to go into this field, is also predicted to be a congruent occupation, as the primary codes for health information specialists are Social and Investigative. She might also find a congruent fit in other areas of the hospital or in another medical setting. From the perspective of P-E fit, nurses may be able to find congruence within work environments in a clinic (Social–Investigative) or in other areas of the hospital. For example, acute care nurses are Social–Investigative–Realistic. Another important aspect of applying Holland’s theory is to help a client explore the incongruence the client may experience in their current work environment. The counselor could help Nicole conceptualize her feelings of dissatisfaction from the perspective of Holland’s typology. This provides Nicole with a framework to think about whether the field of nursing is a poor fit for her or if she is dissatisfied with her current work setting or the third shift obligations. Thus, a counselor working from Holland’s theory would ask Nicole how much congruence exists between her interests and her work environment. For example, Nicole first wanted to express her Social interests through helping her patients, but as her work conditions changed on third shift, she may feel that she can no longer spend that time with her patients. Thus, she may not feel that she can engage in the activities she most enjoys and has to spend more time in activities she does not like. As a result, she may no longer feel that she fits with her environment.
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THE THEORY OF WORK ADJUSTMENT TWA is a model of P-E vocational fit, but it also may be considered a model of P-E interaction (Dawis, 2005). The concept of fit describes the degree of similarity between a person and an environment, whereas the concept of interaction reflects the reciprocal influence between a person and an environment. As its name indicates, TWA is focused on the process of adjustment within work environments and includes 17 formal propositions and corollaries outlining the structural characteristics of the theory (Dawis & Lofquist, 1984). TWA describes characteristics of individuals that predict their satisfaction with the work environment as well as their level of satisfactoriness within the work environment. TWA consists of two models: a predictive model and a process model (Dawis, 2005). The predictive model focuses on the variables that explain whether individuals are satisfied with their work environments and whether they are satisfactory to their work environments, which in turn predict individuals’ tenure in their work environments. The process model focuses on how the fit between individuals and their environments is attained and maintained. As as a result, TWA has a structural component, describing characteristics of individuals and environments at a given point in time, and a dynamic component, describing how individuals and environments are actively engaged in maintenance and adjustment behavior (Bayl-Smith & Griffin, 2015; Dawis & Lofquist, 1984). Predictive Model: Predicting Whether Work Adjustment Occurs The predictive model is the core of TWA and proposes two sets of parallel characteristics: (a) An individual has a set of needs and values that may be met by rewards available in the work environment, and (b) the work environment has a set of job requirements that may be met by the skills and abilities that the individual possesses. The term correspondence is used to describe these two points of intersection of individuals and their environment. If individuals’ needs are met by the work environment, then the person and environment are in correspondence; if not, then they are in discorrespondence. This determines the individual’s level of satisfaction (or dissatisfaction) with the work environment. Similarly, if the work environment’s requirements are met by the person, then the person and environment are in correspondence; if not, then they are in discorrespondence. This refers to the individual’s level of satisfactoriness (or unsatisfactoriness) to the work environment. In other words, an individual has needs, and the work environment has rewards; if needs and rewards correspond, then the individual is satisfied. Likewise, an individual has abilities, and the work environment has ability requirements; if abilities and ability requirements correspond, then the individual is considered satisfactory. These relationships are illustrated in the left side of Figure 1.1. In some literature (e.g., Bayl-Smith & Griffin, 2015, 2017; Dahling & Librizzi, 2015), the correspondence between needs and rewards is sometimes referred to as needs–supplies
Person–Environment Fit 23
(or N-S) fit and the correspondence between abilities and ability requirements as demand–ability (or D-A) fit. If an individual is both satisfied and satisfactory (i.e., if both the individual’s needs and the work environment’s demands are met), then the individual and the environment are in a state of equilibrium, and work adjustment has been achieved. If, however, the individual is dissatisfied, unsatisfactory, or both, then a state of disequilibrium exists. Such disequilibrium serves as a motivational force, propelling some type of change to occur. Dissatisfaction of either party— the person or the environment—plays a central motivational role in TWA, serving as the impetus for some type of adjustment to occur. Disequilibrium is an uncomfortable state that motivates actions leading to reestablishment of equilibrium (Dawis, 1996). According to TWA, adjustment behavior to reestablish equilibrium occurs via four avenues (Dawis, 2002): two when individuals are dissatisfied with their environments and two when individuals are unsatisfactory (and therefore the environment is dissatisfied with them). Again, the ideal state is when a person is satisfied and satisfactory, leading to maintenance behavior. However, a person could be satisfied yet unsatisfactory, dissatisfied yet satisfactory, or both dissatisfied and unsatisfactory. These latter three states lead to adjustment behavior. If individuals are dissatisfied, they have two possible choices: attempting to change the environment or changing themselves. They may be able to influence the environment to change the number or kinds of rewards that it provides, for example, by requesting a salary increase or a change in work tasks. FIGURE 1.1. Prediction of Work Adjustment Correspondence
Abilities
Ability Requirements
Satisfactoriness
I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I
I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 1,I
Promote Transfer
Ability Requirements
Fire Retain
1,
)I
,1
Values
Reinforcer Pattern
Correspondence
I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I
I I I I I I I I I \ I I I I \ ��--
Remain Reinforcer Pattern -�
Satisfaction
Quit
Note. From A Psychological Theory of Work Adjustment: An Individual-Differences Model and Its Applications (p. 63), by R. V. Dawis and L. H. Lofquist, 1984, University of Minnesota Press. Copyright 1984 by University of Minnesota Press. Reprinted with permission.
24 Fouad et al.
Another option is that workers could change the number or kind of needs that they require, such as changing their expectations about salary or rethinking how they interact with a difficult coworker. Ultimately, individuals must decide whether to stay in the current work environment or leave for another environment. If individuals are unsatisfactory (i.e., the work environment is dissatisfied with them), they have two possible choices: increasing their required skills or attempting to change the environment’s expectations. The environment also has several possible actions, with the ultimate outcomes of retaining or terminating the individual. Although TWA focuses on both the individual and the environment, the theory clearly emphasizes the experiences of the individual: The term “satisfaction” refers to individuals’ satisfaction with their jobs, whereas the term “satisfactoriness” refers to individuals with whom the work environment is satisfied. Tenure in a job occurs when an individual is both satisfied and satisfactory (Dawis, 2005), as shown in the center portion of Figure 1.1. In addition to these core predictions, TWA proposes moderating relationships and variables, such as interactions between the processes of correspondence, satisfaction, and satisfactoriness, as depicted by the dotted lines in the center of Figure 1.1. That is, workers’ level of satisfaction with their work environments is predicted to influence their level of satisfactoriness to the work environment; if workers are satisfied, then they are more likely to perform at a satisfactory level, whereas if they are not satisfied (i.e., if their needs are not being met), then they are less likely to perform at a satisfactory level. Conversely, if individuals are performing at a level that the environment judges to be satisfactory, then they are more likely to be satisfied than if they are performing at an unsatisfactory level. TWA also includes the moderator variable of personality style, which describes how individuals characteristically interact with their environments. TWA proposes four styles: celerity (the speed with which an individual initiates interaction with the environment), pace (how intensely one responds to the environment), rhythm (the pattern of one’s response, e.g., steady, cyclical, or erratic), and endurance (how persistently one responds). These four personality style variables help explain why individuals with similar values and abilities exhibit different behaviors within the same work environment (Swanson & Fouad, 2020). These style variables also can be used to describe the environment, providing another way to characterize the correspondence between individuals and their environments. Process Model: Predicting How Work Adjustment Occurs In addition to the structural components of TWA outlined in the predictive portion of the model, the process model adds to TWA’ s ability to predict work adjustment by focusing on how adjustment occurs and how it is maintained. The process portion of TWA defines the parameters and outcomes of the motivational force created by any discorrespondence between individuals and their environments, whether by the individual being dissatisfied with the work
Person–Environment Fit 25
environment, the individual being unsatisfactory to the work environment, or both. TWA proposes that individuals’ adjustment styles characterize how they react to the occurrence of discorrespondence (see Figure 1.2). Adjustment style consists of four variables: flexibility, active adjustment, reactive adjustment, and perseverance. Flexibility refers to how much discorrespondence people will tolerate before they reach a threshold of dissatisfaction leading to some type of adjustment behavior, which may then be characterized as either active or reactive. In active adjustment, individuals act on environments in an effort to decrease discorrespondence; in reactive adjustment, individuals act on themselves to reduce discorrespondence. An individual might use both modes of adjustment. Perseverance refers to the length of time that individuals are willing to persist in discorrespondent environments after they have engaged in adjustment behavior. The four adjustment style variables are also descriptive of environments. Environments differ in how much discorrespondence is tolerated between individuals’ abilities and environments’ ability requirements before judging individuals as unsatisfactory (flexibility). When an environment’s flexibility threshold is exceeded, it engages in either active or reactive adjustment actions. FIGURE 1.2. Relationships Among Adjustment-Style Dimensions
Note. From Essentials of Person-Environment-Correspondence Counseling (p. 19), by L. H. Lofquist and R. V. Dawis, 1991, University of Minnesota Press. Copyright 1991 by University of Minnesota Press. Reprinted with permission.
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Some environments may fire a discorrespondent employee more quickly than others (perseverance). All four of these adjustment style variables are hypothesized to vary among individuals and among work environments and are thus useful in predicting what is likely to occur when workers are dissatisfied or unsatisfactory. The concepts found in the predictive model interact with those in the process model. According to TWA, individuals’ levels of satisfaction mostly depend on how their values correspond to the rewards provided by the environment. However, levels of satisfaction also depend on individuals’ satisfactoriness as well as on their personal flexibility. Similarly, individuals’ levels of satisfactoriness depend mostly on how their abilities correspond to the requirements of the environment. However, satisfactoriness also depends on an individual’s level of satisfaction as well as the flexibility of the environment (Dawis, 2002). A strength of TWA is the amount of attention that its authors devoted to developing psychometrically sound measures of its central constructs. Although many of these measures are not widely available, the theory may be implemented using any measures that provide a way to quantify the correspondence between individuals and environments (Dawis, 2005). Thus, extant measures of work-related needs and values, abilities and skills, and job satisfaction could be used within the context of TWA predictions. Research Support for the Theory of Work Adjustment In the original presentation of the theory and throughout its continued development, TWA has been characterized by careful attention to the structural characteristics of theory building (as evidenced by the formal propositions and corollaries), which have guided subsequent work related to the theory. Much TWA research has focused on the prediction of satisfaction, satisfactoriness, work adjustment, and tenure. Results have indicated strong support for the interactions between these constructs, which maps well onto propositions of TWA (Dawis, 1996; Dawis & Lofquist, 1984). Researchers have examined correspondence between individuals’ personality styles and their work environments in terms of celerity, pace, rhythm, and endurance (Bayl-Smith & Griffin, 2015) and the role and type of adjustment behaviors used to maintain satisfactoriness (Bayl-Smith & Griffin, 2018). TWA has also been used as a framework for conceptualizing work-related decisions, such as work adjustment among cancer survivors (Clur et al., 2017) and women leaving the engineering field (Fouad et al., 2017), and has been combined with other theoretical approaches, such as attachment theory in predicting turnover intentions (Dahling & Librizzi, 2015), social cognitive career theory in predicting satisfaction of retirement-age workers (Foley & Lytle, 2015), Maslow’s theory and the psychology of working theory (Blustein et al., 2019) in describing experiences of Latinx immigrant workers (Eggerth & Flynn, 2012), and organizational support theory in predicting work outcomes and mental health among women of color (Kurtessis et al.,
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2017). Additionally, TWA has served as the basis for a retirement transition and adjustment framework (RTAF; Griffin, 2015; Hesketh et al., 2011, 2015). A few studies have shown support for the use of TWA with culturally stigmatized groups, such as lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals (Lyons et al., 2005; Velez & Moradi, 2012); African American employees (Lyons & O’Brien, 2006; Lyons et al., 2014); Latinx immigrant workers (Eggerth & Flynn, 2012; Flynn et al., 2015); women of color (Velez et al., 2018); late-career workers (Bayl-Smith & Griffin, 2017); and individuals with intellectual disabilities (Chiocchio & Frigon, 2006). Applying the Theory of Work Adjustment As with Holland’s theory, using TWA to understand Nicole’s career concerns entails attention to her characteristics as well as those of the environment. With TWA, however, the focus is on the degree of correspondence between specific aspects of the P-E interaction; namely, how are Nicole’s needs and values being met by the rewards available in her current work environment (and, more broadly, in the field of nursing), and how are Nicole’s skills and abilities meeting the requirements of her current job (and field)? Nicole has been satisfied with many aspects of her nursing career up until this point, particularly the flexibility that it offered her relative to her family responsibilities. However, as other aspects of her life have changed, some aspects of the job provide less reward than they did previously. In addition, specific aspects of the job/career that she enjoyed—helping others, relationships with her coworkers, a sense of accomplishment—began to change due to her continuing on third shift as well as the nature of the profession, further reducing the satisfaction that she experienced. Thus, Nicole’s reduced satisfaction can be conceptualized as resulting from the lack of correspondence with her environment. Although her needs had previously been met by the work environment, resulting in correspondence between person and environment, they are increasingly not met, creating a situation of discorrespondence, resulting in reduced satisfaction. Regarding the other important aspect of TWA, correspondence between Nicole’s skills and abilities and the requirements of her job, she has apparently been a satisfactory employee in her current job and throughout her career. However, because satisfactoriness is as important as satisfaction in TWA, a counselor would want to explicitly explore this aspect of correspondence or discorrespondence. Further, TWA predicts that Nicole’s increasing dissatisfaction with her job may be influencing her satisfactoriness; in other words, because she is less satisfied with her current position, she may not be performing up to the same standards that she has in the past. If so, she may not be meeting the work environment’s requirements, potentially resulting in discorrespondence (unsatisfactoriness) to the work environment. Using TWA to explore potential career options, such as working in a different nursing setting or pursuing health information management, would
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continue to focus on how Nicole’s needs and values might be best met by alternative work environments. What specifically does Nicole identify as an unmet need in her current environment, and how might she accomplish that in a new position or career direction? Because her needs and values may have shifted since she entered the field of nursing, careful assessment of her current needs and values would be beneficial, particularly to diagnose whether her current occupation still meets those needs and values even if her current position does not. Examination of the field of health information management might then clarify whether this would be a better fit with Nicole’s needs and values. As predicted by TWA, the disequilibrium caused by discorrespondence is serving as a motivational force for Nicole, prompting her to explore a change in either job or career field. Assuming that she is dissatisfied yet still satisfactory, the two options available to Nicole to address her dissatisfaction are to change the environment or to change herself, and both avenues should be explored in counseling. Can Nicole increase the rewards available in her current job, such as waiting for a reassignment to a day shift, changing to a different unit in the hospital, or applying for a promotion into management? The second option is for Nicole to rethink her expectations for the work environment, such as emphasizing the positive aspects of working the third shift (e.g., higher pay or more time off). If these two options prove to not resolve her dissatisfaction, then the focus of counseling may shift to Nicole’s decision whether to stay in her current work environment or leave for another environment.
P-E FIT PREDICTOR AND OUTCOME VARIABLES IN INDUSTRIAL AND ORGANIZATIONAL PSYCHOLOGY Kristof-Brown and colleagues (2005, 2018), who conduct research in organizational settings, conceptualized the definition of P-E fit to reflect the match between the person and various organizational levels. The levels range from the micro level to the macro level and include person–supervisor (P-S) fit, person–group (P-G) fit, person–organization (P-O) fit, person–job (P-J) fit (Andela & van der Doef, 2019; Kristof-Brown et al., 2005; Su et al., 2015), and person–vocation (P-V) fit (Badger Darrow & Behrend, 2017; Kristof-Brown et al., 2005). Research has shown that the strength of the relations between predictors and outcomes may vary based on the level being researched (Badger Darrow & Behrend, 2017; Kristof-Brown et al., 2005). For example, Andela and van der Doef (2019) simultaneously considered the role of P-J, P-O, P-G, and P-S fit in a study of French employees’ burnout, job satisfaction, and turnover intentions. Results indicated that congruence in each of the four types of P-E fit was positively related to job satisfaction and negatively related to burnout and turnover intentions. Although all relations were statistically significant, the strength of the relations varied by level of fit used. Specifically, P-J, P-O, and P-S fit predicted work-related outcomes to a greater extent than P-G fit, indicating that the relevance of P-G fit may vary by occupation.
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In addition to reconceptualizing the definition of P-E fit, researchers in I/O psychology have expanded work-related outcome variables to include organizational commitment behaviors (Kristof-Brown et al., 2018); turnover intention (Tak, 2011); burnout (Andela & van der Doef, 2019); and satisfaction with workplace benefits, advancement opportunities, and colleagues (Hoff et al., 2020). An illustrative example is a longitudinal study that demonstrated significant relationships between levels of P-E fit, turnover intentions, and actual turnover (Tak, 2011). By surveying workers who had spent less than 6 months with their current organization, Tak (2011) found that turnover intentions were most strongly predicted by P-J fit rather than P-O or P-S fit. However, participants’ responses 6 months later indicated P-O fit was the strongest predictor of actual turnover. Thus, research suggests that the individual contributions of each type of P-E fit, as well as how the types coalesce to inform perceived fit, must be considered (Badger Darrow & Behrend, 2017) and, further, that micro levels of match (e.g., P-S or P-J) are better predictors of outcomes than are macro levels (e.g., P-O or P-V).
P-E FIT MODELS IN OCCUPATIONAL HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY OHP is another specialty that has used a P-E fit model to drive theory development. For example, Edwards et al. (1998) and Harrison (1978) described a model of psychosocial stress that employed P-E fit as a means of explaining occupational stress. The model suggests two kinds of fit: (a) the alignment between individual skills and abilities with job requirements and (b) the satisfaction of individual needs as met by the job environment (Harrison, 1978). Individual perception is further delineated from environment by differentiating the subjective environment, or the environment as it is perceived by an individual, from the objective environment, or the environment as it realistically exists. Similarly, the objective person describes an individual’s attributes as they exist in reality and the subjective person refers to an individual’s perception of their attributes, abilities, needs, and values (Edwards et al., 1998; Harrison, 1978). These distinctions lead to four types of fit, and potential misfit (Harrison, 1978). Contact with reality is indicative of the fit between an individual’s subjective and objective environments, whereas accuracy of self-assessment represents the correspondence between the objective and subjective person. Furthermore, objective P-E fit suggests correspondence between the objective person and objective environment, and subjective P-E fit indicates fit between the subjective person and subjective environment. Individuals who have correspondence (i.e., P-E fit) in all four areas are apt to have fewer strains in the workplace, leading to improved health and well-being (Edwards et al., 1998; Harrison, 1978). Despite potential applications and overall appeal, the psychosocial model of occupational stress has not been tested extensively. However, other P-E fit models have been proposed to study outcomes of interest to OHP researchers. Beier et al. (2020) recently applied P-E fit to their
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study of congruence between older worker and retirees’ (a) reasoning and knowledge abilities and (b) job demands. Their results suggested that incongruence between reasoning abilities and job demands predicts increased reports of health conditions as well as earlier retirement. Future Applications of P-E Fit Models for Occupational Health Psychology The world of work has changed drastically in recent decades, resulting in increased stress and dissatisfaction for workers. Worldwide economic recessions (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2012), changes in educational requirements, technology expansion (Lent & Brown, 2013), and globalization (Csoka, 1995) have rendered the traditional workplace extinct. Remaining in the same position or with the same organization for an entire career is becoming increasingly uncommon (Weng & McElroy, 2012), and the rise of the “gig economy” has created a multitude of positions that are terminated upon completion of a specific task or project (Kuhn, 2016). Hansen (1995) recognized these changes and called for counseling psychologists to prioritize vocational psychology outcome research on workers’ well-being. Similarly, the vocational psychology literature has emphasized stressors related to student transitions to work (Fouad & Bynner, 2008). Research to understand college and professional student adjustment, satisfaction, and educational persistence might be enhanced by incorporating predictor and outcome variables used in OHP research. Because work stressors can occur throughout one’s career and are not isolated from other life domains (Eggerth & Cunningham, 2012; Fouad & Bynner, 2008), research also should consider the experiences of stress and well-being in mid- and late-career workers. The parallels between vocational P-E fit models and OHP P-E fit models are evident. In addition to the long-standing P-E fit research on satisfaction and satisfactoriness outcomes, OHP-oriented research conducted by counseling psychologists could support a better understanding of the stressors that occur for working individuals in an effort to improve well-being. Nonwork Predictors and Outcomes of P-E Fit Models Research in vocational psychology most frequently uses P-E fit as a predictor of an individual’s level of satisfaction with their work. As described earlier in the chapter, Holland’s theory hypothesizes that the match between Holland code assigned to a job or occupation and an individual’s interest type predicts work satisfaction. TWA on the other hand predicts satisfaction or satisfactoriness from the match between values and ability requirements of the job and values and abilities of the individual. Although TWA is most often used to predict work outcomes, Dawis and Lofquist (1984) hypothesized that P-E fit theories, in their case specifically TWA, could be used to predict other satisfaction outcomes, such as relationship satisfaction. Ton and Hansen (2001) tested this
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hypothesis using Holland’s theory to expand P-E fit outcomes to marital relationships. They proposed that interest and value congruence between partners would predict satisfaction and motivation in nonwork roles. They found significant relationships between (a) marital interest and values congruence and (b) marital satisfaction, as well as evidence that the relationship between marital interest, values congruence, and marital motivation is mediated by marital satisfaction. The results of Ton and Hansen’s study provided evidence to support Dawis and Lofquist’s contention that P-E theories can predict nonwork outcomes, but scant additional research has been done in this area.
IMPROVING P-E FIT RESEARCH Despite the ubiquity of P-E fit research, measurement issues are present that may attenuate the relationship between P-E fit and various outcomes. Specific concerns, including those related to P-E fit indices, models, moderators, and outcomes, have been identified in the literature and warrant additional exploration to improve research in this area. P-E Fit Indices Congruence in P-E fit theories has been criticized for multiple reasons. Hansen and Wiernik (2018), for example, noted critical information is often omitted from congruence indices, such as significant portions of interest profiles that, if incorporated, may support an improved understanding of individual congruence. Likewise, congruence indices that assume an equilateral hexagon ignore the independent nature of interests and thus reflect an inaccurate model of Holland’s theory. Hoeglund and Hansen (1999) further demonstrated the precariousness of congruence indices in their study exploring whether increasingly complex congruence indices would more accurately predict job satisfaction in groups of individuals from nine occupational areas. Interestingly, results from the study found only small relationships between congruence and satisfaction in the various occupational groups, effectively negating comparisons between congruence indices. To better understand congruence within P-E fit models, researchers will need to address the problems present in existing indices to inform future index development. Fit in P-E Models Fit is commonly operationalized through needs–supplies or demand–ability assessments (Kristof-Brown et al., 2005), considering job characteristics and, increasingly, an individual’s skills or goals. These factors represent the balance of workplace needs, or what the organization wants from an employee, and what the individual is able to contribute to the workplace environment, as well as what they value about their work. As described previously, P-E fit has been
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operationalized at multiple levels (e.g., P-S, P-G, P-J, P-O, P-V), but only moderate relationships have been established between these levels (Kristof-Brown et al., 2005). This supports the idea that each level assesses a unique aspect of fit and makes clear the importance of considering multiple conceptualizations of fit in the context of work. However, these results also indicate that additional research considering P-E fit theories would benefit from expanding on the predictors of fit. Researchers would therefore need to be mindful of the direct or indirect measurement of fit, as well as complementary versus supplementary conceptualizations of fit (Kristof-Brown et al., 2005). Moderators of P-E Fit Researchers have often called for additional research on moderators in P-E fit research, but few studies have been conducted. Dik and Hansen (2011) answered this call by conducting a study that considered the moderating effects of job involvement, career salience, and intrinsic motivation—collectively known as work centrality variables—on congruence–job satisfactions. Findings indicated low levels of work centrality variables significantly predicted stronger congruence–satisfaction relations, contradicting existing literature and suggesting that individuals less invested in their work may benefit from increased emphasis on interest congruence in the career development process. Additional research on moderators of P-E fit is warranted, especially given Dik and Hansen’s results. Future research may focus on personality traits, work volition, and adjustment style. Expanding P-E Outcomes Broadening outcome considerations is also important in improving P-E fit research, especially in work with diverse populations. A regular criticism of P-E fit theories is the lack of consideration of cultural differences (Fouad & Kantamneni, 2009; Swanson & Fouad, 2020). Evidence of these differences is demonstrated in Kantamneni and Fouad’s (2011) study recognizing the inapplicability of Holland’s hexagonal RIASEC structure described earlier in this chapter with a generally representative sample of African American women and a separate sample of working Latinx adults. These results emphasize the need to expand outcome considerations to include cultural differences, but additional research also may explore outcomes relevant to work with individuals with disabilities and those who have limited occupational choices.
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Holland, J. L., Powell, A. B., & Fritzsche, B. A. (1994). The Self-Directed Search professional user’s guide. Psychological Assessment Resources. Juntunen, C. L., & Even, C. E. (2012). Theories of vocational psychology. In N. A. Fouad, J. A. Carter, & L. M. Subich (Eds.), APA handbook of counseling psychology: Vol. 1. Theories, research, and methods (pp. 237–267). American Psychological Association. https://doi.org/10.1037/13754-009 Kantamneni, N., & Fouad, N. A. (2011). Structure of vocational interests for diverse groups on the 2005 strong interest inventory. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 78(2), 193–201. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2010.06.003 Kristof-Brown, A. L., Li, C. S., & Schneider, B. (2018). Fitting in and doing good: A review of person–environment fit and organizational citizenship behavior research. In P. M. Podsakoff, S. B. Mackenzie, & N. P. Podsakoff (Eds.), The Oxford handbook of organizational citizenship behavior (pp. 353–370). Oxford University Press. Kristof-Brown, A. L., Zimmerman, R. D., & Johnson, E. C. (2005). Consequences of individuals’ fit at work: A meta-analysis of person–job, person–organization, person– group, and person–supervisor fit. Personnel Psychology, 58(2), 281–342. https://doi. org/10.1111/j.1744-6570.2005.00672.x Kuhn, K. M. (2016). The rise of the “gig economy” and implications for understanding work and workers. Industrial and Organizational Psychology, 9(1), 157–162. https:// doi.org/10.1017/iop.2015.129 Kurtessis, J. N., Eisenberger, R., Ford, M. T., Buffardi, L. C., Stewart, K. A., & Adis, C. S. (2017). Perceived organizational support: A meta-analytic evaluation of organizational support theory. Journal of Management, 43(6), 1854–1884. https://doi.org/10. 1177/0149206315575554 Lent, R. W., & Brown, S. D. (2013). Understanding and facilitating career development in the 21st century. In S. D. Brown & R. W. Lent (Eds.), Career development and counseling: Putting theory and research to work (2nd ed., pp. 1–26). Wiley. Lent, R. W., & Brown, S. D. (2020). Career decision making, fast and slow: Toward an integrative model of intervention for sustainable career choice. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 120, Article 103448. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2020.103448 Lewis, P., & Rivkin, D. (1999). Development of the O*Net interest profiler. http://www. onetcenter.org/dl_files/IP.pdf Lofquist, L. H., & Dawis, R. V. (1991). Essentials of person–environment–correspondence counseling. University of Minnesota Press. Lyons, H. Z., Brenner, B. R., & Fassinger, R. E. (2005). A multicultural test of the theory of work adjustment: Investigating the role of heterosexism and fit perceptions in the job satisfaction of lesbian, gay, and bisexual employees. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 52(4), 537–548. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-0167.52.4.537 Lyons, H. Z., & O’Brien, K. M. (2006). The role of person–environment fit in the job satisfaction and tenure intentions of African American employees. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 53(4), 387–396. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-0167.53.4.387 Lyons, H. Z., Velez, B. L., Mehta, M., & Neill, N. (2014). Tests of the theory of work adjustment with economically distressed African Americans. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 61(3), 473–483. https://doi.org/10.1037/cou0000017 Nauta, M. M. (2010). The development, evolution, and status of Holland’s theory of vocational personalities: Reflections and future directions for counseling psychology. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 57(1), 11–22. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0018213 Nauta, M. M. (2020). Holland’s theory of vocational choice and adjustment. In S. D. Brown & R. W. Lent (Eds.), Career development and counseling: Putting theory and research to work (3rd ed., pp. 61–94). Wiley. Nye, C. D., Su, R., Rounds, J., & Drasgow, F. (2017). Interest congruence and performance: Revisiting recent meta-analytic findings. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 98, 138–151. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2016.11.002
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Parsons, F. (1989). Choosing a vocation. Garrett Park Press. (Original work published 1909) Spokane, A. R. (1996). Holland’s theory. In D. Brown, L. Brooks, & Associates. (Eds.), Career choice and development (3rd ed., pp. 33–74). Jossey-Bass. Spokane, A. R., & Cruza-Guet, M. C. (2005). Holland’s theory of vocational personalities in work environments. In S. D. Brown & R. W. Lent (Eds.), Career development and counseling: Putting theory and research to work (pp. 24–41). Wiley. Su, R., Murdock, C., & Rounds, S. (2015). Person–environment fit. In P. J. Hartung, M. L. Savickas, & W. B. Walsh (Eds.), APA handbook of career intervention: Vol. 1. Foundations (pp. 81–98). American Psychological Association. https://doi.org/10.1037/ 14438-005 Swanson, J. L., & Fouad, N. A. (2020). Career theory and practice: Learning through case studies (4th ed.). SAGE. Swanson, J. L., & Schneider, M. (2020). Minnesota theory of work adjustment. In S. D. Brown & R. W. Lent (Eds.), Career development and counseling: Putting theory and research to work (3rd ed., pp. 33–60). Wiley. Tak, J. (2011). Relationships between various person–environment fit types and employee withdrawal behavior: A longitudinal study. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 78(2), 315–320. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2010.11.006 Ton, M.-T. N., & Hansen, J. C. (2001). Using a person–environment fit framework to predict satisfaction and motivation in work and marital roles. Journal of Career Assessment, 9(4), 315–331. https://doi.org/10.1177/106907270100900401 Velez, B. L., Cox, R., Jr., Polihronakis, C. J., & Moradi, B. (2018). Discrimination, work outcomes, and mental health among women of color: The protective role of womanist attitudes. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 65(2), 178–193. https://doi.org/ 10.1037/cou0000274 Velez, B. L., & Moradi, B. (2012). Workplace support, discrimination, and person– organization fit: Tests of the theory of work adjustment with LGB individuals. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 59(3), 399–407. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0028326 Weng, Q., & McElroy, J. C. (2012). Organizational career growth, affective occupational commitment, and turnover intentions. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 80(2), 256–265. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2012.01.014
2 Social Cognitive Career Theory Steven D. Brown and Robert W. Lent
S
ocial cognitive career theory (SCCT) was first introduced in 1994 by Lent, Brown, and Hackett. The 1994 theory statement focused on interest development, choice, and performance—it was developed to explain a limited but important set of career and educational behaviors: (a) how educational and vocational interests develop (and change); (b) what educational and career choices individuals make (and do not make); and (c) how persons achieve various levels of performance in their school and work settings, including how long they may persist in them. Subsequent work expanded SCCT’s theoretical range by focusing on other important aspects of career and educational development, including school and work well-being and satisfaction (Lent & Brown, 2006, 2008) and educational and career self-management (Lent & Brown, 2013). The latter self-management model represented a conceptual shift from the SCCT interest and choice models by taking a process- rather than contentoriented approach to career development. For example, whereas the original interest and choice models addressed content questions concerning the types of educational and work activity domains to which people gravitate (e.g., to become a welder or writer), the self-management model focused on how people make decisions (rather than what decisions they make) and on how they can be helped to make better decisions and accomplish other important tasks associated with educational and career development across the lifespan (e.g., exploring career options, finding a job, dealing with workplace discrimination, managing multiple life roles, planning for retirement). A primary goal of the
https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-003 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 37
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self-management model (as well as the other SCCT models) was to suggest how people could be helped to acquire a greater sense of agency in their work and educational lives, including those whose work and educational lives may be severely limited by prevailing socioeconomic conditions. The next section of this chapter focuses on three key constructs, derived from Bandura’s (1986, 1997) general social cognitive theory, that are the central building blocks of SCCT and appear as crucial explanatory and predictive variables across all five SCCT models (i.e., interest, choice, performance, satisfaction, and self-management). The section concludes with a brief discussion of additional classes of person and contextual variables that are crucial in all of the models. Subsequent sections summarize each model and its research base. Unfortunately, space considerations limit our discussion of counseling implications of the models, but fortunately, there are several excellent sources of information on the practical applications of SCCT (Brown & Lent, 1996, 2015, 2019a, 2019b; Lent, 2021; Lent & Brown, 2019). We have also recently described an SCCT-derived model for career choice intervention (Lent & Brown, 2020).
AN OVERVIEW Core SCCT Constructs Three key social cognitive constructs provide the core building blocks of all SCCT models. These are self-efficacy beliefs, outcome expectations, and goals. Self-Efficacy Beliefs The first construct represents people’s beliefs in their capabilities to enact behaviors to succeed in different activity domains. Called self-efficacy beliefs (Bandura, 1986, 1997), they are domain-specific, motivational, and malleable cognitive representations of personal competencies. In terms of their domain specificity, self-efficacy beliefs are not the same as feelings of self-worth or self-esteem (see Brown & Lent, 2015) but rather are tied to different performance domains (e.g., math, writing, baseball, computer technology, auto mechanics). Thus, two people with equal feelings of self-worth might have differing domain-specific self-efficacy beliefs—one may feel more efficacious about technology than writing competencies, whereas the other may have just the opposite pattern of self-efficacy beliefs. Self-efficacy beliefs are also basic motivators of human behavior—they are related to approach versus avoidance behavior, effort, persistence in the face of obstacles, and performance. For example, those with more versus less robust efficacy beliefs about their ability to hit a baseball will be more likely to approach baseball activities (play baseball vs. tag at recess, join a team), put more effort into their hitting (practice more outside of team activities), persist longer in the face of obstacles (return for another game after striking out four times in a prior game), and (in part due to effort and persistence) perform better (hit for a
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higher average). Similarly, a student with strong math self-efficacy will likely engage in more math-related activities, put more effort into math activities, persist longer in the face of obstacles, and ultimately perform better than another with weaker math self-efficacy beliefs. Self-efficacy beliefs are also malleable and subject to change on the basis of vicarious and direct exposure to domain-related activities. Bandura (1986, 1997) posited that self-efficacy beliefs are responsive to four major sources of information: direct performance accomplishments (or failures), vicarious experiences, social persuasion, and affective states. Thus, people are likely to develop self-efficacy beliefs in a particular domain of behavior when they are exposed to demographically similar models who demonstrate adequate performance in the domain, are given an opportunity to perform successfully, receive encouragement and feedback from others, and perform without undue anxiety. Research from the SCCT literature has supported this hypothesis (e.g., Byars-Winston et al., 2017; Sheu et al., 2018) but has also suggested that these four sources might collapse into two primary sources of information, namely, vicarious exposure and enactive (i.e., direct) experiences, with social persuasion and affective influences loading together on a direct experiences factor (Sheu et al., 2018). The latter results suggest that the function of affect and persuasion may be to facilitate the benefit that persons receive for successful performance. Performing without undue anxiety and receiving positive reinforcement from others may increase the probability that the experience will be judged as a success and, thus, positively influence one’s growing self-efficacy beliefs. A mastery experience performed while anxious or without positive and supportive reactions from others may not have as potent an influence on self-efficacy beliefs. Nonetheless, data are clear that self-efficacy beliefs are malleable and subject to change (for better or worse) over the life course. Finally, self-efficacy beliefs are also cognitive representations of competencies, not the competencies themselves. Thus, self-efficacy beliefs may over- or underestimate persons’ capabilities as well as represent relatively accurate judgments of what can be accomplished in a performance domain. Whether accurate or inaccurate, self-efficacy beliefs drive behavior—influence approach versus avoidance behavior, effort expenditure, persistence, and ultimately performance. Thus, for example, a math-talented woman whose vicarious and direct experiences did not provide an environment that was conducive to the development of talent-congruent math self-efficacy beliefs may be less likely to choose and persist in math pursuits than an equally talented woman in a more efficacy-supportive environment. Before moving on to a discussion of the other two key social cognitive constructs (outcome expectations and goals), it is important to discuss and clarify the roles of abilities in SCCT. Because self-efficacy beliefs are cognitive representations of capability, some critics have suggested that SCCT ignores the influences of ability on the development of interests and the promotion of performance, persistence, and satisfaction—that it is, in essence, a “little train who thought he could” theory (Gottfredson, 2005; Lubinski, 2010). Other critics
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have contended that self-efficacy beliefs are self-reported proxies for abilities— that abilities and self-efficacy are essentially the same construct (Heggestad & Kanfer, 2005). To the contrary, SCCT neither ignores the influence of abilities nor views self-efficacy and ability as interchangeable constructs. Rather, abilities (in the form of objectively measured competencies and performance accomplishments) are central to all SCCT models but are hypothesized to perform somewhat differently in the different models. For example, abilities represent a unique theoretical construct in the performance model and are seen as having both direct and indirect effects (via self-efficacy beliefs) on school and work performance; having adequate ability is critical to successful performance in itself as well through its influence on self-efficacy beliefs (which in turn influence approach, effort, persistence, and performance). The hypothesized direct effect of ability clearly acknowledges the key role that ability plays in performance (e.g., consistent success at batting a baseball is highly unlikely without adequate hand–eye coordination and perceptual acuity). The indirect effect represents ability as an important source of efficacy information, which will help drive motivations to persist and succeed. Meta-analytic research has supported the hypothesized direct and indirect effects of ability on academic (Brown et al., 2008) and work (Brown et al., 2011) performance and persistence. In essence, self-efficacy complements ability, helping determine how well people deploy their skills. For example, batting slumps are often made worse when talented baseball players come to doubt their capabilities. Abilities and self-efficacy beliefs are also not redundant constructs because the relationships between the two constructs are not perfect. People need reinforcement and positive feedback from others in relation to their performance successes for their self-efficacy to thrive. They also need to attend to, process, and recall ability information and past success experiences in forming competency judgments. Not all persons of equal ability in a performance domain perform similarly, in part because they might not process their experiences in the same way—some might discount a success experience by attributing it to an external cause like chance or luck, whereas others might attribute it to their competencies (or growing competencies). The former person’s self-efficacy beliefs will benefit less from the experience than the latter person’s, and the former person may, therefore, express less interest in the performance domain, set less challenging goals, give up more easily, and perform less well in the domain than the latter person, despite having relatively equal levels of measured ability in the domain. The interest model (in contrast to the performance model) and supporting meta-analytic research (Lent et al., 1994) suggest that the influence of ability on interests is wholly indirect via the mediating influence of self-efficacy beliefs. Stated another way, ability will not translate into interest in the absence of robust self-efficacy beliefs. Using math as an example again, a math-talented woman will be much less likely to express an interest in math-related activities and majors if her past and current experiences (or the ways she has interpreted
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her performance in them) are not conducive to developing strong, talentcongruent self-efficacy beliefs than if her experiences and interpretations had been more efficacy enhancing. Outcome Expectations The second primary social cognitive construct, outcome expectations, is related to, but different from, self-efficacy beliefs in that outcome expectations focus on the perceived consequences of activity engagement in different performance domains (Bandura, 1986, 1997). Outcome expectations, like self-efficacy beliefs, are domain-specific, motivational, and malleable cognitive representations. However, outcome expectations are cognitive representations of anticipated outcomes or consequences of activity involvement (e.g., What will happen if I declare a STEM major?), whereas self-efficacy beliefs are cognitive representations of personal competencies (e.g., Can I do what’s required in the major?). Outcome expectations can be positive or negative and can be extrinsic (e.g., material consequences like expectations of receiving a certain salary or award), intrinsic (e.g., perceptions of likely need/value satisfaction in an occupation), social (e.g., expectations for family approval or disapproval for choice of occupation), or self-evaluative (e.g., anticipation of experiencing pride or shame about college major choice). The importance of work-related needs and values (e.g., security, recognition, social service, financial compensation) to occupational choice and satisfaction represents a point of convergence between SCCT and Dawis and Lofquist’s (1984) theory of work adjustment. Outcome expectations are also a source of motivation to engage and persist in a particular pursuit. Like self-efficacy beliefs, they are hypothesized to relate to approach behavior, effort expenditure, persistence, and performance, but they are not seen as redundant with self-efficacy. Rather, a combination of robust self-efficacy beliefs and positive outcome expectations have the most potent motivational properties. For example, declaring a STEM major requires that people believe in their competencies to succeed in a STEM major and perceive largely positive consequences associated with majoring in a STEM field. Neither positive outcome expectations nor strong self-efficacy beliefs alone will have as potent an effect on deciding upon a major or field of employment compared with a combination of positive outcome expectations and strong selfefficacy beliefs. Finally, outcome expectations are cognitive representations of the likely outcomes of future activity involvement that are subject to the vicarious (i.e., modeled) and enactive experiences to which people are exposed by their immediate and symbolic environments. As a result, outcome expectations may or may not faithfully represent the actual outcomes that one might receive by pursuing a certain educational or occupational option. An individual’s outcome expectations may over- (or under-)estimate the probability of certain outcomes (e.g., that culinary school will lead to a career in television—an actual outcome expectation reported by some culinary school dropouts—see Brown, 2010). Outcome expectations are, nonetheless, primary movers (along with self-efficacy beliefs)
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of approach versus avoidance behavior, effort expenditure, persistence, and performance. Luckily, outcome expectations are also malleable and can be modified. Thus, for example, career-limiting inaccurate outcome expectations may be made more realistic and optimistic via direct and vicarious influences. Goals Goals (also called intentions in the SCCT models) refer to one’s intentions to engage in a particular activity domain (e.g., intentions to declare a math major) or to achieve a particular level of performance (e.g., receive an A in math classes). Personal goals help people to organize and sustain their behavior over time and are influenced by self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations. For example, people will set more versus less challenging goals for themselves if they believe they have the abilities to accomplish them and foresee positive extrinsic, intrinsic, social, and self-evaluative consequences for doing so. Although goals are key constructs in all SCCT models, they differ somewhat in their focus in the various models. In the interest, choice, and self-management models, goals represent choice or activity involvement intentions. In these models, persons with robust self-efficacy beliefs and positive outcome expectations in a specific performance domain (e.g., math, job search) will develop goals for further activity involvement (e.g., taking additional math courses, undertaking a job search). On the other hand, the performance model defines goals in terms of the level of performance toward which an individual is striving (e.g., receiving an A or merely a passing grade in a computer science course). By setting more challenging performance goals, people can foster persistence and sustain effort in the face of difficulty. Work-related goals (e.g., being able to support one’s family, receiving recognition) are goal mechanisms in the satisfaction model and are also facilitated by goal-related self-efficacy beliefs and positive outcome expectations. Other Person and Contextual Variables Although self-efficacy beliefs, outcome expectations, and goals form the basic building blocks of SCCT, they do not function in a vacuum. Rather, they are part of a matrix of person (e.g., personality traits, gender, race/ethnicity) and contextual (e.g., family socioeconomic status, quality of education, work discrimination) variables that are needed to help explain and predict the interests that people develop, the choices they make, the performance and satisfaction they achieve at work and school, and the developmental tasks they pursue. Although the operation of these variables is explained further in our presentations of the SCCT models, these personal and contextual variables are generally hypothesized to have both distal and proximal influences that function to foster or limit career and educational development. Gender is an example of an important person variable, though its careerrelated significance is largely mediated by social learning experiences. One’s gender (i.e., the experiences accounted for by biological sex) may operate
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distally to influence the types of learning experiences to which a child is given preferential access and that subsequently give rise to self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations. Gender-typed learning experiences, for example, may give rise to gender-typed self-efficacy beliefs, outcome expectations, interests, and (ultimately) gender-traditional occupational membership. By contrast, learning experiences that promote exposure to and sustained involvement in a fuller range of activities, unrestricted by gender, may keep many more options open for future career consideration. Contextual variables (e.g., family socioeconomic status) are also seen as operating distally by fostering (under beneficial economic conditions) or limiting (under conditions of poverty) the experiences that give rise to robust, talent-congruent self-efficacy beliefs and accurate outcome expectations. Person and contextual variables are also hypothesized to have proximal effects on career and educational behaviors. For example, contextually, the limited resources available in socioeconomically disadvantaged communities may make it difficult for individuals living in them to find work that matches their interests (thereby making the correlation between interests and choice weaker than it would be under more favorable socioeconomic conditions). Similarly, attending a school with limited educational resources may make it more difficult for a student who wants to explore career options to do so. Finally, work role salience (the relative importance of the work role vs. other roles like parenthood and leisurite to a person’s identity; see Super et al., 1996) is another person variable that may have proximal effects on career development, especially on the link between job and life satisfaction. Feelings of job satisfaction are assumed to be more likely to promote a sense of overall life satisfaction, for example, to the extent that work represents the individual’s most salient life role. We next focus on each model and summarize more specifically how the SCCT core variables operate along with other person and contextual variables to explain and predict (a) the types of interests that people develop and the choices that they make (interest and choice models), (b) the levels of performance (performance model) and satisfaction (satisfaction model) they achieve in school and at work, and (c) how they manage their own educational and career development (self-management model) under more and less ideal conditions. We also review research on each model, relying primarily (when available) on meta-analytic studies that provide the most accurate picture of a theory’s overall explanatory power by combining the results of many individual studies whose findings may, in isolation, appear to be conflicting.
INTEREST AND CHOICE MODELS Model Predictions SCCT’s interest and choice models, depicted together in Figure 2.1, appear to be quite complex but actually are fairly straightforward. Specifically, the interest
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FIGURE 2.1. Integration of Social Cognitive Career Theory’s Models of CareerRelated Interest Development and Choice Making Person Inputs - Predispositions - Gender - Race/ethnicity - Disability/health status
Interests
Moderates
Self-Efficacy Expectations Learning Experiences
Background Contextual Affordances
Moderates
Contextual Influences Proximal to Choice Behavior
Choice Goals
Choice Actions
Performance Domains and Attainments
Outcome Expectations
Note. Direct relations between variables are indicated with solid lines; moderator effects (where a given variable strengthens or weakens the relations between two other variables) are shown with dashed lines. From “Toward a Unifying Social Cognitive Theory of Career and Academic Interest, Choice, and Performance,” by R. W. Lent, S. D. Brown, and G. Hackett, 1994, Journal of Vocational Behavior, 45(1), p. 93 (https://doi.org/10.1006/jvbe.1994.1027). Copyright 1994 by R. W. Lent, S. D. Brown, and G. Hackett. Reprinted with permission.
model hypothesizes (see the center of Figure 2.1) that interests are a joint function of self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations (which are themselves related). Thus, interests in an educational and work domain (e.g., mechanics, science, music, counseling, helping, persuading) are likely to blossom when people view themselves as efficacious (self-efficacy) in that domain and expect that entering and performing in it will lead to more positive than negative or neutral outcomes. Interests are unlikely to develop in domains in which people feel insufficiently competent and in which more negative or neutral outcomes than positive ones are expected. Direct and vicarious experiences over the course of childhood and adolescence affect self-efficacy beliefs, outcome expectations, and interests in an ongoing feedback loop. Interests become increasingly stabilized through adolescence and can be used prior to work entry to identify future educational and career paths to pursue (Rounds & Su, 2014). SCCT assumes that interest stability is largely a function of stabilizing efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations, yet interests are not perfectly stable. When interest shifts do occur, they are due to changing self-efficacy beliefs or outcome expectations occasioned by compelling new experiences, and the new interests can then be used to identify potentially satisfying additional educational and occupational possibilities. Another important assumption of the choice model is that interests, whether preexisting or newly developed, tend (all else being equal) to promote choices. In other words, people prefer school subjects and occupations that interest them over those that do not and, if they are able to do so, will set goals and take actions to pursue options that are congruent with their interests (see the arrows from interests to goals and from goals to actions in Figure 2.1). However, the choice model also realizes that all else is often not equal—that individuals are often not free to enter occupations that closely match their interests. Rather, a variety of personal and contextual influences may facilitate (e.g., supportive parents and teachers, adequate economic resources) or stifle (e.g., gender or racial discrimination, limited economic resources) individuals’ abilities to set
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goals for and take actions to enter interest-congruent work environments. The choice model, therefore, hypothesizes that personal and contextual influences may moderate the relationships between interests and goals and between goals and actions. Supportive conditions will strengthen, and barrier conditions will weaken, the translation of interests into goals and goals into actions. SCCT’s choice model also acknowledges that interests are not the only determinant of occupational choice. For example, there are a variety of situations in which interests may take a back seat to other choice considerations, such as financial need or family expectations. As shown in Figure 2.1, the paths from self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations to choices are not wholly via their influences on interests. Rather, self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations also each have direct paths to intentions and actions. Thus, SCCT hypothesizes that when the freedom to pursue interests is limited, self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations become the prime determinants of choices; that is, people will choose work options that are available to them, that they think they can do (self-efficacy beliefs), and that have some positive consequences associated with them (e.g., being able to support one’s family). In one relevant study, Tang et al. (1999) reported that interests had no significant relationship to choices in a sample of Asian American students. Rather, choices for these students were most strongly related to two other factors: self-efficacy related to the option and degree to which the choice was consistent with family wishes (a socially oriented outcome expectation). Moving back to the interest model, SCCT hypothesizes also that distal person and contextual factors may influence the types of interests that people develop or fail to develop (see the left of Figure 2.1). Recall that self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations are cognitive representations of competencies and outcomes that are acquired via vicarious and direct experiences and that drive the types of interests that people develop. Thus, ability-congruent selfefficacy beliefs and positive outcome expectations are fostered when children have opportunities for activity involvement, observe similar others being reinforced for successful activity involvement, are themselves encouraged and reinforced for their accomplishments in an activity domain (e.g., math, arts, athletics, school), and are helped to attribute the cause of their success to their growing competencies. On the other hand, children are less likely to develop talent-congruent selfefficacy beliefs and positive outcome expectations if they lack opportunities for activity engagement, lack exposure to successful role models, do not receive support for their accomplishments from important others, or attribute their success experiences to external causes like task ease or luck. For example, academically talented children living in poverty may have fewer opportunities and resources to develop their academic talents and corresponding self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations than do children living in affluent neighborhoods and attending resource-rich schools. The former may also be exposed to fewer demographically similar peer and adult models who have attained academic success. As a result, some academically talented poor children may
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develop less interest than their wealthier peers in academic pursuits, set lower goals for their academic attainment, pursue fewer educational opportunities, and give up more quickly. They may also have fewer resources to pursue further education than their more affluent peers. In sum, the SCCT interest and choice models have several central hypotheses. First, the interest model assumes that self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations in specific work and educational domains are the most potent nongenetic influences on interests in corresponding work or educational domains. Second, the interest model hypothesizes that domain-required abilities influence interests wholly via their influences on self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations—that measured abilities and past performance accomplishments are major sources of information about one’s efficacy and likely outcomes. However, if countervailing vicarious, personal, and contextual influences cause self-efficacy beliefs and positive outcome expectations to be underestimated, interests will not blossom. Third, the SCCT choice model predicts that interests are positively related to choice intentions and actions—that people tend to gravitate toward occupations that are congruent with their interests. Fourth, however, SCCT acknowledges that the interest–choice relationship is not perfect and that not all people are able to translate their interests into choices. Thus, the relationship of interests to goals and actions will be highest under supportive conditions (e.g., ample resources, supportive significant others) and lowest under nonsupportive (e.g., lack of resources, discouraging significant others) conditions. Fifth, when interests are compromised in the choice-making process, individuals will choose educational and occupational pursuits, from those available, that they think they can do and that will bring a modicum of positive outcomes. Research Support We recently provided an extensive review of the meta-analytic and longitudinal research on the interest and choice models and found the results to be largely supportive of the overall fit of the models and their specific predictions (Lent & Brown, 2019). For example, self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations accounted for from 37% (Realistic) to 67% (Social) of the variance in RIASEC (Holland, 1997) interests (Sheu et al., 2010) and 46% of the variance in STEM interests (Lent et al., 2018). Interests were also shown meta-analytically to be the strongest predictor of choice goals (Lent et al., 2018; Sheu et al., 2010), and goals, in turn, were the strongest predictor of actions. Contextual supports and barriers tended to relate distally to interests, goals, and actions via their linkages to self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations, with supports showing stronger relationships than barriers. The latter finding of supports having stronger relations to outcomes is consistent with findings from the larger educational and career development literatures (Brown et al., 2018) and with international research on SCCT (Sheu & Bordon, 2017).
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One non-meta-analytic investigation has supported the moderating roles of barriers in the relationship between interests and choices (Lent et al., 2001), and all four major source variables have been shown meta-analytically to relate to self-efficacy beliefs (Sheu et al., 2018). However, Sheu et al. (2018) also found that a two-factor (vicarious and direct experiences) model may provide a more parsimonious way to conceptualize sources of self-efficacy information, namely, that social persuasion and affective states inform performance accomplishments rather than being separate sources of information. The two- versus four-factor conceptualization may also provide a more useful scheme for developing self-efficacy enhancing interventions. For example, rather than being seen as providing independent sources of information, social feedback and emotional regulation activities might be used together to improve the efficacy-enhancing benefit of performance accomplishments. Some longitudinal research has also supported the temporal ordering of self-efficacy beliefs, outcome expectations, goals, and actions (Lent et al., 2008). Finally, two narrative reviews (Flores et al., 2017; Fouad & Santana, 2017) and one meta-analysis (Sheu & Bordon, 2017) have suggested that the interest and choice frameworks may have cross-cultural validity, helping to explain the educational and career choices of persons from poor and working-class backgrounds (Flores et al., 2017) and the math and science (STEM) choices of ethnic minorities and women as well as those of White people and men (Fouad & Santana, 2017). Sheu and Bordon (2017) reported on a meta-analysis involving 15 international samples. Results revealed that the interest and choice models accounted for over 50% of the variance in both interests and choice goals and that most paths in the model were consistently supported. However, recall that at least one individual study (Tang et al., 1999) found that interests had a near null relationship with choices in a sample of Asian American students. These students’ choices were primarily accounted for by self-efficacy beliefs and one type of social outcome expectation (family wishes).
PERFORMANCE MODEL Model Predictions SCCT’s performance model, displayed in Figure 2.2, hypothesizes that ability (as assessed by indexes of ability, aptitude, achievement, and past performance) affects performance and persistence in two ways: (a) directly via the knowledge strategies and competencies that people bring to the task and (b) indirectly by informing self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations. Self-efficacy and outcome expectations then influence the levels or challenge of goals that workers and students set for themselves. In this way, abilities, self-efficacy beliefs, outcome expectations, and goals operate together to predict performance in school and work settings. For example, success in a STEM major requires requisite abilities; corresponding feelings of competence; beliefs that successful performance will lead to positive material, intrinsic, social, and self-evaluative consequences;
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FIGURE 2.2. Social Cognitive Model of Career-Related Performance and
Persistence
Self-Efficacy
Ability/Past Performance
Performance Goals
Performance Domains and Attainments
Outcome Expectations
Note. The dashed paths were not included in the meta-analytic path analyses by Brown et al. (2008, 2011). Adapted from “Toward a Unifying Social Cognitive Theory of Career and Academic Interest, Choice, and Performance,” by R. W. Lent, S. D. Brown, and G. Hackett, 1994, Journal of Vocational Behavior, 45(1), p. 99 (https://doi.org/10.1006/jvbe.1994.1027). Copyright 1994 by R. W. Lent, S. D. Brown, and G. Hackett. Adapted with permission.
and challenging academic goals, which are fostered by strong self-efficacy beliefs and positive outcome expectations. Although it is tempting to conclude that higher self-efficacy is always a good thing, self-efficacy’s effects on effort, persistence, and performance seem to be maximized when self-efficacy is somewhat higher than, but reasonably representative of, measured capabilities (see Bandura, 1997). Self-efficacy that greatly exceeds capabilities may motivate people to set overly challenging performance goals and engage in work and educational activities for which they are ill prepared, resulting in more frequent failures than if efficacy beliefs were more congruent with ability. Likewise, the performance of persons who underestimate their capabilities may be adversely affected because they may avoid reasonable domain-relevant challenges, set low performance goals for themselves, and give up relatively quickly when confronted with challenges. These two scenarios suggest quite different foci for interventions. For those who drastically overestimate their capabilities, the focus would be on skill building or assistance in finding more ability-correspondent work. Self-efficacy building interventions would be reserved primarily for those who underestimate their capabilities. Research Support Two meta-analytic tests of the performance model in educational (Brown et al., 2008) and work (Brown et al., 2011) contexts have largely supported the predictions of SCCT’s performance model, although performance goals explained unique variance in predicting persistence rather than performance. These data also suggested that persistence behavior may, like interests, be driven primarily by self-efficacy beliefs and that ability’s effects on persistence is largely funneled through self-efficacy.
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SATISFACTION MODEL Model Predictions Satisfaction represents the degree to which people are happy with their school or work environments. Although work and school satisfaction are related to work and school performance (satisfied workers tend to perform better than less satisfied workers, and dissatisfaction may be a source of performance difficulties; see Lent & Brown, 2021), the relationships are not so high as to suggest that the underlying mechanisms responsible for each are the same. SCCT’s satisfaction model (Lent & Brown, 2006, 2008), displayed in Figure 2.3, was developed to complement the performance model. Specifically, the model hypothesizes that people are likely to be satisfied with their work or school endeavors to the extent that (a) they are making progress at personally valued goals (e.g., performing well in a college major, developing leadership skills, being able to support a family), (b) they have the competence and self-efficacy beliefs to reach their goals and fulfill school and work requirements, and (c) their expected and received school/work conditions and rewards (e.g., organizational fairness, opportunities for social recognition) are largely positive and supportive. Each of these variables is hypothesized to link directly to students’ and workers’ domain satisfaction. In addition, self-efficacy and expected/ received working conditions are seen as promoting satisfaction indirectly via goal progress; that is, they enable successful goal pursuit that, in turn, engenders satisfaction. Other person and contextual variables are also important sources of satisfaction. Contextual factors that support and provide resources for goal pursuits will affect feelings of satisfaction both directly as well as indirectly via student and worker goal progress. Person factors such as trait positive affectivity also promote student and worker feelings of satisfaction directly (happy people tend to be more satisfied with their work) as well as indirectly via other predictors (e.g., working conditions). Finally, the SCCT satisfaction model hypothesizes FIGURE 2.3. A Social Cognitive Model of Work Satisfaction Personality/Affective Traits - PA/extraversion - NA/neuroticism - Conscientiousness Self-Efficacy Expectations Goal and Efficacy-Relevant Environmental Supports, Resources, and Obstacles
Participation in/ Progress at GoalDirected Activity
Work Satisfaction, Situational Affect (e.g. mood, stress)
Overall Life Satisfaction
Received and Expected Work Outcomes and Conditions
Note. PA = positive affect; NA = negative affect. Adapted from “Social Cognitive Career Theory and Subjective Well-Being in the Context of Work,” by R. W. Lent and S. D. Brown, 2008, Journal of Career Assessment, 16(1), p. 10 (https://doi.org/10.1177/1069072707305769). Copyright 2008 by SAGE Publications. Adapted with permission.
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that work/school satisfaction and life satisfaction are related but that the strength of the relationship is moderated by work role salience; that is, the relation of work/school satisfaction to life satisfaction will be more substantial among people who view the role of worker or student as more versus less central to their personal identities. Research Support We have also published a comprehensive review of research on the satisfaction model based largely on meta-analytic, longitudinal, and cross-cultural (i.e., by race/ethnicity, gender, and nationality) research (Brown & Lent, 2019a). Metaanalytic findings (Sheu et al., 2020) revealed that the model generally fit well across all grouping variables (i.e., life domain, gender, race/ethnicity, and nationality), with the model accounting for 54% of the variance in academic satisfaction and 43% of the variance in work satisfaction. Despite general support for the model, there appeared to be some path differences based on particular grouping variables, such as the racial/ethnic composition and nationality of the samples. Unfortunately, the state of the literature yielded grouping variables that were too broad (e.g., minority vs. majority samples, U.S. vs. non-U.S. samples) to yield useful inferences about how SCCT predictions may vary (or not) among or within particular groups. For example, the path from support to domain satisfaction was larger in non-U.S. than in U.S. samples, whereas the path from goal progress to domain satisfaction was larger in U.S. samples. Do these differences reflect something unique about the sources of domain satisfaction in the United States versus all other countries, or might they be a function, say, of collectivist versus individualistic cultural values (some of the non-U.S. samples were from collectivist and relationship-oriented cultures)? To address such questions, future research on the SCCT satisfaction model will need to disaggregate larger grouping variables, such as international samples and racial/ethnic groups, into more specific clusters with greater cultural commonalities. Finally, longitudinal data (e.g., Lent et al., 2009, 2012) yielded two noteworthy results with important practical implications. First, goal-related self-efficacy beliefs and support predicted workers’ and students’ levels of positive affectivity, but the reverse paths (from positive affectivity to support and self-efficacy) were not consistently found across the two studies. These data suggest that positive moods of workers and students may be more malleable than is sometimes assumed (e.g., Lykken & Tellegen, 1996) and that interventions targeting self-efficacy enhancement and support building may be particularly effective methods to enhance positive feelings in the workplace and at school. Second, the directional relationship between domain and life satisfaction was stronger than the reverse relationship (life satisfaction to domain satisfaction). These results suggest that promoting work and school satisfaction may spill over to students’ and workers’ feelings of satisfaction with their lives on the whole. Although the satisfaction model predicts that this directional relationship may
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be most pronounced among those who are especially invested in the school or work domain, this moderator hypothesis was not tested in these studies.
SELF-MANAGEMENT MODEL Model Predictions The career self-management model (Lent & Brown, 2013) offers a process perspective on career development—how people manage (and can be helped to manage) important school- and work-related developmental tasks (e.g., making career and educational decisions, finding jobs, planning for retirement), challenges (e.g., managing work and family roles, dealing with workplace discrimination) and crises (e.g., involuntary job loss). An extensive list of potential tasks, challenges, and crises to which the self-management model might apply can be found in Table 1 of Lent and Brown (2013, p. 560). The model, displayed in Figure 2.4, posits that engaging in actions (e.g., searching for a job, engaging in career or retirement planning) is linked to the three core social cognitive variables—task-related self-efficacy beliefs, outcome expectations, and goals. Taking actions to find a job, for example, is hypothesized to be largely a function of establishing job search goals, with goals being partly a product of robust job search self-efficacy beliefs and expectations that taking action to find a job will result in positive material, intrinsic, social, and self-evaluative outcomes (outcome expectations). As in prior SCCT models, self-efficacy and outcome expectations are hypothesized to relate to actions directly as well as indirectly via goals, with goals being the strongest direct predictor of actions. Taking action (e.g., searching for a job) is then hypothesized to increase the likelihood of (but not to guarantee) favorable outcomes (e.g., landing a job), whereas not taking action makes negative outcomes (e.g., remaining unemployed) more likely.
FIGURE 2.4. Model of Career Self-Management Personality and Contextual Influences Proximal to Adaptive Behavior
Person Inputs - Predispositions - Abilities - Gender - Race/ethnicity - Disability/ health status
Self-Efficacy Expectations Learning Experiences (sources of efficacy information)
Background Contextual Affordances
Goals
Actions
Outcomes/ Attainments
Outcome Expectations
Note. Adapted from “Toward a Unifying Social Cognitive Theory of Career and Academic Interest, Choice, and Performance,” by R. W. Lent, S. D. Brown, and G. Hackett, 1994, Journal of Vocational Behavior, 45(1), p. 93 (https://doi.org/10.1006/jvbe.1994.1027). Copyright 1994 by R. W. Lent, S. D. Brown, and G. Hackett. Adapted with permission.
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Finally, as is also consistent with the other SCCT models, person (e.g., gender, race/ethnicity, personality) and contextual variables (e.g., supports, barriers, socioeconomic conditions, resource availability) are important additional predictors of self-management behaviors. The relationships of these variables with engagement in self-management behaviors can be direct, indirect, or interactive. They are likely to act distally to shape the development of taskrelevant efficacy and outcome expectations. They are also likely to act proximally to facilitate or inhibit goal setting and actions or to moderate goal–action relationships. For example, children growing up in an environment that encourages, and provides resources for, career exploration will be more likely than their resource-poor peers to develop feelings of confidence in their exploration abilities and to see that exploration may be worth the effort. They may also be more likely to set career exploration goals for themselves and to have the resources to turn goals into actions. The role of different personality traits will depend on their relevance to the developmental task, challenge, or crisis under study. For example, openness to experience as a personality trait may facilitate career exploration but be less integral to the job search process. Research Support Brown and Lent (2019a) summarized the findings of research on the selfmanagement model and noted that the model had, despite its recency, begun to receive a healthy amount of research, most notably in explaining and predicting career exploration and decision making (Ireland & Lent, 2018; Lent et al., 2016, 2017, 2019), job finding (Lim et al., 2016), multiple role management (Kim et al., 2018; Roche et al., 2017), and workplace sexual identity management behaviors (Tatum, 2018; Tatum et al., 2017). The research in all four of these behavior domains has generally demonstrated excellent model– data fit and explanation of substantial variation in self-management outcomes (e.g., job satisfaction, levels of career decidedness, job search success). Findings also tend to support the primary paths in the model, though the predictive strength of individual variables or the specific pathways through which they relate to outcomes sometimes vary, depending on the domain under study. For example, self-efficacy and outcome expectations seem to predict goals in all model tests, though the path of outcome expectations to goals was stronger than the path from self-efficacy to goals in some tests (e.g., career exploration and decision making) than in others. In some instances, the prominent path for self-efficacy was largely indirect via outcome expectations (similar to findings of the meta-analytic tests of the interest and choice model). On the other hand, self-efficacy was the more prominent predictor of job search and multiple-role balance goals. Research has also shown that goals represent the strongest predictors of actions, especially in applications to job search and career exploration behaviors. Finally, the research has identified contextual and person variables that may be important to career self-management. For example, the importance of work
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place climate was highlighted in studies of workplace sexual identity disclosure among sexual minority workers. Workplace climate predicted disclosure status directly and indirectly via disclosure self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations (Tatum et al., 2017). It also moderated the relation of disclosure status to job satisfaction; supportive climates made it more likely that being open about one’s sexual identity would result in job satisfaction (Tatum, 2018). Conscientiousness has also been included as a person input in tests of multiple role balance intentions (Roche et al., 2017), career exploration goals and actions (Lent et al., 2018), and job search goals and actions (Lim et al., 2016). In all tests, the relationship of conscientiousness to intentions was mediated by self-efficacy beliefs or outcome expectations, suggesting that conscientiousness may be an important triage variable in interventions designed to promote effective role balancing, career exploration, job search, and other developmental tasks and challenges that require perseverance and planning.
CONCLUSION In its current form, the SCCT framework includes five interconnected theoretical models, all of which feature a common set of social cognitive, other person (e.g., ability, personality), and contextual variables and a core set of assumptions. They maintain that self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations are key driving forces behind many aspects of educational and vocational behavior. For example, they function as key psychological precursors of the interests that people develop, the career choice goals they favor, the choice actions they take, the choice persistence they display, the quality of performances they achieve, and the satisfactions they experience in their school and work lives. They are also involved in the management of both routine developmental tasks (e.g., how people go about making career decisions) and particularly challenging career events (e.g., how people adjust to unexpected job loss). Abilities, as a person variable, are requisite (along with self-efficacy, outcome expectations, and performance goals) for adequate work and school performance and for successfully managing developmental tasks and challenges. They also are primary sources of self-efficacy information that help to shape interests and goals. Other person and contextual variables operate (a) distally to inform the types of self-efficacy and outcome beliefs that people develop; and (b) proximally to facilitate or limit people’s abilities to enter congruent work and educational environments, achieve success and satisfaction in them, and deal effectively with important developmental tasks and challenges. The SCCT models have generated a great deal of research over the years, much of which supports the viability of the theory’s basic predictions in diverse populations and settings. At the same time, a good deal more research is needed to establish which hypotheses are universal and which may be more culturally bounded. In addition, there is a continuing need for translational research—that is, studies that apply the SCCT models to career and educational interventions
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designed to promote optimum career development across the lifespan. We recently presented a working model of career choice intervention, based partly on SCCT (Lent & Brown, 2020), that was designed to help expand the range of practice options available to career counselors and educators. Other practical suggestions can be derived from the existing research literature on SCCT and used to design interventions aimed at a wide range of educational and occupational outcomes (e.g., see Brown & Lent, 2019a; Lent & Brown, 2019).
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Lent, R. W., Morris, T. R., Penn, L. T., & Ireland, G. W. (2019). Social–cognitive predictors of career exploration and decision-making: Longitudinal test of the career self-management model. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 66(2), 184–194. https://doi. org/10.1037/cou0000307 Lent, R. W., Sheu, H. B., Miller, M. J., Cusick, M. E., Penn, L. T., & Truong, N. N. (2018). Predictors of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics choice options: A meta-analytic path analysis of the social-cognitive choice model by gender and race/ethnicity. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 65(1), 17–35. https://doi. org/10.1037/cou0000243 Lent, R. W., Sheu, H. B., Singley, D., Schmidt, J. A., Schmidt, L. C., & Gloster, C. S. (2008). Longitudinal relations of self-efficacy to outcome expectations, interests, and major choice goals in engineering students. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 73(2), 328–335. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2008.07.005 Lent, R. W., Taveira, M. C., & Lobo, C. (2012). Two tests of the social cognitive model of well-being in Portuguese college students. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 80(2), 362–371. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2011.08.009 Lent, R. W., Taveira, M. C., Sheu, H. B., & Singley, D. (2009). Social cognitive predictors of academic adjustment and life satisfaction in Portuguese college students: A longitudinal analysis. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 74(2), 190–198. https://doi.org/ 10.1016/j.jvb.2008.12.006 Lim, R. H., Lent, R. W., & Penn, L. T. (2016). Prediction of job search intentions and behaviors: Testing the social cognitive model of career self-management. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 63(5), 594–603. https://doi.org/10.1037/cou0000154 Lubinski, D. (2010). Neglected aspects and truncated appraisals in vocational counseling: Interpreting the interest–efficacy association from a broader perspective: Comment on Armstrong and Vogel (2009). Journal of Counseling Psychology, 57(2), 226–238. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0019163 Lykken, D., & Tellegen, A. (1996). Happiness is a stochastic phenomenon. Psychological Science, 7(3), 186–189. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.1996.tb00355.x Roche, M. K., Daskalova, P., & Brown, S. D. (2017). Anticipated multiple role management in emerging adults: A test of the social cognitive self-management model. Journal of Career Assessment, 25(1), 121–134. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 1069072716658654 Rounds, J., & Su, R. (2014). The nature and power of interests. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 23(2), 98–103. https://doi.org/10.1177/0963721414522812 Sheu, H. B., & Bordon, J. J. (2017). SCCT research in the international context: Empirical evidence, future directions, and practical implications. Journal of Career Assessment, 25(1), 58–74. https://doi.org/10.1177/1069072716657826 Sheu, H. B., Lent, R. W., Brown, S. D., Miller, M. J., Hennessy, K. D., & Duffy, R. D. (2010). Testing the choice model of social cognitive career theory across Holland themes: A meta-analytic path analysis. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 76(2), 252–264. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2009.10.015 Sheu, H. B., Lent, R. W., Lui, A. M., Wang, X. T., Phrasavath, L., Cho, H. J., & Morris, T. R. (2020). Meta-analytic path analysis of the social cognitive well-being model: Applicability across life domain, gender, race/ethnicity, and nationality. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 67(6), 680–696. https://doi.org/10.1037/cou0000431 Sheu, H. B., Lent, R. W., Miller, M. J., Penn, L. T., Cusick, M. E., & Truong, N. N. (2018). Sources of self-efficacy and outcome expectations in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics domains: A meta-analysis. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 109, 118–136. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2018.10.003 Super, D. E., Savickas, M. L., & Super, C. M. (1996). The life-span, life-space approach to careers. In D. Brown & L. Brooks (Eds.), Career choice and development: Applying contemporary theories to practice (3rd ed., pp. 121–178). Jossey-Bass.
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Tang, M., Fouad, N. A., & Smith, P. L. (1999). Asian Americans’ career choices: A path model to examine factors influencing their career choices. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 54(1), 142–157. https://doi.org/10.1006/jvbe.1998.1651 Tatum, A. K. (2018). Workplace climate and satisfaction in sexual minority populations: An application of social cognitive career theory. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 65(5), 618–628. https://doi.org/10.1037/cou0000292 Tatum, A. K., Formica, L. J., & Brown, S. D. (2017). Testing a social cognitive model of workplace sexual identity management. Journal of Career Assessment, 25(1), 107–120. https://doi.org/10.1177/1069072716659712
3 Psychology of Working Theory Ryan D. Duffy, David L. Blustein, Gianella Perez, and Camille Smith
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n 2016, psychology of working theory (PWT) was developed to provide a framework to understand the contextual factors that determine if an individual can attain decent work (Duffy, Blustein, et al., 2016). The origins of PWT stem primarily from the psychology of working framework (PWF; Blustein, 2006), which was developed from an amalgam of influences and ideas that emerged out of long-standing critiques of career development theory and practice. Since the development of PWT, it has been utilized in a variety of populations and contexts and studied with a variety of methodologies (e.g., Allan et al., 2014; Autin et al., 2018; Ma et al., 2021). The theory may be particularly helpful in understanding the experiences of marginalized and economically constrained people in the workplace and in college. A clear intention of PWT has been to inform the development of innovative practice implications that reflect the broad and inclusive tenets of the theory. In this chapter, we discuss the theory’s origins, its primary constructs and propositions, research findings over the last 5 years, and potential theory-based interventions.
PSYCHOLOGY OF WORKING FRAMEWORK In the initial statement about PWF, Blustein (2001) created a case for building a new framework for vocational psychology to provide an inclusive and social justice-oriented agenda for research, practice, and public policy on the nature https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-004 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 59
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and impact of work in people’s lives. PWF was developed out of the fertile soil of contributions from activists and scholars who adopted feminist (e.g., Betz & Fitzgerald, 1987), racial justice (e.g., Helms & Cook, 1999), and social classoriented (e.g., Richardson, 1993) critiques of career development discourses. Richardson’s (1993) contribution, which highlighted the classist and exclusionary nature of vocational psychology at that point in time, had a particularly important influence on PWF. Richardson argued that counseling psychology’s focus on hierarchical and volitional careers resulted in marginalization of the broader notion of work and of the people who did not have access to volitional careers. In Richardson’s formulation, views of work should include activities that are not necessarily paid or reflective of intentional choices. Moreover, Richardson argued that the career terminology and ethos were inherently individualistic. Blustein (2006) proposed a new framework for the broad-based study of working in people’s lives—psychology of working. The initial agenda, which still guides the PWT movement, is to create a knowledge base of research, theory development, practice, and systemic change initiatives to promote decent and dignified work for all. Many earlier career theories, although transformative in their own right, were focused on the work lives of those who had some degree of volition in their careers. In this regard, counseling approaches about work and career foregrounded the lives of people with relative volition, resulting in a neglect of the work-based struggles of those who were primarily focused on survival. By contrast, PWF has sought to center the lives of those who face significant social barriers (e.g., racism, sexism, poverty) that can limit one’s access to decent work (Blustein, 2006). With the intention of expanding and deepening the initial ideas about PWF, Blustein (2006) published The Psychology of Working: A New Perspective for Career Development, Counseling, and Public Policy, which provided an in-depth exploration of the conceptual foundation and potential implications of PWF. Blustein argued that vocational psychology would benefit from a critical analysis of its underlying assumptions and the development of a new and inclusive paradigm focusing on the work lives of everyone who works and who wants or needs to work. In establishing the conceptual foundation and values orientation for PWF, Blustein et al. (2005) adopted the emancipatory communitarian (EC) perspective developed by Prilleltensky (1997), who argued that psychology is not a value-free discipline. Instead, Prilleltensky proposed that research and practice need to identify the underlying values that inform and inspire a given set of initiatives and ideas. He proposed that psychology would benefit from a vision that is both emancipatory and communitarian, which are defined as follows: Emancipatory refers to “the need for liberation among all groups that are dominated in society”; communitarian refers to “the emphasis on compassion, social obligation, and mutual determination” (Blustein et al., 2005, p. 150). The remarkable insight of this dialectic approach is that it encompasses a focus on both liberating people from oppressive forces and connecting them to each other in a compassionate and self-determined way. PWF adopted the EC
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approach early on, and it has continued to derive intellectual and sociopolitical inspiration from Prilleltensky’s contributions. Another key attribute of PWF includes a call for expanding the purview of vocational psychology beyond the confines of career choice and development to encompass the full spectrum of work-based issues (e.g., unemployment, precarious work, conflict at work, the interface of work and mental health, relationships and work, bias and marginalization in the workplace). In accordance with the EC perspective, PWF also espoused an explicit focus on the need to change systems, which sought to flip the individualistic focus of existing career choice and development change paradigms. A prevailing thread in PWF (and in PWT) is an explicit framing that considers work in relation to the realities and context of one’s life. In mainstream psychology, certain problematic assumptions underlie traditional views of people and work. Traditional career choice and development frameworks (described in detail in Brown & Lent, 2020) have tended to adopt a focus of individuals as being the primary drivers of their careers and work lives. In contrast, PWF proposes an alternative framework based on 11 core assumptions that are embedded in a view that highlights the multiple external and internal factors that constrain and/or facilitate people’s work lives. As summarized in Blustein (2013), PWF is organized around the following assumptions: (a) A variety of epistemologies are viable tools for aiding our understanding of work; (b) work is a major part of life; (c) work plays a key role in mental health; (d) psychologists and other career scholars/professionals should include everyone who works or wants to work in their studies of the psychology of work; (e) work and nonwork experiences should not be compartmentalized; (f) empathic and experience-near approaches are essential to the psychology of working; (g) social, economic, and political factors determine the distribution of resources; (h) work in all settings (including marketplace and caregiving work) should be affirmed and included in psychological considerations of working; (i) working should be conceptualized within cultural and relational contexts; (j) psychology of working framework can enrich existing career theories; and (k) work has the potential to fulfill central human needs, such as survival and power, social connection/contribution, and self-determination. The focus on work’s capacity to fulfill fundamental human needs has been a particularly useful contribution of PWF that has informed considerable research and practice (e.g., Autin et al., 2019; Duffy, Blustein, et al., 2016). The need for survival and power reflects the reality that work serves as a central means of obtaining the resources to secure societal power and survival. The need for social connection/contribution highlights work’s capacity to provide access to meaningful relational connections and contributions to the broader social world. The need for self-determination, derived from Deci and Ryan’s (2008) self-determination theory, captures strivings for self-regulating motivation and authentic engagement with one’s work life. Since its inception, PWF has changed the landscape of vocational psychology in several ways via research, theory development, and practice. First, it has
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pushed for inclusivity in the field of career counseling, which has increasingly adopted a focus on work as well as career (e.g., see Brown & Lent, 2020). Second, two major constructs emerged from PWF that have had a major impact in vocational psychology. The first, work volition, refers to an “individual’s perception of choice in career decision-making despite constraints” (Duffy, Blustein, et al., 2016, p. 135; Duffy, Diemer, Perry, et al., 2012). Duffy, Diemer, Perry, et al. (2012) initiated a line of research on work volition that includes the development of psychometrically sound instruments to assess this construct and considerable research exploring its antecedents and consequences. Empirical research has revealed that work volition is associated with work meaning, career choice congruence, and job and life satisfaction (for a review, see Blustein & Duffy, 2020). Critical consciousness, developed initially by Freire (1993), was incorporated into PWF as a construct that could be used to empower counseling clients as well as activists (Blustein, 2006; Diemer & Blustein, 2006). Critical consciousness “captures a capacity to reflect on the causes of social injustice and inequity coupled with a commitment to engage in actions to eradicate these sources of oppression” (Blustein, 2019, p. 163). Research on critical consciousness has revealed that it can predict progress in career development (Diemer & Blustein, 2006) and helps reduce the aversive impact of marginalizing and oppressive experiences in relation to occupational outcomes (Diemer, 2009). PWF also has spawned important qualitative research that has explored the question of how people understand their working lives. Consistent with the assumptions of PWF, a number of studies have highlighted that access to opportunity had a profound impact on how people experienced work, with access to privilege shaping how hopeful people were about their futures and their capacity to shape their work lives (e.g., Blustein et al., 2002; Chaves et al., 2004; Eggerth et al., 2012). As noted previously, many earlier career theories, although transformative in their own right, focused on the work lives of those who had some degree of volition in their careers. By contrast, PWF seeks to center the lives of those who have modest to minimal levels of privilege and resources, recognizing that significant social barriers (e.g., racism, sexism, poverty) can limit one’s access to decent work (Blustein et al., 2019). PWF set the stage for the development of PWT and the relational theory of working (Blustein, 2011). In the section that follows, we review the major tenets and research findings from the burgeoning PWT movement.
THEORETICAL OVERVIEW OF PWT PWT was built from PWF with the goal of showcasing an empirically testable model and highlighting the role of contextual and psychological factors in understanding the work experiences of all individuals, but especially marginalized groups who have been historically left out of vocational research and theories. In the following subsections, we discuss the PWT model, first defin-
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ing its key construct, decent work, and then discussing its proposed predictors and outcomes. Key Construct: Decent Work Decent work is the central construct of PWT. It includes five main components: “physical and interpersonally safe working conditions, hours that allow for free time and adequate rest, organizational values that complement family and social values, adequate compensation, and access to adequate health care” (Duffy, Blustein, et al., 2016, p. 130). This definition builds on the International Labor Organization’s (ILO’s) definition of decent work highlighting workers’ rights, including compensation, health care benefits, and a physically and emotionally safe work environment (ILO, 2008, 2012). The Decent Work Scale (DWS; Duffy et al., 2017) was developed and validated to capture these five components. This self-report measure has been adapted for use in eight countries, including Italy, France, South Korea, the United Kingdom, Brazil, Turkey, Portugal, and Switzerland (Buyukgoze-Kavas & Autin, 2019; Di Fabio & Kenny, 2019; Dodd et al., 2019; Ferreira et al., 2019; Nam & Kim, 2019; Masdonati et al., 2019; Ribeiro et al., 2019; Vignoli et al., 2020). Predictors of Decent Work As discussed previously, PWT positions two main variables as predictors of decent work across the lifespan. One of these primary predictors is marginalization, which is conceptualized as “the relegation of people (or groups of people) to a less powerful or included position within a society” (Duffy, Blustein, et al., 2016). Experiencing marginalization is proposed to hinder an individual’s ability to secure decent work because they have limited resources in the workforce. For example, in a study on employed adults, Tokar and Kaut (2018) found that individuals diagnosed with Chiari malformation who experienced marginalization faced greater challenges in securing decent work. These experiences tend to result in less opportunity and access to decent jobs (Allan, Autin, et al., 2020). The second contextual predictor in PWT is economic constraints, which refers to having limited economic resources across the lifespan (Duffy, Blustein, et al., 2016). This can present several barriers to decent work beginning as early on as childhood. One example can be seen in access to quality education. Children and adolescents with low socioeconomic backgrounds may attend schools with fewer resources and opportunities for career development (Lareau, 2003). On the other hand, more affluent families may not only have the luxury of being more involved in their children’s education but also can afford to enroll their children in structured activities to help them develop skills and build their curriculum (Chaves et al., 2004; Mandara et al., 2009). This trend can influence whether an adolescent goes to college and can dictate their experiences throughout college as well.
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Both marginalization and economic constraints are hypothesized to affect a person’s likelihood of obtaining decent work directly and indirectly via the psychological constructs of work volition and career adaptability. PWT suggests work volition promotes fulfilling work and engaging in decent work because individuals have more freedom of choice in their careers. Previous research on college students and workers have found many positive outcomes of work volition, including a sense of control, increased meaning at work, and job and life satisfaction (Duffy, Autin, & Bott, 2015; Duffy, Bott, et al., 2014; Duffy, Diemer, & Jadidian, 2012; Duffy, Douglass, et al., 2016). According to PWT, career adaptability refers to how prepared one is to navigate current and future job tasks as well as whether one has the resources to take on these tasks (Duffy, Blustein, et al., 2016; Savickas, 2002). Although career adaptability can be measured and conceptualized in different ways, PWT focuses mainly on adaptability as it applies to working adults and their experiences specifically in the world of work (Blustein & Duffy, 2020). PWT hypothesizes that marginalization and economic constraints present obstacles to decent work directly but also indirectly via work volition and career adaptability. The lack of work volition caused by marginalization and economic constraints is proposed to lead to difficulties in securing decent work (Duffy, Douglass, & Autin, 2015). For example, an individual facing economic hardship may need to take any job available regardless of its health care benefits or if it aligns with their values because they need to make ends meet. This constraint, among many others, may cause individuals to have less control and decision-making ability in their work life, which creates more challenges in attaining decent work. Similarly, career adaptability can mediate the relation between marginalization, economic constraints, and decent work. According to Duffy, Blustein, et al. (2016), PWT suggests that individuals who experience marginalization or economic constraints will have fewer resources to cope with a changing work environment, ultimately leading to less securement of decent work. Within the predictor portion of PWT, the model suggests four moderator variables: critical consciousness, proactive personality, social support, and economic conditions. These are proposed to shape the relation between decent work and both structural and psychological variables. As discussed previously, according to Freire (1993), critical consciousness includes reflecting on societal inequalities, political efficacy, and the call to change inequalities. A proactive personality reflects an employee’s drive to affect their work environment (Duffy, Blustein, et al., 2016; Li et al., 2010). Social support is conceptualized as the feeling that one has a strong community of friends and family among others to help them in the face of adversity, like marginalization and economic constraints (Cohen & Wills, 1985; Duffy, Blustein, et al., 2016). The final variable, economic conditions, considers the state of the economy at a societal level (e.g., nationwide unemployment rate; Duffy, Blustein, et al., 2016). Collectively, it is assumed that if individuals have greater levels of critical consciousness, social support, and proactive personality and are in good economic
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conditions, the effect of economic constraints and experiences of marginalization on decent work will be weaker and the effect of work volition and career adaptability will be stronger. For example, if someone has a lot of job opportunities in their area (economic conditions), it is assumed that the impact of economic constraints on decent work will be lower than for someone who has very limited job opportunities.
Outcomes of Decent Work The second half of the PWT model focuses on outcomes of securing decent work. It is proposed that decent work promotes work fulfillment and well-being primarily by satisfying survival needs, social contribution needs, and selfdetermination needs. Engaging in decent work allows an individual to meet basic survival needs, like access to health care and shelter, when compensated appropriately. Similarly, people have an innate need for belonging that can be fulfilled through interactions in the workplace (Duffy, Blustein, et al., 2016). PWT proposes that having an emotionally safe environment is a component of decent work. This environment can foster interaction with colleagues and fulfill social connection needs. Self-determination is conceptualized as “the experience of being engaged in activities that are intrinsically or extrinsically motivating in a meaningful and self-regulated fashion” (Duffy, Blustein, et al., 2016, p. 139; Ryan & Deci, 2002). One study found that fulfilling self-determination needs, such as autonomy and relatedness, in the workplace led to greater job performance and overall well-being (Baard et al., 2004). According to PWT, need fulfillment in each of these three domains is proposed to fully mediate the relation of decent work to both work fulfillment and well-being. Since the theory’s publication, scales have been developed to assess need satisfaction with PWT (Autin et al., 2019), and initial studies have demonstrated that decent work links with need satisfaction and mediates the relation between decent work and work-related and general well-being (Autin et al., 2019; Duffy et al., 2019).
PWT RESEARCH OVER THE LAST 5 YEARS Since the theory’s publication in 2016, it has been cited approximately 400 times according to Google Scholar. Of those publications, over 60 are empirical papers that have been published in peer-reviewed journals and have used PWT as either a partial or full framework to orient their research aims. It is beyond the scope of this chapter to provide a full description and review of this entire set of articles. However, in the following sections, we highlight several articles that we view as most illustrative in terms of using PWT as a partial or full framework and draw a series of general conclusions based on the entire body of research.
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Partial Framework We identified 13 studies that drew from PWT as a partial framework. Of this group of studies, several have used PWT to construct and define decent work in working adults, unemployed adults, and college students (Allan et al., 2016; Kim et al., 2019; Smith et al., 2020). Others have examined the relation between decent work and self-determination, social support, and meaningful work, according to PWT (Allan et al., 2016; Kashyap & Arora, 2022; Zhang et al., 2020). For example, T. Kim and Allan (2020) studied underemployment in U.S. adults from a PWT perspective. Their study found that those individuals who were underemployed—meaning they are overqualified, have insecure employment, or have involuntary temporary work—experienced less autonomy and relatedness to others. These workplace experiences then linked with lower feelings of work meaning. These results support PWT ideas that less desirable work environments are linked with decreased need satisfaction (autonomy, relatedness), which is in turn linked with lower work-related well-being. Other researchers, like San Antonio and Kaplan-Bucciarelli (2022), have used a qualitative approach to examine people residing in rural areas in the United States who did not complete high school, a largely understudied population, using PWT framework. The authors were specifically focused on experiences of precarity in work or school, with a sample of 10 emerging adults. The study found a plethora of contextual factors that affected an individual’s ability to achieve decent work. For example, some participants stated they were kicked out of school or their homes, and others lacked a sense of connectedness. In one case, a student was told they could complete their studies online, but they did not have internet at home and thus were unable to complete their education. Ultimately, for the majority of the sample, these types of constraints led to individuals finding unstable jobs or jobs without health care benefits, among other disadvantages (San Antonio & Kaplan-Bucciarelli, 2022). Findings support a limited but growing literature on the applicability of PWT to rural U.S. populations. Main Framework We identified 50 studies that used PWT as the primary, underlying framework. These articles are varied in their content and methods and include studies conducted in several countries, among different age groups and racial/ethnic minorities, and using qualitative and quantitative methods (Autin et al., 2018; Kozan et al., 2019; McIlveen et al., 2021). In Blustein and Duffy’s (2020) chapter on PWT in Career Development and Counseling: Putting Theory and Research to Work, they described some of these studies in greater detail and highlighted instrument development studies, qualitative studies, and model testing studies. Overall, the review of these studies showcases the different methods, populations explored, and applications of PWT. In the following sections, we highlight studies from two areas within the PWT literature that are emerging but have
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not been fully reviewed: students and non-U.S. working adults. We discuss research with these populations in detail, as they represent key future directions for the PWT model. Studies With College Students To date, six studies have been conducted with college student populations using PWT as a primary framework. These studies differ from those with adults in that they mainly focus on work volition or future perceptions of decent work. They also may provide practical implications for educational institutions to better prepare their students and develop interventions to improve student outcomes, like promoting more access to career development events and activities on campus. For example, Allan, Sterling, and Duffy (2020) conducted a longitudinal study and asked undergraduate students about their economic constraints over a 6-month period, which included the start and end of a semester. Although it was not an experimental study, findings suggested that as students experienced greater economic hardships, they felt less opportunity to make their own decisions about their work and career postcollege (Allan, Sterling, & Duffy, 2020). In another study, Autin et al. (2018) interviewed 12 DACA recipients to gain a better understanding of their experiences attaining decent work. The factors that most negatively affected this group, resulting in decreased work volition, were economic constraints and having limited transportation (Autin et al., 2018). This speaks to the sociopolitical relevance of PWT in attaining decent work, as policy and status influences students and their perceived future decent work. Because they were limited by their status either economically, by not being able to get a license, or both, they were often limited to taking public transportation or walking. On the other hand, when there were changes in public policy, students felt greater volition (Autin et al., 2018). Students with fewer economic constraints and marginalized identities not only have greater volition and academic satisfaction, they may also be more likely to believe they will achieve decent work in the future. For example, H. J. Kim et al. (2019) asked college students in Korea about their economic resources, perceived work volition, career adaptability, and occupational engagement. Consistent with previous studies, H. J. Kim et al. (2019) found that students who had greater economic resources experienced greater feelings of volition in their future career and felt better prepared to adapt to different work situations. Overall, these students were more likely to perceive attaining future decent work and felt more connected to their future work (H. J. Kim et al., 2019). Additionally, other studies show some similarities between college students in Korea and the United States, stating that both groups, when faced with economic constraints, feel less freedom to decide in their careers; however, this relation was more pronounced for American students (H. J. Kim et al., 2020). Similarly, in a study on college students in China, Ma et al. (2021) found evidence supporting previous research revealing that when students believe they will achieve decent work in the current economic conditions and job market,
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they also tend to be more engaged and more satisfied with their academic experiences. Overall, these studies suggest that experiencing economic constraints and marginalization links with students feeling less volition in their careers and feeling less likely to attain decent work in the future. These experiences may also affect how students view and enjoy their current academic life. It may be that those with little volition or who do not perceive they will acquire decent work also feel their academic careers are not as meaningful or satisfactory. Studies With Non-U.S. Working Adults Of the 50 studies identified using PWT as a primary framework, 15 were conducted with non-U.S. working adult populations. These studies are important because they demonstrate how contextual factors, which vary from one culture and society to the next, inform people’s perceptions of acquiring decent work and influence the degree to which decent work is linked with well-being. Similar to those in the United States, working adults in other countries are also influenced by their context, including social class, which affects their wellbeing and workplace satisfaction. For example, McIlveen et al. (2021) found that Australian workers’ views of decent work did not alter based on the perceived prestige of their jobs or social class. They suggested that in contrast to U.S. working adults, those in Australia may have a different view of decent work because of their cultural norms and the emphasis on egalitarianism. On the other hand, Wang et al. (2019) observed different results in a sample of Chinese workers, finding social status was a predictor of decent work through volition in this population. Additionally, Wang et al. found evidence demonstrating that economic constraints resulted in increased barriers to attaining decent work. A study testing a similar model was conducted by Kozan et al. (2019) with working adults. Here, low-income workers were asked about their income, education, work volition, career adaptability, decent work, and life satisfaction. Kozan et al. suggested that in addition to social class hindering people’s ability to attain decent work directly, it also indirectly affected decent work through work volition and career adaptability. Specifically, individuals facing greater economic constraints, due to their low-income status, did not have adequate resources to adapt to a changing workforce or job environment (Kozan et al., 2019). PWT also suggests that securing decent work is linked with greater workrelated and general well-being. For example, when Australian workers were asked about their current jobs, income, and other career-related factors, McIlveen et al. (2021) found that accessing adequate health care through work and feeling like their personal values aligned with the workplace values—two components of decent work—related to increased job satisfaction. Researchers studying different populations, for example Chinese working adults, also supported the finding that decent work results in people enjoying their work lives more (Wang et al., 2019). Not only does attaining decent work relate to improved
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job satisfaction, but it may also promote increased life satisfaction. For example, Atitsogbe et al. (2021) asked Togolese teachers about their meaning and satisfaction at work. The researchers found that being in safe working conditions, having adequate work–life balance, and having access to health care related to the teachers’ overall life satisfaction (Atitsogbe et al., 2021). This brief review demonstrates the applicability of PWT and its global importance. Studying decent work in different populations across the world illustrates the potential universal impact that contextual factors can have on an individual’s personal and work life.
PWT INTERVENTIONS: CURRENT STATUS AND NEXT STEPS Two specific practice-based contributions have emerged from PWT over the past 2 decades. PWF initially spawned inclusive psychological practice (Blustein, 2006), which established a conceptual framework for intervention that affirms work and nonwork issues while providing guidelines for practitioners who seek to expand their attentional focus to the full array of work-related issues. The second contribution, which emerged from a theory of change focus, provided a foundation for psychology of working counseling (PWC) and psychology of working systems intervention (PWSI) as tools to facilitate individual and institutional changes (Blustein et al., 2019). Common to both of these approaches is a deep commitment to an antiracist agenda and to a set of practices that acknowledges and names the complex and intersecting influences of marginalization, oppression, and invisibility. One key tenet of inclusive psychological practice is an integrative approach to counseling that affirms the seamless nature of the human condition. Work and nonwork issues often occur in complex and intersecting ways that require creative and integrative interventions. Moreover, the inclusive aspect of this approach requires attention to contextual factors that shape people’s work lives. In this section of the chapter, we highlight the integrative mental health and work-based aspects of inclusive psychological practice, which provide a framework for our recommendations for new practice innovations. Traditionally, the counseling goals of psychotherapists and career counselors have little overlap. However, we argue that practitioners from both disciplines can enhance their work with clients by integrating an inclusive psychological practice approach. In career interventions, a PWT orientation can help clients gain a deeper, more contextualized understanding of their work dilemmas that conventional career counseling interventions may not provide. In a mainstream career counseling setting, a client might expect a particular script to play out upon entering the counseling room. Clients would explain their concerns to the career counselor and perhaps take an interest assessment or a narrative tool to explore their options. Using these results, the client would collaboratively discuss potential solutions to their work-related problems. While this approach may be useful in some career counseling settings, a PWT-focused intervention seeks to
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include the full scope of a client’s life and dreams (Blustein, 2006). Work-related issues are often associated with coexisting unresolved psychological stressors, which can compromise various aspects of psychosocial functioning (Blustein & Duffy, 2020). Because work and personal struggles often occur in tandem, PWT-informed practitioners endorse the value of exploring an integrative approach, assuming that both counselor and client are comfortable in moving in this integrative direction. Moreover, a more thorough exploration of the context of a client’s concerns would encourage a focus on the role that social factors such as racism, classism, and sexism may play in their presenting problems (Blustein, 2006). A PWT approach is also useful for mental health providers. In psychotherapy, many therapists adhere to a common myth that work-related issues are more circumscribed and even less impactful contributors to psychological distress compared with relationship difficulties and other psychological stressors (Blustein, 2006). However, unless a client is high risk and crisis interventions must take precedence, psychotherapists with a PWT perspective should treat work issues with the same level of legitimacy as personal issues. By intentionally creating space to address work-related content with clients, therapists are also validating their client’s life context and thus providing more holistic treatment. Therapists can authentically communicate this concern about clients’ work lives by asking questions such as “How is work meeting your relational and social needs?” and “What are your strengths in your working life?” As in any other sort of counseling process, conversations and explorations about a client’s work life depend on a working therapeutic alliance, interpretation and reframing skills, and skills for facilitating change (Blustein, 2006). As a result of this integrated intervention, clients may feel more empowered and develop a sense of critical consciousness, which can have a powerful role in enhancing agency and advocacy (Blustein, 2006). With PWT integrated into a mainstream counseling setting, therapists will be better equipped to have nuanced, meaningful discussions with clients about the intersection of their work and personal lives. With the intention of developing individual and systemic change frameworks, Blustein et al. (2019) presented a theory of change approach to PWT that has significant implications for practice and policy. A theory of change approach is based on the premise that some theories (e.g., PWT) have the intention and the capacity to create knowledge that fosters change. In the case of PWT, we have adopted a multifaceted approach to change, which includes individual (PWC) and systems change (PWSI) components. Another practical application of PWT to career and psychotherapeutic interventions is the use of a parallel change paradigm in which the same components of the needs assessment and agentic change process are used for both individuals and systems (Blustein et al., 2019). The needs assessment aspect of the theory of change intervention model uses the PWT needs taxonomy to organize the assessment process, which is centered on survival, social connection/contribution, and self-determination needs. In counseling, practitioners can assess the extent to which these needs are being met, which can provide important insights about how to organize an
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individual treatment plan. The PWT needs assessment draws attention to the systems and institutions that may inhibit one’s access to decent work that meets these needs. By inquiring about these needs that are often overlooked in mainstream career practice, counselors can foster a more inclusive practice—a hallmark goal of PWT-based interventions. From a systemic perspective, the needs assessment can identify how institutions are supporting or diminishing access to decent work, which is critical in understanding the broader context of how systems and institutions affect people’s lives individually and collectively. The theory of change approach to PWT also includes a clear description of agentic action for both individuals and systemic change. Agentic action includes three clusters: critical reflection and action, proactive engagement, and social support and community engagement. For example, a career counselor can use critical reflection to help a client reduce self-blame about their unemployed status by reflecting on the external factors that have led to their unemployment. On a systemic level, clients could aid in the creation of workers’ circles to facilitate relational support, create advocacy efforts to support more workers’ protections, and foster a sense of contribution at work. In alignment with PWT’s social justice orientation, agentic action is necessary to identify and dismantle the barriers to decent work (Blustein et al., 2019).
NEW DIRECTIONS IN PWT-INFORMED PRACTICE Building on the integrative and inclusive nature of PWT, we provide promising new directions for practice that focus on creating more explicit links to other career and mental health intervention perspectives. In the career development context, we have been consistently disappointed in the growing insularity among career- and work-based intervention theories. In our view, PWT has the potential to serve as an integrative bridge to other career theories due to its focus on career choice and development issues as well as other work-based challenges. By using PWT as a metaperspective, career practitioners can develop a wider array of intervention strategies that are cohered around explicit values affirming social justice, decent and dignified work for all, and integrative practices. One promising way to foster this sort of integration would be to develop an expanded array of proactive engagement behaviors and attitudes using input from social cognitive career theory (SCCT; Lent, 2020) and career construction and life design theory (Savickas et al., 2009). Optimally, the movement toward integrative practice models can expand the scope of mainstream career theories, which have focused so intensively on career choice and development. As the workforce changes in ways that are hard to predict, practitioners will need to include interventions that focus on unemployment, precarious work, and other work trajectories that differ from the grand career narrative of hierarchical and meaningful careers. As an example of a potential integrative model, practitioners may combine PWT with life design theory in their interventions with clients. Career counselors
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working from a life design lens emphasize the importance of individualized, rather than formulaic, approaches to counseling. This theory recognizes that the mainstream notion of a “single career” is a myth, and instead, one’s career may fluctuate throughout their lifetime (Savickas et al., 2009). Life design practitioners also approach their work with clients holistically, acknowledging that career issues are only one piece of a person’s struggles. In discussing both work and nonwork issues during sessions, Savickas and colleagues (2009) acknowledged that effective management of work and personal life can be more difficult for precarious workers. PWT-oriented practitioners share these beliefs that career counseling should be individualized and holistic. This commonality points to the promising future for integration of PWT and life design interventions. Another promising direction for greater coherence among practice-oriented theories is an integration of PWT and SCCT (Lent, 2020). SCCT-oriented counselors emphasize the role of self-efficacy in one’s career life, which is defined as a person’s belief in their own capabilities. Experiences of marginalization and other contextual variables that affect work volition would likely decrease a person’s self-efficacy (Lent, 2020). The connection between the concepts of work volition in PWT and self-efficacy in SCCT may help career counselors gain a deeper understanding of the compounded effects of external barriers that PWT illustrates, as well as the psychological barriers that are described in SCCT. As a whole, integrations of PWT and existing career theories provide fruitful avenues for career counselors to strengthen their work with clients. We also believe that PWT-informed theory and practice can facilitate theoretical bridges between career and psychotherapy theories. The compartmentalization of the practice worlds in career counseling and mental health counseling is disconcerting and will require intentional efforts to ameliorate. One avenue for integration is the growing awareness that context matters in psychotherapy. Attending to clients’ work context is a critical step in creating a rationale and context for the development of integrative theories. We believe that the inclusive psychological practice perspective provides a useful starting point for the development of integrative intervention theories and practices. As psychotherapy theories become increasingly focused on evidence-based change strategies (e.g., cognitive behavior therapy, acceptance and commitment therapy [ACT]), there is a danger of overly circumscribing individual agency as the focal point of change. Considering the role of work as a context for both stress and joy speaks to the need to fully embrace integrative practices that highlight the role of broader contextual issues in psychological functioning. Promising directions for practice integration in work-based and mental health interventions include an examination of the role of trauma in one’s work life. As the labor market becomes increasingly precarious, clients are experiencing trauma due to dramatic events such as being fired, sexually harassed, and marginalized (Blustein, 2019; Powers & Duys, 2020). PWT can provide the conceptual scaffolding for the infusion of a trauma-informed lens in work-based counseling via its attention to mental health issues and its overarching integrative approach
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to theory development and practice. For example, agentic actions can include evidence-based interventions that can ameliorate work-based traumas. Another useful means of synthesis between PWT and psychotherapy is in the use of relational theories, which are becoming increasingly prominent in both career and mental health practice. Within the psychotherapy world, relational theories have informed psychoanalytic perspectives and have played a central role in relational cultural theory (Jordan, 2018; Safran, 2012). Within career development and PWT, in particular, the relational theory of working (Blustein, 2011) has emerged as an informative way to understand and intervene in people’s work lives. Cohering assumptions among these perspectives include a clear focus on affirming natural strivings for connection, an awareness that people learn about themselves and others via relationships, and the importance of deepening social connections as a way to heal and enhance resilience (Flum, 2015; Jordan, 2018; Kenny et al., 2018; Schultheiss, 2009). The growth of acceptance and mindfulness-based theories and interventions in psychotherapy has been a powerful game changer in developing evidencebased practices (Hayes, 2019; Safran, 2012). ACT is particularly relevant to work-based interventions because of its powerful interventions that enhance flexibility and adaptability. Emerging from a synthesis of humanistic, existential, cognitive behavioral, and mindfulness-based approaches, ACT is an elaborate theory that describes how people construct thoughts and how emotions are embedded in our mental lives, often to the detriment of overall functioning (Hayes, 2019). While ACT has the traditional limitations of many therapy models in downplaying contextual issues, its notion of psychological flexibility can be an important addition to PWT-based interventions and to work-based counseling more broadly. According to Hayes (2019), psychological flexibility refers to a nonjudgmental openness to experience and the ability to flexibly enact a course of action that is based on long-term values. Considerable research has supported the efficacy of psychological flexibility; moreover, ACT practitioners have developed useful tools to enhance flexibility (for a review, see Hayes, 2019). We believe that psychological flexibility could be a viable intervention tool within PWT and other work-based interventions, perhaps enriching and expanding the notion of adaptability.
CONCLUSION The emergence of PWT has provided vocational psychology with a clear pathway to create more inclusive and integrative research and practice. The research evidence to date supports the main premises of PWT, which reflect the broad array of social, economic, and psychological factors that shape the work lives of people. Moreover, the development of theory-driven and evidence-based individual counseling and systemic change frameworks serves to connect research initiatives with the growing needs of people and communities facing an increasingly daunting work context.
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4 A Cognitive Information Processing Approach James P. Sampson Jr., Janet G. Lenz, Robert C. Reardon, Emily Bullock-Yowell, Debra S. Osborn, and Gary W. Peterson
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his chapter describes the nature and use of cognitive information processing (CIP) theory, originally known as the cognitive information processing approach to career problem solving and decision making and now known simply as CIP theory. The theory’s core principle is that problem-solving and decision-making skills are essential in making career choices. CIP theory represents an application of general information processing theory to career choice (Peterson et al., 1991; Sampson, 2008; Sampson et al., 2004). CIP theory assumes that information processing is key to learning and that learning is crucial in promoting the understanding of self and options necessary to make informed and careful choices about occupations, education, training, employment, and leisure. Core elements of information processing theory that are included in CIP-based career interventions include: (a) how persons use schemata (knowledge structures) to organize, add to, and revise knowledge they have about themselves and their options; (b) the rational and intuitive processes persons apply to use what they know to arrive at a decision; and (c) the metacognitive processes persons use to manage problem solving. (Sampson, Osborn, Bullock-Yowell, Lenz, et al., 2020, p. 7)
https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-005 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 79
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INTRODUCTION CIP theory has evolved over the past 50 years from a unique community of practice beginning at Florida State University (FSU) and expanding to other researchers and practitioners worldwide (Osborn, 2020; Sampson, 2017). The evolution of CIP theory has been guided by an explicit integration of theory, research, and practice, as we have learned from its application and impact (Sampson, Osborn, Bullock-Yowell, Lenz, et al., 2020). From the beginning, CIP theory was intended to promote understanding of vocational behavior and to guide career interventions. In its current form, it includes both a theory of vocational behavior and a theory of career intervention. In CIP theory, the study of vocational behavior involves “the examination of individual cognition, affect, and action, which combine with family, social, economic, and organizational factors, to influence the occupational, educational, training, employment, and leisure choices of individuals over a lifetime” (Sampson, Osborn, Bullock-Yowell, Lenz, et al., 2020, p. 6). Career intervention practice involves “the delivery of career resources and services designed to help individuals make informed and careful career choices” (Sampson, Osborn, Bullock-Yowell, Lenz, et al., 2020, p. 15). Prior to discussing CIP theory in detail, we describe our perspective on the types of career choices persons make, the nature of career problems, the context in which career choices are made, and the assistance available to facilitate those choices. Types of Career Choices Persons make career choices over a lifetime related to occupations, education, training, employment, and leisure. The number and sequencing of these choices vary, with some persons making numerous choices and others making fewer choices as they sequence their choices from different starting and ending points. For example, some persons may start with an educational choice that subsequently leads to an occupational choice and then an employment choice. Others may begin with an occupational choice that leads to an education or training choice that then leads to an employment choice, whereas others may begin with a leisure activity that leads to employment. Alternatively, a training choice might lead to a new employment choice that ultimately leads to an additional educational choice followed by another employment choice. Occupational, educational, and training choices typically lead to paid or unpaid work. People make other important choices about how their time will be spent, such as family, leisure, or community activities, which interact with, and may influence, occupational, educational, training, and employment choices (Sampson, Osborn, Bullock-Yowell, Lenz, et al., 2020; Sampson et al., 2004). Nature of Career Problems In CIP theory, the nature of a career problem is understood as a gap between where you are at present and where you want to be in the future, or between
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an existing and desired state of affairs (Sampson et al., 2004). An example of this gap might be a single parent working long hours who is seeking a higher paying job with fewer hours so they can have more quality family time. A career problem is not necessarily a negative circumstance, as is the case when a person is trying to decide between two equally appealing alternatives, such as two attractive job offers. The goal of CIP theory–based career interventions is to assist persons in solving a current career problem while preparing them to better solve future career problems as a result of their improved understanding of decision making (Sampson et al., 2004). When limited career opportunities are available, learning improved problem-solving and decision-making skills prepares persons for a future where more favorable career options may be available. Context for Making Career Choices The occupational, educational, training, and employment opportunities available to persons vary widely as a result of family, social, economic, and organizational factors. Whereas some persons have almost limitless opportunities, others face personal, cultural, economic, and structural barriers that greatly constrain their choices (e.g., Smeeding et al., 2021). Irrespective of the range of available opportunities, individuals will still likely face decisions about how to spend their time with regard to paid employment and other life roles. Although it is also true that some persons have personal or cultural circumstances where career choices are made for them by significant others, in some cases, they can decide whether to accept those choices (Sampson, Osborn, Bullock-Yowell, Lenz, et al., 2020; Sampson et al., 2004). For most people, life involves making a series of choices that in turn affect future choices (Sampson, Osborn, & Bullock-Yowell, 2020). Assistance Available in Making Career Choices The level of assistance needed by individuals to make effective career decisions varies. Some persons make occupational, educational, training, and employment choices with minimal help other than publicly available self-help resources and input from significant others, whereas others receive more help from practitioners in the form of various career interventions. The career interventions persons receive are typically influenced by the type of choice being made, the nature of the barriers they face, the setting for service delivery, and, in some cases, the financial resources available for persons to pay for services (Sampson, Osborn, Bullock-Yowell, Lenz, et al., 2020; Sampson et al., 2004). In this chapter, persons delivering career interventions are referred to as practitioners regardless of their training or credentials, and persons receiving career interventions are identified as clients when receiving support from a practitioner and individuals when they use a self-help intervention (Sampson, 2008; Sampson, Osborn, Bullock-Yowell, Lenz, et al., 2020). This chapter continues with theoretical assumptions, four key elements of the theory, research related to CIP theory, and a conclusion.
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THEORETICAL ASSUMPTIONS This section presents theoretical assumptions about career problem solving and decision making that provide the basis for our theory of vocational behavior. These are followed by theoretical assumptions about career intervention that provide the basis for our theory of career intervention practice. Theoretical Assumptions About Career Problem Solving and Decision Making Career problem-solving and decision-making features of CIP theory are based on the following theoretical assumptions (Peterson et al., 1991; Sampson et al., 2004): • Career choices engage our emotions (affect), thoughts (cognition), and actions (behavior). Although the term “cognitive” is used in the theory’s name, cognition, affect, and behavior are viewed as inseparable in career choice. • Effective career choices involve both knowledge (the content of choice or what we need to know) and a process for thinking about the knowledge we have gained (the process of choice or what we need to do). • Knowledge of ourselves and the world we live in is constantly evolving and interacting. As we learn from life experience, we organize our knowledge in more complex ways. Career resources and services can help us think about and organize our knowledge, assisting us in sorting through the large amount of information available, and then using the most relevant information in making choices. • Career problem solving and decision making are skills, and similar to any other skill, learning and practice can improve our ability to make choices. Career resources and services can be used to help us learn about and practice the information processing skills needed to become more effective at making career choices (Sampson, Osborn, Bullock-Yowell, Lenz, et al., 2020). Theoretical Assumptions About Career Intervention Career intervention features of CIP theory are based on the following theoretical assumptions (Peterson et al., 1991; Sampson, 2008; Sampson et al., 2000, 2004, 2013): • The affective, cognitive, and behavioral factors that influence informed and careful career problem solving and decision making also influence the efficacy of career interventions. In particular, career interventions are more effective when they address the affective, cognitive, and behavioral aspects of decision making and when individuals understand the goals, functioning, and potential outcomes of career interventions.
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• Readiness for career problem solving and decision making and readiness for career intervention vary among individuals and can be measured. By matching the level of readiness (high, medium, low) to the respective level of career intervention (self-help, brief staff-assisted, individual case-managed), career intervention efficacy can be improved. • In brief staff-assisted and individual case-managed career interventions, efficacy is enhanced by practitioner skills in relationship development, screening, assessment, diagnosis, goal setting, intervention planning, intervention, information, and instruction. • Diversity and social justice factors that influence the effectiveness of an individual’s career problem solving and decision making also influence the effectiveness of career interventions and need to be taken into account in the design and delivery of career resources and services (Sampson, Osborn, Bullock-Yowell, Lenz, et al., 2020).
KEY ELEMENTS OF CIP THEORY CIP theory consists of four key elements: (a) the pyramid of information processing domains, (b) the CASVE cycle, (c) readiness for career decision making and career intervention, and (d) the differentiated service delivery model. These key elements are described in the following subsections. Pyramid of Information Processing Domains The pyramid of information processing domains, which addresses the content of career choice, is shown in Figure 4.1. The three domains included in the pyramid are the knowledge domain, the decision-making skills domain, and the executive processing domain. The knowledge domain comprises self-knowledge, which includes values, interests, skills, and employment preferences, as well as options knowledge, which encompasses knowledge of specific occupational, educational, training, and employment options and an organizational schema to facilitate accessing this knowledge. CIP theory incorporates Holland’s RIASEC theory (Reardon & Lenz, 2015), using the hexagon as one schema for relating self- and options knowledge. Knowledge of self is stored in episodic memory and may evolve as current emotions and perceptions of past events change. Alternatively, options knowledge is stored in semantic memory and is less susceptible to change from current emotions and perceptions of past events (Peterson et al., 1991; Sampson, Osborn, Bullock-Yowell, Lenz, et al., 2020; Sampson et al., 2004). The decision-making skills domain includes generic information processing skills used in problem solving and decision making, which are exhibited in the CASVE cycle. These skills are reflective of common methods individuals have used in making choices. The CASVE cycle, described next, is an example of a rational decision-making strategy. Both rational and intuitive strategies can
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FIGURE 4.1. Pyramid of Information Processing Domains
Metacognitions
Executive Processing Domain
Self-talk Self-awareness Monitoring and control
Generic Information Processing Skills (CASVE cycle)
Self-Knowledge Values Interests Skills Employment preferences
Decision-Making Skills Domain
Options Knowledge Specific knowledge of occupations, education, training, and employment Schema for organizing knowledge (e.g., RIASEC)
Knowledge Domain
Note. CASVE = communication, analysis, synthesis, valuing, execution. Adapted from Career Counseling and Services: A Cognitive Information Processing Approach (p. 21), by J. P. Sampson Jr., R. C. Reardon, G. W. Peterson, and J. G. Lenz, 2004, Brooks/Cole. Copyright 2004 by J. P. Sampson Jr., R. C. Reardon, G. W. Peterson, and J. G. Lenz. Adapted with permission.
be useful in making informed and careful choices (Sampson et al., 2004). Regardless of the strategy used, it is important that persons acquire and carefully consider information relevant to the choice being made. Dependent and avoidant decision-making strategies are less likely to result in informed and careful choices (Sampson et al., 2013). The executive processing domain comprises metacognitive functions, including self-talk about the extent of individuals’ decision-making progress, their self-awareness as decision makers, and their capability to monitor and control their progress in decision making and mitigate problems from negative self-talk. The pyramid domains do not function in isolation but can influence one another. For example, lack of self-knowledge may interfere with a person’s ability to progress through the CASVE cycle. Difficulty in decision making may lead to negative thoughts, and finally, negative self-talk in the executive processing domain can reduce motivation for the examination of new information needed to enhance selfand options knowledge. CASVE Cycle The CASVE cycle, which addresses the process of career choice, is shown in Figure 4.2. The five phases of the CASVE cycle are communication, analysis, synthesis, valuing, and execution, followed by a return to the communication phase. Each phase is cumulative, adding to the phase that came before it. • In the communication phase, an individual identifies a gap that exists between an existing and desired state, or their current situation and what they want
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FIGURE 4.2. The CASVE Cycle C
Communication
(Identifying or revisiting a problem, which is a gap between a real and ideal state, then determining if the gap is closed)
E
A Analysis
Execution
(Understanding self, options, decision making, and thinking about decision making)
(Implementing the first choice)
V Valuing
(Prioritizing options, then making a tentative first choice and backup choices)
S
Synthesis
(Expanding and narrowing options)
Note. Adapted from Career Counseling and Services: A Cognitive Information Processing Approach (p. 26), by J. P. Sampson Jr., R. C. Reardon, G. W. Peterson, and J. G. Lenz, 2004, Brooks/Cole. Copyright 2004 by J. P. Sampson Jr., R. C. Reardon, G. W. Peterson, and J. G. Lenz. Adapted with permission.
in the future. The communication phase is initiated by external cues (e.g., an event, input from a significant other) or internal cues (e.g., negative emotions, avoidance behavior, physiological changes). • In the analysis phase, an individual clarifies their understanding of the four information processing domains of the pyramid by using career assessments and information (e.g., relating self and options knowledge to better understand their characteristics in relation to the alternatives they are considering). This phase also includes time for reflection that may prompt the development of more complex schemata for self and options. • In the synthesis phase, an individual uses career assessments and information to expand the options being considered through a divergent thinking process referred to as elaboration. The individual then discards unsuitable options given their self-knowledge using a convergent thinking process referred to as crystallization. The intent here is to avoid missing potentially good alternatives while avoiding becoming overwhelmed with options. • In the valuing phase, an individual evaluates both the costs and benefits of three to five options in relation to (a) themselves, (b) their significant others, (c) their cultural group, (d) their community, and (e) society at large. This is followed by a prioritization of options, as well as an identification of both tentative primary and secondary choices. • In the execution phase, an individual creates and then commits to an action plan that will implement a first choice. This phase may include obtaining additional education, reality testing a choice through volunteer work or
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searching for paid or unpaid employment (including volunteer work or carework). The individual then returns to the communication phase, where a determination is made if the gap between the original existing and desired state has been closed (Peterson et al., 1991; Sampson, Osborn, Bullock-Yowell, Lenz, et al., 2020; Sampson et al., 2004). For some choices, especially choices having considerable positive or negative consequences, individuals may progress through the cycle more than once. Progressing through the cycle more than once is more likely when a gap still exists after the completion of the execution phase or when a later phase becomes difficult to finish because a prior phase was not completed, such as when the valuing phase cannot be completed because the information obtained in the analysis phase was not sufficient. The cycle may also continue due to external events (e.g., job loss) or personal circumstances (e.g., changes in finances or health). Chance factors may exclude or add new options that then require a return to the analysis phase, such as the availability of new education or training opportunities. The individual may subsequently conclude that they misunderstood the original career problem in the first communication phase, such as conflicting input from a significant other. Finally, the cycle may continue if it becomes clear that another choice is necessary after the execution phase is completed, such as deciding where to live after accepting a job offer (Peterson et al., 1991; Sampson, Osborn, Bullock-Yowell, Lenz, et al., 2020; Sampson et al., 2004). Use of the Pyramid and the CASVE Cycle in Career Interventions Practitioners, clients, and individuals can use the pyramid and the CASVE cycle to guide both career choices and career interventions. The most fundamental schema presented to clients and individuals in CIP theory–based interventions is reflected in the statement “In making a career choice, there are things you need to know and things you need to do” (Sampson, Osborn, Bullock-Yowell, Lenz, et al., 2020, p. 12). For persons who may be overwhelmed with a complex and high-stakes career decision-making process, this simple schema is intended to provide a straightforward and less intimidating starting point. Use of the Pyramid and the CASVE Cycle as Handouts The figures included in client versions of the pyramid (shown in Figure 4.3) and the CASVE cycle (shown in Figure 4.4) are often used as handouts during career interventions to provide an advance organizer for clients. The figures can also be used in identifying potentially helpful career resources and services, as well as monitoring progress during decision making. These figures are also used by individuals in self-help interventions. The client versions of the pyramid (what you need to know) and the CASVE cycle (what you need to do) can be presented to reinforce the goal of clients making informed and careful choices. Central tenets of CIP theory are the concepts of readiness for career decision making and readiness to benefit from career interventions (Sampson, Osborn, Bullock-Yowell, Lenz, et al., 2020). These topics are discussed in the next section.
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FIGURE 4.3. Client Version of the Pyramid of Information Processing Domains What’s Involved in Career Choice
Thinking About My Decision Making
Knowing How I Make Decisions
Knowing About My Options
Knowing About Myself
What you need to know to make an informed and careful career choice Note. Adapted from “A Cognitive Approach to Career Services: Translating Concepts Into Practice,” by J. P. Sampson Jr., G. W. Peterson, J. G. Lenz, and R. C. Reardon, 1992, The Career Development Quarterly, 41(1), p. 70 (https://doi.org/10.1002/j.2161-0045.1992.tb00360.x). Copyright 1992 by the National Career Development Association. Adapted with permission.
FIGURE 4.4. Client Version of the CASVE Cycle A Guide to Good Decision Making Knowing I Need to Make a Choice
Knowing I Made an Informed and Careful Choice
Understanding Myself, Options, Decision Making, and Thoughts
Implementing My First Choice
Prioritizing My Options
Expanding and Narrowing My Options
What you need to do to make an informed and careful career choice Note. Adapted from “A Cognitive Approach to Career Services: Translating Concepts Into Practice,” by J. P. Sampson Jr., G. W. Peterson, J. G. Lenz, and R. C. Reardon, 1992, The Career Development Quarterly, 41(1), p. 70 (https://doi.org/10.1002/j.2161-0045.1992.tb00360.x). Copyright 1992 by the National Career Development Association. Adapted with permission.
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Readiness for Career Decision Making and Career Intervention This section begins with a discussion of readiness for career decision making and continues with readiness to benefit from career interventions. Readiness for Career Decision Making Readiness for career decision making involves a person’s cognitive, affective, and social capacity to undertake the task of career problem solving, including their ability to engage in the learning processes necessary to effectively explore and decide among options (Sampson et al., 2013). From a CIP theory perspective (as shown in Figure 4.5), readiness for career decision making concerns the capability of individuals to make informed and careful choices, as influenced by the complexity of family, social, economic, and organizational factors that affect their decisions (Sampson et al., 2000). Capability is an internal factor that makes engaging in career decision making more or less difficult. Factors that contribute to capability are (a) honesty in self-exploration, (b) motivation to initiate and sustain career exploration, (c) capacity to think with clarity, (d) willingness to accept responsibility for choosing, (e) awareness of the potential impact of negative self-talk, (f) willingness to seek help when necessary, and (g) awareness of decision-making progress. Persons with a high level of capability can fully engage all knowledge elements of the pyramid of information processing
FIGURE 4.5. A Two-Dimensional Model of Decision-Making Readiness for Selecting Initial Career Interventions Complexity (High)
Low readiness for decision making High degree of support needed Start with individual case-managed services
Moderate readiness for decision making Moderate to low degree of support needed Start with brief staff-assisted services
Capability (Low)
Capability (High)
Moderate readiness for decision making Moderate to low degree of support needed Start with brief staff-assisted services
High readiness for decision making No support needed Start with self-help services
Complexity (Low) Note. Adapted from “Using Readiness Assessment to Improve Career Services: A Cognitive Information Processing Approach,” by J. P. Sampson Jr., G. W. Peterson, R. C. Reardon, and J. G. Lenz, 2000, The Career Development Quarterly, 49(2), p. 160 (https://doi. org/10.1002/j.2161-0045.2000.tb00556.x). Copyright 2000 by the National Career Development Association. Adapted with permission.
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domains. Alternatively, persons with low capability are likely to need support to effectively engage the learning processes required to explore and choose among options (Sampson, Osborn, Bullock-Yowell, Lenz, et al., 2020). Complexity is an external factor that makes engaging in problem solving and decision making more or less difficult. Factors that contribute to greater complexity include (a) family, (b) society, (c) economic, and (d) organizational (for employed persons) factors. Consider the following examples: (a) Encouragement from family members can reduce decision-making difficulty, whereas dysfunctional input from family can increase decision-making difficulty; (b) access to support via mentoring opportunities can reduce decision-making difficulty, whereas the existence of stereotyping and discrimination can increase decision-making difficulty; (c) economic opportunity that provides adequate financial resources can reduce decision-making difficulty, whereas inadequate resources due to poverty or labor market problems can increase decision-making difficulty; and (d) organizations providing employee support for career development can reduce decision-making difficulty, whereas organizations that fail to support employee career development can increase decision-making difficulty. External factors may contribute to supports that facilitate career choice or barriers that impede career choice. As the number and impact of challenging factors increase, the complexity of making choices may increase. The complexity of career choices also increases as families, society, the economy, and organizations cope with the stress and disruption associated with contexts such as pandemics, natural disasters, social unrest, and armed conflict (Sampson, Osborn, Bullock-Yowell, Lenz, et al., 2020). Readiness for career decision making is not a static construct, as it can improve over time as capability increases and complexity decreases (Sampson et al., 2000). A CIP-based career intervention is intended to improve current and future readiness for career decision making. Several constructs exist for career decision-making readiness that can be measured. Examples include negative career thoughts, career decision state, career decision space, career decidedness, vocational identity, career maturity, and career decision-making difficulties (Sampson et al., 2013). From a CIP theory perspective, readiness assessment measures provide important information that helps determine the amount and type of assistance that will best meet clients’ needs (Sampson et al., 2015). Readiness to Benefit From Career Interventions People vary in their capacity to engage in the learning activities necessary to benefit from using assessment, information, and instructional resources in career decision making (Sampson et al., 2013). Building upon the Sampson et al. (2000) readiness for career decision-making model, Sampson et al. (2013) described how acute and/or chronic negative thoughts and feelings, limited verbal aptitude, limited language proficiency, and limited computer literacy (personal characteristics) can limit readiness to benefit from career interventions. Similarly, acute or chronic external barriers related to family, society, economics, or organizations (personal circumstances) can inhibit the impact of
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career interventions. Likewise, limited experience in life and limited disposition to reflect on knowledge learned from life experience can restrict the self-, occupational, educational, training, and employment knowledge needed in decision making. Finally, limited prior experience with career resources, inappropriate expectations about career choice and career interventions, and negative experience with prior career interventions can further limit readiness to benefit from career services. Premature disengagement in decision making, negative perception of skills and interests, selective acquisition of incomplete information, premature foreclosure of options, protracted exploration, adoption of a dependent decision-making style, and inadequate evaluation of career options are potentially negative consequences of low readiness to engage in career intervention (Sampson et al., 2013). Differentiated Service Delivery Model This section begins with the nature of career interventions and continues with service delivery tools, social justice and differentiated service delivery, and examples of the application of CIP theory. Nature of Career Interventions In the Differentiated Service Delivery Model CIP theory’s differentiated service delivery model maximizes career intervention cost-effectiveness by optimizing the assistance provided by practitioners in relation to persons’ needs, which allows more persons to be served by the available practitioners (Sampson et al., 2004). Cost-effectiveness is dependent upon the level of readiness for career decision making being congruent with the level of practitioner support provided as shown in Figure 4.5. High readiness for career choice, evidenced by high capability and low complexity, usually requires little or no practitioner support and self-help services are suitable. Moderate readiness for career choice, evidenced by low capability and low complexity or high capability and high complexity, usually requires the low to moderate degree of support available in brief staff-assisted services. Low readiness for career decision making, evidenced by low capability and high complexity, usually requires the high degree of support available in individual case-managed services. Screening for decision-making readiness before service delivery begins is crucial in the success of this model: If screening is not completed prior to receiving career services, clients with low readiness for decision-making may be underserved by staff who are unaware of their substantial need for help, and high-readiness clients may be overserved by staff who deliver costly individualized interventions when less expensive approaches would likely be as effective. (Sampson et al., 2004, p. 76)
The three levels of service delivery are self-help, brief staff-assisted, and individual case-managed. Self-help services have the following characteristics: Individuals guide their own use of assessment, information, and instructional resources in a librarylike setting or on a website, where practitioner support is
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available. The assessment and information resources available are designed for independent use. With brief staff-assisted services, practitioners are a key aspect of the intervention, guiding clients’ use of assessment, information, and instructional resources via drop-in services, large-group based career courses, group counseling (short term), and workshops. Clients may be served by more than one practitioner in drop-in services and take as much or as little time as needed. Clients generally respond favorably to not needing to schedule an appointment in order to receive assistance from a practitioner. It is essential that common and ongoing staff training, as well as teamwork, are available (Osborn et al., 2016; Sampson, 2008). With individual case-managed services, practitioners play an even larger role in the intervention and typically spend more time with the client. Scheduled appointments or enrollment permission are needed to gain access to practitioners via individual counseling, small group-based career courses, and group counseling (long term; Sampson et al., 2004). Individual and group counseling are typically reserved for clients with low readiness for career choice. It is essential that practitioners have the qualifications necessary to integrate career, mental health, and family issues that are often present. The use of decision-making readiness assessment and service delivery tools is a crucial element of the differentiated service-delivery model. Although many different assessments for decision-making readiness can be used (see Sampson et al., 2015), specific CIP theory–based measures include the Career Thoughts Inventory (CTI; Sampson et al., 1996a), the Career State Inventory (CSI; Leierer et al., 2020), and the Decision Space Worksheet (DSW; Peterson et al., 2016). The CTI Workbook (Sampson et al., 1996b), a cognitive restructuring and decision-making instructional resource, can be used in career interventions to address negative self-talk, as well as anxiety and depression, that may limit readiness to benefit from career interventions. CIP theory–based career interventions vary substantially in the amount and type of support provided to the client as determined by readiness assessment. Service delivery from initial contact to intervention delivery is depicted in Figure 4.6. After responding to an initial brief screening question, a person proceeds to either self-help services or to comprehensive screening where a diagnostic interview and varying combinations of readiness assessment measures are completed (i.e., CTI, CSI, and/or DSW). If a client is shown to have moderate readiness for decision making, brief staff-assisted services are offered. Or, if it appears that clients have low readiness for decision making, individual case-managed services are offered. The aim of the CIP theory’s differentiated service delivery approach is “to provide the right resource, used by the right person, with the right level of support, at the lowest possible cost” (Sampson, 2008, p. 6, italics in original). This approach avoids overserving and underserving clients in relation to their needs. The differentiated service delivery approach to career services has been successfully adapted in other settings around the globe (Osborn, 2020; Toh & Sampson, 2019). Finally, CIP theory’s differentiated service-delivery model pays particular attention to integrating career and mental health issues in terms of
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FIGURE 4.6. Service Delivery Sequence for Drop-In Career Services Individual enters a career resource room or area
Practitioner greets individual and asks, “What brings you here today?”
Brief Screening
Individual has a concrete request for information and no problem is mentioned
Individual has no concrete request for information and a problem is mentioned
High readiness for career choice Monitoring or “Safety Net” provided in the resource room by staff asking, “Are you finding the information you need?”
Comprehensive Screening
Individuals who are identified as having problems using self-help resources are provided additional screening.
Exit
Self-help services
Individuals making successful use of resources with brief assistance move to self-help services.
Diagnostic interview or diagnostic measure and diagnostic interview
Moderate readiness for career choice
Low readiness for career choice
Individuals having problems using resources with brief assistance move to individual case-managed services. Staff monitoring provides a “Safety Net.”
Brief staff-assisted services
Exit
Individual casemanaged services
Individuals making successful use of resources with individual assistance move to brief staff-assisted services.
Exit
Note. Adapted from Designing and Implementing Career Programs: A Handbook for Effective Practice (p. 11), by J. P. Sampson, 2008, National Career Development Association (https://ncda.org/aws/ NCDA/pt/sd/product/14190/_BLANK/layout_products/false). Copyright 2008 by the National Career Development Association. Adapted with permission.
assessment and intervention. The vocational psychology and career development fields have consistently called for the consideration of career and mental health issues within counseling practice (Gelso et al., 2014; Zunker, 2008). One of the hallmarks of CIP theory’s research and practice applications is bridging the gap between career and mental health issues. CIP theory grew out of a career services environment where counselors and vocational psychologists, as well as trainees in these fields, served clients who presented with an array of concerns. In addition, numerous CIP theory–based studies have shown the connection between these topics (Sampson, Lenz, Dozier, et al., 2020). In the
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current environment, and looking to the future, vocational theories that speak to the holistic concerns of clients become even more important. This section continues with a discussion of response to intervention (RTI) and face-to-face and virtual delivery. Response to intervention. The concept of RTI, which has been widely used in educational and school psychology settings (Spokane & Nguyen, 2016), can be applied in a similar manner to career interventions. RTI applies the following intervention sequence: (a) choose interventions that are known to be generally effective, (b) monitor clients’ progress, (c) provide something different for clients who are having difficulty, and (d) continue monitoring clients’ progress and changing interventions as necessary (adapted from Fuchs et al., 2003). The feedback loops depicted in Figure 4.6 are based on RTI as it becomes clear that clients are experiencing difficulties in using career resources and need an additional or different type of help. In CIP theory–based brief and individualized interventions, helping clients select, locate, sequence, and pace the use of career assessments and career information, as well as following up their resource use, are important practitioner behaviors in implementing an RTI strategy (Sampson, 2008). Face-to-face and virtual delivery. Differentiated service delivery is provided face-to-face, virtually, or in combination. Self-help services are delivered in a librarylike setting or via a website. Brief staff-assisted services, including drop-in services, are delivered in a librarylike setting or delivered via a website using secure web-based conferencing and document sharing. Sessions typically last 20 to 30 minutes. Individual case-managed services, such as scheduled individual counseling, are delivered in individual counseling offices or virtually via a secure website link (Sampson, 2008; Sampson & Osborn, 2014). Osborn et al. (in press) described how the differentiated service delivery model was adjusted during the COVID-19 pandemic and quarantine to provide only virtual services. Service Delivery Tools Service delivery tools are designed to help people make effective use of career resources with respect to their needs. These tools include individual learning plans (ILPs), resource guides, information handouts, and websites (Sampson, 2008; Sampson, Osborn, Bullock-Yowell, Lenz, et al., 2020). Practitioners and clients use ILPs to collaboratively establish goals, identify and sequence resources and services, and monitor progress toward goal attainment. Collaboratively developed ILPs encourage active client participation in career interventions. ILPs provide an important record of career interventions for clients and are designed to increase confidence in the counseling process and a sense that the practitioner understands their career problem (Sampson, 2008). Resource guides identify and sequence career resources and services related to specific client goals and are essential to CIP theory–based self-help services. Information handouts (referred to as career guides on the FSU website, https://
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www.career.fsu.edu) provide brief sources of information that can be delivered in a career library or on a website. Websites provide increased access to assessment, information, and instructional resources. Social Justice and Differentiated Service Delivery The differentiated service delivery model is also intended to foster social justice by improving the access that clients have to career interventions (Evans & Sejuit, 2021; Fickling et al., 2018; Lenz & Osborn, 2017). The availability of career services is inadequate in relation to current demand and, given funding limitations, is unlikely to change in the future. In comparing individual career counseling, where access to practitioners is managed by appointments, with the CIP differentiated model, 60% to 63% more clients were served (Sampson et al., 2017). Unintentional social injustice may result from reliance on appointment-based individual counseling models for career intervention as a result of the fewer people that can be served, particularly among traditionally marginalized populations (Sampson et al., 2011). Examples of the Application of CIP Theory in Practice There are numerous examples of how CIP theory has been applied in career interventions for young people; adults; persons with disabilities; persons of diverse cultural, racial, and ethnic identities; academic advisees; unemployed persons; persons transitioning from incarceration; and veterans (Sampson, Osborn, Bullock-Yowell, Lenz, et al., 2020). These interventions occurred in secondary schools, higher education, government agencies, and organizations in the United States and other countries. Osborn (2020) described the international use of CIP theory–based career interventions in a variety of settings. Case studies that illustrate CIP-based career interventions were provided by Kronholz (2015), Leierer et al. (2020), Sampson et al. (2004), and Watson et al. (2013). Reardon and Lenz (2015) and Hayden (2018) offered examples of CIP theory integration with RIASEC theory. Sampson, Lenz, Dozier, et al. (2020) provided additional examples in the CIP Bibliography sections devoted to CIP applications and CIP-based assessments.
RESEARCH RELATED TO CIP THEORY Research has been conducted to support the vocational behavior and career intervention aspects of CIP theory, as described in the following subsections. Research Related to Vocational Behavior The CTI (Sampson et al., 1996a), a measure of negative thoughts related to the pyramid and CASVE cycle, has generated the most research in vocational behavior related to CIP theory by examining relationships among variables that make decision making more difficult. Studies have been conducted on relation-
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ships among depression, career thoughts, and career indecision (Saunders et al., 2000; Walker & Peterson, 2012); negative career thoughts, depression, and hopelessness (Dieringer et al., 2017); mindfulness, career thoughts, vocational identity, and decision-making style (Galles et al., 2019); career thoughts, career decision self-efficacy, and vocational identity (Jo et al., 2016); career thoughts and disability adjustment (Lustig et al., 2018); career thoughts, meaning in life, and depression (Buzzetta et al., 2020); and worry, career thoughts, career decision state, and cognitive information processing skills (Hayden & Osborn, 2020). Other studies have provided evidence for the validity of the pyramid (Osborn et al., 2020) and the CASVE cycle (Osborn et al., 2020; Werner, 2019). The CASVE-CQ measure (Werner, 2019) has been used to provide additional validation of the CASVE cycle. Support for the two-dimensional model of readiness for career decision making has been provided by studies using the CTI (Sampson et al., 1996a), the CSI (Leierer et al., 2020), and the DSW (Peterson et al., 2016). Additional research studies on CIP theory and vocational behavior may be found in the CIP and Research in Vocational Behavior section of the CIP Bibliography (Sampson, Lenz, Dozier, et al., 2020). A summary of vocational behavior research based on the CTI can be found at https://career.fsu.edu/ tech-center/resources/cip-theory-and-research. Research Related to Career Intervention The FSU career course, based on Reardon et al. (2019), has generated the most research establishing evidence-based practice for CIP theory (Brown, 2015; Reardon & Lenz, 2018). Several studies have shown the efficacy of CIP-based career courses (Miller et al., 2018; Osborn et al., 2020; Reardon et al., 2015). Evidence-based practice research has also demonstrated the efficacy of self-help interventions (Kronholz, 2015; Reardon, 2017), brief staff-assisted interventions (Osborn et al., 2016), and group interventions (Hirschi & Läge, 2008; Thrift et al., 2012). Additional research studies may be found in the CIP Theory and Evidence-Based Practice section of the CIP Bibliography (Sampson, Lenz, Dozier, et al., 2020). A summary of evidence-based research studies for CIP theory–based career interventions can be found at https://career.fsu.edu/ tech-center/resources.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION Summary CIP theory emerged during the 1970s in the information age with models for helping scholars, practitioners, and individuals make career decisions and solve career problems in complex new educational and work environments. These new environments included a broad array of occupational, educational, training, organizational, employment, and leisure options presented in electronic media and other means. This chapter reviewed CIP theory in terms of its
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contributions to understanding vocational behavior and its procedures and tools for guiding career interventions. Key contributions in both areas involved the pyramid of information processing domains and the CASVE cycle. Later reiterations of CIP theory described in the chapter include the exploration of readiness for career decisions and services with respect to capability and complexity and the differentiated service delivery model that includes counseling and other interventions. The chapter concluded with a score of studies examining the impact of CIP theory on the understanding of career behavior and the impact of career interventions, including use of the CTI and an undergraduate college career class. Documentation of CIP theory’s evolution and its impact on research and practice is maintained through an online bibliography at https:// career.fsu.edu/tech-center/resources. Conclusion CIP theory’s roots are in a university-based differentiated service delivery setting that continues to inform CIP theory and practice. These origins have expanded to a worldwide community of practice that focuses on sharing information to advance professional work with CIP. This history and continuing sustenance in a university may be one of CIP theory’s special features, although Super, Tiedeman, Lofquist, and Dawis also had university centers that supported their early work. CIP theory is novel in the ways it has adapted Holland’s (1997) RIASEC theory as one foundation for examining self- and options knowledge in the pyramid of information processing domains, as well as an approach to service delivery that emphasizes whether persons “need minimal, moderate or extensive assistance” (p. 198). Moreover, because options knowledge in CIP theory includes occupations, education programs, training programs, work positions, and leisure alternatives, it embraces a full array of life activities. CIP theory is institutionalized in a university research center (the Tech Center at FSU), which is linked to a college department of educational psychology and a career center in student affairs. The Tech Center staff includes two codirectors who lead nine senior research associates and six research associates (at four other universities), together with three research partners and graduate students. This center sustains the internationally based community of practice that characterizes CIP theory. The goals of this community of practice are to gain a better understanding of individuals’ vocational behavior and to increase the cost-effectiveness of career interventions. The success of this community of practice is based upon commonality of interests, shared practice, and joint action in research and dissemination of knowledge (Sampson, 2017).
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intervention: Vol. 1. Foundations (pp. 61–77). American Psychological Association. https://doi.org/10.1037/14438-004 Buzzetta, M. E., Lenz, J. G., Hayden, S. C. W., & Osborn, D. S. (2020). Student veterans: Meaning in life, negative career thoughts, and depression. The Career Development Quarterly, 68(4), 361–373. https://doi.org/10.1002/cdq.12242 Dieringer, D., Lenz, J. G., Hayden, S., & Peterson, G. (2017). The relation of negative career thoughts to depression and hopelessness. The Career Development Quarterly, 65(2), 159–172. https://doi.org/10.1002/cdq.12089 Evans, K. M., & Sejuit, A. L. (2021). Gaining cultural competence in career counseling (2nd ed.). National Career Development Association. https://www.ncda.org/aws/ NCDA/pt/sd/product/20574/_PARENT/layout_products/false Fickling, M. J., Lancaster, C., & Neal, A. V. (2018). Social justice in career services: Perspectives of university career center directors. The Career Development Quarterly, 66(1), 64–76. https://doi.org/10.1002/cdq.12122 Fuchs, D., Mock, D., Morgan, P. L., & Young, C. L. (2003). Responsiveness-tointervention: Definitions, evidence, and implications for the learning disabilities construct. Learning Disabilities Research & Practice, 18(3), 157–171. https://doi.org/10. 1111/1540-5826.00072 Galles, J. A., Lenz, J. G., Peterson, G. W., & Sampson, J. P., Jr. (2019). Mindfulness and decision-making style: Predicting career thoughts and vocational identity. The Career Development Quarterly, 67(1), 77–91. https://doi.org/10.1002/cdq.12164 Gelso, C. J., Nutt Williams, E., & Fretz, B. R. (2014). Counseling psychology (3rd ed.). American Psychological Association. https://doi.org/10.1037/14378-000 Hayden, S. C. W. (2018). Supporting veterans experiencing homelessness through a theoretically based career development group. Journal of Military and Government Counseling, 6(4), 215–225. Hayden, S. C. W., & Osborn, D. (2020). Impact of worry on career thoughts, career decision state, and cognitive information processing skills. Journal of Employment Counseling, 57(4), 163–177. https://doi.org/10.1002/joec.12152 Hirschi, A., & Läge, D. (2008). Increasing the career choice readiness of young adolescents: An evaluation study. International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance, 8(2), 95–110. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10775-008-9139-7 Holland, J. L. (1997). Making vocational choices: A theory of vocational personalities and work environments (3rd ed.). Psychological Assessment Resources. Jo, H., Ra, Y., Lee, J., & Kim, W. (2016). Impact of dysfunctional career thoughts on career decision self-efficacy and vocational identity. The Career Development Quarterly, 64(4), 333–344. https://doi.org/10.1002/cdq.12069 Kronholz, J. (2015). Self-help career services: A case report. The Career Development Quarterly, 63(3), 282–288. https://doi.org/10.1002/cdq.12019 Leierer, S. J., Peterson, G. W., Reardon, R. C., & Osborn, D. S. (2020, April 20). The Career State Inventory (CSI) as a measure of the career decision state and readiness for career decision making: A manual for assessment, administration, and intervention (2nd ed.) (Technical Report No. 60). Florida State University Libraries. http://purl.flvc.org/fsu/ fd/FSU_libsubv1_scholarship_submission_1587411085_afa0b2e3 Lenz, J. G., & Osborn, D. S. (2017). Addressing inequities in accessing career and workforce services in college settings. In V. S. H. Solberg & S. R. Ali (Eds.), The handbook of career and workforce development: Research, practice, and policy (pp. 124– 146). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315714769-7 Lustig, D. C., Xu, Y. J., Strauser, D. R., & MacKay, M. M. (2018). The relationship between career thoughts and adjustment for individuals with multiple sclerosis. Rehabilitation Counseling Bulletin, 61(2), 112–120. https://doi.org/10.1177/0034355217709457 Miller, A. K., Osborn, D. S., Sampson, J. P., Jr., Peterson, G. W., & Reardon, R. C. (2018). The impact of a college career course on students’ career decision states. The Career Development Quarterly, 66(4), 371–377. https://doi.org/10.1002/cdq.12157
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Osborn, D. S. (Ed.). (2020). International use of cognitive information processing theory in career interventions [Special issue]. Career Planning & Adult Development Journal, 35(4). https://files.constantcontact.com/56f4bf3f301/4f571e70-512d-4e69a6fe-a58e31f179a0.pdf Osborn, D. S., Dozier, C., & Hyatt, T. (in press). Training career practitioners for a virtual world. Career Planning and Adult Development Journal. Osborn, D. S., Hayden, S. C. W., Peterson, G. W., & Sampson, J. P., Jr. (2016). Effect of brief staff-assisted career service delivery on drop-in clients. The Career Development Quarterly, 64(2), 181–187. https://doi.org/10.1002/cdq.12050 Osborn, D. S., Sides, R. D., & Brown, C. B. (2020). Comparing career development outcomes for undergraduate CIP-based courses versus human relations courses. The Career Development Quarterly, 68(1), 32–47. https://doi.org/10.1002/cdq.12211 Peterson, G. W., Lenz, J. G., & Osborn, D. S. (2016). Decision space worksheet activity manual. Florida State University, Center for the Study of Technology in Counseling and Career Development. https://career.fsu.edu/sites/g/files/upcbnu746/files/files/tech-center/ resources/service-delivery-handouts/DSWActivityManual_RevAug2016.pdf Peterson, G. W., Sampson, J. P., Jr., & Reardon, R. C. (1991). Career development and services: A cognitive approach. Brooks/Cole. Reardon, R. C. (2017). Enhancing self-help career planning using theory-based tools. Journal of Career Assessment, 25(4), 650–669. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 1069072716653376 Reardon, R. C., & Lenz, J. G. (2015). Handbook for using the Self-Directed Search: Integrating RIASEC and CIP theories in practice. Psychological Assessment Resources. http:// www4.parinc.com/Products/Product.aspx?ProductID=SDS_PRAC_GDE Reardon, R. C., & Lenz, J. G. (2018). Strategies for developing, managing, and evaluating a successful career course for 45 (Technical Report No. 59). Center for the Study of Technology in Counseling and Career Development, Florida State University. https://career.fsu.edu/Tech-Center/Resources/Technical-Reports Reardon, R. C., Lenz, J. G., Peterson, G. P., & Sampson, J. P. (2019). Career development and planning: A comprehensive approach (6th ed.). Kendall Hunt. Reardon, R. C., Melvin, B., McClain, M.-C., Peterson, G. W., & Bowman, J. (2015). An academic career course as a factor in college graduation. Journal of College Student Retention, 17(3), 336–350. https://doi.org/10.1177/1521025115575913 Sampson, J. P., Jr. (2008). Designing and implementing career programs: A handbook for effective practice. National Career Development Association. https://ncda.org/aws/ NCDA/pt/sd/product/14190/_BLANK/layout_products/false Sampson, J. P., Jr. (2017). Cognitive information processing (CIP) theory: Challenges and opportunities for integrating theory, research, and practice. In J. P. Sampson, E. Bullock-Yowell, V. C. Dozier, D. S. Osborn, & J. G. Lenz (Eds.), Integrating theory, research, and practice in vocational psychology: Current status and future directions (pp. 62– 72). Florida State University. https://doi.org/10.17125/svp2016.ch5 Sampson, J. P., Jr., Dozier, V. C., & Colvin, G. P. (2011). Translating career theory to practice: The risk of unintentional social injustice. Journal of Counseling and Development, 89(3), 326–337. https://doi.org/10.1002/j.1556-6678.2011.tb00097.x Sampson, J. P., Jr., Hou, P. C., McClain, M.-C., Musch, E., & Reardon, R. C. (2015). A partial listing of measures that can be used as a component of readiness assessment. Florida State University, Center for the Study of Technology in Counseling and Career Development. https://career.fsu.edu/sites/g/files/imported/storage/original/ application/f2b70a88a287c1ce0f6b0d2563d6b288.pdf Sampson, J. P., Jr., Lenz, J. G., Dozier, V. C., Osborn, D. S., Peterson, G. W., Reardon, R. C., Lenz, J. G., Morrison, A. R., Galles, J. A., Melvin, B. R., Finklea, J. T., Buzzetta, M., Freeman, V. F., Miller, A., Sides, R., Murphy, D. H., Peace, C., & Burbrink, I. E. (2020). A bibliography of CIP theory, research, and practice. Florida State
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University, Center for the Study of Technology in Counseling and Career Development. https://career.fsu.edu/tech-center/resources/cip-theory-and-research Sampson, J. P., Jr., McClain, M.-C., Musch, E., & Reardon, R. C. (2013). Variables affecting readiness to benefit from career interventions. The Career Development Quarterly, 61(2), 98–109. https://doi.org/10.1002/j.2161-0045.2013.00040.x Sampson, J. P., Jr., McClain, M. C., Musch, E., & Reardon, R. C. (2017). The supply and demand for career development programs and services as a social justice issue. In V. S. H. Solberg & S. R. Ali (Eds.), Handbook of career and workforce development research, practice, and policy (pp. 57–75). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/ 9781315714769-4 Sampson, J. P., Jr., & Osborn, D. S. (2014). Using information and communication technology in delivering career interventions. In P. J. Hartung, M. L. Savickas, & W. B. Walsh (Eds.), APA handbook of career intervention: Vol. 2. Applications (pp. 57–70). American Psychological Association. Sampson, J. P., Jr., Osborn, D. S., & Bullock-Yowell, E. (2020). Promoting career choices. In S. D. Brown, & R. W. Lent (Eds.), Career development and counseling: Putting theory and research to work (3rd ed., pp. 675–701). Wiley. Sampson, J. P., Jr., Osborn, D. S., Bullock-Yowell, E., Lenz, J. G., Peterson, G. W., Dozier, V. C., Leierer, S. J., Hayden, S. C. W., & Saunders, D. E. (2020). An introduction to CIP theory, research, and practice. Florida State University, Center for the Study of Technology in Counseling and Career Development. https://purl.lib.fsu.edu/ diginole/FSU_libsubv1_scholarship_submission_1593091156_c171f50a Sampson, J. P., Jr., Peterson, G. W., Lenz, J. G., & Reardon, R. C. (1992). A cognitive approach to career services: Translating concepts into practice. The Career Development Quarterly, 41(1), 67–74. https://doi.org/10.1002/j.2161-0045.1992.tb00360.x Sampson, J. P., Jr., Peterson, G. W., Lenz, J. G., Reardon, R. C., & Saunders, D. E. (1996a). Career Thoughts Inventory. Psychological Assessment Resources. Sampson, J. P., Jr., Peterson, G. W., Lenz, J. G., Reardon, R. C., & Saunders, D. E. (1996b). Career Thoughts Inventory workbook. Psychological Assessment Resources. Sampson, J. P., Jr., Peterson, G. W., Reardon, R. C., & Lenz, J. G. (2000). Using readiness assessment to improve career services: A cognitive information processing approach. The Career Development Quarterly, 49(2), 146–174. https://doi.org/10.1002/ j.2161-0045.2000.tb00556.x Sampson, J. P., Jr., Reardon, R. C., Peterson, G. W., & Lenz, J. G. (2004). Career counseling and services: A cognitive information processing approach. Brooks/Cole. Saunders, D. E., Peterson, G. W., Sampson, J. P., Jr., & Reardon, R. C. (2000). Relation of depression and dysfunctional career thinking to career indecision. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 56(2), 288–298. https://doi.org/10.1006/jvbe.1999.1715 Smeeding, T. M., Romich, J., & Strain, M. R. (Eds.). (2021). What has happened to the American working class since the great recession [Special issue]? The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 695(1). https://journals.sagepub.com/ toc/anna/695/1 Spokane, A. R., & Nguyen, D. (2016). Progress and prospects in the evaluation of career assistance. Journal of Career Assessment, 24(1), 3–25. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 1069072715579665 Thrift, M. M., Ulloa-Heath, J., Reardon, R. C., & Peterson, G. W. (2012). Career interventions and the career thoughts of Pacific island college students. Journal of Counseling and Development, 90(2), 169–176. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1556-6676. 2012.00022.x Toh, R., & Sampson, J. P. (2019). Improving public employment service delivery in developing countries: Right servicing through the cognitive information processing approach. British Journal of Guidance & Counselling, 49(1), 90–103. https://doi.org/10. 1080/03069885.2019.1577357
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Walker, J. V., III, & Peterson, G. W. (2012). Career thoughts, indecision, and depression: Implications for mental health assessment in career counseling. Journal of Career Assessment, 20(4), 497–506. https://doi.org/10.1177/1069072712450010 Watson, J., Lenz, J., & Melvin, B. (2013). The case of Raven. In S. G. Niles, J. Goodman, & M. Pope (Eds.), The career counseling casebook: A resources for counselors, students, and practitioners (2nd ed., pp. 315–324). National Career Development Association. Werner, B. (2019). Development of the CASVE Cycle Questionnaire: Confirmatory factor analysis and navigator score [Unpublished doctoral dissertation]. University of Southern Mississippi. https://aquila.usm.edu/dissertations/1689 Zunker, V. (2008). Career, work, and mental health. SAGE.
5 Work as Calling Theory Ryan D. Duffy, Gianella Perez, Bryan J. Dik, and Dylan R. Marsh
F
or the last 15 years, research on the study of work as a calling has grown exponentially, spanning the fields of counseling, vocational, and industrial and organizational (I/O) psychology as well as management, philosophy, and religion. Although estimates vary on how many publications on calling exist, several of the most influential papers on this topic have each been cited over 1,000 times (Dik & Duffy, 2009; Hall & Chandler, 2005; Wrzesniewski et al., 1997), with those citation counts consistently growing from year to year. However, one important piece missing from this literature has been an overarching theory. Duffy et al. (2018) attempted to address this limitation with the publication of the work as calling theory (WCT). The primary aim of the theory was to explain how perceiving a calling links with living a calling and, in turn, the associated outcomes that occur when one lives out their calling. In the current chapter, we aim to (a) provide an overview of WCT, (b) highlight studies that have used it as a partial or full framework, (c) recommend ideas for future research using the theory, and (d) explore the theory’s implications for career counseling practice.
OVERVIEW OF WORK AS CALLING THEORY The primary purpose of WCT is to document predictors and outcomes of living a calling. In the following subsections, we define calling and discuss the key constructs that compose the theory. https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-006 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 101
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Definition of Calling Although researchers may differ on the definition of calling, most agree that it is a multidimensional construct. Duffy et al. (2018) defined calling as “an approach to work that reflects seeking a sense of overall purpose and meaning and is used to help others or contribute to the common good, motivated by an external or internal summons” (p. 426). Additionally, it is important to remember that calling may be derived from other aspects of life; however, this model focuses on the processes of work as a calling. Historically, researchers have defined calling in ways that share overlap but that differ in terms of their emphasis or deemphasis on particular components. For example, in a review article by Dik, Alayan, and Reed (2019), the authors showcased a sense of purpose or destiny as the main components most often used interchangeably within various definitions. Some definitions also conceptualize calling as a transcendent experience or one related to religion (Dik & Duffy, 2009; Neubert & Halbesleben, 2015; Oates et al., 2005). Others highlight prosocial motivations, suggesting callings contribute to the greater good and benefit others (Cardador & Caza, 2012; Coulson et al., 2012; Duffy & Dik, 2013; Elangovan et al., 2010; Wrzesniewski et al., 1997). Some research views calling as essentially synonymous with meaningful work (e.g., Dobrow & Tosti-Kharas, 2012), and most researchers adopt a perspective similar to WCT, positioning meaning as a broader construct and purpose as a component of calling (Bunderson & Thompson, 2009; Dik & Duffy, 2009; Dobrow & Tosti-Kharas, 2011; Elangovan et al., 2010; Hall & Chandler, 2005; Wrzesniewski et al., 1997). Although recent empirical efforts have been made to examine perceiving a calling at the level of its dimensions (e.g., Marsh & Dik, 2021), most research on calling operationalizes it in a unidimensional manner, usually in a study that examines positive outcomes of approaching work as a calling (Duffy et al., 2018). Another review article that discussed and critiqued different definitions of calling (Thompson & Bunderson, 2019) emphasized that calling should be viewed as originating from a sense of destiny and outer motivation. In one of the more robust studies to actually document how a calling develops, Dalla Rosa et al. (2019) demonstrated that engaged learning, clarity of professional identity, and social support were key predictors of building a calling. Considering conceptual and empirical studies collectively, it is clear that the definition of calling provided by WCT is somewhat unique in its inclusion of both internal and external sources of motivation, prosocial motivation, and potential negative outcomes. However, it is important to note that the WCT’s definition is one way to conceptualize the construct, not the only way. Key Constructs The theory of living a calling is viewed as the primary mediator that links having a calling with positive (and negative) outcomes.
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Living a Calling Technically, living a calling is defined as perceiving a calling and currently enacting it in one’s work life, according to WCT. Perceiving a calling does not automatically result in living a calling; many contextual factors can determine if an individual can live out their calling. Simply put, people who are living their callings would consider their current job as work that is highly tied to their personal sense of purpose and is (directly or indirectly) prosocial in nature, and their motivation to pursue that specific job comes from some type of summons. Predictors of Living a Calling The primary predictor in the theory is perceiving a calling, which is proposed to directly relate to living a calling but also relates indirectly via several other variables. As discussed previously, perceiving a calling requires that a desired career “contain meaning, social motivation, and a sense of being compelled (internally and/or externally)” (Duffy et al., 2018, p. 426). The theory suggests that the more an individual perceives a calling, the more likely they will be to live it out (Duffy et al., 2018). However, those who perceive a calling but do not live it out—which can be due to a variety of reasons—may be vulnerable to experiencing worse health-, job-, and life-related outcomes than those who do not perceive a calling at all (Gazica & Spector, 2015; but see Marsh et al., 2020). The other main predictor in the WCT is access to opportunity, which is conceptualized as a key factor that promotes or hinders an individual’s ability to pursue a career that reflects their calling. There are many barriers to opportunity, especially as it pertains to career development and attainment. Globally, individuals face numerous barriers that prevent them from living out a calling despite perceiving one. For example, structural injustices disproportionately affect marginalized communities (e.g., racial/ethnic minorities, people with low socioeconomic backgrounds, women) from having opportunities to follow career paths most aligned with their callings (Blustein et al., 2015). Another aspect of access to opportunity is work volition, which refers to the ability and freedom of an individual to make decisions in their current jobs and career trajectory (Duffy et al., 2016). Research has consistently shown that individuals from marginalized populations or those who experience a lack of privilege in a variety of ways are less likely to experience choice in their career, which in turn limits their ability to pursue a calling (Blustein & Duffy, 2020; Chaves et al., 2004). Several studies had a major influence on the development of WCT by showing links between access to opportunity and living out a calling. For example, Duffy et al. (2018) found that individuals belonging to a higher social class were more likely to report living out a calling because of their greater ability to choose a career based on their calling and interests. Another qualitative study by Afiouni and Karam (2019) interviewed women in Lebanon, finding they often viewed their calling in relation to systems of oppression (e.g., marginalization, violence), suggesting these external factors influenced their ability to live out a calling in paradoxical ways by limiting opportunities while galvanizing their drive to pursue and enact their callings.
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Both of these predictors are believed to affect living a calling via work meaning and career commitment, with person–environment (P-E) fit proposed as an added mediator for perceiving a calling. P-E fit is defined as the compatibility of an individual’s personal characteristics with their work environment; work meaning is conceptualized as a worker expressing a sense of coherence, purpose, and significance through their perceived calling; and career commitment refers to one’s level of commitment to an occupation or career path (Duffy et al., 2018). P-E fit is the central mediator variable in the model because, as the theory suggests, a perceived calling links to a lived calling mainly when individuals are able to work in an environment that matches that calling. For example, workers who experience a good P-E fit also tend to experience positive outcomes at work, such as increased job satisfaction and less turnover (Kristof-Brown et al., 2005). WCT proposes that perceiving a calling would lead to P-E fit, which leads to increased meaning and commitment, ultimately leading to living a calling. WCT suggests that an individual in a good-fitting environment will experience increased meaning and commitment over time because these individuals are in environments that are congruent with their interests, needs, and values and, thus, that congruence over time will make the work feel important and will boost their desire to stay in that job. Researchers have repeatedly found that when individuals are experiencing higher levels of meaning and commitment in their work, they are more likely to feel they are living out their calling (Bunderson & Thompson, 2009; Dik, Alayan, & Reed, 2019). Finally, the model suggests three moderator variables affecting the relation between perceiving a calling and P-E fit: calling motivation, job crafting, and organizational support. According to the theory, a person’s ability to fit with their environment is more or less likely given levels of each of these moderators. Calling motivation refers to the level of effort a person is willing to invest to pursue a calling (Duffy et al., 2018). This moderator derives from selfdetermination theory (SDT) and views calling as a goal an individual can achieve (Deci & Ryan, 2000). For example, some individuals who perceive a calling will be more or less motivated to pursue that calling. If an individual has a low motivation to pursue their calling, they theoretically would be less likely to search for and find work environments that are congruent with that calling. The second moderator variable within WCT is job crafting. Job crafting stems from P-E fit theories and reflects the extent an employee can modify their work environment to better fit their calling (Berg et al., 2013). This may be especially helpful for individuals who may have had to accept a job, due to barriers or limited opportunities, that does not reflect their calling (Duffy et al., 2018). Job crafting is a strategy for improving one’s P-E fit by actively changing work tasks or an environment to better suit one’s calling. For example, a person who perceives their calling to be in an art or design profession but does not work in that field may alter their job tasks to engage in their artistic abilities and interests at work.
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Organizational support pertains to “the level of provision, care, assistance, and encouragement that employees experience within their work environment that can be attributed to the organization” (Duffy et al., 2018, p. 429). WCT suggests that individuals who work in supportive environments are better able to match their calling with that environment. For example, if an employee has a high level of organizational support, they may be more likely to feel they can actively fit their calling within their specific job tasks or environment, perhaps even using supports within the organization to make this fit possible. Outcomes of Living a Calling Although positive outcomes historically have been the focus of calling research, WCT includes both positive and negative outcomes. For positive outcomes, the two main benefits of living a calling, according to WCT, are job satisfaction and job performance. The three main negative outcomes are workaholism, burnout, and organizational exploitation, all resulting in decreased job satisfaction and job performance. Regarding the positive effects of living a calling, individuals who over time have grown a higher sense of meaning and commitment to their work, and in turn are living out a calling in that work, are very likely to be satisfied and perform well. Numerous studies have demonstrated these links. For example, a study on Canadian employees in different industries found that those who were living a calling were more committed to their work and received better performance ratings from their supervisors (Kim et al., 2018). Ehrhardt and Ensher (2021) found a positive relation between job satisfaction and living a calling in a study on high school teachers with a mentor in the field. The authors also emphasized greater work engagement among this group (Ehrhardt & Ensher, 2021). J. Park et al. (2019) looked at individuals transitioning from school to work in South Korea to examine the extent to which they perceived a calling, lived it out, and experienced job satisfaction. They found that employees who perceived that their job was their calling upon entry were more likely to report they were living their calling and were content at work during their first 2 years of employment (J. Park et al., 2019). Regarding the possible negative effects of living a calling, workaholism is when an employee becomes obsessed with work and is willing to sacrifice other important aspects of life to dedicate more time and energy to their work. Indeed, full-time workers in the United States with answered callings have been shown to report working, on average, about 4 more hours per week than their counterparts with unanswered callings (Marsh et al., 2020). Workaholic tendencies can occur in people who live out their calling because of its strong relation to meaning in life. Those who are living out their calling may feel invested in their jobs or careers; however, this can sometimes lead to workaholism. Also, when individuals experience a sense of meaning from their work and/or contribute to others’ well-being, they may feel it is justified to sacrifice their personal time. For example, one study on German employees in private businesses found that employees with a stronger sense of calling are more likely
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to engage in workaholic behaviors, especially in highly competitive workplaces (Keller et al., 2016). Choi et al. (2020) also found evidence that calling can lead to obsessive passion, which can lead to workaholism, supporting WCT. Burnout occurs when emotional and interpersonal stressors on a job become chronic, resulting in strain that in time causes low satisfaction and compromised performance (Duffy et al., 2018). Individuals with a calling may be invested in their jobs, sometimes leading to improved outcomes but other times experiencing the workplace as a stressful and interpersonally challenging environment. In Swen’s (2020) qualitative study on novice principals, those who viewed their work as a calling experienced many benefits. However, many principals also reported having conflicts with teachers and parents in addition to feeling immense pressure to improve school outcomes, leading to physical and mental fatigue at the end of the school year (Swen, 2020). Another study looked at animal shelter employees across the United States who perceived their job to be their calling and found that although they had similar sentiments of passion and destiny for their work, some remained at the animal shelter and others changed jobs (Schabram & Maitlis, 2017). Those who left did so because they viewed challenges at work as obstacles to fulfilling their job tasks and indicators of organizational limitations. Over time, this became increasingly frustrating and isolating, resulting in burnout and ultimately turnover for this group (Schabram & Maitlis, 2017). The last proposed negative outcome of living a calling in WCT is organizational exploitation. For example, individuals who perceive their work as their calling may be viewed by their employers as highly committed and willing to dedicate more time to work. This dedication is intrinsically motivated and can leave employees more susceptible to increased job demands without appropriate compensation. One of the first studies to demonstrate this idea is Bunderson and Thompson’s (2009) investigation of zookeepers. They found that a greater sense of calling among zookeepers meant they were more willing to dedicate unpaid time to their work and take on less pleasant tasks yet were vulnerable to getting passed over when pay increases were doled out because their intrinsic motivation was already high (Bunderson & Thompson, 2009). Finally, when discussing workaholism, burnout, and organizational exploitation, it is important to consider the proposed moderators between these negative outcomes and living a calling: personality and psychological climate. In WCT, personality is conceptualized using the five-factor model of personality (also known as the Big Five; Goldberg, 1990) and includes other traits like perfectionism and self-esteem. The Big Five describes personality as Openness to Experience, Conscientiousness, Agreeableness, Extraversion, and Neuroticism. Having high levels on some of these traits, like Neuroticism and perfectionism, in addition to low levels of Conscientiousness and Agreeableness, may lead people to experience more distressing workaholism, burnout, and organizational exploitation (Duffy et al., 2018). Psychological climate refers to how people subjectively evaluate their work environment in terms of the level of stress, amount of challenge and autonomy, quality of leadership, and degree of
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cooperation (Duffy et al., 2018; James & James, 2008). For example, employees at a competitive law firm may perceive their work environment as highly stressful with very little friendliness, causing some of these individuals to experience negative outcomes of living a calling.
RESEARCH ON WORK AS CALLING THEORY Since its publication in 2018, approximately 20 studies have used WCT as (a) a definition or partial study framework or (b) the primary underlying theory for the study. In this section, we review this group of studies and consider their findings as a whole. Definition or Partial Framework At the most basic level, several studies have used WCT to guide their definition of calling. For example, two articles used WCT’s definition to explore calling in the context of job crafting. One of these focused on workers in Indonesia, finding that job crafting and power distance, defined as the beliefs about power and status, served as mediators in the relation between cognitive flexibility and calling (Riasnugrahani et al., 2019). Another study investigated South Korean teachers and provided greater insight into the association between calling and life satisfaction when examined within the social cognitive model of well-being (Lee et al., 2020). Finally, a conceptual article by Buis et al. (2019) used social identity theory to highlight the involvement of social groups, particularly work teams, in calling research. Seven articles have used WCT as a partial framework, such that the articles have multiple guiding frameworks (one of which is WCT) or use WCT to support some of their propositions or findings. For example, in a study on calling and workaholism, Dalla Rosa and Vianello (2020) used WCT and the dualistic model of work passion (DMP; Vallerand et al., 2016) to guide their approach. In this study, they observed the effects of obsessive and harmonious passion, derived from DMP, on the relation between calling and workaholism, a possible outcome of calling according to WCT (Dalla Rosa & Vianello, 2020). Dalla Rosa and Vianello suggested that it is ideal to experience high levels of harmonious passion and low levels of obsessive passion to avoid workaholism. Hirschi et al. (2019) found evidence of both positive and negative effects of calling among older workers in their work and personal lives, supporting the WCT model. Other studies examined the development of calling by following university students or individuals who recently transitioned into the workforce over a period of time (J. Park et al., 2019; Vianello et al., 2020; Zhang et al., 2020). Vianello et al. (2020) followed Italian college students for 2 years, and at each interval asked the students to complete a questionnaire that included items on calling, academic satisfaction, dropout intentions, and employment status or work experience. One of the foundational elements of this study was the finding
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that perceiving a calling and living out a calling may be cyclical, as proposed by WCT, meaning that perceiving a calling may motivate individuals to pursue that calling (Vianello et al., 2020). Finally, two studies used WCT as a partial framework examining the influence of career adaptability on career agency (Lemke, 2021; Shava & Chinyamurindi, 2020). In Lemke’s (2021) qualitative study, WCT served as a framework to evaluate predictors, moderators, and outcomes of calling. Lemke found evidence supporting WCT, suggesting calling can be a dynamic or cyclical experience, and recommended further exploration of sociocontextual factors based on themes that emerged in the study. Underlying Theory Six studies have used WCT as the primary underlying theory. The most comprehensive of these was a study by Duffy et al. (2019), which directly applied WCT to a group of working adults in the United States to evaluate the theory’s propositions. Of the 20 propositions from WCT they tested, 17 were supported by their results, supporting several predictors of living a calling, including career commitment, work volition through work meaning, and perceiving a calling through P-E fit, among others. Another study by Dalla Rosa et al. (2020) sought to investigate the effects of having a calling on job-seeking behaviors as well as possible moderators among Italian unemployed job seekers. The researchers found that individuals with a calling dedicated more resources, such as time and energy, into seeking a job that fit their calling (Dalla Rosa et al., 2020). They also reported that having a calling may offset an individual’s low levels of optimism, self-esteem, and perseverance that would otherwise hinder their job-seeking behaviors (Dalla Rosa et al., 2020). Recently, Ehrhardt and Ensher (2021) also studied potential moderators and proposed that having a mentor in one’s field would enhance an individual’s ability to live out a perceived calling. They studied high school teachers in the United States and found support for this claim, showing that, for this sample, having a mentor strengthened the relation between perceiving a calling and living it out. Living a calling was also predicted by access to opportunity, and Ehrhardt and Ensher suggested that mentors can create opportunities for their mentees, thus enabling living out a calling. A cross-cultural study including college students from the United States and South Korea evaluated the relation of calling and life satisfaction among this population and investigated group differences (Ahn et al., 2021). Although both cultural groups showed a link between perceiving a calling and life satisfaction, work volition was a significant mediator for South Korean participants, whereas work hope was a significant mediator for U.S. participants. Ahn et al. (2021) suggested this could be due to the current working conditions in South Korea, where the unemployment rate is increasing for young people. In addition to cross-cultural studies, researchers have conducted studies on working adults in the Philippines and England (Connell & Yates, 2021; Presbitero & Teng-Calleja, 2020). Presbitero and Teng-Calleja (2020) found support
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for WCT’s proposition that having a calling can lead to greater positive work and organization outcomes among working adults in various sectors and added that perceived social support can help explain this relation. Connell and Yates (2021) conducted a qualitative study to understand calling in lesbian, gay, transgender, and questioning or queer (LGBTQ) individuals who perceive their calling to be in the Church. They tracked their experiences with homophobia within the institution and used WCT to highlight the importance of P-E fit. Although participants reported their calling was working in the Church, many also felt inauthentic because they could not freely express all aspects of themselves in their workplace and relied on social support to cope (Connell & Yates, 2021). Some participants hid their sexuality out of fear, and others cognitively differentiated the Church and God, stating that God was not the one excluding them but rather the Church and policy. Ultimately, some participants decided to leave the Church despite it being germane to their calling because of this dissonance. Conclusion Taken together, these studies suggest that initial research on WCT has unfolded in a variety of ways, demonstrating the utility of the theory. Specifically, some researchers may rely on WCT to inform their conceptualization of calling. Others have used WCT in conjunction with other prominent theories, like SDT and the DMP, to expand what we know about calling (Dalla Rosa & Vianello, 2020; Vianello et al., 2020). The kinds of studies informed by WCT are also methodologically diverse, including both quantitative and qualitative studies. Finally, WCT has been used with a wide range of populations in terms of age, socioeconomic status, and nationality. Key insights gleaned from this first group of studies support that calling can be a double-edged sword and lead to negative outcomes like workaholism (Dalla Rosa & Vianello, 2020). Others have found evidence linking living a calling to P-E fit and positive outcomes, including life satisfaction and more proactive job-seeking behaviors (Ahn et al., 2021; Dalla Rosa et al., 2020).
FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS Although research on work as a calling, and more recently research guided by WCT, has burgeoned in recent years, numerous areas warrant further attention. Perhaps the most obvious of these future directions involves continued testing of WCT’s 32 propositions (Duffy et al., 2018). Some of WCT’s propositions have already found empirical support, such as living a calling’s mediating role between perceiving a calling and outcomes (e.g., Duffy et al., 2013), whereas others remain more speculative (e.g., personality’s potential moderating role in the relation between living a calling and negative outcomes). Testing the more speculative propositions in addition to replicating the well-established ones are important next steps. Studies simultaneously testing multiple propositions of the WCT
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model using well-suited statistical techniques (e.g., structural equation modeling) will be particularly valuable. Duffy et al.’s (2019) examination of 20 propositions lays a foundation for this kind of research on WCT; their findings are promising, given results supported 17 of 20 propositions. Still, Duffy et al.’s (2019) study focused on antecedents of living a calling, and further research is needed that investigates living a calling’s impact on outcomes, including the variables expected to moderate these relations. As research on WCT and its propositions continues to accumulate, it will be valuable to adapt the model as necessary to align with the emerging empirical findings. Another area that future research can target is the latent structure of calling. WCT assumes a tripartite structure of calling based on a neoclassical conception of the construct as a guiding force toward purposeful work with prosocial motivations. However, quantitative research examining calling at the level of its specific dimensions remains sparse. This is the case when examining perceiving a calling, but living a calling is conceptualized within WCT to hold the same three-dimensional structure. Although the unidimensional Living a Calling Scale (LCS; Duffy, Allan, & Bott, 2012) already assesses living a calling, developing a multidimensional LCS could facilitate further research on the role of its dimensions when testing WCT’s propositions. For example, one of WCT’s central assertions is that perceiving a calling’s relation with outcomes is mediated by living a calling. Although this has been well-established on the unidimensional level, there is no research of which we are aware that directly tests if being motivated to help others with their careers (i.e., the prosocial orientation dimension at the level of perceiving a calling) leads to outcomes through attaining a job that aligns with these beneficent intentions (i.e., the prosocial orientation dimension at the level of living a calling). Further implementation of typological approaches (cf. Dik & Shimizu, 2019), such as those applied by Shimizu et al. (2019), can also help better elucidate the underlying nature of the calling construct. For example, latent profile analysis could be used to discern if three groups of those with (a) answered callings (i.e., high perceiving a calling and high living a calling), (b) unanswered callings (i.e., high perceiving a calling and low living a calling), and (c) no callings (i.e., low perceiving a calling and low living a calling) emerge through empirical means, given that previous studies (Gazica & Spector, 2015; Marsh et al., 2020) have trifurcated their samples into these three groups based solely on conceptual grounds. WCT offers a reasonably parsimonious model of the way calling affects individuals’ working lives, but the mechanisms may differ across cultural contexts. One way to better account for the role of culture is applying the cultural lens approach (CLA; Hardin et al., 2014), which represents a systematic method for evaluating a theory’s application across cultures. Using CLA to ensure WCT is appropriately adjusted to fit particular cultural contexts would likely be beneficial (cf. Dik, Canning, & Marsh, 2019). As noted earlier, not all those who perceive a calling have the opportunity to live it out. WCT proposes that access to opportunity is a moderator in this relation, and the nature of the factors involved in access to opportunity pertaining
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to calling remains an area that future empirical inquiry can help scholars and practitioners better understand. Indeed, the barriers that impede individuals’ opportunities to attain work in line with their callings are likely nuanced and vary as a function of which marginalized identities a given individual holds. Expanding on a growing body of research designed to understand the nuances in how and for whom barriers to opportunity occur as relevant to calling (e.g., Connell & Yates, 2021) will enable WCT to better account for diverse sets of experiences and contexts. WCT’s framework lays a foundation for further research on interventions relevant to calling. Helping individuals who resonate with the calling construct discern one, then move from perceiving a calling to living it, remains a key area for interventions to target. Indeed, given the mediating roles of variables such as P-E fit and work meaning between perceiving and living a calling, scholars could direct increased attention toward implementing calling-infused interventions that draw from established intervention techniques designed to target these components (see Dik & Duffy, 2015) and investigate their efficacy. WCT provides a framework for the role of calling in the world of work, but it is important to acknowledge that calling can apply to any life role. Indeed, individuals can have multiple callings (Berg et al., 2010) or feel called to other life domains, like parenthood (Coulson et al., 2012). Future research should investigate the relevancy of WCT propositions to roles outside of work, as well as the potential influence of having multiple callings across domains. Those who perceive multiple callings may demonstrate more harmonious orientations in their passion toward work, which research suggests may help ameliorate the negative outcomes associated with calling’s so-called dark side (Dalla Rosa & Vianello, 2020). Research on such matters could also specifically address calling’s dark side. To this point, most research on calling has focused on the benefits of calling, but WCT’s propositions regarding how living a calling may lead to negative outcomes provide guidance for research targeting calling’s pernicious potential as well. A final promising area of research on WCT is that of investigating the potential for meaning-making processes that may govern a sense of calling. WCT’s conception of calling, with its emphasis on purposeful work and paired with the inclusion of work meaning in the theory, suggests that purpose and meaning are critical to the experience of calling, yet there is a dearth of research explicitly examining meaning making as it applies to individuals’ understandings of their callings. C. L. Park (2012) delineated the applicability of a meaningmaking framework to individuals’ working lives, especially as relevant to religious and/or spiritual individuals, and future research may seek to directly apply these concepts to calling.
IMPLICATIONS FOR CAREER COUNSELING PRACTICE Career counseling applications of WCT are rooted in three overarching goals (Dik & Duffy, 2015; Dik et al., 2020). The first is to explore how clients’ career
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development concerns are related to matters of existential importance. For any client, aligning one’s global meaning framework or worldview (i.e., one’s overarching values, beliefs, and goals) with their daily experience of meaning within their career helps foster a sense of coherence, significance, and purpose (C. L. Park, 2012). The construct may offer an especially useful frame for integrating faith and work in a way that promotes wholeness and well-being, given calling’s historic links to religion and spirituality, notably within the JudeoChristian tradition (Dik, 2020; Hardy, 1990) but within other religious traditions and secular humanism as well (Cahalan & Schuurman, 2016). A second, closely related goal is to target clients’ pursuit of eudaemonic well-being, with hedonic well-being an important but secondary concern. Eudaemonic wellbeing (i.e., personal growth, psychological strengths, a sense of purpose and meaning) differs from the typical outcomes targeted by career counselors, such as job satisfaction, which arguably reflect pleasure and personal happiness usually synonymous with hedonic well-being. However, eudaemonic outcomes such as meaningfulness can reduce psychological distress rooted in depression and anxiety while promoting healthy psychological functioning (Steger, 2019). A third goal is to actively promote prosocial values in career choice and development by encouraging clients to explore how their work efforts may positively benefit their communities and the broader common good (Duffy, Allan, Autin, et al., 2014). This goal reflects the ethical principle of beneficence and requires that counselors and clients clarify within the counseling context what makes for a good outcome (Tjeltveit, 2006), which itself is based on beliefs about the good life and good society (Blustein et al., 2005; Tjeltveit, 2006). Our view is that a good outcome is achieved when clients can express their unique gifts in ways that foster meaning and that offer direct or indirect social benefit. Building on these goals, for clients who resonate with the notion of work as a calling, WCT encourages intervention strategies that target its primary pathway, which links perceiving a calling to positive outcomes through living a calling while accounting for access to opportunity. Perceiving a Calling Many clients who express a desire to “find their calling” are experiencing a lack of direction—a fundamental career choice concern. For these clients, we encourage counselors to pursue four main counseling strategies. First, counselors can encourage clients to adopt an active career decision-making process rather than a passive approach marked by a desire for answers to simply be revealed, as in an aha moment or a burst of insight. This strategy is important because active engagement is linked to positive career development outcomes (e.g., Van Hooft et al., 2013) and also because some clients who desire a transcendent summons may adopt a passive strategy based on a belief that callings are revealed rather than constructed (Dik & Duffy, 2012). Second, counselors are encouraged to assist clients (e.g., using formal and informal assessments) in articulating how their strengths align with opportunities in the world of work.
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This approach harnesses the appeal of framing individual differences in terms of strengths (more on this shortly) and promotes a P-E fit perspective that is not only foundational to career choice interventions but also a central factor in linking perceiving a calling to living a calling within WCT. Third, counselors can broaden their discussion of P-E fit to include social fit, or the alignment of the client’s strengths with important social needs they see within their communities and beyond. This notion of social fit explicitly addresses the prosocial dimension of calling (Duffy, Allan, Bott, et al., 2014). Finally, inviting clients to explore the extent to which their career goals sync with their broader life goals, with the goal of improving or maintaining alignment, is a useful approach to promote holistic thinking that recognizes the importance of balancing work within the context of other important obligations, aspirations, and callings in life (Dik & Duffy, 2015). Access to Opportunity As articulated by WCT, clients who perceive a calling must then identify (or create) and pursue good-fitting pathways that permit them to live it out. Access to opportunity clearly varies as a function of numerous factors, many of which are tied to differences in power and privilege (Blustein et al., 2015). Counselors working with clients looking to move from perceiving a calling to living a calling can begin by turning to empirical research on job search interventions for guidance on strategies that help clients obtain employment in their chosen field. A meta-analysis by Liu et al. (2014), for example, examined results from 47 experimental or quasi-experimental tests of job search interventions. They found that efforts to foster specific job search skills (e.g., networking strategies, résumé tailoring, interview training) while enhancing and maintaining client motivation were present in the most effective interventions. Yet any such efforts must also address structural and economic barriers and systemic oppression faced by clients with marginalized identities (e.g., women, people of color, LGBTQ individuals). A key variable relevant for addressing access to opportunity among marginalized clients is work volition, which refers to one’s perceived freedom of work choice despite barriers (Duffy, Diemer, et al., 2012). Counselors are encouraged to evaluate a client’s level of work volition and work to understand the specific barriers—internal and external—that may impede a client’s freedom of work choice. Many such barriers (e.g., institutional racism) require intervention on a community and policy level and cannot be surmounted on an individual level, reinforcing the importance of professional advocacy outside the counseling setting. Yet counselors can assist clients in developing a sense of critical consciousness regarding how systemic problems create obstacles. Clients can draw from critical consciousness to increase their awareness of, and sense of agency to push against, sociopolitical forces that constrain their choices (e.g., Diemer, 2009). These strategies paired with other efforts to boost career decision self-efficacy, such as connecting clients with effective mentors and resources to increase their knowledge of diverse
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pathways, offer promise for increasing volition and broadening the array of accessible opportunities. Living a Calling Establishing a sense of calling in one’s career is not the result of a single event but rather represents an ongoing process. This means clients must develop strategies for continually reinforcing and building their sense of calling. One such strategy that counselors can encourage is job crafting. Similar to dynamic work adjustment behavior described by Dawis and Lofquist (1984), job crafting involves the active shaping of a work environment in ways that increase or maintain a sense of meaningfulness. Job crafting strategies include altering or adding job tasks, adjusting one’s relationships at work to improve their alignment with the client’s relational values, and reframing or recalibrating the meaning and social impact of one’s work (Berg et al., 2013). Closely related to job crafting is the effort to actively express one’s strengths in the workplace. This approach is empirically supported; one study found that participants instructed to use their highest character strengths more frequently at work over a 4-week period reported an increased sense of calling and life satisfaction compared with a comparison group instructed to reflect on situations where they excelled (Harzer & Ruch, 2016). Some clients may have very little latitude to actively shape their work environment or may occupy a work situation in which crafting efforts are unlikely to bear fruit. In such circumstances, seeking ways to live a calling outside of formal employment represents a viable path for cultivating meaning (Berg et al., 2010). Individuals who indicate they are currently living their calling within their jobs may also benefit from investing in callings outside of work, given the vulnerabilities toward job idolization, workaholism, burnout, and exploitation that some workers with callings experience, as noted by WCT. Negatively framed efforts to prevent calling’s dark side outcomes (e.g., “I won’t let it happen”) are likely less effective than positively framed efforts to invest in one’s callings within other domains of life. This multiple-callings approach to life is a key strategy for experiencing meaning while maintaining balance (Molloy et al., 2019).
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION As proposed by WCT, several factors influence whether an individual can live out a calling, including perceiving a calling and having access to opportunities that promote living out one’s calling. When people are able to engage in their calling, they are more likely to experience job and life satisfaction as well as improved job performance (Kim et al., 2018; J. Park et al., 2019). Although living out a calling can be beneficial for some individuals, it can also be a double-edged sword at times, causing burnout and workaholism (Duffy et al.,
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2018; Marsh et al., 2020). Since WCT was proposed, significant research has been done to support many of its propositions (e.g., Connell & Yates, 2021; Dalla Rosa et al., 2020; Duffy et al., 2018). Future research should expand the use of WCT to consider callings outside of the workplace, examine the negative outcomes of living a calling, and evaluate the moderators and mediators of the model. Finally, WCT can be considered in clinical settings to center access to opportunity for clients wishing to live out a calling.
REFERENCES Afiouni, F., & Karam, C. M. (2019). The formative role of contextual hardships in women’s career calling. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 114, 69–87. https://doi.org/ 10.1016/j.jvb.2019.02.008 Ahn, J., Kim, H.-W., & Lee, J.-Y. (2021). A cross-cultural study of calling and life satisfaction in the United States and South Korea. Journal of Career Development, 48(4), 354–368. https://doi.org/10.1177/0894845319882103 Berg, J. M., Dutton, J. E., & Wrzesniewski, A. (2013). Job crafting and meaningful work. In B. J. Dik, Z. S. Byrne, & M. F. Steger (Eds.), Purpose and meaning in the workplace (pp. 81–104). American Psychological Association. https://doi.org/10. 1037/14183-005 Berg, J. M., Grant, A. M., & Johnson, V. (2010). When callings are calling: Crafting work and leisure in pursuit of unanswered occupational callings. Organization Science, 21(5), 973–994. https://doi.org/10.1287/orsc.1090.0497 Blustein, D. L., & Duffy, R. D. (2020). Psychology of working theory. In S. D. Brown & R. W. Lent (Eds.), Career development and counseling: Putting theory and research to work (3rd ed., pp. 201–236). Wiley. Blustein, D. L., Kozan, S., Connors-Kellgren, A., & Rand, B. (2015). Social class and career intervention. In P. J. Hartung, M. L. Savickas, & W. B. Walsh (Eds.), APA handbook of career intervention: Vol. 1. Foundations (pp. 243–257). American Psychological Association. https://doi.org/10.1037/14438-014 Blustein, D. L., McWhirter, E. H., & Perry, J. C. (2005). An emancipatory communitarian approach to vocational development theory, research, and practice. The Counseling Psychologist, 33(2), 141–179. https://doi.org/10.1177/0011000004272268 Buis, B. C., Ferguson, A. J., & Briscoe, J. P. (2019). Finding the “I” in “Team”: The role of groups in an individual’s pursuit of calling. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 114, 88–99. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2019.02.009 Bunderson, J. S., & Thompson, J. A. (2009). The call of the wild: Zookeepers, callings, and the double-edged sword of deeply meaningful work. Administrative Science Quarterly, 54(1), 32–57. https://doi.org/10.2189/asqu.2009.54.1.32 Cahalan, K. A., & Schuurman, D. J. (2016). Calling in today’s world: Voices from eight faith perspectives (2nd ed.). William B. Eerdmans Publishing. Cardador, M. T., & Caza, B. B. (2012). Relational and identity perspectives on healthy versus unhealthy pursuit of callings. Journal of Career Assessment, 20(3), 338–353. https://doi.org/10.1177/1069072711436162 Chaves, A. P., Diemer, M. A., Blustein, D. L., Gallagher, L. A., DeVoy, J. E., Casares, M. T., & Perry, J. C. (2004). Conceptions of work: The view from urban youth. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 51(3), 275–286. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-0167.51.3.275 Choi, J., Permpongaree, S., Kim, N., Choi, Y., & Sohn, Y. W. (2020). The double-edged sword of a calling: The mediating role of harmonious and obsessive passions in the relationship between a calling, workaholism, and work engagement. International
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6 Life Development and Life Designing for Career Construction Peter McIlveen and Jennifer Luke
L
ife designing is a paradigm for the theory and practice of career construction in the 21st century (Savickas et al., 2009) and aims to assist people in generating personal meaningfulness about their work and actively sustaining their adaptations to societal and industrial change. It is regarded as part of the third wave, also referred to as the narrative turn, within the field of career development (Hartung, 2013). The first wave focused on the psychology of occupations and the alignment of workers to types of work (e.g., Parsons, 1909) and on scientific classification of vocational interests and work environments (e.g., Holland, 1959, 1997) to effectively manage that alignment. The second wave focused on the psychology of careers, in which individuals’ sense of self was expressed through work and unfolded according to developmental stages throughout the lifespan (e.g., Super, 1957, 1980). These three waves respectively emerged from historical, social, and economic trends extending from the beginning of the industrial era to the postindustrial era: from agrarian economies to steam and mechanical industries on mass scale; to the age of digital technologies; to now in the so-called fourth industrial revolution (Schwab, 2016), characterized by a world of work described in terms of volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity (VUCA). The psychological theory that informs the professional practices of life designing for career construction (Savickas, 2011a, 2015) is the eponymous career construction theory (Savickas, 2001, 2002, 2005, 2013, 2020). Career construction theory has evolved over more than 2 decades—perhaps longer if early signs of Savickas’s (1995) interest in integrating life themes into career
https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-007 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 121
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counseling are included in its history. Indeed, life designing for career construction cannot be understood without an appreciation of career construction theory. Of course, other theories contribute to life designing, particularly the sociological works of Guichard (2005, 2009); however, our focus is on career construction theory and its contribution to life designing for career construction. In this chapter, we offer a selective summary of career construction theory’s segments associated with the three waves and approaches to life-design counseling for career construction. We also grapple with a philosophical conundrum and limitations. Finally, we speculate about future directions for life designing and its fitness for current social and economic challenges associated with sustaining employability in a world of work, and the demographic reality that average lifespan now exceeds the parameters of career development theory pertaining to what workers are meant to do at the ostensible end of their careers. But, first, we must return to the beginning, when vocational psychology’s grand narratives were vehemently brought into question amid the postmodern, narrative turn.
WHEN THE THIRD WAVE CRASHED The founders of life designing for career construction (Savickas et al., 2009) referred to a crisis in career development models and methods that were no longer appropriate for the VUCA world of work. New approaches emphasize flexibility, adaptability, and lifelong learning to enable individuals to design their lives to suit the unique contingencies of their societies of the 21st century. The emergence of career construction theory amid that crisis in career development models and methods was concomitant with a postmodern zeitgeist in psychology in the 1980s and 1990s. It is difficult to isolate a single moment in which the metaphorical third wave began to swell and subsequently break over the first and second waves during this postmodern turn, but signs of disturbance indicated that the philosophical foundations of psychology were being brought into question (e.g., Gergen & Davis, 1985; Polkinghorne, 1988; Sarbin, 1986). Within vocational psychology and career development, emergent critical questioning is exemplified in Richardson’s (1993) argument that vocational psychology was disconnected from mainstream psychology disciplines (e.g., developmental psychology) and that its focus was limited to a notion of career that was not sufficiently inclusive of societal diversity (e.g., gender, race) and the multiple roles of work in people’s lives (e.g., unpaid care work). It is not conceptually inconceivable—and indeed is normatively evident—that people traverse developmental stages and take on different, interacting life roles; however, Richardson’s critique argued that vocational psychology’s theories at the time lacked this type of inclusivity and thus insufficiently captured the emergent fluidity of the world of work and marginalized people. Furthermore, Richardson accused vocational psychology of ethnocentrism and of being “enslaved
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by its dominant epistemology: the legacy of logical positivism and empiricism” (p. 426) and called for social constructionism as an alternative paradigm. In a subsequent commentary, Savickas (1994) endorsed Richardson’s call for a new (postmodern) paradigm that emphasized diversity of meaningfulness and usefulness of work in people’s lives as distinct from defined occupations and careers delimited by assumptions embedded in social, economic, and moral discourses constitutive of the middle class. Richardson’s (1993) withering critique of the field and Savickas’s (1992, 1993, 1994) earlier formulations of constructivist counseling for career indecision (Savickas, 1995) were watershed moments, antecedent to the emergence and evolution of career construction theory and life-design counseling. Describing career counseling in the postmodern era, Savickas (1993) portended a 21st-century approach to career counseling that focuses on clients’ life stories for generative growth, stating, Acting as co-authors and editors of these narratives, counselors can help clients (1) authorize their careers by narrating a coherent, continuous, and credible story, (2) invest career with meaning by identifying themes and tensions in the story line, and (3) learn the skills needed to perform the next episode in the story. (p. 213)
These three imperatives are features of career construction theory. Of course, other variants of postmodern approaches to career counseling emerged in the 1990s (e.g., Cochran, 1997) and 2000s (e.g., Brott, 2001; Campbell & Ungar, 2004; Thorngren & Feit, 2001), and these innovations opened new vistas for theory, research, and practice in subsequent decades (e.g., Busacca & Rehfuss, 2016; McMahon, 2017). These approaches to counseling emphasize meaning making and meaningfulness and may be readily integrated within the conceptual remit of career construction theory’s life themes and life designing. Now, 3 decades later, career construction theory is one of the predominant theories of vocational psychology, and the foremost manifestation of its theoretical propositions for career development practice is life designing for career construction.
CAREER CONSTRUCTION THEORY Career construction theory is a manifold expression of the three waves of career development, which are evident it its three segments: vocational personality, career adaptability, and life themes (Savickas, 2005). These segments respectively reflect three perspectives of broader psychological theory, which respond to the question “What do we know when we know a person?” (McAdams, 1995, p. 365) by way of understanding a person via (a) dispositional traits (the person as actor), (b) characteristic adaptations (the person as agent), and (c) integrative life narratives (the person as author; McAdams & Olson, 2010). Savickas integrated this approach into vocational psychology with the terminology of self as object (actor); self as subject (agent); self as
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project (author; Savickas, 2011b); and subsequently self as social actor, motivated agent, and autobiographical author (Savickas, 2020). These three aspects of the person/self are represented by the three segments of career construction theory. Although these segments are distinct in their theoretical composition, practitioners of life designing for career construction meld them into a gestalt through the subjectivity of the person, conceptualizing multiple aspects of a person living as one indivisible whole. To use a simile, just as in quantum physics a particle may be understood as both a particle and a wave but be the same thing at one moment and point in spacetime, a person may be understood as an actor, author, and agent separately but simultaneously as a whole. Career construction theory presents 16 core theoretical propositions that capture the lifespan of an individual (Savickas, 2002, 2005). Although the original propositions should be taken as the definitive statements, for convenience’s sake we condense them here: P1. Society structures an individual’s life course through roles. P2. Life roles vary in their salience for individuals, but work is a predominant role for most people. P3. An individual’s career comprises and is dependent on transactions between personal capitals (e.g., socioeconomic status, education, abilities) and opportunities available in society. P4. Individuals vary in vocational characteristics (e.g., abilities). P5. Occupations require different patterns of vocational characteristics. P6. Individuals are suited to a variety of occupations because of the alignment of their vocational characteristics and occupational requirements. P7. Success in work roles is dependent on that work enabling sufficient expression of vocational characteristics. P8. Satisfaction in work corresponds to the degree to which vocational self-concept can be expressed. P9. Career construction involves development and implementation of vocational self-concepts in work roles. P10. Individuals’ self-concept and work preferences change throughout life. P11. Change over a lifetime may be understood as maxicycles of growth, exploration, establishment, management, and disengagement. P12. Transitions at moments in life may also be understood as minicycles of growth, exploration, establishment, management, and disengagement.
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P13. Vocational maturity represents an individual’s state in terms of stages, as maxicycles, and societal expectations for a person of that stage and age. P14. Career adaptability is an individual’s readiness and resources for managing developmental challenges. P15. Career construction is a response to developmental tasks, transitions, and trauma throughout life stages. P16. Career construction is fostered by conversations that explain tasks and transitions, enhance adaptive capacity, and clarify self-concepts. (Savickas, 2005, pp. 45–46) These 16 propositions are organized within the theory’s three segments: vocational personality, career adaptability, and life themes (Savickas, 2005). The propositions are also an acknowledgment of the theory’s evolution from its origin in a developmental perspective on career, including Super’s (1953, 1980) assertions that work is an important domain for the implementation of selfconcept (P8, P9) and that individuals evolve over their lifetime (P10) as they progress through stages and cycles (P11, P12, P13). A Contextualist Developmental Theory of Vocational Behavior Career construction theory’s expansion upon Super’s (1980, 1990) lifespan/ lifespace theory is writ large in its description as “a developmental theory of vocational behavior” (Savickas, 2002, p. 149). The dual title—lifespan and lifespace—refers to two conceptions of an individual’s life. Lifespan reflects classical theoretical notions of stages of development throughout life (e.g., Erikson, 1959) specified as growth, exploration, establishment, maintenance, and disengagement. Each stage involves a unique set of career development tasks and roles that guide changes and decisions faced from childhood to retirement. Lifespace refers to the development of a self-concept in different life roles, which may be construed as work or nonwork in nature (e.g., student, parent, leisurite, spouse), and theatres in which different life roles are enacted (e.g., home, community, school, workplace). Super also claimed that these multiple roles and theatres interact with and affect one another. Initially, the life stage conceptualization was chronological, with stages tied to age groups, but later Super acknowledged that individuals often recycle back through stages, such as a middle-aged worker leaving a maintenance stage to revisit the exploration stage (e.g., exploring options to retrain for another occupation). Known as minicycles (Super, 1990), these events of revisiting a previous life stage illustrate how a person’s career journey is unique due to their individual differences, development, and self-concept (Hartung, 2013), which is a term otherwise described as a person’s mental representation of self. Savickas (2005) accepted normative development stages as useful for understanding and guiding transitions (e.g., school to work, job to job, occupation to
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occupation). Moreover, for career construction theory, the emphasis is more on the psychological processes and resources for managing the transitions rather than the stages/cycles per se. In particular, there is an emphasis on change and growth through the classical maxi- and minicycles. It is crucial to note that career construction theory was transitioned from an organismic worldview to a contextualist worldview that corresponded to the theory’s ultimate association with social constructionism. P1, P2, and P3 clearly admit the affordances and delimitations set by society at large. Thus, rather than strictly conceptualizing development in terms of maturation of psychological constructs according to given stages of life (i.e., an organismic perspective), the theory emphasized psychological adaptation to environmental conditions throughout life (i.e., the contextualist perspective). The paradigmatic shift from an organismic to a contextualist perspective (Savickas, 2002) was prescient of wider disciplinary movements in development psychology, in which life stage perspectives were superseded by lifespan and life course perspectives (Zacher & Froidevaux, 2021). The lifespan perspective understands development in terms of psychological processes, not ages and stages. Some of the psychological processes of development may be concomitant with aging (e.g., cognitive decline, change in personality), but in career construction theory and life designing, the emphasis is on adaptation throughout life. Within career construction theory, adaptation is conceptualized as the outcome of a putative chain of effects: Adaptivity→ Adaptability→Adapting→Adaptation (Savickas & Porfeli, 2012). Adaptivity subsumes dispositional traits and the like, which constitute career construction theory’s vocational personality segment. Adaptability and adapting are abilities and behaviors associated with the career adaptability segment. Adaptation is the outcome of the workings of adaptivity, adaptability, and adapting (e.g., job satisfaction, life satisfaction). The life course development perspective places greater emphasis on social, cultural, and economic factors over psychological processes, and therefore P1, P2, and P3 take precedence in a conceptual sense. The life course perspective is radical because it requires consideration of structures beyond the individual— rather than psychological processes—as the prime influences over a life. These include many examples of social, cultural, and economic settings of development (e.g., the age of sexual consent, of legal consumption of alcohol, of capacity to a legal contract, of criminal responsibility). Different societies set different ages for normative moments of development, and individuals are enculturated into the discursive practices of concomitant expectations. Consider two examples of moments in life at which structural power (social, cultural, governmental) has potent direct effects on an individual without regard to their vocational maturity: • Do most adolescents finish high school at 18 years of age because at that age they are most psychologically mature and ready for life, or is it because government policy sets a specific number of years of compulsory schooling as the most effective and efficient economic parameters for personal and national productivity?
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• Do most adults retire at 67 years of age because that age is the appropriate number of years of life at which to psychologically disengage from the world of work or because government policy sets 67 years as the age of eligibility for an aged pension? Career construction theory and life designing take a contextualist, social constructionist, perspective to ensure structural—social, economic, and cultural— contingencies are taken as the metaphorical gestalt of ground upon which the figure of self-concept is constructed in and through discourse. Thus, life designing is situated as a pragmatic mediator between society at large and the individual who must create a life within society using resources the society allows the individual to access and exploit for their ongoing development of self. Vocational Personality—Object—Social Actor The notion of adaptivity is captured by the vocational personality segment of career construction theory. Savickas (2005) defined vocational personality as “an individual’s career-related abilities, needs, values, and interests” (p. 47) and incorporated Holland’s theory of RIASEC vocational interests and work environments (Holland, 1959, 1997). Career construction theory’s P4 to P8 are consistent with Holland’s notion of congruence, that the alignment between an individual’s vocational interests and work are a prime vehicle for satisfaction. Indeed, the empirical status and practical value of Holland’s theory and the RIASEC are seen in a preponderance of evidence that suggests vocational interests are substantive predictors of workplace performance (Nye et al., 2017) and job satisfaction (Hoff et al., 2020) and that established measures of RIASEC have appreciable validity evidence (Chu et al., 2022; Hoff et al., 2022). In subsequent updates to career construction theory and the role of dispositional traits, Savickas (2020) elaborated on the contribution of attachment schemas to self-construction, namely: secure–autonomous, anxious–ambivalent, dismissive–avoidant, and fearful–disorganized. This theoretical innovation is notable because it partially addresses relations among attachment, career adaptability, and adaptation outcomes such as satisfaction with life and meaning in life (Ramos & Lopez, 2018) in a way that is consistent with the chain of effects model (Savickas & Porfeli, 2012). Integrating attachment schemas not only enhanced the role of dispositional traits in the theory but also affirmed its alignment with a developmental perspective on human growth, which is elaborated in the career adaptability segment of career construction theory. Career Adaptability—Subject—Motivated Agent Successfully completing developmental tasks and transitions requires career adaptability, which is “a psychosocial construct that denotes an individual’s readiness and resources for coping with current and imminent vocational development tasks, occupational transitions, and personal traumas” (Savickas, 2005, p. 51). Career adaptability comprises four dimensions: concern about the future,
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personal control over the future, curiosity about future opportunities and exploring possibilities for self-concept, and confidence to pursue aspirations for future selves. Career adaptability comprises the psychological resources needed to negotiate the minicycles and maxicycles stipulated in P11 and P12 in career construction theory and implementation of a vocational self-concept (P9 and P10). As a theoretical construct, career adaptability is a point of departure from Super’s theory and its construct vocational maturity (Savickas, 1997a). Maturity (Super, 1980) is evident when a person is aware of career planning, understands how to resource career knowledge, has a good understanding of the world of work, and begins investigating information about preferred occupations. Super and Knasel (1981) suggested career adaptability as an alternative construct to maturity, which was too focused on the development of adolescents and insufficient for understanding the transitions experienced by adults. Instead, Savickas (1997a) suggested career adaptability as a construct relevant to children, adolescents, and adults. Furthermore, Savickas (2005) argued that vocational maturity was appropriate for a world of work that was relatively predictable, orderly, and consistent in developmental trajectories; however, in a world of work characterized by VUCA, career adaptability emphasizes self-regulation in the face of ostensibly never-ending change, distinct from maturing to a point of relative stability. Career adaptability is the key to conceptualizing the theoretical transition from classical age- and stage-based models of development to that of life course development (Zacher & Froidevaux, 2021), which is the perspective taken for life designing, for it is career adaptability that enables an individual to negotiate structural contingencies present in society at large. Life Themes—Project—Autobiographical Author An individual’s sense of their own identity and their self-concept is a narrative about their past, present, and future. Narrative identity entails an autobiographical reconstruction of past events and renderings of potential futures imagined as if potentially real (McAdams & Olson, 2010). Narrative identity is psychological fiction; it is an autobiography of events imperfectly and selectively recalled and edited into subjectively meaningful coherency; it is a story about what life was, is, and could be. In career construction theory, stories about life experiences related to career are organized by integrative themes, which constitute patterns that serve as the primary unit of meaning in career construction theory (Savickas, 2005). Micronarratives about specific events are subject to emplotment by the author, who creates macronarratives that bring coherence to the past, present, and future (Savickas, 2013). Through the process of retrospective reflection, an individual reflects on their past to integrate it into their present story, and through prospective reflexivity, an individual uses their reflecting on reflections to construct their potential future (Savickas, 2020). Ideally, career stories are generative and promote active engagement in study and work and produce a sense of satisfaction. Conversely, career stories may also be a source of dysregulation and problem-
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atic behavior, poor decisions, disengagement, and distress. Themes and patterns of effective self-regulation and ineffective dysregulation are the grist of career counseling.
TENETS OF LIFE DESIGNING The founders of life designing outlined the tenets of their social constructionist approach to career counseling in terms of its theoretical presuppositions, an intervention framework, its intervention goals, and general six step process of the intervention (Savickas et al., 2009). The tenets are summarized in Table 6.1. The five presuppositions signal the movement away from the first-wave and second-wave science of vocational psychology and practices of career development, that is, from postpositivism to social constructionism. Life designing assumes a social constructionist epistemology and assumes that knowledge and identity are phenomena generated in social interactions and that meaning, both personal and shared, is coconstructed in and through discourses. From traits to states in context implies placing an emphasis on stories in context as the source of professional identity, which is distinct from a profile based on psychometric measures. From prescription to process takes to task the idea that a career counselor can be an expert purveyor of information about occupations and careers amid the sheer volume of information available via digital platforms in which it is difficult to distinguish between signal and noise and between reliable facts and junk. In this sense, clients become their own experts about the information that they need, and the aim of counseling is TABLE 6.1. Tenets of Life Designing Intervention framework
Intervention goals
From traits to states in context
Lifelong
Adaptability
1. Define the problem in stories and identify goals.
From prescription to process
Holistic
Narratability
2. Explore subjective identity forms.
From linear causality to nonlinear dynamics
Contextual
Activity
3. Open new perspectives by objectifying stories and review and revise stories.
From scientific facts to narrative realities
Preventive
Intentionality
4. Reformulate the problem within new perspectives and stories.
Presupposition
From describing to modeling
Six intervention steps
5. Plan and engage in learning activities and rehearse new stories in context. 6. Follow up to determine outcomes and needs to maintain progress.
Note. See Savickas et al. (2009).
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instead to support the development of clients’ coping skills in such a noisy and chaotic milieu. From linear causality to nonlinear dynamics emphasizes the complexity of an everchanging individual living in everchanging contexts and that linear causal explanations of clients’ autobiographical facts are unsuitable for counseling. From scientific facts to narrative realities reprises the emphasis on personal narrative as the source of perpetual construction and coconstruction of self-concept and multiple possible selves. From describing to modeling targets evaluation of the impact and outcome of counseling and eschews the simple logic of experimental or quasi-experimental research, instead calling for modeling of complexity and chaos to better understand counseling’s effects. In summary, the presuppositions of life designing amount to a rejection of the postpositivist epistemology of first-wave and second-wave theories and research and of concomitant scientific and professional knowledge and approaches to practice. Life designing emphasizes self-regulation and a lifelong perspective (without allusions to life stages) and is focused on developing individuals’ capacity to determine for themselves the skills and knowledge that are of value contingent upon their needs at a particular moment in life. Life designing calls for the holistic integration of all life roles, as in lifespace theory (Super, 1980, 1990), with regard to their differential salience at a given time in life. The contextual assumption of social constructionism calls for a focus on past and present environments and interactions with these environments in terms of life roles. Life designing should be preventive and intervene prior to a need arising to enhance potential opportunities and options for forthcoming transitions. Thus, life designing resonates with a systems theory perspective on career (cf. Patton & McMahon, 2021) with its multidimensional foci on time (i.e., past, present, and future) and space (i.e., roles, environments). Life designing aims to enhance clients’ career adaptability and their selfregulatory capacity to manage developmental tasks, vocational traumas, and occupational transitions. Narratability not only means facilitating clients telling their stories in an autobiographical sense; it means creating new and revised stories about salient life roles and creating an evolving identity derived from storying the past and composing for the future. P16 of career construction theory is the quintessential proposition necessary for life designing for career construction as an active process of constructing an identity and career as a story through “conversations that explain.” Conversations are an active dialogical process. Explanations are narrative elaborations. Taken together as both conceptual precepts of the theory and procedural enactments of this approach to career counseling, conversations that explain become the prime vehicle for constructing an identity. Life designing is not all talk and no action. Activity is an essential feature of life-design counseling because activities are used to review, reinterpret, reinforce, and refine the veracity of stories in contexts. There is an intentionality to life designing in that it is future-focused and actively productive in creating possible selves in an imagined future through coherent narratives constitutive of self.
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THEORETICAL AND EMPIRICAL STATUS The life-design approach to career counseling has stimulated a substantive body of scholarly publications, including the definitive statement by members of the Life Design International Research Group (Savickas et al., 2009), a handbook for researchers and practitioners (Nota & Rossier, 2015), and special issues of the Journal of Vocational Behavior (Rudolph et al., 2019; Savickas & Guichard, 2016). The construct of career adaptability has accreted a significant body of evidence for its measurement model, the Career Adapt-Abilities Scale (CAAS; Savickas & Porfeli, 2012), and its relations with career-related adaptivity, adapting, and adaptation (e.g., Johnston, 2018; Rudolph et al., 2017; Stead et al., 2022). The special issues of the Journal of Vocational Behavior are particularly important because each includes clinical research studies into counseling processes for life designing, including studies that deploy the interpersonal process recall method (Larsen et al., 2008) for research into counseling. There are at least two reasons for the value of these studies demonstrating life designing for career construction. First, the studies are pedagogical in the sense that scholars and practitioners may read the reported cases of enacted intervention processes to better understand how life designing may be implemented in practice. For the life-design approach to be sustained in coming years, such clinical research as pedagogy is needed. Second, the research is methodologically consistent with the social constructionist paradigm used to inform life designing. The advent of journal article reporting standards for qualitative research (Levitt et al., 2018) necessitates an alignment between philosophy and research method. To that end, the special issues serve as an exemplar, a guidebook of sorts, on conducting paradigmatically informed qualitative research into life-design counseling. A Philosophical Conundrum Perhaps one of the significant ironies within the literature of career construction theory and life designing is the construct of career adaptability and its principal psychometric measure, the CAAS. The social constructionist epistemological stance of career construction theory and presuppositions of life designing are inconsistent with the postpositivist epistemology, theory, and research that inform counseling practices of the first and second waves of career development. A significant volume of psychometric research and validity evidence supports the CAAS. But there is nothing remotely third wave and narrative about the confirmatory factor analytic research underpinning the CAAS or the quantitative research that uses it. This apparent contradiction evidently demonstrates scholars’ and practitioners’ adherence to postpositivist epistemology and research methods, all the while espousing career construction theory and life designing, which are social constructionist. The lack of critique of postpositivist research published under the name of social constructionist career construction theory and life designing reflects a philosophical conundrum in need of a solution.
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There is a tension inherent in the discourse that constitutes the so-called narrative turn, the third wave. Life designing emphasizes the individual, one with agency able to construct—design—a life by actively being the author and narrator of a self, creating a life amid the grand narratives of society. Such notions of the individual wielding discourse to their self-creative ends sits well in the American tradition of the agentic individual. In contrast, postmodernist thinking suggests that society’s discourses create the possibilities for an individual; that structures within society constrain possibilities for being; and that identity forms are available in which people play their part by adopting, willingly or not, an identity that society at large has on offer for the taking. Such a perspective is better aligned to a life course perspective on development that emphasizes social structures over individual agency (Zacher & Froidevaux, 2021). This contextualized individual in the world is evident in Savickas’s (2013) statement that a self is built from the outside in, not from the inside out. Using language as a tool, we coordinate our actions and social relations. So, a self is not actually self-constructed; it is coconstructed through interpersonal processes. . . . Self denotes an emergent awareness that is culturally shaped, socially constituted, and linguistically narrated. (p. 148)
The ostensible contradiction between the notion of the individual as a consciously self-evident being independent of the world—as distinct from the contextualized individual in the world—is integrated into life designing through a Continental perspective (Guichard, 2005, 2009), which admits the discursive/ cultural limitations on being in the assertions that “each society determines a specific identity offer” and that “this offer is given—as such—when the individual is born” (Guichard, 2009, p. 252). Guichard (2009) nonetheless asserted that the individual is also agentic: “Individuals are not passively impregnated by this identity offer” (p. 253). Herein is one of the fascinating tensions within the life-design approach to career construction: How can an individual design a life that is ostensibly predetermined by culture, society, and language? One way to problematize and resolve this tension is to draw philosophical and theoretical distinctions between constructivism and social constructionism (Young & Popadiuk, 2012). Constructivism focuses on subjective cognitive processes of meaning making by the individual, whereas social constructionism emphasizes the construal of meaning through social processes that inherently involve other people. Put simplistically, constructivism entails cognitive psychological processes, whereas social constructionism entails social psychological processes. Differentiating constructivism and social constructionism and understanding the implications of their differences for life designing is not mere speculation about how many angels can dance on the head of a pin, metaphorically speaking. The differences between constructivism and social constructionism are stark—one emphasizes psychological and cognitive processes; the other emphasizes social processes. Both emphasize speech, text, and narrative, all of which are both cognitive and social functions.
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The practices associated with narrative approaches to career counseling are often given under the label “constructivist” (e.g., Brott, 2004, 2005; McMahon, 2017; Savickas, 1997b). Whether the labeling is an artifact of semantic confusion, a jingle-jangle problem, or of epistemological substance is problematic. Although Young and Collin (200) suggested the term “constructivisms” to conveniently subsume constructivism and social constructionism and account for their similarities, the conundrum is that their differences have implications for theory, research, and practices associated with career construction theory and life designing, which have been declared social constructionist. That Savickas (2013) declared career construction theory and, by implication, life designing to be a manifestation of social constructionism was an elegant solution to the conundrum of an approach to counseling that is practically focused upon the individual as the author of self—and thus is inherently individualistic. This social constructionist solution admits the notion of the contextualized individual in the world, one whose consciousness is self-authored but also constituted by and delimited by discourse that forms the substrate of narrative and authoring. This philosophical solution is consistent with social constructionism’s tenet that an individual cannot be understood as an entity separate from the confluence of multiple systems in which that individual exists, extended from the intrapersonal, interpersonal, societal, and environmental (Patton & McMahon, 2021). The solution concomitantly leaves open to speculation limitations regarding the boundaries between individual and context. Beware Practitioner as Coauthor and Editor Fidelity to social constructionism in counseling practice is not necessarily easy. Savickas’s (2013) claim that a self is built from the outside in, not from the inside out, affirms career construction theory’s alignment with contextualism and social constructionism. In terms of life designing, the practitioner is positioned as a coauthor and editor (Savickas, 1993) amid a dialogical process involving conversations that explain (i.e., P16; Savickas, 2005). The coauthor and editor are active participants in the dialogical process of building a self from the outside in, at least in the context of counseling. Modeling has been stipulated as important part of training practitioners for life designing (Savickas et al., 2009), whereby practitioners must demonstrate narrating their own stories, identities, meaning, and mattering. Indeed, practitioners should practice what they preach; however, that imperative alone is not sufficient to manage boundaries between their stories, their clients’ stories, and the coauthoring process. Managing the active roles requires careful attention to the boundaries between author (the client) and coauthor/editor (the practitioner), which requires practitioners to develop an ethic of reflexivity (McIlveen, 2015) for life designing so as to ensure its consistency with social constructionism. An important indication of career construction theory’s embeddedness in social constructionism is evident in Savickas (2020) eschewing essentialist notions of RIASEC vocational interests, which are quintessentially constructs
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associated with the first wave of career development and positivist/postpositivist scientific methods. Instead, in career construction theory and life designing, RIASEC interests are used as a taxonomy and vocabulary to help clients understand and organize information about occupations and industries in the world of work. Accordingly, vocational interests are construed as resemblances to prototypes of clusters of attitudes and skills representative of occupations (cf. identity forms; Guichard, 2009). As social actors engaging in processes of selfconstruction, individuals observe and take on the qualities of role models, rehearse behaviors associated with vocational interests and roles, and progressively develop a reputation for their interests among social networks. Maintaining a counseling dialogue about resemblances and reputations is essential to consistency with social constructionism. Training for life-design practitioners should focus on being a change agent rather than an expert in diagnostics and predictions (Savickas et al., 2009). Indeed, there are informative examples of integrating psychometric (first-wave) assessment methods into life designing (e.g., Bullock-Yowell & Reardon, 2022). When integrating psychometric assessment into life-design counseling, practitioners must be alert to the potential for slippage into a diagnostic discourse that reifies theoretical constructs. The risk of reifying theoretical concepts as if they exist as truth in reality has been criticized, particularly when counselors and clients verbalize personal identity in terms of vocational codes, such as “I am a [RIASEC code] type therefore I should . . .” (McIlveen & Patton, 2006). Instead, counseling dialogue between counselor and client must formulate vocational interests in terms of resemblance, rehearsal, and reputation to not contradict the social constructionist stance of career construction theory and life designing. This approach to counseling does not necessitate rejection of the scientific status of psychometric instruments, which is demonstrably evident in the case of RIASEC (Chu et al., 2022; Hoff et al., 2022); what it necessitates is an ethic of reflexivity to mitigate against slippage into the role of expert in clients’ lives using technicist discourse and terminology that is inconsistent with social constructionism. Richardson’s (1993) sociopolitical critique of vocational psychology was extended by other scholars’ calls for reform (e.g., Blustein, 2001) until radical alternatives emerged (Blustein et al., 2005), culminating in the psychology of working framework (PWF; Blustein, 2006) that became the paradigmatic foundations for the psychology of working theory (PWT; Duffy et al., 2016). PWT has scarce resemblance to tenets of predominant theories in the first and second waves and, arguably, challenges notions of agency manifest within career construction theory and life designing. The emergent PWF/PWT gives voice to Richardson’s critique, holding at the forefront of its assumptions the power of social, political, and economic contexts in which an individual experiences the world. This sharp emphasis on context demands attention be given to the dominant discourses in which an individual goes about their lives. The challenge it poses to life designing is where to set the horizon of personal agency within counseling. Simplistically put, how can narrative—story and storying—as the prime vehicle of life designing liberate a person from the drudgery of their
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existence when their consciousness is constituted by a discourse in which language, societal structures, and economic constraints conspire against their efforts to be the actor, agent, and author of their life? This practical challenge behooves reflexivity (McIlveen, 2015) within practitioners of life designing to ensure that they do not act beyond the limits of their capacity and their clients’ capacity to engage in a shared process to construct, deconstruct, coconstruct, and reconstruct a life story in a VUCA world of work in which security of employment is not assured merely by a well-crafted story of agency.
FUTURE DIRECTIONS There are myriad problems to be solved in the world of work. How can life designing and career construction theory recapitulate vocational psychology’s commitment to individuals’ access to and engagement in meaningful work as a source of well-being and self-concept? We bring this chapter to a close with a brief overview of only two of the many challenges ahead for scholars and practitioners of life designing for career construction. Life Design and Employability On a global scale, COVID-19 brought into sharp focus the contingencies of a VUCA world of work that marginalizes workers without the capital (e.g., skills, qualifications) to secure their employment (OECD, 2020, 2021). Savickas (2012) stated that contemporary job markets are an unsettled economy that calls for career to be viewed not as a lifetime commitment to one employer but as a continual reselling of services and skills to a series of employers. Employability facilitates the identification and realization of job and career opportunities. This disposition captures individual characteristics that foster adaptive behaviors and positive employment outcomes (Fugate & Kinicki, 2008). Employability comprises personal resources such as adaptability, career identity, and social and human capital, which contribute to gaining and maintaining employment (Fugate et al., 2004; Rossier et al., 2017). The life-design approach may be applied to support individuals to develop their employability (Rossier et al., 2017). Life-design interventions for employability would encourage clients to make sense of their life circumstances by articulating their story (life themes) to build identity and self-concept, then explore meaningful actions to develop their resources. Individuals with high employability will scan the environment to learn what jobs are available and what experiences and skills are required. Comparing market opportunities with personal profile and interests is essential to building employability, as is the adaptability of continuous lifelong learning (curiosity), which Fugate et al. (2004) acknowledged as a key determinant of career success within a world of work involving ambiguity, uncertainty, and rebounding from work role setbacks.
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Career adaptability strengthens employability. Employability rather than employment is a key to success in today’s world of work, with lifelong learning now widely recognized as intricately linked with career development. This focus on acquiring skills and knowledge to strengthen one’s employability encourages strong adaptive behavior (Savickas, 2005) and reflects a confidence in exerting one’s motivations, behaviors, and social environment. Continuing to learn across the lifespan in formal and informal settings is crucial to the maintenance of career capacity and engagement (Neault & Pickerell, 2011), as well as leading to occupational aspirations and proactive approaches to controlling career decisions (Savickas, 2012). Employability is the crucible in which life-design counseling can be tested. As a mediator between the individual and society at large, life-design counseling must be able to demonstrate its utility to individuals striving to sustain their employment throughout life according to their needs. Lifespan Reengagement and Life Design Ongoing economic and social change is contextually altering the process of career decision making, which involves adept and flexible self-management of career paths (Borgen & Hiebert, 2014; Nagy et al., 2019) across the lifespan and includes older workers extending their working lives (Fasbender & Deller, 2017; Luke et al., 2016; Zacher & Froidevaux, 2021). Individuals derive meaning from various stages in their life and career roles to connect to what is both personally meaningful and of purpose (Savickas, 2002, 2005), making vocational psychology relevant in its focus on meaningful career engagement across the lifespan (Borgen & Edwards, 2019; Savickas, 2005). The unique and diverse needs of postretirement-aged people who remain within the workforce or reengage has begun to be addressed and conceptualized in vocational psychology research incorporating career construction theory and career adaptability (Fasbender et al., 2019; Luke et al., 2016). Atchley’s (1989) continuity theory suggests that older individuals are more likely to maintain routines, structures, and familiar social networks similar to those of their earlier years. Luke et al. (2016) and Templer et al. (2010) concluded that the decision to reengage in career is not driven by a single factor, such as financial motivation, but rather involves multiple factors that include generative motives. Although generativity motivation and achievement have been commonly associated with kinship and child rearing during midlife (Erikson, 1959), generative development can also be experienced through meaningful work and relationships outside the context of family (McAdams & de St. Aubin, 1992), such as in assisting in the improvement of intergenerational workplace engagement (Henry et al., 2015). Leaving the disengagement stage of the lifespan can be a personally taxing situation and highlights how capacity building (Luke & Neault, 2020; Neault & Pickerell, 2011) may be valuable for a person who is considering the benefits of reengaging with career by recycling from disengagement to an establishment stage again.
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With a global trend of policy makers pushing toward extending the formal years of work (at least extending the age of eligibility for a state pension), it is important to ensure a vocational psychology and life-design focus on older individuals’ transitions (Luke et al., 2016). There are promising signs of research into older workers that is inspired by career construction theory (e.g., Fasbender et al., 2019; Luke et al., 2016). Career construction theory and life designing for career construction can be deployed to facilitate individuals exploring not only the meaning of their work but also how to manage the practicalities of reduced hours of work or a mixture of different types of work (paid and unpaid) to ensure ongoing engagement in society.
CONCLUSION Life designing for career construction and its attendant psychological theory, career construction theory, emerged from—or are perhaps constitutive of—a paradigm shift in vocational psychology (the science) and career development (the profession). Their utility will be tested in years to come. The test will be whether their new perspectives and new interventions transform the lives of individuals striving to make their way in a complex world of work. So far, the signs are promising. Research has proliferated based especially on career construction theory and innovations in narrative counseling as engaging conversations that explain. Although intellectual and practical challenges remain, particularly operationalizing social constructionism without slippage to postpositivism, the advent of career construction theory and life designing ensures that vocational psychology and career development remain potent contributors to the well-being of individuals and their societies.
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II CORE AND EMERGING CONSTRUC TS
7 Vocational Interests Conceptual Issues, Research Findings, and Practical Implications Hui Xu
V
ocational interests have been a key construct in vocational psychology and career counseling over the past century (Tracey, 2020; Xu & Li, 2020). Interestingly, vocational interests (referred to as interests herein) have a broad scope in colloquial use but a specific (and often narrow) definition in academic use. Colloquially, interests denote the direction and intensity of an individual’s motivation for certain occupational (and related educational) areas (Silvia, 2001). This definition broadly captures the motivational nature of interests (Rounds & Su, 2014), but it does not specify the manifestation of such motivations and thus might lack necessary precision for research and practice. Therefore, the field has drawn a distinction between expressed and measured interests (Savickas & Spokane, 1999; Silvia, 2001) with expressed interests indicating summative motivations and measured interests indicating likes and dislikes. Because expressed interests embrace a variety of motivational factors (e.g., likes/dislikes, values, availability), they could have a stronger relation to occupational intentions and behaviors than measured interests (Silvia, 2001). Measured interests, on the other hand, are focused on likes and dislikes and may provide a clearer framework for understanding the nomological system and interventional strategies of interests. Because research conventionally focuses on (dis)likes when operationalizing interests, this chapter also focuses on likes and dislikes when discussing key issues and findings associated with interests. However, I further propose in this chapter that differentiating the development mechanisms of interests has important implications for advancing the theory and assessment of interests. https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-008 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 145
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Although interests are not necessarily viewed as the dominant component in Parsons’s (1909) prototypical person–environment (P-E) fit model, Strong’s (1943) early writings and assessment tools together with Holland’s (1997) iconic typology of interests have popularized the use of interests in career decision making from a P-E fit perspective. Consequently, interest assessment, which predominantly uses Holland’s typology as the underlying structural model, has been almost a default assessment area in career education and intervention. However, interest assessment should be used in a mindful fashion because, as recently argued through the dual process theory of career decision making (DTC; Xu, 2021a, 2021b), career development involves inevitable ambiguity regarding the “right” career decisions, and it is likely unrealistic (if not maladaptive) to rely on interest assessment to suggest an unequivocal career direction. Thus, after reviewing the literature, I suggest a new approach to utilizing interests in today’s practice of vocational psychology and career counseling, which prioritizes strategic anchoring and adjustment. In summary, this chapter examines extant interest-related research and practice toward formulating a promising new agenda for studying interests and better applying the investigation/assessment of interests in an increasingly uncertain and fluid world.
WHAT WE KNOW ABOUT VOCATIONAL INTERESTS Research on interests has generally centered on three major areas: structure, stability, and outcomes. These three areas function as integral components on an evidence chain that collectively support the validity of interest-oriented career practice in the P-E fit framework. Specifically, the structural issue addresses the structure for interest assessment, the stability issue sheds light on the reliability of interest scores in career practice, and the outcome issue addresses the utility of interests in career decision making and human resource management. Given the fact that P-E fit is the common theoretical framework of interest-oriented career practice, in my review of the three areas, I emphasize the interpretation of key findings from a broad perspective of the science and practice of P-E fit. Structure The structure of interests is a fundamental issue underlying interest assessment and related practice. Although Holland’s (1997) typology is not the only structural model of interests (Nauta, 2010), it is the most influential model in the field. In its essence, Holland’s typology proposes six interest types that are arranged on a hexagonal structure. These six interest types are Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional (RIASEC). Meanwhile, the same structural model can be used to categorize occupations in terms of their core tasks. Therefore, Holland’s RIASEC model has significantly advanced
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the practice of Parsons’s (1909) P-E fit framework by providing a commensurate structure linking individual attributes to occupational areas. Based on Holland’s model, researchers further found that after extracting the general factor from all six types, the six types show an underlying two-dimensional structure: people/things and ideas/data (Prediger, 1982; Tracey, 2012). This dimensional structure supplements the hexagon structure by showing activity differences in an even more succinct way. Together, Holland’s RIASEC types and Prediger’s (1982) people/things and ideas/data dimensions have been the dominant guiding models underlying standardized and unstandardized interest assessment. It is worth mentioning that Tracey and Rounds (1996) also argued that prestige constitutes a fourth factor underlying interest ratings in addition to the general factor, people/things, and ideas/data. The prestige factor is sensitive to sociocultural influence but often confounded with other factors in interest assessment. Therefore, they proposed a spherical structure with prestige as the third dimension in addition to people/things and ideas/data. However, in comparison with Holland’s RIASEC and Prediger’s people/things and ideas/data, the spherical model has not been widely adopted, likely because of the debatable nature of prestige (i.e., an interest or value). Although the structural foundation of interests appears straightforward, several issues have caused confusion in interest-related research and practice and have been focal topics in research over the past 3 decades (Tay et al., 2011; Xu & Li, 2020). I focus on four of those issues in this chapter: the number of interest types, the structural relationship of the RIASEC interests, the dimensional nature of the RIASEC, and the idiothetic and idiosyncratic use of the RIASEC model. Number of Interest Types The first structural issue concerns the myth about the number of interest types. Given the dominance of Holland’s (1997) hexagonal structure in interest assessment, the general public and career practitioners (and even researchers) are often left with an impression that the RIASEC model is “the” model of interests and the number of interest types is fixated to six (Armstrong et al., 2008; Nauta, 2010). However, six was selected (and popularized) mainly because it fit Holland’s goal for his theory, which was to provide a simplistic and user-friendly account of interests (Nauta, 2010). Therefore, although the RIASEC interests embrace six important interest types, this model represents only one of many alternative theoretical samples of all possible interest types. In fact, alternative interest models existed prior to Holland’s (1997) typology and continue to be developed to supplement and even compete with Holland’s typology (Day & Rounds, 1997; Nauta, 2010; Tracey, 2002). To name a few examples, Tracey (2002) focused on eight interest types, and Day and Rounds (1997) proposed 28 basic interest types. All these models have conceptual and empirical foundations (Liao et al., 2008; Tracey, 2002), but their relative utility has been a lingering question. Several scholars have argued for the superiority of more fine-grained interest models for empirical and conceptual reasons (Liao
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et al., 2008; Tracey, 2002). However, given the evidence that interests are in fact arranged uniformly on a circular structure (Tracey & Rounds, 1995), one could argue that the endorsement of a particular interest model essentially reflects a trade-off between conceptual simplicity (afforded by fewer interest types) and the accessibility of nuances (afforded by more interest types). Perhaps we should keep in mind that the key to the success of Holland’s typology lies more in its parallel use for individuals and occupations than its technical precision. Therefore, to favor one interest model, strong evidence for its superior predictive performance in the P-E fit framework is required, which, to date, remains inconclusive. Structural Arrangement The second structural issue of interests concerns the arrangement of the RIASEC interests. Evidently, Holland’s (1997) hexagonal model specifies the similarity and difference of the six interest types in a mathematically elegant manner. Although this model represents a parsimonious conceptual representation of the six interest types, it unfortunately does not perfectly align with data (Gupta et al., 2008; Nauta, 2010). What has been found is that a looser structural model, a circular model, fits the data better (Gupta et al., 2008; Nauta, 2010). In this circular model, the RIASEC interests remain arranged on a clockwise circle, but the distance (indicating relatedness) between adjacent interests is not equivalent across different pairs of adjacent interests. In fact, Gupta et al. (2008) found that Conventional is relatively far away from the rest of the six interest types in high school students across U.S. ethnic groups, whereas Rounds and Tracey’s (1996) meta-analysis of RIASEC data in the United States showed that Realistic and Investigative are somewhat separate from the rest of the six interest types. Therefore, a circular model of the RIASEC interests more realistically represents the structural relationship of the six interests than does the hexagon model. However, the structural validity of the circular model decreases among U.S. ethnic minorities (Rounds & Tracey, 1996) and in countries with lower economic development (Glosenberg et al., 2019). Glosenberg et al.’s (2019) research is particularly interesting because, coupled with previous research in U.S. ethnic minorities, this study showed that the generalizability of Holland’s structural model is likely associated with economic conditions in that ideas/data might be a more relevant dimension when high-end or non-labor-intense jobs are more available in the economy. In general, research on the arrangement of the RIASEC interests suggests that the RIASEC structure does not represent an inherent interest structure; rather, it is a psychological product of its socioeconomic context. Dimensional Nature The third structural issue of interests focuses on the dimensional nature of the RIASEC structure and is potentially less intuitive than the previous two issues. It is conventional understanding that interests on the two ends of a diagonal of the RIASEC hexagon are conceptually opposite. For example, Realistic and
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Social are two opposite interests. This implies that opposite interests are incompatible within an individual and should be inversely correlated. However, this conceptualization encounters challenges not only from real-life observations but also from Holland’s (1997) theory itself. Evidently, people often possess so-called opposite interests simultaneously. More broadly speaking, it is not unusual that an individual’s interest profile shows concentrated or scattered high scores, the latter of which gives rise to decision-making difficulty and inspired Holland to develop consistency (i.e., qualitative similarity of top interests) as an important diagnostic indicator. From an empirical perspective, Tay et al.’s (2011) might be one of the few studies that explicitly explored the bipolar nature of people/things and ideas/data. They found evidence against the bipolar assumption for both people/things and ideas/data, suggesting that opposite interests in the RIASEC model are not necessarily incompatible with each other. In fact, the confusion, as suggested by Tay et al. (2011), might result from a misunderstanding of the function of multidimensional scaling (MDS), which is a common analytic approach to examining the structural model of RIASEC interests (Gupta et al., 2008; Rounds & Tracey, 1996). Although MDS can visually show the relationship of the RIASEC interests on a two-dimensional plane, it is important to note (and also easy to forget) that the graphic representation only depicts the relative positions of the six interests, which do not reflect the general level of interests. In other words, opposite positions on the circular structure in fact only indicate that opposite interests have the lowest similarity of any possible pair but does not necessarily suggest the incompatibility of opposite interests. More technically speaking, it is important to note that the center of the circular structure does not represent a point of no interests and that people/things and ideas/data, as the second and third factors in factor analysis, reflect little information about the first factor, namely, the general factor of interest levels (Tracey, 2012). Therefore, when the general level of interests is added to oppositive interests, they could still be positively related. Notably, although the bipolar conceptualization of the RIASEC interests is inaccurate, this misconception does not necessarily detract from the utility of Holland’s (1997) model as long as all six interests remain individually assessed and used in their entirety. Idiothetic and Idiosyncratic Use Related to the dimensional nature of the RIASEC structure, the last structural issue of interests concerns the idiothetic and idiosyncratic use of the six interests. Given the preponderance of evidence for the RIASEC circular structure, it is tempting to mistakenly conclude that individuals’ interests invariably follow the RIASEC structure. However, the normative RIASEC structure, which is derived from factor analysis within groups of people, does not necessarily apply to individual clients (Xu & Li, 2020). Based on Allport’s (1937) seminal argument about normative and idiothetic models, Tracey and colleagues (Tracey & Darcy, 2002; Tracey et al., 2006) proposed that individuals’ organizational structures of interests vary in terms of conforming to the RIASEC structure and
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that the level of conformity is a key career development variable. They argued that adherence to the RIASEC model is conducive to career development because it not only provides a succinct cognitive map to organize complex individual and environmental differences but also fits the current wide use of the RIASEC model in interest assessment and occupational profiling. Notably, this idiothetic approach to the RIASEC model still acknowledges the RIASEC structure but highlights individual differences in terms of adherence to the structure. Whereas the idiothetic approach to the RIASEC model mainly offers a tool for understanding career development challenges, the idiosyncratic approach to the RIASEC model has direct implications for how individuals may use the RIASEC model to find suitable occupations. The idiosyncratic approach essentially treats the six RIASEC types as separate interests as opposed to six interests complying with the RIASEC circular structure and the people/things and ideas/ data plane. Therefore, enforcing the RIASEC structure could unjustifiably simplify the six interests to a two-dimensional plane and consequently lose information, particularly about opposite but cooccurring interests (Xu & Li, 2020). However, in some individuals, the idiosyncratic approach essentially loosens the structural constraint to maximize information attainment, which is likely conducive to the parallel use of Holland’s model in P-E fit practice. Xu and Li (2020) further argued that using the RIASEC interests as separate interests to calculate profile correlation not only is robust to potential idiosyncratic structures of the six interest but also aligns with Holland’s (1997) original emphasis on the congruence of rank orders within interest profiles. They did find that profile correlation outperformed congruence indices that are based on the RIASEC structure in predicting satisfaction, turnover, and perceived fit. This finding advances the congruence literature and practice by shedding light on the potential reason of previously inconclusive or even nonsignificant results (Nye et al., 2017; Tinsley, 2000). Stability Stability concerns how interests evolve through developmental stages, particularly in late childhood, early adolescence, late adolescence, and young adulthood. Over the past 2 decades, there has been impressive progress in research on the stability of interests, particularly with respect to the structural, meanlevel, rank-order, and profile stability of interests. Structural Stability The structural stability of interests is relatively straightforward and helps build the key foundation for interpreting the mean-level stability of interests. Although research has convincingly supported the validity of the RIASEC circular structure in adults, Tracey and Christopher’s (1998) study made an important contribution by revealing how elementary and middle school students might structurally perceive interests. They found that the RIASEC circular model did not fit the RIASEC data in elementary school students and fit the
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RIASEC scores most poorly in middle school students. Additionally, they found that elementary school students tended to use gender categorization (i.e., boy or girl activity) and locus of activity (i.e., in or out of school) to understand the difference of activities, whereas middle school students tended to use a combination of gender categorization, locus of activity, people/things, and ideas/data to understand the differences of activities. This finding resonates with Gottfredson’s (1981) developmental model, which argues that sex typing is a dominant and concrete dimension that elementary school students use to conceptualize the vocational world and that increased cognitive abilities could enable people to use more abstract dimensions (i.e., people/things and ideas/data) to conceptualize vocational activities. Because research (e.g., Tracey & Rounds, 1993; Xu & Tracey, 2016) has convergently shown that the RIASEC circular structure is present in high school students and older individuals, it is probably safe to conclude that middle school is a critical transition period for the structural development of interests. Mean-Level Stability Although adherence to the RIASEC structure increases over adolescence, the mean-levels of interests develop in a U-shaped trajectory. Research (e.g., Hoff et al., 2018; Tracey et al., 2005; Tracey & Ward, 1998; Xu & Tracey, 2016) has collectively suggested that, in general, the RIASEC interests first decrease when elementary school students enter middle school and then increase with age until late adolescence; however, people-oriented interests could still increase during young adulthood, whereas things-oriented interests either decrease (Conventional) or remain constant (Realistic and Investigative). Interests generally decrease in the transition from elementary school to middle school because elementary school students, who experience limited exposure to social competition, could have unrealistic expectations or premature passion for certain careers. However, after entering middle school, students begin to pick up cues about social competition and consequently begin to develop more pragmatic interests (Tracey et al., 2005; Tracey & Ward, 1998). This transition (or disruption; Hoff et al., 2018) often entails an abrupt drop in interests in general. After the initial interest drop, individuals would gradually restore their interests when they recover from initial uneasiness with social competition and begin to develop increasingly mature self-understandings (Tracey et al., 2005; Xu & Tracey, 2016). After individuals make significant progress in terms of developing cognitive abilities and obtaining social experiences in late adolescence and young adulthood, their interests would be generally stabilized. However, people-oriented interests could still increase because these types of interests are associated with social skills and personality maturity, both of which can still be improved in young adulthood (Hoff et al., 2018). Notably, although early schooling and cognitive ability development may play a salient role in the structural stability of interests, socialization and personality maturation likely function as the major force in shaping the mean-level (in)stability of interests.
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Parallel with the mean-level changes of interests, gender differences show an inverted U-shaped trajectory. Research has shown that the classic gender differences in Realistic and Social interests (Su et al., 2009) readily emerge in middle school due to the well-known gender socialization process (Hoff et al., 2018; Tracey et al., 2005; Tracey & Ward, 1998). Hoff et al.’s (2018) meta-analysis shows that gender differences appear to result from a large decrease in Social interests among boys and moderate decrease in Realistic interests among girls. However, research shows that from late adolescence to young adulthood, gender differences decrease but never fully disappear (Hoff et al., 2018), which likely suggests that increasing maturity and resources could help individuals temper the pressure from gender socialization and cultivate self-acceptance and self-affirmation (Gottfredson, 2005). Rank-Order and Profile Stabilities Whereas the mean-level stability of interests focuses on the absolute changes of each interest type, the rank-order stability and the profile stability of interests focus on the relative changes of interests within the population and within the RIASEC profile, respectively (Xu & Tracey, 2016). Research in general has consistently supported the rank-order stability and the profile stability of interests from late adolescence to middle adulthood (Low et al., 2005; Rottinghaus et al., 2007; Xu & Tracey, 2016). Additionally, research suggests that interests have stronger profile stability than rank-order stability. For example, Xu and Tracey (2016) found that rank-order stability on average fell within the range of .50 to .70, whereas profile stability on average fell within the range of .70 to .80 for the same temporal intervals. Low et al.’s (2005) metaanalysis revealed a similar phenomenon. Echoing research on mean-level stability, research on rank-order stability and profile stability once again suggests that interests tend to be more stable when individuals enter adulthood (Low et al., 2005; Xu & Tracey, 2016). Practical Implications The developmental trajectories of interests, particularly trajectories for different gender identities, have important implications for the practice of P-E fit. One could argue that the utility of the parallel use of the RIASEC model rests upon the stability of interests because career decision making is essentially an intertemporal choice scenario (Xu & Yin, 2020), in which individuals rely on their prediction of future rewards to make a career decision, and unstable interests could easily undermine the accuracy of predictions about the future. Therefore, it would be ideal for individuals to be asked to make career decisions only when their interests have been stabilized or, more generally speaking, when they have a solid foundation to predict the future. However, a common career dilemma is that although people lack abilities and resources to fully predict the future during late adolescence and early adulthood, they need to make at least a preliminary career choice so that they can engage in necessary career preparation. Interest-based career guidance can be beneficial for adolescents and
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young adults, but how to use interests to guide the process certainly requires thoughtful consideration. Given the disruption of interest development in middle school, it appears wise not to use interests as the dominant road map for future careers, and capitalizing on interests at this stage could perpetuate internalized social oppression and prematurely limit people’s career choices (Tracey et al., 2005). Instead, it is more appropriate to help middle school students stay open and explore options broadly and develop critical consciousness, or at least to encourage them to use career assessments with less gender bias (Sodano & Tracey, 2011). When individuals enter late adolescence and adulthood, their interests are generally stabilized, but their person-oriented interests could still increase over time. Therefore, when using interest assessment to explore potential career options, counselors should pay attention to the possibility that increasing person-oriented interests could unlock other options later and direct clients’ attention to this possibility accordingly. The possible changes could entail more involvement with managerial roles within the same occupation or a career transition to a related but more person-oriented occupation. Outcomes Interests would not be an important career construct if they had no effect on vocational behaviors and career outcomes. Therefore, a great deal of research has been devoted to the outcome issue of interests, which has significantly advanced knowledge regarding the role of interests in career choices, performance, subjective career success (e.g., satisfaction), and objective career success (e.g., salary, promotion). The fact that these four outcome domains have been heavily researched is likely attributable to the theoretical guidance of Holland’s (1997) theory and social cognitive career theory (SCCT; Lent & Brown, 2013; Lent et al., 1994). Holland’s theory not only acknowledges the utility of interests in predicting career choices but also proposes interest-occupation congruence as an important predictor of performance, satisfaction, and tenure. In contrast to Holland’s theory, SCCT (Lent & Brown, 2013; Lent et al., 1994) mainly functions as a descriptive (as opposed to prescriptive) model that predicts career choices, choice behaviors, and career outcomes based on interests. I focus on key findings and issues in each of the four outcome domains. Career Choice The prediction of career choices from interests addresses the role of interests in shaping career directions and has drawn extensive attention in the field. Two lines of research have collectively supported the prediction of educational and occupational choices. The first line of such research (e.g., Leung et al., 2014) uses the whole interest profile and examines whether RIASEC interest scores can predict categorized educational or occupational choices (e.g., engineering or teaching). This line of research fits intuitive understanding about the link between interests and career choices and takes advantage of simplified prediction criteria; however, categorizing career choices could
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miss nuanced differences within categories and often relies on an arbitrary categorical system. In contrast to the first approach, the second line of choice-oriented research is rooted in SCCT and typically has examined the use of a domain-specific interest (e.g., engineering) to predict the corresponding domain-specific choice (e.g., intent to study engineering). This line of research has been very active, particularly for science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) education research (Flores et al., 2014; Fouad & Santana, 2017). Notably, several meta-analytic studies have attempted to quantitatively summarize extensive research on the link between domain-specific interests and career choices (Lent & Brown, 2019). For example, Lent et al. (1994) provided initial meta-analytical evidence for the choice model of SCCT, which proposes unidirectional relations among key variables of self-efficacy, outcome expectations, interest, choice goals, and choice behavior. Although SCCT research was still limited at that time, they were able to find an association of .60 between interests and choice goals. Later, Sheu et al. (2010) aggregated relevant bivariate correlations of the SCCT choice model and meta-analytically examined the choice model across the six Holland themes. They found that the correlations between interests and choice goals ranged from .18 to .55 across the six Holland themes. Lent et al. (2018) meta-analytically examined the choice model in more specific STEM fields and found a correlation of .37 between interests and choice goals. Although Lent et al.’s (2018) meta-analysis found that the magnitude of the interest–choice link varies across racial/ethnic and gender identities, the general role of interests in the choice model of SCCT holds true. Obvious as the link between interests and career choices seems, the reason behind this association is worth careful exploration. The intuitive idea that interests should and do lead to career choices dates back almost to the beginning of vocational psychology (Betsworth & Fouad, 1997). However, it should be noted that engaging in activities of personal interests in fact reflects a strong individualistic value (Ott-Holland et al., 2013). By contrast, individuals from collectivistic cultural contexts do not necessarily prioritize interests in their career decisions or at least value personal interests to a lesser degree compared with their counterparts in individualistic cultures (Ott-Holland et al., 2013). For example, it is a cultural norm in East Asian countries that people are taught to endure temporary suffering to secure long-term well-being and interests of all related parties (e.g., family). Admittedly, as the world experiences increasing Westernization, the ideology about the centrality of interests has been spread to regions where personal interests traditionally do not have a heavy weight. However, it is plausible to argue that cultural sensitivity remains important when using and interpreting interest assessment in cultural contexts that deviate from individualism. This multicultural lens is also important for understanding the role of interest congruence in career development, which will be discussed later. Performance The second important outcome domain of interests concerns the prediction of academic and job performance. Regarding academic performance, Tracey and
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colleagues’ studies (Tracey et al., 2012; Tracey & Robbins, 2006) used two large samples of undergraduate students in the United States (N = 88,813 and N = 80,574, respectively) to examine the prediction of interest congruence for subsequent academic performance, which represents a milestone in related research. Using Euclidean distance, angular agreement, and profile correlation to operationalize congruence, they found that interest–major congruence predicted GPA at the end of the 1st semester, the end of the 1st year, the end of the 2nd year, and graduation over and beyond ACT scores. Although these findings provide strong support for the incremental utility of interest congruence in predicting academic performance over and beyond ACT scores, they also showed that the predictive magnitude of interest congruence is much more modest than that of ACT scores (Tracey et al., 2012; Tracey & Robbins, 2006). Therefore, if academic performance is a primary criterion in students’ college major decisions, they probably should be aware that using interests to select a major could help obtain desirable academic performance, but their academic readiness (reflecting a combination of cognitive abilities and academic preparation) is likely a more powerful predictor of academic performance. In contrast to research on academic performance, research on job performance has examined not only the prediction of congruence for performance but also the prediction of interests alone for performance (Nye et al., 2012, 2017; Van Iddekinge et al., 2011). For example, Van Iddekinge et al.’s (2011) meta-analysis revealed corrected correlations of .14 and .15 for interest alone and congruence indices, respectively, whereas Nye et al.’s (2012) meta-analysis revealed corrected correlations of .20 and .36 for interest alone and congruence indices, respectively. Later, Nye et al. (2017) analyzed more comprehensive data to reveal corrected correlations of .16 and .32 for interest alone and congruence indices, respectively. Notably, all of these three meta-analytic studies supported congruence indices as a superior predictor of job performance in comparison to interests alone. Although these results are promising for illuminating the value of interests (particularly interest congruence) in personnel selection, an important caveat is that existing meta-analyses did little in revealing unique predictions of job performance by interests over and beyond general abilities. In fact, Schmidt and Hunter’s (2004) meta-analysis probably could provide a context to understand the role of interests in job performance, as they revealed a large corrected correlation (i.e., about .50) between general mental ability and job performance. Therefore, if job performance is the primary criterion of career decision making and personnel selection, career decision makers and human resource managers should be aware that interest congruence could forecast job performance, but its predictive power is likely weaker than that of general mental ability. Subjective Success Cognitive abilities could indirectly contribute to subjective success (e.g., satisfaction) through performance (see the moderate relationship between job performance and satisfaction; Schmidt & Hunter, 2004). However, interests plausibly
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relate to satisfaction more directly than do cognitive abilities because engaging in likable activities obviously could bring enjoyment, whereas high abilities could give rise to a critical mindset (Judge et al., 1999). Research has not directly examined the use of congruence in predicting academic satisfaction; however, Tracey and colleagues’ studies (Tracey et al., 2012; Tracey & Robbins, 2006) revealed that congruence predicted enrollment criteria (e.g., enrollment and graduation) for individuals with low flexibility. In contrast to congruence– satisfaction research in students, congruence–satisfaction research in employees has been active for decades since the inception of Holland’s (1997) theory and has resulted in several meta-analyses (Hoff et al., 2020; Tsabari et al., 2005). Unfortunately, results have been equivocal since the beginning of the 21st century (Spokane et al., 2000; Tsabari et al., 2005), leading to recurrent debates and even questions about the primacy of interest congruence and the validity of Holland’s RIASEC model (Arnold, 2004; Tinsley, 2000). For example, Tsabari et al.’s (2005) meta-analysis found a correlation of .17 (95% confidence interval [–.09, .42]). Spokane et al. (2000) estimated the congruence–satisfaction relationship based on then existing evidence and concluded that the correlation between congruence and job satisfaction is in the .25 range, which obviously is not large. However, given that correlations in social science generally range from .20 to .30 (Meyer et al., 2001) and career success is subject to a myriad of factors (Judge et al., 1999), it is reasonable to argue that a single factor that has a correlation of .25 is hardly trivial. Therefore, Spokane et al. conceptualized congruence as a conducive, but not necessarily required, factor for job satisfaction. Adding to this recommendation is Hoff et al.’s (2020) recent meta-analysis, which used a comprehensive data set of congruence-related primary studies (k = 194, N = 39,601) and revealed a statistically significant and positive correlation of .19 between interest congruence and job satisfaction (95% confidence interval [.16, .21]). One important interpretation regarding the finding that the magnitude of congruence–satisfaction association is lower than expected involves moderators in the congruence–satisfaction link. In fact, Tsabari et al.’s (2005) and earlier meta-analyses (Assouline & Meir, 1987; Tranberg et al., 1993) all revealed a wide range of confidence intervals, suggesting the heterogeneity of congruence–satisfaction correlations. One important moderator that accounts for the varying predictive strength of congruence is the approach to operationalizing congruence (Tracey & Robbins, 2006; Tsabari et al., 2005). Although Tsabari et al.’s meta-analysis demonstrates a generally weak congruence– satisfaction link, it did show that different congruence indices exhibited different strengths of the link. Tracey and Robbins (2006) forcefully argued that even though then-existing research almost exclusively used congruence indices based on one to three top interests, it is more appropriate to use the whole RIASEC profile because (a) it retains all information and (b) processing tied scores could be arbitrary. Therefore, new congruence research in the 21st century began to adopt profile-based approaches (e.g., Euclidean distance, angular agreement, profile correlation) when operationalizing congruence and has
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consistently found positive results (Tracey et al., 2012; Tracey & Robbins, 2006; Xu & Li, 2020). Xu and Li (2020) recently compared four profile-based approaches to congruence operationalization and found that profile correlation outperformed Euclidean distance, angular agreement, and profile deviance in predicting job satisfaction, life satisfaction, and turnover intention, which supports the idiosyncratic use of the RIASEC model and suggests that the key element of congruence is pattern congruence (also see three types of similarity in multivariate data; Cronbach & Gleser, 1953). Objective Success Vocational psychologists traditionally focused on subjective career success in interest research, whereas industrial and organizational psychologists tended to emphasize objective career success (e.g., salary, promotion, occupational prestige) as an outcome criterion of interests. Unsurprisingly, personality traits and general mental ability have been found to predict objective career success (Judge et al., 1999; Ng et al., 2005). However, Rounds and Su (2014) revealed that interests accounted for 83.3% of variance in income (4.7% and 12.0% by personality and ability, respectively) and 32.9% of variance in occupational prestige (8.2% and 58.9% by personality and ability, respectively). Therefore, in the domain of objective career success, interests function as a salient predictor in comparison with personality and general mental ability, at least for income and occupational prestige. However, this salient role likely results from the fact that interests do predict career choices (Lent & Brown, 2019; Nauta, 2010), and different occupational areas are structurally associated with different levels of income and prestige (Tracey, 2002). Therefore, the key implication of findings related to objective career success is more about the socioeconomic disparity among occupations than about the power of interests. However, when objective career success is a dominant work value during career decision making (Cable & Edwards, 2004), it may be important for individuals to carefully evaluate whether their (dis)likes are compatible with their extrinsic needs, particularly for short-term career planning (Xu & Yin, 2020). Summary of Research on Outcomes The literature on Holland’s (1997) congruence hypothesis has suggested that (a) general mental ability is more important than interest congruence in predicting performance, (b) interest congruence is more important than general mental ability in predicting satisfaction, and (c) interest congruence predicts performance more strongly than it predicts satisfaction. Although interest congruence might not be a decisive factor for either performance or satisfaction, it does provide a useful strategy for differentiating career options, which is important for applied settings that focus on selecting career directions for a given person, such as career decision making. It is worth mentioning that abilities and personality traits do predict performance and satisfaction, but their effects (e.g., the benefit of conscientiousness) likely apply to a wide range of occupational areas and thus do not necessarily help individuals select occupations. However,
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abilities and personality traits are probably more useful than interests for personnel selection given their superior predictions for performance (Judge et al., 1999). The moderate predictions of interest congruence for performance and satisfaction also suggest that although aligning educational and occupational choices with interests is a generally beneficial strategy, it has no decisive effects and should be subject to continuous adaption in career development (Savickas, 2015). When examining the prediction of interests, as introduced before, researchers have increasingly noted the importance of theory-driven moderators (Spokane et al., 2000; Xu & Li, 2020). In addition to the moderation of prediction criteria and operationalization strategy (Hoff et al., 2020; Nye et al., 2012, 2017; Tsabari et al., 2005; Van Iddekinge et al., 2011), the moderation of interest traitedness, the general level of interests (or personal flexibility), and environmental constraint (Tracey, 2003; Tracey et al., 2012) have also been supported. Among them, both interest traitedness and the general level of interests describe flexibility or tolerance that individuals can afford in unsatisfactory environments; however, they have different theoretical origins. Interest traitedness, which can be operationalized as item score consistency, has its theoretical root in personality literature (Tracey, 2003). It essentially indicates the extent to which interests manifest consistently across situations. When interest traitedness is low, individuals would show fluctuating likes for different aspects within a RIASEC domain. In this case, environments that fit interests in general could still have uninteresting aspects, whereas environments that mismatch interests in general could still involve interesting aspects. Consequently, congruence between average interest scores and occupations, which is the conventional approach to operationalizing congruence, would not be able to precisely predict individuals’ occupational experience. In contrast to interest traitedness, the general level of interests or personal flexibility could moderate the power of congruence because individuals with higher overall interests (i.e., interested in a variety of RIASEC areas) can more easily enjoy and adapt to different occupational areas (Tracey et al., 2012). Environmental constraint (i.e., environmental homogeneity in terms of interests) functions in a similar way to interest traitedness but exerts its influence on the environmental end (Judge & Zapata, 2015; Tracey et al., 2012). In stronger environments (i.e., environments with more homogenous interest profiles), it is expected that individuals whose interest profile mismatches environmental characteristics in general may find it more difficult to fit in and thrive. Conversely, in weaker environments (i.e., those of more heterogeneous interest profiles), it might be easier for individuals to find their social niche given the diversity in environments (Tracey et al., 2012). The moderation research has important implications for the P-E fit practice of Holland’s (1997) theory. If individuals have more flexibility in dealing with uninteresting environments, the importance of interest congruence in career decision making would decrease. Conversely, if individuals cannot tolerate uninteresting environments, interest congruence will likely function as a criti-
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cal criterion in career decision making. In the former case, individuals can take advantage of broader career exploration based on the preliminary career direction indicated by interest congruence, and in the latter case, discerning dominant interests would be pivotal in pinpointing suitable career options. More broadly speaking, interest traitedness and the general level of interests do not represent all areas related to flexibility in career development (also see career adaptabilities; Savickas & Porfeli, 2012; Xu, 2020b), but these two interestrelated aspects would be important when using interest assessment to derive suitable educational and occupational areas. Compared with individual interest profiles, environmental interest profiles are less precise because of inevitability heterogeneity (Nye et al., 2018). Such heterogeneity can result from diverse task requirement within the same occupations, unique subspecialities within the same occupations, and various job levels within the same occupations (Nye et al., 2018). Therefore, it might be useful to adopt an iterative approach to implementing congruence that would allow individuals to use interest congruence to locate a preliminary list of suitable career options and then conduct a deeper and more specific exploration to understand the potential variation of environmental profiles. That being said, understanding the interest profile of working environments at a specific geographic location, organization, and job level is not always feasible, particularly for disadvantaged populations. Therefore, continuous adaptation coupled with P-E fit practice (Krumboltz, 2009; Savickas, 2015; Xu, 2020a) is likely more ecologically adaptive than pursuing a precise fit.
WHAT WE SHOULD KNOW MORE ABOUT In comparison with the structural, stability, and outcome issues of interests, the development mechanism of interests, which essentially addresses why people develop interests in certain occupational areas (i.e., the cause of interests), remains less known. This conceptual limitation has a ripple effect on interest assessment and unfortunately limits the precision of interest assessment to some extent. Undoubtedly, the development and assessment of interests are not the only areas for further exploration (Betsworth & Fouad, 1997; Strong, 1943); however, these two areas have major implications for the science and practice of interests because they address the fundamental conceptualization and operationalization of interests. Development Although anchoring interests in likes and dislikes helps the field obtain a consensual definition, people could like the same occupations and activities (i.e., two common assessed targets) for different reasons. It is plausible that people might like certain occupations and activities because these occupations and activities align with natural dispositions, past enjoyable experiences, past
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engagement experiences, personal values, outcome expectations, self-efficacy, and/or calling (Betsworth & Fouad, 1997). In other words, interests likely represent a summative emotional experience that is driven by a variety of biopsychosocial mechanisms. Although interests, regardless of their specific sources, generally function as a motivational structure that provides direction, vigor, and persistence (Rounds & Su, 2014), interests derived from different development mechanisms might be associated with different consequences in career development because, as self-determination theory (SDT) and research show (Deci et al., 2017; Ryan & Deci, 2000), different motivations in fact are associated with different regulations and consequences. Thus, differentiating interests based on their development mechanisms and related functionality is not only plausible but also necessary. Based on SDT’s key tenet on the differentiation of controlled and autonomous motivations (Deci et al., 2017; Ryan & Deci, 2000), there might be two major types of interests: outcome- and process-oriented interests. Outcomeoriented interests are products of controlled motivation (e.g., in pursuit of external rewards and self-worth). Because controlled motivation relies on the instrumentality of activities for external rewards or self-worth, outcomeoriented interests are subject to evaluations of the consequences associated with chosen occupations. This evaluative process takes into account a variety of social cognitive factors (Lent & Brown, 2013; Lent et al., 1994), including social norms (e.g., gender role), cognitive processing (e.g., interpretation and calculation), the ongoing process of activities (e.g., setback), and the context of activities (e.g., resources). Based on SDT research on controlled motivation (Deci et al., 2017; Ryan & Deci, 2000), outcome-oriented interests do not necessarily undermine performance in mundane activities (e.g., repetitive calculation and operation); however, they are not particularly helpful in facilitating performance in complex activities and well-being across activities. It is also important to note that although outcome-oriented interests plausibly help satisfy evolutionary needs (e.g., win resources to survive and fit in to reproduce), they are also susceptible to social oppression, biases, and situational factors (Flores et al., 2014; Fouad & Santana, 2017). Therefore, this type of interests does not necessarily indicate optimal educational and occupational areas, particularly when individuals are focusing on long-term career planning. In contrast to outcome-oriented interests, process-oriented interests are products of autonomous motivation (e.g., in pursuit of inherently interesting, novel, aesthetic, and stimulating experience or personally meaningful goals; Deci et al., 2017; Ryan & Deci, 2000). Process-oriented interests rely little on a positive evaluation of activity outcomes; rather, they are developed based on the positive emotional experience of doing the activity itself. Such positive experience reflects a flow state and could result from a correspondence between the nature of an activity (e.g., operating things) and an individual’s neuropsychological disposition (e.g., dispositional interests in mechanical movement; Betsworth & Fouad, 1997) and/or natural talents (e.g., ability in recognizing and controlling mechanical movement). Although process-oriented interests alone might not
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necessarily predict career choices due to constraints of psychosocial contexts (Flores et al., 2014; Fouad & Santana, 2017), they are, based on SDT research on autonomous motivation, important for facilitating performance in complex activities and promoting well-being across activities (Deci et al., 2017; Ryan & Deci, 2000). Notably, because process-oriented interests take relatively few immediate outcomes of activities into account, they might fall short of practicality during short-term career designing, particularly when environmental affordance is limited. However, their potential short-term impracticality does not detract from their utility in formulating career goals and facilitating career success in the long run (Xu & Yin, 2020). Assessment Because the field’s omnibus conceptualization of interests does not differentiate the two types of interests, the assessment practice of interests still follows Strong’s (1943) tradition and typically asks test takers to report their likes and dislikes. To be fair, the assessment practice of interests does make progress in terms of updating norms, improving content validity of items, aligning items with updated structural understandings of interests, and handling gender gaps (Tracey, 2020). However, research on interest assessment remains somewhat static in terms of assessing and integrating different types of interests (or motivations, more generally speaking). Given the differential roles outcome- and process-oriented interests plausibly play in predicting performance and satisfaction, measuring the two types of interests separately could open a door for more flexible career decision making in that individuals would be able to differentiate and synthesize not only short- and long-term goals but also performance and satisfaction criteria. Based on the definition of the two interest types, measuring outcome-oriented interests may need to center on sociocognitive evaluations of the outcomes of activities, whereas measuring process-oriented interests may need to center on positive emotional experience in doing the activity itself. It is important to note that conventional self-report surveys are unlikely to be the best method to assess process-oriented interests because sociocognitive mechanisms can easily contaminate self-reported assessment of process-oriented interests. To successfully measure process-oriented interests, using implicit and experiential assessments is likely a better strategy. This strategy echoes Tracey’s (2020) recommendation on the gamification of interest assessment but emphasizes the conceptual advantage of collecting nonverbal experiential information rather than the utility of gamification in facilitating test involvement and mitigating language barriers.
CONCLUSION: THE ROLE OF INTERESTS IN AN UNCERTAIN WORLD Interests have been one of the key constructs in vocational psychology and career counseling. Over the past century, research has made significant
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progress in clarifying the structure, stability, and prediction of interests, which addresses many key questions identified by Strong (1943) 70 years ago and significantly contributes to the practice of P-E fit in career intervention (Parsons, 1909). In general, research has supported interests as a useful concept for helping individuals make career decisions (e.g., Hoff et al., 2020; Low et al., 2005; Nye et al., 2017; Tracey & Rounds, 1993). Interests, like any single psychosocial construct, cannot offer decisive guidance on career directions, but they offer valuable information that allows individuals to initiate career preparation and adaptation starting in late adolescence, which is tremendously beneficial for a host of developmental issues, including identity development, psychological independence, and career designing (Xu, 2020a; Xu & Yin, 2020). The importance of interests, however, was debated given the increasingly fluid psychosocial context of career decision making (Savickas, 2015; Xu & Bhang, 2019; Xu & Tracey, 2015), and the field has witnessed emerging discussions on the roles of values, identity, and meaning in career development. In contrast to interests, these constructs highlight agency in career construction as opposed to stable individual differences (Savickas, 2015). Essentially, this emerging voice meaningfully challenges the linear conceptualization of career decision making (i.e., choice to implementation) and the robotic approach to career counseling (i.e., assessment to prescribed guidance) that are often associated with (but not necessarily prescribed by) the P-E fit framework. However, I would like to argue that interests (or more generally speaking, the trait-andfactor perspective) do not necessarily conflict with the constructivist perspective; rather, they complement each other in describing the complex and dynamic nature of career decision making. When individuals explore values, identity, and meaning, their interests could be a relatively stable and objective input. When individuals interpret their interests, their values, identity, and sense of meaning could shape how they apply interests in career decision making. Therefore, the utility of interests in fact rests upon a dialectical management of both the stable and fluid aspects of P-E fit. Based on the dialectical perspective regarding the role of interests in career decision making, I advocate a continual and strategic anchoring and adjustment process in career decision making. In strategic anchoring and adjustment, interest congruence could function as one of many strategies to identify a suitable anchor choice, and its primary importance lies in its utility in initiating career preparation and facilitating subsequent adaptation as opposed to technical precision in signaling the “right” choice. In other words, career choices that do not align with interests are not necessarily wrong choices in a given career decision-making context. It is plausible that sometimes individuals might need to engage in activities they do not particularly like to deepen self- and environmental understandings and accumulate career resources, as long as sacrificing interests (for the time being) does not permanently compromise long-term career goals. In summary, although interests do not provide decisive answers, they do provide useful information for career decision making and guidance
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and should be considered together with other personal and contextual information to facilitate career development in this uncertain world.
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8 The Interface Between Career Exploration and Decision Making From Parsons to the 21st Century’s Volatile World of Work Itamar Gati
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his chapter focuses on the current and likely future challenges related to self-exploration and environmental exploration and the challenges involved in career decision making. The volatile job market demands career decisions be made with increasing frequency (Lipshits-Braziler & Gati, 2019). Nowadays, the goals, methods, means, and outcomes of both self-exploration and environmental exploration differ significantly from those characterizing the past. The chapter begins by distinguishing between the two facets of career exploration—self-exploration and environmental exploration—and introduces relevant concepts and definitions. Next, it discusses the essence, goal, and core features of self-exploration (i.e., knowing yourself). Then, it explores the arduous task of knowing the world of work and introduces an updated, realistic version of environmental exploration. The chapter continues by focusing on the present and the future of true reasoning—the core of career decision making—the process of combining information collected during self-exploration and environmental exploration to identify suitable career options. Next, the interface between self- and environmental information and the core stages of the career decision-making process—prescreening, in-depth exploration, and choice—is described, and the attendant challenges
The preparation of this chapter was supported by the Samuel and Esther Melton Chair of Itamar Gati. I thank Benny A. Benjamin, Tony Gutentag, Viktória Kulcsár, Nimrod Levin, Yuliya Lipshits-Braziler, Adi Tene, and Tirza Willner for their comments and suggestions on earlier versions of this chapter. https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-009 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 169
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are explored. After considering future directions for processing the compiled information and translating it into career decisions, suggestions are outlined for designing information and communication technology (ICT)-based selfhelp systems to facilitate career decision making. This chapter describes individuals who often engage in self- and environmental exploration and take initiative to make career decisions, highlighting the role of career practitioners in facilitating their clients’ explorations and career decision making. The term career practitioner refers to career counselors, vocational and counseling psychologists, and other related professionals who help individuals make career decisions.
CAREER EXPLORATION In their review of career exploration, Jiang et al. (2019) distinguished between personal–internal focused exploration and contextual–external focused environmental exploration. They highlighted the need for an overarching theoretical framework to understand and study career exploration. This chapter aims to propose a framework from the viewpoint of career decision making, highlighting two prominent distinctions relevant to career exploration: its focus and its mode. Career exploration is divided between self-exploration (e.g., What is my level of technical skills?) and environmental exploration (e.g., What level of technical ability is needed for a particular occupation?). The mode of career exploration relates to the distinction between active, intentional exploration and passive, indirect, or accidental exploration. The Role of Career Exploration in Career Choice Choosing among the alternatives can result from the conscious or subconscious processing of self-information and work information (Levin & Gati, 2015). The choice can be a consequence of a goal-oriented or a circuitous decision-making process, performed either intuitively or systematically; it can be self-initiated or guided professionally by a counselor or psychologist. The choice is dependent on the dissimilarities between the alternatives; attributes shared by two options (e.g., both jobs being located in downtown Manhattan) are irrelevant to the decision. Thus, environmental exploration should focus on the attributes that differentiate them, such as relevant abilities and skills needed for the job, routes for professional advancement, personal responsibility, or flextime options. In parallel, self-exploration should focus on the individual’s perception regarding the differences among career alternatives that emerged during environmental exploration. When exploring these differences, it is crucial to evaluate the career options in terms of compatibility between the individual’s skills and abilities and each career option: Would they be particularly desirable, or would they detract from job performance?
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Concepts and Definitions Individuals differ in many characteristics, such as their physical and cognitive abilities, personality, and preferences. Career aspects (Gati, 1998), also labeled as work aspects (Pryor, 1981) and occupational attributes (Prediger & Staples, 1996), refer to any consideration or factor used by individuals to compare career alternatives. These features may include various lengths of training, fringe benefits, technical ability, teamwork, professional advancement, and work environment. Career alternatives differ in their attributes, corresponding to the career aspects important for the individual (i.e., length of training, fringe benefits, required level of technical ability). The variations within an aspect (or attribute) can be discrete (e.g., shift work or steady hours, out-of-town travel) or continuous (e.g., length of training, salary). Often, continuous aspects can be divided into several qualitatively distinct, ordinal levels (e.g., no flexibility in working hours, some flexibility, and high flexibility). Preference refers to the extent to which the individual is inclined to a specific within-aspect continuum of levels (Gati, 2013). One pole on the continuum represents the individual’s preferred levels, such as deploying specific abilities (e.g., technical ability, analytical ability) or the desirable attributes of the career alternative (e.g., flexibility in working hours). The opposite poles represent the undesirable attributes from which the individual is deterred (e.g., no need to use manual dexterity, work in shifts, having high personal responsibility). Naturally, as in most continuums, the middle level of an aspect may often be the preferred option (e.g., training length that is neither too brief nor too lengthy). Aspect-based preferences can be considered as having three facets (Gati, 1998): the relative importance of an aspect (e.g., distance from home to work), the most preferred (optimal) within-aspect level (e.g., walking distance from home to work), and the willingness to compromise and consider additional levels (e.g., a commute up to a half hour is also acceptable). One’s ideal alternative (i.e., the “dream job”) defines the individual’s optimal level in all relevant aspects. The individual’s resources in terms of abilities, skills, professional knowledge, and career-related preferences serve as criteria for searching, comparing, and choosing among alternatives. The set of relevant alternatives varies among situations requiring a decision. Individuals perceive career alternatives in terms of many attributes, which can also be continuous or discrete (i.e., categorical or nominal). The set of relevant attributes depends on the decision’s context. Furthermore, career alternatives vary in their core attributes—the attributes that represent the essence of the alternative. For example, the core attributes of a news reporter include flexibility of working hours, verbal fluency, willingness to travel, and teamwork. The degree of fit between the individual’s characteristics and the attributes of a career alternative is affected by the degree of compatibility between the individual’s characteristics and the specific alternative’s corresponding attributes. An individual’s satisfaction with their occupational choice depends on the compatibility of the occupation’s core
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attributes with the individual’s respective characteristics (Gati, Garty, & Fassa, 1996).
SELF-EXPLORATION Self-exploration refers to the process of knowing yourself (Parsons, 1909), which involves acquiring information about the self that is relevant to the anticipated career decision. Career practitioners can help individuals self-explore by facilitating their awareness in two domains: (a) personal resources that may be useful to them in the world of work as well as those that may constrain the set of considered career options (e.g., abilities, skills, personality traits); and (b) their preferences, interests, and values. The Goals of Self-Exploration Career decision making requires self-exploration, which is often facilitated by a career practitioner or self-help assessments. Regarding achieving awareness of personal resources, the information compiled reflects one’s physical and cognitive abilities as well as strengths and weaknesses regarding their capacity to execute various tasks successfully. Professionals can increase the client’s awareness of the three facets of abilities that should be considered during career decision making: (a) self-estimated abilities, (b) measured or objective abilities, and (c) the inclination to use a particular ability (Gati, Fishman-Nadav, & Shiloh, 2006). The goal of self-exploration that focuses on personal resources is to provide the individual with a more calibrated self-estimate that reflects their actual abilities. This versatile self-assessment can also help ascertain the individual’s preferences regarding using that ability. Individuals’ likes and dislikes spark their awareness of preferences, interests, and values that differentiate among the considered career alternatives (e.g., length of training, income, flexibility of working hours, prospect of professional advancement). Information about these aspects serves as criteria for (a) searching for promising alternatives; (b) guiding environmental exploration; and (c) outlining the aspect-based profile of the “dream career,” the ideal or perfect career that matches the individual’s optimal level in all career aspects. Thus, self-exploration serves as a benchmark for (d) assessing the compatibility between the attributes of career alternatives and the individual’s corresponding desirable characteristics. The degree of compatibility denotes the fit level and hence the relative attractiveness of career alternatives for the individual. Characteristics of Self-Exploration Sources of Self-Exploration Self-exploration is not always a regimented or even defined process. It often occurs implicitly and explicitly, initiated by the individual or influenced by others such as family or professional counselors. From the beginning of a person’s
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life, self-exploration helps individuals become aware of their interests. Feedback from parents and other adults affects one’s career-related identity, specifically, their self-estimated abilities and preferences toward using them. Adults’ feedback can be implicit (e.g., encouraging an 8-year-old girl to participate in the school choir) or explicit (e.g., directly praising an 8-year-old girl for her excellent singing voice). An environment rich in stimulating objects and activities contributes to the individual’s self-exploration of their abilities and preferences. Growing older, the individual is likely to initiate the process of selfexploration. This process is manifested in participating in school or after-school activities, volunteering, or summer jobs. These experiences provide opportunities to learn about oneself in terms of preferences and perceived abilities (what one likes or prefers) and in what one excels. It is critical that children and adolescents use and analyze their personal experiences and behaviors to further their self-exploration. Through skill development and professionals’ guidance, these experiences can be integrated into their awareness of their abilities. Consequently, parents, teachers, and professionals must educate, support, and provide meaningful opportunities to foster children’s and adolescents’ successful and satisfying careers. Challenges in Self-Exploration Although the self-exploration process is intended for the current self, it is likely also to affect the unknown future self: What will my preferences be in the future? What skills will I need? Unfortunately, there is no easy way to resolve these questions accurately. As future career pathways are unknown, individuals should be prepared to adapt to future unanticipated changes and cope with their implications. One way to prepare for the unknown is to consider preferences not only in terms of “what is my optimal, most preferred level” (e.g., working only indoors) but also in terms of additional level(s) the individual is prepared to compromise on (e.g., working mostly indoors). The willingness to compromise reflects the individual’s readiness to embrace uncertainties and the flexibility to adapt to the unpredictable vicissitudes in the labor market. The Cohesiveness of Preferences One of the desirable outcomes of self-exploration is the identification of search criteria for promising or suitable alternatives. Is the individual looking for career alternatives that involve working with children or that enable extensive outdoor work? The aim is to identify well-defined, cohesive search criteria that are distinct, consistent, and coherent (Shimoni et al., 2019). Differentiation refers to variance in the relative importance of the aspects that consist of search criteria and in the variance of the optimal within-aspect levels, parallel to Holland’s (1997) notion of differentiation. Consistency refers to the similarity among the individual’s preferences in related aspects (e.g., leadership and personal responsibility, length of training, and analytical ability). Coherence refers to the degree to which the pattern of associations between the three facets of preferences (i.e., the relative importance of aspects, the optimal within-
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aspect level, and the willingness to compromise on additional levels) are reasonable. Synchronized preferences (e.g., less readiness to compromise in the more essential aspects) serve as indicators of preference cohesiveness (Gati et al., 1993). Individuals differ in their awareness of the degree of cohesiveness of their aspect-based preferences that serve as search criteria for their future careers. Those aware of a relatively low cohesiveness of their preferences may consider seeking career counselors for help in clarifying what they are looking for. Individuals’ self-appraisal of their preference cohesiveness has been found to be associated with their reported range of considered alternatives: High cohesiveness was associated with a narrower range of considered alternatives, indicating a more advanced career decision status (Gati & Tene, 2022). In cases of low preference cohesiveness (as determined by the individual’s subjective feelings, the career practitioner’s judgment, or an algorithm-based estimate of search criteria cohesiveness), individuals should be directed to activities promoting self-exploration. Cohesive career preferences enhance the likelihood of compiling a “good” list of promising alternatives that is relatively homogeneous and manageably short (Gati et al., 2022). Facilitating Self-Exploration Today, individuals can conduct self-exploration in an increasingly visual and concrete format. Specifically, the internet offers unique opportunities to revolutionize self-exploration by providing virtual experiences of various activities that require diverse abilities or skills and by introducing multiple work environments. The feedback after the simulation can indicate the individual’s proficiency in the relevant ability or skill, followed by eliciting the individual’s preferences regarding deploying this ability in their career. In addition, access to brief videos about specific activities of interest (e.g., bandaging a bleeding wound) may be used to introduce individuals to a variety of activities (e.g., of a paramedic) to help elicit their inclinations for those activities. Simulations such as these can be directly linked to videos or virtual reality (VR) systems with a personalized avatar, applying the presented ability in a particular occupation or job to illustrate its essence and enable more realistic self-exploration. Selfexploration of this nature is intertwined with environmental exploration, as the simulation focuses on the core attributes and essence of a particular job (e.g., hanging by ropes outside a skyscraper). Individuals beginning their search who have yet to compile a short list of promising career alternatives can benefit from simulations such as these for promoting self-exploration. These systems can present general activities and settings relating to several occupations or jobs (e.g., using hand–eye coordination for repairing an electronic device or standing and speaking to a group of people sitting around a table). Finally, not only does the world of work change dramatically with time, but individuals change as well. Individuals’ career-search criteria are affected by changes in their life roles (Super, 1980). For example, the prospect of foreign
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business travel in his next job may seem attractive to a young bachelor; however, this option may prove less desirable or even unacceptable several years later with the birth of his first child. Whereas the growing trend promoting lifelong learning and ongoing self-exploration can assist in acquiring additional skills relevant to job success and obtaining new knowledge, environmental exploration remains essential before deciding (e.g., Which Udemy course [https://www.udemy.com] will be my next challenge?). Thus, although selfexploration provides relevant information for guiding the search for career alternatives and comparing them, the process is intertwined with environmental exploration.
ENVIRONMENTAL EXPLORATION Environmental exploration corresponds to Parsons’s (1909) concept of knowing the world of work and entails acquiring information about the world of work and its virtually unlimited career possibilities. The Goals of Environmental Exploration The primary aims of environmental exploration are to gain awareness of the universe of career alternatives in a given decision situation and to collect information on the relevant attributes of these alternatives. It is critical to highlight to clients that attributes common to the relevant alternatives in a given situation (e.g., all are offered at the nearby state university, all are jobs in Silicon Valley) are irrelevant when selecting only one alternative. Thus, environmental exploration assists individuals in making career decisions in two ways: (a) It increases awareness of the available relevant career alternatives, and (b) it provides information regarding what characterizes them and, primarily, what differentiates them. Often, to avoid drowning in a sea of information, the first stage of environmental exploration is locating a promising set of alternatives for in-depth investigation (elaborated later in the section on career decision making). Characteristics of Environmental Exploration Environmental exploration is an information-gathering process characterized by several features. First, as in self-exploration, environmental exploration can be intentional and active, such as browsing career information databases (e.g., O*Net, Monster), or fortuitous, like expressing one’s curiosity about the new next-door neighbor’s occupation (e.g., paramedic). Environmental exploration may be prompted by significant others or by accommodating social norms, often disseminated on social media. Second, the aim of exploration can be focused, such as collecting information about a particular alternative (e.g., behavioral economics), or unfocused, such as by browsing or window shopping. Unfocused
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exploration may expose the individual to a new alternative (e.g., cyber security) and thus prompt a career transition. Third, the environmental information elicited during the exploration can be structured, quantitative, and categorical (e.g., average salary in the occupation, type of training required) or unstructured (e.g., viewing a video of an interview with an incumbent describing how they view the job’s advantages and challenges). Many current career information databases enable searching structured information (e.g., O*Net). Critically, both the structured and the unstructured information offered in occupational databases are human mediated, as its collection and compilation derive from the judgments of career information experts. Thus, due to its reliance on human judgment, the quality of the information needs to be continuously monitored. In the future, artificial intelligence will have a prominent role in this process, and based on its big-data analyzing capacity, relatively precise and accurate descriptions will be accessible. The information in online databases may include individuals’ stories and recorded video interviews in addition to already accessible structured information (e.g., anticipated income, prospects for finding a job in a particular occupation in a specific locale). These developments notwithstanding, accessible data will still be limited to what the involved experts find to be relevant and representative, based on the quality of the information that is accessible to them. Finally, the data being searched during the environmental exploration process can be gathered directly and independently by the individual (using an ICT-based database) or through human mediation, such as family, friends, or a career counselor. When the deliberating individual has a collection of potential alternatives that call for further information, the pattern of subsequent exploration depends on the variance among the considered alternatives. The set of potential career options may be relatively homogenous (e.g., pharmaceutical companies, 4-year colleges in New York City), sharing some common attributes but differing in others. However, the set of options may be highly heterogeneous, being qualitatively different and incomparable (e.g., attending graduate studies in business administration, being a media graphics freelancer, or joining the family business). The exploration may be driven by searching for a “must-have” attribute to locate career alternatives possessing that attribute (e.g., universities offering graduate studies in counseling psychology). Alternatively, it may focus on a search for information about a particular attribute, such as access to free parking at the workplace or the option of working from home for 2 to 3 days a week. Exploration may focus on gathering details about the credentials necessary for admission to the required training or for a specific career. The exploration will integrate information collected during self-exploration and may focus on application prerequisites for a particular job (e.g., committing to overseas travel at least four times annually) or a specific university (e.g., providing SAT or ACT scores). The exploration may also prioritize a desirable aspect that the individual seeks (e.g., flexible working hours) or wants to avoid (e.g., working in shifts).
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Sources of Environmental Information One of the career development tasks during childhood and adolescence is acquiring awareness of the variety of tasks that adults carry out and the systematic distinctions among them. Being cognizant of consistent differences in the activities of significant people in one’s environment likely begins at a very early age, perhaps even from the first day of life (e.g., some mothers prefer nursing, whereas others engage in bottle feeding). Later, toddlers are likely to differentiate among their caregivers according to their various tasks (e.g., noticing who changes their diapers and who reads them stories). The variety in parents’ and additional significant others’ jobs enhances the growing child’s awareness of differences between career alternatives. The next stage is likely to be acknowledging the importance of environmental exploration in general and becoming cognizant of the shared and distinctive attributes of a given array of alternatives (e.g., optional advanced placement classes in high school or several after-school groups). Most environmental exploration in the individual’s early life stages is likely facilitated by others and largely inherent in their care settings. Thus, in one’s early life stages, parents and other significant adults become the sources of environmental information; however, with time, the variety of sources increases, along with the individual’s engagement in a growing number of activities and social units (e.g., school, social media, volunteering, friends and their parents). As the information sources expand, the challenge of identifying quality sources intensifies. Indeed, one of the factors causing difficulty in making career decisions is the lack of information about sources of relevant information (Gati, Krausz, & Osipow, 1996; Gati & Saka, 2001). Challenges in Environmental Exploration Three key challenges concerning the exploration of the world of work can be delineated: (a) the amount of information, (b) the quality of the information, and (c) uncertainty about the future of the world of work—what careers will look like in the future and what their attributes will be. As for the increased amount of information, the 21st century is characterized by an abundance of information, with practically infinite resources about career opportunities available on the internet. Means of communication have multiplied over the years, resulting in numerous ways to transfer information, including career exploration. Printed books comprised the typical source of occupational information during the 20th century (e.g., The Dictionary of Occupational Titles, replaced by O*Net; the Guide for Occupational Exploration, Harrington & O’Shea, 1984, presenting concise information about many occupations and careers). Personal interviews were disseminated in books organized by the interviewed professionals’ occupations (e.g., The Kuder Book of People Who Like Their Work; Hornaday & Gibson, 1995). Nowadays, information about occupations exists in written and visual forms, and information (representative or stereotypical) about the daily work of incumbents in various occupations is abundantly available (e.g., Law and Order, ER).
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Although most people are aware of the infinite amount of information currently accessible on the web, their awareness of the quality of information is less evident. Some internet-provided information is objective (e.g., length of training, tuition, availability of dormitories, location). However, most of the information is “soft” and subjective, based on perceptions and judgments of experts or individuals previously engaged in specific careers (e.g., prospects for advancement, job prospects in a given occupation 5 years from now, amount of job stress). High school counselors would do well in familiarizing students with various sources for environmental exploration and providing them indicators to evaluate the quality of these sources. These indicators include accuracy, relevance (e.g., information about variance and not only the central tendency), and the information’s currency. The third challenge is addressing the uncertainty about the future of the world of work. As noted, the world of work changes daily, both in the quantity and quality of the information about potentially suitable career options and their respective features. Jobs continually appear and disappear in the wake of rapid technological development. In some cases, robots and automation replace human workers (e.g., robot vacuum cleaners replacing cleaning personnel). Thus, the challenge individuals face when making a career decision is overwhelming. Typically, information concerning the future is unknown or, at best, limited and based on projections (as in Bright Outlook in O*Net). Often the uncertainty concerns the consequences of deciding on accepting a specific job offer. When the individual focuses on a particular job option, pertinent information (e.g., the salary range) may be extant but inaccessible to job seekers, causing them to proceed with their comparisons with incomplete information. This lack of career information uniformity characterizes situations where an employed individual is knowledgeable of their job’s advantages and shortcomings but has information gaps upon considering other job offers. In other cases, uncertainty may derive from gradually emerging changes in the world of work or from sudden, unanticipated circumstances. At times, unexpected change can be dramatic, such as when the core attributes of one’s job are altered due to global events, like the COVID-19 pandemic, when many employers adapted to the imposed constraints by assigning remote work and furloughing employees. These global circumstances expedited technological processes and modifications in the nature of work that had already begun prepandemic. The pandemic introduced changes in attributes of jobs and added core components to many jobs (e.g., video editing, applying technology in the classroom, virtual museum visits). Furthermore, some skills became more central to routine functioning (e.g., managing flexible working formats, time management, autonomy, resolving work–family conflict) and increased or reduced the demand for workers in specific fields (e.g., delivery persons and tourism professionals, respectively). To conclude this section, environmental exploration in today’s world of work is shifting its focus and presenting new challenges. Whereas exploration used to imply gathering information about the specific attributes of a given
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career, the focus has now shifted to locating sources of pertinent information and acquiring the skills to evaluate the quality of that information. The Future of Environmental Exploration ICT offers a unique opportunity to revolutionize environmental exploration in several ways. As noted, ICT-based systems can design creative ways to simplify and present information about alternatives, both verbally and visually. This trend will likely continue, offering novel means to present information, such as VR. VR can facilitate environmental exploration through experiencing simulations of the relevant activities in various work environments. Furthermore, ICT’s versatility can provide numerous ways to disseminate information from any source, including career information experts, workplaces, and former employees. Job information may include a description of a typical workday, presented from the perspective of a former incumbent in that job, presented as brief videos highlighting various job activities. The information can encompass a given job’s tasks, required skills, working conditions, and even reasons for leaving. Information such as this can provide a more realistic portrayal of the job, thus increasing the likelihood of valid self-selection and, in turn, enhancing job satisfaction, decreasing regret and burnout, and reducing turnover. Imagine seeing your prospective boss describing what is expected of a successful applicant and being able to virtually meet your future coworkers as part of the selection process. The increasing frequency of career transitions, both within and across organizations, characterizing today’s dynamic world of work highlights the need to be cognizant of continual changes in the work environment; these include changes in the universe of career options and their respective attributes. Hence, the focus of environmental exploration is shifting from gathering information about alternatives and their features to identifying relevant and reliable sources of information about career alternatives: What are the available options, what characterizes them, and what distinguishes them? Furthermore, individuals also change with time as they enter different life stages. An individual’s experience in their current job informs their preferences for the next one (e.g., a need to diminish the cost of working more than 10 hours a day in the current position on their social or family life).
MAKING CAREER DECISIONS Having to make a career decision is inherent during career transitions. Making the optimal career decision requires exploration to obtain relevant personal and environmental information. The issue of career decision making is of growing significance due to the increasing frequency of career transitions stemming from today’s high-paced, dynamic world of work. Career transitions may arise from an unanticipated job offer or a sudden or planned life-stage transition (e.g., having
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a baby). Even when unforeseen and imposed, all career changes stem from vicissitudes in the world of work or in the individual and involve making a career decision. In a survey of 9,964 adults born in the latter years of the baby boom (1957–1964), the respondents had held an average of 12.4 jobs between ages 18 and 54, with nearly half of these jobs between ages 18 and 24 (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019). The report found that the rate at which workers changed jobs decreased with age (from two per year to less than one in 5 years). All of these job changes involved making a career decision about the next job. Considering these statistics, how many jobs and accompanying career decisions can be anticipated for the high school class of 2022 during their careers? Among the critical implications of the increasing frequency of career decisions is the individual’s need to acquire and improve one’s career decisionmaking skills. Among these skills are the following: (a) being aware of the steps involved in the career decision-making process (Gati & Kulcsár, 2021), (b) incorporating uncertainty about the world of work and chance events (Bright et al., 2005), (c) taking advantage of happenstance and serendipity (Krumboltz, 2009), (d) being willing to consider compromises (Gati, 1993; Gottfredson, 1981), (e) coping with ambiguity (Xu & Tracey, 2014), and (f) overcoming actual and perceived hurdles and barriers (Levin & Gati, 2015). The burgeoning career alternatives and the abundance of information about them affect today’s career decisions, such as choosing high school tracks, colleges, majors, professional training programs, and postcollege jobs. However, the sheer quantity of career alternatives compels the individual to adopt a strategy to identify the promising options worthy of further consideration. Decision theory has been proposed as a framework for devising a strategy to guide the individual through the career decision-making process (e.g., Jepsen & Dilley, 1974; Pitz & Harren, 1980). Decision theory provides a framework that can be applied to compare alternatives and select the best one. Gati and colleagues (Gati, 2013; Gati & Levin, 2015; Gati et al., 2019) reviewed advances in career decision making in the 21st century. These advances include, among others, changing the emphasis from certainty to uncertainty and embracing chance (Bright et al., 2005), from attending to only conscious processes to acknowledging unconscious influences (Krieshok et al., 2009), and from focusing on the decision outcome’s desirability to evaluating the quality of the decision-making process (Phillips & Jome, 2005). Career decision making is currently among the most cited and researched issues in career counseling and vocational psychology (Byington et al., 2019). Its relevance is reflected in five comprehensive reviews and discussions published between August 2020 and June 2021 (Gati & Kulcsár, 2021; Hennessy & Yip, 2021; Kulcsár et al., 2020; Lent & Brown, 2020; Xu, 2021). Various models and approaches have been proposed to describe the career decision-making process. Gati and Kulcsár (2021) reviewed and discussed three types of career decision-making models: normative, descriptive, and prescriptive. Whereas normative models outline the theoretically best procedure for comparing alternatives and selecting the best one, descriptive models delineate
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the actual process typically used by individuals to make decisions. Prescriptive models can be seen as attempts to bridge the descriptive and normative models, as they outline the sequence of stages recommended for advancing toward making career decisions. Gati and Kulcsár reviewed six such models (Gati & Asher, 2001; Germeijs & Verschueren, 2006; Hirschi & Läge, 2007; Krumboltz & Hamel, 1977; Van Esbroeck et al., 2005; see also Chapter 4, this volume), highlighting the three core stages that were incorporated in most of them: prescreening, in-depth exploration, and choice. These three stages capture the crux of the career decision-making process. PIC as a Representative Prescriptive Career Decision-Making Model Adopting the prescriptive approach, Gati and Asher (2001) proposed the PIC model for career decision making, highlighting the three core stages of prescreening, in-depth exploration, and choice. The goal of prescreening is to identify a small set of promising alternatives worthy of further exploration. In-depth exploration aims to evaluate which promising alternatives are indeed suitable and should be included among the finalists in the next stage: choice. The goal of the choice stage is to identify the optimal alternative. Career practitioners can help their clients navigate their career decision making by introducing them to the PIC stages. As described in the next three sections, both self-exploration and environmental exploration play crucial roles in each of the three core stages of the career decision-making process. Prescreening Prescreening is often the first stage in career decisions. It aims to identify a small, manageable set of promising alternatives that warrant further exploration. The goals of self- and environmental exploration in prescreening. The goal of prescreening is to reduce the amount of information that needs to be explored. For prescreening, Gati (1986) proposed applying a sequential elimination process based on aspects (i.e., search criteria) important to the individual. The process requires first identifying the set of aspects to be used as search criteria. This step is crucial as it directly affects the prescreening outcome—the list of promising alternatives. The next step is to rank-order the aspects by their importance. Sequential elimination begins with the individual’s most important aspect and proceeds to the subsequent aspects by their priority. Thus, upon considering each aspect, its desirable levels are compared with the corresponding attributes of the still-relevant alternatives, which leads to eliminating alternatives that are incompatible with the individual’s preferred levels. This process progresses from aspect to aspect, eliminating unworthy options until the list of promising alternatives is sufficiently concise (seven plus or minus two; Gati et al., 2003; Gutentag et al., 2022). Sequential elimination reflects how people tend to make career decisions (Gati & Tikotzki, 1989). Furthermore, the recommendations of a career planning
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system based on sequential elimination successfully predicted occupational choice satisfaction in a 6-year follow-up study (Gati, Gadassi, & Shemesh, 2006). Career counseling psychologists regarded a concise and homogeneous promising list as the most helpful for guiding the in-depth exploration process (Gutentag et al., 2022). The roles of self- and environmental explorations in prescreening. The information collected during self-exploration serves two goals. The first goal is to identify relevant aspects that should be used in the prescreening process because considering all aspects is unfeasible. This set of relevant aspects includes those that emerged as important during self- and environmental exploration. Information about the environment raises individuals’ awareness of both the attributes that differentiate among plausible alternatives and the within-attribute variations (e.g., working exclusively indoors, mostly indoors, equally indoors and outdoors, mostly outdoors, exclusively outdoors). This leads to the individual’s awareness of the variance in the desirability of each of these levels. The second goal is to select the optimal level within the aspect (e.g., mostly indoors) and additional levels the individual is prepared to consider. Research has characterized “important aspects” as those that the individual is less inclined to compromise on; cases in which the optimal within-aspect level is at the extremities, such as the highest or the least (e.g., very high independence, not working in shifts); and cases in which the variance in the perceived desirability of the within-aspect levels is high (Gati et al., 1993). In-Depth Exploration In-depth exploration often focuses on the attributes of each promising alternative. In-depth exploration continues the elimination process by comparing each alternative to the individual’s desirable attributes, such as cognitive abilities, skills, and other personal resources (Gati & Asher, 2001). The goals of self- and environmental explorations during in-depth exploration. The collected data are used to evaluate the alternative’s suitability based on four criteria (Gati & Asher, 2001): (a) the degree of fit between the alternative and the individual’s most important search criteria; (b) the degree of fit between the alternative and the individual’s less important criteria; (c) the degree of fit between the core attributes of the alternative and the individual’s preferences; and (d) a sufficiently high likelihood of the individual to attain the considered alternative, based on previous experience, achievements, and abilities (e.g., receiving a job offer in that field, qualifying for a relevant training program). The roles of self- and environmental explorations during in-depth exploration. Environmental exploration is critical for gathering information about the promising alternatives identified in the prescreening stage. This information is applied to examining the compatibility between each promising alternative’s
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attributes and the individual’s desired levels in the corresponding aspects. The individual can then identify career options that are not only promising but indeed suitable. Engaging in in-depth exploration encourages obtaining additional information, such as accessing interviews with workers in relevant careers or jobs through print, online, face-to-face, or social media platforms (e.g., Facebook, Instagram). Using online databases for in-depth exploration requires the individual to deal with two challenges upon considering the obtained information: First, determine its relevance, and second, evaluate its quality. The information gathered regarding a promising alternative may include attributes not used as search criteria during prescreening because the individual was unaware of their relevance. For example, an individual considering neurosurgery might be unaware that emotional involvement is a core attribute of the occupation. This factor may have emerged only as a result of in-depth exploration (e.g., neurosurgery includes stressful encounters such as informing close relatives of a patient’s deterioration or death). Thus, if this attribute deters the individual, they should reconsider such a job. In-depth exploration allows for creating a shortlist of alternatives that are indeed suitable when none of the alternatives dominate another (i.e., there is no alternative that is equivalent or more desirable than another alternative in all the relevant criteria; Gati & Asher, 2001). Choice The choice stage involves systematically comparing the finalists among the alternatives at the end of in-depth exploration to determine which is the most compatible with the individual’s preferences, capabilities, and aspirations (Gati & Asher, 2001). This stage involves comparing the characteristics of the ideal alternative to the suitability of each of the finalists’ attributes. If a gap is revealed between the ideal and a shortlisted option, the relative importance of the relevant aspects is weighed: The smaller the gap and the lower the importance of the incompatible aspect, the closer that alternative is to the individual’s ideal option. Thus, each alternative is evaluated based on a compensatory model, where the advantages of an alternative (i.e., how well it matches the characteristics of the individual’s ideal) compensate for its shortcomings (i.e., gaps between the individual’s characteristics and the alternative’s corresponding attributes). The alternative with the largest difference between its advantages and shortcomings constitutes the optimal choice that is closest to one’s ideal alternative. Comparing the shortlisted alternatives involves processing the information collected during self-exploration and combining it with the information collected during environmental exploration. During the systematic comparison of the alternatives at the choice stage, the individual may notice missing relevant information, which may be unofficial yet pertinent (e.g., Does the considered alternative enable reducing working hours after the birth of a child?). In such cases, it is best to supplement the missing details before resuming the comparison.
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The roles of self- and environmental explorations in the choice stage. Choice involves a systematic comparison among the alternatives designated as the finalists, which are the outcome of the prescreening and in-depth exploration stages. First, this comparison calls for highlighting the desirable aspects derived from the ideal alternative that emerged during self-exploration. Next, the respective attribute of a finalist alternative is derived from information collected about it during environmental exploration. Then, the assessment of compatibility is performed by comparing the self-information with the environmental information. Smaller gaps represent higher compatibility between the individual’s depiction of the ideal alternative and the alternative considered. Hence, the alternative with the fewest divergences from the ideal one will best fit the individual. Incorporating intuition in choice. In delineating the career decision-making process, I deliberately avoided the notion of rational decision making. Instead, I preferred emphasizing a systematic decision-making process and then comparing its outcomes with intuition. Individuals often have an intuitive, subjective inclination regarding one of the final alternatives at the choice stage. The emergence of such an intuitively preferred alternative is primarily implicit and likely involves unconscious processes (Krieshok et al., 2009). Individuals may be challenged in situations where the intuitively preferred alternative differs from what emerged as best in the systematic comparison. In such a case, the source of the discrepancy should be identified and the incompatibility resolved (Gati & Kulcsár, 2021). Concerns About the Career Decision-Making Process The challenges individuals face in their career decision-making process are reflected in their difficulties in making decisions when they are expected. First, the causes of the difficulties need to be determined (Gati, Krausz, & Osipow, 1996), followed by considering how to cope with them (Lipshits-Braziler, 2018). Among the relevant critical factors are the individual’s career decisionmaking style (Harren, 1979) or profile (Gati et al., 2010), their strategies in making career decisions (Voss et al., 2019), their tolerance of ambiguity in career decision making (Xu & Tracey, 2014), and the individual’s alleged or actual barriers that might affect the perceived likelihood of implementing their career aspirations (Levin & Gati, 2015). Coping With Career Decision-Making Difficulties Difficulties in career decision making carry several ramifications. These include keeping the individual from initiating the process, discontinuing the process before making a decision, and leading to a suboptimal decision (Gati, Krausz, & Osipow, 1996; Gati & Kulcsár, 2021). Deliberating individuals should be encouraged to adopt productive strategies for coping with their career decision-making difficulties and to avoid nonproductive coping strategies (Lipshits-Braziler,
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2018). Productive or adaptive coping strategies are those that facilitate individuals’ overcoming hurdles in progressing toward making their decision. These strategies include information seeking, systematic problem solving, flexibility, optimistic thinking, and self-regulation (Lipshits-Braziler et al., 2015, 2016). Moreover, eschewing nonproductive or nonadaptive coping strategies, such as escape, helplessness, isolation, rumination, and blaming others is critical in progressing toward making career decisions (Lipshits-Braziler et al., 2015). Critical Distinctions Related to Career Decision Making Gati and Kulcsár (2021) reviewed previous discussions on the importance of distinguishing between the quality of the career decision-making process and the individual’s satisfaction with its outcome (e.g., Katz, 1979; Phillips & Pazienza, 1988). Although the individual controls this process, they cannot control its results given the uncertainty that is inherent in the world. As uncertainty is likely the most salient characteristic of today’s world of work, it is an intrinsic component of the career decision-making process. Thus, even an adequately conducted process cannot fully ensure a desirable outcome. Another distinction was presented by Voss et al. (2019), who distinguished between maximizing and satisficing tendencies, which correspond to seeking the “best” and a “good enough” alternative, respectively. Gati and Asher (2001) suggested that satisficing is prevalent during prescreening and in-depth exploration (e.g., settling for a minimal income), whereas maximizing may be more characteristic of the choice stage (e.g., adopting a maximizing strategy when aspiring to professional advancement).
DISCUSSION Gati, Krausz, and Osipow (1996) proposed a taxonomy of 10 causes of difficulties in making career decisions. They classified them into three major clusters: Lack of Readiness, Lack of Information, and Inconsistent Information (encompassing difficulties in using available information). It is noteworthy that the three major sections composing this chapter—self-exploration, environmental exploration, and decision making—are directly related to three of the causes of difficulties encompassing the Lack of Information cluster. Thus, lack of information about the self corresponds to self-exploration, lack of information about career alternatives corresponds to environmental exploration, and lack of knowledge about how to make career decisions refers directly to decision making. Coping strategies regarding the fourth cause of difficulties in the Lack of Information cluster—lacking knowledge about how and where to obtain additional information (about the self or career alternatives)—are briefly explored in the later section on the role of ICT-based systems in facilitating career decision making. I also briefly discuss several notions that have emerged in the past decades associated with self- and environmental exploration and outline some implications for ICT-based career decision-support systems and career counseling.
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Reframing Disagreements and Incompatibilities in Terms of Alternatives to Aspects Gati and Kulcsár (2021) reviewed the challenges of using information for career decision making. In addition to the quantity and quality of the collected information, these challenges often include facing internal and external conflicts. Internal conflicts relate to the incompatibility between aspirations or preferences of the individual, such as when an individual considering a medical career may be averse to the idea of numerous years of study. External conflicts relate to the clash between the individual’s career aspirations and significance of others’ opinions, such as when an individual’s interest in history is challenged by a close significant other who believes economics would be a better option. Both types of conflicts can be minimized by reframing the inconsistency. Thus, when the considered alternatives differ in two critical but incomparable or incommensurate attributes (e.g., a nearby, low-cost state university vs. a faraway, high-cost Ivy League university), the individual can apply a reframing strategy to choose between the alternatives that differ in two critical attributes. Specifically, the alternative-based conflict can be reframed into an aspect-based one (e.g., quality vs. cost). Reframing conflicts in terms of attributes or aspects can help manage and facilitate the individual’s willingness to accommodate the subsequent compromises (Gati et al., 1998). The Role of ICT-Based Systems in Facilitating Career Decision Making ICT is increasingly applied to facilitate career exploration daily. Computer-assisted career guidance systems were among the first applications of ICT to facilitate environmental exploration by providing occupational information (Katz, 1993; Super, 1970). Later, they promoted self-exploration and facilitated career decision making by combining self-information and occupational information. The internet and the subsequent introduction of smartphones revolutionized ICT’s contribution to career decision making (Osborn et al., 2011). Critics of Available Career Planning Systems Many currently available career planning systems were developed in the 20th century before the internet boom. Some systems adopted relatively simple formats, which were limited to converting paper-and-pencil interest inventories (often based on Holland’s, 1997, RIASEC typology) to an online design, typically summing the “YES” responses without randomizing items representing the six Holland’s types (e.g., see the Self-Directed Search and the O*NET Interest Profiler). Other systems present occupational information by selecting occupational titles from a given list of occupations. Gati (1994) reviewed several challenges encountered by computer-based career planning systems. Surprisingly, most of the concerns afflicting older systems are still germane to the current online career-planning systems. These challenges include enabling access to unstructured information using struc-
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tured searched criteria, reporting within-occupational variance in a user-friendly manner, and coping with the misleading perception of its accuracy. Furthermore, only a few systems have attempted to overcome the many hurdles involved in producing a comprehensive site. These hurdles include facilitating the explication of aspirations while considering compromises, increasing or decreasing the number of initially considered alternatives, ranking or randomizing the recommended career alternatives, and acquiring strategies to manage uncertainty. Additional challenges concern how to guide the user toward an effective dialogue with the system by providing only relevant information, incorporating interpretive algorithms, presenting user-friendly feedback (e.g., how to implement and present the results of a sensitivity analysis [by using “what if?” or “why not?”]), and allowing a flexible or partially constrained dialogue (Gati, 1994; Gati & Levin, 2015). The Future of Career Planning Systems As the frequency of career decisions during one’s career is expected to continue to rise, the number of online career planning systems is likely to grow. The challenge facing career practitioners is how to best contribute their expertise to develop professional, quality decision-support systems to replace or upgrade today’s career sites. Many of these sites employ Holland’s (1997) RIASEC typology-based vocational inventories, developed 6 decades ago to offer a recommended list of occupations. Today’s technology and professional knowledge (some of which were noted in this chapter) enable designing career planning systems that stem from combining career information, an expert system, and a decision-support system. A quality standalone self-help career planning site can benefit deliberating individuals who can use it independently, even without having previously consulted a career counselor. One critical feature of an effective career planning system is encouraging the user to seek professional assistance (e.g., “After analyzing your responses, it is recommended that you consult with a professional career counselor”). Such advice may stem from noncohesive aspect-based preferences, a too long or too heterogeneous list of promising career alternatives, or incompatibility between the option that emerged as best in the systematic comparison at the choice stage and the client’s intuitively preferred alternative. To conclude, comprehensive career planning systems should (a) have an adequate theoretical rationale, (b) be evidence based, (c) deserve the label of a standalone self-help career planning site, and (d) ensure that the monitored user-system dialogue is accessible to career counselors (subject to the client’s approval) for incorporating its data into face-toface individual counseling as well as for research purposes.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION The three sections of this chapter—self-exploration, environmental exploration, and decision making—focused on enhancing individuals’ readiness to be
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engaged in the career decision-making process and to overcome the hurdles they face on the path to making their career choice. The amount of information about the self and the environment and the knowledge about making career decisions is incomparably vaster today than when Parsons (1909) wrote his seminal book. In many respects, the accessibility of information today can expedite career decisions. However, in other respects, the uncertainty characterizing the 21st-century dynamic world of work, along with an abundance of information that often has questionable reliability and validity, impede the career decision-making process. As the frequency and pace of career decisions increase, the challenge is to develop accessible systems to motivate individuals to self-explore, design user-friendly quality career information databases, and develop decision-support systems that can facilitate better career decisions. In Noam Knafo’s (age 12) book, The Right Way, he wrote about “learning to shape your dream” (Knafo, 2020, p. 42). In today’s dynamic world of uncertainty, this idea can be reformulated to “learning to reshape our dreams.”
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Hennessy, G., & Yip, J. (2021). Career decision making. In W. Murphy & J. Tosti-Kharas (Eds.), Handbook of research methods in careers (pp. 103–119). Edward Elgar Publishing. https://doi.org/10.4337/9781788976725.00012 Hirschi, A., & Läge, D. (2007). The relation of secondary students’ career-choice readiness to a six-phase model of career decision making. Journal of Career Development, 34(2), 164–191. https://doi.org/10.1177/0894845307307473 Holland, J. F. (1997). Making vocational choices: A theory of vocational personalities and work environments (3rd ed.). Psychological Assessment Resources. Hornaday, J. A., & Gibson, L. A. (1995). The Kuder book of people who like their work. Motivation Press. Jepsen, D. A., & Dilley, J. S. (1974). Vocational decision-making models: A review and comparative analysis. Review of Educational Research, 44(3), 331–349. https://doi.org/ 10.3102/00346543044003331 Jiang, Z., Newman, A., Le, H., Presbitero, A., & Zheng, C. (2019). Career exploration: A review and future research agenda. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 110(Pt. B), 338– 356. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2018.08.008 Katz, M. R. (1979). Assessment of career decision making. In A. M. Mitchell, G. B. Jones, & J. D. Krumboltz (Eds.), Social learning and career decision making (pp. 81– 100). Carroll Press. Katz, M. R. (1993). Computer-assisted career decision making: The guide in the machine. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Knafo, N. (2020). [ הדרך הנכונהThe right way]. Media 10 Publishing. Krieshok, T. S., Black, M. D., & McKay, R. A. (2009). Career decision making: The limits of rationality and the abundance of non-conscious processes. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 75(3), 275–290. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2009.04.006 Krumboltz, J. D. (2009). The happenstance learning theory. Journal of Career Assessment, 17(2), 135–154. https://doi.org/10.1177/1069072708328861 Krumboltz, J. D., & Hamel, D. A. (1977). Guide to career decision-making skills. College Entrance Examination Board. Kulcsár, V., Dobrean, A., & Gati, I. (2020). Challenges and difficulties in career decision making: Their causes, and their effects on the process and the decision. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 116(Pt. A), Article 103346. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2019. 103346 Lent, R. W., & Brown, S. D. (2020). Career decision making, fast and slow: Toward an integrative model of intervention for sustainable career choice. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 120, Article 103448. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2020.103448 Levin, N., & Gati, I. (2015). Imagined and unconscious career barriers: A challenge for career decision making in the 21st century. In K. Maree & A. Di Fabio (Eds.), Exploring new horizons in career counselling (pp. 167–188). Sense. https://doi.org/10. 1007/978-94-6300-154-0_10 Lipshits-Braziler, Y. (2018). Coping with career indecision among young adults: Implications for career counseling. In V. Cohen-Scali, J. Rossier, & L. Nota (Eds.), New perspectives on career counseling and guidance in Europe (pp. 71–85). Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-61476-2_5 Lipshits-Braziler, Y., & Gati, I. (2019). Facilitating career transitions with coping and decision-making approaches. In J. Maree (Ed.), Handbook of innovative career counselling (pp. 139–156). Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22799-9_9 Lipshits-Braziler, Y., Gati, I., & Tatar, M. (2015). Strategies for coping with career indecision: Concurrent and predictive validity. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 91, 170–179. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2015.10.004 Lipshits-Braziler, Y., Gati, I., & Tatar, M. (2016). Strategies for coping with career indecision. Journal of Career Assessment, 24(1), 42–66. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 1069072714566795
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9 Self-Efficacy Theory and the Career Behavior of Women Nancy E. Betz
T
he introduction of Bandura’s (1977, 1986) self-efficacy theory into career psychology began with the observation by Hackett and Betz (1981) that the theory could have tremendous utility for understanding and facilitating the career development of women. As is now well known among career psychologists, traditional theories of vocational behavior at that time applied very poorly, if at all, to women. This was a period when women were entering the workforce at higher rates than earlier decades, yet one of the most glaring patterns was their overwhelming concentration in a few traditionally female-dominated jobs and occupations and their serious underrepresentation in most other careers, then referred to as “nontraditional” and including the skilled trades; higher level professions; and careers in the sciences, math, and engineering (see the review by Fassinger & Gallor, 2006). Early writing addressing this gender-based segregation of the labor force focused on the ideas of barriers and supports to women’s career development. The work of two pioneers in this area, Harmon (1977) and Farmer (1976), postulated internal and external barriers to women. Internal barriers included those related to gender-role expectations, the internalization of societal stereotypes of female inferiority, and lack of supports for either considering or pursuing careers outside of the traditionally female-dominated “pink-collar” jobs and professions (nursing, teaching, social work). External barriers included discrimination and harassment in the workplace (Betz & Fitzgerald, 1987). Early writers also emphasized the importance of support from others—parents, educators, counselors—to help women overcome these barriers.
https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-010 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 193
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From these beginnings, research on women’s career development has grown exponentially. The work of Hackett and Betz (1981) applying Bandura’s selfefficacy theory to that development stimulated extensive research and writing to elaborate its counseling implications. But their introduction of self-efficacy theory to career behavior in general has had even farther reaching applications, now being considered, along with its extension social cognitive career theory (SCCT; Lent et al., 1994), one of the most influential theoretical approaches in vocational psychology. The following sections summarize Hackett and Betz’s (1981) original application of self-efficacy theory to women’s career development, followed by a review of career-related behavioral domains for which self-efficacy theory has become one of the most frequently studied approaches to understanding.
SELF-EFFICACY AND WOMEN’S CAREER DEVELOPMENT: HACKETT AND BETZ (1981) In the study of gender differences in career development, one of the major emphases has been on the effects of gender-role socialization on the career choice processes of women and men (Betz & Fitzgerald, 1987). Hackett and Betz (1981) proposed that self-efficacy expectations (Bandura, 1977) may be a major cognitive mediator of the effects of gender-role socialization on career choices. They proposed that low efficacy expectations with respect to traditionally male-dominated careers, especially those in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields, played a major role in women’s avoidance of those careers (including the coursework and college majors required to pursue them). This cognitively mediated avoidance often occurred even when the young woman possessed sufficient measured ability to succeed in them or had expressed interests in the subject matter (Rottinghaus et al., 2003). Self-Efficacy Theory Self-efficacy expectations refer to a person’s beliefs concerning their ability to successfully perform a given task or behavior. Efficacy beliefs are behaviorally specific rather than general. We could refer to perceived self-efficacy with respect to mathematics, initiating social interactions, investing in stocks, or fixing a flat tire. Bandura’s (1977) original theory of self-efficacy expectations provided a model of behavior that explained not only the cognitive mediator (self-efficacy) but both its initial development and its consequences. Bandura (1977) proposed that four sources of efficacy information, or background learning experiences, led to the development of self-efficacy expectations for a given behavior or domain of behavior. These sources are performance accomplishments, that is, experiences of successfully performing the behaviors in question; vicarious learning or modeling; verbal persuasion, for example,
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encouragement and support from others; and lower levels of emotional arousal, that is, lower levels of anxiety, in connection with the behavior. Self-efficacy expectations, in turn, are postulated to influence three major types of criterion behaviors: approach versus avoidance (where “approach” is often conceptualized as “choice” in vocational or career behavior parlance), level of performance, and persistence. Thus, self-efficacy for a domain such as mathematics would be postulated to lead to choice (vs. avoidance) of math coursework and college majors, to facilitate performance on math assignments and exams, and to lead to persistence in the face of obstacles or discouragement. With the sources of efficacy information, emotional arousal (which can be summarized as anxiety) is inversely related to self-efficacy—for example, the correlations between measures of math self-efficacy and math anxiety are substantial and negative (e.g., Pajares & Miller, 1994, reported a correlation of –.56). Hackett and Betz (1981) argued for the advantage of self-efficacy versus anxiety as an explanatory construct because the former is embedded within a theory that includes a map (the four sources of efficacy information) for designing interventions focused on increasing the strength of behaviorally specific expectations of self-efficacy. This feature of the theory has become a major basis for career counseling and career interventions. Application to Women’s Career Development Based on a review of the literature available at the time, Hackett and Betz (1981) proposed that the gender-stereotypic experiences of boys and girls growing up in this society vary markedly in the quality and quantity of sources of efficacy information. Research on gender socialization indicated that early backgrounds of girls and young women were more often lacking in experiences with and encouragement toward mechanical, quantitative, scientific, and technical behavioral domains. A lack of female role models and girls’ internalization of, and consequent anxiety toward, societal messages concerning female inadequacy in these fields may lead to the development of weak expectations of self-efficacy. The first study examining the applicability of self-efficacy theory to career development was that of Betz and Hackett (1981), who tested the postulate that the underrepresentation of women in many nontraditional (i.e., maledominated) career fields was due in part to women’s low career-related selfefficacy with respect to those fields. College students’ perceptions of self-efficacy with respect to the educational requirements and job duties of traditionally female dominated (e.g., social worker) and traditionally male-dominated (e.g., engineer) occupations were examined. The self-efficacy expectations of college women were significantly lower than those of men for male-dominated occupations and significantly higher for female-dominated occupations. The most striking difference was that for “engineer,” for which 70% of the male students versus only 30% of the female students indicated a belief that they could complete the requirements of a major in engineering. These efficacy differences
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were especially notable because there were no gender differences in measured ability (ACT Math and English subtests) for the group as a whole. These gender differences in self-efficacy were strongly predictive of stereotypic gender differences in the range of occupations considered, supporting the validity of the postulate that self-efficacy influences an individual’s approach behavior. Initial support for the theoretical postulate that self-efficacy expectations are related to both performance and persistence was provided by Lent and colleagues’ (1984) study with college students majoring in science or engineering. Lent et al. adapted Betz and Hackett’s (1981) assessment procedure to measure self-efficacy with regard to 15 scientific and technical occupations and found that scientific/technical self-efficacy was significantly predictive of grades in technical courses, persistence in a major, and range of career options.
MEASURING DOMAIN-SPECIFIC CAREER SELF-EFFICACY Although a focus on career self-efficacy began with research on general occupational self-efficacy, research quickly progressed to the measurement and study of domain-specific career behaviors. Self-efficacy beliefs are behaviorally specific rather than representing a global trait or disposition. Thus, as in any high-quality psychological measurement, scale construction should begin with domain explication. In the case of self-efficacy expectations, a representative and comprehensive set of behavioral items varying in difficulty is assembled. Individuals indicate their degree of belief in their perceived capability to successfully complete the task; strength (or confidence) level is measured using 5-, 10-, or 100-point scales (Bandura, 2006). In the next sections, domains of career self-efficacy that have received the most extensive research attention are briefly reviewed. Measures, representative research, and studies of interventions are summarized. Because considerable research examining the usefulness of self-efficacy has been done with women, people of color, and international populations, this work is integrated into the general discussion rather than discussed separately. The content domains covered include mathematics self-efficacy, including STEM; selfefficacy with respect to basic interest dimensions of career behavior; academic self-efficacy; and career decision and career search self-efficacy. Mathematics and STEM Self-Efficacy Sells (1982) described mathematics as the critical filter for careers in STEM careers because strong math preparation is essential for consideration of these careers. Thus, avoidance of math coursework due to low expectations of math self-efficacy leads to de facto loss of a significant range of career options (Betz & Hackett, 1983). Women and racial/ethnic minorities have long been and continue to be seriously underrepresented in these fields (Fassinger & Gallor, 2006; Fouad & Santana, 2017). Betz and Hackett (1983) argued that low self-efficacy
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with respect to mathematics was one of the major barriers to this representation. The research investigating mathematics self-efficacy is now one of the largest bodies of research in the vocational psychology literature. The development of measures of math self-efficacy and a few examples of early research are reviewed next, followed by summaries of the now voluminous literature examining the role of math/STEM self-efficacy in STEM majors and career selection. Measures and Early Research The majority of research on math self-efficacy has used one of three measures: the Mathematics Self-Efficacy Scale (MSES; Betz & Hackett, 1983), the Revised Math Self-Efficacy Scale (MSES-R; Pajares & Miller, 1994), or an adaptation of the MSES for middle school students (Fouad et al., 1997). The MSES consists of items to which individuals indicate their confidence in being able to perform or complete everyday math tasks (e.g., balancing a checkbook), math courses (e.g., calculus), and math word problems. The MSES-R emphasizes self-efficacy for the completion of math problems, whereas Fouad et al.’s (1997) adaptation of the MSES for middle school students includes science as well as math items. Using these scales, research has consistently supported the existence of large gender differences in math self-efficacy (Betz & Hackett, 1983; Pajares & Miller, 1994). In addition, the postulate of the importance of self-efficacy to behavioral outcomes has been supported across outcome variables and age groups. Math self-efficacy expectations were related to students’ preferences for, versus avoidance of, careers in the sciences (Betz & Hackett, 1983; Hackett, 1985) and were a strong predictor of math performance (Pajares & Miller, 1994). Researchers have also measured access to the four sources of mathematics self-efficacy information. Lent et al. (1996) reported that past performance accomplishments were the strongest predictors of self-perceived math efficacy. High intercorrelations among past performance, verbal persuasion, and emotional arousal suggested a latent direct experience factor, whereas vicarious learning was a separate, indirect experience. Although the two factors were correlated, the former was more strongly correlated with self-efficacy than the latter. Self-Efficacy in Social Cognitive Career Theory Much research on applying the construct of self-efficacy expectations to mathematics and STEM choices after 1994 was done using the SCCT framework (Lent et al., 1994; see also Lent, 2021, and Chapter 2, this volume). In this model, self-efficacy was incorporated as one of three person variables (Bandura, 1986), along with outcome expectations and personal goals. Bandura defined outcome expectations as beliefs about the consequences of a given behavior; these are related to self-efficacy expectations and also influence behavioral choices. The expanded model included learning experiences as predictors of levels of self-efficacy as well as the outcome variables of interests, choice goals and actions, and performance attainments.
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The large volume of research using SCCT to study the importance of selfefficacy for STEM careers has now been summarized using literature reviews or meta-analyses. Studies have typically focused on either the causes of self-efficacy (the sources of efficacy information) or its behavioral consequences (interests, choices, performance, and persistence). Fouad and Santana (2017) reviewed research using SCCT to investigate the choices and persistence of women and racial/ethnic minorities in STEM fields. Their review separately examined research using middle school, high school, college and graduate students, and people in the workforce. Within each age group, studies of the degree to which SCCT in general and selfefficacy in particular explain choice and persistence were reviewed. Studies shedding light on facilitative factors (e.g., sources of efficacy information) were emphasized. Several meta-analyses in STEM domains have highlighted the effects of self-efficacy on STEM outcomes. One examined the validity of self-efficacy and outcome expectations in predicting STEM interests and choice goals and actions (Lent et al., 2018). Data were collected from 143 studies (196 samples) over the 30-year period from 1983 to 2013. The large majority of the measures of selfefficacy were math self-efficacy, but they also included measures of self-efficacy for science, statistics, computer science, and engineering. The Realistic and Investigative self-efficacy measures from Holland’s (1997) vocational theory were also used. The analysis indicated strong support for relationships between self-efficacy and interests, accounting for 38% to 45% of the variance within gender and racial/ethnic majority and minority groups. Self-efficacy was also related to outcome expectations (20%–40% of the variance across groups), but its relationship to choice goals was small. Another meta-analysis examined the importance of the sources of efficacy information in the prediction of self-efficacy (Byars-Winston et al., 2017). Performance accomplishments were by far the strongest predictor of STEM selfefficacy beliefs. Finally, Sheu and colleagues (2018) performed a meta-analysis examining the relationship of the four sources of efficacy information to STEM efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations. The authors analyzed 104 studies including 141 samples. The cumulative effects of the four sources considered separately for self-efficacy and outcome expectations accounted for 36% and 42% of the variance, respectively. Comparable amounts of variance were accounted for among male (37%) versus female (40%) and racial minority (40%) versus racial majority (36%) participants. Like previous research, the direct experience factor was more strongly correlated with self-efficacy than was vicarious learning. To summarize, research strongly supports the postulated relationships of mathematics self-efficacy expectations to interests, choices, performance, and persistence in math/STEM domains. The sources of efficacy information are related to the level of self-efficacy expectations as predicted, thus providing suggestions for the design of interventions capable of facilitating educational and career outcomes.
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Self-Efficacy With Respect to Basic Dimensions of Vocational Activity Interests in basic domains of vocational activity have been considered a cornerstone of educational and career choices, as they describe the activity or content of an educational or career choice. Interest domains studied have included global content areas, such as Social or Investigative in Holland’s (1997) vocational theory and the Data–People–Things categorization (Prediger, 1982; U.S. Department of Labor, 1991). Other dimensions are associated with college majors or occupations, for example, Business, Science, Writing, Art, and Helping. In the discussion of interests and self-efficacy to follow, it is important to note that one area of research that is not covered is a related area of interests and self-estimates of ability. The latter have been integrated with interest assessment at least as far back as Holland’s (1971) Self-Directed Search, as well as in more recent work by Barak (1981), Swanson (1993), and Tracey and Hopkins (2001), among others. Although there are some empirical relationships between self-efficacy measures and self-estimates of ability, in general these relationships suggest that the two reflect different facets of ability judgments (S. D. Brown et al., 2000; Hansen & Bubany, 2008). S. D. Brown et al. (2000) reported that self-efficacy judgments were more highly related to vocational interests and perceived career options than were ability self-estimates. The emphasis of Hackett and Betz (1981) on self-efficacy expectations rather than ability self-estimates was based on the fact that self-efficacy theory contains a template for the design of counseling interventions directed at increasing expectations of self-efficacy. Global Interest Domains In developing measures of self-efficacy with respect to interest domains, a first major focus was the six interest themes of Holland’s (1997) vocational theory. These themes represent broad areas of educational and vocational activity: Realistic (e.g., electronics, mechanical activities, skilled trades), Investigative (e.g., science), Artistic (e.g., art, writing, music), Social (e.g., helping), Enterprising (e.g., management, sales), and Conventional (e.g., computer science, accounting, finance). Measures of self-efficacy for these themes include the Self-Efficacy Rating Scale (SER; Lapan et al., 1989), the Self-Efficacy Questionnaire (SEQ; Lenox & Subich, 1994), Gore and Leuwerke’s (2000) Occupational Self-Efficacy Beliefs Scale, the Skills Confidence Inventory (SCI; Betz et al., 2005), and the Task-Specific Occupational Self-Efficacy Scale (TSOSS; Osipow et al., 1993). Consistent and large gender differences are found on these measures, with men scoring higher on Investigative, Realistic, Enterprising, and Conventional and women scoring higher only on Social (Betz et al., 2005; Betz & Gwilliam, 2002; Lindley & Borgen, 2002). Gender differences persist across racial/ethnic groups, for example, in samples of African American (Betz & Gwilliam, 2002) and Mexican American (Flores et al., 2006, 2010) students. Confidence measures have been shown to add to predictive efficacy beyond using interests alone. In Flores and colleagues (2006), both Holland theme
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confidence and interest scores were significantly related to Mexican American students’ expressed field of occupational aspirations. Donnay and Borgen (1999) used Holland interest and confidence scores to predict occupational membership among 1,105 adults employed in 21 occupational groups, finding that interest scores accounted for 79% of occupational differences, confidence scores for 82% of occupational differences, and the combination for 91% of occupational differences. Several studies of Holland theme self-efficacy have been based on the SCCT model. In a meta-analytic path analysis of 40 studies using measures of Holland theme self-efficacy, Sheu and colleagues (2010) reported consistent and significant relationships of self-efficacy to outcome expectations; to interests; and, with interests, to choice goals across all six Holland themes. As was true with mathematics self-efficacy, researchers have examined the extent to which the sources of efficacy information are related to self-efficacy itself. Schaub and Tokar’s (2005) Learning Experiences Questionnaire (LEQ) measured the four sources of efficacy information for each of the six Holland theme areas, and findings indicated that LEQ total scores were strongly related to self-efficacy in the parallel domain, with path coefficients ranging from .70 (Conventional) to .93 (Artistic). Using this measure, Williams and Subich (2006) examined the hypothesis (Hackett & Betz, 1981) that it is differential access to learning experiences that leads to women’s lower self-efficacy for Realistic and Investigative domains and men’s lower self-efficacy in the Social domain. They found that college men reported greater access to information in the Realistic and Investigative areas, whereas women reported more exposure to learning experiences in the Social area. In addition, Williams and Subich also reported that degree of access to these learning experiences was predictive of both efficacy and outcome expectations; the four sources of learning experience relevant to each Holland theme accounted for 26% to 57% of the variance in self-efficacy expectations for that theme. Another study of learning experiences included Dickinson and colleagues’ (2017) sample of 208 African American college students. The authors reported that the contribution of learning experiences to self-efficacy varied across the Holland themes. Past performance had significant effects on Realistic, Artistic, Social, and Enterprising, as did verbal persuasion for Artistic, Social, and Conventional. Vicarious learning was most important for Investigative self-efficacy. Finally, Garriott and colleagues (2017) sampled 130 first-generation students, predominantly Latinx engineering majors, 50% of whom were in their 3rd or 4th year of study. Results indicated that both performance accomplishments and physiological arousal (i.e., less anxiety) relative to Investigative and Realistic themes were strongly related to engineering self-efficacy. Expanded Skills Confidence Inventory Constructed to parallel basic interest domains used extensively in career counseling, the Expanded Skills Confidence Inventory (ESCI; Betz et al., 2003) measures self-efficacy or confidence with respect to 17 basic domains of vocational
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activity. Scores on the ESCI confidence scales were found to have incremental predictive validity beyond that provided by interests. Using the Strong Interest Inventory (SII) Basic Interest Scales (BIS) and Confidence Inventory, Rottinghaus and colleagues (2003) were able to predict 91% of the variance in college major selection and 96% of the variance in occupational preferences. Larson and colleagues (2010) used the ESCI and SII with 347 students who had chosen majors in one of eight college major families. They selected nine ESCI and 13 SII themes that had most content relevance to the eight majors (e.g., Mechanical Activities and Using Technology for engineering majors, Programming and Information Systems for computer science/accounting majors, Writing and Mass Communication for humanities majors, Organizational Management for business majors). Discriminant analyses using these scores yielded hit rates across the eight major groups of 48% and 50% (men and women, respectively) using the ESCI, 55% and 65% using the BIS, and 61% and 73% using the combined set. These hit rates are substantially beyond those expected by chance and indicate the incremental concurrent validity of measures of self-efficacy in the prediction of chosen college major. Betz and Borgen (2010) revised and streamlined the ESCI for use in an online assessment system (Career and Personality Assessment [CAPA]) containing both a confidence and an interest inventory. Both inventories include scales for the six Holland themes and for basic dimensions of vocational activity. Following online administration of the two inventories, regression analyses based on extensive normative samples are used to generate the best majors for the individual from joint consideration of interests and confidence. The system provides immediate online feedback, including profiles for the confidence and interest inventories and for the top educational major clusters for that individual. Falk and colleagues (2017) used the CAPA system with students pursuing STEM majors. The most significant gender difference was the lower interest and confidence of female students on Realistic, which is critical to pursuit of most careers in engineering and technology. Of the men, 61% showed both high confidence and high interest in Realistic, in contrast to only 19% of women. These data are consistent with findings (e.g., Fouad, 1995) suggesting lower interest and confidence thresholds for women to consider a STEM career, but these lower scores may help explain high levels of attrition from those majors. Academic Self-Efficacy Although a thorough review of the voluminous literature on academic selfefficacy is beyond the scope of this chapter, self-efficacy for the tasks required to complete educational programs is clearly crucial to career development processes. Some research is based on measures of global performance expectations (items such as “research a term paper” or “take class notes effectively”); an illustrative inventory representing this approach is the College Self-Efficacy Inventory (Solberg et al., 1993). The Vocational/Educational Self-Efficacy Scale
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includes items related to college attendance, vocational training, and obtaining a job after high school (Ali et al., 2005). In a meta-analysis of 109 studies, Robbins and colleagues (2004) reported overall correlations of .38 between academic self-efficacy and GPA and of .26 between academic self-efficacy and college persistence. Other measures of academic self-efficacy are course-domain specific. For example, Fouad and colleagues (2002) reported that self-efficacy for four subject matter areas typically included in a high school curriculum (math/science, social studies, English, and art) was related to both interests and outcome expectations. One important question when considering academic self-efficacy is the role of measured cognitive ability. Certainly, few would contest the demonstrated importance of measured cognitive ability to educational performance and achievement, but correlations leave substantial remaining proportions of explanatory variance. At the most basic level, cognitive ability is assumed to represent a major source of information about past performance accomplishments, the most influential source of efficacy information. Although cognitive ability and academic self-efficacy are correlated, strong evidence also supports the independent relationship of academic self-efficacy to college academic performance and persistence (retention)—relationships were .50 and .36, respectively, in the meta-analysis of Robbins and colleagues (2004). In a meta-analysis examining 50 antecedents to academic performance, Richardson et al. (2012) found that self-efficacy had the strongest correlation (r = .59) with performance. More recently, S. D. Brown et al. (2008) used a combination of meta-analysis and path analysis to examine a model in which cognitive ability and high school GPA were used to predict self-efficacy, which was in turn used to predict educational performance goals and attainment. Self-efficacy was significantly correlated with both GPA and ACT or SAT scores, and it also had significant correlations with the level of academic aspirations and goals. Consistent with theory, although neither ability nor high school GPA had significant direct effects on retention, self-efficacy and behavioral goals had direct effects. Self-Efficacy for Career Decision Process Variables The measures discussed to this point have been content focused, that is, in reference to an activity specific to a career or family of careers (e.g., mathematics, STEM, writing). Self-efficacy expectations can also refer, however, to processes, in this case the processes involved in effective career decision making. The first, and by far the most widely used, measure of self-efficacy with respect to the processes involved in career decision making is the Career Decision Self-Efficacy Scale (CDSE; Taylor & Betz, 1983). A second widely used measure is the Career Search Self-Efficacy Scale (Solberg et al., 1994). The CDSE measures five career decisional competencies: (a) accurate self-appraisal (“Accurately assess your abilities”), (b) occupational information
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(“Find out the employment trends for an occupation over the next 10 years”), (c) goal selection (“Select one occupation from a list of occupations you are considering”), (d) planning (“Make a plan of your goals for the next 5 years”), and (e) problem solving (“Change occupations if you are not satisfied with the one you entered”). Respondents indicate their degree of belief in being able to successfully complete the task in question. The Career Search Self-Efficacy Scale measures confidence in one’s ability to perform career search-related activities. Nota and colleagues (2007) reported two major factors—Personal Exploration and Research Self-Efficacy, which emphasized items related to investigating occupations. Measures of career process self-efficacy are much less likely than those of basic activity domains of self-efficacy (e.g., math, social, and technical areas) to show gender differences in scores, but differences as a function of race/ethnicity are inconsistent. These measures are widely used internationally. Translations into nine languages, including Chinese, Khmer (Cambodian), and Vietnamese, are currently available from the publisher (see Betz & Taylor, 2012). The CDSE has also been studied (and, as necessary, translated) in numerous other countries, including Israel (Gati et al., 1994), Portugal (Miguel et al., 2013), Korea (Nam et al., 2011), and Italy (Lo Presti et al., 2013) among others. Nota et al. (2007) used the Career Search Self-Efficacy Scale in Italian samples. Probably the most important aspect of career decisional and career search self-efficacy measures is strong and consistent relationships to important indices of progress and outcome in educational and career decision making among adolescents and young adults. The most frequently used index of such progress (or lack thereof) is career indecision (measured most often by the Career Decision Scale; Osipow, 1987), to which self-efficacy is consistently and strongly inversely related (Betz et al., 1996, 2005; Nota et al., 2007). Guay and colleagues (2006) reported strong relationships between the CDSE and an aspect of decisional difficulties that has been termed “chronic indecision” or “indecisiveness.” Scores on the CDSE have also been shown to be related to behavioral (vs. self-report) indicators of educational and career adjustment. Blustein (1989) reported that career decision self-efficacy was a more important predictor of career exploratory activity than any of the other variables (goal instability, age, and gender) included. Peterson (1993) reported that CDSE scores surpassed all other variables as predictors of academic integration and retention. The work of Flores and colleagues (e.g., Flores & O’Brien, 2002) and Gushue and colleagues (e.g., Gushue, 2006; Gushue et al., 2006) focused on Latinx adolescents. For example, Gushue (2006) reported that more fully integrated identification with one’s ethnic group was positively related to career decision self-efficacy in Latinx ninth graders. C. Brown and Lavish (2006) reported that valuing of work and involvement in and commitment to student and community service roles were related to career decision self-efficacy in Native American college students.
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Although the relationships of career decision and career search self-efficacy scores to important career development outcome measures are correlational rather than causal, they have been extensively used by researchers as dependent variables in career development interventions. Such interventions typically involve both increasing knowledge of and engaging in practice in information gathering, decision making, and planning, signaling more adaptive career-related behavior as a result of treatment. Illustrative studies are mentioned herein. The most common type of intervention in which the CDSE has been used as a (or the only) dependent variable is college-level career courses, provided in over 60% of colleges and universities (Fouad et al., 2009). Fouad et al. (2009) reported that a college career course emphasizing career planning processes, exploration, and decision making led to significant increases in CDSE total scores as well as all subscale scores. Reese and Miller (2006) evaluated a career course based on a cognitive information-processing model (Sampson et al., 1992); the model included knowledge and information-processing domains. Using treatment and control groups, the authors reported significant increases in CDSE, especially on the occupational information, goal setting, and career planning scales. Betz and Borgen (2009) compared two online career exploration systems, the CAPA system (discussed earlier) and FOCUS, in increasing the career decision self-efficacy and decidedness of 960 students enrolled in a program for undecided first-year students at a large public university. Results indicated that both systems led to significant increases in career decision self-efficacy and major decidedness in these students. Prior to the interventions, 55% of the students reported that they were completely undecided (had no major options); this figure was 16% at the end of treatment. Conversely, only 14% had a tentative major choice prior to treatment, and 39% had a tentative choice posttreatment. Finally, research supporting a large general factor in the CDSE indicates that total score can be used to identify students who are at risk in terms of overall decision-making efficacy. Whether low self-efficacy is due to knowledge and skills deficits or to chronic indecision, interventions can be targeted appropriately. Low self-efficacy resulting from a lack of knowledge and skills can be largely addressed by efficacy-based interventions, but students with chronic indecision may need counseling focused on personal as well as career issues (e.g., see Fuqua & Hartman, 1983). So CDSE scores can function as an early warning system for a student who may be floundering. The short time required to administer a 25-item scale is often well within the time allowed for assessments of incoming first-year students. Current research using item response theory (see Betz & Turner, 2011; Weiss, 2014) has led to even briefer versions of the CDSE, including administration via computerized adaptive testing (Makransky et al., 2015; Miguel et al., 2013; Nam et al., 2011).
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Illustrative Interventions Based on the Sources of Self-Efficacy Information As mentioned earlier, possibly the most useful aspect of self-efficacy theory for Hackett and Betz (1981) was the direct translation of the theory of the etiology of self-efficacy expectations into the design of interventions to strengthen these expectations. In other words, the intervention is embedded within the initial statement of etiology—the four sources of efficacy information postulated to lead to the initial development of self-efficacy expectations. Ideally, an intervention should target a specific behavioral domain and contain two or more sources of efficacy information. Examples of intervention studies in three behavioral domains (i.e., math/STEM, interest domains, career decision) discussed in this article are described later. Luzzo and colleagues (1999) reported the superiority of performance accomplishments in an intervention focused on increasing math/science self-efficacy in undecided college students. The performance accomplishments intervention, involving a number series task structured so that participants would successfully pass (succeed), led to increased self-efficacy for math/science courses both posttreatment and at a follow-up conducted 4 weeks after the conclusion of treatment. The vicarious learning intervention, a videotaped presentation of an African American man and a European American woman describing their successful pursuit of math/science careers, did not have significant posttest effects on self-efficacy, but students who received both the performance accomplishments and vicarious learning interventions reported significantly higher math/science interests at the 4-week follow-up than did other students. Cordero et al. (2010) found that an intervention including performance accomplishments and a belief–perseverance technique led to higher math self-efficacy both following treatment and at a 6-week follow-up than did the performance intervention alone. Betz and Schifano (2000) designed an intervention to increase self-efficacy regarding Holland’s (1997) Realistic theme in college women. As mentioned previously, the Realistic theme—the theme on which gender differences are most persistent—is important along with the Investigative theme in the choice of a large array of engineering and technical fields. Betz and Schifano targeted the intervention to women with at least moderate levels of Realistic interests but low Realistic self-efficacy, for whom an efficacy-focused intervention might have the effect of increasing their perceived career options. The experimental group intervention included all four sources of efficacy information and the following content areas: hand tool identification and usage; building and repairing useful objects such as bookcases, lamps, and sink drain pipes; and architectural design and engineering. During the instruction, periodic breaks for structured relaxation exercises, positive self-talk, and group support were taken. The modeling component was met by having the chief university architect, a woman, take the young women on a hard-hat tour of
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major construction sites on campus while talking to them about the process of designing and constructing large buildings. The intervention ended with an assessment wherein each young woman was given a broken lamp to repair, following which she was given a new light bulb to test her success (or failure)— the light turning on was a literal as well as figurative symbol of her success, which fortunately occurred in all cases. The intervention condition, as opposed to the control condition, led to significant increases in Realistic self-efficacy. Although no pretest treatment group participants had high Realistic confidence, 62% of the posttest treatment group did. Because they had Realistic interests upon entering the treatment program, increases in their Realistic confidence could increase the probability of considering a broader array of career options. Foltz and Luzzo (1998) used all four sources of efficacy information— discussion of personal career accomplishments, exposure to role models, techniques of anxiety reduction, and verbal support—in a career intervention. They reported significant increases in career decision self-efficacy among female students. Sullivan and Mahalik (2000) implemented a 6-week group career counseling intervention based on the four sources of efficacy information. For each source of efficacy information, three to five specific interventions were included in the treatment program. Examples included the following: Construct a vocational history revisiting previous task mastery experiences (performance accomplishments), interview a successful female role model about her career decision process (vicarious learning), practice relaxation and adaptive self-talk (physiological arousal), and receive positive affirmations and encouragement from facilitators (social persuasion and encouragement). Results indicated significant increases in CDSE in the treated groups (six smaller groups) but not in the no-treatment control groups. Follow-up 6 weeks after the posttest indicated that the gains in career decision self-efficacy had been maintained in the treatment group participants. In sum, self-efficacy theory-based interventions can be effective for increasing expectations of efficacy across a number of career-relevant behavioral domains. There have been a few short-term follow-up studies, but longer term follow-up studies of increases in self-efficacy and their relationship to subsequent educational and career choice behavior are needed. Given the continuing strong interest in the concept and application of self-efficacy, the collaboration of practitioners and researchers may be especially fruitful in this area.
CONCLUSION Interest in the use of self-efficacy theory in career psychology has grown well beyond the original focus of Betz and Hackett on the career development of women to members of racial/ethnic minority groups in the United States and to international samples. It has also become a central concept in explaining career development processes and in the design of interventions and support
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systems focused on facilitating that development. Although such support systems can be important, is it also essential to remember that a focus on the utility of self-efficacy theory is not by itself sufficient. Rather, alleviation of the large number and variety of educational and workplace barriers to women, persons of color, and others with marginalized status is essential. Overt and subtle discrimination, sexual, racial/ethnic, social class, national, and LGBTQ harassment and less access to mentors and role models can affect the learning environments that shape self-efficacy beliefs and continue to lead to disparities in participation, compensation, and promotion in the workplace (see Fassinger & Gallor, 2006). This volume presents many superb chapters on these topics in Part III, Culture and Context. In addition to these excellent reviews, each individual should consider how they can foster needed institutional, organizational, legal, political, and societal changes. We are fortunate that the American Psychological Association has long demonstrated commitment to policy change and judicial advocacy (see https://www.apa.org). Taking action directed at legislative change; providing expertise and assistance to those working toward institutional, organizational, and educational policy changes; volunteering with community organizations; and engaging in related research are examples of possible contributions. A broad discussion of these issues appeared in a special issue of American Psychologist on public psychology. In that issue, Miles and Fassinger (2021; see also Fassinger & O’Brien, 2000) discussed how a scientist–practitioner–advocate model of the training of psychologists provides means by which all of us, regardless of particular disciplinary strengths, can contribute to the public good. Career psychologists are well positioned to make such contributions.
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Gore, P. A., Jr., & Leuwerke, W. C. (2000). Predicting occupational considerations: A comparison of self-efficacy beliefs, outcome expectations, and person–environment congruence. Journal of Career Assessment, 8(3), 237–250. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 106907270000800303 Guay, F., Ratelle, C., Senécal, C., Larose, S., & Deschênes, A. (2006). Distinguishing developmental from chronic career indecision: Self-efficacy, autonomy, and social support. Journal of Career Assessment, 14(2), 235–251. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 1069072705283975 Gushue, G. V. (2006). The relationship of ethnic identity, career decision-making selfefficacy, and outcome expectations for Latino/a high school students. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 68(1), 85–95. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2005.03.002 Gushue, G. V., Clarke, C. P., Pantzer, K. M., & Scanlan, K. R. (2006). Self-efficacy, perceptions of barriers, and career exploration behavior of Latino/a high school students. The Career Development Quarterly, 54(4), 307–317. https://doi.org/10.1002/ j.2161-0045.2006.tb00196.x Hackett, G. (1985). The role of mathematics self-efficacy in the choice of math-related majors of college women and men: A path analysis. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 32(1), 47–56. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-0167.32.1.47 Hackett, G., & Betz, N. E. (1981). A self-efficacy approach to the career development of women. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 18(3), 326–339. https://doi.org/10.1016/ 0001-8791(81)90019-1 Hansen, J. C., & Bubany, S. T. (2008). Do self-efficacy and ability self-estimates reflect distinct facets of ability judgments? Measurement & Evaluation in Counseling & Development, 41(2), 66–88. https://doi.org/10.1080/07481756.2008.11909823 Harmon, L. W. (1977). Career counseling for women. In E. Rawlings & D. Carter (Eds.), Psychotherapy for women (pp. 197–206). Thomas. Holland, J. L. (1971). The counselor’s guide to the Self-Directed Search. Consulting Psychologists Press. Holland, J. L. (1997). Making vocational choices: A theory of vocational personalities and work environments (3rd ed.). PAR. Lapan, R., Bogg, K., & Merrill, W. H. (1989). Self-efficacy as a mediator of Investigative and Realistic investigative theme on the Strong-Campbell Interest Inventory. Journal of Career Assessment, 36, 176–182. Larson, L. M., Wu, T.-F., Bailey, D. C., Borgen, F. H., & Gasser, C. E. (2010). Male and female college students’ majors: The contribution of basic vocational confidence and interests. Journal of Career Assessment, 18, 16–33. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 1069072709340520 Lenox, R. A., & Subich, L. (1994). The relationship between self-efficacy beliefs and inventoried vocational interests. The Career Development Quarterly, 42(4), 302–313. https://doi.org/10.1002/j.2161-0045.1994.tb00514.x Lent, R. W. (2021). Career development and counseling: A social cognitive framework. In S. D. Brown and R.W. Lent (Eds.), Career development and counseling: Putting theory and research to work (3rd ed., pp. 129–164). Wiley. Lent, R. W., Brown, S. D., & Hackett, G. (1994). Toward a unifying social cognitive theory of career and academic interest, choice, and performance. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 45(1), 79–122. https://doi.org/10.1006/jvbe.1994.1027 Lent, R. W., Brown, S. D., & Larkin, K. C. (1984). Relation of self-efficacy expectations to academic achievement and persistence. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 31(3), 356– 362. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-0167.31.3.356 Lent, R. W., Lopez, F. G., Brown, S. D., & Gore, P. A., Jr. (1996). Latent structure of the sources of mathematics self-efficacy. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 49(3), 292–308. https://doi.org/10.1006/jvbe.1996.0045
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Lent, R. W., Sheu, H.-B., Miller, M. J., Cusick, M. E., Penn, L. T., & Truong, N. N. (2018). Predictors of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics choice options: A meta-analytic path analysis of the social–cognitive choice model by gender and race/ethnicity. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 65(1), 17–35. https://doi. org/10.1037/cou0000243 Lindley, L. D., & Borgen, F. H. (2002). Generalized self-efficacy, Holland theme selfefficacy, and academic performance. Journal of Career Assessment, 10(3), 301–314. https://doi.org/10.1177/10672702010003002 Lo Presti, A., Pace, F., Mondo, M., Nota, L., Casarubia, P., Ferrari, L., & Betz, N. E. (2013). An examination of the structure of the CDSE-SF among Italian high school students. Journal of Career Assessment, 21(2), 337–347. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 1069072712471506 Luzzo, D., Hasper, P., Albert, K., Bibby, M., & Martinelli, E. (1999). Effects of selfefficacy enhancing interventions on math/science self-efficacy and career interests, goals, and actions of career undecided college students. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 46(2), 233–243. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-0167.46.2.233 Makransky, G., Rogers, M. E., & Creed, P. A. (2015). Analysis of the construct validity and measurement invariance of the Career Decision Self-Efficacy Scale: A Rasch model approach. Journal of Career Assessment, 23(4), 645–660. https://doi.org/10. 1177/1069072714553555 Miguel, J. P., Silva, J. T., & Prieto, G. (2013). Career Decision Self-Efficacy Scale—Short form: A Rasch analysis of the Portuguese version. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 82(2), 116–123. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2012.12.001 Miles, J. R. & Fassinger, R. E. (2021). Creating a public psychology through a scientist– practitioner–advocate training model. American Psychologist, 76(8), 1232–1247. https://doi.org/10.1037/amp0000855 Nam, S. K., Yang, E., Lee, S. M., Lee, S. H., & Seol, H. (2011). A psychometric evaluation of the Career Decision Self-Efficacy Scale with Korean students: A Rasch model approach. Journal of Career Development, 38(2), 147–166. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 0894845310371374 Nota, L., Ferrari, L., Solberg, V. S., & Soresi, S. (2007). Career search self-efficacy, family support, and career indecision with Italian youth. Journal of Career Assessment, 15(2), 181–193. https://doi.org/10.1177/1069072706298019 Osipow, S. H. (1987). Manual for the Career Decision Scale. Psychological Assessment Resources. Osipow, S. H., Temple, R. D., & Rooney, R. A. (1993). The short form of the TaskSpecific Occupational Self-Efficacy Scale. Journal of Career Assessment, 1(1), 13–20. https://doi.org/10.1177/106907279300100103 Pajares, F., & Miller, M. D. (1994). Role of self-efficacy and self-concept beliefs in mathematical problem solving. Journal of Educational Psychology, 86(2), 193–203. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-0663.86.2.193 Peterson, S. L. (1993). Career decision self-efficacy and social and academic integration of underprepared college students. Journal of Vocational Education Research, 18(1), 77–115. Prediger, D. J. (1982). Dimensions underlying Holland’s hexagon: Missing link between interests and occupations? Journal of Vocational Behavior, 21(3), 259–287. https://doi. org/10.1016/0001-8791(82)90036-7 Reese, R. J., & Miller, D. (2006). Effectiveness of a university career decision making course on career decision making self-efficacy. Journal of Career Assessment, 14(2), 252–266. https://doi.org/10.1177/1069072705274985 Richardson, M., Abraham, C., & Bond, R. (2012). Psychological correlates of university students’ academic performance: A systematic review and meta-analysis. Psychological Bulletin, 138(2), 353–387. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0026838
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10 Career Adaptability Madeleine Haenggli and Andreas Hirschi
D
ue to the dynamics of today’s working world, individuals are faced with constantly changing work environments. As a consequence, careers are increasingly self-determined and require self-management, flexibility, and adaptability from individuals. Individuals thus need to develop the necessary skills and resources to successfully adapt to career dynamics and take increased individual responsibility for the development of their careers (Hall et al., 2018; Hirschi, 2018). Alongside these changes, individuals need to make career choices more often across their lifespan, and therefore they also need to successfully manage expected and unexpected career transitions and traumas throughout their life course (Savickas, 2013). This ongoing trend in the fundamental nature of careers has increased scholarly interest in how individuals can actively design their careers and has given rise to career development theories, such as career construction theory (Savickas, 2005) and life design (Savickas, 2012; Savickas & Pouyaud, 2016). According to these theoretical perspectives, career adaptability is important for successfully developing one’s career and the ability to implement a vocational self-concept. Career adaptability resources refer to an individual’s psychological resources to cope with development tasks, occupational transitions, and work traumas (Savickas, 2013). As such, career adaptability resources are seen as essential contributors in mastering career transitions and personal functioning. In this chapter, we first outline the historical background, development, and different perspectives of the concept of career adaptability. In a second section, we highlight empirical findings from exemplary studies, ranging from early to https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-011 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 213
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newer research on career adaptability. We then summarize the accumulated empirical evidence based on relevant reviews and meta-analyses. Finally, we discuss potential directions for future research on career adaptability as well as practical implications, with a specific focus on intervention studies conducted thus far.
THEORETICAL MODELS AND DEFINITIONS OF CAREER ADAPTABILITY Over the past decades, several different concepts of career adaptability have developed in parallel in the scientific literature with different meanings and measurement approaches. Here, we briefly outline some of the most prominent models of and approaches to career adaptability in the literature. Table 10.1 presents an overview of the various perspectives and their associated measurement tools. Early Developments of the Construct The origin of career adaptability can be traced back to Super’s concept of vocational maturity in his career development theory (Super et al., 1957; Super & Overstreet, 1960), which was defined as “a constellation of physical, psychological, and social characteristics [that] includes the degree of success in coping with the demands of earlier stages and substages of career development” (Super, 1990, p. 207). Super then revised and further developed this concept as “career adaptability” for adults, referring to the “readiness for career-decision making” (Super & Knasel, 1981, p. 198). Other researchers have continued to build upon the notion that career adaptability is relevant for adults across their working lifespan (Goodman, 1994; Savickas, 1997). Savickas (1997) proposed career adaptability as a construct integrating key elements of Super’s theory, focusing on individual and contextual forces, a developmental perspective, and identity and self-concept as key drivers of career development. Career Adaptability in Career Construction Theory The newest extension and further development of career adaptability can be found in the career construction theory of Savickas (2013). Career construction theory (Savickas, 2005, 2013, 2020) focuses on the interpersonal processes through which individuals create meaning in their occupational lives. The theory also emphasizes the need for career adaptability as a psychosocial resource to overcome uncertainties and adapt to occupational difficulties. In refining the construct, Savickas (2013) introduced the concepts of adaptivity, adaptability, adapting (responses), and adaptation (results). According to career construction theory, individuals differ in their willingness (adaptivity) and ability (adaptability) to engage in positive career-related behaviors (adapting). These
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adapting behaviors, in turn, lead to successful adaptation (Savickas, 2013; see also Figure 10.1, this volume). The core construct of adaptability within this framework thus refers to psychosocial resources that help individuals cope with current and anticipated challenges, transitions, and traumas in their occupational roles and alter their social integration (Savickas & Porfeli, 2012). Adaptability resources as psychosocial resources or transactional competencies are proposed to develop through interactions between the inner and outer world of a person. Thus, they are not seen as located solely within the individual but emerge at the intersection of the person and the environment (Savickas & Porfeli, 2012). Hence, these resources are seen as more changeable than personality traits because they develop in a more dynamic process of person–environment interaction. Moreover, adaptability is not a one-dimensional construct but consists of different dimensions. Specifically, Savickas and Porfeli (2012) suggested four dimensions: concern (i.e., “the extent to which an individual is oriented to and involved in preparing for the future”), control (i.e., “the extent of self-discipline as shown by being conscientious and responsible in making decisions”), curiosity (i.e., “the extent to which an individual explores circumstances and seeks information about opportunities”), and confidence (i.e., “the extent of certitude that one has the ability to solve problems and do what needs to be done to overcome obstacles”; p. 664). In sum, from the perspective of career construction theory, career adaptability resources can be seen as psychosocial competencies that shape adaptive strategies and actions aimed at achieving adaptation goals (Savickas & Porfeli, 2012). Within the career construction model of adaptation, adaptivity represents a core characteristic of a person and can be based in relatively stable personality traits (e.g., self-esteem, proactivity) or the tendency of a person to be flexible or willing to change. However, this psychological trait of adaptiveness is not sufficient to foster adaptive behaviors (Savickas & Porfeli, 2012). The willingness to engage in adaptive behaviors requires career adaptability resources to be able to react to and deal with changing situations. As a set of individual attributes, adaptivity can, however, promote the development of career adaptability resources, which are then needed to successfully cope with changes and career transitions. Career adaptability resources specifically foster adapting responses, which are behaviors that individuals use to adapt to changing circumstances (e.g., coping with job-related distress, managing career transitions), typically through five sets of behaviors: orientation, exploration, establishment, management, and disengagement. These actions are periodically repeated when the individual must adapt to a changing context (Savickas & Porfeli, 2012). Individuals can meet adaptation challenges more effectively by facing changing conditions with awareness and exploration, along with informed decision making, trial behaviors leading to stable engagement, active role management, and eventually forward-looking disengagement (Savickas & Porfeli, 2012). As a consequence of adapting responses, adaptation can result, which refers to being able to implement one’s self-concept in one’s work roles and, if there is a good
Definition
“Career adaptability resources are the self-regulation strengths or capacities that a person may draw upon to solve the unfamiliar, complex, and ill-defined problems presented by developmental vocational tasks, occupational transitions, and work traumas” (Savickas & Porfeli, 2012, p. 662)
“Career adaptability resources are the self-regulation strengths or capacities that a person may draw upon to solve the unfamiliar, complex, and ill-defined problems presented by developmental vocational tasks, occupational transitions, and work traumas” (Savickas & Porfeli, 2012, p. 662)
“Degree of adaptability in adolescents planning their futures” (Nota et al., 2012, p. 1557)
Concept
Career adaptability
Career adaptability
Career and work adaptability
Career and Work Adaptability Questionnaire (CWAQ)
Five-factor Career Adapt-Abilities Scale (CAAS-5)
Career Adapt-Abilities Scale (CAAS) Career Adapt-Abilities Scale–Short Form (CAAS-SF)
Measures
TABLE 10.1. Concepts, Definitions, and Measures of Career Adaptability
50
35
12
24
No. of items Sample item
Concern: “Think about my future and try to predict it” Control: “Can be patient and persistent” Curiosity: “Like to stop and think and try diverse ways of doing things” Confidence: “Am confident in my abilities to be successful in different careers” Cooperation: “Can act in a friendly way”
Concern: “Preparing for the future” Control: “Counting on myself” Curiosity: “Looking for opportunities to grow as a person” Confidence: “Learning new skills” Cooperation: “Playing my part on a team”
Concern: “Preparing for the future” Control: “Counting on myself” Curiosity: “Looking for opportunities to grow as a person” Confidence: “Learning new skills”
Subscales
Concern, Control, Curiosity, Confidence, Cooperation
Concern, Control, Curiosity, Confidence, Cooperation
Concern, Control, Curiosity, Confidence
Reference
Nota et al., 2012
Nye et al., 2018
Savickas & Porfeli, 2012 Maggiori et al., 2017
“Capacity to cope with and capitalize on change in the future, level of comfort with new work responsibilities, and ability to recover when unforeseen events alter career plans” (Rottinghaus et al., 2005, p. 11)
“Individual characteristics that predispose people to be more proactively adaptable are clearly beneficial, as individuals now are required to negotiate a never-ending series of workplace changes and transitions” (Fugate et al., 2008, p. 521)
“Job’s adaptive performance requirements” (Pulakos et al., 2000, p. 615)
Career adaptability
Personal adaptability
Job adaptability/ adaptive performance
Job Adaptability Inventory (JAI)
Dispositional Measure of Employability (DME)
Career Futures Inventory (CFI)
68
25
25
Interpersonal Adaptability: “Tailor one’s own behavior depending on others’ needs and interests to help them feel more comfortable” Dealing With Uncertain Situations: “Change one’s plans because the necessary supplies or equipment are unexpectedly unavailable” Solving Problems Creatively: “Develop new systems or procedures to improve efficiency or fix problems” Learning: “Learn new technologies that apply to one’s own work”
Openness to Changes at Work: “I would consider myself open to changes at work” Work and Career Resilience: “I have control over my career opportunities” Career Motivation: “I have a specific plan for achieving my career goals” Work and Career Proactivity: “I stay abreast of developments in my company” Work Identity: “It is important to me that others think highly of my job”
Career Adaptability: “I can adapt to change in my career plans” Career Optimism: “Thinking about my career inspires me” Perceived Knowledge: “It is easy to see future employment trends”
Handling Emergencies, Handling Work Stress, Solving Problems Creatively, Dealing With Uncertain Situations, Learning, Interpersonal Adaptability, Cultural Adaptability, Physically Oriented Adaptability
Openness to Changes at Work, Work and Career Resilience, Career Motivation, Work and Career Proactivity, Work Identity
Career Adaptability, Career Optimism, Perceived Knowledge
Pulakos et al., 2000
Fugate et al., 2008
Rottinghaus et al., 2005
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FIGURE 10.1. Constructs Included in the Career Construction Model of
Adaptation Adaptivity
Adaptability
Adapting responses
Adaptation
Personality traits (e.g., selfesteem, proactivity)
Psychosocial resources (e.g., concern, control, curiosity, confidence)
Behaviors (e.g., coping with jobrelated distress, managing career transitions)
Implementation of self-concept in work roles (e.g., indicated by success, satisfaction, and development)
fit, leads to a desirable merging of past preoccupations and current aspirations. This process of adaptation is motivated and guided by the goal of bringing inner needs and outer opportunities into harmony. A good fit, and thus high adaptation, is indicated by success, satisfaction, and development (Savickas & Porfeli, 2012). Other Perspectives on Career Adaptability Rottinghaus et al. (2005) developed a measure for assessing career-relevant adaptability and optimism by selecting subscales from other measures. These authors highlighted the individual differences that affect how college students perceive their career planning process and view career adaptability as the personality characteristic of being able to adapt. Rottinghaus et al. (2005) defined career adaptability as the “capacity to cope with and capitalize on change in the future, level of comfort with new work responsibilities, and ability to recover when unforeseen events alter career plans” (p. 11). The resulting Career Futures Inventory (CFI) assesses personality characteristics and attitudes toward career development and encompasses concepts related to how individuals view their future within the career domain (career adaptability, career optimism, perceived knowledge; Rottinghaus et al., 2005). Subsequently, Rottinghaus et al. (2012) revised and expanded the measure as the Career Futures Inventory–Revised (CFI-R), with a more explicit focus on career adaptability, which according to their conceptualization and measurement comprises the dimensions career agency, negative career outlook, occupational awareness, perceived support, and work–life balance management. In contrast to the way in which career adaptability is conceptualized by career construction theory, this framework proposes a set of different dimensions that constitute career adaptability. Although there is some overlap between the two models (e.g., they both include a component referring to confidence to master career challenges), they also show clear differences in the included dimensions (e.g., the work–life balance component or perceived support in the CFI-R as a component of career adaptability). Yet another perspective on career adaptability was proposed by Morrison and Hall (2002) in their protean career model. Based on the changing conditions in the working world, the authors emphasized the importance of self-direction and adaptability in career development. Within that theoretical
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foundation, a protean career reflects a career that is characterized by “freedom, self-direction, and making choices based on one’s personal values” (Briscoe & Hall, 2006, p. 6). Such a protean career is considered to be a continuous learning process (Hall & Moss, 1998) that requires identity awareness and adaptability as metacompetencies to successfully develop a career (Morrison & Hall, 2002). In this model, career adaptability can be defined as the capacity to change in response to turbulent conditions (Morrison & Hall, 2002). The protean career model generally emphasizes three empirically supported processes through which individuals can enact a protean career: identity awareness, adaptability, and agency (Hall et al., 2018). Hence, according to this perspective, career adaptability partially explains the relation between a protean career orientation and individual and organizational outcomes (Hall et al., 2018). Adaptability alone is thus not sufficient for successfully adapting to new work circumstances: Without self-awareness and agency, adaptability would be a reactive process, and a person could risk changing in ways that are not consistent with their own values and goals (Hall & Moss, 1998). This model is thus different from the career construction model of career adaptability in that it views career adaptability as one of three factors that allows for successful career development. However, its conceptualization of career adaptability is also narrower and more unidimensional compared with the multidimensional career adaptability construct in career construction theory. Additionally, career adaptability has been conceptualized to represent an aspect of employability. Fugate et al. (2004) referred to employability as a multidimensional construct that subsumes several constructs needed to effectively deal with career-related changes. As such, employability represents a workspecific (pro)active capability that enables workers to identify and realize career opportunities. It is formed by three mutually related dimensions: career identity, personal adaptability, and social and human capital (Fugate et al., 2004). Social capital refers to the “goodwill inherent in social networks” (Fugate et al., 2004, p. 23), whereas human capital is defined through factors that influence an individual’s cognitive ability and career advancement, for example, age, education, work experience, and training (Fugate et al., 2004). The authors chose five characteristics that seemed particularly relevant to personal adaptability: optimism, propensity to learn, openness, internal locus of control, and generalized self-efficacy (Fugate et al., 2004). In contrast to career adaptability in career construction theory, this model conceptualizes career adaptability more as a trait that can be represented by a set of relatively stable personal characteristics and as one of several factors contributing to an individuals’ employability. Finally, Pulakos et al. (2000) and Griffin et al. (2007) conceptualized adaptability in workplaces and explored adaptive performance in work contexts. According to this perspective, employees demonstrate adaptive performance by adjusting their behaviors to the requirements of work situations and new events (Pulakos et al., 2000). Based on a literature review on individual performance and adaptability to change, Pulakos et al. proposed eight dimensions of
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adaptive performance, including handling emergency or crisis situations; handling work stress; solving problems creatively; dealing with uncertain and unpredictable work situations; learning work tasks, technologies, and procedures; demonstrating interpersonal adaptability; demonstrating cultural adaptability; and demonstrating physically oriented adaptability. The authors also developed a measurement of job adaptability (Job Adaptability Inventory [JAI]; see Table 10.1). In a related but distinct model, Griffin et al. proposed a framework of adaptive work role performance that addresses three levels at which role behaviors can contribute to effectiveness (individual, team, and organization) and three different forms of behavior (proficiency, adaptivity, and proactivity). Adaptivity refers to coping strategies to respond to and support change (Griffin et al., 2007). It is important to note that, in Griffin et al.’s model, adaptivity refers only to behaviors. In contrast to career adaptability in career construction theory, these models thus focus on adaptability in the workplace more specifically. Therefore, they are more concerned with the role of adaptability in job performance rather than career development success. Moreover, adaptability is seen more as a set of adaptative behaviors than as a set of psychosocial resources.
EMPIRICAL FINDINGS Research on vocational psychology and career counseling has predominately focused on career adaptability according to the conceptualizations of Super (1990) and Savickas (2013). Numerous studies support the relevance of career adaptability, and it is beyond the scope of this chapter to provide an exhaustive review of this literature. In this section, we instead focus on presenting a range of exemplary studies, ranging from earlier to more recent research on career adaptability, including measurement development, based on the conceptualizations of Super and Savickas. Early Research on Career Adaptability Among the earlier research on career adaptability are studies that investigated the concept in diverse samples, encompassing early childhood to adulthood, thereby illustrating the broad relevance of the construct across the life course. The review paper by Hartung et al. (2008) investigated the topic of career adaptability in childhood and concluded that children envision possible future selves and imagine themselves in a work role. The authors pointed out that future research could not only focus on the manifestations of career adaptability (e.g., career optimization and compensation) but also seek to identify the core features of adaptability that underlie the various manifestations across the lifespan (Hartung et al., 2008). In a longitudinal study, Hirschi (2009) focused on career development in adolescence by investigating predictors of career adaptability development and its effect on the development of a sense of power and experi-
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ence of life satisfaction. The findings suggested that an increase in career adaptability (measured as career choice readiness, career planning, career exploration, and career confidence) over time predicted an increase in the sense of power and experience of life satisfaction. Thus, the study highlighted the connection between career adaptability and positive youth development (Hirschi, 2009). After investigating the relation between career adaptability, person and situation variables, and career concerns, Creed et al. (2009) found that the different measures of career adaptability in terms of career planning, environmental career exploration, career self-exploration, career decision making, and selfregulation could be represented by a single higher order factor. Moreover, the adaptability variables were related to a general measure of self-regulation, and career adaptability mediated the relation between the distal person and environmental variables and career concerns. Finally, Klehe et al. (2011) found employees’ reactions to organizational restructuring and downsizing were affected by career planning and career exploration. In a sample of employees assessed at two measurement time points, the authors found that being made redundant increased adaptive responses at a later time point, whereas job insecurity inhibited career planning. Career planning, in turn, positively predicted employees’ loyalty to the organization 5 months later, whereas career exploration negatively predicted employees’ loyalty and positively predicted their exit reactions (e.g., turnover intentions, job-search behaviors, actual turnover). Measurement Development As illustrated by the research examples thus far, an important limitation of earlier research on career adaptability was that different studies used different measurement approaches to assess career adaptability—even when they referred to the same theoretical foundations. An important turning point for research on career adaptability was the development of a specific measurement scale based on career construction theory: The Career Adapt-Abilities Scale (CAAS) was developed based on work by an international research group (Savickas & Porfeli, 2012) and assesses the four career adaptability dimensions of concern, control, curiosity, and confidence. It was adapted in many different languages, contributing to its widespread use (e.g., Dries et al., 2012; Hou et al., 2012; Maree, 2012; Pouyaud et al., 2012; Tak, 2012; van Vianen et al., 2012), and a short version was also developed (Maggiori et al., 2017). Newer Research on Career Adaptability After the development of the new CAAS measurement instrument, research based on this scale proliferated and contributed greatly to the scientific and practical understanding of career adaptability in career development. We mention here some example studies, ranging from specific assessments (e.g., daily fluctuations of career adaptability) to studies on students and job newcomers, unemployed people, adaptability in relation to job performance, career adaptability in
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relation to other critical career resources, adaptability among older workers, and a possible extension of the four dimensions of career adaptability. The first studies to mention are those of Zacher (2015, 2016), who investigated daily manifestations of career adaptability and provided further insights on the stable and fluid aspects of career adaptability. Zacher (2015) adapted the CAAS items to provide a daily behavioral measure of career adaptability. To assess outcomes of daily career adaptability, he investigated career adaptability across five workdays. In two samples, Zacher (2015) demonstrated substantial within-person variability in employees’ career adaptability, suggesting that daily career adaptability and its dimensions fluctuated considerably across workdays. The findings further showed that daily career adaptability and its subscales of control, concern, confidence, and curiosity positively predicted daily task and career performance as well as job and career satisfaction (Zacher, 2015). In another daily diary study, Zacher (2016) found that daily job demands, daily job autonomy, daily Conscientiousness, daily Openness to Experience, and daily past and future temporal focus were significant positive predictors of daily career adaptability (Zacher, 2016). In sum, these studies demonstrate that career adaptability fluctuates daily to some extent and that such fluctuations are predicted by daily fluctuations in personal and contextual characteristics. Moreover, daily fluctuations in career adaptability are related to fluctuations in adaptation results, such as performance and satisfaction. Investigating high school students, Wilkins et al. (2014) found evidence for relations between positive emotional dispositions, such as optimism and hope, and the dimensions of career adaptability. Moreover, they found that the pathways from hope to seven different forms of satisfaction (e.g., satisfaction with opportunities to make decisions autonomously, satisfaction with current life conditions) were mediated by the career adaptability dimensions of curiosity and confidence (Wilkins et al., 2014). These results indicate that students who have both a greater sense of perceived ability to derive pathways to desired goals and the ability to use such pathways are more likely to report possessing more career adaptability resources (Wilkins et al., 2014). Taking a different approach to investigate career adaptability, Hirschi and Valero (2015) explored profiles of career adaptability among university students and investigated their relation to antecedents (i.e., adaptivity) and outcomes (i.e., adapting responses). Five different profiles of career adaptability emerged, indicating that groups of students differ according to whether they possess generally lower or higher adaptability across the four adaptability resources (Hirschi & Valero, 2015). The different adaptability profiles further showed significant differences in their level of adaptivity (i.e., core selfevaluations, proactivity) as well as in the level of adapting responses (i.e., career planning, career decision-making difficulties, career exploration, and occupational self-efficacy beliefs). The study thus suggests that students generally possess higher or lower levels of career adaptability resources across different dimensions of career adaptability, indicating that students with generally low adaptability profiles may need special support (Hirschi & Valero, 2015).
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Highlighting the relevance of career adaptability in diverse contexts and samples, some studies have focused on career adaptability and job search. For example, Guan et al. (2013) demonstrated the importance of career adaptability in university graduates’ job search process. The authors found evidence that career adaptability (especially concern and control) positively predicted job search self-efficacy, which in turn related positively to employment status (Guan et al., 2013). Additionally, among the graduates who became employed, the career adaptability dimensions also positively predicted their person– environment fit perceptions. In sum, this suggests that career adaptability resources also play a role in the job search process and could contribute to better job search outcomes, mediated by more specific attitudes and behaviors in the job search process. Shifting the focus to the work context, Ohme and Zacher (2015) used experimental vignettes to show the relation of career adaptability with job performance ratings compared with the variance explained by mental ability and conscientiousness. The findings demonstrated that the job performance ratings of fictitious employees improved when the employees were attributed higher career adaptability resources, but the effect was smaller than that of higher conscientiousness or mental ability (Ohme & Zacher, 2015). This study thus suggests that career adaptability resources might also contribute to better job performance evaluations. However, its effects might be smaller compared with more established personal predictors. To examine how career adaptability resources relate to other important career resources, Haenggli and Hirschi (2020) explored career adaptability within a broader resource framework. They assessed relations between key resources (i.e., self-esteem and optimism); career adaptability resources (i.e., concern, control, curiosity, confidence); and knowledge/skills, motivational, and environmental career resources, as well as their predictive utility for different forms of subjective and objective career success (i.e., salary) among diverse employees. The findings supported the assumption that career adaptability resources are significantly related to other types of career resources, but different resources explain unique variations in different forms of career success. The authors concluded that career adaptability should be conceptualized within a larger network of resources that are relevant for attaining subjective and objective career success. Specifically, additional important resources for career success, which are not captured with the career adaptability model, are knowledge/skills, motivational, and environmental resources. Expanding the study of career adaptability across the lifespan, Zacher and Griffin (2015) looked at the relation between career adaptability and job satisfaction among older workers. Using age and motivation to continue working after retirement as moderators, the findings showed that older workers’ age, but not their motivation to continue working, moderated the relation between career adaptability and job satisfaction. The authors concluded that career adaptability might be a more important resource for relatively younger workers
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compared with relatively older workers and suggested that more research is needed on career adaptability among older workers. Finally, some studies examined whether the four career adaptability resources of concern, control, curiosity, and confidence should be extended by a fifth “c” of career adaptability: cooperation (Nota et al., 2012; Nye et al., 2018). Cooperation focuses on the interpersonal aspects of career adaptability, which were not included in the final CAAS measure because the five-factor model did not fit for all 13 investigated countries (Nye et al., 2018). Nye et al. (2018) explored the structure of the CAAS in cross-cultural comparisons among U.S., Chinese, and Taiwanese samples and found support for the five-factor model of career adaptability measured by the instrument CAAS-5. Based on their findings, the authors highlighted the importance of adding the interpersonal cooperation dimension to career adaptability (Nye et al., 2018). In the same vein, Nota et al. (2012) incorporated the subdimension of cooperation in the development of the Career and Work Adaptability Questionnaire (CWAQ). The CWAQ is aimed at high school students and measures adolescents’ adaptability resources of concern, control, curiosity, confidence, and cooperation. In sum, similar to the study by Haenggli and Hirschi (2020), these studies suggest that the four dimensions of career adaptability do not necessarily encompass all relevant psychosocial resources for successful career development, and additional factors contributing to career adaptability might be considered in future studies.
INTEGRATIVE REVIEWS OF RESEARCH FINDINGS Due to the increasing number of studies on career adaptability, several attempts to integrate the literature have been published in the last few years. These include qualitative reviews of the adaptability concept as well as meta-analyses summarizing this fast-expanding body of literature. In this section, we highlight some of the most important findings, which help to provide a more integrative view of the career adaptability literature. Conceptual Integration of Different Adaptability Concepts Hirschi et al. (2015) addressed the fact that different studies have used different operationalizations of career adaptability, which makes generalizations and comparisons across studies difficult. They theoretically and empirically clarified the relations between different measures representing adaptivity, adaptability, and adapting responses. In their study of university students using both crosssectional and longitudinal analyses, the authors found support for the assumption that the applied measures for assessing adaptivity (i.e., core self-evaluations, proactivity), adaptability (i.e., concern, control, curiosity, confidence), and adapting responses (i.e., career planning, career decision-making difficulties, career exploration, occupational self-efficacy) were significantly correlated but
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empirically distinct. Hirschi et al. thus provided important insights into how career adaptability in terms of concern, control, curiosity, and confidence relates to other conceptualizations and measurement approaches. They concluded that the four aspects measured by the CAAS represent more general psychosocial resources of career adaptabilities, which should be differentiated from more specific career behaviors and beliefs. Hirschi et al. highlighted the importance of choosing the right measurement approach in studies, depending on whether the investigated research questions focus more on context-general, traitlike adaptivity measures, more general psychological career resources, or more specific career behaviors and attitudes. Reviews of the Career Adaptability Literature Qualitatively synthesizing the research in the field of career adaptability, Johnston (2018) systematically reviewed the studies on career adaptability for its correlates (e.g., self-esteem, extraversion, promotability), predictors (e.g., hope, optimism, core self-evaluations), and outcomes (e.g., career satisfaction, work stress, job fit). One important finding was that some of the same constructs were examined as predictors and as outcomes of career adaptability (e.g., career satisfaction, different forms of self-efficacy). However, many studies were crosssectional, and so it is not possible to clarify this issue (Johnston, 2018). In general, many studies focused on examining career adaptability in relation to personality traits (e.g., Conscientiousness, Extraversion); other factors closely related to the self (e.g., self-esteem, anxiety); constructs related to goal pursuit, positive adjustment, and coping (e.g., motivation, hope, optimism); and factors related to positive career development, job transitions, and career outcomes (e.g., employability, career satisfaction). As theoretical predictors of career adaptability, studies examined both individual (e.g., core self-evaluations, hope, optimism) and contextual factors (e.g., career-specific parental behaviors, unemployment). Investigated outcomes of career adaptability were typically well-being (e.g., life satisfaction, self-rated health), individual (e.g., job satisfaction), and organizational career outcomes (e.g., career opportunities), as well as employment outcomes (e.g., work–life balance, job fit; Johnston, 2018). However, the review also revealed that the term “career adaptability” was used for many different constructs and that a clearer distinction between willingness, resources, responses, and results (also see Table 10.1) would be important (Johnston, 2018). Based on scientific knowledge mapping in Web of Science, Chen et al. (2020) analyzed published articles between 2010 and 2020 for the topic of “career adaptability” to identify the field’s research focus, key researchers, and development. Among others, the authors found that the investigated factors theoretically affecting career adaptability mainly focused on two aspects: variables related to the individual, such as gender, grade (age), and personality traits, and variables related to the environment, such as family and social support (Chen et al., 2020). Moreover, many studies focused on measurement, a boundaryless mindset, career construction theory, proactive personality, and life design.
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Meta-Analyses of Career Adaptability Meta-analyses are another way of analyzing previous research results. Metaanalyses summarize and present previous research quantitatively or statistically. Based on the career construction model of adaptation, Rudolph, Lavigne, and Zacher (2017) examined the relations of career adaptability with measures of adaptivity (e.g., cognitive ability, self-esteem, core self-evaluations), adapting responses (e.g., career planning, career exploration), adaptation results (e.g., career identity, job stress, life satisfaction), and demographic covariates (i.e., age and education). The authors demonstrated the incremental predictive validity of career adaptability above and beyond other individual difference characteristics for several career, work, and subjective well-being outcomes. Grounded in career construction theory, Rudolph, Lavigne, Katz, and Zacher (2017) explored the relations of the career adaptability dimensions (i.e., concern, control, curiosity, and confidence) with measures of adaptation results (e.g., job performance, job satisfaction, turnover intentions). Their analysis confirmed the proposed four-dimensional structure of adaptability with the dimensions of concern, control, curiosity, and confidence. Moreover, they found that the different career adaptability dimensions had unique predictive value for adaptation results. For example, concern was positively related to career and job satisfaction. Curiosity was related positively to entrepreneurship, whereas curiosity and continued organizational commitment showed a negative relation. Confidence showed a positive relation with job performance and work engagement. However, concern explained slightly more variance in promotability than confidence (Rudolph, Lavigne, Katz, & Zacher, 2017). This meta-analysis thus highlights the need for researchers to pay attention to potentially different effects of different dimensions of career adaptability. Another meta-analysis was dedicated to age-related correlates of career adaptability (Rudolph & Zacher, 2016). The authors hypothesized that older individuals (compared with younger) and those with longer job tenure (compared with those with shorter) would have greater career adaptability because they have acquired more career-relevant experience over time. The hypothesis was supported for age (albeit with small effect sizes) but not for tenure. Furthermore, the effects varied when considering individual career adaptability dimensions, suggesting that age and tenure are especially relevant for explaining differences in concern and control.
FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS As our selective review of the literature shows, career adaptability has been investigated with many different populations and career transitions. However, overall, there is still little research on the role of career adaptability in older workers and the work-to-retirement transition. Due to demographic changes
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and an aging society in many countries around the world, this group and career transition is becoming increasingly relevant (Hirschi & Pang, 2020). Career adaptability might also be important in this context (Lytle et al., 2015). For example, research showed that older workers with more career adaptability were also more engaged in career planning (Fasbender et al., 2019) and that older workers and retirees with higher career adaptability reported improved well-being (Ramos & Lopez, 2018). Future research could more closely investigate the extent to which career adaptability among older workers is related to more experienced meaning and well-being in later retirement. Other studies could investigate what role career adaptability plays among retirees who are engaged in bridge employment and are still/again active in the workforce (Beehr & Bennett, 2015; Luke et al., 2016). Another domain for future research on career adaptability would be to investigate what role career adaptability plays in managing the work–nonwork interface. Due to technological innovations and changes in gender roles, careers are increasingly intertwined with the home domain for many individuals (Greenhaus & Kossek, 2014). Expanding the theoretical and empirical work on career adaptability beyond a focus on career transitions and career success would thus greatly enrich the understanding of how career adaptability resources might also help individuals to better engage in work and nonwork roles and to achieve more satisfaction and effectiveness in both life domains. Because career adaptability represents a set of psychosocial resources that facilitate dealing with career challenges, it seems likely that they could also help individuals in preventing and/or better dealing with work–nonwork conflict and experiencing more work–nonwork enrichment. However, more research is needed to examine such possibilities (Wang et al., 2018). Another important research direction would be to study career adaptability specifically in contexts that require individuals’ adaptation. Theoretically, career adaptability is triggered by transitions implicated in expected and unexpected vocational tasks (Johnston, 2018). Most studies on career adaptability have not actually studied a career transition (e.g., school-to-work transitions; Koen et al., 2012), and only a few studies have focused on career changes happening within organizations (e.g., in the context of organizational restructuring; van der Horst & Klehe, 2019). In recent years, there has been a rapid increase in the adoption of digital technologies and processes of digitalization in many organizations (Lanzolla et al., 2020), which presents numerous challenges and opportunities for individuals. This means that employees are increasingly confronted with changing working conditions, new job contents, or even periods of unemployment or forced early retirement. These unusual circumstances offer a unique opportunity to examine how such digital processes influence individuals’ ability to learn and adapt to change (Lanzolla et al., 2020), suggesting the need for more radical adaptation of employees and organizations (Kronblad, 2020). Thus, future research on career adaptability could examine which factors are useful for successful adaptation in various career transitions across and within organizations, for example, due to digital transformation.
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PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS AND INTERVENTION RESEARCH The results of the research on career adaptability have several practical implications for career guidance and counseling practice and interventions. First, the assessment of career adaptability could be used as a screening tool by career counselors and other practitioners. The presence of adaptability resources indicates important strengths that are useful for individuals in their career development. If these resources are not well developed, however, this could result in current or future career problems. For example, Savickas (2005) outlined how a lack of concern could indicate indifference toward career issues or a lack of curiosity could indicate unrealism in considered career options. Second, research has shown that career adaptability resources are not stable but may change over time (Savickas, 2013) or in different situations (Zacher, 2015, 2016). This suggests that career adaptability can be cultivated and developed. Once a gap in adaptability resources is identified, targeted career interventions could thus be implemented, such as orientation exercises to develop the resource of concern with the associated skill of planning (Savickas, 2005). Third, for industrial and organizational psychologists, HR practitioners, and managers in organizations, research suggests that career adaptability is relevant for work adjustment and organizational outcomes after a career transition. Thus, practitioners in organizations should benefit from promoting adaptability resources in employees and thus foster desirable adapting responses (e.g., job performance, lower turnover). Moreover, adaptability is also beneficial in stress and coping processes, suggesting that fostering adaptability could lead to increased employee well-being and satisfaction. Illustrating the possibility and practical utility of promoting career adaptivity in career interventions, an increasing number of intervention studies have investigated how career adaptability can be promoted in such diverse groups as adolescents during the school-to-work transition, university students, young adults, and workers in their midcareer. For example, with the aim to facilitate a successful school-to-work transition among college students, Koen et al. (2012) conducted a 1-day career adaptability training to enhance control and curiosity. The training included four parts: self-knowledge, professional environment knowledge, implementation overview, and specific implementation. The findings of the study indicated that the training successfully improved control and curiosity in the training group compared with a control group. Furthermore, the training participants who found employment 6 months later reported higher employment quality than those in the control group. Overall, the results indicated that providing graduates with career adaptability resources could increase their chances of finding a qualitatively good job (Koen et al., 2012). Using the life-design paradigm and career construction theory, Ginevra et al. (2017) designed a career intervention for young adults in vocational high
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schools with migration experience and low education. The intervention was aimed at strengthening a number of resources: coping with career transitions, stimulating reflection on the future, identifying one’s own strengths, and planning future projects (Ginevra et al., 2017). The results of the study demonstrated the general effectiveness of the career intervention, highlighting the possibility to increase at-risk individuals’ levels of career adaptability. Janeiro et al. (2014) compared two types of career interventions regarding their effects on career adaptability among high school students with different career coping styles: a single career information session or a 6-week career intervention. Overall, although both interventions were effective for most of the students, the 6-week career intervention exhibited a more robust effect on students with insecure, pessimistic, or superficial career coping styles (Janeiro et al., 2014). This suggests that students with more problematic career coping styles might need longer interventions to achieve improvements in career adaptability. Exploring midcareer workers in the context of organizational restructuring, van der Horst and Klehe (2019) validated a career intervention based on career construction theory. The intervention combined an efficient and scalable ePortfolio and a half-day event to enhance career adaptive responses among experienced workers. The authors measured career adaptive responses before and 6 months after the intervention. Employees who participated in the intervention showed increased control (i.e., self-awareness and career decidedness), curiosity (i.e., self- and environmental exploration), and concern (i.e., career planning), whereas employees in the control group did not (van der Horst & Klehe, 2019). In the study, no effects were found for confidence (i.e., selfefficacy). Overall, van der Horst and Klehe showed that career adaptability can be increased by effective, scalable, and efficient interventions that could be made available to large groups of employees.
CONCLUSION Career adaptability has emerged as a core concept in vocational and career research over recent decades. The concept is rooted in earlier notions of career maturity and has seen significant conceptual and empirical advancements. As our chapter illustrates, the literature on career adaptability is varied, with different concepts being examined under this general umbrella term. However, based on career construction theory, the concept has received a more consolidated focus in recent years. Ample research is now available to support the relevance of career adaptability to successfully developing a career. Emerging research is also showing that it can be systematically promoted by career interventions. The concept of career adaptability is thus a fruitful concept for future scientific inquiries as well as practical applications.
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11 Well-Being and Career Success Lisa C. Walsh, S. Gokce Boz, and Sonja Lyubomirsky
Most people would assume my business success, and the wealth that comes with it, have brought me happiness. But I know I am successful, wealthy, and connected because I am happy. —RICHARD BRANSON, ENTREPRENEUR
W
ork hard, be successful, then you will be happy. So goes the formula that our two previous empirical reviews suggested may be broken and backward (Boehm & Lyubomirsky, 2008; Walsh et al., 2018). Contrary to previous popular beliefs, empirical evidence shows that initially happy people are more likely to be successful later and that inducing greater levels of positive emotions, like joy and happiness, causes people to think and behave in ways associated with success. This evidence appears to have trickled out to the wider public, as a recent corporate survey found that 68% of respondents believed that “happiness leads to success,” whereas only 32% believed that “success leads to happiness” (Indeed, 2020). Thanks to hedonic adaptation— the human propensity to adapt to positive life changes and then want even more—merely becoming more successful may not deliver the happiness results people long for (Fritz et al., 2017; Lyubomirsky, 2011). In this chapter, we revisit and update the evidence suggesting that happiness causes success, rather than the other way around. We also briefly consider how organizations might improve worker well-being, such as by measuring it, building thriving work cultures, and deploying well-being enhancing positive activities.
https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-012 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 235
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Building on our two previous reviews (Boehm & Lyubomirsky, 2008; Walsh et al., 2018), we begin by summarizing the strongest pieces of evidence linking well-being and career success over the last 4 decades. Although the oldest studies (1975–1985) are well in the past and may not inform current experiences as well as newer studies (2010 onward), we still include the most relevant studies regardless of publication year. Wherever possible, however, we highlight new studies. Each time we return to the empirical psychological literature, we discover more evidence supporting our theory that greater well-being precedes and leads to career success. Subjective well-being is often defined by three components: the presence of positive affect, the absence of negative affect, and high levels of life satisfaction (Diener, 2009; Diener et al., 1999). Because frequent, moderately intense positive emotions are the hallmark of happiness (Diener et al., 1991), as in our previous reviews, we continue to define a happy person as one who often feels higher levels of positive emotions, such as excitement, joy, happiness, and serenity. Throughout this chapter, we use terms such as happiness, positive affect, and positive emotions interchangeably to describe the habits of happy versus less happy people. Occasionally, we also examine how life satisfaction affects job-related outcomes. Whereas positive affect provides a transient picture of how people feel most days, life satisfaction offers a portrait of people’s well-being that is relatively more cognitive, stable, and global (Diener et al., 1985). A person high on life satisfaction generally agrees with statements like “In most ways my life is close to ideal” and “So far I have gotten the important things I want in life.” Notably, life satisfaction and positive affect are moderately to strongly positively correlated (r = .32 to .53; Busseri, 2018; Diener et al., 1985; Headey et al., 1993). As before, we consider three types of investigations: cross-sectional, longitudinal, and experimental. First, cross-sectional studies allow researchers to establish whether there is a significant correlation between well-being and work-related outcomes at a single time point. Second, multi-time-point longitudinal studies help establish that well-being at an earlier time point precedes career success at a later time point. Third, experimental studies that randomly assign participants to activities that increase well-being (vs. controls) offer the opportunity to determine whether inducing greater well-being causes people to experience cognitive and behavioral changes conducive to career success. Each of the three types of investigation comes with its own strengths and weaknesses. For example, many cross-sectional and longitudinal studies provide high external validity because data are often collected in real-world corporate settings with outcomes vital to organizations, like sales and attrition. But cross-sectional studies cannot specify the direction of causality. If happiness and sales are correlated, which comes first and which leads to what? Do individuals who sell more units become happier? Or do happy people ultimately sell more units? Furthermore, both cross-sectional and longitudinal studies are prone to spurious correlations (i.e., third-variable problems), whereby an independent variable (happiness) may predict changes in an outcome (sales) only because it is correlated with a third variable (extraversion).
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Experiments are better able to control for third variables by randomly assigning people to precise positive, neutral, or negative emotion induction conditions, but they also use artificially constructed lab environments and short time frames to elicit low levels of the intended emotions or related states. In other words, experiments have relatively high internal validity, but they lack external validity. However, together, the three types of investigations (cross-sectional, longitudinal, and experimental) provide strong triangulating evidence that happiness is related to, precedes, and causes success. We begin with a review of the cross-sectional evidence.
CROSS-SECTIONAL EVIDENCE The findings from cross-sectional studies largely suggest that happy people tend to experience greater career success than those who are less happy, and this trend consistently emerges across outcomes. To begin, happy workers describe their jobs as varied and meaningful (Staw et al., 1994); they also report a high degree of autonomy, or control, in their work environments, which may buffer against burnout (Iverson et al., 1998). It is perhaps not surprising, then, that people with high positive affect are more satisfied with their jobs than those with lower positive affect (Bowling et al., 2010; George, 1995; Judge et al., 1999; Thoresen et al., 2003). Greater life satisfaction is also associated with greater job satisfaction, less work tedium, and greater work achievements (Adler & Golan, 1981). Well-being may thus foster more workplace success because it makes being employed more enjoyable. Happiness also predicts better job performance (T. A. Wright & Cropanzano, 2000), a link that appears in a variety of contexts. For example, supervisors tend to evaluate happy employees more favorably than less happy employees (Cropanzano & Wright, 1999; Judge et al., 1999; Staw et al., 1994). In a study at a major U.S. retailer, salespeople supervised by happy managers were rated as more successful by upper and lower management (George, 1995). In a study of first-year master of business administration (MBA) students, MBA students with high positive affect received better peer and staff evaluations than MBA students with low positive affect (Staw & Barsade, 1993). In another study, managers in Australia with high levels of trait positive affect were more likely to receive positive supervisor performance ratings (Hosie et al., 2012). Further research has demonstrated a correlation between positive affect and favorable job evaluations (Cropanzano & Wright, 1999). Thus, research suggests the happier the employee, the better the performance (as assessed by supervisor evaluations). However, these effects could at least be partially attributable to halo effects (Nisbett & Wilson, 1977)—that is, a positive impression in one area influencing opinion in another area. For example, because an individual possesses one socially desirable trait (e.g., happiness), their coworkers may also assume they exhibit other desirable characteristics (e.g., commendable job performance). Fortunately, some studies imply that
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supervisor evaluations do not purely depend on halo effects. Although more studies examining objective job performance indicators (e.g., sales generated, hours worked, contracts signed, widgets produced) are needed, some cross-sectional studies indicate that happy people perform better on objective metrics too. One especially revealing study with sales agents at Metropolitan Life Insurance Company matched the agents’ explanatory style and sales commissions (proportional to the amount of insurance sold in U.S. dollars) at a single time point (Seligman & Schulman, 1986). Agents with a more positive, optimistic explanatory style sold 37% more life insurance policies than their less positive counterparts. Additionally, a meta-analysis that examined a range of sports (e.g., basketball, karate, soccer, tennis, wrestling, swimming) and objective indicators (e.g., wins/losses, being selected for teams) found a moderate effect of positive affect on athletes’ performance success (Beedie et al., 2000). Another reason why happy employees may excel is that they are more invested and involved in their jobs (George, 1995; Langelaan et al., 2006). In other words, they experience high levels of work engagement (Bakker & Demerouti, 2008). Being engaged at work could be framed as the inverse of key withdrawal behaviors, such as burnout, turnover, and absenteeism—all of which are negatively correlated with high positive affect (Langelaan et al., 2006; Miles et al., 2002; Thoresen et al., 2003). Indeed, relative to those who are unhappy, happy employees experience less burnout (Iverson et al., 1998; Walkiewicz et al., 2012), emotional exhaustion (T. A. Wright & Cropanzano, 1998), and chronic absenteeism (Gil et al., 2004). Employees with high life satisfaction also feel less emotional exhaustion than those with low life satisfaction (Merkin, 2020). Yet when happy workers are dissatisfied with their jobs, they report thinking more about quitting and actively seeking new employment elsewhere (Bouckenooghe et al., 2013). This may be adaptive, perhaps prompting happy people to exit suboptimal working conditions or distressing company cultures and move on to greener pastures. Conversely, unhappy people may experience a greater degree of learned helplessness (Maier & Seligman, 1976), making them feel powerless and less able to make positive career changes. In general, happy people are more successful at coping with organizational changes (Judge et al., 1999); they also tend to be more loyal and committed to their employers (Judge et al., 1999; Thoresen et al., 2003). Happy employees might also be more successful due to their tendency to go above and beyond in the workplace. Organizational citizenship behavior (OCB) involves voluntary actions that are not part of an individual’s delineated job duties (e.g., providing extra help to coworkers, attending nonmandatory meetings) but contribute positively to an organization’s overall effectiveness (Organ, 1988). Employees often perform these actions without receiving any formal recognition or reward. Organ (1997) defined a few distinct OCB dimensions, including helping others (altruism), preventing problems for others (courtesy), and sustaining high standards of excellence (conscientiousness). Additional researchers have proposed alternative categories like exerting extra effort, protecting the organization, and spreading goodwill (Borman et al., 2001; George
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& Brief, 1992). OCB is a type of prosocial behavior, which involves actions intended to benefit one or more people other than the self (Batson & Powell, 2003)—or in the case of OCB, the organization as a whole. Given the importance of OCB to organizational success, it is worth noting that positive affect predicts greater OCB (Borman et al., 2001; George, 1991; Miles et al., 2002). Happy people are more likely to assist customers and coworkers (George, 1991), donate money to charities (Priller & Schupp, 2011), and devote more time to volunteer service (Thoits & Hewitt, 2001). Additionally, people with greater life satisfaction also engage in more OCBs and are more likely to trust their coworkers and volunteer for extra tasks than their less satisfied peers (Merkin, 2020). Beyond the benefits happy workers accrue to the organizations that employ them (e.g., better job performance, increased OCB), it appears that happy people are also personally rewarded for their efforts—for example, by earning more money. Workers’ optimistic expectations, especially toward themselves, has been found to directly affect their wages (Mohanty, 2009). Research also suggests happiness is correlated with income (r = .21), and the magnitude of that association is larger than the link with education (r = .15; Pinquart & Sörensen, 2000). Indeed, happiness and earnings appear to rise together (Diener & Biswas-Diener, 2002; Pinquart & Sörensen, 2000). One study found that higher levels of positive feelings were associated with larger incomes, even above a previously established plateau of $75,000 per year (Kahneman & Deaton, 2010; Killingsworth, 2021). However, in such studies it is difficult to determine the direction of causality. For example, happy people may subsequently earn more money or, alternatively, people who earn more money may become happier. The longitudinal research in the next section is better positioned to address the issue of which comes first (income or happiness). Happy people also enjoy relatively more tangible benefits, such as greater interpersonal rewards. Relative to those with low positive affect, employees with high positive affect receive more social support from their managers and coworkers (Iverson et al., 1998) and cooperate more with their peers (Miles et al., 2002). They are also more likely to use contacts in their social network to gather information (Doucet et al., 2012). Those with relatively high life satisfaction also report superior quality and quantity of social support with family and friends (Pinquart & Sörensen, 2000). Happy and satisfied people may simply be more pleasant to interact with, and their cooperative, flexible personalities might attract others (Boehm & Lyubomirsky, 2008; Walsh et al., 2018). Indeed, happier people tend to be better liked by their peers (Taylor et al., 2003). One study captured headshots of scholars attending a German business research conference, then asked students to evaluate the photos; attendees who “looked” happy were rated as more attractive, competent, trustworthy, and likeable (Dilger et al., 2015). Again, these associations could be operating primarily via halo effects (i.e., this scholar looks happy, so they also look likeable); nevertheless, these advantageous associations could help one excel in the workplace.
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In summary, the cross-sectional evidence suggests that happy employees enjoy better career success outcomes than their less happy counterparts. People high in positive affect tend to find autonomy and meaning in their work, be satisfied with their jobs, receive favorable evaluations, perform well, enjoy high income, and have strong social support systems. Greater life satisfaction is also associated with greater job satisfaction, income, prosocial behavior, and social support, as well as less emotional exhaustion. However, although single-timepoint, cross-sectional studies allow investigators to establish a link between well-being and success, they do not allow them to infer which variable came first. To go further, we now turn to the longitudinal evidence to elucidate the temporal order of these variables.
LONGITUDINAL EVIDENCE Longitudinal studies provide additional evidence for the link between well-being and success but take a further step by demonstrating that happiness often precedes career success on a host of work-related outcomes. Relative to those who are less happy, longitudinal research reveals that people initially high on positive affect are more likely to later find gainful employment (Haase et al., 2012). This effect could be multiply determined—for example, happier people are inclined to avoid procrastination and assume more productive habits, such as planning ahead for a future job search (Turban et al., 2013). Happier people also tend to invest more time, effort, and energy into achieving their goals and overcoming hardships (Haase et al., 2012). For example, people who are happy at an earlier time point are more likely to search for and apply to a higher number of job openings at a later time point (Turban et al., 2013). Positive affect is also associated with having more clarity about what kind of job one wants, as well as how to find it (Côté et al., 2006). This research suggests a multiple-step mediation process, whereby initial happiness influences greater job clarity, which in turn drives greater job search intensity; accordingly, intensely searching for a job yields more job offers, which in turn leads to subsequent employment. Interestingly, a longitudinal panel study in the United Kingdom observed that people tend to experience greater well-being just before starting a new job, then experience subsequent declines in well-being after becoming employed (Binder & Coad, 2010). This finding shows that achieving success (e.g., finding a job) may not necessarily make a person happier. Another 2-year longitudinal study with the Swiss labor force found that baseline life satisfaction predicted gaining employment (Gander et al., 2019). Positive emotions may also be protective against job loss—an especially unpleasant life event that can be difficult for individuals to hedonically recover from (Anusic et al., 2014; Fritz et al., 2017; Lucas et al., 2004). Well-being also affects future job satisfaction and career achievement. Longitudinal studies show that happy people are more likely to experience superior job satisfaction, job performance, and financial stability up to a decade later
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(Kansky et al., 2016; Roberts et al., 2003). For example, one study found that positive affect at age 14 predicted greater job satisfaction and higher levels of competence at ages 23 to 25 (Kansky et al., 2016). Furthermore, according to a meta-analysis of longitudinal studies, the link between subjective well-being and subsequent job satisfaction was stronger than the link from job satisfaction to subjective well-being (Bowling et al., 2010). Longitudinal studies also relate well-being to social support. One longitudinal study showed that happy teenagers reported stronger friendships and fewer relationship conflicts later in young adulthood (Kansky et al., 2016). Another study found that employees who were initially happier received more support from colleagues and better evaluations from their supervisors 18 months later (Staw et al., 1994). This finding was later replicated in further studies, bolstering evidence that happy workers often receive stronger evaluations from their supervisors up to several years later (Cropanzano & Wright, 1999; T. A. Wright & Staw, 1999). In addition to supervisor evaluations, which, as noted earlier, could be operating via halo effects, it is important to consider other measures of employee performance. In an experience sampling method (ESM) study, directors employed in the private sector and the Canadian federal government were asked to report their well-being and productivity over 8 weeks (Zelenski et al., 2008). Positive affect at baseline (collected before the ESM phase), predicted later greater productivity. Happier directors reported more productivity than did less happy directors. However, happy people may merely view themselves positively, without actually producing more work. As with the cross-sectional evidence, objective measures of job performance (e.g., sales commissions, customer calls taken) can advance the literature by showing that the happy–productive worker theory is not solely a self-report mirage. A few studies provide longitudinal evidence that happy people perform better on objective measures. For example, the study with sales agents described earlier (Seligman & Schulman, 1986) also longitudinally followed another group of newly hired agents at the same company, Metropolitan Life Insurance. Agents who had a more positive, optimistic explanatory style when they entered the company sold 35% more life insurance in the second half of their first year (after training) than their less positive peers; they were also more likely to still be working at the company a year later. Furthermore, an ESM study that tracked call center employees’ moods four to five times each day over 3 weeks found that positive mood predicted improved task performance via reduced call times (Miner & Glomb, 2010). Another, more recent study followed call center sales workers at British Telecom (one of the United Kingdom’s largest private employers) and matched administrative data (e.g., work schedules, productivity) with weekly well-being assessments collected over a 6-month period (Bellet et al., 2020). The findings revealed that an increase in worker happiness of one standard deviation led to a subsequent 24.5% increase in weekly sales. The researchers concluded that when workers were happier, they worked faster by making more calls per hour
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and converted more of their calls into sales. Taken together, these studies suggest that happy, optimistic people may produce objectively faster and better results in the workplace. Longitudinal research also supports the notion that happiness might precede and thereby influence future prosocial behavior. A study using German panel data found that people who felt happy in the past 4 weeks donated more money and more blood to others than those who felt less happy (Priller & Schupp, 2011). The ESM study mentioned previously (Miner & Glomb, 2010) tracking call center employees also found that positive mood predicted engaging in more voluntary OCBs (e.g., helping a coworker, performing a task to help the company). Further longitudinal studies show that people with high positive affect subsequently exhibit fewer withdrawal behaviors (e.g., turnover, absenteeism), indicating that happy people may be more committed to their organizations. In a study following employees at a large electronics company, employees who were happy at baseline were less frequently absent from work than their less happy peers during the next 5 months (Pelled & Xin, 1999). Another study with managers found those who were happy at an initial assessment were less likely to quit within the next 2 years (T. A. Wright & Bonett, 2007). Indeed, happy people are generally less likely to lose their jobs (Diener et al., 2002; Luhmann et al., 2013). Other longitudinal studies show that life satisfaction is likely to decline just before becoming unemployed (Anusic et al., 2014; Lucas et al., 2004). When happy people do become unemployed, they are more likely to find a new job quickly (Krause, 2013). Interestingly, when it comes to finding a new position after unemployment, there appears to be an ideal level of happiness. Those who are very happy or very unhappy are less likely to find a new job up to several years later than those who are moderately happy. Finally, longitudinal studies indicate that happiness may pay out financially as well. Those who report higher positive affect at an initial time point receive larger incomes at a later time point (Diener et al., 2002; Staw et al., 1994). In one longitudinal study, people from economically advantaged backgrounds who were more cheerful than their peers as first-year college students subsequently reported greater earnings 17 years later (Diener et al., 2002). However, for those growing up in poor households, cheerfulness did not affect later income. In another longitudinal study, positive affect in adolescence was associated with self-reported income around age 29 (De Neve & Oswald, 2012). British panel data suggests happiness often increases before income (Binder & Coad, 2010). Additional German, British, and Swiss panel data demonstrates that individuals who earn more on average and those who earn more over time report higher levels of life satisfaction (Cheung & Lucas, 2015). Thus, combined various pieces of longitudinal evidence suggest that greater well-being heralds greater income. In summary, longitudinal evidence supports the idea that well-being precedes career success, rather than the other way around. Initially happy people are more likely to later acquire and keep a job, commit to their organizations,
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experience high job satisfaction, receive superior social support and supervisor evaluations, perform well (e.g., by selling more life insurance), engage in prosocial workplace behaviors, and earn high incomes. Now we turn to the experimental evidence to examine potential causality.
EXPERIMENTAL EVIDENCE When researchers randomly assign participants to experience greater (vs. same or lower) levels of happiness, do the happier participants show changes in cognition and behavior more conducive to career success than do their less happy peers? The experimental evidence to date suggests the answer is yes. This body of work generally comprises single-session, laboratory studies that involve small, immediate manipulations to elicit particular emotions, such as reading humorous comics or receiving gifts (positive emotion induction; Carnevale & Isen, 1986), evaluating neutral photos (neutral emotion induction; Isen & Shalker, 1982), and recalling sad events (negative emotion induction; Baron, 1993; Hom & Arbuckle, 1988). Such manipulations allow for more precise isolation of third variables and provide stronger evidence that happiness causes success. To begin, happy states promote greater optimism in one’s ability to succeed. When compared with those assigned to neutral emotion inductions, people assigned to positive emotion inductions set more ambitious goals for themselves (Baron, 1990; Hom & Arbuckle, 1988), report greater confidence in their ability to succeed (J. Wright & Mischel, 1982), persist at challenging tasks longer (Sarason et al., 1986), describe themselves with more positive statements (Sarason et al., 1986), and rate themselves as high performing (J. Wright & Mischel, 1982). The expectations of success triggered by happy states also tend to become reality. For example, relative to those assigned to neutral emotion controls, participants induced to feel positive emotions perform better on coding and digit substitution tasks (Baron, 1990; Hom & Arbuckle, 1988) and demonstrate greater productivity without corresponding declines in work quality (Oswald et al., 2015). In other words, their positive self-beliefs become selffulfilling prophecies (Rosenthal & Jacobson, 2003) that allow them to achieve their goals. Not only do those experiencing positive emotions rate themselves more positively, they also rate their peers more favorably (Baron, 1993; Baron et al., 1992). For example, in one study, researchers assigned participants to conditions that induced positive affect, negative affect, or no affect change, then asked them to conduct a mock job interview with an applicant who was highly qualified, ambiguously qualified, or unqualified for the job (Baron, 1993). Participants in all the affect conditions rated the highly qualified and unqualified candidates similarly. However, relative to those in the other conditions, participants in the positive affect condition rated the ambiguously qualified candidate higher on several dimensions. This finding suggests that happy people are more
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likely to accept highly qualified applicants, eliminate underqualified applicants, and give the ambiguously qualified applicants a chance in the hiring process. This tendency of people experiencing positive emotions to rate their peers more positively and more charitably could partly explain why they receive better social support from colleagues and form happier and more successful teams. Their high expectations for their coworkers may also pay off with improved team performance via Pygmalion effects (Rosenthal & Jacobson, 2003). Experimental research also supports the relationship between happiness and prosociality. Inducing positive emotions prompts a variety of helping behaviors, such as sharing with others (Rosenhan et al., 1974), donating blood (O’Malley & Andrews, 1983), volunteering time (Baron et al., 1992; Berkowitz, 1987), and making charitable contributions (Cunningham et al., 1980). Positive emotions may also benefit individuals during career-related negotiations. Participants assigned to positive mood inductions demonstrate less antagonistic behavior, are more cooperative, make more concessions, and find more mutually beneficial solutions while negotiating (Baron, 1990; Baron et al., 1992; Carnevale, 2008; Carnevale & Isen, 1986). They are also more likely to anticipate making and honoring deals (Forgas, 1998). Experimental evidence also suggests happiness can enhance creativity, flexible thinking, and production of novel ideas (Estrada et al., 1994; Grawitch et al., 2003; Isen, 1993). For example, internists offered a gift of chocolate and candy scored higher on a creativity test than those in the control group who received no such gift (Estrada et al., 1994). However, two meta-analyses have found the effect sizes obtained in this literature are dependent on whether the positive emotion groups are being compared with neutral (r = .18, d = .52) or negative emotion groups (r = .05, d = .18; r effect sizes reported in Baas et al., 2008; d effect sizes reported in Davis, 2009). The type of creative task may also matter. Positive moods may boost original idea production but not creative problem-solving abilities. The evidence regarding emotion and complicated mental tasks is somewhat mixed. Specifically, positive emotions can hinder logical thinking (Melton, 1995) and make it challenging to discern between strong versus weak arguments (Mackie & Worth, 1989). Negative emotions may provide an advantage by promoting systematic (rather than categorical) thinking (Edwards & Weary, 1993), careful execution of steps in structured decision-making protocols (Elsbach & Barr, 1999), and an increased ability to decode persuasive arguments (Bless et al., 1990). However, positive emotions can still help individuals discard irrelevant information to make more efficient decisions (Isen & Means, 1983). Moreover, happy people may overcome these deficits when they are made aware that additional care is necessary for the task at hand (Bless et al., 1990). In summary, the accumulated experimental evidence shows that inducing happiness promotes cognitions and behaviors conducive to success. Relative to those assigned to neutral or negative emotion manipulations, participants assigned to positive emotion manipulations are more confident in their ability to succeed, perform better on work-related tasks, rate themselves and others
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more positively, negotiate more effectively, and are more likely to engage in prosocial behaviors and generate creative ideas. Although negative emotions may be more useful than positive emotions in certain contexts when it comes to complex mental tasks, evidence suggests that people in happy states can excel at such tasks as well when informed that attention to detail is needed.
CONSIDERING THE COMBINED EVIDENCE Taken together, the hundreds of studies we reviewed across cross-sectional, longitudinal, and experimental investigations demonstrate that well-being positively affects career success on a host of outcomes, including autonomy, meaning, job satisfaction, performance, productivity, engagement, absenteeism, burnout, turnover, coping, supervisor and peer evaluations, social support, prosocial behavior, income, confidence, negotiation skills, and creativity. Although we did not delve into the weeds of bidirectional relationships—and the multiple mechanisms underlying them—in this review, the literature suggests the presence of upward spirals, whereby greater levels of well-being cause greater levels of success, which in turn prompt even more happiness and success, and so on (Fredrickson & Joiner, 2002). For example, a longitudinal meta-analysis found evidence that initial subjective well-being led to later greater job satisfaction and vice versa (Bowling et al., 2010). To briefly address how these findings apply to different cultures, genders, and socioeconomic backgrounds, a notable limitation of the well-being and success literature is that it oversamples from Western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic (WEIRD) cultures (Henrich et al., 2010). With few exceptions (e.g., Fauver et al., 2018), the studies reviewed here sample only from Europe and North America. What about Asia, Africa, and Central and Southern America? This is an important gap, as culture may significantly alter findings. For example, employees in Asian collectivistic cultures may benefit more from low arousal positive emotions (e.g., calm) instead of the high arousal positive emotions (e.g., excitement) valued in Western individualist cultures (Tsai et al., 2006). In terms of gender, most studies aim to recruit roughly equal percentages of male and female participants, such that findings likely apply to both genders (at least in Western cultures). Even still, more work is required. For example, one study of blue- and white-collar workers in China found that the relationship between well-being and income was stronger for men than for women (Mishra & Smyth, 2014). Lastly, in terms of socioeconomic status, few of the summarized studies addressed this issue, but one notable meta-analytic study found that higher socioeconomic status was associated with greater well-being (Pinquart and Sörensen, 2000). Overall, future research that further explores the moderating effects of culture, gender, and socioeconomic status would make valuable contributions to the field. Finally, our review is not meant to imply that unhappy people cannot be successful in the workplace. Over the course of human history, numerous
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scholars, writers, leaders, and thinkers have observed that there is a time to be happy and a time to be sad. Indeed, negative emotions (like positive emotions) can be adaptive depending on the context (Oishi et al., 2007). Moreover, a number of eminent and successful people—including Abraham Lincoln, William James, Winston Churchill, and Georgia O’Keefe—reportedly battled severe depression at various points in their lives (Levine, 2015; Walsh et al., 2018). Obviously, many qualities (e.g., intelligence, conscientiousness) can foster success, and happiness appears to be among them.
IMPROVING WORKER WELL-BEING After reading our review of the literature on well-being and success, organizational leaders may be tempted to start hiring visibly cheerful people and directing employees to act happy. We hope to deter this impulse. First, hiring only cheerful people could be construed as discriminatory, and coercing workers to feign happiness has already been ruled unlawful. Employees of Trader Joe’s and T-Mobile filed complaints with the U.S. National Labor Relations Board after both companies required their employees to overtly smile, act happy, and maintain a positive attitude (Rodriguez, 2016; Schreiber, 2016). Legal ramifications aside, pressuring employees to act happy can lead to counterproductive backfiring effects, such as higher levels of emotional exhaustion and burnout (Brotheridge & Grandey, 2002; Grandey, 2003). Therefore, instead of merely pressuring employees to act happy, companies may be better served by attending to the genuine happiness of their employees and aiming to improve worker well-being indirectly. Next, we propose three strategies to achieve this goal: (a) measure employee well-being, (b) build thriving work cultures, and (c) deploy positive activities in the workplace to enhance well-being. First, organizations may be able to better manage employee well-being by measuring it. This aim could be accomplished with a few different approaches. For example, organizations could administer longitudinal online surveys using psychological measures of subjective well-being (e.g., positive emotions, life satisfaction) and related constructs (e.g., meaning, stress, job satisfaction). Organizations could also collect naturally generated employee data and analyze it using new methods, such as coding for the presence of Duchenne (genuine) smiles in photos (Dilger et al., 2015), performing text analysis (e.g., on reports, blogs; Eichstaedt et al., 2020), or using algorithmic modeling (e.g., smiling, nodding, auditory convergence) on video conferencing meeting recordings (Reece, 2020). Of course, in the interests of ethics, employee privacy, and analytic accuracy, data collected should be deidentified; aggregated into group-level analyses; and not used to penalize, evaluate, or dismiss employees. Such measurement initiatives would allow organizations to track the ups and downs of employee well-being against other company metrics (e.g., sales commissions), company-wide events (e.g., layoffs), and workplace improvements (e.g., flexible work options). Collection and analysis of these data could
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be delegated to internal human resources personnel, business analysts, and/or data scientists. Alternatively, organizations could outsource measurement initiatives to a growing number of external vendors that offer business-specific well-being solutions. For example, a recent study showed that people using BetterUp (a service that provides well-being assessments, leadership coaching, and experiential learning resources) for at least 3 months reported increases in resilience, emotion regulation, purpose, positive relationships, and stress reduction (Black et al., 2019). Second, organizations could build thriving cultures by providing optimal workplace conditions and environments. A variety of initiatives could further the goal of making and keeping employees happy, such as offering meaningful work, flexible working hours, paid maternity leave, and green/natural spaces to enjoy (Berman et al., 2012; Mandal, 2018; Wrike, 2019). Notably, one study found that organizations on Fortune’s “100 Best Companies to Work For” list all highly valued their employees and maintained a strong culture of caring (Hinkin & Tracey, 2010). Moreover, “employee-friendly” companies that treat their employees well also tend to have higher market valuations and perform better, even during challenging economic times like the global financial crisis of 2008 (Fauver et al., 2018). Successful organizations also likely pay attention to their employees’ workload and stress levels. Higher workloads are associated with greater stress (Glaser et al., 1999), and work stress predicts poorer well-being and productivity (Donald et al., 2005). Finally, companies could bolster employees’ feelings of autonomy, competence, and relatedness (Deci et al., 1989), which have been linked to greater well-being, as well as foster greater “psychological safety”—a sense of interpersonal trust and mutual respect— among teams (Edmondson, 1999). Third, organizations could deploy positive activities (i.e., positive activity interventions [PAIs]) in the workplace to improve employee well-being. PAIs direct individuals to use specific cognitive behavioral strategies that often mirror the thoughts and behaviors of naturally happy people (Layous & Lyubomirsky, 2014). PAIs are easily accessible, can be quickly administered, and involve relatively few costs (if any). Further, PAIs have been shown to improve subjective well-being in hundreds of randomized controlled trials, with meta-analytic r effect sizes ranging from .17 to .29 (Bolier et al., 2013; Sin & Lyubomirsky, 2009). Notably, numerous PAIs have been conducted in various workplaces and with a variety of employed adult samples, demonstrating their potential usefulness to organizations. Some key PAIs that have been studied in work-related contexts include the following: gratitude interventions that direct people to count their blessings or write letters of gratitude to kind benefactors (Chan, 2013; Chancellor et al., 2015; Emmons & McCullough, 2003; Seligman et al., 2005), prosocial behavior interventions that ask people to do kind acts for others (Chancellor et al., 2018; Lyubomirsky et al., 2005), social activity interventions that prompt people to act extraverted or engage in more face-to-face interactions (Epley & Schroeder, 2014; Fritz et al., 2021; Margolis &
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Lyubomirsky, 2020), mindfulness interventions that involve practices like mindfulness-based stress reduction and loving-kindness meditation (Aikens et al., 2014; Engel et al., 2020; Fredrickson et al., 2008; Kabat-Zinn, 2003), and strength-based interventions that ask people to identify their top signature strengths (e.g., creativity, zest, humility) and use them in new ways (Forest et al., 2012; Seligman et al., 2005). These studies have demonstrated that PAIs can improve employee well-being and workplace-related outcomes, such as job satisfaction, performance, passion for work, burnout, and self-improvement motivation (Armenta et al., 2022; Chan, 2013; Chancellor et al., 2018; Forest et al., 2012). Well-being experts could help organizations successfully apply positive activities like gratitude, kindness, and mindfulness within their own workplaces.
CONCLUSION Our review includes a few key takeaways for both workers and employers. Our message to workers: If you wait for success to bring you happiness, you may be waiting indefinitely. Our message to employers: If you ignore the well-being of your employees, you do so at your own peril. Cross-sectional, longitudinal, and experimental studies persuasively and robustly show that relative to their less happy peers, happy people experience superior success on a host of outcomes, including job satisfaction, performance, productivity, work engagement, burnout, supervisor evaluations, income, negotiations, and creativity. Rather than pressuring employees to act happy—an approach that has previously led to both legal problems and backfiring effects—organizations may foster greater worker well-being by measuring it, building thriving corporate cultures, and deploying positive activities in the workplace.
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Organ, D. W. (1997). Organizational citizenship behavior: It’s construct clean-up time. Human Performance, 10(2), 85–97. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15327043hup1002_2 Oswald, A. J., Proto, E., & Sgroi, D. (2015). Happiness and productivity. Journal of Labor Economics, 33(4), 789–822. https://doi.org/10.1086/681096 Pelled, L. H., & Xin, K. R. (1999). Down and out: An investigation of the relationship between mood and employee withdrawal behavior. Journal of Management, 25(6), 875–895. https://doi.org/10.1177/014920639902500605 Pinquart, M., & Sörensen, S. (2000). Influences of socioeconomic status, social network, and competence on subjective well-being in later life: A meta-analysis. Psychology and Aging, 15(2), 187–224. https://doi.org/10.1037/0882-7974.15.2.187 Priller, E., & Schupp, J. (2011). Social and economic characteristics of financial and blood donors in Germany. DIW Economic Bulletin, 1(6), 23–30. Reece, A. (2020, February 27–29). Conversations are computable: Learning from algorithmic modeling of dyadic interactions. In P. Ewell & S. Müller (Chairs), Psychology of media and technology [Preconference]. Society for Personality and Social Psychology 21st Annual Convention, New Orleans, LA, United States. Roberts, B. W., Caspi, A., & Moffitt, T. E. (2003). Work experiences and personality development in young adulthood. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 84(3), 582–593. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.84.3.582 Rodriguez, A. (2016, May 10). U.S. employers are officially barred from requiring service workers to be happy on the job. Quartz. https://qz.com/680243/usemployers-are-officially-barred-from-requiring-service-workers-to-be-happy-onthe-job/ Rosenhan, D. L., Underwood, B., & Moore, B. (1974). Affect moderates selfgratification and altruism. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 30(4), 546–552. https://doi.org/10.1037/h0037038 Rosenthal, R., & Jacobson, L. (2003). Pygmalion in the classroom: Teacher expectation and pupils’ intellectual development. Crown House Publishing. Sarason, I. G., Potter, E. H., & Sarason, B. R. (1986). Recording and recall of personal events: Effects on cognitions and behavior. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 51(2), 347–356. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.51.2.347 Schreiber, N. (2016, November 3). At Trader Joe’s, good cheer may hide complaints. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2016/11/04/business/at-trader-joesgood-cheer-may-hide-complaints.html?_r=0 Seligman, M. E. P., & Schulman, P. (1986). Explanatory style as a predictor of productivity and quitting among life insurance sales agents. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 50(4), 832–838. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.50.4.832 Seligman, M. E. P., Steen, T. A., Park, N., & Peterson, C. (2005). Positive psychology progress: Empirical validation of interventions. American Psychologist, 60(5), 410–421. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.60.5.410 Sin, N. L., & Lyubomirsky, S. (2009). Enhancing well-being and alleviating depressive symptoms with positive psychology interventions: A practice-friendly meta-analysis. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 65(5), 467–487. https://doi.org/10.1002/jclp.20593 Staw, B. M., & Barsade, S. G. (1993). Affect and managerial performance: A test of the sadder-but-wiser vs. happier-and-smarter hypotheses. Administrative Science Quarterly, 38(2), 304–331. https://doi.org/10.2307/2393415 Staw, B. M., Sutton, R. I., & Pelled, L. H. (1994). Employee positive emotion and favorable outcomes at the workplace. Organization Science, 5(1), 51–71. https://doi. org/10.1287/orsc.5.1.51 Taylor, S. E., Lerner, J. S., Sherman, D. K., Sage, R. M., & McDowell, N. K. (2003). Portrait of the self-enhancer: Well adjusted and well liked or maladjusted and friendless? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 84(1), 165–176. https://doi.org/ 10.1037/0022-3514.84.1.165
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Thoits, P. A., & Hewitt, L. N. (2001). Volunteer work and well-being. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 42(2), 115–131. https://doi.org/10.2307/3090173 Thoresen, C. J., Kaplan, S. A., Barsky, A. P., Warren, C. R., & de Chermont, K. (2003). The affective underpinnings of job perceptions and attitudes: A meta-analytic review and integration. Psychological Bulletin, 129(6), 914–945. https://doi.org/10. 1037/0033-2909.129.6.914 Tsai, J. L., Knutson, B., & Fung, H. H. (2006). Cultural variation in affect valuation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 90(2), 288–307. https://doi.org/10.1037/ 0022-3514.90.2.288 Turban, D. B., Lee, F. K., Veiga, S. P. M., Haggard, D. L., & Wu, S. Y. (2013). Be happy, don’t wait: The role of trait affect in job search. Personnel Psychology, 66(2), 483–514. https://doi.org/10.1111/peps.12027 Walkiewicz, M., Tartas, M., Majkowicz, M., & Budzinski, W. (2012). Academic achievement, depression and anxiety during medical education predict the styles of success in a medical career: A 10-year longitudinal study. Medical Teacher, 34(9), e611–e619. https://doi.org/10.3109/0142159X.2012.687478 Walsh, L. C., Boehm, J. K., & Lyubomirsky, S. (2018). Does happiness promote career success? Revisiting the evidence. Journal of Career Assessment, 26(2), 199–219. https:// doi.org/10.1177/1069072717751441 Wright, J., & Mischel, W. (1982). Influence of affect on cognitive social learning person variables. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 43(5), 901–914. https://doi.org/ 10.1037/0022-3514.43.5.901 Wright, T. A., & Bonett, D. G. (2007). Job satisfaction and psychological well-being as nonadditive predictors of workplace turnover. Journal of Management, 33(2), 141– 160. https://doi.org/10.1177/0149206306297582 Wright, T. A., & Cropanzano, R. (1998). Emotional exhaustion as a predictor of job performance and voluntary turnover. Journal of Applied Psychology, 83(3), 486–493. https://doi.org/10.1037/0021-9010.83.3.486 Wright, T. A., & Cropanzano, R. (2000). Psychological well-being and job satisfaction as predictors of job performance. Journal of Occupational Health Psychology, 5(1), 84–94. https://doi.org/10.1037/1076-8998.5.1.84 Wright, T. A., & Staw, B. M. (1999). Affect and favorable work outcomes: Two longitudinal tests of the happy–productive worker thesis. Journal of Organizational Behavior, 20(1), 1–23. https://doi.org/10.1002/(SICI)1099-1379(199901)20: 13.0.CO;2-W Wrike. (2019). From positivity to productivity: Exposing the truth behind workplace happiness. https://www.wrike.com/library/ebooks/happiness-survey-report/ Zelenski, J. M., Murphy, S. A., & Jenkins, D. A. (2008). The happy-productive worker thesis revisited. Journal of Happiness Studies, 9(4), 521–537. https://doi.org/10.1007/ s10902-008-9087-4
III CULTURE AND CONTEX T
12 Sexual and Gender Minority Career Psychology Brandon L. Velez
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exual minority people are individuals who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, queer, pansexual, questioning, asexual, or some other sexual identity that is not exclusively heterosexual (American Psychological Association [APA], 2021). Gender minority people are individuals—such as transgender people, nonbinary people, or genderqueer people—whose gender identities or expressions differ from the social norms that are associated with their sex assigned at birth (APA, 2021). Psychological scholarship focused on the career development and workplace experiences of lesbian and gay people began to proliferate in earnest in the early 1990s (e.g., Dunkle, 1996; Mobley & Slaney, 1996; Morrow et al., 1996). Analogous scholarship on transgender people followed approximately a decade later (e.g., O’Neil et al., 2008). Similar research focused on bisexual people or individuals with other sexual or gender minority identities is sparse. Nonetheless, the emergence of sexual or gender minority career psychology scholarship speaks to the growing recognition that the vocational experiences and functioning of these populations must be better understood in order to provide them with more culturally competent career counseling interventions. The present chapter first discusses contextual issues that may be uniquely salient to the lives of sexual and gender minority people, including workplace discrimination, identity management, and gender transitions. Next, the chapter reviews conceptual and empirical work exploring the applicability of career development frameworks—the theory of work I would like to thank Michael E. Kerman for his assistance in preparing this chapter. https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-013 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 259
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adjustment (TWA; Dawis & Lofquist, 1984), Holland’s (1997) theory of vocational choice and adjustment, Super’s (1990) lifespan/lifespace career theory, social cognitive career theory (SCCT; Lent, 2020), and the psychology of working theory (PWT; Blustein & Duffy, 2020)—to the career development and vocational functioning of sexual and gender minority populations. The chapter concludes with a discussion of directions for future research and implications for career counseling practice with sexual and gender minority clients. Before proceeding, it is important to discuss to whom the research to be described applies. Sexual and gender minority populations are often discussed together because they both challenge traditional, restrictive beliefs regarding gender—for example, that men can only be attracted to women or that a person assigned female at birth must identify as a woman as an adult and appear and behave in traditionally feminine ways. Furthermore, gender minority people may be more likely than cisgender individuals (i.e., people whose gender identities or gender expressions are consonant with their sex assigned at birth) to identify as sexual minorities (James et al., 2016). Nonetheless, it is important to acknowledge that sexual and gender minority identities are not synonymous; many sexual minority people are cisgender, and many gender minority people identify as heterosexual. Thus, studies conducted on career issues among sexual minority people may not have considered the unique experiences of gender minority people and vice versa. Throughout this chapter, efforts are made to highlight the specific population to which research and theory applies—that is, sexual minority people, gender minority people, or both. Furthermore, given the diversity within sexual or gender minority identities, efforts are made to highlight when scholarship focuses on specific populations (e.g., gay or lesbian people but not bisexual people, transgender women or men but not nonbinary people). Lastly, when possible, I highlight research conducted with populations with multiple minority identities (e.g., sexual minority people of color).
CONTEXTUAL ISSUES Discrimination Discrimination refers to differential treatment, derogation, harassment, or rejection based on one’s minority identity. A large body of research has documented the manifestation of employment or workplace discrimination among sexual and gender minority people (e.g., Fidas & Cooper, 2018; James et al., 2016; Katz-Wise & Hyde, 2012). A meta-analysis encompassing 386 studies and over 500,000 participants found that 24% of sexual minority people had experienced discrimination in the workplace (Katz-Wise & Hyde, 2012). A populationbased survey of 804 sexual and gender minority people found that 53% had heard jokes about lesbian and gay people in the workplace, 37% had heard antibisexual jokes, and 41% had heard cissexist jokes (Fidas & Cooper, 2018).
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Studies focused on bisexual employees suggest that they experience greater workplace discrimination than lesbian or gay employees (Arena & Jones, 2017) and bisexual men experience more discrimination than bisexual women (Corrington et al., 2019). A large survey of transgender people (N = 27,715) found that, among participants who had held a job or applied for a job in the prior year, 27% reported not being hired, being denied a promotion, or being fired because of their gender identity or expression (James et al., 2016). Furthermore, among participants who had been employed in the prior year, 15% reported being verbally harassed, physically attacked, and/or sexually assaulted because of being transgender. The way that workplace discrimination manifests appears to vary according to sexual identity and gender identity (e.g., Brewster & Moradi, 2010; Mizock et al., 2018). For example, research with bisexual people indicates that they may experience discrimination from both heterosexual and gay or lesbian perpetrators (e.g., Brewster & Moradi, 2010). Similarly, a unique manifestation of discrimination that emerged in a qualitative study of gender minority employees was gender policing, or experiences in which the employee was pressured to conform to narrow gender roles by, for example, being pressured to use restrooms designated for one’s sex assigned at birth rather than restrooms consistent with one’s gender identity (Mizock et al., 2018). Experiences of discrimination are also shaped by other dimensions of privilege and oppression, such as race/ethnicity and gender (e.g., Bowleg et al., 2008; Rabelo & Cortina, 2014; Ragins et al., 2003). For example, though the frequency of workplace heterosexist discrimination does not appear to differ across race/ethnicity or gender (Ragins et al., 2003), Black lesbian employees must contend not only with heterosexist discrimination but also racist and sexist discrimination (Bowleg et al., 2008). Some research has sought to determine if employers’ behavior converges with sexual minority applicants’ reports of employment discrimination, but results have been mixed. For example, a study in which fictitious résumés that varied only with regard to the implied sexual identity of the male applicant (expressed by membership in a gay college organization vs. a control organization) were sent in response to real job postings in seven states of the United States (Tilcsik, 2011). Results indicated that résumés from the applicant implied to be gay received fewer callbacks, and this difference was stronger in geographic regions with fewer antidiscrimination laws and for jobs stereotyped as masculine. However, a similar study that also included lesbian and heterosexual female applicants found no evidence of callback bias (J. Bailey et al., 2013). Other studies that actually sent experimental confederates to apply for retail jobs in person and manipulated the confederates’ perceived sexual identity (e.g., by wearing a hat identifying them as “Gay and Proud” vs. “Texan and Proud”) did not find evidence that interview offers differed by applicants’ perceived sexual orientation (Hebl et al., 2002; Singletary & Hebl, 2009). However, confederates (who were not aware of which hat they wore and thus which condition they were in) were more likely to rate managers as behaving less
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friendly or positive toward them when they wore the “Gay and Proud” hat. Thus, there may be relatively stronger support for subtle interpersonal employment discrimination than bias in hiring. Interestingly, interpersonal discrimination decreased if the experiment took place in metropolitan areas with laws preventing employment discrimination based on sexual identity compared with areas without such laws (Barron & Hebl, 2013). Analogous field studies testing the effect of gender minority identities on employers’ hiring behavior need to be conducted. Characteristics of the environments in which sexual and gender minority employees work, such as organizational policies and practices and municipal, city, and federal laws, may have implications for employees’ experiences of interpersonal discrimination. Affirmative organizational policies and practices for sexual and gender minority employees include the presence of formal policies banning discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, gender identity, and/or gender expression; provision of same-gender spousal or partner benefits; provision of transaffirmative health care coverage; existence of sexual or gender minority affinity groups within the organization to foster community and support; and inclusion of sexual and gender minority topics in diversity trainings (e.g., B. Bailey et al., 2020; Ragins & Cornwell, 2001). Each year, the Human Rights Campaign publishes a report, The Corporate Equality Index, that grades Fortune 500 companies on the extent to which they institute affirmative sexual and gender minority policies and practices. In 2020, the average rating for Fortune 500 companies was 71% out of a possible 100% (B. Bailey et al., 2020). Research indicates that the presence of affirmative policies and practices is negatively associated with the frequency of heterosexist and cissexist workplace discrimination (e.g., Ragins & Cornwell, 2001; Ruggs et al., 2015), which may indicate that such policies and practices foster organizational norms that decrease mistreatment of sexual minority and gender minority employees. The presence of affirmative organizational policies and practices has been particularly important in scholarship on the workplace experiences of sexual and gender minority employees because of their lack of legal protections. Federal laws, including Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Americans With Disabilities Act of 1990, explicitly prohibit employment discrimination in the United States on the basis of several dimensions of identity, including race, religion, sex, national origin, and disability. Unfortunately, sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender expression were not explicitly covered in federal law. Sexual and gender minority employees may have been protected if they lived in one of the 22 states (and the District of Columbia) with state antidiscrimination laws or in a city with analogous municipal laws. However, the fight for protection for all U.S. citizens was a long one. Efforts to pass laws to protect sexual minority employees began in 1974, and analogous efforts for gender minority people began in 2009. Importantly, however, such protections did not ultimately arrive through legislation but through the U.S. Supreme Court, which—with its ruling on the case Bostock v. Clayton County, Georgia on June 15, 2020—declared that Title VII’s explicit prohibition of sex-based discrimination
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also prohibited discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity. Given that the presence of state or municipal antidiscrimination laws are negatively associated with the occurrence of interpersonal discrimination (Barron & Hebl, 2013; Ragins & Cornwell), this monumental legal decision will hopefully precipitate a decrease in sexual and gender minority employees’ experiences of discrimination in the workplace. Research has also documented the associations of workplace discrimination with career outcomes among sexual and gender minority employees. Among samples of sexual minority people, workplace heterosexist discrimination is negatively associated with job satisfaction, organizational commitment, perceived person–organization (P-O) fit, work volition, and access to decent work and positively associated with career indecision and turnover intentions (e.g., Allan et al., 2019; Douglass et al., 2017; Ragins & Cornwell, 2001; Schmidt et al., 2011; Velez & Moradi, 2012). Among gender minority employees, cissexist discrimination has been negatively associated with job satisfaction, work volition, and work meaning (Brewster et al., 2012; Tebbe et al., 2019). Workplace discrimination is also associated with poorer mental health outcomes—such as higher psychological distress and lower life satisfaction—among both sexual and gender minority employees (e.g., Tebbe et al., 2019; Velez et al., 2013). In contrast, perceptions that one’s workplace is affirmative of sexual and/or gender employees are associated with better career and mental health outcomes (Allan et al., 2015; Brewster et al., 2012; Huffman et al., 2008; Velez & Moradi, 2012). In addition to the discrimination one has already experienced, sexual and gender employees must also contend with the prospect of encountering discrimination in the future. The belief that one will encounter discrimination in the future because of one’s stigmatized identity and the feelings of anxiety or worry associated with that belief have been called expectations of rejection (e.g., Meyer, 2003). Encountering sexual orientation-based discrimination was the third most frequently anticipated career barrier (out of a possible 13) among both sexual minority women and men—ranking below only dissatisfaction with career and gender-based discrimination for lesbian and bisexual women and below dissatisfaction with career and difficulty networking for gay and bisexual men (Parnell et al., 2012). Encountering heterosexist or cissexist barriers may, in turn, shape sexual and gender minority employees’ decisions regarding whether to disclose their identities at work. Indeed, a large, population-based survey of sexual and gender minority employees found that—among the 46% of participants who were “closeted” at work—38% did not disclose their identities because of the possibility of being stereotyped, 36% did not disclose because they did not want to make others uncomfortable, 31% did not disclose because they did not want to risk relationships with coworkers, and 27% did not disclose because they feared their coworkers would believe they were attracted to them (Fidas & Cooper, 2018). Fear of discrimination may be particularly salient for gender minority employees. Among transgender people who had been employed the prior year, actions taken to avoid encountering discrimination included concealing their gender identity (53% of participants), not asking their employers
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to use pronouns consistent with their gender identities (47%), delaying their gender transitions (26%), staying in a job they would have preferred to leave (26%), concealing the fact that they had already transitioned (25%), keeping a job for which they were overqualified (24%), or quitting their job (15%; James et al., 2016). Identity Management Although some minority identities—such as a being a woman, being a racial or ethnic minority in the United States, or having a visible physical disability— may be more overt and easily perceived by others, the internal nature of sexual or gender identities means that sexual and gender minority people may not be acknowledged as such by family, partners, friends, or coworkers until those identities are revealed. Identity or stigma management refers to individuals’ decisions to conceal or disclose their stigmatized identities (Anderson et al., 2001; Jackson & Mohr, 2016). Although they are often conceptualized as being opposite poles of a unitary construct (i.e., to conceal more necessarily means to disclose less), there are important conceptual distinctions in these two forms of identity management (see Jackson & Mohr, 2016). For example, disclosure in a particular context (e.g., work) or to a particular audience (e.g., coworkers) is often a one-time event—that is, once one’s sexual minority or gender minority identity is known by someone, there is little need for additional disclosure because the disclosure cannot be undone. Concealment, in contrast, may vary across time—for example, a transgender woman who has concealed her gender identity in the past may choose to continue to conceal in the future but also has the option of disclosing her identity. Furthermore, disclosure and concealment may have distinct motivational influences. According to Chaudoir and Fisher’s (2010) disclosure process model, decisions to disclose one’s stigmatized identity may be driven more by approach goals (e.g., feeling authentic, enhancing intimacy in relationships), whereas concealment decisions are driven more by avoidance goals (e.g., decreasing the possibility of experiencing discrimination). A noteworthy characteristic of research on sexual minority people’s identity management in the workplace (vis-à-vis other social contexts) is its exploration of multiple types of concealment and disclosure strategies (e.g., Anderson et al., 2001). For example, Anderson and colleagues (2001) found evidence for the factorial distinctness of one concealment strategy (covering) and two distinct disclosure strategies (implicitly out and explicitly out). Covering strategies reflect decisions to actively or passively conceal information that may reveal a sexual minority identity (e.g., choosing not to correct coworkers when they make comments assuming one is heterosexual). Although a second concealment strategy, passing—which entailed actively creating the false impression one was heterosexual—was theorized, there was weak evidence for its factorial validity. Implicitly out strategies reflect behaviors that allow for the possibility that coworkers will infer one’s sexual minority identity (e.g., displaying a pic-
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ture of one’s same-gender partner at one’s work desk), whereas explicitly out strategies involve openly discussing one’s sexual minority identity. Importantly, research also supports the use of analogous strategies among transgender employees (Brewster et al., 2012). Researchers have explored predictors of workplace identity management (e.g., Arena & Jones, 2017; Corrington et al., 2019; Ragins et al., 2003). With regard to demographic influences, it appears that sexual minority people of color may disclose less frequently than White or European American sexual minority people (e.g., Moradi et al., 2010), though findings are mixed with regard to disclosure in the workplace context specifically (Moradi et al., 2010; Ragins et al., 2003). Because sexual minority people of color must contend with both heterosexism and racism, they may be less likely to disclose their sexual minority identities in order to limit their overall exposure to discrimination (Moradi et al., 2010). It also appears that bisexual employees (and bisexual men in particular) are less likely to disclose in the workplace than gay or lesbian employees, which may be due to antibisexual prejudice (particularly against men) being stronger than antigay or antilesbian prejudice (Arena & Jones, 2017; Corrington et al., 2019). People with multiple invisible stigmatized identities—such as sexual and/or gender minority employees living with disabilities—may face additional difficulty deciding whether to conceal or disclose their various identities (Dispenza et al., 2019). Some studies have sought to identify the unique contribution of individual, contextual, and situational factors in workplace identity management (e.g., King et al., 2017; Law et al., 2011). Using an experience-sampling design, King and colleagues (2017) explored sources of within-person and between-person variance in workplace disclosure (explicit and implicit) and concealment behaviors among sexual minority employees over a 3-week period. At the within-person level, sexual minority employees were more likely to explicitly disclose their identity when their interaction partner was definitely accepting of sexual minority people. They were less likely to conceal when interacting with someone they knew was also a sexual minority person and when they definitely knew their interaction partner was accepting of sexual minority people. Conversely, they were more likely to conceal when interacting with clients or customers (vs. other people in the organization), when interacting with someone who would maybe or definitely reject them, and when interacting with someone who did not know their sexual minority identity. At the between-person level, sexual minority employees who engaged in more explicit disclosure interacted with more women and fewer men at work, worked in environments with more affirming climates and policies, believed that being a sexual minority was central to their identity, and endorsed less internalized heterosexism. Furthermore, more use of implicitly out strategies (e.g., hinting at one’s identity) was associated with greater expectations of rejection and more uncertainty regarding one’s identity. A sizable body of research indicates that identity management is associated with career outcomes among both sexual and gender minority employees (e.g.,
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Brewster et al., 2012; Law et al., 2011; Tatum, 2018; Velez et al., 2013). For example, greater use of disclosure and less use of concealment strategies are associated with higher job satisfaction in samples of sexual minority (Velez et al., 2013) and gender minority employees (Brewster et al., 2012). The associations of identity management with distal career outcomes like job satisfaction may be partially accounted for by the more proximal affective or interpersonal consequences of disclosure or concealment. For example, in an experience sampling study of sexual minority employees, Mohr and colleagues (2019) found that workplace disclosure was followed by subsequent increases in positive affect and decreases in negative affect, whereas concealment was followed by decreases in positive affect and increases in negative affect. Similarly, in a sample of binary transgender employees (i.e., transgender women and men), coworker support mediated the associations of workplace disclosure with job satisfaction, organizational commitment, and job anxiety (Law et al., 2011). There is also evidence that the workplace context may shape the impact of identity management. One study found that the more sexual minority employees believed their workplaces were affirmative, the stronger the positive association of disclosure with work satisfaction was (Tatum, 2018). Gender Transition Gender transitions encompass a large variety of actions that gender minority people may undertake to express their gender identity (Brewster et al., 2014). These actions may be social (e.g., disclosing one’s gender identity, requesting others refer to oneself with gender pronouns reflecting one’s gender identity), legal (e.g., changing one’s name or gender marker on one’s social security card, driver’s license, or birth certificate), cosmetic (e.g., changing one’s appearance via clothing, hairstyling, exercise), and/or medical (e.g., taking hormone blockers, undergoing hormone replacement therapy, gender affirmation surgeries). Engaging in the gender transition process may have overall benefits to gender minority people’s well-being. For example, cross-sectional research indicates that the number of steps taken in one’s gender transition is negatively associated with symptoms of depression, anxiety, and stress and that participants report engaging in more nonsuicidal self-injury and experiencing more suicidality before they began their transition than after (e.g., Hughto et al., 2020). However, it is also the case that beginning the gender transition process necessarily makes public one’s gender minority identity, which may expose the individual to antitransgender discrimination that may impair functioning (e.g., Levitt & Ippolito, 2014). A few studies have focused on the experiences of gender minority people transitioning in the workplace (e.g., Brewster et al., 2014; Budge et al., 2010). One qualitative study found that some gender minority people experienced distress in the form of anxiety or suicidal ideation prior to beginning the transitioning process because they anticipated that disclosure of their gender identities would lead to discomfort, mistreatment, or job loss (Budge et al., 2010).
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Indeed, participants in multiple studies noted encountering negative reactions such as being verbally abused, humiliated, physically threatened, or fired (e.g., Brewster et al., 2014; Budge et al., 2010). Working in organizations without affirmative policies or in environments that contained spaces that reinforced gender binaries (e.g., locker rooms, restrooms) made transitions more difficult (Brewster et al., 2014). However, these negative experiences co-occurred with more positive reactions, such as support and affirmation from colleagues (Brewster et al., 2014; Budge et al., 2010). Furthermore—particularly for employees who were able to remain at the job at which they had transitioned— they appeared to experience positive emotions stemming from their transition, such as fulfillment, empowerment, or contentment. Participants in one study emphasized the importance of preparing in advance for the transition process, knowing one’s rights, and utilizing supportive resources such as human resource professionals in order to ease the transition process (Brewster et al., 2014). One source of within-group variability in the workplace gender transition process is one’s specific gender identity (C. Brown et al., 2012; Schilt, 2006; Schilt & Connell, 2007). Specifically, qualitative studies of transgender men suggest that, at times, transitioning allows them access to male privilege that affords them more authority, rewards, and respect in the workplace (e.g., Schilt, 2006; Schilt & Connell, 2007). Transgender women, in contrast, may experience a loss of male privilege and begin to encounter sexist stressors, such as double standards regarding the importance of physical attractiveness (C. Brown et al., 2012). Research has yet to focus on the workplace transition experiences of nonbinary employees.
THEORIES OF CAREER DEVELOPMENT Theory of Work Adjustment To date, two studies have explicitly used TWA (Dawis & Lofquist, 1984) with sexual minority employees (Lyons et al., 2005; Velez & Moradi, 2012). Lyons and colleagues (2005) hypothesized that sexual minority employees’ experiences of workplace heterosexist discrimination would serve as a contextual factor that would shape employees’ perceptions of the degree to which their values were consonant with the values of their workplace. Consistent with expectation, in two separate samples of sexual minority employees, workplace heterosexist discrimination was negatively associated with perceived P-O values fit, which in turn was positively associated with job satisfaction. Moreover, the negative association of workplace heterosexist discrimination with job satisfaction was fully explained by perceived P-O values fit, which is consistent with P-O values fit mediating the indirect negative association between discrimination and job satisfaction. Velez and Moradi (2012) replicated and extended these findings by demonstrating that sexual minority employees’ perceptions that they worked in sexual minority-supportive
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workplace climates yielded more robust associations with perceived P-O values fit than workplace heterosexist discrimination. Findings largely paralleled those of Lyons and colleagues (2005)—that is, supportive workplace climates were positively associated with P-O values fit and job satisfaction and negatively associated with turnover intentions (Velez & Moradi, 2012). Moreover, supportive workplace climates yielded a negative indirect relation with turnover intentions through the sequential mediating roles of P-O values fit and job satisfaction. Taken together, the results of these studies suggest that discrimination and support of sexual minority employees are associated with important career outcomes and that P-O values fit may be one mechanism that accounts for these relations. Importantly, the TWA has yet to be formally tested with samples of gender minority employees. It also remains to be seen if the relations evinced in these studies would hold if more sophisticated assessments of P-O fit (e.g., calculating discrepancies between evaluations of the self and the organization) were used (Hardin & Donaldson, 2014) rather than global self-reports of P-O fit, which may artificially inflate the association of P-O fit with job satisfaction. Holland’s Theory of Vocational Choice and Adjustment Given the popularity of Holland’s (1997) theory of vocational choice and adjustment in the general vocational literature and in practice settings, the scarcity of research explicitly using Holland’s theory with sexual minority or gender minority populations is surprising. In a conceptual paper, Mobley and Slaney (1996) articulated several hypotheses regarding the applicability of Holland’s theory to gay and lesbian people, including that distress associated with the sexual identity development process may reduce the clarity or stability of gay and lesbian individuals’ Holland types, that individuals in various stages of sexual identity development would differ in their congruence, and that the relation of congruence to career satisfaction would be moderated by stage of sexual identity development. However, it does not appear that research has empirically tested these predictions in any sample of sexual minority people— or even extended such theorizing to gender minority people. The study that has most directly engaged Holland’s theory in the context of sexual minority people was conducted by Chung and Harmon (1994), who found that—relative to heterosexual men—gay men scored higher in Social and Artistic interests but lower in Realistic and Investigative interests. These group differences parallel gender differences between (presumably cisgender and heterosexual) women and men, with women tending to score higher in Social and Artistic but lower in Realistic and Investigative than men (Nauta, 2020). A more recent study found that the occupational preferences of gay and bisexual men differed from those of heterosexual men on 12 of 26 occupations that evince gender differences, with gay and bisexual men’s preferences being more similar to the preferences of women overall (i.e., across sexual orientations; Ellis et al., 2012). Sexual orientation differences were less pronounced
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for women, with lesbian and bisexual women reporting preferences more typical of men overall for six of the 26 occupations. Importantly, however, both gay men and lesbian women appear relatively more likely to pursue work in helping-related fields like psychology, counseling, law, and social work (Baumle et al., 2009). Thus, the gender-typing of careers does not perfectly account for gay and lesbian people’s occupational choices. Echoing Mobley and Slaney’s (1996) suggestion that congruence may play a different role for sexual minority people vis-à-vis heterosexual people, some scholars have argued that vocational choice among sexual minority people may be driven less by personal characteristics (e.g., vocational interest) and more by heterosexist stigma. For example, Chung (2001) argued that sexual minority people cope with enacted or anticipated workplace heterosexist discrimination by choosing careers that allow for self-employment (and thus avoiding the possibility of discrimination) or by job tracking, which may entail intentionally choosing to enter industries that serve sexual minority people or that are known to be supportive of sexual minority people. Similarly, Tilcsik and colleagues (2015) reasoned that needing to manage a concealable stigmatized identity prompts lesbian and gay people to choose occupations that allow for more task independence, require greater social perceptiveness (i.e., the ability to accurately interpret or anticipate others’ interpersonal behavior), or both— predictions that were supported in their analysis of two nationally representative data sets. Lifespan/Lifespace Career Theory Early scholarship drawing from Super’s (1990) lifespan/lifespace career theory focused on ways that lesbian and gay individuals’ progression through career development stages may be shaped by their simultaneous progression in gay and lesbian identity development (Dunkle, 1996; Hetherington, 1991). According to Cass (1979), gay men and lesbian women progress through developmental stages that involve recognition of same-gender attractions, experiences of confusion and negative feelings toward one’s homosexuality (i.e., internalized heterosexism), gradual increases in identity certainty and affirmation and decrease in internalized heterosexism, growing connection with the lesbian and gay communities, and greater comfort with disclosing one’s gay or lesbian identity and thus integration of one’s personal life with other life domains. Hetherington (1991) suggested that sexual minority people who are in the early stages of their sexual identity development may place a hold on their career development to cope with the confusion and distress they experience upon beginning to acknowledge their stigmatized identities. That is, there is a “bottleneck effect” (Hetherington, 1991, p. 134) in that the individual’s limited psychological resources are allotted to the sexual identity development process, which slows career development. Consistent with the bottleneck effect, the results of a qualitative study of mostly White lesbian women indicated that they believed the time, resources, and energy devoted to exploring their lesbian
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identities and connecting to the lesbian community delayed their setting and attainment of educational and career goals, and internalized heterosexism negatively affected their professional esteem and self-confidence (Boatwright et al., 1996). Furthermore, a study of sexual minority adolescents and young adults found that a composite variable reflecting internalized heterosexism, identity confusion, and difficult process (i.e., the extent to which one believes the sexual identity development process has been slow and difficult) was negatively associated with career maturity and positively associated with career indecision (Schmidt & Nilsson, 2006). It is important to acknowledge, however, that there is also evidence that some participants believe that aspects of their sexual or gender identity development process enhanced rather than stymied their career development. For example, despite the challenges they faced, participants in Boatwright and colleagues’ (1996) study also reported that their lesbian identity development enhanced their career development through career-related social support and networking opportunities from the lesbian community, fostering a greater appreciation of diversity that they planned to integrate into their professional lives, and the development of advocacy skills. Similarly, a quantitative study of gender minority people found that individuals who had undergone a gender transition (which may be considered part of a gender identity development process) reported higher career decision self-efficacy than individuals who had not yet transitioned (dickey et al., 2016). Research has also increasingly focused on the interface of multiple life roles or contexts in sexual minority people’s lives—specifically, the intersection of work and romantic partnerships (e.g., Dispenza, 2017) and work and family more broadly (e.g., Sawyer et al., 2017; Williamson et al., 2017). For example, Dispenza (2017) showed that, in contrast to trends evinced in research with heterosexual men, work role salience and romantic partnership role salience were positively related rather than unrelated, suggesting that these roles are perceived as being mutually reinforcing rather than completely separate or in conflict. With regard to research on the interface of work and family more generally, a study using an actor–partner longitudinal design found that sexual minority employees’ workplace identity disclosures to their supervisors and coworkers were both positively associated with their partners’ subsequent family satisfaction (Williamson et al., 2017). Furthermore, participant employees’ disclosure to their supervisors was negatively associated with their partners’ perceptions that family interfered with work (Williamson et al., 2017). However, research also indicates that perceived tensions between work and family contexts can be a source of stress. For example, a qualitative study of sexual minority employees with partners (40% of whom had at least one child) found that participants’ workplace identity management was made more complex by the belief that they also had to manage information regarding their stigmatized family structures, which was associated with a diminished sense of family dignity and a more fragmented family identity (Sawyer et al., 2017).
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Social Cognitive Career Theory Morrow et al. (1996) were the first scholars to apply an SCCT (Lent, 2020) lens in a theoretical exploration of the ways that contextual factors may influence self-efficacy, outcomes expectations, interests, and goals. For example, building on research indicating that lesbian and gay people retrospectively report engaging in more gender nonconforming behavior (e.g., girls playing with blocks rather than dolls) as children than do heterosexual people, Morrow and colleagues proposed that parents’ negative reactions to their children’s gender atypical behavior serve as learning experiences that discourage children from developing competencies (e.g., talent at tasks involving spatial relations) and shape negative outcome expectations (i.e., “If I do things girls shouldn’t, I will be punished or rejected”). A more proximal contextual influence on career outcomes may be employment discrimination, which could weaken the translation of goals into action. Although several empirical studies have drawn concepts from SCCT models (e.g., Parnell et al., 2012), surprisingly few have directly tested the full range of SCCT variables in a single study. One exception was conducted by Morris and Lent (2019), who found that sexual minority college students’ experiences of heterosexist discrimination in the university environment were directly and negatively related to persistence intentions (i.e., plans to remain enrolled at the university) as well as indirectly negatively related to the same outcome through a chain of mediated relations involving perceived environmental supports, academic self-efficacy, academic outcome expectations, academic goal progress, and academic satisfaction (Morris & Lent, 2019). Similar studies for gender minority people could not be identified. The most robust application of SCCT concepts with sexual minority populations has been in studies focused on the predictors and outcomes of engagement in workplace sexual identity management strategies (e.g., Tatum, 2018; Tatum et al., 2017). Lidderdale and colleagues (2007) argued that self-efficacy beliefs, outcome expectations, and goals related to the use of workplace identity management strategy would be related to the actual use of those strategies. Furthermore, the SCCT cognitive variables are shaped by learning experiences influenced by contextual factors such as exposure to supportive learning or workplace environments that communicate acceptance or affirmation (rather than rejection or derogation) of sexual minority identities. In support of this model, Tatum (2018) found that identity disclosure self-efficacy, identity disclosure outcome expectations, and identity disclosure behavior mediated the indirect positive association of supportive workplace climate with work satisfaction. Tests of such models with gender minority populations have yet to be conducted. Psychology of Working Theory Although PWT (e.g., Blustein & Duffy, 2020) is the most recently articulated career development theory considered in this chapter, a few studies have
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already explored the applicability of portions of the model with sexual minority and gender minority populations. For example, a cross-sectional study of sexual minority people found that social class (as an operationalization of lower economic constraints) yielded positive direct unique associations with work volition and decent work, that heterosexist discrimination yielded negative direct unique associations with work volition and decent work, that work volition yielded a positive direct unique association with decent work, and that social class and heterosexist discrimination yielded indirect associations with decent work through the mediating role of work volition (Douglass et al., 2017). However, career adaptability did not yield the expected relations with other variables in the model. Another study with sexual minority people found that poor workplace climate negatively and social class positively predicted work volition, which in turn positively predicted decent work (Allan et al., 2019). Poor workplace climate also yielded a unique negative direct association with decent work. Furthermore, decent work yielded a positive direct association with work meaning. As hypothesized, work volition and decent work mediated the indirect relations of social class and poor work climate with work meaning. A cross-sectional study of gender minority people that provides support for a slightly modified PWT model found that work volition and perceived overqualification serially mediated the indirect associations of gender-based discrimination and nonaffirmation with work meaning, job satisfaction, symptoms of depression, and life satisfaction (Tebbe et al., 2019). However, no study to date has tested the full PWT model in samples of sexual minority or gender minority individuals or tested the model using longitudinal designs.
CONCLUSION: FUTURE DIRECTIONS AND PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS As illustrated in this chapter, scholarship on the career experiences and functioning of sexual and gender minority people has grown tremendously over the course of the last 3 decades. Nonetheless, areas of refinement still exist. For example, though several studies have focused on the specific experiences of bisexual people (e.g., Arena & Jones, 2017; Corrington et al., 2019), career research focused on other sexual minority populations, such as asexual people, is seemingly absent. Similarly, though some studies have focused on transgender men or women (C. Brown et al., 2012; Schilt, 2006; Schilt & Connell, 2007), no studies were identified that centralized the career context of nonbinary people. Thus, questions remain regarding the extent to which research and theory pertaining to core constructs such as workplace identity management are applicable to these populations. Researchers must also attend to the intersection of sexual identity and gender identity with other contextual variables, such as age, race, ethnicity, and nationality. For instance, though several studies have explored the intersections of career and identity development processes among young or middle age adults (e.g., Boatwright et al., 1996; Schmidt & Nilsson, 2006), no research appeared to focus on later stages of career devel-
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opment. This is particularly unfortunate, given that age-related milestones such as retirement may be associated with increased loneliness (Hirschi & Pang, 2020) and that sexual minority and gender minority older adults already appear at greater risk for experiencing loneliness (e.g., Kuyper & Fokkema, 2010). Another area of growth pertains to tests of foundational career development theories with sexual and gender minority populations. For example, the lack of research empirically exploring the generalizability of Holland’s (1997) theory to sexual and gender minority people is glaring. A corollary of this issue is that we do not know the validity of popular instruments used to assess RIASEC types (e.g., the Strong Interest Inventory; Donnay et al., 2005) for use with sexual and gender minority clients. Thus, researchers are encouraged to critically examine assumptions of longstanding career theories with sexual and gender minority populations. Hardin et al.’s (2014) cultural lens approach to evaluating the cultural validity of psychological theory would serve as a practical guide for such endeavors. Another goal for future research should be to test the effectiveness of career interventions with sexual and gender minority populations. Although research supports the effectiveness of career choice and search interventions (e.g., S. D. Brown & Krane, 2000; Liu et al., 2014), the current literature review evinces the absence of intervention research with sexual or gender minority populations. Determining if such interventions need to be adapted to better address the social contexts and needs of sexual and gender minority clients is sorely needed. Notwithstanding these areas of growth, the current literature does provide practitioners with some ideas for increasing their effectiveness with sexual and gender minority clients. As described throughout this chapter, stressors or processes related to possessing a sexual or gender minority identity are associated with important career variables. Thus, career counselors or vocational psychologists should informally or formally assess these constructs and explore with clients the extent to which experienced or anticipated discrimination, supportive workplace climates (or their absence), identity disclosure or concealment, or gender transitions have shaped their career development process or outcomes. Normalizing clients’ experiences, providing psychoeducation regarding the associations of these contextual variables with career development and functioning, and directing clients to supportive resources (e.g., The Corporate Equality Index) are important microlevel interventions. In addition, practitioners should serve as advocates for clients by either supporting their efforts to attain more equitable treatment in the workplace or advocating for reforms that expand or protect the rights of clients, thus enhancing their well-being.
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Budge, S. L., Tebbe, E. N., & Howard, K. A. S. (2010). The work experiences of transgender individuals: Negotiating the transition and career decision-making processes. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 57(4), 377–393. https://doi.org/10.1037/ a0020472 Cass, V. C. (1979). Homosexual identity formation: A theoretical model. Journal of Homosexuality, 4(3), 219–235. https://doi.org/10.1300/J082v04n03_01 Chaudoir, S. R., & Fisher, J. D. (2010). The disclosure processes model: Understanding disclosure decision making and postdisclosure outcomes among people living with a concealable stigmatized identity. Psychological Bulletin, 136(2), 236–256. https://doi. org/10.1037/a0018193 Chung, Y. B. (2001). Work discrimination and coping strategies: Conceptual frameworks for counseling lesbian, gay, and bisexual clients. The Career Development Quarterly, 50(1), 33–44. https://doi.org/10.1002/j.2161-0045.2001.tb00887.x Chung, Y. B., & Harmon, L. W. (1994). The career interests and aspirations of gay men: How sex-role orientation is related. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 45(2), 223–239. https://doi.org/10.1006/jvbe.1994.1033 Corrington, A., Nittrouer, C. L., Trump-Steele, R. C. E., & Hebl, M. (2019). Letting him B: A study on the intersection of gender and sexual orientation in the workplace. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 113, 129–142. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2018. 10.005 Dawis, R. V., & Lofquist, L. H. (1984). A psychological theory of work adjustment. University of Minnesota Press. dickey, l. m., Walinsky, D., Rofkahr, C., Richardson-Cline, K., & Juntunen, C. (2016). Career decision self-efficacy of transgender people: Pre- and posttransition. The Career Development Quarterly, 64(4), 360–372. https://doi.org/10.1002/cdq.12071 Dispenza, F. (2017). Career and romantic partnership role salience between sexual minority men living with and without a chronic illness/disability (CID). Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 18(2), 157–164. https://doi.org/10.1037/men0000051 Dispenza, F., Brennaman, C., Harper, L. S., Harrigan, M. A., Chastain, T. E., & Procter, J. E. (2019). Career development of sexual and gender minority persons living with disabilities. The Counseling Psychologist, 47(1), 98–128. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 0011000018819425 Donnay, D. A., Morris, M. L., Schaubhut, N. A., & Thompson, R. C. (2005). Strong Interest Inventory manual. CPP. Douglass, R. P., Velez, B. L., Conlin, S. E., Duffy, R. D., & England, J. W. (2017). Examining the psychology of working theory: Decent work among sexual minorities. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 64(5), 550–559. https://doi.org/10.1037/ cou0000212 Dunkle, J. H. (1996). Toward an integration of gay and lesbian identity development and Super’s life-span approach. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 48(2), 149–159. https://doi.org/10.1006/jvbe.1996.0015 Ellis, L., Ratnasingam, M., & Wheeler, M. (2012). Gender, sexual orientation, and occupational interests: Evidence of their interrelatedness. Personality and Individual Differences, 53(1), 64–69. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2012.02.008 Fidas, D., & Cooper, L. (2018). A workplace divided: Understanding the climate for LGBTQ workers nationwide. Human Rights Campaign Foundation. https://www.hrc.org/ resources/a-workplace-divided-understanding-the-climate-for-lgbtq-workersnationwide Hardin, E. E., & Donaldson, J. R., III. (2014). Predicting job satisfaction: A new perspective on person–environment fit. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 61(4), 634–640. https://doi.org/10.1037/cou0000039 Hardin, E. E., Robitschek, C., Flores, L. Y., Navarro, R. L., & Ashton, M. W. (2014). The cultural lens approach to evaluating cultural validity of psychological theory. American Psychologist, 69(7), 656–668. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0036532
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Hebl, M. R., Foster, J. M., Mannix, L. M., & Dovidio, J. F. (2002). Formal and interpersonal discrimination: A field study examination of applicant bias. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 28(6), 815–825. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 0146167202289010 Hetherington, C. (1991). Life planning and career counseling with gay and lesbian students. In N. J. Evans & V. A. Wall (Eds.), Beyond tolerance: Gays, lesbians, and bisexuals on campus (pp. 131–145). American College Personnel Association. Hirschi, A., & Pang, D. (2020). Career development of older workers and retirees. In S. D. Brown & R. W. Lent (Eds.), Career development and counseling: Putting theory and research to work (3rd ed., pp. 437–469). Wiley. Holland, J. L. (1997). Making vocational choices: A theory of vocational personalities and work environments (3rd ed.). Psychological Assessment Resources. Huffman, A. H., Watrous-Rodriguez, K. M., & King, E. B. (2008). Supporting a diverse workforce: What type of support is most meaningful for lesbian and gay employees? Human Resource Management, 47(2), 237–253. https://doi.org/10.1002/hrm.20210 Hughto, J. M. W., Gunn, H. A., Rood, B. A., & Pantalone, D. W. (2020). Social and medical gender affirmation experiences are inversely associated with mental health problems in a U.S. non-probability sample of transgender adults. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 49(7), 2635–2647. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-020-01655-5 Jackson, S. D., & Mohr, J. J. (2016). Conceptualizing the closet: Differentiating stigma concealment and nondisclosure processes. Psychology of Sexual Orientation and Gender Diversity, 3(1), 80–92. https://doi.org/10.1037/sgd0000147 James, S. E., Herman, J. L., Rankin, S., Keisling, M., Mottet, L., & Anafi, M. (2016). The report of the 2015 U.S. Transgender Survey. National Center for Transgender Equality. https://transequality.org/sites/default/files/docs/usts/USTS-Full-Report-Dec17.pdf Katz-Wise, S. L., & Hyde, J. S. (2012). Victimization experiences of lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals: A meta-analysis. Journal of Sex Research, 49(2–3), 142–167. https://doi.org/10.1080/00224499.2011.637247 King, E. B., Mohr, J. J., Peddie, C. I., Jones, K. P., & Kendra, M. (2017). Predictors of identity management: An exploratory experience-sampling study of lesbian, gay, and bisexual workers. Journal of Management, 43(2), 476–502. https://doi.org/10. 1177/0149206314539350 Kuyper, L., & Fokkema, T. (2010). Loneliness among older lesbian, gay, and bisexual adults: The role of minority stress. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 39(5), 1171–1180. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-009-9513-7 Law, C. L., Martinez, L. R., Ruggs, E. N., Hebl, M. R., & Akers, E. (2011). Trans-parency in the workplace: How the experiences of transsexual employees can be improved. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 79(3), 710–723. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2011. 03.018 Lent, R. W. (2020). Career development and counseling: A social cognitive framework. In S. D. Brown & R. W. Lent (Eds.), Career development and counseling: Putting theory and research to work (3rd ed., pp. 129–163). Wiley. Levitt, H. M., & Ippolito, M. R. (2014). Being transgender: The experience of transgender identity development. Journal of Homosexuality, 61(12), 1727–1758. https://doi. org/10.1080/00918369.2014.951262 Lidderdale, M. A., Croteau, J. M., Anderson, M. Z., Tovar-Murray, D., & Davis, J. M. (2007). Building lesbian, gay, and bisexual vocational psychology: A theoretical model of workplace sexual identity management. In K. J. Bieschke, R. M. Perez, & K. A. DeBord (Eds.), Handbook of counseling and psychotherapy with lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender clients (pp. 245–270). American Psychological Association. https://doi.org/10.1037/11482-010 Liu, S., Huang, J. L., & Wang, M. (2014). Effectiveness of job search interventions: A meta-analytic review. Psychological Bulletin, 140(4), 1009–1041. https://doi.org/10. 1037/a0035923
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Lyons, H. Z., Brenner, B. R., & Fassinger, R. E. (2005). A multicultural test of the theory of work adjustment: Investigating the role of heterosexism and fit perceptions in the job satisfaction of lesbian, gay, and bisexual employees. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 52(4), 537–548. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-0167.52.4.537 Meyer, I. H. (2003). Prejudice, social stress, and mental health in lesbian, gay, and bisexual populations: Conceptual issues and research evidence. Psychological Bulletin, 129(5), 674–697. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.129.5.674 Mizock, L., Riley, J., Yuen, N., Woodrum, T. D., Sotilleo, E. A., & Ormerod, A. J. (2018). Transphobia in the workplace: A qualitative study of employment stigma. Stigma and Health, 3(3), 275–282. https://doi.org/10.1037/sah0000098 Mobley, M., & Slaney, R. B. (1996). Holland’s theory: Its relevance for lesbian women and gay men. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 48(2), 125–135. https://doi.org/10.1006/ jvbe.1996.0013 Mohr, J. J., Markell, H. M., King, E. B., Jones, K. P., Peddie, C. I., & Kendra, M. S. (2019). Affective antecedents and consequences of revealing and concealing a lesbian, gay, or bisexual identity. Journal of Applied Psychology, 104(10), 1266–1282. https://doi.org/10.1037/apl0000399 Moradi, B., Wiseman, M. C., DeBlaere, C., Goodman, M. B., Sarkees, A., Brewster, M. E., & Huang, Y.-P. (2010). LGB of color and White individuals’ perceptions of heterosexist stigma, internalized homophobia, and outness: Comparisons of levels and links. The Counseling Psychologist, 38(3), 397–424. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 0011000009335263 Morris, T. R., & Lent, R. W. (2019). Heterosexist harassment and social cognitive variables as predictors of sexual minority college students’ academic satisfaction and persistence intentions. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 66(3), 308–316. https://doi. org/10.1037/cou0000341 Morrow, S. L., Gore, P. A., Jr., & Campbell, B. W. (1996). The application of a sociocognitive framework to the career development of lesbian women and gay men. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 48(2), 136–148. https://doi.org/10.1006/jvbe.1996. 0014 Nauta, M. M. (2020). Holland’s theory of vocational choice and adjustment. In S. D. Brown & R. W. Lent (Eds.), Career development and counseling: Putting theory and research to work (3rd ed., pp. 61–93). Wiley. O’Neil, M. E., McWhirter, E. H., & Cerezo, A. (2008). Transgender identities and gender variance in vocational psychology: Recommendations for practice, social advocacy, and research. Journal of Career Development, 34(3), 286–308. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 0894845307311251 Parnell, M. K., Lease, S. H., & Green, M. L. (2012). Perceived career barriers for gay, lesbian, and bisexual individuals. Journal of Career Development, 39(3), 248–268. https://doi.org/10.1177/0894845310386730 Rabelo, V. C., & Cortina, L. M. (2014). Two sides of the same coin: Gender harassment and heterosexist harassment in LGBQ work lives. Law and Human Behavior, 38(4), 378–391. https://doi.org/10.1037/lhb0000087 Ragins, B. R., & Cornwell, J. M. (2001). Pink triangles: Antecedents and consequences of perceived workplace discrimination against gay and lesbian employees. Journal of Applied Psychology, 86(6), 1244–1261. https://doi.org/10.1037/0021-9010.86.6.1244 Ragins, B. R., Cornwell, J. M., & Miller, J. S. (2003). Heterosexism in the workplace: Do race and gender matter? Group & Organization Management, 28(1), 45–74. https:// doi.org/10.1177/1059601102250018 Ruggs, E. N., Martinez, L. R., Hebl, M. R., & Law, C. L. (2015). Workplace “trans”actions: How organizations, coworkers, and individual openness influence perceived gender identity discrimination. Psychology of Sexual Orientation and Gender Diversity, 2(4), 404–412. https://doi.org/10.1037/sgd0000112
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Sawyer, K. B., Thoroughgood, C., & Ladge, J. (2017). Invisible families, invisible conflicts: Examining the added layer of work–family conflict for employees with LGB families. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 103(Pt. A), 23–39. https://doi.org/10. 1016/j.jvb.2017.08.004 Schilt, K. (2006). Just one of the guys? How transmen make gender visible at work. Gender & Society, 20(4), 465–490. https://doi.org/10.1177/0891243206288077 Schilt, K., & Connell, C. (2007). Do workplace gender transitions make gender trouble? Gender, Work and Organization, 14(6), 596–618. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0432. 2007.00373.x Schmidt, C. K., Miles, J. R., & Welsh, A. C. (2011). Perceived discrimination and social support: The influences on career development and college adjustment of LGBT college students. Journal of Career Development, 38(4), 293–309. https://doi.org/10. 1177/0894845310372615 Schmidt, C. K., & Nilsson, J. E. (2006). The effects of simultaneous developmental processes: Factors relating to the career development of lesbian, gay, and bisexual youth. The Career Development Quarterly, 55(1), 22–37. https://doi.org/10.1002/j. 2161-0045.2006.tb00002.x Singletary, S. L., & Hebl, M. R. (2009). Compensatory strategies for reducing interpersonal discrimination: The effectiveness of acknowledgments, increased positivity, and individuating information. Journal of Applied Psychology, 94(3), 797–805. https:// doi.org/10.1037/a0014185 Super, D. E. (1990). A life-span, life-space approach to career development. In D. Brown & L. Brooks (Eds.), Career choice and development: Applying contemporary theories to practice (2nd ed., pp. 197–261). Jossey-Bass. Tatum, A. K. (2018). Workplace climate and satisfaction in sexual minority populations: An application of social cognitive career theory. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 65(5), 618–628. https://doi.org/10.1037/cou0000292 Tatum, A. K., Formica, L. J., & Brown, S. D. (2017). Testing a social cognitive model of workplace sexual identity management. Journal of Career Assessment, 25(1), 107–120. https://doi.org/10.1177/1069072716659712 Tebbe, E. A., Allan, B. A., & Bell, H. L. (2019). Work and well-being in TGNC adults: The moderating effect of workplace protections. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 66(1), 1–13. https://doi.org/10.1037/cou0000308 Tilcsik, A. (2011). Pride and prejudice: Employment discrimination against openly gay men in the United States. American Journal of Sociology, 117(2), 586–626. https://doi. org/10.1086/661653 Tilcsik, A., Anteby, M., & Knight, C. R. (2015). Concealable stigma and occupational segregation: Toward a theory of gay and lesbian occupations. Administrative Science Quarterly, 60(3), 446–481. https://doi.org/10.1177/0001839215576401 Velez, B. L., & Moradi, B. (2012). Workplace support, discrimination, and person– organization fit: Tests of the theory of work adjustment with LGB individuals. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 59(3), 399–407. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0028326 Velez, B. L., Moradi, B., & Brewster, M. E. (2013). Testing the tenets of minority stress theory in workplace contexts. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 60(4), 532–542. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0033346 Williamson, R. L., Beiler-May, A., Locklear, L. R., & Clark, M. A. (2017). Bringing home what I’m hiding at work: The impact of sexual orientation disclosure at work for same-sex couples. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 103(Pt. A), 7–22. https://doi. org/10.1016/j.jvb.2017.08.005
13 Career Psychology in the Immigrant Context Kelsey L. Autin, Germán A. Cadenas, and Willy Anthony Diaz Tapia
T
he United States is home to the world’s largest immigrant and refugee population, with one fifth of the world’s migrant people residing there. In 2018, 44.8 million immigrants made up 13.7% of the U.S. population (Budiman, 2020). Immigrant people make up a large proportion—about 17%—of the U.S. labor force. Projections indicate that this number will grow, driving national economic growth as the U.S.-born workforce dwindles with increasing baby boomer retirement (Budiman, 2020). People migrate to the United States for a variety of reasons (e.g., to be with family, to seek education), but the most common among them in recent years is to obtain work (USA Facts, 2020). Therefore, career psychologists have an important role that may benefit both the national labor market and the growing migrant population. In the present chapter, we present a set of seven practical recommendations for career psychologists and allied providers, which are grounded on a review of the literature on factors affecting immigrant workers. These recommendations include (a) becoming familiar with frameworks and cultural competencies prior to providing career services to immigrants; (b) exploring the pre-, during, and postmigration experience; (c) assessing and discussing immigrants’ unique educational and career experiences; (d) assessing immigrants’ career-related barriers; (e) assessing immigrants’ cultural strengths; (f) providing culturally relevant career intervention; and (g) engaging in social justice advocacy.
https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-014 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 279
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DIVERSITY WITHIN IMMIGRANT POPULATIONS Immigrants to the United States come from every nation in the world (Budiman, 2020). In 2018, the largest numbers of settled immigrants originated from Mexico (25% of all immigrants), followed by China (6%), India (6%), the Philippines (4%), and El Salvador (3%). Recent data on migration, however, shows that these trends are shifting. Since the Great Recession, migration from Latin America has decreased and the largest numbers of new immigrants have come from East and South Asia (Budiman, 2020). Projections show that Asian immigrants will soon be the most populous immigrant group in the United States. Most immigrants in the United States are either permanent residents (27%) or naturalized citizens (45%). A smaller number are temporary residents (5%) and undocumented immigrants (23%; Budiman, 2020). These figures highlight that the immigrant community in the United States is not a monolith but rather represents diverse places of origin and cultural values and norms, as well as unique challenges, strengths, and skills.
PRACTICAL CONSIDERATIONS FOR CAREER COUNSELING PRACTICE WITH IMMIGRANTS Keeping this diversity in mind, our chief recommendation is that career psychologists and allied providers center the unique life experiences and cultural factors of each immigrant client or student they serve. We offer a set of seven practical recommendations for providing career and psychological services to immigrants in such a way that is informed by the extant literature, as well as by each person’s real-life experience. Become Familiar With Multicultural Guidelines and Competencies When serving immigrant communities and providing career counseling, there are many conceptual frameworks and guidelines that career counselors, psychologists, and allied professionals may follow in developing competencies in this area. No official guidelines exist that are specific to supporting immigrants’ career development. However, in the absence of these specific recommendations, the guidelines for multicultural career counseling developed by the American Counseling Association (ACA; Flores et al., 2005) and literature regarding cultural competence and liberatory approaches in counseling psychology (e.g., Ratts et al., 2016; Reynolds, 2001; Singh, 2020) can be informative for preparing to serve this community. Additionally, it is key to incorporate an understanding of clients’ mental health within the provision of career counseling services to immigrants. The American Psychological Association (APA), the National Latinx Psychological Association, and the California Psychological Association have created guidelines for working with immigrant communities broadly (APA, 2012; APA Presi-
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dential Task Force on Immigration, 2013; Hernandez, 2018). These guidelines and recommendations pay particular attention to the connection between multiple intersecting systemic stressors and the psychological experiences of immigrants, which affect their educational and career development journeys. Finally, a recent guide was developed by a group of immigrant psychologists and social workers, in collaboration with a major immigrant rights organization, in order to provide practical steps for providers to get started when delivering services to immigrants affected by immigration policy changes (Cadenas et al., 2021). The guide was specifically designed for working with immigrants who are recipients of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, and it has applicability to other immigrant groups as well. Explore Factors Affecting Premigration, Migration, and Postmigration Experiences The immigration literature has identified several factors that shape one’s experience premigration, during migration, and postmigration. It is important that, when working with immigrant populations, practitioners and researchers assess resources to address the challenges that come about at each of these stages of migration. In the following sections, we discuss contextual factors in country of origin and host country as well as intersections of social and demographic factors that influence the immigration experience at each stage. It is important for career psychologists and allied providers to become familiar with the literature in this area and also to approach service provision with curiosity about each immigrant’s unique experience. Given the diversity of the immigrant population in the United States, it is reasonable to expect either that many themes from the literature may be applicable or that a person’s immigration story may not fit with common themes regarding immigration. Career psychologists may benefit from exhibiting flexibility in their understanding of macrolevel patterns while allowing space for nuance and complexity in each person’s story. Country-of-Origin Context Contextual factors within one’s country of origin play an important role in shaping experiences at each stage of the migration experience. Specifically, economic, social, and political stability of one’s country of origin may influence the circumstances under which the migration was initiated, the process by which one arrives to the United States, and documentation status after migrating (Yakushko et al., 2008). Immigration scholars make a distinction between people who migrate voluntarily and those who migrate involuntarily. People who migrate voluntarily include immigrants (i.e., those who migrate permanently) and sojourners (i.e., those who migrate temporarily). People who migrate involuntarily due to social, economic, or political vulnerability include refugees and asylum seekers (Antoniou & Dalla, 2009). Sociopolitical instability or economic insecurity in one’s country of origin increases the likelihood of an abrupt,
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dangerous, or traumatic migration experience (Yakushko et al., 2008). Furthermore, many who are denied asylum continue to face the threats that initiated their departure in the first place, leaving them to choose between returning to the, often, life-threatening environment in their country of origin or attempting to remain in the United States without government authorization (Menjívar & Walsh, 2019; Rose & Peñaloza, 2018). Many threats (e.g., gang violence, poverty) across the globe are not recognized by the United States as legitimate reasons to seek asylum or refugee status (Menjívar & Walsh, 2019; U.S. Customs and Immigration Services, 2020). Therefore, although people with legal refugee status make up a small number of the migrant population (about 30,000), many more may identify their migration as involuntary regardless of official status classification (Budiman, 2020; Yakushko et al., 2008). Host-Country Context Another factor that largely shapes immigrant people’s experiences, particularly postmigration, is the host culture environment. Host cultures vary in the extent to which their policies and public perceptions of immigration create a supportive environment for immigrant populations. For decades, U.S. immigration policy has trended toward creating an unwelcoming environment marked by militaristic immigration enforcement and the use of a “deportation machine” that treats immigrants as perpetual outlaws (Hing, 2017, p. 271). Furthermore, at the time of this writing, the United States faces a major cultural and political schism, with immigration being one of the core areas of divisiveness. Although most of the U.S. population (66%) holds positive views about immigrant people (e.g., hardworking, facilitate economic growth), a sizable minority (24%) views immigrants as a threat to the jobs, housing, and health care of U.S. citizens. Additionally, attitudes toward immigration are closely related to political party alignment, with Democratic-leaning people much less likely (8%) to view immigration as a burden than those who are Republican-leaning (44%; Budiman, 2020). Underscoring this divide, the Trump administration pushed hardline, often dehumanizing, immigration policies, whereas the Biden administration has pledged to overturn these policies and support a welcoming environment for immigrant communities (Pierce, 2019). It remains to be seen whether a new presidential administration will result in migration-supportive policies. It is certain, however, that the 4 years of the Trump administration made lasting cultural impacts by accelerating existing anti-immigrant sentiments in U.S. policy and public perception and increasing hostility toward immigration in the United States (Hing, 2017). Intersectionality, Social, and Demographic Factors Social and demographic factors may intersect with immigration status to influence premigration, migration, and postmigration experiences. Thus, for career researchers and practitioners working with immigrant populations, it is essential to adopt an intersectional lens, which frames a person’s experience in terms of their location within interlocking systems of privilege and oppression (Cren-
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shaw, 1989; Romero, 2008). For example, a wealthy, highly educated White man who immigrated voluntarily is likely to have access to more opportunity structures than an economically marginalized woman of color with little formal education and refugee status. The latter may experience challenges at the intersection of sexism, racism, classism, and economic marginalization, as well as nationalism and anti-immigrant hostility, as she attempts to make progress on her career in the United States. This idea has been supported by empirical research. For example, one study examining vocational outcomes of immigrants in Canada found that, when only examining immigrant status (controlling for demographic variables), first- and second-generation immigrants earned more income than nonimmigrants. However, when examining data by race, gender, and language, this finding was not supported. Specifically, nonWhite people, women, and people who spoke a different language at home and work earned significantly less than White people, men, and people who spoke the same language at home and work. Furthermore, interactions between these variables compounded results, with multiple marginalized identities predicting lower income (Fitzsimmons et al., 2020). Consider Unique Experiences With Education and Career in Country of Origin Career psychologists and allied providers delivering services to immigrant clients and communities may find it helpful to consider the unique experiences of the immigrants they serve in relation to education and career. Discussing these experiences explicitly and early in career counseling, career intervention programs, and educational offerings may help providers and their clients or students in having clarity as to the extent to which these prior experiences influence current career concerns. As previously noted, the immigrant community is diverse, originating from countries around the globe, having occupied a range of social positions in those countries, and currently holding diverging immigration statuses. Thus, it is key that generalizations are not made about any individual or group when providing career services and that assessment and discussion of prior experiences takes place in an egalitarian manner. Reviewing the diversity of educational and career background that immigrants may possess is beyond the scope of this chapter. However, career psychologists and allied providers may find it helpful to conduct research about the specific area of the world from which their immigrant clients originate and may thus begin to contextualize their current concerns against the backdrop of conditions in their home country. There are excellent reviews of the educational experiences of immigrant youth and children of immigrants in the United States, including the adaptation processes of young immigrants and how they navigate schooling in the United States (Stodolska, 2008; Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2009), the experiences of African immigrants in K–12 schools (Ukpokodu, 2018), and the experiences of precarity and uncertainty faced by undocumented youth as they age out of K–12 education and experience
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significant barriers to accessing and succeeding in higher education (Bjorklund, 2018; Gonzales, 2016), as well as extensive strategies for educators and education leaders aiming to support the educational success of immigrants (Crawford & Dorner, 2019). Assess Barriers Constraining the Career Development of Immigrants The immigrant experience is one of complex interactions between contextual, social, and systemic forces. The dynamics of these interactions, along with within-person factors, may heavily influence the ease or difficulty with which one navigates the occupational world. The immigration literature captures several barriers to working that are created by the interplay of these factors and unique to those within immigrant communities. In the following sections, we review important influences on occupational functioning captured in the scientific literature. These include immigration-status-specific barriers as well as general acculturative challenges, economic vulnerability, limited social capital, and loss of professional status. Although we discuss these factors in separate sections, it is important for career psychologists and allied providers to consider how these factors may intersect and overlap in their clients’ lived experience. Immigration-Status-Specific Barriers One major determinant of career barriers is immigration status. Immigrant people may fall under a number of categories for immigration status. These include having a time-defined work permit and work visa (e.g., H1B visa); having lawful permanent resident status, which is more commonly referred to as holding a “green card”; having protections associated with refugee status; or having become a naturalized citizen (American Immigration Council, 2016; Inman & Tummala-Narra, 2014). Indeed, the vast majority of immigrants in the United States hold lawful immigration statuses, which allow them the right to work legally, as well as access to many but not all civil rights (Radford, 2019). Each category of immigration represents a unique context and set of challenges and external stressors that may complicate the career development process. It is important to emphasize that the process of navigating the immigration system to obtain lawful immigration protections, advance from one type of status to another, and eventually obtain citizenship through naturalization is quite cumbersome and complicated, and options for legalization are not available to all immigrants (American Immigration Council, 2016). The pathways to citizenship for immigrants are limited and for the most part require sponsorship from close family members or employers (Inman & Tummala-Narra, 2014). Many have argued that the immigration system and its policies are racialized and classist, thus advantaging immigrants who may originate from Western and White-majority countries and who hold middle- and upper-class social privilege and disadvantaging immigrants of color from lower income backgrounds (Bennett, 2000; Ngai, 1999). In addition, the options for family-based and employment-based migration have become more stringent over time
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(Pierce, 2019). Those who seek refugee status through the asylum program must prove that their lives may be in danger if they returned to their countries of origin, and the quotas reserved for refugees have also become more limited over time (Pierce, 2019). Immigration policy has struggled to keep up with the modern realities of immigration and to reflect the needs for skills and labor in the United States. For instance, definitions of who is considered a high-skill worker tend to encompass fields that require advanced education and training and to exclude the highly specialized and intensive skills required in other sectors, such as agriculture and construction (Cadenas, 2018). As a result, immigrants who contribute and make up a significant proportion of workers in those excluded sectors tend to lack a pathway to citizenship (American Immigration Council, 2016). These outdated immigration policies thus create the conditions where a large number of people arrive in the United States to meet labor demands and/ or to seek refuge but do not have access to pathways to legalization and end up becoming undocumented. This group comprises over 11 million immigrants, or about 25% of the overall immigrant population (Zong et al., 2018). Undocumented immigration status is accompanied by a number of major stressors and barriers to work. A significant stressor is the inability to provide a work authorization permit or social security number when seeking employment. Many states in the United States have adopted strict employment verification procedures (e.g., E-Verify) that identify immigrants who do not have authorization (Amuedo-Dorantes & Pozo, 2019). In addition, the grounds for deportation and the immigration enforcement apparatus have grown to be aggressive over recent decades (Hing, 2017; Pierce, 2019). The uncertainty of whether a family member may be apprehended, detained, and deported adds significant strain to family dynamic and relationships, as it is a reality that many immigrant families are regularly separated in the United States (Artiga & Ubri, 2017). Many immigrants may qualify for Temporary Protected Status (TPS) or for the DACA program, which was designed to shield undocumented young people from deportation (American Immigration Council, 2016). These temporary protections are usually granted after a thorough set of requirements have been met, and they provide immigrants the ability to obtain temporary work authorization. However, programs like DACA and TPS have been in limbo, as protections for each of those programs have been threatened over the past few years, leaving hundreds of thousands of immigrants in a state of uncertainty about their future (Smith, 2020). Given this heightened uncertainty, it is no surprise that research shows that immigrants with undocumented status or temporary protections experience mental health distress that is significantly higher than those who have permanent protection (Cadenas & Nienhusser, 2021). Acculturative Challenges Migration to a new country can be a highly stressful experience. Scholars refer to the psychological stress response that occurs when immigrant people face
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challenges associated with adapting to a new culture as acculturative stress (Berry, 2006). Acculturative stress can surface due to experiences that are common among immigrants such as navigating conflicting cultural values, learning a new language, loss of community and social support, and coping with discrimination (Berry, 2006). Not surprisingly, the link between acculturative stress and poor mental health is well-documented (Crockett et al., 2007; Moyerman & Forman, 1992; Williams & Berry, 1991). Although the impact on working is less well-studied, evidence points to acculturative stress as a key variable in immigrant workers’ vocational development (Rhee et al., 2015). Acculturative stress may be most acute for new immigrants, but acculturation (i.e., the process of changing one’s behaviors and values in order to adapt in the face of intercultural contact; Berry, 2006) involves long-term adjustment processes, including evolving one’s cultural identity over time (Cadenas, 2018). Thus, even those who have lived in the United States for great lengths of time may undergo continual acculturative processes. Unfamiliarity with host culture. One aspect of the acculturative process is increasing familiarity with the host culture. Specifically, those who are unfamiliar with the dominant Western culture may not have exposure to contextspecific social norms and expectations (Chen, 2008). This can be especially limiting within a workplace context in Western and White-dominant societies, when those who exhibit behavior outside Western norms and expectations may be perceived as incompetent or rude. For example, in an interview setting, a person from a non-Western country may view extraverted behaviors (e.g., asking a lot of questions) as disrespectful, whereas the interviewer may interpret lack of such behavior as a sign of disinterest (Chen, 2008). Increasing familiarity with one’s host culture may be facilitative in cultivating skills to navigate the workforce. Language barriers. Another commonly cited source of acculturative stress is language proficiency in a society that values English as a dominant language and where multilingualism is not broadly adopted. Researchers have identified lack of English fluency as a primary barrier to job opportunities in the United States (e.g., Miranda & Umhoefer, 1998; Rhee et al., 2015). One reason for this is that lack of English-language skills limits the power that immigrants’ social capital can have on facilitating access to decent work (Sanders et al., 2002). When English-language skills are limited, workers may limit their contacts to only those within their ethnic enclave, which often primarily provides access to a limited pool of low-income work (Pfeffer & Parra, 2009). Indeed, in a qualitative study among older Korean immigrants, participants identified lack of English proficiency as a chief barrier to securing employment (Rhee et al., 2015). Participants reported that competition with bilingual workers and influxes of English-speaking customers made it challenging for them to secure jobs. The language barrier also reduced their participation in public assistance programs and their awareness of job opportunities (e.g., English newspaper employment listings). Limited language proficiency also affects internal career beliefs.
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Miranda and Umhoefer (1998) found that English-language proficiency was a better predictor of career self-efficacy than age, education, or length of time in the United States. It can also inhibit vocational advancement over time. Sanders and colleagues (2002) reported that Asian immigrants with English proficiency were more likely to transition from low-wage work to decent jobs than individuals who only spoke their native language. It is important to note that, although English-language proficiency is often framed as a within-person variable, language barriers are situated within a historically colonialist system that privileges English speakers and is intolerant of language diversity (Tatalovich, 2014). Although the pragmatic importance of English proficiency to navigating the U.S. workforce cannot be ignored, career researchers and practitioners must handle the topic in a culturally sensitive and competent manner. Discrimination. Finally, a major cause of acculturative stress is the experience of discrimination (Yakushko et al., 2008). Given the prevalence of anti-immigrant sentiment in the United States, most immigrants are likely to face some form of xenophobia (Hing, 2017). Additionally, xenophobic attitudes often intersect with racism, colorism, sexism, classism, and religious discrimination (Romero, 2008). The extent to which a person experiences discrimination is largely affected by how closely visible identities align with dominant culture within the United States. For example, immigrants from predominately White, Englishspeaking, wealthy, and Christian nations carry high levels of sociopolitical privilege. They are likely to have fewer discriminatory experiences based on skin color, be less inhibited by the stress of learning a new language, and be viewed in a more positive light. People migrating from non-White, non-Englishspeaking, and non-Christian nations are more likely to face harmful racially based stereotypes (Bellovary et al., 2020; Hersch, 2011). In light of stereotypes of immigrants as violent criminals, poorly educated, and a drain on the U.S. economic system, it is notable that research has consistently discredited these claims. In fact, data show no link (and sometimes negative links) between immigration and crime (e.g., Ousey & Kubrin, 2018; Reid et al., 2005). Immigrant people have diverse educational backgrounds (Budiman, 2020) and are likely to have strong work ethic (Bacallao & Smokowski, 2007). Finally, immigrants (including undocumented immigrants) pay billions of dollars annually in taxes and are less likely to use social services (Bellovary et al., 2020). Stereotypes have consequences for vocational development. A study examining educational aspirations among a group of Latinx youth found that students who felt a greater sense of positive societal perceptions about their ethnic group had higher college-going self-efficacy (Gonzalez et al., 2013). Participants’ sense of private ethnic regard was related to lower college-going selfefficacy. The authors interpreted these results to suggest that discrimination from the general public, coupled with internalized stereotypes about one’s ethnic group, may have serious deleterious effects on career development (Gonzalez et al., 2013).
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Economic Vulnerability Immigrant workers face greater likelihood of economic vulnerability than workers who are U.S.-born. In 2018, 14.6% of U.S. immigrants were living in poverty, compared with 11.8% of the general population (Semega et al., 2018). Some groups of immigrants are more likely than others to experience high rates of poverty. For example, immigrants with origins in the Middle East, North Africa, and Mexico and Central America have the highest documented rates of poverty (20.3%, 18.6%, and 18.3%, respectively; Budiman et al., 2020). Additionally, being undocumented puts many at higher risk of poverty (Greenman & Hall, 2013). The economic constraints encountered by these communities often obstruct traditional paths toward upward mobility and may produce intergenerational poverty. For example, in Abrego’s (2006) qualitative examination of the barriers affecting undocumented students, she found that poorly funded schools, crowded living environments, and violent neighborhoods all negatively affected undocumented students’ academic success and consequently their career development. These factors, along with other career barriers, increase the likelihood that immigrant workers end up in precarious, low-wage jobs, which in turn leads to greater economic vulnerability (e.g., Eggerth et al., 2012; Flores et al., 2011). Thus, economic constraints and work barriers interact within a recursive loop that is difficult to overcome without systemic intervention. Limited Social Capital Limited social capital is another factor that hinders immigrants’ navigation of the workforce. Interpersonal connections help diffuse information about job opportunities (Sanders et al., 2002). Social networks can also help establish trust between employers and immigrants with no U.S. work experience. Such networks are particularly important for recent immigrants and for those seeking better employment opportunities. According to Sanders et al. (2002), it is common for immigrants to seek job opportunities within ethnic enclaves, where there are few opportunities for advancement but interpersonal connections can help them pursue jobs in the broader society. Individuals who have relationships with people who have extensive social connections are most likely to obtain information to facilitate their job search and career development efforts (Sanders et al., 2002). However, immigrants often have limited networks within the United States; their interpersonal connections tend to be primarily composed of family members and other members of their own racial and ethnic groups (Nee & Sanders, 2001; Rhee et al., 2015; Sanders et al., 2002). As a result, employment that provides decent wages, benefits, and opportunities for career advancement are often beyond their reach (Petersen et al., 2000; Poros, 2011; Rhee et al., 2015). Loss of Professional Status Many immigrants experience loss of professional status upon their migration to the United States. Despite the general consensus that greater access to resources
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improves one’s prospects in the United States, even highly resourced immigrant people face barriers on the U.S. job market (Heilbrunn et al., 2010). For example, academic credentials obtained abroad may not be valued in the U.S. job market (Morse & Chanda, 2018). Immigrant professionals often have a difficult time working in their respective fields because most foreign credentials are not recognized in the United States (Morse & Chanda, 2018). In some cases, foreign-trained immigrants may not meet all the academic requirements necessary for certification in the United States, which can pose difficulties given that U.S. universities rarely offer standalone courses to meet licensing requirements. Additionally, licensing bodies usually do not approve of foreign practicum experiences for licensure in the United States (Morse & Chanda, 2018). Therefore, immigrant professionals must get supervised training experience within the United States to validate their credentials. However, acquiring training experience in the United States is nearly impossible without either being enrolled in a U.S. academic program or having a U.S. license. Consequently, immigrant professionals who seek to work in their respective fields are forced to fund and complete an academic program they have already mastered in their country of origin (Morse & Chanda, 2018). Such unreasonable circumstances can force immigrant professionals to work outside of their professions (Morse & Chanda, 2018), often in work that is less lucrative and undervalued by specific fields and broader society. Assess Strengths and Resources in the Immigrant Community It is important to note that although immigrants experience a myriad of barriers and contextual challenges in their career development and work, they also exhibit many strengths that aid them and protect them. Extensive research has noted the ability of immigrants to develop resilience in the face of marginalization and multiple stressors. Indeed, previous research documents the “immigrant paradox,” which refers to the phenomenon of recent immigrants outperforming those who are born in the United States in attaining intergenerational mobility on a number of outcomes, including health, education, and civic behavior (Feliciano & Lanuza, 2017). Thus, the experiences of immigrants in the United States are nuanced and complex, composed of several stressors and also several strengths that may be worthwhile in attempting to understand this population. Career psychologists and allied professionals are thus encouraged to assess for each of the following factors and the degree to which they may be relevant to immigrants’ career-related experiences. Acculturation and Enculturation The process of immigrants adjusting to the host country’s values and norms (i.e., acculturation) and their retention of the country of origin’s values and norms (i.e., enculturation) also has many implications for immigrants’ wellbeing and career development. For instance, research shows that immigrants’ ability to both acculturate and enculturate has beneficial psychological effects
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(Yoon et al., 2013). Similarly, the notion of biculturalism, or cultural flexibility, is quite positive for immigrants as they navigate the dominant culture and its employment and career demands while being able to function within racial, ethnic, and cultural community networks that may offer support to immigrants (Huynh et al., 2011). For instance, research suggests that immigrants’ language skills and bilingualism can be a major career asset and that those who are able to communicate in more than one language are also able to make greater education and career progress, compared with immigrants who may have less access to opportunities to develop English-language skills (Callahan & Gándara, 2014). Cultural Values Research also suggests other protective factors among immigrant communities may be rooted in immigrants’ cultural beliefs and values. For instance, familismo or family orientation, strong work ethic, humor, resourcefulness, and the use of social networks (e.g., collectivist orientation) have been observed to serve as strengths for immigrants in navigating new challenges in the host country (Bacallao & Smokowski, 2007; Paat, 2013). It is not uncommon for immigrants to live within racial, ethnic, and cultural enclaves and communities, particularly as opportunities to integrate into neighborhoods populated by members of the dominant group may be less accessible (Logan et al., 2002). The research regarding these communities is mixed, although mounting evidence suggests that they can be helpful to immigrants in their transition into the United States as they offer opportunities to develop social networks, friendships, and other forms of social capital (Logan et al., 2002; Tsai, 2006). Advocacy As immigration policy has become more restrictive and increasingly marginalizing of immigrant populations in the United States, many immigrants have become involved in the political process to advocate for their rights and seek better treatment. A movement for immigrant rights has been led by young undocumented immigrants who have pushed for changes to policies at the federal and state level, particularly regarding higher education opportunities (DeAngelo et al., 2016). Extant research suggests that this kind of community involvement, activism, and advocacy can be quite empowering to immigrant communities and foster a sense of belonging and endorsement of democratic values (Perez et al., 2010). Additionally, research demonstrates that through these civic activities, immigrants may develop a higher sense of critical consciousness, which may serve as a cultural strength that protects them from discrimination, fosters mental health outcomes, and supports them in their educational and career pursuits (Cadenas et al., 2018). Therefore, immigrants’ resistance of xenophobic policies and their advocacy for better treatment can translate into career strengths. As a reflection of the resilience and resourcefulness exhibited by immigrants, a number of community-based resources and tools have been created by them and their allies to ameliorate the negative effects of immigration policy and
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systemic stressors and to support immigrants’ educational access and career development. Immigrant-led organizations such as Aliento and ImmSchools partner with K–12 schools and districts to provide key assistance and resource development to support immigrants, particularly undocumented youth, in succeeding in K–12 education and making the transition to college (Aliento, 2020; ImmSchools, 2020). For instance, organizations that are led by immigrants, such as United We Dream, have created guides and practical resources to support immigrants in accessing and succeeding in higher education (United We Dream, n.d.). Organizations such as Immigrants Rising (https://immigrantsrising. org/) have created fellowships and educational resources to support the career development in health and entrepreneurial fields. Evidently, immigrants themselves have created organizational models to support their progress, and these may be used as guides to inform institutional efforts with the same goal. Provide Culturally Responsive Intervention and Educational Programs The systemic challenges and cultural strengths that mark immigrants’ daily experiences also have implications for programs that provide career interventions and career education. For instance, research highlights that a worthwhile direction in career development program design and delivery is centering the content on critical consciousness (Cerezo et al., 2018). This involves establishing egalitarian relationships with immigrants and facilitating discussions that allow space for reflection about systems that oppress immigrants, as well as culture, identity, and social action as antidotes to systemic oppression (Watts et al., 2003). Such liberation-oriented curriculum may be embedded within programs delivered for first-generation students at colleges and universities, in community settings, and in K–12 education settings. For example, the career education program Poder was implemented in one of the largest community colleges in the United States in a Southwest border region with a large number of immigrants (Cadenas, Cantú, Spence, & Ruth, 2020). Evidence from program evaluation suggests that the program was delivered in a culturally responsive manner and facilitated equitable outcomes between immigrants and U.S.-born individuals on measures of self-efficacy, entrepreneurial skills, critical behavior, technology optimism, and technology innovation (Cadenas, Cantú, Lynn, et al., 2020). Beyond working within educational institutions at all levels, an area of major need for career development programs relates to workers who are vulnerable and marginalized by employers. Many community-based advocacy organizations work closely with immigrant workers who are employed in the food service, hospitality, cleaning and maintenance, construction, and farming sectors and provide them with empowerment opportunities, such as legal education related to workers’ rights and human rights (Seville et al., 1997; Zong et al., 2018). Examples of these organizations include the Refugee and Immigrant Center for Education and Legal Services (RAICES) among many others (RAICES, n.d.). The programming that these groups offer may be protective of
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immigrant workers who experience exploitation, as they may find a sense of community within such groups and learn about their civil rights and workers’ protections. This line of research related to workers’ empowerment and their legal rights remains largely unexplored in vocational psychology. Career development professionals and providers may find it fruitful to partner with such community groups to support them in further expanding their programs to support the economic well-being of immigrant workers. Engage in Social Justice Practice and Advocacy When providing career counseling and career services to immigrant communities, it is appropriate for providers to approach their work using a social justice orientation in which they are active in advocating with and on behalf of their clients. It is key to maintain awareness that any services provided are taking place within the larger context of political violence against immigrants (Fortuna et al., 2008), as this may shape practice and choice of interventions. Helpful frameworks for guiding and grounding this kind of work include the ACA Advocacy Competencies (Lewis et al., 2002) and the Social Justice and Multicultural Counseling Competencies (Ratts et al., 2016). Both of these highlight the need for psychologists and allied professionals to extend work beyond the individual and/or group settings and to engage in advocacy at the institutional, community, public arena, and sociocultural levels in order to address intersecting systems that oppress immigrants. Several case studies exist to illustrate what this work could look like in practice and how providers may be most effective in promoting well-being and career development by engaging with larger systems (e.g., Green et al., 2008; Ratts et al., 2010). In more recent scholarship, Cadenas (2018) provided a detailed application of the ACA Advocacy Competencies model in advocating with and for immigrants at various levels. Recommendations and examples for career development professionals include practicing with intentionality in order to build trust and safety; advocating to administrators and decision makers to increase access to resources; co-organizing community programs and educational events; delivering ally development programs to increase the competencies of those working with immigrants; drafting statements of support for immigrants on behalf of institutions; engaging with media through op-eds and social media to share factual information about immigrants; and contacting elected officials at the local, state, and federal level to express support for humane immigration policies. These strategies serve to practice career counseling and career development while addressing the systemic issues that cause traumatization, marginalization, and limitations in the career development of immigrants and refugees (Yakushko et al., 2008). In their seminal work, Chavez-Dueñas and colleagues (2019) offered a framework for providers to engage in healing racial/ethnic trauma among immigrant communities by engaging in sanctuary practice and liberation-oriented resistance and advocacy, among many other recommendations. Finally, partici-
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patory action research with undocumented immigrants yielded an emerging framework for developing undocu-friendly campuses, which may be applied beyond the college setting and into K–12 school campuses, as well as to community and health settings (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2015). A major takeaway from both of these frameworks is that institutions and institutional agents, including career development professionals, may play a role in sustaining the traumatization of immigrants or serving as buffers. Any individual’s practice and any institution can move toward becoming a sanctuary safe space, where immigrants may seek support and affirmation, thereby beginning to heal from the harm caused by anti-immigrant policies and rhetoric.
CONCLUSION In sum, immigrants represent a vibrantly diverse working population in the United States with specific career counseling needs. Although many immigrants face extensive barriers in navigating the world of work, they may also possess unique strengths and sources of resilience. These recommendations may provide a starting point for scholars, educators, and career counseling practitioners to build competency in working with immigrant populations. At the heart of our recommendations is empathic understanding of the nuanced complexity of immigration as it relates to working. Although we hope we have provided a deeper understanding of common experiences among immigrant populations, we emphasize the importance of making space for each individual’s story and specific vocational needs.
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and occupational health (pp. 311–327). Edward Elgar. https://doi.org/10.4337/ 9781848447219.00033 Artiga, S., & Ubri, P. (2017). Living in an immigrant family in America: How fear and toxic stress are affecting daily life, well-being, & health. Kaiser Family Foundation. https://files. kff.org/attachment/Issue-Brief-Living-in-an-Immigrant-Family-in-America Bacallao, M. L., & Smokowski, P. R. (2007). The costs of getting ahead: Mexican family system changes after immigration. Family Relations, 56(1), 52–66. https://doi.org/10. 1111/j.1741-3729.2007.00439.x Bellovary, A., Armenta, A. D., & Reyna, C. (2020). Stereotypes of immigrants and immigration in the United States. In J. T. Nadler & E. C. Voiles (Eds.), Stereotypes: The incidence and impacts of bias (pp. 146–164). ABC-CLIO. Bennett, C. (2000). Racial categories used in the decennial censuses, 1790 to the present. Government Information Quarterly, 17(2), 161–180. https://doi.org/10.1016/ S0740-624X(00)00024-1 Berry, J. W. (2006). Acculturative stress. In P. T. P. Wong & L. C. S. Wong (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural perspectives on stress and coping (pp. 287–298). Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/0-387-26238-5_12 Bjorklund, P., Jr. (2018). Undocumented students in higher education: A review of the literature, 2001 to 2016. Review of Educational Research, 88(5), 631–670. https://doi. org/10.3102/0034654318783018 Budiman, A. (2020). Key findings about U.S. immigrants. Pew Research Center. https:// www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/08/20/key-findings-about-u-s-immigrants/ Budiman, A., Tamir, C., Mora, L., & Noe-Bustamante, L. (2020). Facts on U.S. immigrants, 2018: Statistical portrait of the foreign-born population in the United States. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2020/08/20/facts-on-u-simmigrants-current-data/ Cadenas, G. A. (2018). Advocacy in career development with immigrants. Career Planning and Adult Development Journal, 34(4), 7–20. Cadenas, G. A., Bernstein, B. L., & Tracey, T. J. G. (2018). Critical consciousness and intent to persist through college in DACA and U.S. citizen students: The role of immigration status, race, and ethnicity. Cultural Diversity & Ethnic Minority Psychology, 24(4), 564–575. https://doi.org/10.1037/cdp0000200 Cadenas, G. A., Cantú, E. A., Lynn, N., Spence, T., & Ruth, A. (2020). A programmatic intervention to promote entrepreneurial self-efficacy, critical behavior, and technology readiness among underrepresented college students. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 116(Pt. A), Article 103350. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2019.103350 Cadenas, G. A., Cantú, E. A., Spence, T., & Ruth, A. (2020). Integrating critical consciousness and technology in entrepreneurship career development with diverse community college students. Journal of Career Development, 47(2), 162–176. https:// doi.org/10.1177/0894845318793968 Cadenas, G. A., & Nienhusser, H. K. (2021). Immigration status and college students’ psychosocial well-being. Educational Researcher, 50(3), 197–200. https://doi.org/10. 3102/0013189X20962470 Cadenas, G. A., Peña, D., Minero, L. P., Rojas-Araúz, B. O., & Lynn, N. (2021). Critical agency and vocational outcome expectations as coping mechanisms among undocumented immigrant students. Journal of Latinx Psychology, 9(2), 92–108. https://doi.org/10.1037/lat0000178 Callahan, R. M., & Gándara, P. (Eds.). (2014). Bilingual advantage: Language, literacy, and the labor market. Multilingual Matters. https://doi.org/10.21832/9781783092437 Cerezo, A., McWhirter, B. T., Peña, D., Valdez, M., & Bustos, C. (2018). Giving voice: Utilizing critical race theory to facilitate consciousness of racial identity for Latina/o college students. Journal for Social Action in Counseling and Psychology, 5(3), 1–24. https://doi.org/10.33043/JSACP.5.3.1-24
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Chavez-Dueñas, N. Y., Adames, H. Y., Perez-Chavez, J. G., & Salas, S. P. (2019). Healing ethno-racial trauma in Latinx immigrant communities: Cultivating hope, resistance, and action. American Psychologist, 74(1), 49–62. https://doi.org/10.1037/amp0000289 Chen, C. P. (2008). Career guidance with immigrants. In J. A. Athanasou & R. Van Esbroeck (Eds.), International handbook of career guidance (pp. 419–442). Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-6230-8_21 Crawford, E. R., & Dorner, L. M. (Eds.). (2019). Educational leadership of immigrants: Case studies in times of change. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429197277 Crenshaw, K. (1989). Demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex: A Black feminist critique of antidiscrimination doctrine, feminist theory and antiracist politics. University of Chicago Legal Forum, 1989(1), 139–167. Crockett, L. J., Iturbide, M. I., Torres Stone, R. A., McGinley, M., Raffaelli, M., & Carlo, G. (2007). Acculturative stress, social support, and coping: Relations to psychological adjustment among Mexican American college students. Cultural Diversity & Ethnic Minority Psychology, 13(4), 347–355. https://doi.org/10.1037/1099-9809.13.4.347 DeAngelo, L., Schuster, M. T., & Stebleton, M. J. (2016). California DREAMers: Activism, identity, and empowerment among undocumented college students. Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, 9(3), 216–230. https://doi.org/10.1037/dhe0000023 Eggerth, D. E., DeLaney, S. C., Flynn, M. A., & Jacobson, C. J. (2012). Work experiences of Latina immigrants: A qualitative study. Journal of Career Development, 39(1), 13–30. https://doi.org/10.1177/0894845311417130 Feliciano, C., & Lanuza, Y. R. (2017). An immigrant paradox? Contextual attainment and intergenerational educational mobility. American Sociological Review, 82(1), 211–241. https://doi.org/10.1177/0003122416684777 Fitzsimmons, S. R., Baggs, J., & Brannen, M. Y. (2020). The immigrant income gap. Harvard Business Review Digital Articles. https://hbr.org/2020/05/research-theimmigrant-income-gap Flores, L. Y., Lin, Y.-J., & Huang, Y.-P. (2005). Applying the multicultural guidelines to career counseling with people of color. In M. G. Constantine & D. W. Sue (Eds.), Strategies for building multicultural competence in mental health and educational settings (pp. 73–90). John Wiley & Sons. Flores, L. Y., Mendoza, M. M., Ojeda, L., He, Y., Meza, R. R., Medina, V., Ladehoff, J. W., & Jordan, S. (2011). A qualitative inquiry of Latino immigrants’ work experiences in the Midwest. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 58(4), 522–536. https://doi. org/10.1037/a0025241 Fortuna, L. R., Porche, M. V., & Alegria, M. (2008). Political violence, psychosocial trauma, and the context of mental health services use among immigrant Latinos in the United States. Ethnicity & Health, 13(5), 435–463. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 13557850701837286 Gonzales, R. G. (2016). Lives in limbo: Undocumented and coming of age in America. University of California Press. Gonzalez, L. M., Stein, G. L., & Huq, N. (2013). The influence of cultural identity and perceived barriers on college-going beliefs and aspirations of Latino youth in emerging immigrant communities. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 35(1), 103–120. https://doi.org/10.1177/0739986312463002 Green, E. J., McCollum, V. C., & Hays, D. G. (2008). Teaching advocacy counseling within a social justice framework: Implications for school counselors and educators. Journal for Social Action in Counseling and Psychology, 1(2), 14–30. https://doi.org/10. 33043/JSACP.1.2.14-30 Greenman, E., & Hall, M. (2013). Legal status and educational transitions for Mexican and Central American immigrant youth. Social Forces, 91(4), 1475–1498. https://doi. org/10.1093/sf/sot040
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Heilbrunn, S., Kushnirovich, N., & Zeltzer-Zubida, A. (2010). Barriers to immigrants’ integration into the labor market: Modes and coping. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 34(3), 244–252. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2010.02.008 Hernandez, E., Cadenas, G., Mejia, I., Zamudio, E., Peña, D., & Lopez Beltran, D. (2018). Recommendations for psychological practice with undocumented immigrants in California. California Psychological Association. https://www.informedimmigrant. com/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/CPA-Recommendations_for_Practice.pdf Hersch, J. (2011). The persistence of skin color discrimination for immigrants. Social Science Research, 40(5), 1337–1349. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2010.12.006 Hing, B. O. (2017). Entering the Trump ice age: Contextualizing the new immigration enforcement regime. Texas A&M Law Review, 5(2), 253–321. https://doi.org/10. 37419/LR.V5.I2.1 Huynh, Q.-L., Nguyen, A.-M. D., & Benet-Martínez, V. (2011). Bicultural identity integration. In S. J. Schwartz, K. Luyckx, & V. L. Vignoles (Eds.), Handbook of identity theory and research (pp. 827–842). Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-44197988-9_35 ImmSchools. (2020). Annual impact report. https://www.immschools.org/about/impact Inman, A. G., & Tummala-Narra, P. (2014). Immigration and human rights. In M. L. Miville & A. D. Ferguson (Eds.), Handbook of race-ethnicity and gender in psychology: Immigrants and human rights (pp. 87–109). Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/9781-4614-8860-6_5 Lewis, J. A., Arnold, M. S., House, R., & Toporek, R. L. (2002). ACA advocacy competencies. American Counseling Association. https://www.counseling.org/docs/ default-source/competencies/aca-advocacy-competencies-updated-may-2020. pdf?sfvrsn=f410212c_4 Logan, J. R., Zhang, W., & Alba, R. D. (2002). Immigrant enclaves and ethnic communities in New York and Los Angeles. American Sociological Review, 67(2), 299–322. https://doi.org/10.2307/3088897 Menjívar, C. & Walsh, D. S. (2019). Gender-based violence in Central America and women asylum-seekers in the United States. Translational Criminology, 16, 12–14. Miranda, A. O., & Umhoefer, D. L. (1998). Acculturation, language use, and demographic variables as predictors of the career self-efficacy of Latino career counseling clients. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 26(1), 39–51. https://doi. org/10.1002/j.2161-1912.1998.tb00182.x Morse, A., & Chanda, I. (2018). Barriers to work: Improving access to licensed occupations for immigrants with work authorization. National Conference of State Legislature. https:// www.ncsl.org/research/labor-and-employment/barriers-to-work-immigrants-withwork-authorization.aspx Moyerman, D. R., & Forman, B. D. (1992). Acculturation and adjustment: A metaanalytic study. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 14(2), 163–200. https://doi.org/ 10.1177/07399863920142001 Nee, V., & Sanders, J. M. (2001). Trust in ethnic ties: Social capital and immigrants. In K. S. Cook (Ed.), Trust in society (pp. 374–394). Russell Sage Foundation. Ngai, M. M. (1999). The architecture of race in American immigration law: A reexamination of the Immigration Act of 1924. Journal of American History, 86(1), 67–92. https://doi.org/10.2307/2567407 Ousey, G. C., & Kubrin, C. E. (2018). Immigration and crime: Assessing a contentious issue. Annual Review of Criminology, 1, 63–84. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurevcriminol-032317-092026 Paat, Y. F. (2013). Working with immigrant children and their families: An application of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory. Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, 23(8), 954–966. https://doi.org/10.1080/10911359.2013.800007
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Perez, W., Espinoza, R., Ramos, K., Coronado, H., & Cortes, R. (2010). Civic engagement patterns of undocumented Mexican students. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 9(3), 245–265. https://doi.org/10.1177/1538192710371007 Petersen, T., Saporta, I., & Seidel, M. D. (2000). Offering a job: Meritocracy and social network. American Journal of Sociology, 106(3), 763–816. https://doi.org/10.1086/318961 Pfeffer, M. J., & Parra, P. A. (2009). Strong ties, weak ties, and human capital: Latino immigrant employment outside the enclave. Rural Sociology, 74(2), 241–269. https:// doi.org/10.1111/j.1549-0831.2009.tb00391.x Pierce, S. (2019). Immigration-related policy changes in the first two years of the Trump administration. Migration Policy Institute. https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/ default/files/publications/ImmigrationChangesTrumpAdministration-FinalWEB.pdf Poros, M. (2011). Migrant social networks: Vehicles for migration, integration, and development. Migration Policy Institute. https://www.migration.org/article/migrant-socialnetworks-vehicles-migration-integration-and-development Radford, J. (2019, June 17). Key findings about U.S. immigrants. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/06/17/key-findings-about-u-simmigrants/ RAICES. (n.d.). Our team. The Refugee and Immigrant Center for Education and Legal Services. https://www.raicestexas.org/our-mission/our-team/ Ratts, M. J., Singh, A. A., Nassar-McMillan, S., Butler, S. K., & McCullough, J. R. (2016). Multicultural and social justice counseling competencies: Guidelines for the counseling profession. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 44(1), 28–48. https://doi.org/10.1002/jmcd.12035 Ratts, M. J., Toporek, R. L., & Lewis, J. A. (2010). ACA advocacy competencies: A social justice framework for counselors. American Counseling Association. Reid, L., Weiss, H. E., Adelman, R. M., & Jaret, C. (2005). The immigration–crime relationship: Evidence across U.S. metropolitan areas. Social Science Research, 34(4), 757–780. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2005.01.001 Reynolds, A. L. (2001). Multidimensional cultural competence: Providing tools for transforming psychology. The Counseling Psychologist, 29(6), 833–841. https://doi. org/10.1177/0011000001296004 Rhee, M. K., Chi, I., & Yi, J. (2015). Understanding employment barriers among older Korean immigrants. The Gerontologist, 55(3), 472–482. https://doi.org/10.1093/ geront/gnt113 Romero, M. (2008). The inclusion of citizenship status in intersectionality: What immigration raids tells us about mixed-status families, the state and assimilation. International Journal of Sociology of the Family, 34(2), 131–152. https://www.jstor.org/ stable/23070749 Rose, M., & Peñaloza, J. (2018, July 20). Denied asylum, but terrified to return home. NPR. https://www.npr.org/2018/07/20/630877498/denied-asylum-but-terrified-toreturn-home Sanders, J., Nee, V., & Sernau, S. (2002). Asian immigrants’ reliance on social ties in a multiethnic labor market. Social Forces, 81(1), 281–314. https://doi.org/10.1353/ sof.2002.0058 Semega, J., Kollar, M., Creamer, J., & Mohanty, A. (2018). Income and poverty in the United States: 2017. U.S. Census Bureau. https://www.census.gov/library/ publications/2019/demo/p60-266.html Seville, M., Blanco, M., Gabriel, W., & Yen, A. (1997). Know your rights: A guide to employment law for California workers. Women’s Employment Rights Clinic. http:// digitalcommons.law.ggu.edu/werc/1 Singh, A. (2020). Building a counseling psychology of liberation: The path behind us, under us, and before us. The Counseling Psychologist, 48(8), 1109–1130. https://doi. org/10.1177/0011000020959007
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Smith, S. R. (2020). Supreme Court 2019–2020: Insanity, discrimination, and DACA— And a pandemic. Journal of Health Service Psychology, 46(4), 181–199. https://doi. org/10.1007/s42843-020-00021-2 Stodolska, M. (2008). Adaptation processes among young immigrants: An integrative review. Journal of Immigrant & Refugee Studies, 6(1), 34–59. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 15362940802119203 Suárez-Orozco, C., Katsiaficas, D., Birchall, O., Alcantar, C. M., Hernandez, E., Garcia, Y., Michikyan, M., Cerda, J., & Teranishi, R. T. (2015). Undocumented undergraduates on college campuses: Understanding their challenges and assets and what it takes to make an undocufriendly campus. Harvard Educational Review, 85(3), 427– 463. https://doi.org/10.17763/0017-8055.85.3.427 Suárez-Orozco, C., & Suárez-Orozco, M. M. (2009). Children of immigration. Harvard University Press. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvjz82j9 Tatalovich, R. (2014). Nativism reborn? The official English language movement and the American states. University Press of Kentucky. Tsai, J. H.-C. (2006). Xenophobia, ethnic community, and immigrant youths’ friendship network formation. Adolescence, 41(162), 285–298. Ukpokodu, O. N. (2018). African immigrants, the “new model minority”: Examining the reality in U.S. K–12 schools. The Urban Review, 50(1), 69–96. https://doi.org/10. 1007/s11256-017-0430-0 United We Dream. (n.d.). UndocuHealth. https://unitedwedream.org/undocuhealthwellness/ USA Facts. (2020, September 28). Why do people immigrate to the U.S.? https://usafacts. org/articles/why-do-people-immigrate-us/ U.S. Customs and Immigration Services. (2020, May 7). Refugees. https://www.uscis. gov/humanitarian/refugees-and-asylum/refugees Watts, R. J., Williams, N. C., & Jagers, R. J. (2003). Sociopolitical development. American Journal of Community Psychology, 31(1–2), 185–194. https://doi.org/10. 1023/A:1023091024140 Williams, C. L., & Berry, J. W. (1991). Primary prevention of acculturative stress among refugees: Application of psychological theory and practice. American Psychologist, 46(6), 632–641. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.46.6.632 Yakushko, O., Backhaus, A., Watson, M., Ngaruiya, K., & Gonzalez, J. (2008). Career development concerns of recent immigrants and refugees. Journal of Career Development, 34(4), 362–396. https://doi.org/10.1177/0894845308316292 Yoon, E., Chang, C.-T., Kim, S., Clawson, A., Cleary, S. E., Hansen, M., Bruner, J. P., Chan, T. K., & Gomes, A. M. (2013). A meta-analysis of acculturation/enculturation and mental health. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 60(1), 15–30. https://doi.org/10. 1037/a0030652 Zong, J., Batalova, J., & Hallock, J. (2018). Frequently requested statistics on immigrants and immigration in the United States. Migration Policy Institute. https://www.migrationpolicy. org/article/frequently-requested-statistics-immigrants-and-immigration-unitedstates-2016
14 Career Counseling With African Americans Rosie Phillips Davis and Connie M. Ward
T
o better understand the work experiences of Black/African Americans, vocational psychologists and career counselors must look beyond the assumptions offered in standard career counseling discourse like that of Parsons, Holland, Super, and even Bingham et al. (2006). We now advocate for a broader awareness of the historical and geopolitical contexts of work and expand what constitutes work for/among Black and African American populations and individuals. Additionally, a rigorous understanding of the ongoing effects of structural racism, intersectionality, and the lived experiences of the diaspora is necessary to provide Black and African American populations with relevant career guidance. In this chapter, we update the assumptions that vocational psychologists and career counselors can/must adopt in their work with these individuals. To approach the multidimensional, historically informed needs of Black and African American individuals, it is necessary to grapple with information that may not have been previously captured. Drawing on the work of Bingham and Ward (1994) and Bingham et al. (2006), this chapter outlines a contemporary approach to career counseling with African Americans. Those authors previously offered 10 assumptions to be used when working with African Americans. These assumptions included a focus on traditional counseling and career and adult development theories, multicultural guidelines, worldview, session limits, the sociopolitical climate, a focus on African American women, and so on. We are now modifying some of the 10 and adding two new assumptions. The complete list of the 12 assumptions is provided later in this chapter.
https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-015 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 299
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Our approach revises Bingham et al.’s (2006) assumptions to include structural racism, intersectionality, and the impact of the diaspora on all African American workers. To introduce our approach, we provide a context for African Americans’ work history, traced back to their African roots. Next, we share our updated assumptions (for initial assumptions, see Bingham et al., 2006) about the concepts we believe career counselors must consider when engaging in effective career counseling with Black/African Americans. We then highlight some of the American Psychological Association (APA) guidelines that are helpful to career counselors as they begin the journey of integrating the concept of intersectionality into their models and theories of career counseling. We briefly discuss some of the major career counseling theories that we have used over the years. Then, we describe our general method and model for delivering counseling that is based on the culturally appropriate counseling model developed by Fouad and Bingham (1995), which rests on the foundation of the Multicultural Counseling Checklist and the Career Counseling Checklist developed by Ward and Bingham (1993), and we describe the Think Aloud process that can be applied in this work. We conclude with case applications utilizing the Think Aloud process and provide recommendations for future practice.1
HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF AFRICAN AMERICANS AND WORK To understand the work context for Black/African American individuals, we must look to a broader geopolitical context and enlarge our perspective beyond the traditional discourse to include history, geography, and politics. On the continent of Africa, the earliest records indicate that most labor was divided into hunting, gathering, and farming for members of the communities to survive (Sudarkasa, 1986). The structure of work began to change as communities expanded and groups began trading for goods and services. As trade expanded and countries sought more wealth in different parts of the world, the slave trade grew. Trading and slavery changed cultures and greatly influenced the distribution of wealth and jobs based on race, ethnicity, and gender. Chattel slavery lasted from the 16th century until late into the 19th century, with the last slave ship leaving West Africa in 1807. During that same period and into the 20th century, various European countries fought over and conquered swarths of the continent of Africa through colonization (Rosenberg, 2019). Africans’ ability to do work, workers’ freedom to practice cultural norms, the community’s ability to profit from collective work, and the role of work in the family and the community were greatly changed (Zeleza, 1993). Wilkerson (2020) maintained that the invention of slavery in the Americas set up and perpetuated a caste system in the United States. Caste is defined as a closed system that allows access to certain occupations because of heredity or social location in the society. Although the caste system is most often associated Case studies in this chapter have been disguised for confidentiality; each is a compilation of a number of cases and no one client would be able to identify themselves.
1
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with India, Wilkerson reported that the slave trade helped to usher in and cement the social construction of race, making it easier to create hierarchies based on skin color. Consequently, the Western economic and work hierarchy was built with African Americans on the bottom rung of the ladder and Europeans/Whites at the top. The higher caste was privileged in a way that disadvantaged the lower caste. For example, in the United States, the government subsidized acquisition of land, farming, and mining for White people while depriving African Americans such access. Such practices resulted in African Americans and White Americans having different career/work journeys (Ward & Bingham, 1993). These different career journeys resulted in differences in the ultimate career decision-making processes, values, interests and abilities, career self-efficacy, and developmental processes among different ethnic and racial groups, particularly Blacks and Whites. In fact, the two groups have been and continue to be affected differently by the political, social, and educational structure of society. The two groups also face different societal and familial conditions that might influence individual career decisions. Ultimately, these differences mean that the counseling theories developed from Parsons and others do not apply equally to African Americans and European Americans. There are different issues faced by African Americans that career counselors must know about and understand to comprehensively work with African Americans. The major career counseling theories that followed Parsons (1901/1989) were mainly developed for White Americans. It was not until the later part of the 20th century that workers’ identities such as race/ethnicity, ability status, and gender began to be meaningfully considered. Lent et al. (1994) described a theory that expanded the exploration of concepts of race/ethnicity, social class, gender, and so on in vocational psychology, and this was followed by Blustein’s (2019) psychology of working that focused on certain marginalized and lower socioeconomic status (SES) individuals. To complement these theories, Bingham et al. (2006) specifically introduced practitioners and students to a method to directly explore the concept of career counseling with African American women. In this chapter, we expand their intervention to include career counseling with both African American men and women and also include the notion of career counseling with people of the Black African diaspora living in the United States who may accept the term of “Black American” or “African American” but may also describe themselves as African-Caribbean, Afro-Latinx, Afro-Asian, Haitian, Gullah/Geechee, an African immigrant or refugee born on the continent of Africa or Europe, and so on. In this chapter we use the terms “Black,” “African American,” and “Black/African American” interchangeably.
OUR CORE BELIEFS Key Requirements Our core beliefs inform the development of our assumptions. The foundation of specialized knowledge and training that career counselors need to be effective
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with African Americans has only deepened as we have continued to teach and practice. In the following, we enumerate three key requirements for effective career counseling with African Americans. First, it is essential that trainees and practicing counselors develop the general knowledge implied by the set of revised assumptions listed later and definitively described in APA’s (2017) Multicultural Guidelines: An Ecological Approach to Context, Identity, and Intersectionality. Second, trainees and practicing counselors must decide on a model or theory of counseling that can accommodate the unique needs and circumstances of Black/African American people in the United States. The Multicultural Guidelines will be additive to any such models and theories. Third, trainees and practicing counselors must select a training method, perhaps derived from their chosen theories or other models, that will allow them to learn to deliver effective interventions to the Black/African American population. We continue to believe that the Think Aloud method (Johns et al., 2002) is an effective intervention strategy for becoming more competent in providing career counseling for Black/African American clients. We provide an example of the Think Aloud method near the end of the chapter. In addition to these steps that were outlined by Bingham et al. (2006), we are adding a fourth step on intersectionality to our core beliefs. In recent years it has become clear that trainees and counselors must develop a greater understanding of intersectionality in all counseling interventions to deliver effective counseling services to African Americans. Although we have previously mentioned intersectionality, it is now clearer that the concept is far more critical than we previously understood. It also means we believe that counselors must become familiar with a wider range of cultural guidelines, for example, those dealing with women and girls, men and boys, age, gender identity and sexual orientation, disability, socioeconomic class, and so on. Because intersectionality is a relatively new concept, the next section provides a more extensive look. We highlight poverty, religion/spirituality, disability, and sexual orientation and gender identity. Intersectionality Intersectionality is a term that was coined by Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989) as she sought to explain the oppression of African American women. Crenshaw’s writing flowed in part from that of feminists who discussed the oppression and inequality of women and that of writers who discussed the oppression and inequality of African Americans. Neither theories of women alone nor African Americans alone capture the true experience of the oppression of African American women. The term has now been used to describe the impact of various intersections of race, gender, ability status, economic status, gender identity, religion/spirituality, political identity, and so on in various identity groups. Effective career counselors must be aware of all these identities and statuses and even more. Since the Bureau of Labor Statistics began tracking unemployment rates in 1972, the unemployment rates for African Americans have usually been
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2 times higher than those for White Americans. Perhaps even more troubling is that the unemployment rate can sometimes be as much as 6 times higher in metro areas that are predominantly Black (Ajilore, 2020). For example, in the state of Tennessee during the first quarter of 2019, when unemployment was at an all-time low, the rate for Whites was 2.8% compared with 4.9% for Blacks. Looking at the third-quarter unemployment rates for 2019 and 2020 by gender and race revealed some differences. During the third quarter of 2019, between the four groups, White men had the lowest unemployment rate (2.6%), followed by White women at 3.2%. The rates for African American men and women were 5.0% and 4.4%, respectively. In the middle of the COVID-19 outbreak in 2020, during the third quarter White male unemployment rose to 6.7%, with White women at 7.7%, followed by Black women at 11.4% and Black men at 12.1% (Wilson, 2019). Thus, the numbers clearly demonstrate that the intersectional influences on African Americans include a less stable work environment than that experienced by White Americans. Intersectional factors also affect the kinds of jobs to which African Americans have access. For example, in 2020 there were only five Black CEOs of Fortune 500 companies, and all five were male (Wahba, 2020). A larger proportion of Black men work in transportation and utilities compared with men from other racial groups, whereas Black women comprise the highest percentage of women working in education and health (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019). These results suggest that intersectional variables perpetuate structural racism by, in part, reinforcing problematic patterns that limit work experiences of many, especially African Americans, while enlarging the experience of some, particularly White Americans. Although gender, race, and ethnicity are now more commonly considered when discussing intersectionality, it is incumbent on the career counselor to be cognizant of other aspects of intersectionality such as disability, spirituality and religion, sexual orientation and gender identity, age, and so on. A significant portion of the Black/African American workforce is likely to hold religious or spiritual values and beliefs. Roughly eight in 10 (79%) African Americans self-identify as Christians, and older African Americans and Caribbean Blacks report higher levels of religious participation, religious coping, and spirituality than older Whites (Taylor et al., 2007). Even so, Schaeffer and Mattis (2012) reported scant literature on workplace religion and spirituality that focuses on racial and ethnic minority workers, including racial and ethnic minority individuals who are white-collar workers. Further, they maintained that the available literature points to elevating spirituality as a universal value while relegating religious beliefs and practices at work to being problematic for some and privileging Christian values while silencing other religious groups. A career client might be concerned that their need for prayer several times a day might interfere with their ability to obtain a particular job or that the career counselor could make religious assumptions about the client because of their manner of dress, headwear, or hairstyle when they present in the counselor’s
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office. Adding race and gender to religion, the career questions may become even more complex with intersectional factors for the career counselor to consider. Career counselors can find help with these issues in the spiritual and religious competencies for psychologists (Vieten et al., 2013). Likewise, if a client presents with a disability, the career counselor might be challenged by the intersections of race, gender, and ability status. African American women with a disability (Miles, 2019) are at the intersection of “triple jeopardy” (Greene, 1996). Although the rate of employment for all persons with a disability is much lower than that for individuals reporting no disability, Black/African Americans with a disability have the highest unemployment rate among these groups (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2020). Disability constitutes an important intersectional variable. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2020), 61 million people, or 26% of adults in the United States, live with a disability, and one in four African American adults has a disability. Cunningham (2020) reported that labor force participation and employment rates for those with disabilities are higher now than they were in 1990, but their employment rates still lagged far behind the people without disabilities. Martin and Murphy (2014) found African Americans with a disability, on average, tend to be younger, less likely to be married, and less educated and tend to have lower earnings; higher poverty, unemployment, and incarceration rates; and more health problems. Goodman et al. (2019) reported that African Americans with a disability are more likely to live in poverty even if they have higher education. Career and work counseling at the intersection of race and gender is further complicated by the addition of sexual orientation and gender identity. Greene (1996) introduced the concept of “triple jeopardy” to describe the challenges faced by African American lesbians who live in a society that devalues women, people of color, and sexual minorities. According to A Broken Bargain for LGBT Workers of Color (Movement Advancement Project et al., 2013), lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender workers of color are among the most disadvantaged workers in the United States. Discrimination, lack of workplace protections, unequal job benefits and taxation, and unsafe, underresourced U.S. schools result in LGBTQ people of color facing extraordinarily high rates of unemployment and poverty. Harrison-Quintana et al. (2009) found that transgender African Americans had an unemployment rate of 26%, a rate more than 2 times that of other racial/ethnic groups. Transgender individuals are more likely to experience harassment, health problems, and suicidal ideation. Clearly sexual orientation and gender identity at the intersection of race, gender, and SES may present challenging problems for the career counselor.
REVISED ASSUMPTIONS As we have gained greater appreciation for the complexities involved in the career counseling process, structural racism, and the impact of intersectionality
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within human identities, we have revised the assumptions of our model for career counseling with African Americans (Bingham et al., 2006). We believe the assumptions to the original model remain true, though they were written specifically for African American women. The revised assumptions place far more emphasis on the counselor’s need to understand systemic racism, intersectionality, and the Black/African American diaspora from all parts of the world. Intersectionality is listed as a core requirement for beginning any work with African American career clients. The reader should have a working definition of antiracism and structural racism (Kendi, 2019), as they can lead to such issues as discrimination in criminal justice, employment, housing, health care, political power, and education, among other issues. 1. Career counselors are grounded in the theories of counseling, career development, adult development, and multicultural counseling. 2. Career counselors have knowledge and experience with the concept of worldviews and how worldviews are shaped by the intersectionality of culture, ethnicity, racial identity, immigration/refugee status, Indigeneity, language, age, gender, gender identity, sexual orientation, spirituality, physical and intellectual (dis)ability, SES, educational attainment, family, lived experience, and privilege. 3. Career counselors are aware of the need to understand and be respectful of their client’s worldview. Counselors are aware of how their career counseling orientation, values, and beliefs are shaped by their own worldview. 4. Career counselors are aware of the wide range of within-group differences among their clients who may look similar. Counselors are careful not to treat any one group as homogeneous. 5. Counselors are aware of the body of research related to social categorization, outgroup homogeneity, stereotyping, prejudice, and systemic racism (Jhangiani & Tarry, 2014). 6. Career counselors are aware of the work needed to become antiracist (Kendi, 2019) by overcoming their own implicit or unconscious bias and confirmation bias, stereotyping, prejudice, and racism. 7. Career counselors recognize and acknowledge the political, social, and economic realities of the United States at a given time. The career counselor understands the history of systemic/structural racism and its impact on the lives of the client and the counselor. 8. Career counselors understand that career counseling affects all aspects of the client’s life, future career decision-making ability, self-confidence, and self-efficacy. 9. Career counselors recognize the importance of the need for population generalizability in career research.
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10. Career counselors are willing to learn and appropriately use career counseling models or theories to accommodate the unique needs and experiences of people of the Black African diaspora living in the United States. 11. Career counselors are open to being challenged to look differently at expanding the tasks involved in career counseling and providing services to people of the Black African diaspora living in the United States. 12. Career counselors understand that all clients will be treated with respect, dignity, and humility because ultimately it is the client who has answers to their own questions. Career counselors have the expertise to facilitate clients finding those answers. These 12 assumptions guide our work in career counseling and indeed in all the counseling, teaching, and supervision that we do regarding our work with Black/African Americans.
APA GUIDELINES FOR PRACTICE Our assumptions guide our work, but official guidance comes from the various APA guidelines developed from the best science available at the time. We rely heavily on the Public Interest Guidelines. See the APA website (https://www. apa.org/about/policy/approved-guidelines) for the Multicultural Guidelines and the most recent guidelines for practice with people with low-income and economic marginalization; people of diverse race and ethnicity; people with disabilities; lesbian, gay, and bisexual people; and people of different ages, including older adults. These guidelines encourage counselors to examine their identities and those of their clients. Career counselors must understand the impact of privilege, power, economic insecurity, employment, underemployment, unemployment, health disparities, various identities, and various intersectionalities of themselves and their clients as all these elements and statuses will contribute to the understanding and resolution of the issues facing the client. The guidelines and our own counseling, teaching, and supervision practices informed the 12 assumptions we listed earlier.
THEORIES AND MODELS OF CAREER COUNSELING WITH AFRICAN AMERICANS In the 1990s and 2000s, several writers explored career theories and development with African Americans (Bingham & Ward, 1994; Bingham et al., 2006; Bowman, 1993; Brown, 1995; Fouad & Arbona, 1994; Walsh et al., 2001). Over the last 10 to 20 years, there has been an increase in research and scholarship focusing on career counseling with African Americans. The theory that appears to have received the most attention is social cognitive career theory
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(SCCT), first described by Lent et al. (1994). SCCT is based on social cognitive theory (Bandura, 1986), which proposed that observational learning and models and the environment had impacts on the way people learn. Individuals imitate the behaviors they see displayed by others. Research on SCCT with various racial/ethnic groups has been consistent since the theory was developed, and its prevalence is likely due to the theory’s triadic interactive model of behavior, personal factors, and the environment. SCCT considers person inputs such as gender, race/ethnicity, and ability status, and Lent et al. hypothesized an interaction between self-efficacy, goals, and outcome expectancy. All these factors make it possible to deliberately include Black/African Americans in research that demonstrates the theory’s usefulness. For example, studies have found support for the self-efficacy component of the theory with African American college students (Dickinson et al., 2017; Witherspoon & Speight, 2009). Some dissertations studies have also looked at SCCT and African Americans (Brock, 2015), signaling the advent of more research in the career theories arena with African Americans. Though specific to Asian Americans, Leong et al. (2011) adapted the cultural formulation approach to career assessment and career counseling. Cultural formulation was introduced in the text revision to the fourth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV-TR; American Psychiatric Association, 2000) to provide a framework for looking at the impact and interaction of culture on mental health. The manual defines race, ethnicity, and culture. The definitions are consistent with our characterizations in this chapter. The DSM-IV-TR lists three components that must be assessed to determine impact on mental health issues (Leong et al., 2011). The counselor/therapist must assess and understand the cultural identity of the individual, the cultural conceptualization of stress and psychosocial stressors, and cultural features of vulnerability and resilience. Based on the DSM-IV-TR cultural formulation model, Leong et al. defined five steps or dimensions. In the first step, cultural identity, the counselor must take into consideration all aspects of the client’s culture, including such phenomena as acculturation or more traditional ties to a possible culture of origin, as they seek to understand who the client is and how their cultural identity informs their identity. In the second step, self and cultural conception of career problems, there may be aspects of the client’s presenting issues that can only be fully understood if observed through the client’s cultural lens. That is, the client’s career problems may have cultural connections. The other three dimensions are the self in a cultural context, the cultural dynamic in the therapeutic relationship, and the overall cultural assessment for diagnosis and care. We found their formulation useful in our work with African Americans. The most recent work that is relevant to career counseling with African Americans is Blustein’s (2019) psychology of working theory (PWT). In his latest book, The Importance of Work in an Age of Uncertainty, Blustein acknowledged that not all individuals have access to what is traditionally defined as a career, given that “career” implies choices and the opportunity for advancement. Many individuals do not have choice and must work to obtain simple survival
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needs. The disparity in employment between Blacks and Whites in the United States makes clear the importance of Blustein’s work for career counselors who plan to work with Black/African Americans. The work of Bill Cross remains important for consideration of work with African Americans. In 1971, Cross debuted his Negro-to-Black conversion theory, which connected culture to Black identity. Later with his colleagues, he connected the theory with the developmental work of Erik Erikson (1963). Cross and his colleagues (1991) created the expanded Nigrescence theory, which included the notion that some African Americans could live their lives without attention to their races. Others go through stages that include preencounter, encounter, immersion/emersion, and internalization. The stages could have relevance for how African Americans think about and seek out career and employment opportunities. For example, an individual in the immersion/ emersion stage may be more driven to do work that is firmly in and about the African American population. On the other hand, an African American in the preencounter stage may be very focused on “making it” and gaining acceptance in the White culture. The relevance of the PWT, SCCT, and cultural formulation for career counseling for us is that they support our beliefs about the need to carefully consider the race/ethnicity and various intersectionalities of Black/African American clients. Furthermore, they reflect the sentiments of many of APA’s Public Interest Guidelines. For example, the Multicultural Guidelines call on psychologists to consider the social and physical environment. The guidelines for people living in low income and economic marginalization call on psychologists and therapists to consider the impact of economics on academic success, career development, and interactions of various poverty states. Cross’s theory challenges the counselor to explore the Black/African American client’s cultural and identity development in the career counseling process. Research on SCCT and PWT helps to support models of multiculturally appropriate career counseling with African Americans as well as the cultural formulation for career counseling. Fouad and Bingham (1995) proposed a model that reflects many of the components discussed in social cognitive career counseling. The culturally appropriate career counseling model (CACCM) has seven steps: establishing rapport and a culturally appropriate relationship, identifying career issues, assessing the impact of cultural variable on career issues, setting culturally appropriate counseling processes and counseling goals, delivering culturally appropriate interventions, client and counselor making decisions, and client implementing career plans and following up with the counselor. Ward and Bingham (1993) and Bingham and Ward (1994) maintained that before the client and counselor even begin working together, the counselor must prepare. They described the Multicultural Career Counseling Checklist (MCCC) that helps counselors think through the kinds of issues raised in the various Public Interest Guidelines, understand the knowledge they must seek out and understand prior to beginning any counseling intervention, and follow the steps in the CACCM. Items on the MCCC are listed in three areas: counselor preparation, exploring
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and assessment, and negotiations and working consensus. Later we demonstrate the Think Aloud process to let the reader view our method for raising questions with ourselves as we prepare for and work with a career client.
CAREER COUNSELOR PREPARATION The following information is designed to facilitate the understanding of the importance of career counselor preparation when working with Black/African American clients. We provide a tool (see Exhibit 14.1) for career counselors that includes a list of questions to explore one’s positionality and worldview perspective. Learning about intersectionality and different worldviews can challenge how you were taught to see the world. This exercise will help you identify unconscious implicit bias and the urge to categorize or otherize people who present different than you. It will help you to avoid the tendency to normalize your worldview because the ultimate goal is to work with each career client conveying respect for their worldview and lived experiences. In the following sections, we describe the Think Aloud technique (Johns et al., 2002) and the desired outcomes of this technique. We follow with an in-depth example of the technique for the career counselor’s understanding of intersectionality and worldview and a way to look at the potential impact of intersectionality and worldview on the career client (see Exhibit 14.2).
THINK ALOUD EXERCISE We next discuss a Think Aloud process that is often used to help teach reading. Teachers ask students to say out loud what they are thinking about as they are
EXHIBIT 14.1
Questions for Instructors/Professors Teaching Students and Students of Career Counseling • • • • • • • •
With which groups do I have a lot of contact or exposure? Who is in my friend group? What does that group look like? Where do I get my information about groups I don’t interact with on a regular basis? Which implicit (unconscious) biases have I already identified? Where are the gaps between what I say I believe and my actual behavior? Where are my challenges in empathy for others? How are my identified implicit biases reflecting my preferred social silo? How can I use my answers to these questions to better communicate the concepts of intersectionality/worldviews and their impact on the career counseling process? • How can I use my answers to better communicate the practical application of intersectionality/worldviews? • How can my understanding of my intersectionality/worldview information add value to my students or clients?
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EXHIBIT 14.2
Desired Outcomes of the Career Counselor Preparation and Think Aloud Exercises As a career counselor you will • Recognize that everyone has a worldview. • Understand that your worldview informs your perspective. • Begin to see your lived experiences through the lens of intersectionality. • Identify your privilege and its potential impact on others. • Understand the impact of living within the context of a racialized society. • Identify and explore your implicit (unconscious) biases and their impact. • Identify ways to monitor implicit bias to decrease harm and increase respectful treatment of the client. • Allow any discomfort you feel as motivation to continue to grow. • Understand that any disruption/discomfort you feel is nothing like the discomfort felt by people otherized in this society. • Understand that you and the client have a rich, nuanced, and complex story that each of you brings to the counseling session.
reading, doing math, or completing other educational activities (Johns et al., 2002). Our Think Aloud method involves a metacognitive process to initiate the direct intervention. Counseling requires the counselor to be present with the client at the same time the counselor is thinking about the process, observing verbal and nonverbal cues, and assessing meaning. In addition, the counselor is observing their own thoughts about what the client is saying and their own processing of the interaction with the client. The counselor must think through the lens of their worldview as they see through the client’s worldview. In short, the process is thinking about thinking. We ask the career counselor to say what they are thinking out loud in either their role as a trainee or supervisor. The model in Figure 14.1 demonstrates the process, which we have entitled a metacognition career counseling process. Next is a brief description of a portion of the Think Aloud process one of the authors used to do a deep dive into her initial understanding of her intersectionality and worldview. Such an extensive exercise may only need to be done once with periodic updates. An in-depth exploration of the career counselor’s life, worldview, and intersectionality ideally would start at the beginning of the training experience and be supported in classes, practicum, and outside reading. The process of thinking about worldviews and intersectionality continues for the career counselor throughout their career lifespan, and engagement in this process is expected to facilitate several counselor outcomes (see Exhibit 14.2). Such preparation will influence the questions and hypotheses the career counselor will ponder as they sit with the career client. Next is a short summary of Dr. Ward’s in-depth look into her intersectionality and her worldview using the Think Aloud method. According to the MCCC Quick-Check Form (Bingham, 2000), the counselor must first know about worldviews. Dr. Ward calls her worldview collaborative independence. It is a
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FIGURE 14.1. Metacognition Counseling Process view Including Intersec tionality World opriate Relatio urally Appr nship ticult Mul
Counselor Thoughts and Questions
Counselor Hypotheses
Counselor Question to Client
Client Answer
Goals, Interventions, Outcomes
combination of what is typically considered an Afrocentric worldview and a European worldview. Dr. Ward must ask herself the following questions: Who am I? How do I bring my lived experience into the career counseling room? How have my lived experiences shaped my worldview? What is my understanding of my own history? How does my intersectionality shape my worldview? We invite the reader to spend time examining their own intersections that inform their worldview. Dr. Ward was raised in a protected, segregated community in Virginia through third grade and then in a very diverse relatively rural small town in California. She did not feel her minority status until she entered college. Dr. Ward (or any career counselor) must understand how racial/ethnic development occurs and at which stage the client and the counselor find themselves. Dr. Ward grew up with a strong sense of Black pride and seeing Black people as her reference points and role models. She is aware that many career clients seek her out because she is Black/African American, and she must be cognizant of her collaborative independence worldview. A Black/African American client may come for counseling seeing the world from a very strong Afrocentric worldview or may present with a more Eurocentric worldview. A client may possess such a strong Afrocentric worldview that the client finds it hard to imagine how a Black person in the United States could have any part of a European worldview given the politics in the country today. Dr. Ward must be sure that she is cognizant of such a worldview and must manage both her worldview and that of the client if the intervention is to be successful. It is important for her to understand that some of her clients will have had lives very different from hers. Although Dr. Ward has lived in various cities, some Black/African Americans will only have lived in one general area. These clients may have depended on large families, foster care, or the extended community for their
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very survival. Other Black/African American clients may have lived in predominately White communities or families. Dr. Ward (or any career counselor) must not only understand multicultural competencies but also think about how to implement them with clients. Earlier in this chapter we have referred to the various guidelines that can help the career counselor. Trainees and counselors must also study multicultural and multi-identity orientations throughout their professional career. It is important for Dr. Ward to determine how her intersection of being cisgender, heterosexual, married, childless, and physically and intellectually able would affect any career client seeking service from her. Dr. Ward must understand the role of family in the client’s life. Although her own life was shaped by living in a two-parent family with one sibling, some Black/African American families are composed of several generations, members of the community who just became a part of the family, or single-parent families most often headed by a woman. In addition, the family may be living in deep poverty in an urban area. That means that the worldview of that client may be very different from Dr. Ward, whose father retired from the military and whose mother worked part time to participate in her children’s wellsupported school system. It is important that she understand stereotypes about her career client’s ethnic group, the presumed strengths of the group, and any other psychosocial and political issues affecting the racial/ethnic group from which both the client and she come. Dr. Ward knows she is fortunate that she has lived in protected all-Black or very diverse neighborhoods, and she still has had to confront racial stereotypes, bias, and discrimination. Yet because she had such a strong family/community system and excellent schools, her lived experience may be very different from that of millions of Black/African Americans.
CASE STUDY 1 Jerome is an African American man who was raised in a Southern town. He was lucky to be raised by members of his church as his mother died, needing a heart transplant, when she was 35. He was 12 when she died. Jerome was very smart and participated in Advance Placement classes in high school, got excellent grades, and won scholarships to college. While in college, he performed very well and was active on his college campus, including being a resident advisor in the residence hall, a member of a predominantly White fraternity, and a member of the Student Government Association. Jerome had decided on a double major in Japanese and international business. He went to Japan for a semester abroad. His cohort did not realize that he was fluent in Japanese, and one day while the students from the United States were having lunch with a group of Japanese students, the Japanese students began to inquire about violence in the United States. The White students responded that it was the Blacks who were violent, not them. The Japanese students started voicing racist stereotypes, not realizing Jerome understood what they were saying. Jerome was
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devastated, as he had never heard anyone he knew make such remarks. He left Japan without completing his study-abroad semester. He returned to Memphis amid the protests regarding George Floyd, a Black man who had been killed by a White police officer. Jerome is now unsure about what kind of career path he should follow. Think Aloud for Jerome My first thoughts with Jerome begin with Cross’s (1971) Nigrescence theory of development. Jerome presents with a Eurocentric global worldview, and that worldview has been recently shattered/assaulted. I am impressed that Jerome has not encountered negative racial stereotypes despite growing up in a Southern town. Given that nearly 80% of African Americans report being affiliated with the Christian religion, I have questions about how the church has intersected with his identity as an African American man. How was Jerome treated as a smart Black/African American male child in his educational and community settings? What about his gender, religion, participation in college, and ethnic development stage influenced his decision to join a predominantly White fraternity? What is Jerome’s worldview? How is his worldview similar and different from my own? How do I affirm him in a positive and unconditional manner if I am unable to identify with what is happening to him? Given that I have experienced the stages described by Cross, I am led to hypothesize that Jerome may be entering the encounter stage from the preencounter stage. If he began to enter the encounter stage while in Japan, will the sociopolitical climate in the United States after George Floyd’s murder push him into the emersion stage? I wonder if Jerome is now reconsidering his career plans because of the impact of now recognizing racial disparity. Does Jerome now wonder if he is really smart or if he was being viewed as exceptional? Does he feel safe? How is he now thinking about the death of his mother? Was he allowed to grieve for his mother in the cultural context of being a male African American? Does he feel safe if he is revisiting his mother’s death as he is now looking at the death of George Floyd? I must also be concerned with Jerome’s sexual Identity, as it is not mentioned in the case description. How would Jerome reconcile being a gay man at this point in his life? Where is his support system? African American students have the highest college dropout rate (Hanson, 2022). I am aware that I must establish a culturally appropriate relationship with Jerome if we are to have an effective relationship. I must be cognizant of the fact that he chose an African American woman as his counselor. Would he have made that choice before the encounter in Japan? How can I be most helpful to him? I do believe I need to create a safe environment for him and help Jerome to feel unconditionally accepted even before we begin to explore the questions he has about his career, although I know I must follow his lead and talk about career as much as he needs to so that we can delve into all of his issues of concern that might affect his final career decision by the time our counseling sessions come to an end.
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Summary Jerome’s case is timely in that the counselor will clearly need to be aware of many of the issues that we have raised in the chapter. In 2020, the world became more acutely aware of the issues facing African American men in the United States after the murder of George Floyd. The counselor must be aware of the cultural variables at the intersection of Jerome’s gender and his race/ ethnicity. Further, the counselor immediately began to wonder about the applicability of Cross’s Nigrescence theory. The counselor wonders where Jerome might be developmentally in that model. It is appropriate for the counselor to wonder about Jerome’s safety and his thoughts about what it means to be male and Black now and in his chosen career. It is appropriate for the counselor to not make assumptions about Jerome’s sexual orientation. To form a culturally appropriate relationship with Jerome, the counselor must be aware of her worldview and the heterogeneous mix of Black/African American men. Instruments like the MCCC and the Client Career Counseling Checklist (Ward & Bingham, 1993), the MCCC Quick-Check Form, and the Abbreviated Career Counseling Checklist (Bingham, 2000) will help the career counselor shape the questions that are important in cases like the two described here.
CASE STUDY 2 Kayla was referred for career counseling by her stepmother, Bernita. Kayla is coming to career counseling because she is at a crossroads in her career. She is a 43-year-old African American woman who has had some success working in finance with a large company but now feels she has reached a plateau in her career; she says she has been passed over for promotions, she is tired of making money for other people, and this career was not her first choice. Kayla says she really wanted to study something in the arts—fashion design—but her mother and father had expectations that she attend college, get a degree, work for a company, and be able to take care of herself. Along the way, Kayla has taken two classes toward an MBA and has acquired certificates in environmental sustainability, event planning, interior design, and photography. Kayla reports that she has illustrated her fashion and interior designs since her teens. Kayla says she saw what working in corporate settings did physically and emotionally to her mother and stepfather; her father; and her stepmother, Bernita. Kayla is aware that her mother and stepfather didn’t get to enjoy their retirement, as they both died in their early 70s. Kayla inherited the home she grew up in and the money her mother and stepfather had put aside to remodel the home. Kayla is grateful for her inheritance. She is also grateful for the example of her stepmother, Bernita, who experienced a health challenge when she was around Kayla’s age. Kayla reports Bernita really turned things around by resigning from her job yet continuing to work as a consultant for the company, acquiring nutrition and diabetes education certificates, and becoming an
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online wellness coach for her company, a job she continues to do to this day. Kayla admires Bernita’s pivot and comes to career counseling to discuss her own career pivot. Kayla faces an additional challenge because her partner, Coffie, who is British Ghanaian American, has his dream job in tech/artificial intelligence. Coffie has been offered a position consulting for his company with African startups in Ghana. This would involve Coffie traveling to Ghana several times a year. Coffie’s parents and several aunts and uncles have all returned to Ghana from various countries and bought a gated family compound with enough room for 10 houses. Coffie has dual citizenship because he was born in Britain while his parents were students, later immigrating to the United States for better jobs. Kayla would like to be able to travel with Coffie, as she visited Ghana during the Year of Return (https://www.yearofreturn.com) in 2019 and made some contacts with the arts and environmental communities. Although Kayla enjoyed visiting Ghana, she would like to stay close to her father and Bernita in the States. Think Aloud for Kayla Kayla has sought me out because of a referral from a family member. My questioning begins with wondering how Kayla’s race and gender might affect her career dissatisfaction. Does she feel her race and/or gender or any other yet-tobe-determined intersection have any impact on her perception of a career plateau or lack of promotions? Or is this just a midcareer challenge? How many promotions did she get before the plateau? Does she have a mentor? Has she sought a mentor? I ask these questions because the corporate ladder is difficult to navigate without mentors and a clear plan, and Black/African American women may have fewer options for mentorship, especially the informal mentorships that come with familiarity. I am aware Kayla may not be able to distinguish the impact of race or gender from burnout. Where did Kayla go to college? Kayla reports getting a finance degree because her parents wanted her to be able to support herself. In my experience, some Black/African American parents emphasize studying for a profession, not just for knowledge. There may also be an expectation for Black/African American women that she be able to provide for herself as a top priority, with no expectation of being taken care of. This expectation has been passed down from woman to woman from the time of enslavement, when families were fractured at the whim of others. Has Kayla finally given in to her desire to be more artistic or creative in her career? If so, what has made that a more comfortable choice now? How has her self-perception changed? Because Kayla grew up at a time of integration, I wonder how the integration experiences affected her sense of community, her education, and her work life and how those experiences shaped her self-worth and confidence? Was Kayla “bused” to school? I believe Kayla would report a different school experience if she felt in the majority or the minority in the student body. Has her
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racial identity development affected her sense of integration being filled with opportunities or stressors (trauma)? Kayla appears to have reached the internalization stage in Cross’s (1971) model. I wonder what her plans for fashion design are. Does she see any other Black/African Americans who are into fashion? Is Kayla into fashion? I am aware many Black/African American parents want their children to study something practical or something that will help the community. Most of her additional education and certificates are in the arts, indicating this interest is still strong. What was her thought process for each certificate she got? Has Kayla’s continued interest in the arts affected her motivation in finance? Has she planned emotionally and financially for this career transition? This question comes out of my own bias toward planning and the knowledge that many Black/African Americans have not been able to save for emergencies or retirement. Kayla reports inheriting property and money, and I wonder how she feels about the inheritance? Does she see it helping her career transition? Has she put money away for retirement? Does she own a home she has purchased? Kayla talks about seeing what corporate life did to her parents and stepparents. Did she feel race and/or gender played a part? What was her understanding of what happened? Why? Is she afraid she will repeat a pattern? How has the early death of her mother and stepfather affected Kayla? Kayla cites seeing Bernita deal with her health challenge. I am aware I have a bias toward vicarious learning and not everyone learns that way. What did she learn from Bernita’s pivot? How can that be helpful to her? How might her inheritance support her pivot? Kayla’s partner, Coffie, is a naturalized U.S. citizen. I wonder about their relationship, with Coffie in his dream job and commuting to his parents’ home country and Kayla presenting as floundering midcareer. What is the nature of Kayla and Coffie’s relationship? I wonder if Coffie’s satisfaction with his job affected Kayla’s dissatisfaction with her job. What are the expectations for the relationship? How do their cultural differences/cultural conflicts present in the relationship? Does Coffie’s commuting and/or dual citizenship complicate the relationship? I must be mindful that not every couple wants to be married. Has Kayla made a choice to be single? Have Kayla and Coffie talked about expectations for the future? Does Kayla’s desire to remain in the States come out of obligation or a need to do her work in her own community? Kayla’s father and Bernita are getting older, and Kayla may feel an obligation or desire to stay in the country to care for them. How are her father and Bernita’s health? How does Kayla see the rest of her life? Does Kayla have a dream career or job she wants validation or support for? Summary According to Bingham (2000), career counselors must first resolve issues of cultural variables, gender, family, and efficacy before considering traditional career factors such as interests, abilities, values, world of work, and decision
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making. We now explicitly add intersectionality. In this case, the counselor immediately begins her thought process regarding the crossroads in Kayla’s life at the intersection of Kayla’s race and ethnicity. The counselor’s questions are influenced by her experience as an African American woman in the United States. She has worked with dozens of African American women who have come to such a crossroads in corporate America. Yet the counselor must rely on the various professional guidelines to help shape her hypotheses about Kayla or risk imposing the counselor’s lived and work experience on to the client. The counselor’s worldview can be seen in her questioning about the role of integration and its impact on Kayla. There may be something about the counselor’s racial identity development that makes her wonder about Kayla’s sense of community. It is crucial that the counselor understand her own worldview and racial identity development to effectively use such information to inform the questions and challenge any implicit bias. That is also true for questions about the role of family in the client’s life. Recall that any family issues, including the role of a romantic or marital partner, must be in the mind of the counselor. In the case of Kayla, the counselor raises all the issues in her own mind before she begins an intervention. The counselor’s consideration of all these intersectional variables will help her to form a culturally appropriate relationship with the client (Fouad & Bingham, 1995). From there the client and counselor can move forward with appropriate questions, goals, interventions, and follow-up.
CAREER COUNSELING RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS The following recommendations are a useful list to guide career counselors in their work with clients of any race or ethnicity; however, this chapter and our work have been heavily focused on Black/African Americans. 1. Understand your worldview and intersectionality and that of the client. 2. Examine your own autobiography in terms of worldview, intersectionality, and privilege within your society. 3. Become familiar with all relevant guidelines, especially those listed as APA Practice and Public Interest Guidelines. 4. Review theories, scholarship, and research relevant to culturally appropriate interventions and assessment tools. 5. Practice using the metacognition career counseling model to enhance your ability to engage in a Think Aloud process and intervention (Johns et al., 2002). 6. Remember that intersectionality and worldviews will differ with each client given that Black/African Americans are not a monolith. 7. Use the CACCM (Fouad & Bingham, 1995).
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8. Because the process of counseling is nuanced, we recommend using the metacognition approach. 9. Commit to lifelong learning about multicultural career counseling with Black/African Americans. 10. Expand your definition of career counseling to include various conceptions of work, as your client’s idea of work may differ from your definition of work. The career counseling process is complex and nuanced. It is encouraging to note the movement from the work of Frank Parsons toward greater consideration of the role of individual and societal development around career assessment, career development, career construction, and work. Scholars have also begun to include issues of gender, SES, and race. One of the challenges is how to apply the results of the scholarship and the research to various ethnic groups. Black/African Americans have journeyed on a centuries-long road of inequality and disparity in education and work in the United States. That fact, coupled with the lack of scholarship on how to implement interventions that consider race and now the intersection of race with gender, religion, disability, sexual identity, sexual orientation, racial identity development, worldview, and so on, means that far more research and training are needed if career counselors are to become highly effective in their career counseling work with African Americans. In this chapter, we have presented one method to begin to understand the kinds of questions and hypotheses that need to be raised in a career counseling session with a Black/African American individual.
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Blustein, D. L. (2019). The importance of work in an age of uncertainty: The eroding work experience in America. Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/ 9780190213701.001.0001 Bowman, S. L. (1993). Career intervention strategies for ethnic minorities. The Career Development Quarterly, 42(1), 14–25. https://doi.org/10.1002/j.2161-0045.1993. tb00241.x Brock, R. (2015). Same-race role-models and self-efficacy among African American college students [Doctoral dissertation, West Virginia University]. Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. https://doi.org/10.33915/etd.5259 Brown, M. T. (1995). The career development of African Americans: Theoretical and empirical issues. In F. T. L. Leong (Ed.), Career development and vocational behavior of racial and ethnic minorities (pp. 7–36). Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2019). Labor force characteristics by race and ethnicity, 2018. https://www.bls.gov/opub/reports/race-and-ethnicity/2018/home.htm Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2020). Persons with a disability: Labor force characteristics—2019. https://www.bls.gov/news.release/archives/disabl_02262020.pdf Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2020). Disability impacts all of us. https:// www.cdc.gov/ncbddd/disabilityandhealth/infographic-disability-impacts-all.html Crenshaw, K. (1989). Demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex: A Black feminist critique of antidiscrimination doctrine, feminist theory and antiracist politics. University of Chicago Legal Forum, 1989(1), Article 8. Cunningham, J. (2020). ADA turns 30: Supporters celebrate progress for those with disabilities. National Conference of State Legislatures. https://www.ncsl.org/research/labor-andemployment/the-ada-turns-30-magazine2020.aspx Dickinson, J., Abrams, M. D., & Tokar, D. M. (2017). An examination of the applicability of social cognitive career theory for African American college students. Journal of Career Assessment, 25(1), 75–92. https://doi.org/10.1177/1069072716658648 Erikson, E. H. (1963). Childhood and society (2nd ed.). W. W. Norton. Fouad, N. A., & Arbona, C. (1994). Careers in cultural context. The Career Development Quarterly, 43(1), 96–104. https://doi.org/10.1002/j.2161-0045.1994.tb00851.x Fouad, N. A., & Bingham, R. P. (1995). Career counseling with racial and ethnic minorities. In W. B. Walsh & S. H. Osipow (Eds.), Handbook of vocational psychology: Theory, research, and practice (pp. 331–365). Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Goodman, N., Morris, M., & Boston, K. (2019). Financial inequality: Disability, race, and poverty in America. National Disability Institute. https://www. nationaldisabilityinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/disability-racepoverty-in-america.pdf Greene, B. (1996). Lesbian women of color: Triple jeopardy. Journal of Lesbian Studies, 1(1), 109–147. https://doi.org/10.1300/J155v01n01_09 Hanson, M. (2022). College dropout rates. Education Data Initiative. https://educationdata. org/college-dropout-rates Harrison-Quintana, J., Lettman-Hicks, S., & Grant, J. (2009). Injustice at every turn: A look at Black respondents in the National Transgender Discrimination Survey. National Center for Transgender Equality. https://www.transequality.org/sites/default/files/ docs/resources/ntds_black_respondents_2.pdf Jhangiani, R., & Tarry, H. (2014). Principles of social psychology (1st international ed.). BC Campus. https://opentextbc.ca/socialpsychology/ Johns, J. L., Lenski, S. D., & Elish-Piper, L. (2002). Teaching beginning readers: Linking assessment and instruction (2nd ed.). Kendall/Hunt. Cross, W. E., Jr., Parham, T. A., & Helms, J. E. (1991). The stages of Black identity development: Nigrescence models. In R. L. Jones (Ed.), Black psychology (pp. 319– 338). Cobb & Henry Publishers. Kendi, I. (2019). How to be an antiracist. Bodley Head.
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Lent, R. W., Brown, S. D., & Hackett, G. (1994). Toward a unifying social cognitive theory of career and academic interest, choice, and performance. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 45(1), 79–122. https://doi.org/10.1006/jvbe.1994.1027 Leong, F. T. L., Hardin, E. E., & Gupta, A. (2011). Self in vocational psychology: A cultural formulation approach. In P. J. Hartung & L. M. Subich (Eds.), Developing self in work and career: Concepts, cases, and contexts (pp. 193–211). American Psychological Association. https://doi.org/10.1037/12348-012 Martin, P. P., & Murphy, J. L. (2014). African Americans: Description of Social Security and supplemental security income participation and benefit levels using the American Community Survey. Social Security Office of Retirement and Disability Policy. https://www.ssa. gov/policy/docs/rsnotes/rsn2014-01.html McCurtis Witherspoon, K., & Speight, S. L. (2009). An exploration of African Americans’ interests and self-efficacy beliefs in traditional and nontraditional careers. Journal of Black Studies, 39(6), 888–904. https://doi.org/10.1177/0021934707305396 Miles, A. L. (2019). “Strong Black women”: African American women with disabilities, intersecting identities and inequality. Gender & Society, 33(1), 41–63. https://doi. org/10.1177/0891243218814820 Movement Advancement Project, Center for American Progress, Human Rights Campaign, Freedom to Work, & National Black Justice Coalition. (2013). A broken bargain for LGBT workers of color. https://www.lgbtmap.org/workers-of-color Parsons, F. (1989). Choosing a vocation. Garrett Press. (Original work published 1909) Rosenberg, M. (2019). The Berlin Conference to divide Africa: The colonization of the continent by European powers. Thought Co. https://www.thoughtco.com/berlinconference-1884-1885-divide-africa-1433556 Schaeffer, C. B., & Mattis, J. S. (2012). Diversity, religiosity, and spirituality in the workplace. Journal of Management, Spirituality & Religion, 9(4), 317–333. https://doi. org/10.1080/14766086.2012.742750 Sudarkasa, N. (1986). “The status of women” in Indigenous African societies. Feminist Studies, 12(1), 91–103. https://doi.org/10.2307/3177985 Taylor, R. J., Chatters L. M., & Jackson J. S. (2007). Religious and spiritual involvement among older African Americans, Caribbean Blacks, and non-Hispanic Whites: Findings from the National Survey of American Life. The Journals of Gerontology: Series B, 62(4), S238–S250. https://doi.org/10.1093/geronb/62.4.S238 Vandiver, B. J., Fhagen-Smith, P. E., Cokley, K. O., Cross, W. E., Jr., & Worrell, F. C. (2001). Cross’s Nigrescence model: From theory to scale to theory. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 29(3), 174–200. https://doi.org/10.1002/ j.2161-1912.2001.tb00516.x Vieten, C., Scammell, S., Pilato, R., Ammondson, I., Pargament, K. I., & Lukoff, D. (2013). Spiritual and religious competencies for psychologists. Psychology of Religion and Spirituality, 5(3), 129–144. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0032699 Wahba, P. (2020). The number of Black CEOs in the Fortune 500 remains very low. Fortune. https://fortune.com/2020/06/01/black-ceos-fortune-500-2020-africanamerican-business-leaders/ Walsh, W. B., Bingham, R. P., Brown, M. T., & Ward, C. M. (Eds.). (2001). Career counseling for African Americans. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Ward, C. M., & Bingham, R. P. (1993). Career assessment of ethnic minority women. Journal of Career Assessment, 1(3), 246–257. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 106907279300100304 Wilkerson, I. (2020). Caste: The origins of our discontents. Random House. Wilson, V. (2019). Latest data: Black–White unemployment gaps widen or remain unchanged in majority of states. Economic Policy Institute. https://www.epi.org/indicators/ state-unemployment-race-ethnicity-2019-q1/ Zeleza, T. (1993). Gendering African history. Africa Development, 18(1), 99–117. http:// www.jstor.org/stable/43658287
15 Career Psychology and Work in the Asian American Context Frederick T. L. Leong and Deepshikha Chatterjee
B
orrowing from the field of cross-cultural psychology, Leong and Brown (1995) applied the concept of etic (universal) and emic (culture-specific) approaches to the career development of racial and ethnic minorities. They also proposed that cultural validity (etic) and cultural specificity (emic) are two dimensions that can serve as components of a unifying theoretical framework for cross-cultural career development research. As such, it is important that both be pursued and the results from both approaches be integrated. According to Leong and Brown, cultural validity is concerned with the validity of theories and models across other cultures in terms of the construct, concurrent, and predictive validity of these models for culturally different individuals. Cultural specificity is concerned with concepts, constructs, and models that are specific to certain cultural groups in terms of their role in explaining and predicting (Leong & Brown, 1995). Therefore, many of the errors in career psychology of racial and ethnic minority groups consist of only using the etic or the emic approach. Instead, researchers need to critically examine both the extent to which prevailing theories do apply cross-culturally (etic) and the extent to which these theories exclude important culturally specific variables (emic), following the theoretical framework suggested by Leong and Brown (1995). As an update to the chapter by Leong and Hardin (2002), this chapter presents a critical review of the literature on the career psychology of Asian Americans by using a framework informed by the twin concepts of cultural validity and cultural specificity. It discusses the same foundational issues identified by Leong and Hardin and also https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-016 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 321
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updates the empirical literature related to cultural validity and cultural specificity for the past 2 decades (since Leong & Hardin, 2002). The basic premise of this framework is that research that emphasizes cultural validity at the expense of cultural specificity would only address half of the problem. Conversely, relying solely on cultural specificity studies would assume, without empirical research, that Western-oriented career theories and models would not work for Asian Americans. Leong and Hardin proposed that it is the integration of both approaches that will best serve to advance our knowledge of the career psychology of Asian Americans.
CULTURAL VALIDITY Leong and Hardin (2002) described cultural validity as a question of an etic approach—that is, does the extant career development literature provide universally valid explanatory frameworks and theories. This section reviews the limited research on cultural validity of three major career theories for Asian Americans: Super’s (1957) lifespan developmental model, Holland’s (1985) person–environment match theory, and Lent et al.’s (1994) social cognitive career theory (SCCT). Super’s Theory As a developmental model, Super’s (1957) theory of vocational development focuses more on the process than the content of the career choice in comparison to other theories. Within this framework, Super posited that career choice is one event that unfolds in a lifelong developmental process. According to Super, a career choice represents the implementation of one’s self-concept in the domain of work. Our self-concept is also implicated in other domains, such as marriage, political affiliation, and music preference. By linking one’s selfconcept to one’s career choice, his theory emphasizes discovering and exploring one’s personal interests and abilities as important tasks in this developmental process. Hence, an underlying maturational process in this model includes specific stages and developmental tasks for each stage. According to Super’s developmental theory, all individuals progress through the same stages in relatively the same order. Additionally, the successful mastery of the tasks in each stage is critical for successful career development of the individual. Therefore, career maturity is defined as the level of comfort and mastery individuals show about their respective stage of career development. Thus, the opposite also exists in the form of career immaturity, represented by career developmental problems, for example, the premature foreclosure in a career choice, without developmentally appropriate explorations, in becoming a physician because one’s father is also a physician. The primary criticism of this theory from an Asian American perspective is its emphasis on individual choice and its implementation of self-concept. First,
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the individual choice assumption is problematic as the theory does not account for the discrimination and limited opportunities that are pervasive features of many racial ethnic minorities’ lived experiences (Leong & Brown, 1995). Considerable literature shows that immigrants and minority groups have significant restrictions on their career choices and advancement in this country. Gottfredson’s (1981) theory of circumscription and compromise, which builds off Super’s developmental perspective, was based on this literature. Gottfredson posited that women and minorities have to compromise and circumscribe their career choices due to social constraints. This is why Americans see the first African American president of the United States as one of the 10 most historical events of their lifetimes (Deane et al., 2016). Second, such individual choice assumption is at odds with traditional Asian values by which an individual’s relational needs are fulfilled by the consideration of family and close others in their decisions (Hardin et al., 2001; Leong & Serafica, 1995; Leong & Tata, 1990). In general, the cross-cultural literature has found that Asians tend to be more collectivistic and have a relational self (vs. an autonomous self), which would affect their career development given Super’s emphasis on the selfconcept. This significant cultural difference has been well articulated in Markus and Kitayama’s (1991) review of independent versus interdependent selfconstruals among Asians and Westerners. Several studies have found evidence of the impact of the relational self and career development of Asian Americans. For example, it has been demonstrated that Asian American college students (vs. European American students) engage in more dependent decision making and showcase lower career maturity (Leong, 1991). However, Hardin et al. (2001) posited that the Career Maturity Inventory, which does not make any distinctions between independence, interdependence, and dependence, may not be as valid for Asian Americans. Based on this career maturity index, the interdependence of Asian Americans’ decision styles is considered dependent, and Asian Americans, in turn, are considered to be low on career maturity. Despite this, according to the potentially invalid career maturity measure, Asian Americans did not differ from European Americans on their vocational identity. Thus, it is evident that although Asian Americans’ career decision-making process is inherently different from that of European Americans due to their relational self, they end up with similarly crystallized vocational identities. Taken together, these studies raise questions regarding the cultural validity of Super’s (1957) theory for Asian Americans. Due to the cultural variations in selfconcept and associated processes, Asian Americans’ method of making a career choice is distinct from that of European Americans. Career maturity seems to be a culturally bound construct and operationalized with an individualistic bias. However, limited research has examined these processes explicitly. Other important questions related to the cultural validity of Super’s theory are the extent to which Super’s hypothesized stages apply to Asian Americans (i.e., how many of these stages apply?) and if Asian Americans’ progress through these stages occurs in a reliable order or at a different rate. Furthermore, the
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rate of progression through these developmental stages may have different consequences for Asian Americans with a more relational self. Our efforts to update the literature on the cultural validity of Super’s (1957) developmental theory found no empirical studies that have investigated its application to Asian Americans. Although we found many studies related to career development for Asian Americans, none of these studies examined Super’s theory specifically. One major reason for this dearth of studies may be that true developmental studies based on Super’s theory are very difficult and costly to conduct because they would involve a longitudinal-prospective design. In contrast, studies of both Holland’s model and the SCCT tend to be crosssectional and easier to conduct. Holland’s Theory Holland’s (1997) theory uses a person–environment fit model to explain career choice and adjustment. Following on the trait (person) and factor (environment) approaches of Ann Roe (1956) and Lofquist and Dawis’s (1969) theory of work adjustment, Holland hypothesized six vocational personality types and work environments: Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional (RIASEC). The theory, based on the concept of vocational personality, predicts that individuals attempt to match their personality styles to characteristics of work environments. Specifically, someone with a Realistic vocational personality type will seek a career in a Realistic vocational environment. The degree of this match, called congruence, will determine the satisfaction level of the individual with their career choice. Besides congruence, a second construct within Holland’s theory is consistency of interests and work environments. The six personality/work environment types were hypothesized to form the points on an equilateral hexagon (in the order RIASEC), with the distance between points indicating the similarity or dissimilarity between types. In other words, the interest profile has an internally consistent and meaningful structure. The third construct in Holland’s (1997) theory is concerned with differentiation. In the assessment of Holland’s vocational types, individuals will receive scores on all six dimensions of the RIASEC. A well-differentiated profile will consist of high scores on two to three dimensions and low to medium scores on two to three dimensions. Such a well-differentiated profile represents well defined career interests and career exploration, and choice will proceed smoothly. On the other hand, undifferentiated profiles will result in greater difficulties in such exploration and decision making. Internal Validity Like other career theories, Holland’s (1997) theory has been constructed based primarily on White European American samples. A key question that relates to cultural validity here is to assess if the internal pattern/structure of interests sufficiently applies to Asian Americans. Does Holland’s vocational personality
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model, which is related to theories of the self, work similarly for Asian Americans? Cultural differences are likely to affect how individuals perceive the relationships between their activities and interests, as they are known to shape how the self, and the relationship it has with basic psychological processes such as cognition and emotion, is perceived (for a discussion, see Markus & Kitayama, 1991). If so, the fundamental predictions of Holland’s vocational personality model may not be culturally valid for Asian Americans. In investigations on this research, scholars have found mixed results. Some research suggested that the structure of vocational interests is in fact different for Asian Americans than European Americans (Farh et al., 1998). Using a sample of 1,813 university students in Hong Kong, Holland’s six personality types were subjected to factor analyses of the students’ interest inventory responses (Farh et al., 1998). Correlational findings between the types failed to find support for both the circular and circumplex model. Holland hypothesized not only that adjacent interest types are more similar than alternate interest types, which are more similar than opposite types, but also that distances between types are equal (a circumplex or hexagonal model). This structure has been obtained for majority samples in the United States (Holland, 1997), but the results from samples in Hong Kong suggest that the underlying structure seems to differ cross-culturally. Others have also found a differing degree of fit of Holland’s structural model for Asian Americans. Using multidimensional scaling analysis, Haverkamp et al. (1994) investigated the validity of the hypothesized hexagonal structure of Holland types among Asian American and European American men and women. Although a circumplex structure was obtained for all four groups, the Asian American groups did not exhibit a good hexagonal shape. In addition, whereas the structure of interests for the European American sample did exhibit the hypothesized order (i.e., RIASEC), the interest structures of the Asian American samples were different. Specifically, Asian American women showed a reversal of the Conventional and Enterprising types (RIASCE), and the interests of the Asian American men were in the order RISCEA. Distances between the interest types also were not uniform. Other researchers have similarly found a poor fit of Holland’s hypothesized structure to interest inventory data from Asian Americans (Rounds & Tracey, 1996). On the other hand, some evidence better supports the fit of Holland’s model with Asians and Asian Americans. For example, Fouad et al. (1997) found that the hypothesized order of interests (i.e., RIASEC) was supported in a large American sample of employed adults (comprising four different racial/ethnic groups, including Asian Americans). However, the circumplex (hexagonal) structure was not supported. In contrast, Leong et al. (1998) sampled 172 employed adults in India and found that the hypothesized hexagonal model did fit the interest structure. Scholars have noted that the mixed findings are likely a result of methodological artifacts from small, nonrepresentative, and less motivated samples (Day & Rounds, 1998; Day et al., 1998). To remediate the literature, Day et al.
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(1998) used a large national data set from the ACT assessment program that assessed college-bound high school students (i.e., 11th and 12th grade) on the Unisex Edition of the ACT Interest Inventory (UNIACT; Swaney, 1995). Given the voluntary nature of this assessment, Day and colleagues argued that this sample was likely highly motivated to take the UNIACT assessment accurately. Authors conducted multidimensional scaling, and their analyses revealed that indeed the structure of interests of Asian Americans (vs. European Americans) were nearly identical. It is worth noting that two large samples were used: The first sample comprised 1,959 Asian Americans (vs. 2,454 European Americans; Day et al., 1998), and the second sample comprised 6,523 Asian Americans (vs. 16,106 European Americans; Day & Rounds, 1998). Furthermore, when examining the 1992 UNIACT norm sample that comprised data from 10th graders, Day and Rounds (1998) found the same structure of interests, thereby suggesting that the model was representative of a younger cohort’s interests as well (i.e., those who were not heading to college just yet). Although these results are compelling, the history of mixed findings suggests that more research is needed to better understand the extent to which the hypothesized Holland structure of interests is valid for Asian Americans. Predictive Validity There are also important questions about the predictive validity of this theory. Briefly, Holland’s (1985) theory suggests three key propositions: (a) Those who are engaged in different occupations will showcase different interest patterns, (b) one’s career interests will predict career choice, and (c) congruence will predict job satisfaction and tenure. Although the first proposition finds some support in the literature, evidence is scarce for the other two propositions. Day and Rounds (1998), in their ACT sample, found that students who were career certain (i.e., who indicated “very sure” about their career choices), “landed in similar hexagon locations” (p. 734) as other students who had selected the same occupations, regardless of race or ethnicity. Findings such as these support the validity of the first proposition. Additionally, in a sample of Hong Kong Chinese students, Farh and colleagues (1998) found a match between occupations and interests, such that students who indicated a preference for Realistic jobs (vs. those not interested in Realistic jobs) also demonstrated higher Realistic interests. These results were replicated for Investigative, Enterprising, and Conventional jobs and associated interests. As we noted earlier, however, the validity evidence for the other two propositions of Holland’s theory is lacking and/or disputed. In the case of Asian Americans, career interests did not predict career choice (Tang et al., 1999), thereby contradicting the idea that Asian Americans in different occupations would indeed evidence different interest patterns. It is quite likely that in the case of Asian Americans, interest is not a driver of career choice, and instead it is the case that career choice drives their interest patterns. Similarly, Leong and colleagues (1998) found that congruence, consistency, and differentiation all failed to predict job satisfaction. In line with literature, authors defined congru-
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ence as a match between interests and work type, consistency as the stability of an individual’s top three interests, and differentiation as the distance between the highest and lowest rated interest. This demonstrated a lack of validity for the third proposition. The pattern of results discussed thus far seems consistent with previous research on Asian career development (Leong & Gupta, 2007). Unlike European Americans, family influence plays a large role in career choices for Asian Americans, and the emphasis is more on the prestige of the careers where individuals would have a chance to be successful (Leong & Gupta, 2007). It makes sense that career interests are not as strong a predictor for Asian Americans. Individual career interests may apply as a major determinant of career choice for more individualistic individuals, and there may be real and perceived barriers to certain careers for Asian Americans (Leong & Gupta, 2007). Given that career choice and career advancement may be seen more as a means of providing for one’s own family, helping one’s siblings, and fulfilling one’s responsibility to care for parents in their old age than as ways of implementing self attributes (Leong & Chou, 1994, p. 47)
it is evident that antecedents of job satisfaction for Asian Americans would be dissimilar to those for European Americans. Further, within-group differences may be expected as acculturation is likely to moderate these relationships, as addressed later. Finally, as noted by Leong and Hardin (2002), Osipow (1975) offered a critique of Holland’s theory and stated that the theory does not account for the reality that racial/ethnic minorities may face barriers in accessing several occupational environments and pathways. Day et al. (1998) also raised an important methodological note. They observed that many interest inventories use occupational titles as stimuli, which are likely to elicit respondents’ perceptions of prestige and availability, which may in turn influence their ratings of interest in these occupations because they are more distal. However, the UNIACT uses activity names (e.g., “explore a science museum”), which are likely to be freer from these influences and more proximal to career choices. Hence, the nature of items in interest inventories may contribute to the mixed support of Holland’s theory for Asian Americans. In a more recent study of Holland’s model, Gupta et al. (2008) examined the structural validity of Holland’s model of vocational interests across racial/ethnic groups in a population of high school juniors in two states. The fit of the circumplex model to Holland’s RIASEC types as assessed by the UNIACT-R was evaluated for the general sample and five subgroups: European Americans, African Americans, Asian Americans, Latinxs, and Native Americans. Four different methods were used to test the proposed circumplex structure, each with various circumplex definitions. Overall, the results indicate that nonparametric methods generally showed good model data fit, whereas structural equation modeling-based results indicated less support. Because no differences in fit were found across ethnicity, the author concluded that usage of Holland’s model with U.S. ethnic groups seems warranted. This study confirms the
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conclusion that studies with large samples tend to be more supportive of Holland’s model. Therefore, studies of cultural validity of career theories are likely to be moderated by sample size. In another study consistent with these observations about sample size and cultural validity, Kantamneni (2014) examined whether the vocational interests of Asian Americans, Middle Eastern Americans, and Native Americans, as measured by the 2005 Strong Interest Inventory (SII), followed Holland’s (1997) calculus hypotheses for a RIASEC ordering. The structures of interests of these three racial/ethnic groups were examined for fit with two structural models: (a) a less stringent model requiring a circular RIASEC ordering and (b) a more stringent model requiring equal distances between adjacent interest types. The sample consisted of individuals who completed the 2005 SII (N = 22,394), and the overall sample was divided between racial/ethnic groups, gender, and professional status (i.e., students and employed adults). The results from randomization tests of hypothesized order and circular unidimensional scaling analyses found that a circular RIASEC order is applicable to Asian American, Middle Eastern American, and Native American students and employed adults, regardless of gender. The author concluded that the results from this study indicate that the current version of the SII measures vocational interests in a manner that is strongly consistent with Holland’s calculus hypothesis for both men and women. Thus, there is some evidence of the structural validity of the Holland model for Asian Americans. Social Cognitive Career Theory As one of the more recent theories, SCCT (Lent et al., 1994) is based on Bandura’s (1986) social learning theory. It posits a person–environment interaction, such that individuals’ learning histories interact with their abilities, interests, self-concept, and ultimately career behavior. As is widely understood, a key feature of Bandura’s (1986) model is self-efficacy, or one’s belief in one’s ability to be successful in a particular domain. Bandura proposed that selfefficacy is a key driver of the relationship between interests and persistence and that it acts as a mediator variable. As the SCCT considers the impact of environmental factors, it is better positioned to account for discrimination and other barriers that Asian Americans and other racial/ethnic minorities face. It can help assess the resultant impact on minorities’ choice of, and persistence in, certain types of careers. Career self-efficacy, outcome expectations, and goals are three central constructs of the SCCT (Lent et al., 1994). Beyond the focus of the contents of career behaviors in the previous models, Lent and Brown (2013) also proposed the SCCT career self-management model for illuminating those process aspects of career behavior, such as decision making, job searching, and role transitioning across the lifespan. In one study that directly examined the validity of this theory with Asian Americans, Tang et al. (1999) collected data from 187 Asian American adults. They examined four key hypotheses derived from the SCCT.
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In predicting career interests and choice, authors examined the role of acculturation, family socioeconomic status, family involvement, and self-efficacy as four key explanatory variables. In addition, contradicting the tenets of the SCCT, Tang and colleagues proposed that for Asian Americans, interests would be weakly related to career choice (the reasons for this hypothesis were explained earlier in our review). Tang et al. (1999) found support for their key hypotheses, with the exception of socioeconomic status. They found that family’s socioeconomic status did not predict an individual’s self-efficacy, interest, or career choice. Instead, authors found that acculturation (discussed in depth in a later section) predicted self-efficacy, interest, and career choice. Family involvement only predicted individuals’ career choice, and although acculturation and self-efficacy both predicted interests, interest itself did not predict career choice. Only acculturation, self-efficacy, and family involvement were found to predict career choice. Hence there appears to be some limitations of the SCCT formulations for Asian Americans. Kelly et al. (2009) conducted a theory-based exploration of the career goals of Korean American university students by examining social cognitive predictors of their career goals. Specifically, ethnic identity, self-efficacy, outcome expectations, and career interests were used to predict goal intentions for science and nonscience careers. The findings revealed that outcome expectations and career interests predicted a moderate amount of variance in science career goal intentions and a moderate to large amount of variance in nonscience career goal intentions. The authors concluded from their study that Korean American students’ career goal development seems similar to that of White European American college students. In another study, Kantamneni et al. (2018) tested two SCCT models on 381 Asian American college students. The first model examined how distal and proximal contextual influences predicted self-efficacy and interests in occupations with high Asian American representation. The second model examined how distal and proximal contextual variables predicted math and science self-efficacy, outcome expectations, goals, and intentions. The cultural factors included ethnic identity, internalization of Asian American stereotypes, Asian values, parental influences, and perceived barriers. The findings from path analyses found a strong fit for the first model, suggesting that distal and proximal contextual factors predicted self-efficacy and interests in occupations with high Asian American representation. Only an adequate fit was found for the second model.
CULTURAL SPECIFICITY Given the increasing cultural diversity of the United States workforce (Leong, 1997; Shea et al., 2007; Toossi, 2002) and particularly the fast rate of growth in the Asian subgroup (Shea et al., 2007; Ying et al., 2004), there is now a growing
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recognition that the career psychology of culturally different populations must be an area of focus. Indeed, over the past 2 decades, scholars have produced a large body of work that examines if extant career theories are relevant, applicable, and valid in studying culturally diverse populations (Leong, 1991; Savickas, 1993; Shea et al., 2007; Tinsley, 1994; Walsh, 1994). Although some of our theoretical models are indeed cross-culturally generalizable (i.e., etic), there are also enough cultural differences that necessitate more cultural specificity studies (i.e., emic approaches). Thus, to advance our knowledge base, it is vital that traditional career theories are reexamined using a dialectical approach (Leong, 1997) and that experiences of Asian Americans are kept at center stage (Sue & Okazaki, 1990). Leong (1997) suggested that both etic and emic approaches to research be used and outlined Fouad and colleagues’ (1997) and Tracey et al.’s (1997) studies as pioneering works that galvanized the field to focus on assessing cultural validity of extant career psychology theories. We include a brief overview of these studies here (a deeper discussion is included in Leong & Flores, 2013) and also include additional studies that focus on cultural validity of extant theories. Fouad and colleagues (1997) found that culturally diverse groups varied on the distances between interests in the Holland RIASEC hexagonal model. Specifically, relationships between Realistic and Investigative and between Social and Enterprising themes across all female groups and African American men were closer than theoretically expected. Also, for Asian American men, the Conventional, Enterprising, and Social themes were more closely related than expected. Similarly, Tracey and colleagues (1997) found differences in item structure across cultures with “moderate negative correlations of the General method factor in one culture with the Data/Ideas factor in the other culture” (pp. 351–352). Although both sets of scholars noted these as interesting findings, they were unable to offer a theoretical rationale for their observations. Indeed, since Leong’s (1997) commentary, scholars (e.g., Hardin et al., 2001, 2014) have called for testing of extant Western-centered theories’ boundary conditions by conducting cultural validity studies. More evidence of why culture-specificity arguments are critical to consider comes from studies such as those by Duffy and Klingaman (2009) and Greenman (2011). Duffy and Klingaman were interested in exploring the role of culture, specifically ethnic identity achievement, in the career development of college students. They sampled 2,432 first-year students, of which 64% were White, 13% were Asian American, 12% were Black, and 6% were Latinx. Ethnic identity was assessed using the seven-item subscale of the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM; Phinney, 1992). Ethnic identity was not instrumental in directing the vocational identities of White students, but for Asian Americans ethnic identity was statistically significantly correlated with their career decidedness (r = .24), comfort with career decision (r = .16), and career choice importance (r = –.26; example item: “I do not need to make a career choice at this time”; Duffy & Klingaman, 2009, p. 290). After controlling for self-clarity, choice importance, and knowledge about occupations and training, race moderated the relation
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between ethnic identity achievement and career decidedness among Black and Asian American students, but not Latinx students. After accounting for education and work experiences, Asian men and White men do not show any wage differences, and U.S.-born Asian women earn more than White women (Greenman, 2011). Such findings feed into the myth that Asians are a “model minority.” In a longitudinal study, Greenman (2011) attempted to unpack the high relative earning patterns of Asian American women in science and engineering (vs. White women) specifically by studying the role of motherhood that often dampens women’s participation in the labor market. Greenman offered a critique of the role specialization theory used as a key explanatory framework for illuminating the gender earnings gap and suggested that the theory eschews consideration of cultural attitudes and values (e.g., Asian Americans and White women may differ in their “work devotion” and “family devotion” schemas); this is especially concerning as immigrant mothers are oftentimes equal/sole contributors to family income and may be compelled to be work devoted. Greenman (2011) studied 2,648 White women and 457 Asian American women longitudinally for 6 years (1993 to 1999) using the National Science Foundation’s Scientists and Engineers Statistical Data System (SESTAT) data set. Greenman found that over the 6 years, in response to motherhood, White women on average worked 0.37 years less than Asian Americans in full-time jobs; after the first child, Asian American women were less likely than White women to reduce their hours worked per week. Asian American women who choose to drop out of the labor force do so in response to their first child’s birth (and not for subsequent children), whereas White women are likely to drop out after both first and later children. Together these findings explain why Asian American women had higher earnings growth rates than White women. Overall, as Leong and Brown (1995) suggested, scholars need to be concerned with the dialectical relationship between cultural validity and cultural specificity. Limitations in studies that use White European samples need to be probed, as these are often reflective of unstated and assumed White European values as benchmarks for theorizing. Thus, culture-specific variables can provide incremental validity to extant Western career theories, and they are useful as competing explanatory models to account for culture-specific career phenomena. Acculturation and Ethnic Identity Acculturation has been pointed out as a key moderator in predicting career interest patterns (Leong, 1985; Leong & Chou, 1994). Ethnic identity is defined as “an individual’s sense of self as a member of an ethnic group and the attitudes, beliefs, feelings, and behaviors associated with the group membership” (Kim & Choi, 2019, p. 34). Several studies note the importance of ethnic identity on vocational behavior in the case of Asian Americans. For example, utilizing a sample of 2,432 first-year college students, Duffy and Klingaman (2009)
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found that higher level of ethnic identity (as operationalized by the MEIM; Phinney, 1992) was related to higher level of career decidedness. In another study, utilizing a sample of 425 incoming Asian American university students, Kim and Choi (2019) examined if ethnic identity mediated the relationship between curiosity, a key component of career adaptability (Savickas, 2013), and career self-efficacy. Curiosity was operationalized by the Curiosity and Exploration Inventory-II (CEI-II; Kashdan et al., 2009), which assesses participants’ attempts to seek new experiences that challenge their beliefs about self and the world. The authors found that curiosity was associated with career self-efficacy via ethnic identity (partial mediation), thereby supporting the cultural specificity arguments we have outlined thus far. It has been argued that racial/ethnic identity and acculturation are related constructs, especially in the context of Asian American culture, and Leong and Chou (1994) proposed an integrated model that entwines the two strands of research using Berry’s (1980) model as a foundation. Leong and Chou argued that racial and ethnic identity ought to be investigated as a two-dimensional problem: (a) How do members of a racial/ethnic minority group view their own culture, and (b) how do they view their dominant host culture? Berry’s acculturation model proposes four categories based on how people view their own cultural identity: Integrationists, Assimilationists, Separationists, and Marginal Persons. Briefly, Integrationists view their own culture and host culture positively, Assimilationists view the dominant host culture positively but their own culture negatively, Separationists view the dominant host culture negatively but their own culture positively, and Marginal Persons view both their own and host culture negatively (Leong & Chou, 1994). In their integrative model, Leong and Chou (1994) offered a discussion of how a subset of Berry’s (1980) categories are represented in other models and frameworks that focus on cultural identity. For space restrictions we do not provide a review of that discussion here, but we note a key point from Leong and Chou’s analysis: There are indeed parallels among models that describe acculturation of varied groups such as Asian Americans and African Americans (Cross, 1971; Helms, 1993; Sue & Sue, 1973; Suinn et al., 1987). The key idea here is that acculturation matters, and the type of acculturation stage that an individual is in could influence critical vocational behaviors and decisions. For example, it has been proposed that Asian Americans who have a Separationist identity—that is those who view their dominant host culture negatively and see their own culture positively—would likely have a difficult time navigating the highly Eurocentric organizations they face in the United States (Leong & Chou, 1994). They may face higher discrimination and other negative outcomes, such as higher stereotyping, stress, and lower advancement opportunities, than their more well-acculturated counterparts (i.e., those who are Integrationist or Assimilationist). In contrast, Leong and Chou proposed that Asian Americans who are Integrationist or Assimilationist are likely to be more accepted in the Eurocentric work culture and therefore less at risk of some of the negative outcomes delineated so far. They proposed that in comparison
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with the Separationist Asian Americans, Integrationist Asian Americans would show the most positive outcomes, followed by Assimilationist Asian Americans, who would show moderate or slight positive outcomes. Leong and Tata’s (1990) study found that acculturation levels mattered when they sampled Chinese American fifth- and sixth-graders. The authors found that Chinese American children valued money and task satisfaction, whereas object orientation and solitude were valued much lower. There were gender differences, such that boys, versus girls, valued object orientation, self-realization, and ideas–data more. By assessing Chinese American children’s Self-Identity Acculturation scores (Suinn et al., 1987), the authors found that highly acculturated Chinese American children, compared with those with low acculturation scores, valued self-realization more. Thus, this evidence shows that for Chinese Americans, high acculturation does indeed steep White Eurocentric values into modes of thinking about the self, values that do not show up in the context of low-acculturated individuals. Clearly, such developmental experiences foreshadow the occupational trajectories these individuals are likely to take. Leong and Tata noted that a key challenge for career counselors engaging with racial/ethnic groups would be to understand these value differences and broaden the array of pathways presented to them as career options that are simultaneously respectful and cognizant of these cultural differences. Several studies since Leong and Chou’s (1994) review have assessed the role of acculturation as a culture-specific variable in predicting the vocational behavior of Asian Americans. For example, in Tang et al.’s (1999) study, Asian Americans’ highest self-efficacy was in Social, Conventional, and Investigative occupations; the relationship between career choice and self-efficacy was mediated by their acculturation levels. In another study, Ma and Yeh (2005) found that intergenerational conflict between Chinese parents and Chinese American youths was higher for those youths who were born in the United States and that facing high levels of intergenerational conflict was related to higher career indecision. Previous research shows that those who are born in the United States are more acculturated/assimilated to the dominant host culture values. Being more assertive and vocal about career choices may compete with Chinese norms, fostering higher intergenerational conflict. Kantamneni and Fouad (2013) also found that acculturation predicted Realistic interests, such that individuals who were less acculturated (i.e., participants who identified more strongly with their South Asian culture and less with the Western culture as assessed via the Suinn–Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation scale [SL-ASIA]; Suinn et al., 1987) demonstrated higher Realistic interests. Hui and Lent (2018) assessed 348 undergraduate Asian and/or Asian American students to understand their occupational choice behaviors in Investigative and Social occupations as a function of their personal, social cognitive, and cultural factors. In this sample, 32% were first-generation Asian Americans, defined as those who were born in a foreign country; 65% were secondgeneration, defined as those born in the United States but whose parent(s) was born outside the United States; and the rest were third-generation (1%) and
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fourth-generation (0.6%). When the authors tested acculturation (i.e., adherence to Asian cultural values) as a moderator between (a) interest and career choice goals and (b) family support and career choice goals for both the Investigative and Social themes, they found that none of the interactions were statistically significant. That is, these relationships were not contingent on acculturation. When assessing for mediation, the authors found that acculturation was related to interest and career choice indirectly via family support but only for the Investigative occupations. These results are counter to previous theorizing and empirical work (e.g., Leong & Chou, 1994; Tang et al., 1999) that suggested that for Asian Americans, sociocultural variables of acculturation would matter more than personal factors such as interests in predicting career choice and that this would particularly be the case for those who are less acculturated to the European White dominant culture. Hui and Lent (2018) posited that one reason for these divergent findings could be the operationalization of career goal choice. In their study, they asked about the “degree to which participants’ would consider selecting Investigative or Social themes” (p. 106), which is the same as asking about future intentions, whereas in Tang and colleagues’ (1999) study, participants were asked about the “occupational titles they have decided to pursue” (p. 146). In sum, the literature described herein suggests the utility of including acculturation in efforts to understand Asian Americans’ career decisions. Asian Americans show variance on acculturation, which is an important culturespecific variable. Specifically, longer distances from White Eurocentric values on the acculturation continuum (e.g., in the case of Marginal Persons) suggest negative career outcomes, whereas shorter distances from White Eurocentric values on the acculturation continuum (e.g., in the case of Integrationists) suggest positive career outcomes. Given some of the mixed findings described so far, clearly more research on the role of acculturation is necessary. Individualism–Collectivism and the Role of Self-Construal Over the past few decades, the value dimension of individualism–collectivism (IC; Hofstede, 1980; Triandis, 1995, 2001) is yet another critical culture-specific variable that has been incorporated in understanding the career psychology of Asian Americans. For example, studies find that compared with European Americans, Asian Americans in general and Chinese Americans in particular are more collectivistic in their value orientation (Leong & Tata, 1990). IC is a multidimensional construct. Given that the IC framework is a culture-level phenomenon, there have been concerns about using it at the individual level. Triandis et al. (1988) posited that the value dimension could be measured at both levels if we conceptualize people with individualistic value orientations as idiocentric and those with collectivistic value orientation as allocentric. That is, even in the most individualistic cultures, for example in the United States, there would likely be individuals who are allocentric (e.g., in a church community) compared with a clearly idiocentric majority. Similarly, even in the
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most collectivistic cultures, for example in India, there would likely be individuals who are idiocentric (e.g., in urban nuclear families) compared with a clearly allostatic majority. IC is indeed studied as an individual difference variable as well (Hartung et al., 2010; Triandis et al., 1990). IC is defined with two dimensions: “The horizontal dimension emphasizes equality, the vertical dimension emphasizes hierarchy” (Hartung et al., 2010, p. 36). Four distinct patterns of IC are identified: A high vertical or horizontal individualist individual would “view the self as independent and unique” but would relate differently to others (Hartung et al., 2010, p. 36). For example, whereas a vertical individualist is more concerned about “inequality and competition for resources among individuals,” a horizontal individualist considers “that self and other share essentially equal status and access to resources” (Hartung et al., 2010, p. 36). In contrast, a high vertical or horizontal collectivist individual would “define the self as primarily part of an in-group” but would relate differently to others in the ingroup (Hartung et al., 2010, p. 36). For example, whereas a vertical collectivist is more concerned about “rank, inequality, and status differences among in-group members” and would therefore either submit to or dominate the ingroup, a horizontal collectivist considers “in-group self and other relationships as equal” and would therefore behave in egalitarian ways (Hartung et al., 2010, p. 36). Markus and Kitayama (1991) proposed an alternative model to examine the value orientations of IC by exploring these differences as a function of the self. According to Markus and Kitayama, the collectivistic self and the individualistic self operate in different ways. Whereas people with a collectivistic value orientation prioritize viewing self as an interdependent agent, those with individualistic value orientation prioritize viewing self as an independent agent (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). That is, the interdependent self prioritizes relating to others; as a result, such a person is likely to place a higher premium on values of adjustment, self-restraint, and harmony, as these create ideal avenues to fulfill their relational and belonging needs. In contrast, the independent self wants to achieve independence; as a result, such a person is likely to place a higher premium on highlighting their uniqueness to pursue self-esteem and selfenhancement needs (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). It is at once evident how such differences in viewing the self may push a collectivistic person to view career decisions in a more interpersonal and/or relational manner, whereas those who have an individualistic value orientation may make career decisions in a more independent manner. In a test of some of these core ideas, Hartung and colleagues (2010) found that although IC was not related to occupational planning attitudes and behavior of undergraduate college students (N = 323), IC did predict work values, such that collectivist individuals demonstrated low to moderate effect sizes with preferences for relational values at work that emphasize interdependence with others. For example, horizontal collectivists and vertical collectivists both correlated with work values such as altruism, defined as “contributing to the welfare of others” (rHC = .41 and rVC = .44); prestige (rHC = .27 and rVC = .38); and
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supervisory relations, defined as “working under a fair supervisor” (rHC = .29 and rVC = .31), among others (Hartung et al., 2010, p. 39). Horizontal collectivists demonstrated egalitarian values. However, collectivists did not focus only on these relational values. They also endorsed work values such as seeking independence, willingness to create a life of their choosing, and need for intellectual stimulation that are typically seen as Individualistic values driven by self-interest. Given the lack of significant findings for IC in predicting vocational planning behaviors, the authors stated that the choice of IC as a variable needs to be reexamined. Furthermore, Leong and Tata (1990) found that for Chinese American children, their work values were contingent on their acculturation level, such that those who were highly acculturated (compared with those who were not as acculturated) were more likely to demonstrate need for self-realization, which is an individualistic value. Similarly, in the case of South Asians, those who held stronger horizontal collectivistic values compared with vertical individualistic values tended to score higher in Social interests on Holland’s RIASEC framework (Kantamneni & Fouad, 2013). However, surprisingly, congruence of career interests was not influenced by collectivistic values in this sample. In their discussion, Kantamneni and Fouad (2013) noted that although their findings are in line with the findings from Gupta and Tracey’s (2005) study that found that familial duty (i.e., dharma) was not related to interest–occupation congruence, these countered previous findings by Fouad and colleagues (2008) that cultural factors played an important role in career choices of Asian American participants. Scholars are now questioning if career choice, a central variable in Super’s theory, is really as tied to one’s self-concept for individuals who have collectivistic value orientation. In fact, based on the research cited thus far, it is apparent that the meaning of career itself may be vastly different given these value differences; for individualistic individuals, career choice could be seen as a linear process that is primarily rooted in self-interest in fulfilling their own aspirations or self-actualizing, whereas for collectivistic individuals, career choice could be driven by external factors such as one’s family expectations and needs, security of the occupation, and prestige of the job (Fouad et al., 2008; Leong, 1991; Ma & Yeh, 2005), although evidence here is mixed as seen thus far. Given such mixed findings, the role of IC needs to be investigated to better understand the career implications on Asian Americans. Indeed, Leong and Serafica (1995) suggested that the self-construal would be a strong contender for examining culture-specific vocational behavior for Asian Americans and could potentially help understand the mixed findings with IC. Several studies have now emerged that align with the importance of self-construal, and research has already begun to demonstrate the value of self-construal as a culture-specific variable in understanding the career psychology of Asian Americans. For example, Leong and Serafica proposed that usually modest, quiet, and shy Asian Americans are often seen as lacking leadership and/or managerial skills and therefore do not move up the organizational ladder as quickly. It is quite likely that instead of showcasing self-
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enhancement as a value at work, Asian Americans prefer to showcase their relational values, such as maintaining harmony in the workplace and engaging in higher organizational citizenship behaviors. However, in a Eurocentric work environment where individualistic value orientation and independent self guide the understanding of effective job performance, it is quite likely that Asian Americans’ lack of self-enhancing behaviors, such as touting their successes, is evaluated poorly. This value clash, where a White supervisor with independent self-construal is unable to see the contributions that the interdependent self provides to a team/organization, ends up being reflected in lower rate of promotions for Asian Americans (Fang et al., 2000), as they are seen as lacking confidence or ability. In another study, Ma and Yeh (2005) investigated intergenerational family conflict among Chinese American youths. They found that relational interdependent self-construal, defined as when Chinese American youths’ sense of self is highly intertwined with that of close others such as family and friends, was positively related to career certainty (“I have decided on a career and feel comfortable with it. I also know how to go about implementing my choice” as an example item of career certainty; Ma & Yeh, 2005, p. 340). The strong alignment between the self and close others in these interdependent self-construals, high level of family involvement, and feedback from familial role models on career choice all reflect strong forces that guide Chinese youths’ career trajectories (Hardin et al., 2001; Leong & Serafica, 1995; Tang et al., 1999) and may be a potent driver of the occupational segregation that was described earlier. In a research project examining ethnic differences in career maturity between Asian Americans and White Americans, Leong (1991) found an interesting anomaly. Using Crites’s (1978) measure of career maturity and anticipating the interpretations presented previously, which were based in part on the work of Hardin et al. (2001), Leong found that although Asian Americans showed less mature career choice attitudes than their European American counterparts, the two groups did not differ in terms of vocational identity, as measured by Holland et al.’s (1980) My Vocational Situation. He concluded that these results indicated that Asian Americans and European Americans approached the career decision-making process differently yet still arrived at similarly crystallized vocational identities. Based on these results, Leong introduced the concept of cultural relativity in the construct of career maturity. He suggested that, rather than automatically assuming that Asian Americans actually have lower career maturity, researchers and counselors need to carefully investigate possible ways in which cultural differences moderate the meaning of career maturity. Crites’s (1965) theory of career maturity—which is based on Super’s (1957) theory of vocational development—proposes that independence in career decisions is key to fostering career maturity. In Eurocentric, White-dominant cultural contexts, where independent efforts toward exploring ones’ career options are lauded, this indeed is the normative understanding of career maturity. In the case of Asians, however, as our review so far
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shows, such expectations of independence may be countercultural to their values of prioritizing interdependence. Even so, it is important to note that independence and interdependence are distinct dimensions, so it is not the case that the presence of interdependence means that an individual does not also have independence (Hardin et al., 2001). Indeed, another important finding emerged from the work by Hardin et al. (2001), which found that Asian Americans, when compared with European Americans, demonstrated less mature career attitudes when assessed on scales of Crites’s Career Maturity Inventory (Crites, 1978) and the Self-Construal Scale (Singelis, 1994). In line with the importance of self-construal as a culturespecific variable, authors found that for Asian Americans, these results were moderated by self-construal, such that interdependence, and not independence, was related to career choice attitudes. When participants had high-interdependence self-construal (compared with those who had lower interdependence), they had low standing on career maturity regardless of their independence self-construal. Given the fact that independence and interdependence are not mutually exclusive, the results here highlight that for Asian Americans, values of interdependence may be misunderstood as a lack of independence. Ultimately, both IC and self-construal are useful culture-specific variables and need to be investigated more in relation to Asian Americans’ career psychology.
FUTURE RESEARCH As an update to Leong and Hardin (2002), this chapter uses the theoretical framework proposed by Leong and Brown (1995) to examine the career psychology of Asian Americans with more recent studies. The primary message of this chapter has been that the integrated and combined used of etic and emic approaches to examine the cultural validity and cultural specificity of career theories and models will be the most fruitful strategy for advancing our knowledge of the career psychology of Asian Americans (Leong & Hardin, 2002). As noted by Leong (1997), research investigating only the cultural validity of Western-based (etic) models of career development addresses only the question of whether these models and theories work for racial and ethnic minority groups and not why they work or why they do not work. Such research is likely to find that parts of these models are valid whereas other parts are not. Our knowledge of the cultural gaps in existing Western-based models should motivate us to increase models’ cross-cultural validity by searching for culture-specific (emic) variables to improve validity. At the same time, such research studies on Asian American psychology will likely identify Indigenous or culture-specific constructs that can be added to existing models and theories to increase their predictive and cultural validity. In terms of future directions, a central question becomes how do we combine and integrate the knowledge from these two different approaches of etic and emic? As suggested by Leong and Hardin (2002), one model for undertak-
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ing this integration, called the cultural accommodation model, has been proposed by Leong and his colleagues (Leong & Lee, 2006). According to Leong and Lee (2006), the proposed cultural accommodation approach involves three steps: (a) identifying the cultural gaps or cultural blind spots in an existing theory that restrict the cultural validity of the theory (limits of the etic approach), (b) selecting current culturally specific concepts and models from cross-cultural and ethnic minority psychology to fill in the cultural gaps and accommodate the theory to racial and ethnic minorities (adding emic elements), and (c) testing the culturally accommodated theory (i.e., combining etic and emic) to determine if it has incremental validity above and beyond the culturally unaccommodated theory. The first step of this cultural accommodation model comes directly from the cultural validity studies reviewed in this chapter. Some Western-based models of career psychology will be found to be culturally valid, whereas others will not. This first step involves identifying gaps or anomalies to serve as clues to the missing cultural elements in Western-based models. In the second step, a critical analysis of these studies from a cross-cultural perspective would then identify potential culture-specific variables that can be used to address these cultural gaps. Finally, when a theory or model with demonstrated cultural validity problems has accommodated certain culture-specific variables to improve its level of cultural validity, an empirical test of the incremental validity provided by the culture-specific variables can then be conducted (Leong & Lee, 2006). Instead of assuming that a Western-based model of career psychology is automatically going to work or not work for racial and ethnic minority groups, it may be necessary for different versions of a culturally accommodated model to be tested before the best set of variables can be found. It is similar to the use of goodness-of-fit indices in confirmatory factor analysis. In this case, we are interested in identifying the cultural variables to improve the goodness of fit of Western-based models when applied to Asian Americans. Finally, in view of the mixed findings highlighted in our review, it is evident that more research is needed on some of the culture-specific constructs identified herein. In particular, we call attention to the role of acculturation, ethnic identity, and self-construals. The research reviewed has tended to focus on Asian Americans’ self-perceptions about these factors. We were unable to find research on how colleagues’ and supervisors’ views of an Asian American individual’s acculturation, ethnic identity, and self-construal may affect external others (both racial/ethnic minority and majority culture individuals). Research on acculturation gaps in families shows that the differences in acculturation levels can create conditions for conflict (Ma & Yeh, 2005) and difficulties in adjustment (Ho & Birman, 2010). It is reasonable to expect that such differences in acculturation on a team might create similar pressures. Indirect evidence for such pressures comes from a study by Ilies et al. (2007), who found that collectivistic, versus individualistic, team members were more susceptible to emotional contagion from other team members. Unfortunately, in the sample characteristics, authors did not note if these findings come from Asian
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Americans specifically, but nonetheless, the study provides valuable insights on how the differences in cultural values may affect team dynamics. Furthermore, when assessing these constructs, it would be valuable to consider an intersectionality framework for both Asian American individuals and external others. Thus, we call for more dyadic and team-based research.
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16 Latinx Career Psychology Work and Vocational Development of Latinx Individuals Lisa Y. Flores, Xiaotian Hu, and Leticia D. Martinez
T
he racial/ethnic composition in the United States has shifted significantly over the past few decades, and these changes are reflected in the U.S. workforce. Today, Latinxs1 compose a significant portion of the U.S. labor force, and their proportion is expected to grow faster than any other racial/ ethnic group in the coming years (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019). This chapter provides an overview of vocational psychology research over the past decade that can inform work and career research and practice with Latinxs. The remaining sections of this chapter focus on the vocational experiences of Latinxs in the United States and summarize the extant vocational psychology literature to provide recommendations for supporting the work and career development of Latinx people. We begin with a brief introduction of Latinxs’ representation in the United States, their educational and labor force participation, and cultural characteristics. Next, we review theoretical advancements that can be incorporated in vocational research and practice with Latinxs. We then summarize research related to the career development of Latinxs and provide recommendations for career counseling practice with Latinxs. We conclude with future directions for research and practice in vocational psychology to support Latinxs’ work and career progression.
We use the term Latinx when referring to members of this group as a whole to be inclusive of gender-nonconforming Latinxs. At times, we use the terms Latino or Latina to highlight data, research findings, or programs relevant to men or women, respectively.
1
https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-017 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 345
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LATINXS IN THE UNITED STATES Latinxs are a broad category of ethnic groups in the United States, most with origins in Spanish-speaking countries. Among the largest of these ethnic groups are Mexican, Puerto Rican, and Cuban. Latinxs are currently the largest racial/ ethnic group in the United States after Whites. There are currently over 62 million Latinxs (33% of whom are foreign-born) living in the United States, accounting for 19% of the total population (Lopez et al., 2021) and 17% of the labor force (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2017). As one of the fastest growing U.S. racial/ethnic groups, their participation in the labor force is expected to grow in coming years. Latinx Educational and Labor Force Participation Latinx educational attainment has steadily increased over the past few decades, though their attainment rates are among the lowest at almost every stage of the education pipeline compared with their White, Black, and Asian counterparts (National Center for Education Statistics, 2019). In 2016, 89% of Latinxs earned a high school diploma. In the same year, Latinxs earned 20% of associate’s, 13% of bachelor’s, 10% of master’s, and 8% of doctoral degrees awarded. There are important differences in educational attainment by gender, nativity status, and ethnic group. Latinas and U.S.-born Latinxs earn more bachelor’s degrees than Latinos and foreign-born peers, respectively. Of the bachelor’s degrees held by Latinxs, Spanish Americans earned the greatest proportion (35%), and Mexican Americans earned the lowest (11%). Latinxs comprise a significant proportion of workers in the U.S. labor force. They are substantially overrepresented in the service, production, and construction occupations, where they make up 53% of agricultural workers; 51% of painters, construction, and maintenance workers; and 47% of maids and housekeepers. By comparison, they are markedly underrepresented in some science, engineering, health care, and management and professional occupations. A few occupations in which they are especially underrepresented include veterinarians (0.3%), chemists (2.7%), nurse practitioners (3.5%), judges (3.5%), and mechanical engineers (5.5%). Latinxs have a higher unemployment rate (5.8%) compared with the total population (4.9%). Latinxs have historically faced significant wage gaps that persist today. Despite increases in Latinxs’ educational attainment over the past several decades, the current wage gaps are starkly similar to those observed 50 years ago (Patten, 2016). In 2018, Latinxs earned only 82% of the average income of the general population (U.S. Census Bureau, n.d.). When comparing income by race and gender, the gaps are even wider. For example, Latinas earned only 53% of the income of White men and 82% of the income of their Latino counterparts (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2017). Latinx wage gaps persist even when they have the same educational attainment and occupation as their peers from other racial/ethnic groups (National Center for Education Statistics, 2019).
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Further, foreign-born Latinxs earn less than their U.S.-born counterparts, though this gap has narrowed in the past decade (Kochhar, 2019). Latinx Cultural Values Cultural values play a role in guiding individuals’ vocational behaviors and decisions. Cultural values are the core attitudes and beliefs that provide organization to a culture and guide how it operates. Cross-cultural researchers have identified several dimensions along which cultures differ in their values. In general, cultural groups tend to vary in their perceptions of identity, how they conduct social relations, their attitudes related to gender roles, how power is distributed within groups, their perspectives on time, and tolerance of uncertainty (Hofstede & McCrae, 2004). These features of culture have important implications for vocational development, as they help inform interests, guide how time is spent, and affect how individuals perceive and relate to their peers in school and work (Chung & Chang, 2014). Traditional Latinx cultural values include collectivistic orientation, present and past time focus, and acceptance of traditional gender role expectations. With regard to relationships, Latinxs are collectivists who emphasize the importance of family and community over individuals. Cultural values that represent the collectivistic orientation include personalismo, or the importance of close interpersonal relationships; familismo, or loyalty to and prioritization of family over self; and simpatía, or emphasizing positive interactions and harmony in relationships (Adames & Chavez-Dueñas, 2017). Latinxs are oriented toward the present, meaning they are more focused on what is salient in the present moment rather than what lies in the future. They are also past-oriented such that they emphasize honoring their histories, traditions, and ancestors. Latinxs are oriented to masculine and feminine gender roles. Machismo has been traditionally used to describe Latinx masculine norms; however, this term evokes negative stereotypes of controlling and aggressive behavior that inaccurately reflect the masculine values that guide Latino men (Walters & Valenzuela, 2020). Instead, caballerismo is a more contemporary version of positive masculine traits, including responsibility, chivalry, and a man’s pride in his family (Miville et al., 2017). Marianismo, a traditionally feminine role in Latinx culture, is rooted in Catholic faith and idealizes purity, selflessness, and submissiveness of women. Although Latinxs generally hold traditional gender role attitudes, there has been a trend among some Latinxs toward more flexible and egalitarian gender roles, as well as acceptance and inclusion of gender-expansive individuals in the culture. The adoption of the term “Latinx” is one example of these trends. Although these values tend to reflect Latinx culture in general, the degree to which they represent individuals may depend on a number of factors, including generation status, ethnic identity, and acculturation/enculturation levels. In addition, proximity to a larger Latinx community can also play a role in retaining and practicing Latinx cultural values. Cultural values tend to be passed
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down through families; thus, these cultural values may be strongest in more recent immigrant families. Those that have been in the United States longer and have had more exposure to U.S. culture may identify less strongly with these values.
THEORETICAL ADVANCEMENTS Flores (2009) addressed several assumptions that served as the foundation for traditional career theories that have permeated the field. These assumptions are grounded in Western European cultural values and include universality, individualism and autonomy, affluence, work centrality, and accessible opportunity structures. Universality is reflected in a number of ways, such as the generalization of research findings conducted with predominantly White, educated samples or with racially/ethnically diverse samples (e.g., Black, Asian) to Latinx populations. Another way in which this belief is manifested is in the application of career counseling strategies to all clients without taking into account how these strategies can be culturally adapted for Latinxs. Other beliefs include individualism/autonomy, affluence, and the centrality of work. Individualism is exhibited in the primary attention to the role of individual, person-level factors in understanding career decisions and outcomes. The proliferation of career assessments that measure aspects of the self, such as interests, self-efficacy, and individual decision making are examples of the overwhelming focus on the individual in career psychology. Richardson (1993) and Blustein (2001, 2006) critiqued the field for its focus on persons from privileged groups. This bias toward middle-class and upper-class affluence is also demonstrated in expectations that individuals aspire to high status, professional positions (Liu & Ali, 2005). Vocational psychology scholarship and practice has largely focused on educated and professional populations who experience a great deal of privilege and who are able to exert autonomy in shaping their own career paths. The assumption that work is central to everyone’s life is reflected in both the language that we use in our research and practice (i.e., career vs. work) and the expectation that work fulfills high-level needs, such as identity or life meaning. These assumptions disregard the fact that for some Latinx individuals, work is an activity that they engage in to earn a livelihood or that work is not always a reflection of how they see themselves (e.g., Chaves et al., 2004; Flores et al., 2011). Vocational psychology research and theory must reflect the broad conceptualizations of work that are held by Latinxs in our society. Closely intertwined with individualism is the belief in open opportunity structures and meritocracy, or that individuals are in control of their destiny, that anyone can achieve success through hard work, and that everyone is motivated to achieve upward mobility. Research has demonstrated variability in career advancement and desires for upward mobility with Latinx samples (e.g., Flores et al., 2011; Shinnar, 2007). What has become glaringly apparent in the
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protests for racial justice that occurred in 2020 is that systemic oppression and bias limit the opportunities of people of color in the United States, including Latinxs. These strong forces prevent the full expression of individual autonomy of Latinxs in realizing their life goals. Vocational psychologists must carefully assess how these assumptions are reflected in the career theories that they use to guide their research and practice to determine if the theories can be applied to Latinxs’ work experiences. In addition, vocational psychologists need to evaluate personal biases about Latinxs and how these personal attitudes and biases influence expectations and assumptions about Latinxs’ work and career development. Vocational psychologists can utilize advancements in the literature to enhance career psychology’s theoretical, research, and practical tools and adapt these in ways that support the work and vocational development of Latinx people. These developments, which we elaborate on later, include using an intersectional approach with Latinxs, attending to environmental and contextual factors that play a role in Latinxs’ work processes and outcomes, and incorporating cultural factors in understanding the vocational behaviors and decisions of Latinxs. In the following, we describe these developments and address how they can be applied in vocational research and practice with Latinxs. Intersectional Perspective Multicultural psychology research—and by extension, vocational psychology research—has long focused on single dimensions of marginalization; that is, the experiences of diverse groups based on race or ethnicity, gender, social class, or sexual orientation. Scholars (Cole, 2009; Crenshaw, 1989/1993) have pointed out that social reference groups include multiple levels of hierarchy and that attending solely to single dimensions of marginalization favors those members at the top of the hierarchy. For example, research that focuses solely on Latinxs may center the experiences of men, Latinxs from higher social class backgrounds, or Latinxs who are college educated, further marginalizing those who experience multiple forms of oppression. These scholars urged researchers to account for the multiple social reference groups and structures that oppress or privilege individuals, which Crenshaw (1989/1993) termed intersectionality. Taking an intersectional perspective acknowledges the differential experiences of oppression among Latinxs based on their positionality to multiple reference groups. Intersectionality accounts for the heterogeneity among Latinxs and acknowledges the multiple social dimensions that simultaneously play a role in their work experiences and outcomes. When working with Latinxs, vocational psychologists should consider a range of social identities that will shape their experiences. “Latinx” is a general term used to describe individuals in the United States whose familial ties can be linked to Spanish-speaking countries. In spite of this commonality, Latinxs are a very diverse group, and members of this group will differ by race, ethnicity, country of origin, generation status, gender, sexual orientation, age, social class, and religion/spirituality.
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Environmental and Contextual Factors Vocational behaviors and decisions do not happen in a vacuum but, instead, occur within a larger social context. These larger systemic issues create access to resources that can enhance, and challenges that may impede, the vocational experiences of Latinx individuals. These environmental and contextual factors will differentially affect Latinxs based on their intersectional identities and position with privilege and oppression and will operate to shape Latinxs’ paths of opportunity and decisions relevant to education, work, and careers. A number of factors outside of the individual can influence person-level variables (e.g., interests, cognitions) and function in tandem with these personlevel variables to play a role in the career development and experiences of Latinxs. It might be helpful to apply Bronfenbrenner’s (1977) ecological model to consider the multiple layers of context in which Latinx individuals are embedded. Outside of the individual, immediate settings include family, peers, school, and religious organizations that influence individuals on a daily basis. The levels expand to include broader contexts (e.g., neighborhoods, school systems, media, social policies), all of which exert influence on the individual and immediate contexts. For instance, the prevalent anti-immigrant sociopolitical climate creates tremendous stressors for Latinx immigrant workers, such as fear of deportation, language barriers, social isolation, relational and family stress, and acculturative stress (Arbona et al., 2017). Latinx immigrant workers with no documentation and those who live in nontraditional settlement communities experience high levels of stressors (Eggerth & Flynn, 2012; Flores et al., 2011; Valdivia & Flores, 2012). Similarly, interviews with Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) recipients indicated that documentation status and immigration policies shape their career decisions and development (García, 2020; Treviño et al., 2017). Given the importance of family and religion in the Latinx community, the expectations of parents, siblings, and extended family and their role in decision making may be important external factors to account for when working with Latinxs. Additionally, the work experiences of family and extended family, involvement with religious organizations, experiences with discrimination and oppression in the workplace, and gender role expectations can provide important information to understand the work behaviors and experiences of Latinxs and their decision styles. Other important considerations include access to resources, perceived barriers, workplace climate for diversity and inclusion, school and work policies that support the participation and engagement of Latinx students and workers, and engagement with the Latinx community as well as other diverse communities. Latinxs’ awareness of and experiences with these contextual factors vary. Thus, it is important to inform Latinx clients that a multitude of factors shape career development—several of which are external to the individual but which affect one’s experiences and decisions—and the different levels of salience that
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these factors will have on one’s career. This is especially critical for oppressive factors that are deeply rooted within institutions (e.g., racism) to prevent Latinxs from internalizing or attributing their work challenges to personal limitations. As a field, we have moved significantly toward acknowledging that individual vocational behavior can only be understood when it is contextualized (Fouad & Kantamneni, 2013). More efforts are needed to decrease the divide between our aspirations as a field and how we implement these aspirations in vocational theory development, research, and practice. To better support Latinxs’ career development, it is important that research incorporate more contextual variables (Flores, 2019) and that these variables are assessed in career counseling to more fully understand the divergent experiences among Latinxs in their career progression. Cultural Factors In addition to understanding general environmental factors that influence Latinxs’ work decisions and behaviors, these decisions and behaviors also need to be understood within their cultural context. In some cases, cultural factors may play a prominent role in work-related experiences and outcomes. For example, researchers found that cultural factors (i.e., Anglo acculturation, ethnic identity, and perceptions of discrimination) were significantly related to Latinx immigrants’ job satisfaction, whereas traditional metrics such as job tenure, work hours, and salary were not (Valdivia & Flores, 2012). Career psychologists must know which cultural factors are relevant to Latinx groups and understand the potential influence of these cultural factors on work processes and outcomes among Latinxs. Assessing and exploring the role that cultural factors play in the work-related experiences of Latinxs is fundamental in the provision of culturally sensitive vocational research and interventions. Examples of Latinx cultural factors include acculturation and enculturation; ethnic identity; cultural values; perceived racial, gendered, and/or nativist microaggressions; critical consciousness; and gender role attitudes. Perhaps the most important cultural factors to consider with Latinxs are acculturation and enculturation. Acculturation is the process by which Latinxs adjust and adapt to these differences by taking on aspects of the U.S. dominant culture, whereas enculturation is the process of retaining attitudes and practices of one’s culture of origin even after coming in contact with U.S. dominant culture. Stressors associated with navigating two cultural groups, also known as bicultural stressors, include ethnic discrimination, negative stereotypes, intergenerational differences, and language pressures (Ojeda & Liang, 2014; Romero et al., 2018; Romero & Roberts, 2003). These stressors may have a deleterious effect on Latinxs’ academic and vocational development. For example, one study found that bicultural stress was negatively related to Latinxs’ academic motivation (Piña-Watson et al., 2015). Although research with Latinxs has produced mixed findings, acculturation and enculturation appear to have significant links with many academic and career outcomes, such as college attendance,
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college persistence, academic satisfaction, career self-efficacy, and job satisfaction (Holloway-Friesen, 2018; Mejia-Smith & Gushue, 2017; Miller & KerlowMyers, 2009; Ojeda et al., 2012). Miller and Kerlow-Myers (2009) noted a trend in the career literature in the conceptualization of acculturation as bilinear (assessing orientation toward more than one culture and independently from one another) and multidimensional (assessing multiple aspects of culture, e.g., behaviors, language, values). Ethnic identity is conceptualized as both ethnic exploration and ethnic resolution. Research with Mexican-descent adolescents found that high levels of ethnic identity may buffer vulnerability to bicultural stressors (Romero et al., 2018). Other studies reported significant relations between Latinxs’ ethnic identity and academic and career outcomes (Bonifacio et al., 2018; Mejia-Smith & Gushue, 2017; Ojeda et al., 2012; Piña-Watson et al., 2018). Latinx cultural values may play a role in the academic and career beliefs of Latinx individuals. Researchers found that familismo positively related to academic motivation (Piña-Watson et al., 2015), performance accomplishments, and perceived family supports (Garriott et al., 2017). Career psychologists may include supplemental measures designed to assess Latinx values, such as the Latino/a Values Scale (Kim et al., 2009), the Marianismo Beliefs Scale (Castillo et al., 2010), and the Simpatía Scale (Acevedo et al., 2020). Advancements in Latinx psychology and multicultural psychology and the development of measures to assess cultural constructs (e.g., McWhirter & McWhirter’s, 2016, Adolescent Critical Consciousness Scale) that are relevant to Latinx groups provide opportunities to ground future career research and practice and to understand this process through a cultural lens. Research guided by Latinx cultural factors may uncover valuable information about Latinxs’ career development that we do not yet know that can inform the development of culturally supportive practices and interventions.
REVIEW OF RESEARCH ON LATINX WORK AND VOCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT This section highlights selected vocational psychology research with Latinx samples from 2010 to present. Despite the size and growth rates of Latinx populations in the United States today, relatively little scientific knowledge has been generated on the career development of this group. For example, B. H. Lee and colleagues (2017) reported that a total of 166 articles on diverse racial/ ethnic groups (DREGs; Latinxs, African Americans, Asian Americans, Native Americans, and bi- and multiracial individuals) were published in four career psychology journals between 2005 and 2015, representing a mere 8.8% of all publications within these four vocational journals during this period. This is a significantly lower proportion than their collective proportion (42%) in the U.S. population (U.S. Census Bureau, n.d.). Among these DREG vocational
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publications, only 21 articles focused exclusively on Latinxs’ career development. More vocational psychology research is needed to understand the work experiences of Latinxs and other DREGs in the United States. Academic and Career Plans and Experiences The bulk of Latinx vocational studies have examined factors related to academic and career experiences and decisions. In terms of Latinxs’ postsecondary decisions, different factors come into play in selecting 2-year colleges and 4-year colleges/universities. Researchers found that institutional characteristics (distance and admissions standards) were associated with selection of 2-year colleges, whereas aspirations, planning behaviors, and math level completion were related to 4-year college selection (Gonzalez, 2012). Studies have reported discrepancies in Latinxs’ postsecondary aspirations. One study reported that most Latinx students in their sample planned to further their education or enter specialized training immediately after high school (McWhirter et al., 2014), whereas another reported that less than half of the sample (48%) planned to obtain a college degree (Lopez, 2009). These inconsistencies may be due to sample characteristics and may reflect the heterogeneity of the Latinx population. For example, studies have reported that low socioeconomic status Latinx youth endorsed values on high earnings and preferences for getting a job over continuing education (Diemer et al., 2010; Packard et al., 2012). Latinxs experience a range of systemic barriers that influence their academic and career decisions and perceived options. Factors contributing to low college enrollment among Latinxs include policies that encourage quick job placement over career development; lack of understanding of the benefits of a college degree; lower expectations among teachers, school administrators, and school counselors for Latinx students; poor financial planning; and lack of guidance for college preparation (Rodriguez et al., 2015). Personal factors—all of which are shaped by context—influencing Latinx adolescents’ academic and career plans include interests, aspirations, sociopolitical development, values (e.g., school attachment), and anticipated barriers (Chavira et al., 2016; Diemer et al., 2010; Fernandez, 2019; E. Martinez & Castellanos, 2018; McWhirter et al., 2013, 2014). Research has consistently suggested the important role of self-efficacy, ethnic identity, and cultural factors on Latinx college students’ academic outcomes (Flores et al., 2010, 2017, 2020; Flores, Navarro, Lee, Addae, et al., 2014; Flores, Navarro, Lee, & Luna, 2014; Hunt et al., 2016; Johnson et al., 2016; H. S. Lee et al., 2015; Mejia-Smith & Gushue, 2017; Navarro et al., 2014, 2019; Ojeda et al., 2011; Piña-Watson et al., 2014). Career psychologists should explore all academic and career pathways with Latinx youth, using care to avoid academic or professional bias to steer Latinx youth down a specific path and also balancing this with an appreciation of the environmental barriers and social realities that have limited their pursuit of postsecondary education and some career paths.
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Contextual Barriers and Supports Latinx students report high perceived barriers in their academic and career pursuits (Ali & Menke, 2014). Research with Latinx high school students reported that the most common barriers to college included lack of financial resources, family responsibilities, lack of teacher support, peer pressure, and systemic discrimination (Manzano-Sanchez et al., 2019). Further, lack of information and limited social capital are additional barriers for Latinx students’ career decision making, success in college, and planning career/professional trajectories (Bergey et al., 2019; Rios-Aguilar & Deil-Amen, 2012). Finally, Latina students in a male-dominated field reported gendered racism as a barrier to persistence in the field (Garriott et al., 2019). Supportive factors for Latinxs’ educational and career development consist of institutional support, family support, peer support, and personal and cultural assets. Schools can provide motivational support and structured programs that engage Latinx students within their schools and communities; academic assistance and support; and information related to financial aid, college education, and careers (Garriott & Nisle, 2018; McWhirter et al., 2014). Schools can also address discrimination and racism, acknowledge Latinx cultural resources, and present career options that integrate social justice and may appeal to Latinx students (Bettencourt et al., 2020; Garriott et al., 2019; McGee & Bentley, 2017; McWhirter et al., 2014). Given Latinxs’ close bond with their families, support from parents, siblings, and extended family members could facilitate their vocational development (Koch et al., 2019; Manzano-Sanchez et al., 2019). Positive peer interaction and peer support, especially in the form of mentoring, is another supportive factor for Latinx students (A. Martinez, 2018; Thiry & Hug, 2014). Finally, building on personal and cultural assets could facilitate the development of Latinxs’ vocational identities and increase educational persistence (Garriott et al., 2019).
ACADEMIC AND WORK INTERVENTION PROGRAMS FOR LATINXS In this section, we highlight research findings and interventions that have been assessed to support the academic success of Latinx students. We organize this section by interventions that focus on academic success in general and on academic success in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields. Enhancing Latinxs’ Academic Success Interventions have been developed to support Latinx students’ academic success, and several of these programs have incorporated Latinx cultural values. A dropout-prevention program for at-risk Latinx students was found to have an overall positive impact on students (Behr et al., 2014). Findings indicated that
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program participation was related with an overall increase in grade point average, a higher probability of graduation, fewer failing grades, fewer behavioral referrals, and increased academic and career aspirations. McWhirter et al. (2019) developed a school-based after-school program, Advocating for Latina/o Achievement in School (ALAS), for Latinx immigrant high school students. Guided by social cognitive career theory (SCCT; Lent et al., 1994, 2000) and sociopolitical development theory (Watts et al., 2003), the primary goal of ALAS was to prevent dropout and to promote academic success and college and career readiness. In addition to academic support, the other major component of ALAS was to develop students’ critical consciousness. By implementing activities to foster sociopolitical consciousness (e.g., enhancing cultural pride, developing advocacy skills), the program received positive feedback from participants and partnering schools. Sandoval-Lucero and colleagues (2011) launched a career-based learning community to train nontraditional Latinx paraeducators to become teachers in bilingual classrooms. By formatting the structure and content of the learning community based on Latinx culture, this program successfully increased the retention rate of nontraditional, working, commuter Latinx students in the teacher training project. R. R. Martinez et al. (2020) suggested utilizing the Latinx community cultural wealth model (CCW; Yosso, 2005) composed of aspirational, linguistics, social, familial, resistant, perseverant, and spiritual capitals to create a college-going culture in high school. Further, they examined how the CCW can be used to promote postsecondary opportunities for Latinx youth. Taking familial wealth as an example, they suggested that school counselors pay special attention to the impact of familial factors on Latinx students and try to get families involved in the academic development of Latinx students by providing academic information and building closer relationships with parents and family members. A common theme from these academic programs for Latinx students is the emphasis of nonacademic assistance in addition to academic support. More importantly, cultural factors have been highlighted and consistently recognized as necessary to incorporate into programs and interventions for Latinx students. Given the impact of nonacademic and cultural factors on Latinxs’ academic and career development, future research should provide support to help Latinxs overcome nonacademic barriers (e.g., lack of information, limited financial support) and to capitalize on resources to support identity exploration and cultural values. Increasing Latinxs’ STEM Involvement Given Latinx students’ underrepresentation in STEM fields, interventions have been developed to increase their pursuits in STEM. For example, a summer STEM pipeline program focused on hands-on chemistry concepts for Latinx fifth-grade students. Findings indicated that the program increased Latinx students’ interest in science and their enthusiasm for learning about science
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concepts (Gautreau et al., 2019). Another study presented a STEM workshop specifically designed to introduce Latinx youth to college and STEM career opportunities (Sallee et al., 2019). Participants were provided with opportunities to experience college life (e.g., live in the dorms, dine at the student union), interact with Latinx graduate students, and work with university faculty. Participation in the workshop had a positive impact on Latinx youths’ perception of STEM as a career choice. In addition, a program specifically for Latinas was designed to enhance their identity-safety in STEM fields (Pietri et al., 2019). Researchers presented adult Latina participants with a fictional STEM company and a profile featuring a scientist at the company who was either Latinx or White and a man or woman. Results indicated that Latina participants in the Latinx condition identified more strongly with the scientists and reported higher trust and belonging and attraction to the STEM company. Further, Latina students who were exposed to a panel of successful Latina scientists reported higher belonging and interest in STEM after the panel. These findings underscore the importance of seeing others from similar cultural backgrounds in the development of interests or identification in a field. Martin et al. (2019) conducted a literature review of programs that facilitated the transition of Latinx STEM students matriculating at 2-year and 4-year institutions. A wide range of intervention activities included mentoring, counseling, advising, study groups, tutoring, scholarships, orientations, career services, undergraduate research experiences, articulation agreements, and transfer programs. Although individual studies have supported the positive influence of these programs on students’ career outcomes, researchers have pointed out several limitations in these studies. These limitations include limited qualitative studies, a focus on deficit-based perspectives rather than strengths, lack of consistent evaluation criteria, and lack of replication studies to support the effectiveness and generalizability of interventions. Some career programs have been developed to increase underrepresentation of Latinxs in health science fields. Ali and colleagues (2017) evaluated a health science career pipeline program called Project HOPE (i.e., Project Health-Care Opportunities, Preparation, and Exploration). Project HOPE is an SCCT-based career intervention program in which researchers collaborated with students and school personnel to deliver a seven-session intervention (Ali et al., 2012). The intervention was associated with increases in Latinx students’ math/science self-efficacy and health science career interests, underscoring the value of domain-specific career interventions for increasing Latinx students’ career exploration. A follow-up quasi-experimental study tested the effectiveness of Project HOPE with an additional sociopolitical development component (Ali et al., 2019). Results further supported the effectiveness of Project HOPE in increasing math/science and health care career interests with a new sample but provided limited support for the effectiveness of the added component. Another program, Éxito!, aimed to increase the number of Latinxs who pursued doctoral degrees and careers in cancer control research (Ramirez et al., 2019). The program provided master’s-level students and health professionals
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with a culturally tailored, intensive 5-day summer institute and 6-month paid internship. Results from the first 5 years of Éxito! supported its effectiveness in improving Latinxs’ confidence in their ability and desire to pursue and complete doctoral-level degrees and careers in cancer control research that focus on Latinx cancer health disparities. More importantly, Éxito! adopted an asset-oriented perspective by recognizing Latinxs’ cultural values, helping them to see their potential roles in eliminating health disparities, and giving participants support and confidence to take the next academic step.
PRACTICE CONSIDERATIONS Professional mandates address psychologists’ ethical obligations to provide culturally informed and relevant career counseling services. Several formulations of culturally competent guidelines have been introduced to the field since Sue and colleagues’ (1982) original framework, which was organized around the competencies of awareness, knowledge, and skills. The most recent multicultural guidelines (American Psychological Association [APA], 2017) include 10 broad guidelines to direct psychologists’ professional activities that are grounded in an ecological framework that emphasizes intersectionality and advocacy. These general multicultural guidelines should be used in tandem with guidelines adopted by the APA for working with marginalized groups, such as the Guidelines for Psychological Practice With Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Clients (APA, 2012b), Guidelines for Assessment of and Intervention With Persons With Disabilities (APA, 2012a), and Guidelines for Psychological Practice With Transgender and Gender Nonconforming People (APA, 2015). Guidelines for working with girls/women (APA, 2018b) and boys/men (APA, 2018a) are also available. These guidelines can be merged to guide intersectional understanding in working with Latinxs across different social reference groups. The National Latinx Psychological Association (NLPA; 2020), the leading professional organization for mental health professionals whose mission is to advance psychological knowledge relevant to the mental health and well-being of Latinxs, developed and adopted its own set of guidelines for members who work with Latinxs. These guidelines are rooted in Latinx group histories and cultural values and are organized around the following principles: respect and responsibility, ethical dilemmas, ethical decision making and legal responsibility, consultation, advocacy, self-awareness and social consciousness, action and accountability, training and developing infrastructure, and mentorship. Per NLPA’s (2020) guidelines, central to working with the Latinx community is treating its members with respect; developing relationships that build trust; and taking care in working with the most vulnerable members of the community based on their immigration status, race, sexual orientation, gender identity, and socioeconomic status. In addition, mental health professionals are expected to work with Latinxs from a social justice framework. Advocacy can include developing interventions for Latinx youth and their families, educating
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Latinx youth and adults about educational systems and the career development process, and using multicultural and feminist approaches in career interventions to empower Latinxs and raise consciousness about institutional and systemic barriers that can have adverse effects on achieving their career goals. Finally, designing research studies in collaboration with Latinx groups to address academic and work issues that are important within their communities and sharing the findings with the Latinx community and others who work with them is another form of social justice advocacy. Vocational psychology’s interventions should extend beyond working with individuals to include systemic interventions that can have a broader impact on the academic and work experiences of Latinxs. Advocacy at the system level can take the form of working with employers to address practices and policies in the workplace that contribute to longstanding social inequities, such as lower earnings among Latinxs compared with other racial/ethnic groups or hiring and promotion decisions that limit Latinx representation across the labor market. Researchers can also utilize statistical strategies, such as multilevel modeling, that account for individual outcomes at different levels (i.e., classroom, school, district) and incorporate institutional or societal variables in research. Statistical approaches such as these can improve understanding of how environmental variables affect Latinxs’ academic and career outcomes and can be used to remove those structural barriers that have limited their success in these settings.
CONCLUSION Today, Latinx individuals have a significant presence in the labor force, and their workforce participation will continue to grow as the size of the group increases. As we address the environmental and workplace structures that have limited their broad participation across a range of jobs and their advancement at work, we expect that their influence through their work skills and talents will only grow. More research is needed to fully understand the career development of Latinxs in the United States. Future research should adhere to high-quality research practices (theory-driven approaches, solid recruitment methods, culturally valid research tools) and utilize culturally sensitive research approaches across all phases of the research process. It is imperative for vocational researchers to develop new vocational assessments for use with Latinxs and to evaluate the reliability and validity of existing scales with Latinx samples; better assessment tools will improve our understanding of Latinxs’ unique experiences. We have addressed several culturally sensitive approaches in career psychology research and practice with Latinx groups, including reviewing personal and theoretical assumptions and biases, attending to within-group differences by using an intersectional approach, incorporating environmental and systemic factors in career research and assessment, and addressing cultural variables that can explain academic and career processes and outcomes. In alignment with APA’s
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professional guidelines, career psychologists are expected to abide by these guidelines when working with diverse groups of Latinxs and to expand interventions beyond the individual level to support the academic and work experiences of Latinx populations.
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17 Career Psychology and Work in the Native American Context Sherri L. Turner and Mark Pope
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n this chapter, we explore who Native Americans are and how their history and current situations have defined their career and work opportunities. Using a developmental framework, we review the extant literature on career psychology and work in the Native American context in order to provide a foundation for further research and the construction of career counseling interventions. Approximately 2% (6.8 million) of the U.S. population identify as Native American (U.S. Census Bureau, 2018). There are currently 567 federally recognized tribes and 63 state-recognized tribes with which Native Americans identify (Bureau of Indian Affairs, n.d.; Salazar, 2016). About 22% of Native Americans live in tribal statistical areas and on Native American reservations, where there is significant poverty and unemployment. The other 78% live off reservation, with 72% living in urban and suburban areas, often in lower socioeconomic status neighborhoods (Urban Indian Health Institute, 2013; U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). Prior to European contact, during the pre-Columbian period, the number of Indigenous people inhabiting North America is estimated to have ranged from 5 million to 15 million (e.g., Fixico, 2020). By the 1600s, the lack of immunity to European-borne smallpox, measles, and other diseases had killed an estimated 90% of these populations (Koch et al., 2019). Over the next 150 years, there were more than 1,500 government-sanctioned attacks, wars, and raids, in which large numbers of Native Americans were also killed, so that by the 1890s only 240,000 Native Americans remained (Fixico, 2020). https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-018 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 367
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From the 1700s until after the Civil War, the strength and number of Native Americans dwindled, and they were forced onto lands that were uninhabitable and onto reservations where they lived in conditions that were unsustainable. From the late 1800s through the mid-20th century, many Native American children were taken from their parents, often by force, and placed into boarding schools, with the goal of assimilating them into White society. The forced removal of children from parents, and the widespread abuse they endured in boarding schools, outraged and devastated Native American families and communities and left a tragic legacy of intergenerational trauma and extreme distrust of educational institutions (Duran, 2019). From the 1940s through the 1960s, the federal government determined to terminate all tribes and end the special relationships between the tribes and the United States government, with the twin goals of assimilating Native Americans into mainstream society and redistributing millions of acres of Native American lands to non-Native American peoples (Ulrich, 2010). Along with tribal termination policies, treaty-guaranteed subsistence payments for reservation residents were decreased substantially, and from 1952 to 1972, the federal relocation program for Native Americans was promoted. This program provided vocational training and assistance in locating employment and housing for individuals and families who moved to government-designated cities. Although this assistance did not always materialize, the withdrawal of treaty-designated support for those living on reservation lands, along with the promises of a better life, initiated the mass migration of Native Americans to the cities. In the 1960s, as a result of Native American protests and activism, the quest to end tribal rights was halted and reversed, and a policy of supporting the reestablishment of tribal sovereignty and self-sufficiency was initiated. As a consequence, tribes began to again become stronger and more visible, and many began to reclaim their cultural heritage, which in some cases had been declared illegal and in other cases had been lost via urbanization and boarding school experiences. Over the decades since, tribes have developed governance, economic, and social infrastructures, and have become more autonomous from the federal government. Nevertheless, Native American reservation communities are still severely underresourced, and the establishment of sufficient educational and work opportunities for Native American people on their own lands is far from being realized. Moreover, there are now generations of Native Americans who live in urban areas and who may have only precursory relationships with their tribes of origin. They too live in poverty and are undereducated and unemployed at alarming rates. Indeed, an examination of 15-year longitudinal data shows that unemployment rates for both urban and rural Native American populations tend to remain at approximately twice that of the total population (Allard & Brundage, 2019), and their median household incomes tend to remain at approximately two thirds that of the total population (e.g., $60,224 vs. $85,806; U.S. Census Bureau, 2021).
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In response to these overwhelming needs, we conducted a review of the extant literature on career psychology and work in the Native American context in order to provide a foundation for further research and the construction of career counseling interventions. We used as our relevant time frame the years from 2000 to 2021 in order to incorporate the latest critical thinking and empirical research into our investigation. We reviewed articles, books, chapters, and dissertations using PsycInfo, OVID, Google Scholar, and Digital Dissertations. We highlighted the educational and career development of K–12 students, college students, and adults, paying particular attention to barriers, supports, and psychological factors at each of these stages.
K–12 STUDENTS Recent research on the career psychology of Native American children and youth has provided significant insights into the educational and career barriers, supports, and developmental challenges they face. This research, however, is limited by comparatively few studies and even fewer replications that test original findings or provide meanings across samples. Nevertheless, the research that does exist shows that today’s Native American young people are not significantly different in their interests from White young people (which has been the typical comparison group in cross-cultural studies). Researchers have found, for example, that Native American adolescents are motivated by the same career interests and aspirations as White adolescents, and that they are just as interested in going to college and in working in jobs they enjoy (Turner, 2000, 2014; Turner & Lapan, 2003). Moreover, today’s Native American parents have aspirations for their children that are decidedly proeducation (e.g., graduating from high school and college), despite the community’s historical distrust of schools (Sheley, 2011). Yet Native American children graduate from high school at significantly lower rates than White children (72% of Native American children graduate compared with 89% of White students; National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], 2020). Additionally, Native American K–12 students do not have the same access to educational opportunities as White children. For example, 41% of Native American children attend schools in high-poverty areas compared with 31% of White children (García, 2020; NCES, 2020) where there are fewer college preparatory course offerings and fewer school counselors to help them make educational and career decisions. These schools also tend to be underperforming and to graduate less than 50% of their students on time (WoodGarnett, 2020). Native American young people may also experience barriers related to school attendance, such as living long distances from school and not having adequate transportation to get to school. This can be especially challenging on rural reservations where some students live 30 to 40 miles from their schools. Additionally, many Native American students lack Wi-Fi access, which puts
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them at a distinct disadvantage, especially since a large percentage of K–12 schools have now instituted at least some remote and distance learning (Federal Communications Commission [FCC], 2019). On reservation lands, for example, between 35% and 45% of students do not have access to Wi-Fi. Thus, they are not able to contact teachers and counselors for homework help, emotional support, or guidance, and may fall behind in their educational trajectories (FCC, 2019). Finally, K–12 schools can be dismal places for Native American young people. Native American youths’ academic progress is substantially hindered by bullying, cultural dissonance, learning difficulties, microaggressions, chilly school climates, and overt racism (e.g., Holter et al., 2019; Hudson-Smith, 2018; Sheley, 2011). These experiences can make Native American children feel isolated, alone, and alienated both from school and from themselves and their own Native American identities (Hudson-Smith, 2018). Textbooks filled with stereotypical and distorted information regarding Native American history and lifeways can make students feel ashamed and invalidated (Holter et al., 2019). This can lead to school disruptions so that these young people are not positioned to reach their career dreams and goals.
COLLEGE STUDENTS College Readiness Only 10% of Native Americans obtain bachelor’s degrees compared with 43% of White students, and only 17% obtain associate’s degrees compared with 54% of White students (Postsecondary National Policy Institute, 2019). Only 20% who aspire to complete a science, technology, engineering, or mathematics (STEM) major succeed, compared with the 33% of White students or the 42% of Asian American students (Hrabowski, 2014) who succeed in completing STEM majors. These lower rates of college degree attainment can be attributed, at least in part, to a lack of college readiness. Native American students report that one of their most challenging barriers to college entrance and degree attainment is a lack of college readiness (Turner et al., 2022). Native American middle and high school students have standardized test scores in math, science, and other core subjects that are substantially lower than the national average (Nation’s Report Card, n.d.). In addition, only 12% of Native American youth enroll in college preparatory programs compared with 20% of White youth (Irvin et al., 2016). These realities mean that Native American students are less academically prepared for college than their ethnic majority counterparts. This can have a profound effect on their college trajectories in that it can limit their opportunities to matriculate into specific universities, enroll in specific courses of study, and persist to the completion of their degrees (ACT, 2018; Lapan et al., 2012). The lack of college readiness among Native American students is also connected to a lack of college information and a lack of role modeling (Cataldi et
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al., 2018). “The complexities of college admissions and planning for college attendance can be overwhelming for Native American students who do not have a basic knowledge of educational systems, and because of this they may be dissuaded from entering college” (Turner et al., 2019, p. 1). These students tend to have less access to college readiness counseling in high school, such as counseling that can provide them with information regarding college qualifications, how to choose a college, how to apply, and how to finance their college educations (e.g., Turner et al., 2019). Moreover, Native American students often have fewer role models with college degrees than do students from other ethnic groups. In addition, Native American students may not have parents or other community members who attended college and, thus, may not automatically assume that college is in their future (Cataldi et al., 2018). College Persistence Native American students who do matriculate into college approach their educational opportunities with hope for the future. When 137 Native American undergraduate students were asked why they decided to attend college, their responses largely fell into these categories: opportunities to get a good job, opportunities for a better life and future, highly valuing education, helping family and community, and a lack of interest in remaining on the reservation (Brown & Lavish, 2006). Yet one of the biggest challenges that Native American students face is persistence to degree completion. Only about half of Native American college students make it through their freshman year, compared with 70% of the general population (Adelman et al., 2013). Additionally, only 23% of Native American students, compared with 46% of White students, graduate in 4 years (Postsecondary National Policy Institute, 2019). Research has shown that one of the most salient barriers to college completion among Native Americans is a lack of financial resources, such that either they do not have enough money for both tuition and living expenses or they have to work during college and have difficulty balancing the demands of school and their jobs (e.g., Fox, 2013; Turner et al., 2022). Native American students tend to be older than other students, to be employed while they are in college, to have dependents, and to live in poverty (Center for Community College Student Engagement, 2019). These students can find the combination of work, school, and family care impossible to maintain, and so finally make the decision to not complete college. In addition, not being provided with sufficient information regarding the costs of college and how to finance their college educations is an ongoing challenge for Native American students, and for their families. Students who are not given sufficient support when planning for college may find that the process of applying for loans and scholarships is overly complicated and may be beyond their reach. Another barrier to college completion is a lack of academic preparation in high school, which means that many Native American college students find themselves taking remedial coursework in their freshman year, prior to taking
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credit-bearing coursework. This not only extends the time until students are able to graduate and begin to earn money, but also adds to the expense of college, and increases the likelihood that Native American students will abandon their degree plans prior to completion (Tachine & Francis-Begay, 2013). Indeed, research shows that students from any ethnic group who take remedial courses accrue additional college debt, and are less likely to earn a college degree (NelsonGustafson, 2020). Other barriers include (a) limited access to career information services; (b) being at institutions that do not reflect Native American values and beliefs; (c) cultural assimilation issues; and (d) pressure to simultaneously navigate the worlds of school, family, and community while trying to succeed academically (Fox, 2013; Jackson et al., 2003). Some students are not adequately prepared to deal with the culture shock of leaving their families and moving to large institutions that promote primarily White cultural values, and thus, they may not adjust readily to their new environments (Tachine & FrancisBegay, 2013). Finally, barriers to persistence that are connected directly to Native Americans’ status as a colonized and oppressed minority group include being subject to harassment, threats, microaggressions, and microinvalidations, which lead to shock, sorrow, sadness, fear, and isolation (e.g., Clark et al., 2014). Racial intimidation can be internalized, and students who find themselves subjected to such treatment may believe that leaving college is their only option. Supports to persistence among college students, on the other hand, include helping them become academically prepared, and providing them with adequate college and career information; family, tribal, and community support; and faculty support (e.g., Lundberg & Lowe, 2016). Family encouragement and support, including financial, physical, emotional and verbal support, have been found to be a positive influence on Native American students’ academic persistence (Fox, 2013). In addition, financial support in terms of tribal scholarships, as well as work–study and graduate assistantships, can have a strong impact on Native American college student persistence (Flynn et al., 2012; Jackson et al., 2003; Marcus, 2012). Moreover, researchers have found that when Native American undergraduate students perceive that they can exercise control over their own educational trajectories, they are more likely to complete their college degrees (Bermudez, 2006). Career planning courses, which can increase that sense of control, have been found to be effective in increasing retention in the 1st and 2nd years of college among first-generation students (GrierReed & Chahla, 2015). Additionally, a positive campus climate that includes respectful interactions in the classroom, and more positive peer interactions overall, also supports persistence among Native American college students. Byars-Winston et al. (2010) found that this type of positive campus climate predicts biology students’ (including a small sample of Native American students) academic self-efficacy, which in turn predicts their commitment to persist to graduation.
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Choice of Major As a group, Native American students do not necessarily choose majors that are congruent with their interests. Although the distribution of career interests among Native Americans is similar to the distributions among Asian Americans, Middle Eastern Americans, and White Americans (e.g., Kantamneni, 2014; Turner, 2000), their choice of college majors is much more limited. This is especially evident among high-demand disciplines, such as STEM disciplines, in which Native Americans are severely underrepresented (Turner et al., 2022). For many Native American students, their choice of college majors is dependent, at least in part, on whether other Native Americans also enroll in those majors (Murphy & Zirkel, 2015). This approach perpetuates the cycle of underrepresentation in specified career fields and limits Native American students’ opportunities to fully express their interests. Additionally, Native American college students’ negative perceptions about their own abilities and college readiness appear to lead them away from choosing majors in which they express interest (Turner et al., 2022). For example, among 152 Native American college students with STEM interests, only half were actually enrolled or were planning to enroll in majors that would lead to a STEM degree. The students who were not enrolled or planning to enroll in STEM majors endorsed beliefs that they were not smart enough, good enough at math, or academically prepared enough to pursue a STEM degree (Turner et al., 2022). Conversely, Diemer et al. (2010) found that the differentiation and strength of Native American students’ interests predict congruent prospective college majors. This suggests that assisting Native American students to engage in career exploration and information gathering may be a critical component to add to other types of interventions that recognize the academic, financial, climate, and support barriers with which Native American college students contend. Career Choice and Career Implementation: From School to Work Career choice and decision making is a critical component of young people’s progress and development. Students who do not participate in postsecondary education may find their career options to be more limited, especially if they live on reservations or in rural areas where there are fewer employment options. For many Native American college students, their majors are not directly linked to specific career paths, and thus, they are still searching for career fit after graduation. Along with the career development issues that all young people face, they have additional challenges related to leaving their homes, families, and reservations to find optimal work opportunities (BearchiefAdolpho et al., 2017; Hoffmann et al., 2005). This can be a challenge not only for the student but also for the tribe that spends significant sums to provide their children with higher education opportunities, only to have these young people not return to help the tribe develop its economies and resources (Bearchief-Adolpho et al., 2017).
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ADULTS There is much more empirical information on the career choice and development of Native American students than there is on Native American adults. This may be because the Native American community tends to focus on meeting the career development needs of young people in order to ensure their success and happiness. It may also be that the work and family responsibilities of Native American adults preclude them from participating in research to the same extent. What we do know, however, is that the inequities and other challenges that Native American young people face in school follow them into their adult lives. With regard to employment distributions, Native Americans are not adequately represented across the occupational spectrum. The Bureau of Labor Statistics (2019) reported that Native Americans are underrepresented in management and professional occupations (25.4%), compared with the total population (39.7%), and overrepresented in service occupations (24.8%), compared with the total population (17.5%; Allard & Brundage, 2019). Overall, Native Americans are more likely to be absorbed into low-wage, low-skill, low-status occupations (Byars-Winston et al., 2015). Regarding work and culture, Native Americans’ cultural values and norms can be very different than those of other individuals in their workplace, which can cause them distress; however, Native Americans’ values can also support their career success. O’Brien et al. (2014), for example, conducted a review of five studies on the career journeys of Native American women. These women had left their reservations to find jobs and, in so doing, faced significant challenges, such as having their tribal loyalty questioned and being subjected to discrimination. Nevertheless, these women reported that their cultural values of gender-equity and women belonging in leadership positioned them to take on leadership roles in their workplaces (O’Brien et al., 2014). Regarding work satisfaction and career success, studies have shown that persistence, resilience, and self-esteem are related to both job procurement selfefficacy and Native Americans’ perceived career success (Guilmino, 2007; Landrau, 2018; Lavish, 2008). In another study among Native American college students and working-age adults, Juntunen et al. (2001) found that promoting Native American traditions and defining success as a collective experience contributed to work satisfaction and the meaningfulness of work. Finally, Native Americans have been increasingly successful at creating entrepreneurial enterprises that serve the public, such as casinos and hotels. Built on Native American lands and reservations, casinos and hotels provide entertainment for large numbers of individuals outside of tribal communities. Although there is some evidence that casinos do not substantially ameliorate the overall unemployment problems found on reservations (Allard & Brundage, 2019), they do bring needed revenue into tribal communities, which is often spent on education, housing, and infrastructure in order to benefit tribal members.
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In addition to casinos and hotels, there are other Native American–owned businesses and farms that provide employment opportunities and economic stability for Native Americans. For example, in 2019, Native American–owned businesses accounted for 12.9% of all jobs in the state of Oklahoma (96,177 total jobs) and employed over 80,000 individuals in the states of Washington, Idaho, and Minnesota. These businesses contributed $539 million in goods and services to the state economy of Minnesota and $255 million in goods and services to the state economy of Washington. In addition, Native Americans operated over 60,000 farms that generated $3.33 billion in total from sales of agricultural products (U.S. Department of Agriculture, 2019). In this section, we conducted a literature review on career psychology and work in the Native American context across K–12, college, and adult populations in order to provide a foundation for further research and the construction of career counseling interventions. Next, we discuss suggestions for practitioners who provide career development services to Native American clients.
PRACTICAL APPLICATIONS Practical Applications for Native American K–12 Students There are numerous ways that counselors can assist Native American K–12 students to succeed in school and to prepare for their adult careers. The first is to ensure that Native American culture is honored in the classroom and that Native American students are able to feel that they belong at their schools (Turner et al., 2019). Many times, these children are called on to study and live biculturally. This means not only that they need to adapt to new environments and to master increasingly challenging schoolwork but that they also need to interact with others who are culturally different from themselves and adhere to school-culture norms that may be different from their own. Counselors can provide culturally congruent counseling for students and in-service training for teachers and other school personnel that draw on the latest research findings regarding the educational and career development of Native American students. The second way that counselors can assist Native American K–12 students to succeed is to provide them with opportunities to develop social supports. Promoting active learning in classrooms, and teaching children social and engagement skills, can help them develop strong and interactive peer networks. The effect of social supports on the career development of Native American young people is a marked improvement in their education and career development attainments, given the community-oriented and interdependent cultural values that are practiced by many Native Americans (Sue et al., 2019). For example, research has shown that social support from parents, teachers, and peers is associated with greater career exploration, goal setting, social/prosocial/work readiness, self-regulated learning, academic achievement, self-efficacy expectations, positive self-attributions, vocational identity, and proactivity among Native American adolescents (Turner et al., 2006).
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Counselors can also share information with parents about how to support their children. Newsletters, webpages, emails, and other forms of school-toparent communication can be an invaluable resource for parents, and can contain tips on how parents can guide their children’s educational progress. In addition, including parents, family members, elders, and other community members as school volunteers can help students connect what they are learning in school to their own cultures, as well as helping them gain support for preparing for and pursuing specific career paths. Research has shown that Native American parents are an especially significant source of support for enabling their young people to reach their dreams and goals. For example, research has shown that Native American parents’ support corresponds to their children’s increased self-efficacy, which in turn is related to greater career interests (Turner & Lapan, 2003). In addition, Turner et al. (2003), conducted a study of the associations between parent support and career development outcomes. The sample consisted of 293 disadvantaged seventh and eighth grade students (one third of whom were Native American) from an ethnically diverse public middle school in a low socioeconomic urban neighborhood. Students’ perceptions of their parents’ support were examined along Bandura’s four sources of self-efficacy information. These are (a) instrumental assistance, by which parents support their children’s performance accomplishments; (b) role modeling, which supports students’ vicarious learning; (c) verbal encouragement, by which parents engage in positive social persuasion with their students; and (d) emotional support, which serves to guide young people’s emotional arousal regarding their career development activities and outcomes. Results indicated that parents’ support along each of these sources of self-efficacy information was associated with career planning and exploration self-efficacy, knowledge of self and others self-efficacy, educational and vocational development self-efficacy, career decision-making self-efficacy, and career decision-making outcome expectations. The third way counselors can assist Native American students to succeed is to engage them in giving back to their communities. Research has found that Native American students are motivated to serve their communities (e.g., Jones-Brayboy et al., 2015); therefore, service-learning opportunities should be at the forefront of the career guidance Native American young people receive. Even with elementary children, carefully monitored service-learning activities, such as participating in working at tribal museums or going to work with a parent for a day, can help develop their understandings of the world of work and provide them with Native American role models who are working in various types of jobs. For Native American middle and high school students, we propose that there are four essential components that are critical to their educational and career development: (a) career preparation, (b) career exploration and planning, (c) making initial educational and career choices, and (d) translating these choices into educational and career pathways. Career preparation includes educational achievement, persistence, and support. To engage students in career
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exploration and planning, we recommend ongoing career education and counseling throughout middle school and senior high. It is particularly critical to connect Native American students to their hopes and plans in middle school as the rates of Native American children who drop out of school balloon beginning in the ninth grade. Providing Native American students with activities and materials that are curated specifically for them can assist them in seeing the types of careers they want in the future, and how they can reach their career goals. For making initial educational and career choices, we recommend college readiness counseling. One of the major aspects of college readiness counseling is helping students understand the links between K–12 academic achievement and college entry, followed by helping students devise a plan that will support their achievement across their high school experience. Research has supported the effectiveness of college readiness counseling in predicting achievement, which then predicts college aspirations (Turner et al., 2019). Other aspects of college readiness counseling include helping students choose high school courses that will qualify them for credit-bearing college coursework and helping them find and participate in educational and career development experiences, such as math camps, tours, advisor meetings, and College in the Schools classes, where they begin to acclimate to the college culture prior to enrollment. It is particularly important for counselors to provide Native American students and their families with information about how to apply to college and how to finance students’ postsecondary educations, and counselors should familiarize themselves both with the U.S. Department of Education college financial aid process and also with local and tribal scholarships and resources. In addition, college readiness counselors should help Native American students choose colleges that can meet their specific needs. For example, in addition to large state-supported as well as private 2-year and 4-year college options, tribal colleges and universities (TCUs) that are supported by local tribes can offer unique opportunities for Native American students. Located primarily in the Midwest and Southwest, these lower cost institutions are bastions of culture and language preservation. There are 32 primarily 2-year fully accredited TCUs as of December 2020. These colleges are extraordinarily successful in supporting the educational hopes and dreams of Native American students; 86% of Native American students who attend TCUs complete their degrees, but only 10% of Native American students who go directly from reservations to 4-year primarily White institutions complete theirs. Additionally, 80% of students who attend TCUs work in jobs that contribute to their tribal nations (U.S. Department of Education, 2020). There are some limitations regarding the breadth of degree opportunities offered at these schools, as well as some considerations about college rigor and prestige, but many TCUs have executed memorandums of agreement with 4-year institutions that allow graduates to be automatically accepted into bachelor degree programs. Finally, counselors should assist school districts in partnering with online educational services to provide curriculum for students who are in districts
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where college preparatory courses are not offered. Online college preparatory programs and programs that help students earn college credits while in high school can assist them not only with saving money and shortening their time to college degree completion but also with adjusting to the rigors of college coursework prior to arriving on campus. Practical Applications for Native American College Students To increase Native American college students’ success and persistence to graduation, precollege activities that allow students to become acquainted with the campus and with campus services and activities should be provided. In particular, financial aid support and review, and services related to increasing academic competence in areas where they are struggling can be key. To increase students’ sense of belonging, cohort models should be introduced. Cohort admissions and living/learning communities that consist of both residential life and academic supports can make an oasis away from home for underrepresented and first-generation students. Study hours and safe spaces for Native American students to congregate either to study or to socialize should also be provided. For students who are enrolled in distance-learning programs, online cohort activities and ways to connect with other Native American students while off campus should be thoughtfully structured and supported by campus IT services. In addition, colleges should have at least one counselor who is trained to meet Native American students’ educational and career development needs. Advisors should be trained in the unique challenges that Native American students face. Curriculum across programs and departments should be examined to ensure that it is not discriminatory toward Native American students. Faculty also should be trained to accommodate the different learning styles that are familiar to Native American students, such as group learning, storytelling, and knowledge construction. Using these strategies can provide Native American students with a sense of belonging and accomplishment, and can help support their success (Parrish et al., 2012). Moreover, faculty who serve as mentors can provide both role modeling and intensive support to Native American students who are seeking to navigate the challenges they face during their educational and career pursuits (Windchief et al., 2018). When considering how to best support Native American college students, universities should consider finding creative ways to solicit student feedback in order to increase the effectiveness of both Native American and non-Native American faculty. Inviting students to provide respectful feedback and recommendations to faculty both inside and outside the classroom environment can provide important information for faculty who are working toward the creation of a welcoming and antiracist climate. Mechanisms such as anonymous, student-driven surveys can be instituted to promote greater student participation. Finally, colleges should ensure that Native American students have opportunities to apply what they are learning in their classes via real-world work and
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problem solving. Work-study assignments, internships, and assistance with initial job placement opportunities provide important hands-on experiences for students. Counselors can seek out area businesses and other organizations that have internships set aside specifically for Native American students. Other institutions, such as the American Indian Graduate Center (https://www.aigcs. org/internship-opportunities/) help tribally enrolled Native American students match their interests with internship opportunities. In addition, tribes themselves often offer field placements and internships. Regarding initial job placements, counselors should help Native American students develop the skills necessary to be competitive in local and national job markets. Counselors should also familiarize themselves with career information that is specific to Native American young people. For example, the American Indian Science and Engineering Society (AISES) publishes information eac year in Winds of Change on the top 50 workplaces for Indigenous STEM professionals (e.g., AISES, 2020). These workplaces have been recognized by AISES as places (a) where there is strong support for diversity; (b) where inclusive work climates are maintained; and (c) where policies that are consistent with Native American values, such as environmental sustainability, the protection of human rights, collaborative partnerships, support of the Native American community, interesting vocational opportunities, and a commitment to the greater social good, are supported (AISES, 2019). Practical Applications for Native American Adults Native American adults often work in cross-cultural situations in which their cultural values are the nondominant ones. How to assist Native Americans to work in these situations without betraying their own values, giving up their own abilities to be affirmed and heard, or eschewing opportunities to work to their full potential remains elusive to many career counselors and career development specialists. For Native American adults who are looking for employment that is satisfying, productive, and meaningful or who are seeking to improve their current working conditions, there are several strategies that can be shared by counselors that can help them reach these career goals. These are (a) identifying and filling gaps in their job skills relative to career interests and labor market demands, (b) engaging in a productive job search, and (c) seeking support through counseling and mentorship. Identifying and Filling Gaps in Job Skills Research has shown that Native Americans are not adequately represented across job types in the occupational spectrum or across the income by prestige continuum (Allard & Brundage, 2019; Byars-Winston et al., 2015). A lack of educational opportunities and occupational information may be directly connected to this reality. Yet few resources are currently available for Native American working adults who cannot pursue degree programs that are offered only during the day or only on campus. However, with colleges and universities
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relying more on distance learning than in times past, there may be new opportunities to provide Native American adults with the training and educational credentials they need to establish the types of careers they want. Additionally, TCUs, which have played an increasingly positive role in the educational attainments of Native Americans, are finding innovative ways to multiply their impact on local communities and tribal areas. Such innovations include establishing microcampuses across reservations and providing home technology platforms that include cell phones, computers, and hotspots to increase the participation of students in remote areas with little access to Wi-Fi. Implementing measures such as these has the potential to increase the educational attainments, career options, and well-being of Native American communities and the areas that surround them. Native American adults can also increase their skills and postsecondary credentials through a vast array of trainings offered for free or at reduced cost to the public by governmental agencies and educational institutions. Agencies, such as the U.S. Small Business Administration, offer learning modules on entrepreneurial best practices (https://www.sba.gov/learning-center). Language learner courses are offered through companies such as Duolingo (https://www.duolingo. com/), and college-level coursework is offered via organizations such as Coursera (https://www.coursera.org) and Harvard Online Learning (https://onlinelearning.harvard.edu/), with options to complete free coursework or to pay for courses that individuals want to apply toward certifications or degrees. Engaging in a Productive Job Search A productive job search for Native Americans can be built on the principles of knowledge of self, knowledge of the world of work, and an effective self– environment match that is operationalized via job-seeking and acquisition skills. Regarding the self–environment match, Native American individuals who understand their own interests, values, goals, cultural identities, self and community expectations, and ways of interacting with the world, and who gather information regarding potential matching work environments, can carve out a career path that is aligned with their vocational personalities. Native American clients benefit by standardized career assessments; however, assessments of their cultural identity, proclivities toward social fit and fulfilling family and community expectations, knowledge of the world of work and how to engage in the job search process, and career adjustment skills (relative to being members of an oppressed minority group) can also be of benefit (Robinson-Wood, 2016). One method of assessing Native Americans’ cultural identity is to use Garrett and Pichette’s (2000) five levels of acculturation rubric, which consists of traditional, marginal, bicultural, assimilated, and pantraditional levels. Within this rubric, Garrett and Pichette (2000) proposed that those who are at the traditional level maintain their own Native American cultural identity. They generally speak and think in the Indigenous language of their tribe, irrespective of whether they also speak English. They hold traditional values and
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beliefs and adhere to traditional tribal customs. Individuals who are at the marginal level are caught between two cultures, their own culture and the dominant culture, neither fully accepting nor identifying with either. People at this level are the most likely to experience negative psychological outcomes resulting from this cultural conflict. Individuals who are at the bicultural level can move more easily between their own culture and the dominant culture, practicing the dictums and norms of either, depending on the circumstances and environmental demands. Individuals who are at the assimilated level identify with and practice the cultural values, behaviors, and expectations of the dominant culture. Yet even Native Americans who are assimilated are likely to adhere to vestiges of their traditional cultures because of the teachings, beliefs, and family stories of their relatives and friends. Finally, individuals who are at the pantraditional level were at one time assimilated into the dominant culture but have since made a conscious effort to return to Native American ways of learning, thinking, and being. However, because they may have been separated from their own tribal traditions, they may embrace a synthesized, revitalized version of Native American culture that is represented, for example, in the Pan-Indian movement. It should be noted that in the last 20 years since the introduction of these levels of acculturation, there have been many changes in the Native American community and in the dominant society itself (e.g., changes precipitated by an expanded mass media and the urbanization of Native American populations) so that fewer Native Americans maintain traditional beliefs/practices across all aspects of life. Nevertheless, assessing a Native American client’s level of acculturation versus their level of enculturation can help them pursue the type of work and work environment that will provide the best fit. When assessing Native American clients’ proclivities toward social fit and fulfilling family and community expectations, it is important to also consider how they engage in career decision making. Rarely will such decisions be solely an individual decision. Rather, both family and community consultation may be part of the process. The role of the family in Native American culture is always important even when there are disagreements (Pope, 2019). Questions such as what level of involvement others will have in your client’s career decision-making processes and who are the most important supporters of your client’s career decisions, may need to be addressed. One way that counselors can help clients who need additional knowledge of the world of work and how to engage in the job search process is by showing them how to utilize occupational information databases. These databases are composed of information about a wide range of occupational options; however, counselors can work with clients to investigate those occupations that are most closely aligned with their individual career interests and cultural values (e.g., occupations that allow them to give back to their communities or mentor the next generation of students). Job seekers’ databases and websites also provide a wealth of information on current job opportunities as well as information regarding how to develop
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job-seeking skills. For example, the Indeed website (https://www.indeed.com/ career-advice/resumes-cover-letters/data-management-skills) provides tips for writing résumés and interviewing as well as current job postings that may be of interest to Native American job seekers, and USA Jobs (https://www.usajobs. gov/Help/working-in-government/unique-hiring-paths/native-americans/) lists government jobs with a preference for tribally enrolled individuals. The National Congress for American Indians also has a job board where organizations interested in hiring individuals with Native American heritage can post jobs (https://www.ncai.org/resources). Many tribal governments also have job boards that post local opportunities. Counselors can connect their Native American clients with Native American–owned businesses as sources of employment and can provide them with information on available resources that could help them develop their own businesses. As members of an oppressed minority group, Native Americans are subjected to racism and discrimination on the job. Malott and Schaefle (2015) proposed a method of assessing the impact of racism on clients of color and helping their clients identify effective coping strategies. This model is based on the assumption that racism is a central construct in the work and mental health concerns of these populations. Based on a foundation of counselor competencies (Stage 1), the counselor selects a theoretical framework, such as relational– cultural therapy (Jordan, 2018), that does not pathologize clients’ responses to racism (Stage 2). Next, the counselor communicates their willingness to discuss the impacts of racism through infusing the discussion of race and culture throughout the counseling process (Stage 3). Finally, in the action stage, counselors address the effects of race-related trauma in the workplace, or trauma that would interfere with job seeking and work. In this stage, counselors help their clients explore their strengths and how they cope with racism and then help them develop new strategies to overcome racism, such as finding a different job and/or enhancing their assertiveness, advocacy, and antiracist skills (Stage 4). Seeking Support Through Counseling and Mentorship Counselors can assist clients in making decisions regarding how to manage their careers within specific work environments or when to change jobs; however, research has also suggested that work and career satisfaction can be supported by mentors who are part of the client’s organization. Recent research has found that mentors are effective in helping Native American individuals navigate the challenges they face during their educational and career pursuits (Windchief et al., 2018). Mentors can help individuals become aware of the implicit as well as the explicit rules of the organization and how to navigate systems, politics, and expectations. Mentors can help support their mentees’ career aspirations, can help their mentees develop leadership skills, and can serve as a buffer against discrimination in the workplace. Mentors can increase the effectiveness of individual employees and can provide them with a sense of belonging to the organization (e.g., Graham, 2019). Some successful organiza-
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tions have formal mentorship programs; however, it is more likely that Native American adults will seek informal mentors who have similar values, goals, and aspirations.
CONCLUSION This chapter provided a review of the literature from the years 2000 to 2021 regarding the career development issues that Native Americans face during their K–12, college, and adult years. Although there are developmental differences in the tasks and challenges that Native Americans face at each stage, consistent themes are also found across stages that could guide both counseling and research approaches. Based on this literature review, it is clear that competency to counsel Native Americans is needed. Additionally, across developmental stages it is important to help clients learn to overcome racism and hostility, find ways to practice their own cultural values while working or going to school in cross-cultural situations, seek out and prepare for occupations that are congruent with their vocational personalities, and reach out for help and support from mentors, counselors, teachers, parents, and friends. Gaps in this research that should be addressed in subsequent studies include a lack of differentiation between urban and rural contexts and a lack of both empirical and conceptual information regarding best practices for career development counseling with Native Americans. It is our hope that the information provided in this chapter will support successful career counseling for Native American clients and will provide counselors with additional information regarding career psychology and work in the Native American context.
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18 Social Class in Work and Career Psychology Blake A. Allan, Eileen Joy, and Patrick K. Murphy
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cholars in psychology are increasingly recognizing social class as an important factor in people’s work and career development. For example, psychologists have conceptualized and measured social class as an intrapsychic phenomenon that shapes thoughts, feelings, and behaviors (Adler et al., 2000; Destin et al., 2017; Thompson & Subich, 2006) and have examined the relations among social class and important psychological variables (e.g., academic achievement, mental and physical health outcomes, occupational attainment; Diemer et al., 2013; Liu, Ali, et al., 2004). Psychologists have also explored how social class influences psychosocial, career, and identity development (Blustein, 2013; Destin et al., 2017; Fouad & Brown, 2000) and investigated the effects of economic marginalization, classism, and poverty (Liu & Ali, 2008; Liu, Soleck, et al., 2004). In this chapter, we provide a broad overview of this work in relation to career psychology, describing (a) how psychologists have conceptualized social class, (b) how career theories have incorporated social class, (c) how social class operates as a cultural variable that intersects with other cultural identities, (d) how classism affects career and work outcomes, (e) how social class relates to unemployment and work quality, and (f) how social class can be integrated into career counseling.
https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-019 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 389
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CONCEPTUALIZING AND MEASURING SOCIAL CLASS IN PSYCHOLOGY Social class broadly refers to people’s position in society relative to others based on multiple indicators of social status, including economic resources, social valuation, and access to social power (American Psychological Association [APA], 2019; Fouad & Brown, 2000). Social class is an inherently complex and multidimensional construct that has objective, subjective, and cultural components (APA, 2019; Liu, Ali, et al., 2004), which can influence people’s work and careers in different ways (Diemer & Ali, 2009). Specifically, psychologists have conceptualized and measured social class both objectively and subjectively (Diemer et al., 2013). Objective measures capture socioeconomic status (SES) and typically include a combination of education, income, and occupational prestige (Diemer et al., 2013; Liu, Soleck, et al., 2004). There are many operationalizations of these broad categories. For example, resource-based measures can assess the presence (e.g., highest level of education) or absence of resources (e.g., poverty, enrollment in food assistance programs, material deprivation; Diemer et al., 2013). Objective measures are particularly common when assessing the social class of children and adolescents (e.g., enrollment in reduced lunch programs; parents’ income, education, or occupation; Diemer et al., 2013). Subjective measures capture subjective social status (SSS) and tap into how people perceive their social class standing relative to others in society (Diemer et al., 2013; Liu, Soleck, et al., 2004). The most popular measure of SSS is the MacArthur Ladder of Subjective Social Status (Adler et al., 2000), although researchers often simply ask people to identify their social class (e.g., poor, working class, middle class, or affluent; Liu, Ali, et al., 2004). Subjective measures require people to identify how they compare themselves with others, which captures nuance not measured by SES. For example, people in certain trades (e.g., plumbers, electricians) may earn an income that places them in the middle class according to SES indicators but may also identify as working class based on lifestyle factors, perceived status in society, and access to capital (Diemer et al., 2013). Additionally, SSS predicts psychological functioning and health-related factors above and beyond objective SES in racial and gender majority and minority populations in the United States (Adler et al., 2000; Franzini & Fernandez-Esquer, 2006; Garza et al., 2017; Ostrove et al., 2000; Singh-Manoux et al., 2003, 2005). Assessing the psychological experience of social class is also important because extrapolations about people’s social class experiences by using grouplevel variables or simply measuring SES is problematic (Liu, Ali, et al., 2004). Several tools exist for assessing psychological complexities related to social class. For example, the Differential Status Identity Scale assesses the social and psychological consequences of living within classed hierarchies related to economic resources, social power, and social prestige (Thompson & Subich, 2006), and the Economic Constraints Scale captures the experience of accumulated economic disadvantage over the lifespan (Duffy et al., 2019).
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THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES ON SOCIAL CLASS AND WORK Throughout the 20th and into the 21st century, vocational theorists have increasingly recognized social class as important to career development and working. The vocational guidance movement arose during the Progressive Era in the late 19th and early 20th century, which was a complex time of social activism that actively incorporated social class consciousness (Zytowski, 2001). This rapid period of progressive social change occurred largely in response to rapid industrialization and migration/immigration to cities when a marked disparity grew between wealthy oligarchs and those living in poverty and working in poor labor conditions. Frank Parsons was active in reform movements during this time and wrote about wealth inequality and poverty, pushing counselors to engage in social action (Hartung & Blustein, 2002; Zytowski, 2001). Parsons (1909) aimed to address social inequities by exposing students to a broad education and vocational training whereby they could find the best-fitting career. Central to Parsons’s trait-and-factor approach was having knowledge of the self, a comprehensive knowledge of available jobs, and the ability to match the two to find a good career. To Parsons, this fulfilled progressive values by allowing people to freely choose careers rather than being forced to choose work based on their social standing. However, despite Parsons’s push for greater social justice, he did not write extensively about how structural barriers like social class inhibit people’s ability to pursue their best fitting career. Carrying on Parsons’s person–environment (P-E) fit approach, Holland (1959) advanced the notion that people develop vocational personalities—in part within the context of their social class—that match with ideal occupational environments. Holland mentioned in passing that socioeconomic resources might affect people’s ability to fulfill their ideal career, but social class was not prominent in his theory. Although scholars have found that Holland’s structure of interests generalizes across different social class groups (Ryan et al., 1996) and that social class may indeed affect the development of certain interests (Trusty et al., 2000), few studies have examined social class directly in the context of Holland’s theory. The theory of work adjustment (TWA; Dawis, 2005)— another P-E fit theory—delineated how job satisfaction and work tenure are products of the degree of fit between certain individual characteristics (e.g., values and abilities) and characteristics of the workplace (e.g., requirements of the job, available rewards for work). Social class was not a part of the TWA, and few studies have evaluated how social class is relevant to the TWA (Juntunen et al., 2020). In contrast to P-E fit theories, developmental theories began to integrate an understanding of social class. Super’s (1980) lifespan model described different career development stages, the variety of life roles and how these relate to self-concept, and how decision making occurs across the lifespan. Like Holland (1959), Super acknowledged that SES affects career development (e.g., preferences, ability to obtain work) but did not discuss social class as a central factor.
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Career construction theory further expanded on Super’s developmental theory to focus on narrative career counseling, creating meaning in life through meaning making, and developing career adaptability (Savickas, 2005). While career construction acknowledges that SES affects career patterns and can destabilize career development, social class is not central to this perspective (Savickas, 2005). Despite the peripheral attention to social class up to this point, another development theory included a central role for social class. Specifically, Gottfredson’s (1981) theory of circumscription and compromise proposed that children and adolescents narrow the range of potential careers based on a selfconcept determined by occupational prestige and gender (circumscription), then choose a career path within this narrow field based on accessibility rather than their ideal aspirations (compromise). Therefore, although the theory has not been widely adopted or studied (Juntunen et al., 2020), circumscription and compromise was the first major vocational theory to incorporate a central role for an aspect of social class. Social learning theories also continued to recognize social class as a factor in learning experiences and therefore career development. For example, Krumboltz’s (2009) social learning theory acknowledged that social determinants like SES can affect learning resources and experiences. Social cognitive career theory (SCCT; Lent & Brown, 2019; Lent et al., 1994) went further to describe the role of social class in more detail. SCCT articulates how people’s learning experiences affect their self-efficacy and outcomes expectations, which in turn lead to interests, values, aptitudes, goals, career choices, and performance. SCCT further proposes that people’s learning experiences derive from personal and contextual factors, including SES. At the individual level within SCCT, social class operates on career and work outcomes through self-efficacy and outcome expectations; at the systemic level within the opportunity structure, social class may moderate certain relations or directly influence career choices. Given its explicit role, many studies have incorporated social class and found it to have significant explanatory power within SCCT (Flores et al., 2017). Therefore, SCCT is a viable perspective for understanding how social class affects career and work outcomes and for informing interventions. However, most SCCT studies have operationalized social class at the individual level, so scholars have called for structural operationalizations of social class, such as classism (Flores et al., 2017). The psychology of working framework (PWF) and psychology of working theory (PWT) further integrated social class into vocational psychology, including highlighting its structural role. The PWF is a metaperspective aimed at refocusing vocational psychology toward those left out of traditional career models, including people who are poor or from lower social class backgrounds (Blustein, 2013). Blustein (2013) argued that people often have little freedom in their work choices (i.e., low work volition) and highlighted the primary role of work to meet basic needs, such as survival, social connection, and self-determination.
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PWT developed the PWF into a testable model and formed specific propositions around the role of social class (Duffy et al., 2016). Specifically, PWT developed the concept of economic constraints, which is an operationalization of social class encompassing limited economic resources and social capital (e.g., SES) and people’s subjective sense of their social status (e.g., SSS). The economic constraints construct also emphasizes the accumulative disadvantage of economic marginalization across the lifespan (Duffy et al., 2019). Therefore, PWT was the first vocational theory to include a broad, modern, and structural operationalization of social class as a central variable that determines work outcomes. Specifically, PWT proposes that economic constraints (along with marginalization) restrict work volition and career adaptability, which in turn reduces access to decent work. Without access to decent work, people are unable to meet their basic needs and experience less work fulfillment and general well-being. As a result of PWT’s inclusion of economic constraints, many PWT studies have measured social class and have found it to predict various outcomes within the theory (Blustein & Duffy, 2020). In summary, despite only peripheral attention to social class in the 20th century, modern vocational theories are increasingly recognizing social class as a central determinant of career development and work opportunity. While this represents important progress, theories have mostly operationalized social class as a person input variable rather than as a structural factor that shapes work opportunities. In addition, vocational theories have not typically explored social class as a cultural variable that shapes people’s worldviews, which represents an important direction for research.
SOCIAL CLASS AS A CULTURAL CONSTRUCT As previously discussed, social class is a subjective and cultural construct that, like race and gender, is a fundamental aspect of personal and social identity that becomes internalized through socialization processes (Fouad & Brown, 2000; Liu, Ali, et al., 2004). For example, social class forms a fundamental part of people’s self-concepts, life stories (Destin et al., 2017), group memberships (Destin et al., 2017; Liu, Soleck, et al., 2004), leisure activities, lifestyle expectations (Palomar-Lever, 2007), attitudes and behaviors (Fouad & Brown, 2000), relationships to material objects (i.e., Liu, Soleck, et al., 2004), and future goals (Destin et al., 2017). The social class worldview model (SCWM; Liu, Soleck, et al., 2004) provides a framework to explain how this occurs by emphasizing psychological experiences related to social class and classism. According to the SCWM, people’s lives are situated within macrolevel (e.g., state, country) and local (e.g., neighborhood, workplace, town) economic cultures (Liu, Soleck, et al., 2004). Economic cultures influence the norms and forms of capital (e.g., social, cultural, human) that are valued within and shape one’s social class worldview (Liu, Soleck, et al., 2004). SCWM posits that people strive to have consistency in their worldview and feel pressured to live up to the expectations
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placed on them by their economic culture (Liu, Ali, et al., 2004). Therefore, people engage in behaviors to accrue, nurture, and use their capital to maintain and reinforce the norms and values of their perceived social class (Diemer & Ali, 2009). Social Class and Work Values Given that social class functions as a cultural factor, it can affect work values, career aspirations, and career goals. For example, research suggests that individuals from higher social classes tend to value work for both its intrinsic and material benefits, whereas individuals from lower social classes tend to view work as a means for economic survival (Brown et al., 1996; Chaves et al., 2004). Specifically, people from higher social class backgrounds tend to view work as a way to gain personal satisfaction and meaning, actualize their abilities, and express their self-concept more so than those from lower social class backgrounds (Blustein et al., 2002; Brown et al., 1996; Chaves et al., 2004). Therefore, pursuing work for its intrinsic value might in part reflect social class privilege (Lair et al., 2008). From an SCWM perspective, a person’s understanding of the meaning of work may be based in their local economic subculture. Pursuing work for its intrinsic benefits might be a manifestation of middle- and upper-class cultural norms, and people from lower social classes might reject those norms to adopt work values that express their social status and identity (Blustein et al., 2002; Fouad & Brown, 2000). For example, “working with one’s hands” rather than “pushing paper” is a value within certain working-class cultures and serves as an example of rejecting middle-class norms (Ali & McWhirter, 2006). Additionally, phrases such as “putting food on the table” are expressions that can signify securing basic material necessities through work and can be a source of pride among persons from lower and working social classes. This may reflect people engaging in work behaviors that help them gain advantages and maintain their status within their economic subcultures (Liu, Soleck, et al., 2004). However, recent research suggests that wanting work to be intrinsically satisfying and having work that is intrinsically satisfying are separate issues. For example, although people with higher social status are more likely to report having meaningful work, people desire meaningful work equally across the social class spectrum (Autin & Allan, 2020). This may reflect how social class structures shape people’s goals: Compared with individuals from middle and upper classes, people from lower social classes experience significant barriers to accessing resources, earlier school-to-work transitions, and fewer options for work based on their geographic location (Blustein et al., 2000). Therefore, although people from all social classes might desire intrinsically satisfying and fulfilling work, people from lower social classes might have to disregard those desires based on limited work availability and the imminent pressure to meet basic needs (Allan et al., 2019).
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Intersectional Perspectives on Social Class and Work To fully understand the role of social class as a cultural variable, considering how people experience social class in conjunction with other cultural identities is critical (e.g., race, gender, sexual orientation, nation of origin). Within a society, people have different experiences of power and discrimination based on their cultural identities. The term “intersectionality” was first developed by Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989) to describe working-class Black women’s unique experiences of discrimination in work settings due to the intersection of racism and sexism. She noted that in the 1976 case of DeGraffenreid v. General Motors, General Motors was accused of racial discrimination in hiring because they employed mostly White women as secretaries and gender discrimination in hiring because they employed mostly Black men as factory workers. Because Black women were not White, they would not be hired as secretaries, and because they were not men, they would not be hired as factory workers. Therefore, even though General Motors could prove that they hired both women and Black workers, there was no place for working-class Black women in the company due to the intersection of these forms of discrimination in the workplace. As this example highlights, understanding how social class influences the working lives of people is not possible without paying attention to other aspects of identity, power, and privilege. Social class is particularly inseparable from other social identities in the United States because there is substantial overlap across these identities. People of color, older adults, people with disabilities, women, people who are transgender or gender nonconforming, sexual minorities, and undocumented immigrants are all more likely to experience work discrimination and are more likely to live in poverty (Caulley, 2017; DeNavasWalt & Proctor, 2015; Grant et al., 2011; McCord et al., 2018; McGarrity, 2014; Mohanty, 2019; Palmer, 2011; Passel & Cohn, 2009). In addition, marginalized populations experience poorer educational opportunities (Birkett et al., 2014; Eddy & Brownell, 2016; Quintana & Mahgoub, 2016), hiring discrimination (Derous & Pepermans, 2019; Kang et al., 2016; McMahon et al., 2008; Mishel, 2016), mistreatment at work (McCord et al., 2018; McMahon et al., 2008), and lower salaries or barriers to promotions (Castilla, 2008; Mandel & Semyonov, 2016). In summary, considering social class in career psychology requires consideration of marginalized social identities because these identities are strongly connected to economic marginalization and social valuation. As an illustration, social class and gender intersect to inform what people prioritize and gain from their work. For example, in addition to perceiving work is a means of survival, women with children from lower class backgrounds describe practical issues of balancing paid employment with child care and housework (Hofman, 2010). This sometimes includes having older children help earn money for the family’s survival or take care of younger siblings. Hofman (2010) found that although women with children from middle-class backgrounds also sought flexibility in their employment to meet child care
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needs, they described choosing jobs with lower pay and greater flexibility or hiring housecleaners as ways of balancing employment with child care and housework. Therefore, even though women with children faced similar work concerns about balancing child care and employment, their strategies for coping with these concerns differed in the context of their social class and economic resources. Additionally, the higher class women in this study prioritized independence, intellectual fulfillment, and working environments over earning potential (Hofman, 2010). Regardless of this example, the intersection of social class, gender, and work cannot be separated from the context of other cultural identities. For single parents who are not women, LGBTQ parents, and other families, child care roles and paid working roles may look different across partners (Farr & Patterson, 2013; Lee & Hofferth, 2017). And in bilingual, immigrant, and multigenerational households, older generations or neighbors may provide child care (Sandstrom & Chaudry, 2012). Generational differences in balancing employment with child care also exist at the intersection of social class and gender (Harrington et al., 2017). In summary, intersectionality provides a rich and multifaceted perspective for understanding people’s working lives across social classes.
THE ROLE OF CLASSISM IN WORK Understanding how people’s social class affects career development and working also requires a discussion of classism. Interpersonal classism refers to interpersonal prejudice, stereotypes, and discrimination based on social class, and institutional classism refers to systems of social, political, and economic power that marginalize people from lower social classes and restrict their access to resources (Allan et al., 2016; Lott, 2012). Both interpersonal classism and institutional classism influence people’s work experience. For example, classism affects people’s access to, attitudes toward, and success in education. People are socialized to understand what level or type of education others expect them to attain given their social class, and, as a result, how much importance people place on education, the type of major they choose, and how many years of education they complete are influenced by social class messages (Liu, 2012, 2013). Classism also affects people’s experiences while in education. For example, college students who identify with a lower social class report greater experiences of interpersonal and institutional classism while in college (Allan et al., 2016). For these college students, experiencing classism and economic deprivation is associated with a range of negative outcomes, including lower life satisfaction, well-being, academic adjustment, grade point average, and academic satisfaction (Allan et al., 2016, 2020; Langhout et al., 2007). Moreover, these relations may operate primarily through reduced work volition—the ability to choose one’s future work (Allan, Garriott, et al., 2021; Allan et al., 2020).
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Classism also plays a role in hiring through a process of cultural matching between employers and applicants (Rivera, 2012; Stephens et al., 2019). Through this cultural matching, prestigious and high-paying jobs are offered to applicants who share characteristics with the higher social class employers— including experiences with the right sports, leisure activities, alma maters, and social expectations (Rivera, 2012). These characteristics are forms of capital that signify a person’s social class and predict employment and earnings (Liu, 2012; Nakhaie & Kazemipur, 2013). How people dress and groom themselves for an interview is also a form of capital on which classist decisions in hiring are based (Gruys, 2019; Williams & Connell, 2010). Even organizations that provide women with professional clothing to improve their ability to gain employment gatekeep which types of clothing are acceptable depending on the women’s social class (Gruys, 2019). Once hired, workers experience classism through harsher evaluations on interpersonal and self-presentation behaviors. People from different social classes have different cultural expectations for workplace behavior (Stephens et al., 2019). For example, compared with people who are middle-class, people from working-class backgrounds are more likely to value modesty, social interconnectedness, and deference to authority over confidence, individuality, and self-promotion (Dietze & Knowles, 2016; Horvat et al., 2003; Na et al., 2016; Stephens et al., 2007, 2019). When there is a cultural mismatch between people’s values and expectations and their institutions, they may feel unwelcomed and stressed and be more likely to receive harsher evaluations (Bencharit et al., 2019; Stephens et al., 2012). Additionally, behaviors consistent with higher class values of confidence and self-promotion may be more likely to be rewarded (e.g., Kennedy et al., 2013). In short, the lack of flexibility from employers and institutions evident in the harmful effects of cultural mismatch reinforces and maintains social class differences. In summary, classism plays a role in people’s educational, hiring, and workplace experiences, which creates cumulative disadvantage over the lifespan (Duffy et al., 2016; Lott, 2012). While this is an incomplete review, it highlights the need to consider classism as a relevant career variable. However, classism is largely absent from vocational research, with few exceptions (e.g., Kim & Allan, 2021).
SOCIAL CLASS, UNEMPLOYMENT, AND WORK QUALITY Access to stable, permanent, and full-time employment is becoming increasingly constrained as the global labor market changes due to forces such as automation, globalization, wealth inequality, and the COVID-19 pandemic (International Labour Organization, 2020). As a result, precarious work—work that is unstable and insecure, pays low wages, restricts the power of workers to advocate for change, and provides limited benefits—is becoming more common (Allan, Autin, & Wilkins-Yel, 2021). Therefore, many people who are
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employed struggle with jobs that do not provide a living wage and cause continuous uncertainty. Moreover, recent economic crises, such as the Great Recession and the COVID-19 pandemic, exacerbated and exposed these issues while causing massive layoffs across the globe (e.g., Rudolph et al., 2021). This instability in the labor market is likely to worsen as exponential technological growth, political instability, climate change, and other factors continue to develop (International Labour Organization, 2020). Clearly, the ability to maintain stable work that provides a fair wage is inseparable from social class, poverty, and economic marginalization (Thompson & Dahling, 2019). For example, people from lower socioeconomic backgrounds (e.g., lower levels of education) are more likely to be underemployed and have precarious work, which reinforces the cycle of poverty at the individual and community levels (Allan et al., 2017; Duffy et al., 2016; Thompson & Dahling, 2019). People with lower social class are also more likely to suffer during social and economic crises, such as during the COVID-19 pandemic (Kantamneni, 2020). For example, low-wage workers have suffered the worst of the COVID-19 economic crisis because they are less able to work from home; often cannot socially distance at work; have less access to benefits; and are more likely to lose their jobs, working hours, and income (Cubrich, 2020; Kinder & Ross, 2020). Under these conditions, low-wage workers have contracted COVID-19 at higher rates and been more likely to die from the virus, which has resulted in anxiety, trauma, and other psychological consequences (Kinder & Ross, 2020). People from lower social classes are also more likely to lose their jobs during economic downturns and experience more severe consequences from job loss compared with people from higher social classes. For example, unemployment has more severe effects on mental health for people in blue-collar versus white-collar jobs (Paul & Moser, 2009), and reemployment is more beneficial for people with lower SES than people with higher SES (e.g., lower vs. higher levels of education; Park et al., 2016). However, although reemployment is critical for social mobility and addressing poverty, people with less social, human, and economic capital are less likely to find work (e.g., McArdle et al., 2007), and job search strategies that are effective for people of higher social class may be less effective for those of lower social class (Elliott, 1999). Compounding this issue, people who are unemployed—particularly people unemployed long term—face employment discrimination, which further reduces the chances of finding work (see Allan & Kim, 2020). This pattern creates a cycle whereby people with lower social class are more likely to have poor-quality jobs and be unemployed, which in turn reinforces and maintains their social class. This is particularly true in the United States, where, compared with other postindustrial nations, social mobility is low, the social safety net is poor, and the rate of working poverty is high (Allan, Autin, & Wilkins-Yel, 2021; World Economic Forum, 2020). Wages have also failed to keep pace with economic growth, and the minimum wage, adjusted for inflation, has steadily declined since 1968 (Cooper et al., 2019). These structural forces lead to a lack of intergenerational social mobility, trapping people in their
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economic circumstances. Within career psychology, recognizing these structural forces and not blaming individuals for their work situations is critical.
SOCIAL CLASS AND CAREER COUNSELING Despite scholars’ increasing attention to social class as a salient factor in people’s working lives (Flores et al., 2017; Garriott et al., 2017), social class remains neglected within multicultural counseling frameworks—potentially due to discomfort with social class and the underrepresentation of people from lower social class backgrounds within the field (APA, 2019; Smith, 2009). As social class research increases, there is also a shift to attending to social class within the context of other cultural identities like race, ethnicity, and gender (Flores et al., 2017). These research trends help advance career counseling theory and interventions for people from different social class backgrounds. Frameworks like the PWT, SCCT, and SCWM (Blustein, Kenny, et al., 2019; Lent et al., 2000; Lent & Brown, 2019; Liu, Soleck, et al., 2004) are useful for developing case conceptualizations and interventions that attend to people’s social class contexts. Career counselors should integrate vocational theories that attend to social class with research on effective interventions for people from different social classes to provide evidence-based services (Robertson, 2020). Evidence-based career counseling requires knowledge of how social class affects work and career outcomes and the ability to assess and discuss social class in session to avoid making assumptions about people’s unique experiences (Liu, 2012; Robertson, 2020). As discussed previously, career counseling theories and research provide essential knowledge about the relations between work-related constructs and outcomes for people from different social classes. However, career counselors can contextualize this knowledge by seeking information about a person’s unique experiences with social class and related constructs. Asking questions about social class and other cultural identities in initial intake and assessment batteries, attending to values and behaviors salient to different social classes in conversations with clients, and identifying strengths and barriers specific to clients’ social class contexts may provide useful information for case conceptualization and treatment planning (APA, 2019). Career counselors can then integrate research and theory salient to the clients’ experiences with social class and vocational concerns to choose effective interventions (Robertson, 2020). For example, a career-planning intervention based on SCCT for people from low-income backgrounds may focus on building self-efficacy by providing learning experiences that may have been absent earlier in life (Flores et al., 2017). In addition, Blustein and colleagues recently developed a counseling approach based on PWT—psychology of working counseling (PWC; Blustein, Kenny, et al., 2019). At the individual level, this approach recommends that counselors conduct a needs assessment of basic survival and psychological needs and help clients raise critical consciousness, become more proactive, build social support, and engage with the community.
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For example, career counseling for clients who are unemployed and from lowincome backgrounds may include helping clients build awareness of the structural forces that affect unemployment and take collective action in their communities to address these issues. These are just two examples of how counselors can apply vocational theories to integrate social class in counseling. However, because people from different social classes tend to differ in career-related processes and in their access to and response to vocational interventions, career counselors may need to vary their approach for clients from different social class contexts. For example, successful adaptations of vocational interventions for unhoused people may include providing travel money and child care, locating workshops and sessions at shelters, and incorporating case management and critical consciousness interventions (Chronister & McWhirter, 2006; Ferguson, 2018). Attending to social class and the intersection of social class with other salient cultural identities is also a necessary aspect of providing multiculturally competent career counseling.
SOCIAL CLASS AND ADVOCACY IN CAREER PSYCHOLOGY More broadly, career practitioners can become involved in advocacy centered on issues of social class in people’s working lives (Blustein, Kenny, et al., 2019). Advocacy efforts are diverse and can include education, community organizing, program development, research, institutional policy changes, and government action (Garrison et al., 2017). These different forms of advocacy can occur on an individual level or structural level (APA, 2019; Blustein, Kenny, et al., 2019). Although these levels of advocacy differ in how they create change, they target similar needs. For example, survival as a need fulfilled by work can be targeted on a systemic level through policies and programs that support people’s access to stable housing, food, and health care or on an individual level by connecting people to work and existing resources to help meet these survival needs (Blustein, Kenny, et al., 2019). Importantly, both types of advocacy require individual people to be agents of change (Blustein, Kenny, et al., 2019). Globally and within the United States, there are many areas for career practitioners to work as allies and advocates, including promoting access to decent work; addressing unemployment, underemployment, and precarious employment; and combatting classism, anti-Black racism, and other forms of discrimination in the workplace (APA, 2019; Blustein, Ali, & Flores, 2019; Garrison et al., 2017). Recent efforts to address issues of social class and work through advocacy have highlighted the importance of taking a contextual and intersectional approach that addresses people’s experiences of oppression and privilege and collaborating across disciplines to create sustainable and meaningful change. By taking a contextual and intersectional approach, advocates situate issues of social class and work in relation to people’s other salient cultural identities, their neighborhood and national contexts, and their experiences of oppression
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and privilege (Blustein, Ali, & Flores, 2019). People’s experiences of their social class do not exist in a vacuum, and subsequently, advocacy efforts should fit the cultural, historical, and sociopolitical context of the community. For example, advocating for government programs that support reemployment for workingclass communities might not help immigrants, who may be excluded from such programs (Cadenas, 2018). Vocational advocacy could also benefit from interdisciplinary collaboration. Fields like sociology, economics, geography, and political science offer different perspectives that can improve career psychology’s understanding of issues of social class in work and different skill sets that may improve the translation of knowledge to sustainable action (Blustein, Ali, & Flores, 2019; Garrison et al., 2017). In summary, shifting career psychology advocacy to include contextual, intersectional, and interdisciplinary approaches strengthens the ability to create meaningful change.
CONCLUSION Career psychology since Parsons (1909) has acknowledged the role of social class in career and work development. Recent theories and research have begun actualizing this goal by increasingly studying and incorporating social class. The clear direction of this work is to incorporate more intersectional, structural, and cultural operationalizations of social class into research. This research has broadly found social class to be a meaningful factor to consider across all areas of career development and working. Moreover, it is informing how career practitioners can integrate social class into clinical practice and advocacy to increase the effectiveness of interventions (Blustein, Kenny, et al., 2019). In short, social class is a critical part of career psychology and will continue to be relevant into the future.
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IV CAREER INTERVENTION
19 Career Assessment Foundations, Approaches, and Applications Patrick J. Rottinghaus and Felice Chen
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ssessment remains a central focus of career intervention research and practice. Although assessment data provided by specific quantitative measures are critical, this information must be interpreted within the context of the client’s life and subjective conceptualizations that involve qualitative methods (McMahon & Watson, 2015; Rottinghaus & Eshelman, 2015). Such holistic perspectives on the client’s traits, attitudes, cognitions, behaviors, and emerging life narratives reflect a culmination of multiple philosophies that continue to influence career theory and practice. Therefore, a current examination of career assessments requires attention to both standardized and nonstandardized approaches to testing and assessment. Ultimately, strategic implementation of these diverse applications, while attending to critical content and process aspects of career behavior (Lent & Brown, 2020), affords a more complete understanding of the client’s concerns within the context of their ongoing lives. In this chapter, we present a broad overview of foundations and current approaches to career assessment, including administration, selection, and interpretation of tests for prominent content domains and career intervention processes. Using Rottinghaus and Eshelman’s (2015) six-step model, we offer insights for organizing and implementing integrative approaches to career assessment. Given recent trends involving increased utilization of online interventions, we highlight emerging advances in internet-based assessment and resources. Strategies for applying these concepts to counseling are examined in two brief cases that demonstrate emerging integrative approaches and https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-020 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 411
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innovations for supporting diverse clients. We conclude with take-home points and key resources to support practitioners in advancing their knowledge of career assessment research and practice innovations.
ASSESSMENT FOUNDATIONS AND INTERVENTION MODELS This section examines fundamental concepts and practical steps for selecting, administering, scoring, and interpreting tests in support of the overall assessment process. We feature several prominent career intervention models to offer guiding frameworks for assessment practice. We underscore the importance of conducting a detailed, culturally and ethically informed clinical interview (Falk et al., 2019). Intake Process Like all counseling, career counseling involves an intake process during which the counselor informs the client about what career counseling entails and learns about the client’s expectations for counseling. Drawing on earlier models of career assessment (Crites, 1981; Leong & Hartung, 1997; Rottinghaus & Eshelman, 2015; Super, 1983), we recommend a holistic approach beginning at intake and accounting for various aspects of the client’s individual differences and lived experience. In addition to identifying key information to gather through formal and informal methods, the practitioner must intentionally enact this process within the client–counselor working alliance in support of strategic goals, such as increasing self-knowledge, promoting career exploration, fostering decision making, and managing career transitions. Foundational Models Crites’s (1981) comprehensive counseling model represents one of the earliest examples of integrative career counseling. He emphasized a person-centered approach, using assessment results as well as the client’s active decision making in shaping the career counseling trajectory. Super’s (1983) career-development assessment and counseling (C-DAC) model also integrated assessment results while taking into account individual differences (e.g., interests, abilities, values) and process variables of vocational exploration and decision making (e.g., life role salience, career maturity, career concerns and attitudes). Osborn and Zunker’s (2016) model conceptualizes incorporating assessment into career counseling to achieve four main objectives: (a) establish a counseling relationship, (b) accept and adopt the client’s views, (c) establish dimensions of lifestyle, and (d) clarify and specify client’s needs. Additionally, Leong and Hartung (1997) provided crucial guidelines for assessment with multicultural considerations within an integrative-sequential cross-cultural framework. Knowledge and understanding of foundational career counseling models and vocational theories offer guiding frameworks for career assessment.
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Career Theory Social cognitive career theory (Lent et al., 1994) offers useful models that conceptualize a client’s background, including learning experiences, and other contextual factors that may affect the establishment of self-efficacy, interests, goals related to career exploration, decision-making processes, and satisfaction (Lent, 2020). The emphasis on sociocultural contexts has been particularly salient when working with marginalized populations (Kantamneni et al., 2018). In addition, insights from more traditional individual differences theories, including Holland’s (1997) theory of vocational personalities and Dawis and Lofquist’s (1984) theory of work adjustment, offer foundational methods for identifying and measuring interests, abilities, and values. Perspectives from developmental theories, notably Super’s life-span, life-space theory (Hartung, 2020); constructionist theories, such as that of Savickas (2020); and emerging insights from psychology of working theory (Blustein & Duffy, 2020) and others provide additional theoretical contexts for assessment. An Integrative Assessment and Counseling Model Ultimately, counselors must combine multiple sources of data and connect with an integrative framework adapted to their orientation, style, and client needs. Drawing on integrative personality models (e.g., McAdams & Pals, 2006; McCrae & Costa, 2008), Rottinghaus and Miller (2013) offered a foundational vocational personality model that incorporates broad domains of biological factors; dispositional traits; characteristic adaptations (e.g., goals, values, motives); narratives; culture and contextual factors; and life events, situations, and role demands. These factors interact in complex ways to inform the development and expression of interests and goals, furthering narrative identity development within one’s present situation. Rottinghaus and Eshelman (2015) later applied this perspective, along with established career counseling models, to develop a framework for career assessment and counseling interventions, resulting in their six-step model. This model integrates traditional career intervention process models (e.g., Crites, 1981; Leong & Hartung, 1997; Super, 1983) with broad personality domains (McAdams & Pals, 2006; McCrae & Costa, 2008; Rottinghaus & Miller, 2013) to offer a nonlinear and iterative model comprising six steps: (1) Preview intake information, (2) orient to the context for counseling, (3) recommend quantitative assessments to address specific goals and objectives, (4) identify relevant qualitative interventions, (5) integrate quantitative scores and nonstandardized qualitative data to increase self-awareness and explore possibilities, and (6) establish and implement action steps to meet specific goals and objectives. Using this model, counselors in Step 1 should review all available data, including intake documents that should include presenting concerns and basic background information about the client’s personal, educational, and work history. Counselors gather information about the client’s background, interests, values, work experiences, education, and hobbies. For example, counselors
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will typically collect information about the client’s family structure, socioeconomic status (SES), medical and psychiatric history, disability status, religious/ spiritual beliefs, cultural background, sexual orientation, and gender identity. The counselor should also acquire information about the client’s interests, values, and hobbies. For example, the counselor can facilitate exploration of the client’s most or least favorite courses throughout their life, what they enjoyed about their education, and what they would like to have pursued. In doing this, the counselor can better understand the client’s aspirations, lifestyles, and priorities. The counselor should also take steps to understand and take into account the various identities, cultures, family structure, and values that affect the client’s approach to career development and decision making. Acknowledgment and acceptance of the intersectional identities of the client and the counselor will help build trust between the client and counselor and help the client feel seen and understood (Osborn & Zunker, 2016). After learning more about the client’s background and career concerns, the counselor and client work together to establish initial primary goals and objectives for counseling. In Step 2, the counselor and client collaboratively establish a working alliance while exploring goals and identifying tasks for counseling that strengthen their bond. Although treatment planning can differ depending on the counselor’s theoretical orientation, as well as the dynamics between client and counselor, they generally work together to synthesize the client’s presenting concerns, goals, and background when formulating a treatment plan. In Steps 3 and 4, they will determine whether the client would benefit from particular assessments or activities to facilitate exploration of their career goals based on the established treatment plans. If both client and counselor determine that an assessment is appropriate, the counselor recommends appropriate activities to facilitate pursuing specific goals. Of course, counselors select from various types of assessments, such as aptitudes, interests, values, personality, career readiness, career adaptability, career optimism, and vocational identity, depending on client needs. Selecting the wrong assessment can lead to erroneous or unnecessary information for clients, time and resources wasted, and possible barriers to addressing client needs. Therefore, it is critical to identify particular measures with demonstrated adequate psychometric qualities, including internal consistency, stability, and construct validity in all its evolving complexity, encompassing “content, substantive, structural, generalizability, external, and consequential aspects” (Messick, 1995, p. 741) that are applicable to diverse populations. The counselor should evaluate if assessments are normed and warranted for a given client’s background. For example, some assessments may not be normed on particular ages, races, education levels, or cultural backgrounds and, if used, may provide invalid results that can be damaging to the client. Once particular qualitative and quantitative assessments have been chosen, the counselor should discuss details regarding the purposes for completing the assessment and information that can be learned from the experience. A coun-
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selor should score and review the assessment results prior to reconvening with the client to discuss results. This will allow time to review any possible scoring errors, understand the results, identify patterns within the data, and prepare to discuss the client’s results (Osborn & Zunker, 2016). In Step 5, the counselor and client work together to conceptualize their results from standardized and nonstandardized assessments, as client meaning making is crucial to formulate their understanding of themselves and their career endeavors. Here, career counseling can take the form of conversations to learn more of how the client makes sense of their results, such as those based on narrative counseling approaches and storytelling (McMahon & Watson, 2015; Savickas, 2020). For example, My Career Story (Savickas & Hartung, 2021) provides guided questions counselors can use to help the client reflect, tell, and shape their life–career stories to gain a deeper understanding of their identities and career exploration process. Finally, in Step 6, the counselor and client jointly identify specific action steps to guide the client in achieving specific goals within a given timeline. This could include exploring various occupations, identifying possible educational pathways, implementing a job search, modifying lifestyle for better work–life balance, and planning for retirement. Ethical Standards Throughout the counseling process, practitioners must be mindful of maintaining ethical standards when administering assessments, following guidelines outlined by the American Psychological Association’s (2017) Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct and the American Counseling Association’s (ACA’s; 2014) Code of Ethics, emphasizing Section E, which addresses evaluation, assessment, and interpretation. Additional key resources include the Standards for Educational and Psychological Testing (American Educational Research Association et al., 2014), Standards for the Qualifications of Test Users (ACA, 2003), and the Responsibilities of Users of Standardized Tests (Association for Assessment in Counseling, 2003). Maintaining ethical standards includes obtaining informed consent from the client and maintaining confidentiality throughout the counseling process. Counselors should ensure that they are responsible users of assessments, that they have proper training to administer and interpret assessments, and that they are knowledgeable about the most current versions of assessments. As mentioned previously, counselors should also be aware of cultural biases that may exist in an instrument and should only use instruments that have demonstrated validity for a given client’s background. For example, the Strong Interest Inventory (SII; Donnay et al., 2005) has been found to be valid across various racial/ethnic groups (Fouad & Mohler, 2004). In addition, counselors should take into account any accommodations or special needs the client may require and select appropriate instruments so they are not at a disadvantage.
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CONTENT AND PROCESS ASSESSMENT DOMAINS Critical domains are often featured in career counseling, including individual difference variables of vocational interests, abilities, skills, values, and personality traits. Moreover, assessment of career development and decision-making processes can inform the counselor’s work with the client. In accordance with and advancing earlier frameworks (Crites, 1981; Gati & Asher, 2001; Parsons, 1909; Sampson et al., 2004), Lent and Brown (2020) recently featured these dual lenses of content and process career assessment in their content–process– context model of intervention. Organized by the broad domains of content and process, we highlight major constructs, assessments, and strategies for incorporating critical information into career counseling practice. Content Domains Vocational Interests With a rich research tradition, the measurement of vocational interests is central to career theory, assessment, and counseling practice (Dik & Rottinghaus, 2013; Hansen, 2020). Career counselors frequently include prominent interest inventories, such as the SII (Donnay et al., 2005), Self-Directed Search (SDS; Holland & Messner, 2013), Campbell Interest and Skill Survey (CISS; Campbell et al., 1992), Kuder Career Interests Assessment (Kuder, 2012), and O*NET Interest Profiler (Rounds et al., 1999), in their work with clients. Most interest inventories now incorporate measures of Holland’s (1997) six vocational personality types: Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional. However, more precise basic interest content scales (e.g., math or science subdomains within Holland’s Investigative type) allow for more narrowly focused consideration of occupational content optimal for career exploration (Day & Rounds, 1997). For example, Liao et al. (2008) identified 31 basic interest markers (e.g., life science, medical service, information technology) using their public-domain measure that effectively differentiates major fields. The SII is most known for its occupational scales, which indicate degree of fit with the likes and dislikes of happily employed incumbents of a particular occupation (e.g., engineer, lawyer, sales manager). Practitioners facilitate exploration of patterns of high and low scores among varying levels of specificity across Holland types, basic interests, and occupationallevel scales. Overall, quantitative measures of interests have demonstrated significant stability and predictive validity related to educational and occupational choices, job satisfaction, and tenure (Hansen, 2020; Low et al., 2005). However, additional methods also have shown predictive validity, including identifying expressed interests, or merely asking clients to state their interests, and manifest interests, assessed by examining behaviors related to chosen activities (Betsworth & Fouad, 1997). Vocational interests have demonstrated discriminant validity from other related constructs such as abilities, values, self-efficacy, and personality traits (Dik & Rottinghaus, 2013), yet it is important to consider key
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linkages as meta-analyses also have demonstrated moderate relationships between interests and abilities (Tracey & Hopkins, 2001) and between interests and self-efficacy (Rottinghaus et al., 2003). Personality Personality traits commonly refer to characteristic sets of tendencies for thinking, feeling, and behaving, often organized by the Big Five traits of Neuroticism, Extraversion, Openness to Experience, Agreeableness, and Conscientiousness (Digman, 1990). Personality development and expression encompass complex aspects requiring integrative views, although most emphasize traits (McCrae & Costa, 2008) or narrative views (McAdams, 2015). A wealth of research examines how the Big Five personality traits relate to vocational variables, notably vocational interests, occupational choice, job performance, job satisfaction, and job tenure. For example, meta-analyses consistently indicate that Conscientiousness, which includes subfacets of dependability and achievement, is moderately related to job performance across most occupations (Barrick & Mount, 1991), whereas Emotional Stability and Extraversion yield significant, yet smaller, effects (Tett et al., 1991). In a meta-analysis examining shared variance between vocational interests and personality traits, Larson et al. (2002) found significant relationships between Extraversion and both Social and Enterprising interests, between Openness to Experience and both Investigative and Artistic interests, and between Agreeableness and Social interests. Other studies suggest that Neuroticism, Agreeableness, and Perfectionism relate positively to career decision difficulties, whereas Extraversion and Openness show negative relationships (Gati et al., 2011). In practice, many career practitioners focus on measures of the Big Five, including the Revised NEO Personality Inventory (NEO-PI-3; McCrae et al., 2005) and the Big Five Inventory-2 (Soto & John, 2017) in addition to the popular Myers–Briggs Type Indicator–3rd Edition (MBTI; Myers et al., 1998) to assess personality dimensions. These measures are typically administered as part of a battery of assessments, in conjunction with measures of interests, abilities, and values. Abilities, Aptitudes, and Skills Abilities, aptitudes, and skills have been incorporated into counseling since the inception of the field. These constructs are related but have slight distinctions that should be noted when evaluating the relative merits of various assessments. Abilities reflect the objective measured capacity to complete a specific physical or mental task. Aptitude measures represent tests of one’s potential to succeed in accomplishing specific academic or occupational tasks. Skills involve “proficiency, competence, or dexterity that has been acquired through practice or repeated use” (Metz & Gardner, 2020, p. 548). Occupational requirements differ across various knowledge, skills, abilities, and other characteristics (KSAOs), and commensurate levels of KSAOs increase the likelihood of success and persistence in a field. Although these constructs are influenced by innate
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and learned capacities, it is important to encourage clients to consider how these can inform their ongoing self-estimates of relative strengths and weaknesses. Self-perceptions of abilities and skills can influence future development through how one approaches education, training, and goal selection. A thorough review of current skills and potential can help clients increase selfawareness, facilitating intentional exploration of occupational requirements to inform decisions. Strong (1943) gave an analogy: Individual differences represent a motorboat—abilities serve as a motor that propels individuals forward, and interests act as the rudder guiding the direction of one’s attention. Ackerman and Heggestad (1997) later summarized possible developmental pathways: “Abilities, interests, and personality develop in tandem, such that ability level and personality dispositions determine the probability of success in a particular task domain, and interests determine the motivation to attempt the task” (p. 239). In essence, aptitudes and abilities concern what one is designed to do, whereas interests focus on what one likes to do. A counselor can facilitate the client’s reflection on these various constructs to establish plans that help them grow skills related to areas that motivate them. Depending on the setting, career counselors may have access to previous assessment of abilities, aptitudes, and skills. In addition to general academic aptitude scores (e.g., ACT, SAT) and achievement levels (e.g., GPA), many students complete the Armed Services Vocational Aptitude Battery (ASVAB; U.S. Department of Defense, 2005), a multiple-aptitude battery used for military placements measuring 10 areas (e.g., numerical operations, general science, auto and shop information, word knowledge), plus a global Armed Forces Qualification Test score, and the O*NET Ability Profiler (U.S. Department of Labor, 2012), a multiple-aptitude battery that replaced the General Aptitude Test Battery and includes 11 tests measuring nine general abilities (e.g., verbal, spatial, arithmetic, manual dexterity). The Ball Aptitude Battery (Ball Foundation, n.d.) focuses on career planning and has been adapted for the YouScience (n.d.) internet-based career guidance system, which includes 14 subtests (e.g., vocabulary, spatial visualization, inductive reasoning, hand–eye coordination). Formal aptitude tests are less frequently administered within career counseling due to challenges related to increased administration times and specialized training, which increases costs. A variety of ability self-estimate and self-efficacy measures are more commonly used to provide information about the client’s self-perceived abilities and skill levels. From an integrative perspective, we recommend joint assessment of parallel measures of vocational interests and abilities and/or self-efficacy constructs. The SII results can be combined with self-efficacy results from the Skills Confidence Inventory (Betz et al., 1996) for like-named scales (e.g., Investigative interests and confidence). Depending on the relative levels of each domain, the counselor can help the client build self-efficacy through vicarious learning or performance accomplishments; explore new interests that could develop with exposure through courses, internships, or other observational learning activi-
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ties; and actively pursue career options if levels of interests and self-efficacy are both sufficiently developed. Similar comparisons are offered in the CISS, which views joint interest and ability self-estimate results across seven orientation scales, organizing interests roughly analogous to Holland’s (1997) six types; 29 basic scales; and 60 occupational scales. Tracey’s (2002) Personal Globe Inventory combines measures of interests and competence ratings at multiple levels of abstraction, emphasizing 18 basic interest areas that are organized by the following dimensions: data–ideas, people–things, and high–low prestige. These greater levels of specificity in the Personal Globe Inventory and CISS allow for a more fine-grained and integrative analysis of interest and ability self-estimate patterns. Values As a fundamental quality of career assessment that has been routinely emphasized throughout the history of career psychology, values represent central motivations for actions driven by needs and cultural aspects of the human experience (Pope et al., 2014). Work values represent the relative importance individuals place on specified outcomes and rewards from work, as well as the motivation to seek these outcomes. Prominent work values inventories include the Values Scale (Nevill & Super, 1989), with five-item measures for 21 work values (e.g., altruism, variety, prestige, life style), and the Minnesota Importance Questionnaire (MIQ; Rounds et al., 1981), which measures 20 workrelated needs (e.g., compensation, recognition) that comprise six work values (i.e., achievement, altruism, autonomy, comfort, safety, and status). The MIQ serves as the foundation for the Work Importance Locator (McCloy et al., 1999), which is available via the O*NET (https://www.onetonline.org). Moreover, counselors often explore values using card sort activities (e.g., Knowdell, 2003) or other nonstandardized approaches such as sentence completion tasks. Readers are encouraged to see Chapter 1 for a more complete exploration of the importance of values and needs using the theory of work adjustment (Dawis & Lofquist, 1984). Process Domains Process variables, such as career maturity, career adaptability, vocational identity, and self-efficacy, play a key role in career exploration and vocational development. They provide more information on a client’s decision-making process. In contrast to content variables, which reflect the “what” of career decisions, process variables emphasize the “how” of engaging in career decisions. They are crucial in influencing the types of careers clients choose, as well as when they decide on their careers, how they came to decisions, and their overall happiness and opinions of their chosen field. These constructs have never been more important than in the 21st century, as technology, globalization, and increasing need of remote working environments change and expand people’s vocational options.
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Career Maturity and Career Adaptability Career maturity denotes readiness to engage in career development. Donald Super and John Crites each developed models that further explored and defined career maturity. Super (1957) described career maturity as encompassing five stages: orientation to choice, information and planning, consistency of preferences, crystallization of traits, and wisdom regarding preferences. On the other hand, Crites (1961) proposed that career maturity is determined by two factors: career choice content and career choice process. Career choice content is composed of one’s consistency in career choices by way of field, level, and time. Career choice process refers to components such as self-appraisal, career information, goal selection, planning, and career attitudes. Various assessments have been developed to measure career maturity, including the Adult Career Concerns Inventory (Super et al., 1988), which assesses an individual’s vocational concerns throughout the four stages of career development, including exploration, establishment, maintenance, and decline stages. The Career Maturity Inventory (Crites & Savickas, 1996) measures career maturity using five scales: decisiveness, involvement, independence, orientation, and compromise. It has since been updated to incorporate a constructivist approach to career counseling and assessment (Savickas & Porfeli, 2011). Career maturity has been a significant theme in career exploration, especially when working with adolescent clients. Though career maturity has been a critical aspect in the understanding of vocational counseling, studies have found that there might be differences across various ethnic groups (Leong, 1991; Luzzo, 1992), suggesting limits to cross-cultural validity. Super and colleagues have evolved career maturity to career adaptability to address career management concerns of adults adapting to contemporary work challenges that require flexibility and coping throughout the lifespan. Savickas (2005) defined career adaptability as “a psychosocial construct that denotes an individual’s readiness and resources for coping with current and imminent vocational development tasks, occupational transitions, and personal traumas” (p. 51). Savickas and Porfeli’s (2012) Career Adapt-Abilities Scale measures four broad dimensions of career adaptability: concern, control, curiosity, and confidence. Career Confidence Self-efficacy is one’s belief in their own ability to organize and execute courses of action to accomplish specific goals (Bandura, 1977). Someone with low selfefficacy for a particular task may have a higher tendency to exhibit avoidance behaviors and may not perform to the best of their abilities. Self-efficacy levels also affect the individual’s decisions to persevere despite challenges and play a key role in the types of careers an individual pursues. In a large-scale study, Donnay and Borgen (1999) showed that self-efficacy determined one’s occupational choices and interests. Self-efficacy measures have since been linked to interest inventories, such as the SII, and increases in self-efficacy can lead to an increase in interests (Barak et al., 1992) and vice versa (Tracey, 2002). It is apparent that self-efficacy is a strong determinant of one’s career trajectory.
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One of the earliest works on the importance of self-efficacy also showed that self-efficacy was significantly correlated with outcome expectations (Betz & Hackett, 1981). Outcome expectations are defined as the beliefs an individual holds about their goals, for example, “If I pursue this major, then I will be able to get a 3.0 GPA” or “I might not be successful as a lawyer.” This in turn influences an individual’s goals. Self-efficacy and outcome expectations have been found to be significant contributors to one’s formation of their vocational identity and career goals. More recent works have shown the importance of selfefficacy in career exploration in the 21st century. Incorporating Savickas’s (1997) insights on career adaptability, Bandura’s (1986) social cognitive theory, and Scheier and Carver’s (1985) dispositional optimism, the Career Futures Inventory (CFI; Rottinghaus et al., 2005) assesses one’s confidence in managing career transitions by measuring the constructs of career adaptability, career optimism, and perceived knowledge of the world of work. High scores in the CFI have been found to be associated with high educational aspirations, greater satisfaction with career and educational plans, and greater engagement in career exploration (Rottinghaus et al., 2005). Vocational Identity Vocational identity denotes clarity about one’s career interests, values, goals, and abilities (Gupta et al., 2015; Holland, 1997). Vocational identity has been found to be crucial throughout the client’s career exploration process. For example, it has been found that individuals who have a stronger vocational identity were able to make career decisions earlier (Savickas, 1993). The vocational identity subscale from Holland et al.’s (1980) My Vocational Situation (MVS) assesses one’s perceptions, as well as stability of those perceptions, of their goals, interests, personality and talents. Gupta et al. (2015) also proposed the Vocational Identity Measure, which sought to address shortcomings of the vocational identity subscale in the MVS by including assessment of one’s longer term perceptions of their strengths. The Vocational Identity Status Assessment can also be used to assess for a client’s career exploration, reconsideration, and commitment in establishing their worker identity (Porfeli et al., 2011). Vocational identity is also central to Savickas’s (2012) life design approach to career intervention. One way for the client to increase their vocational identity is to provide them a greater understanding of their own strengths. Assessments such as CliftonStrengths or VIA Classification of Character Strengths and Virtue are resources one can utilize to identify strengths. Both assessments provide users their top strengths that are often key to occupational success. CliftonStrengths provides individuals their top five strengths out of a total of 34 “talent themes,” such as adaptability, communication, and intellection (Rath, 2007). The VIA Character Strengths assessment provides a similar approach to identify the client’s strengths. It identifies one’s top five out of 24 “character strengths,” or dimensions of positive individual qualities (Peterson & Seligman, 2004). Both assessments provide individualized reports on the client’s results, as well as
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resources on how these key strengths can be utilized and further developed. Helping the client identify their strengths through these assessments can provide them a more qualitative view of the assets they can bring to a workplace or field. Career Decision Making As the client approaches career planning tasks, it is important to be aware of various cognitive and emotional aspects of this process. Itamar Gati and his colleagues have identified taxonomies related to career decision difficulties, emphasizing decisional aspects (Gati et al., 1996). They also identified emotional and personality features affiliated with career decision difficulties (Saka et al., 2008), including those associated with the beginning of the career decision process (i.e., lack of readiness); difficulties during the process (i.e., lack of information); and specific difficulties related to unreliable information, internal conflicts, and external conflicts (i.e., inconsistent information). Gati and colleagues have established numerous career assessments related to career decision-making difficulties, including the Career Decision-Making Difficulties Questionnaire (Gati, 2008) and the Emotional and Personality-Related Career Decision Difficulties Questionnaire (Saka et al., 2008), which are available on the Making Better Career Decisions website (http://kivunim.huji.ac.il/cddq/). In addition, Brown and Rector (2008) identified a four-factor model of career indecision, which includes indecisiveness/trait negative affect, information deficits, interpersonal conflicts and barriers, and lack of readiness. Counselors are encouraged to continually attend to these informational and personal factors that influence the career decision-making process.
QUALITATIVE ASSESSMENTS Although the career assessment literature focuses on quantitative measures, our approach to career assessment incorporates the complementary perspectives offered by qualitative, nonstandardized approaches to assessment. We have underscored the importance of qualitative methods throughout this chapter and briefly introduced several methods, including vocational card sorts (Knowdell, 2003) and My Career Story (Savickas & Hartung, 2021). Other activities, such as structured interviews, career genograms, future career autobiographies, and lifelines, can help clients explore individualized concerns, including family dynamics and expectations (McMahon & Watson, 2015). In addition, innovative new approaches such as the Who You Are Matters board game (https://www.onelifetools.com) enable small groups of individuals to explore possible futures and themes for their ongoing career narratives in a fun collaborative format while enhancing self-awareness and insights into their interests, strengths, and values. These are just a few examples of qualitative approaches that provide additional context beyond quantitative measures alone. Although more research is needed to further elucidate the benefits of many
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qualitative approaches, these strategies are increasingly offered by counselors to complement traditional quantitative measures. Results from these approaches can illuminate the unique lived experiences of clients, especially related to their interactions with culture and context.
INCORPORATING INFORMATION AND COMMUNICATION TECHNOLOGY Various applications of technology have been on the rise in recent decades to enhance self-assessment and career exploration (Sampson & Osborn, 2015). The development of the internet, smartphones, and videoconferencing has changed the way people live in the 21st century and influenced counseling practice. Instant chat and texting capabilities have allowed clients to connect virtually for quick check-ins. Certain assessments can be conducted online in the convenience of the client’s home prior to an appointment. Virtual counseling has also been made possible, providing both clients and counselors with increasing flexibility. The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted and accelerated the increasing role technology plays in counseling interventions. With the rise of telecounseling, services can be administered and rendered differently from traditional in-person counseling. There may also be an increase in the dependence of technology for services and interventions. Thus, various technological applications in career exploration may be useful in career counseling. Computer-Assisted Career Guidance Computer-assisted career guidance (CACG) systems, such as those by YouScience (n.d.), the ASVAB Career Exploration Program (CEP), and the O*NET assessments, offer comprehensive ways for the client to increase their understanding of various domains (e.g., vocational interests, abilities, values). YouScience is a program that helps high school students identify their strengths across various domains of aptitudes, as well as link their results to career profiles such as the O*NET. It also utilizes games in the assessments, which can be a particularly appealing format. Recent research utilizing the YouScience platform suggested gender differences in Realistic and Social career sectors (McCloy et al., 2020). These findings can be particularly useful tools in bridging skill and gender gaps in various fields, such as science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM). In addition, YouScience can provide users greater understanding of their vocational identities and career preparedness, which is especially critical in times of uncertainty. The ASVAB CEP by the U.S. Department of Defense (https://www. asvabprogram.com/) is another assessment designed to help the client identify their strengths and interests, as well as postsecondary education career options, including careers in the military. It is available in both a paper-and-pencil format as well as a computer-based test. The ASVAB test assesses for the client’s
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strengths in verbal, math, and science/technical areas, which can be combined with interests results based on Holland’s six interest types. The online system includes a career exploration exercise called OCCU-Find that enables the client to link to targeted occupational information based on one’s top Holland interest codes and skill importance ratings. This career search can be further filtered by the following categories: STEM fields, bright outlook, green careers, those available in the military, and specific keywords. The ASVAB CEP system then provides the client with detailed educational and occupational information about the various professions they matched with based on their selected criteria. Another main resource is O*NET Online, a career information database provided by the U.S. Department of Labor. Here, the client can access the vast amount of information gathered on thousands of occupations, including skills utilized, abilities recommended, work values, and work styles, among others. The client can also complete the O*NET Interest Profiler (https://www.mynextmove.org/ explore/ip) and the O*NET Work Importance Locator values assessment (https:// www.onetcenter.org/WIL.html) to help identify potential career paths and exploration priorities. Virtual Assessment and Counseling Providing counseling via phone or videoconferencing has been on the rise since the beginning of the 21st century. Despite some limitations, both clinicians and clients have found the flexibility and convenience appealing (Novotney, 2017). Telecounseling escalated in 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic and need for social distancing. Remote career counseling sessions may entail the use of aforementioned online assessments for the client to complete independently, followed by a debriefing session of the client’s experiences and expectations taking it, as well as reactions to their results. Aside from ensuring ethical standards are met, maintaining therapeutic presence throughout sessions, including being mindful of body language, eye contact, and physical distance from the camera, is important for a successful telecounseling experience (Geller, 2021). Occupational simulation has been suggested to be important for career exploration as well. Occupational simulations can provide the client a tool to observe and practice technical and nontechnical skills in a safe, ethical, and cost-effective way (e.g., mixing laboratory solutions, drafting an architectural plan, conducting a medical intake; Cleland et al., 2016). This can be particularly beneficial for clients who are interested in fields that do not provide as much opportunity for them to test out whether they enjoy it or for clients who are transitioning careers and have not yet had the experiences of various tasks in a profession. Makransky et al. (2020) showed that the use of immersive virtual reality simulations to demonstrate laboratory techniques enabled an increase in self-efficacy and physical outcome expectations in middle and high school students. Though occupational simulations are still not as widely used, it could be an important component to future career exploration programs.
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It is apparent that technology plays a significant role in the advancement of career exploration programs. The availability of CACGs has generally enabled clients to access comprehensive career exploration tools in the comfort of their homes and at their own pace. Telehealth, which has been gaining traction in the 21st century, became one of the most used avenues to deliver health care during the COVID-19 pandemic and social distancing requirements. We expect telecounseling to continue to be an in-demand service and innovative technological advances to transform client and counselor experiences.
INTEGRATIVE CASE STUDIES The following section offers two case studies of clients from diverse backgrounds, highlighting strategies for integrative career counseling and assessment. These client cases represent an aggregate of actual clients and situations encountered in career counseling. As with all multicultural work with clients, we offer guidelines, not mandates. We cannot emphasize enough that counselors need to recognize the diversity of individuals even within their own cultural groups. Although clients may fit the descriptions of some details and aspects of a particular cultural group, there are always differences and exceptions related to their unique history and current circumstances. It is crucial to continually reflect on information gathered to seek understanding of clients and their needs through a person-centered approach to mitigate biases and assumptions, while recognizing unique needs of individuals based on their lived experiences. Mr. A Mr. A is a 16-year-old, second-generation Indian American male high school student. He identifies as heterosexual and male with the pronouns he/him/his. His parents immigrated from India before he was born, and their family is of middle SES. Mr. A’s family would like him to pursue something financially lucrative, such as medicine or engineering, but this is not aligned with his interests. However, he is also uncertain about his interests. Mr. A is preparing for the SAT as well as college applications and shared that these were key sources of his anxiety. As he enters emerging adulthood, Mr. A may be in the process of discovering his interests and other aspects of his identity. Given that he is in the process of preparing for college entrance exams and applications, Mr. A may also feel overwhelmed with the decision-making process. In this example, it may benefit the client to explore interests, values, and potential postsecondary plans. The practitioner could recommend that Mr. A complete the SDS (Holland & Messner, 2013) or a values card sort activity to further develop knowledge of his interests and values. The counselor may also combine these assessments with Savickas’s (2019) Career Construction Interview to gain a better understanding of Mr. A’s thoughts about what a career means to him and his ongoing
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career narrative. Mr. A could also complete assessments and exploration activities in YouScience (n.d.) to enhance career-related knowledge. In addition, the counselor could also explore with Mr. A how much he individualizes his own interests versus internalizing his parents’ opinions. Though not always the case, Asian and Asian American families may have certain set ideas of what their child should pursue in a career. However, counselors should not automatically assume that Mr. A’s reliance on his parents’ input is a sign of enmeshment; rather, Asian and Asian American clients’ interdependence on their family’s opinions could be a natural part of collectivist culture. The counselor could explore with Mr. A how much he identifies with his ethnic identity and its influence on his career decisions. Ms. B Ms. B is a 48-year-old, heterosexual, African American woman who identifies with the pronouns she/her/hers. She is a mother of two adult children. She is of middle SES. Ms. B’s husband has been the primary breadwinner in their family while she raised their children. Ms. B is considering reentering college to pursue her nursing degree now that her children are grown. Ms. B indicates that although she is excited about reentering the workforce, she is also anxious about the transition. Ms. B’s husband is supportive of her decision, but she recalled others’ surprise and ridicule when she shared this news with them. When working with clients reentering the workforce, counselors may take into consideration the client’s inevitable changes in their identity as they adjust to new roles. In Ms. B’s case, her transitioning back into the working world could be a major area of adjustment. In addition, Ms. B may need support with adjusting to college in the current times, given that it is likely very different from her college experience when she was in her 20s. Clients rejoining the workforce after a hiatus may also be confronted with ageism. Ms. B may need to be prepared for some negative responses to her decision and learn coping mechanisms for dealing with ageist responses during her education and jobhunting process. The counselor could begin by learning more about Ms. B’s motivations in going back to school, as well as her interest in nursing as a career. This can be achieved using My Career Story (Savickas & Hartung, 2021), as the counselor can use guided questions within the exercise to learn more about Ms. B’s interests, as well as how her identity may have shaped her decisions. Ms. B could complete the Career Futures Inventory–Revised (Rottinghaus et al., 2012) to assess her career agency and support related to her career transition process. The counselor could also provide support by offering tools, such as the O*NET, to learn more about the nursing degree, job requirements, occupational outlook, and various career pathways in nursing. The counselor may also process with Ms. B what hearing negative feedback about her decision from others meant for her. Further identifying her strengths and support system will also prepare her as she embarks on her nursing education and career.
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TAKE-HOME SUGGESTIONS FOR CAREER ASSESSMENT We conclude with a list of suggestions for practitioners to consider in order to enhance their effectiveness with clients. • First, we encourage practitioners to routinely review news and scientific articles addressing emerging trends in the broader economy that may affect skill requirements or how clients can approach their career life. • Second, practitioners are encouraged to build awareness of prominent resources to keep abreast of innovations in measurement and assessment. The following publications are especially relevant to career assessment: Journal of Career Assessment, APA Handbook of Testing and Assessment in Psychology (Geisinger et al., 2013), and A Comprehensive Guide to Career Assessments (Stoltz & Barclay, 2019). • Third, we encourage practitioners to maintain awareness of the influence of culture and context by keeping current with new findings on specific groups and to recognize within-group variability. By following Rottinghaus and Eshelman’s (2015) six-step model, practitioners can incorporate key information from clients’ subjective experiences of their life events and sociocultural issues into the conceptualization of presenting concerns, as well as the context and process domains discussed in this chapter. When selecting assessments for the client, practitioners should ensure that they are the most updated and applicable for their client’s background and social identities. We also encourage practitioners to engage in ongoing self-reflection and selfwork to examine their own identities, power, privilege, and blind spots. Theoretical frameworks mentioned in this chapter can be used to inform practitioners as they implement these recommendations for strengthening career assessment and interventions. • Fourth, practitioners can develop intentional approaches to assessment, conceptualization, and counseling with clients. “It is critical for practitioners to establish systemic interventions for individuals and organizations that facilitate reflection on capabilities and the strategic establishment of meaningful educational and career goals” (McCloy et al., 2020, p. 438). Intentionality demands one to further educate oneself and continually question the status quo. Lent (2013) emphasized preparedness related to these processes and connected to the need for developing core skills and attitudes along with occupational awareness for youth so they can be ready to connect to future opportunities. We hope that the career assessment strategies discussed herein, as well as insights on specific constructs and populations from throughout this volume, can enable practitioners to increase their knowledge and preparedness for conducting relevant quality career interventions with clients from diverse backgrounds for numerous presenting concerns.
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20 Career Management Mo Wang, Yanjun Guan, and Yanran Fang
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efined as “the combination and sequence of roles played by a person during the course of a lifetime” (Super, 1980, p. 282), career is generally viewed as the evolution of work experience over the life course, which inherently involves one’s role transitions at different stages of life (Greenhaus, 1987; Hartung, 2013; Nagy et al., 2019). Thus, career management is “an umbrella term that encompasses various individual activities that shape people’s career transitions and experience” (M. Wang & Wanberg, 2017, p. 546). In this chapter, we integrate the lifespan perspective (Super, 1953, 1980, 1990) and a dual-process (i.e., assimilative and accommodative) model (Brandtstädter & Renner, 1990; Brandtstädter & Rothermund, 2002) to introduce a theoretical framework that explains how individuals exert agency and adjust to constraints or changes in managing their careers. Although traditional career management research mainly focuses on behavioral strategies that benefit early-career or middle-career progression (e.g., Greenhaus, 1987; Gould, 1979; Gould & Penley, 1984), some emerging characteristics of the contemporary workforce emphasize the importance of understanding career management from a lifespan perspective. Specifically, the rising number of older workers and the increased age diversity in the workplace warrant a deeper understanding of career management strategies that are specific to the needs of different age groups (Shultz & Adams, 2007; M. Wang & Fang, 2020; Zacher et al., 2016). Another noteworthy change is the increasing years of schooling. For example, in the United States, the average total years of schooling for the adult population was 12.70 years in 2000, and this number https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-021 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 435
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rose to 13.40 years in 2017 (United Nations Development Programme, 2018). Although more education time facilitates human capital accumulation (Becker, 2009), it also implies that people tend to face intensified competition when getting into the job market. Individuals are thus required and prone to engage in lifelong learning and career management activities to cope with challenges in both voluntary (i.e., planned and initiated by the career actor) and involuntary (i.e., caused by personal constraints, environmental constraints, or shocking events) career transitions (Fouad & Bynner, 2008; Hall, 1976; Savickas, 1997). Moreover, the fast-paced technology advancement, globalized business environment, and volatile economy have given rise to various new forms of employment arrangements and career development patterns (Arthur, 1994), making it less likely for people to develop their whole careers with just one or few employers. The decreasing job security and the emergence of alternative employment modes such as the “gig economy” lead to more frequent and diverse career transitions over the life course (Ashford et al., 2018; Direnzo & Greenhaus, 2011). Although such changes offer extensive opportunities for individuals to achieve desired personal development and/or career-growth goals, they also create various risks, difficulties, and even disruptions in one’s career path (Fouad & Bynner, 2008; Guan et al., 2019), which underscore the importance of the focal individual’s career goal pursuit activities and adjustment capability in response to constraints. Accordingly, we draw upon Brandtstädter and Renner’s (1990) dual-process framework to delineate the two types of strategies that individuals may adopt to navigate career development across the lifespan: (a) assimilative strategies—the intentional efforts to explore and realize personal goals and aspirations, and (b) accommodative strategies—the adjustment of goals or activities in reaction to constraining factors and adverse situations. Brandtstädter and Rothermund (2002) contended that assimilative and accommodative processes function in antagonistic yet complementary ways that help individuals maintain both personal continuity and adaptive flexibility in their lifespan development. Specifically, when facing or anticipating goal discrepancies (i.e., the divergence between the actual progress and the desired level), individuals tend to turn to either assimilative strategies or accommodative strategies to reduce the discrepancies. By turning to assimilative strategies, individuals are prone to purposefully modify their behaviors or make changes to their surrounding environments, thereby assimilating their actual life circumstances to the desired end-states of life. Alternatively, individuals may also need to disengage from blocked goals or infeasible plans to avoid potential negative consequences of escalating commitment. Therefore, accommodative strategies such as downgrading blocked goals or channeling resources to alternative goals serve as useful approaches to ensure one’s adaptive flexibility. This dual-process model provides a useful theoretical lens to understand how individuals manage career development processes across both voluntary and involuntary career transitions over their life courses (Brandtstädter & Rothermund, 2002). We incorporate the assimilative and accommodative models to delineate employees’ career management activities and processes in different life stages.
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In this chapter, we first introduce the lifespan perspective of career management and review the theories and literature on career management across life stages. We then develop an overarching career management model to integrate the lifespan approach and the assimilative versus accommodative models. Drawing upon this framework, we review career management literature by categorizing different career management strategies and challenges into either the assimilative or the accommodative typology across three critical stages: school-towork transition, workforce participation, and work-to-retirement transition. We conclude this chapter by discussing implications of our proposed framework and highlighting future research directions in the field of career management.
A LIFESPAN PERSPECTIVE OF CAREER MANAGEMENT Understanding careers from a lifespan perspective has a long tradition in vocational psychology (Super, 1953, 1980). The lifespan perspective takes a developmental approach and views career choice and development as “movement over time through discrete development stages with accompanying developmental tasks that constitute the life span” (Hartung, 2013, p. 83). In other words, taking a lifespan perspective to understand career management underscores the unique developmental tasks faced by individuals across different life stages (Burmeister et al., 2020; Fasbender et al., 2020; Nagy et al., 2019; M. Wang & Shi, 2014; M. Wang & Wanberg, 2017; Zacher et al., 2016). Super (1980) introduced five stages that individuals typically experience in their career development processes: growth stage (birth–age 14), exploration stage (age 15–24), establishment stage (age 25–44), maintenance stage (age 45–64), and decline stage (age 65 and above). Individuals encounter different developmental tasks in each stage. As noted by Hartung (2013), in the growth stage, individuals start to envision themselves in future work and life roles. In the next stage, individuals typically explore their career interests and cultivate career-related abilities, followed by a broad list of preferred occupational fields and subsequent preparation for the chosen occupation. The career establishment stage starts after the individual makes an occupational choice. During this stage, developmental tasks mainly focus on securing job opportunities or advancing to higher level positions when possible. The maintenance stage involves developmental tasks of keeping job proficiency, maintaining work energy, and updating knowledge and skills. It is notable that although most individuals proceed to the career maintenance stage after the establishment stage, some may revisit prior stages and change their career trajectories. In the decline stage, individuals encounter the critical life transition into retirement and often tend to allocate more weights to their roles in other domains, such as family, community, and leisure. This is also consistent with the socioemotional selectivity theory (SST), which suggests that people tend to prioritize social and emotional goals as they age, due to the relatively limited future time perspective (Carstensen, 2006; Carstensen et al.,
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1999; Gielnik et al., 2018). Besides the important developmental tasks associated with each stage, Super (1980, 1990) also theorized lifespan career development as a series of interrelated cycles of career transitions that are not necessarily tied to specific ages. In the current chapter, we focus on career management in three critical career stages, namely, school-to-work transition, workforce participation, and work-to-retirement transition.
THEORETICAL BACKGROUND AND LITERATURE REVIEW Identity and Career Management Vocational identity refers to one’s perceptions about their vocational interests, values, and abilities (Holland et al., 1980), and it provides an important basis for one’s career choices and decisions (Savickas, 1985). Drawing upon the ego identity developmental framework (Erikson, 1968), Marcia (1980) theorized that, starting from adolescence, people gradually form their occupational identity by moving through the statuses of diffusion (when both exploration activities and occupational commitment are lacking), foreclosure (when occupational commitment is made but without much exploration), moratorium (when exploration is active but without commitment), and achievement (making occupational commitment after thorough exploration). Students’ identity achievement status was found to be associated with higher career decision selfefficacy and clearer differentiation of vocational interests (Nauta & Kahn, 2007). The lifespan career theory posits that individuals’ career transitions from one stage to another stage often entail systematic changes in their work roles and life roles (Super, 1980). It follows that the formation of relevant career identities is critical for a smooth career transition, as it motivates individuals to internalize and enact appropriate role expectations (Ashforth, 2001; Greco & Kraimer, 2020). Ng and Feldman (2007) adopted the role identity perspective to explain the process of school-to-work transition and argued that students’ work role identity, which refers to the level of participation, commitment, and value expression in their future work, motivates them to proactively prepare for the role expectations of their future work, which in turn leads to success in school-to-work transition. Consistently, it has been found that future work self, which represents an important career identity in relation to future work, was positively associated with students’ career-planning behaviors (Strauss et al., 2012), job search self-efficacy, and employment success upon graduation (Guan, Guo, et al., 2014). Career Adaptability and Resource-Based Models A number of researchers stress the central role of psychological resources, especially career adaptability, in helping individuals navigate and manage their careers (e.g., Fouad & Bynner, 2008; Hall, 1976). Savickas (1997) proposed that career adaptability consists of individuals’ psychological resources of career
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concern (the ability to think about future possibilities and make preparations), career control (the ability to make informed decisions and take responsible actions), career curiosity (the ability to search for new career information and opportunities), and career confidence (the belief that one can solve problems in difficult situations). The concept of career adaptability is located at the core of career construction theory (Savickas, 2013), which posits that individuals’ willingness or flexibility to make career changes gives rise to their career adaptability, which further leads to adaptive responses to career changes. In recent years, there has been a surge of empirical studies on career adaptability, which generally show that career adaptability enables individuals to take adaptive actions to achieve desired career-related outcomes (Rudolph et al., 2017). For example, Koen et al. (2012) found that university students who are trained to improve their career adaptability report higher employment quality. University students’ career adaptability was also found to positively predict their job search self-efficacy, employment success, and perceived person–environment (P-E) fit (Guan et al., 2013). Career adaptability also positively predicts employees’ internal and external marketability (Spurk et al., 2016), signaling its potential value to facilitate career transitions in both internal and external labor markets. More recently, Haenggli and Hirschi (2020) found that career adaptability and other types of career resources (e.g., motivational and environmental resources) make independent contributions in predicting indicators of career success, demonstrating the importance of using a more integrative approach to understand career resources and career management. DeFillippi and Arthur (1994) proposed a three-factor model to conceptualize essential competencies that sustain contemporary career development, which includes “knowing why” (e.g., clear understanding of one’s career motives, values, and identity), “knowing how” (e.g., career-relevant knowledge and skills), and “knowing whom” (e.g., social relationships and reputation) dimensions. These competencies have been found to be important predictors for both objective and subjective career success (e.g., Eby et al., 2003) and were adopted by Forrier and Sels (2003) to constitute the construct of movement capital. In order to outline the capabilities that enable individuals to search and take up work opportunities, Fugate et al. (2004) developed a four-factor model of employability, which consists of career identity, human capital, social capital, and personal adaptability. Hirschi (2012) developed an integrative framework to organize the four types of resources that are essential for career development: identity resources (e.g., vocational identity), human capital resources (e.g., education, professional qualifications, work experiences), social resources (e.g., social networks, social support), and psychological resources (e.g., career adaptability, psychological capital, career competencies). Protean Career Model A protean career is believed to be “shaped more by the individual than by the organization and may be redirected from time to time to meet the needs of the
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person” (Hall, 1976, p. 201). Briscoe and Hall (2006) developed a two-dimension model of protean career orientation that encompasses values-driven orientation (believing that one’s career success is defined by personal values rather than organizational values) and self-direction orientation (emphasizing personal responsibility and accountability for career management). Conceptualized as an agentic attitude toward one’s career, a relatively higher level of protean career orientation has also been considered as an indicator of a smooth and successful postschool transition process (e.g., Steiner et al., 2019). Protean career orientation is hypothesized to influence individuals’ career management and career success via three key mechanisms: enhancing identity awareness, strengthening adaptability, and promoting career agency (Briscoe & Hall, 2006; Hall et al., 2018). In support of this view, protean career orientation was found to be positively related to vocational identity clarity and occupational selfefficacy (Hirschi et al., 2017), career adaptability (Chan et al., 2015), perceived employability (De Vos & Soens, 2008; Lin, 2015), and proactive work behaviors (Gulyani & Bhatnagar, 2017; Hirschi et al., 2017). Surprisingly, although protean career orientation was found to be positively related to career self-management behaviors and career satisfaction, its effects on objective career success, organizational commitment, and career mobility intention/behavior are mixed (Hall et al., 2018; Wiernik & Kostal, 2019). For example, Baruch (2014) reported that although protean career orientation motivates turnover behavior and increases employees’ satisfaction with career transitions, it is also positively related to the focal employee’s job satisfaction and commitment in the current organization. Hall et al. (2018) used the “protean paradox” to explain such findings and argued that although employees with a higher level of protean career orientations are more likely to initiate career changes, such initiatives also make them valuable citizens of an organization. Digging deeper into the effects at the dimensional level, research reveals that self-direction orientation, rather than values-driven orientation, is positively related to job search activity and job search success (McArdle et al., 2007; Waters et al., 2014). Boundaryless Career Theory Boundaryless careers refer to “sequences of job opportunities that go beyond the boundaries of single employment settings” (DeFillippi & Arthur, 1994, p. 307). Moving such ideas forward, Arthur (1994) offered six examples to illustrate the career patterns that enable individuals to cross various forms of physical (e.g., organizations, social networks, hierarchical levels, work–life domains) and psychological boundaries to achieve desired career goals. Building on these ideas, Sullivan and Arthur (2006) employed physical mobility and psychological mobility to conceptualize boundaryless careers, with the physical dimension reflecting career transitions across physical boundaries and the psychological dimension capturing individuals’ psychological tendency toward career moves.
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A recent review (Guan et al., 2019) showed that different forms of boundaryless careers (e.g., job transitions, organizational transitions, occupational changes) have mixed effects on career success (e.g., income, promotions, satisfaction, well-being). Guan et al. (2019) further argued that it is necessary to consider both the facilitating and constraining factors that shape the outcomes of career transitions. Specifically, boundaryless careers are more likely to result in positive results when the career transitions are voluntary, when the career actor has adaptive capabilities, and when there are adequate social and institutional supports. In contrast, negative consequences are more likely to occur when the career transitions are involuntary and when the career actor has personal or situational constraints that impede their coping process toward various transitional difficulties and shocks. Therefore, it is important to integrate the individual-, social-, organizational-, and institutional-level factors to better understand how to manage the diverse forms of career transitions at different career stages across the lifespan.
AN OVERARCHING MODEL OF CAREER MANAGEMENT To theorize how individuals manage various career transitions throughout the lifespan, we develop an overarching model of career management by focusing on the three critical developmental stages: school-to-work transition, workforce participation, and work-to-retirement transition. Notably, the career tasks and related transitions involved in these stages can be voluntary or involuntary, which require individuals to adopt appropriate strategies (e.g., assimilative or accommodative strategies) to manage the dynamics between pursuing personal goals and adjusting to reality constraints (Brandtstädter & Renner, 1990; Brandtstädter & Rothermund, 2002; Fouad & Bynner, 2008; Guan et al., 2019). On the one hand, driven by desired goals and personal agency, individuals may engage in assimilative processes by actively exploring, planning, and preparing for their future career aspirations. On the other hand, individuals also need to accommodate personal or situational constraints, as well as unexpected or enforced transitions in different life stages. Taken together, the integration of a lifespan approach and a model of assimilative versus accommodative strategies helps build an overarching theoretical framework to systematically depict typical career management elements and processes (see Figure 20.1). Next, we explain the details of this framework.
SCHOOL-TO-WORK TRANSITION STAGE The school-to-work transition is considered as the first major career transition that shapes subsequent career trajectories and outcomes (Akkermans et al., 2015; Ng & Feldman, 2007; Skorikov & Vondracek, 2011). Young adults tend to form clear career identities to formulate their career choices and develop
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FIGURE 20.1. Assimilative and Accommodative Career Management Elements at Different Life Stages School-to-Work Transition Stage
Workforce Participation Stage
Work-to-Retirement Transition Stage
• Career exploration • Career preparation (i.e., career planning, career decision making, career confidence development)
• Career self-management • Job crafting • I-deals
• Optimizing age-related changes • Retirement planning • Bridge employment
• Personal constraints • Environmental barriers
• Person–environment misfit • Involuntary career transitions • Career plateaus
• Ageism and discrimination • Involuntary retirement
Assimilative Career Management
Accommodative Career Management
career capabilities to prepare for the transition into future work roles, and job-search-related self-regulation processes typically play essential roles in this stage (S. Liu, Huang, & Wang, 2014; S. Liu, Wang, et al., 2014). Assimilative Career Management Oriented by career hopes and aspirations, assimilative strategies can help people engage in career exploration and career preparation activities, which are critical for young adults’ transition to work roles (e.g., Hirschi et al., 2011; Ng & Feldman 2007; Park et al., 2017; Stringer et al., 2011). Career Exploration Career exploration includes career self-exploration and environmental exploration, and it captures a less focused information search and evaluation process that aims to facilitate career choices and skill development (Stumpf et al., 1983). A recent review (Jiang et al., 2019) showed that career exploration not only facilitates children’s acquisition of occupational knowledge (e.g., Ferrari et al., 2015) but also positively predicts university students’ future work self and career adaptability (e.g., Cai et al., 2015). Career exploration can be driven by agentic factors such as openness to experience, extraversion, conscientiousness, self-esteem, future work self, and proactive personality (e.g., Cai et al., 2015; Guan et al., 2017; Li et al., 2015). Further, career exploration can also be enhanced by social support (e.g., Hirschi et al., 2011), internship quality (Gamboa et al., 2013), and supportive and engaging parenting behaviors (e.g., Guan, Wang, et al., 2015). Career Preparation Career preparation refers to a more focused and target-oriented process that consists of three interrelated components: career planning, career decision making, and career confidence (Skorikov, 2007; Stringer et al., 2011). Career planning refers to the process in which individuals use a future-oriented approach to
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guide their current activities; career decision making refers to reaching a career decision in an informed and rational way; and career confidence captures one’s positive belief in achieving career goals (Hirschi & Läge, 2008; Skorikov, 2007; Stringer et al., 2011). As such, career preparation prescribes the focal individual’s readiness to cope with career-related challenges. Skorikov (2007) found that career preparation is positively related to adjustment over time. Stringer et al. (2011) further revealed the dynamics among the three dimensions of career preparation, with career planning and career decision making having timelagged positive effects on career confidence. Accommodative Career Management Individuals may also engage in accommodative career management processes during the school-to-work transition stage, which manifest as young adults’ reactions to personal or environmental constraints. During the school-to-work transition stage, such disadvantageous circumstances could profoundly inhibit young adults’ career choices and career preparation. Personal Constraints Typical personal constraints faced by young adults in their school-to-work transition stage include educational underachievement, disabilities, and financial strain. According to human capital theory (Becker, 2009), educational achievement serves as a proxy for competency and trainability, making it one of the key selection criteria in the recruitment process (Holtmann et al., 2017; Rosenbaum et al., 1990). Underachieved young adults often find it difficult to get employed and secure attractive job opportunities, thereby experiencing more marginalization or even exclusion from the labor market. As a result, these young people can only take low-skilled jobs or have to experience more employment gaps. Consistently, Bynner and Parsons (2002) reported the significant relationship between educational underachievement and young adults’ NEET status (i.e., not in education, employment, or training), which subsequently results in maladjustment, low marketability, and poor psychological well-being. Holtmann et al. (2017) also found that adolescents’ poor school achievement brings significant disadvantages to their school-to-work transition, but clear vocational identity and high career aspirations can help those low-achieving adolescents open up new career development opportunities via sustaining persistence in their applications processes. Notably, education underachievement can also be a consequence of students’ self-regulation failure in academic activities, which can be a result of students’ unhealthy behaviors such as drinking behavior. For example, prior literature suggests that both modal alcohol consumption and frequent episodic drinking are inversely associated with the probability of full-time employment upon graduation (vs. unemployment), and this is because drinking can get in the way of job-searchrelated and/or academic activities, rendering poor performance in both education and job search (Bamberger et al., 2018).
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Disabilities not only serve as major barriers in one’s early vocational choices (Feldman, 2004) but also increase the possibility of unemployment, underemployment, lower pay, and job dissatisfaction (Dunn, 1996). Previous research suggests that it is of great importance for students with disabilities to “be socialized to set their career goals consistent with their abilities and interests” (Feldman, 2004, p. 271). The INCOME (i.e., Imagining, Informing, Choosing, Obtaining, Maintaining, and Exiting) intervention developed by Beveridge et al. (2002) provides helpful guidance for individuals with different forms of disabilities to reach developmental goals. Student debt has also been recognized as a potential personal constraint that impedes young adults’ school-to-work transition and personal wealth accumulation (e.g., Froidevaux, Koopmann, et al., 2020; Johnson et al., 2016). Based on the conservation of resources theory (COR; Hobfoll, 1989), Froidevaux, Koopmann, et al. (2020) conceptualized student loan debts as a source of financial strain, which increases job seekers’ job search strain and leads to lower odds of obtaining full-time employment upon graduation. Environmental Barriers Structural factors such as social class and socioeconomic status (SES) serve as important forces that shape young adults’ school-to-work transition experience (e.g., Blustein et al., 2002; Fang & Saks, 2021). In their qualitative research, Blustein and his colleagues (2002) found that people with lower SES report lower levels of career adaptability and resources, and they are less likely to consider work as a source of identity and personal satisfaction. Similarly, Fang and Saks (2021) showed that lower social class predicts haphazard job search strategies (e.g., passively gathering job search information), which would subsequently weaken the positive effect of job search intensity on job search success.
WORKFORCE PARTICIPATION STAGE The volatile and fast-changing organizational environment decreases the stability of employment relationships and requires individuals to engage in continuous self-regulation activities to manage their career transitions. Assimilative Career Management Assimilative strategies during the workforce participation stage reflect individuals’ efforts to achieve meaningful career goals. These goal-pursuing processes often involve self-regulation circles of goal prioritization, goal pursuit activities, progress appraisal, and goal reprioritization (Guan et al., 2021; Raabe et al., 2007; Song et al., 2020; Zacher et al., 2016). Career Self-Management Greenhaus (1987) proposed a systematic model of career management that involves a behavioral cycle of career exploration, career goal setting, career
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strategy development, career plan implementation, and career appraisal. Later work started to incorporate strategies that may improve employees’ job mobility preparedness and external employability (e.g., Kossek et al., 1998; Sturges et al., 2002). King (2004) presented a three-factor model of career management, which includes strategies of positioning (identifying the opportunities, skills, experience, and contacts), influence (influencing key gatekeepers), and boundary management (balancing work and life roles). The positive effects of career self-management activities on performance (e.g., Sturges et al., 2005) and career satisfaction (e.g., Raabe et al., 2007) have been supported in previous research. Proactive personality, Extraversion, Openness to Experience, and Conscientiousness are positively related to one’s motivation to learn, as well as to the engagement in development activities to maintain internal and external marketability (Major et al., 2006). Self-knowledge, career goal commitment, and career plan quality are also positively related to career self-management behaviors (Raabe et al., 2007). Given the close interconnections and dynamic influences between work and nonwork roles in career development (Greenhaus & Kossek, 2014; Super, 1953, 1980, 1990), the need for incorporating one’s nonwork roles into career management process has risen. Toward this end, Hirschi (2020) developed a whole-life career management model to offer strategies for managing work and nonwork roles in contemporary career development, which outlines a fourstage cycle that consists of goal clarification across work and life roles, resource mapping and barrier analysis, action strategy development, and goal pursuing activities. Job Crafting Job crafting refers to the activities that can redesign employees’ task or relational boundaries in a meaningful way (Wrzesniewski & Dutton, 2001). Drawing upon a job demands and resources perspective, Tims et al. (2013) operationalized job crafting as activities that aim to decrease hindrance demands, increase challenging demands, and improve structural and social resources. Recent conceptualization of job crafting has integrated role boundary management, resource/demand management, and approach/avoidance behavioral styles into a more comprehensive model (e.g., Bruning & Campion, 2018; F. Zhang & Parker, 2019). F. Zhang and Parker’s (2019) review showed that job crafting generally promotes employees’ work engagement, meaningful experience, person–job fit, and work performance, but these effects also depend on the alignment of employees’ career goals and organizational goals. I-Deals Idiosyncratic employment arrangements, or i-deals, refer to “voluntary, personalized agreements of a nonstandard nature negotiated between individual employees and their employers regarding terms that benefit each party” (Rousseau et al., 2006, p. 978). Whereas job crafting focuses on the personalized methods of work redesign, i-deals reflect more about the negotiated conditions and rewards that meet personal needs. Scholars have identified a series of
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antecedents and consequences of i-deals (see the meta-analytic review by Liao et al., 2016). Typical antecedents of the successful establishment of i-deals include employees’ personal initiatives (Hornung et al., 2008) and political skills (Rosen et al., 2013). Further, following the arrangement of i-deals, employees’ commitment, performance expectations, work motivation, work–life balance, and contribution to the organizations are likely to increase (e.g., Hornung et al., 2008; Luo et al., 2020; Vidyarthi et al., 2016). Accommodative Career Management Constraints in the workforce participation stage can pose great obstacles for individuals’ career and personal development, as this is the stage when people allocate considerable efforts to design and manage their own career trajectories. During this stage, adopting accommodative strategies to adjust to constraints or challenges (e.g., P-E misfit, involuntary career transitions, career plateaus) is critical for individuals to navigate career development turbulences. Managing P-E Misfit P-E fit generally represents the match or congruence between the person and environment (Edwards, 2008; Kristof, 1996; Muchinsky & Monahan, 1987), and it can manifest as supplementary fit (the congruence or similarity between individual and environmental characteristics), needs–supplies fit (N-S fit, whether the environment fulfills individual needs), and demands–abilities fit (D-A fit, whether individual capabilities meet the environmental demands) at different levels (e.g., person–job fit, person–organization fit). Although P-E fit represents a desirable state that plays an essential role in facilitating favorable work-related outcomes (e.g., increased job performance, increased job satisfaction, and decreased turnover intention; M. Wang, Zhan, et al., 2011), individuals often come across various forms of misfit in their career development processes such as overqualification and value incongruence. Overqualification refers to “situations wherein individuals have qualifications such as education and skills that exceed job requirements” (Erdogan & Bauer, 2009, p. 557). As a typical form of D-A misfit, overqualification is related to negative work attitudes, counterproductive work behaviors, and high turnover (Erdogan & Bauer, 2009; Erdogan et al., 2011; S. Liu & Wang, 2012; S. Liu et al., 2015; McKee-Ryan & Harvey, 2011). Other forms of P-E misfit, such as value incongruence, have also been found to be associated with low commitment, low-quality interpersonal interaction, and poor performance (e.g., Deng et al., 2016; Z. Zhang et al., 2012). Recent research has started to examine career management strategies that can help employees overcome the disadvantages of P-E misfit. For example, Deng et al. (2018) found that when overqualified employees are equipped with good interpersonal skills, they can effectively redirect their efforts to increase social acceptance, which in turn positively predicts both in-role and ex-role performance. Findings from a qualitative study also show that when employees perceive misfit, they tend to adopt a variety of strategies, such as resolution
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(e.g., changing themselves or changing the environment), relief (e.g., changing their cognition), or resignation (e.g., quitting) to regain fit (Follmer et al., 2018). Further, given that supplementary misfit (e.g., value incongruence) reflects the discrepancy between one’s career identities and environmental characteristics, whereas D-A misfit and N-S misfit emphasize the social exchange nature underlying the relationship between the person and the environment, Guan et al. (2021) developed an integrative identities-capabilitiesrewards model to organize strategies that can help individuals to manage various forms of P-E misfit. Managing Involuntary Career Transitions Involuntary career transitions refer to changes of positions (e.g., demotion) or termination of employment (e.g., job loss) initiated by employers rather than employees (Fouad & Bynner, 2008; Latack & Dozier, 1986; Rubenstein et al., 2019; Stumpf & Dawley, 1981). As involuntary transitions often result from personal constraints, such as low job performance, or unexpected environmental changes, such as organizational restructuring, individuals need to make sense of the new situation and regain control of their career development. It has also been argued that job loss can be considered as an opportunity to rethink one’s career goals, develop new capabilities, and gain further career growth (Gowan, 2014; Latack & Dozier, 1986). Consistently, Zikic and Klehe (2006) found that career exploration and career-planning behaviors are positively related to reemployment quality after job loss. In addition, career resources underpinning employability, such as adaptability, career identity, human capital, and social capital, are positively related to unemployed people’s self-esteem, job search, and reemployment (McArdle et al., 2007). Managing Career Plateaus Career plateau was initially defined as the low likelihood of future promotions (i.e., hierarchical plateau; Ference et al., 1977) and later extended to include job content plateau, which refers to the lack of challenge or responsibility in job duties (Allen et al., 1999; Y.-H. Wang et al., 2014). A recent review by Yang et al. (2019) summarized two sets of factors that may effectively counteract career plateaus: (a) the focal individual’s agentic orientations (e.g., internal locus of control, career aspirations, motivation to learn), adaptive capabilities (e.g., career adaptability), and proactive behaviors (e.g., career planning, job involvement, career exploration, work perseverance), and (b) additional responsibilities from the organization, such as supervisory responsibility or mentoring roles.
WORK-TO-RETIREMENT TRANSITION STAGE The rapidly aging workforce warrants growing scholarly attention to the work-to-retirement transition stage. This is not only because of the increasing pervasiveness of the trend of the “silver tsunami” in many developed countries
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but also due to the fact that employees in different age groups hold different work motivations (Burmeister et al., 2020; Fasbender et al., 2020; Shultz et al., 2010; M. Wang et al., 2015; You et al., 2019) and bring diverse intelligence to organizations (e.g., Li et al., 2021, 2022), rendering it both theoretically and practically important to understand how organizations leverage advantages from the age-diverse workforce. Entering into the later stage of the lifespan is often accompanied by critical life changes, such as physical and psychological aging, different lifestyle, and reallocating weights to different life roles (M. Wang, Henkens, & van Solinge, 2011; M. Wang & Shi, 2014; M. Wang & Shultz, 2010; M. Wang & Wanberg, 2017), which can significantly shape an individual’s physical and psychological well-being in their late adult life (e.g., Fasbender et al., 2020; Froidevaux et al., 2016; M. Wang, 2007; M. Wang & Takeuchi, 2007). Therefore, it is important to understand how people manage their work-to-retirement transition as a way to maintain career satisfaction, facilitate successful aging in both work and nonwork domains, and improve life quality after retirement (Henkens et al., 2018; Kooij et al., 2020; Sheng et al., 2022; M. Wang, 2007; M. Wang, Henkens, & van Solinge, 2011). Assimilative Career Management In dealing with various challenges in the work-to-retirement transition stage, older workers can proactively manage the interface between work and retirement. Typical assimilative career management activities in this stage involve optimizing the age-related changes, proactively engaging in retirement planning, and taking bridge employment as a transition before completely withdrawing from work. Optimizing Age-Related Changes An aging employee often faces declining physical and psychological functions, which make it difficult to maintain work proficiency and productivity. The model of selection, optimization, and compensation (SOC; Baltes & Baltes, 1990) offers relevant strategies to proactively manage age-related changes. Specifically, the SOC model posits that aging individuals can rely on the synchronized use of selection (directing/redirecting resources to certain domains of work), optimization (improved use of resources in the selected domains), and compensation (acquiring or utilizing new tactics) to maintain a desirable level of performance. Empirical research yields supportive evidence for the beneficial effects of these strategies in helping older workers stay healthy, motivated, and productive at work (Abraham & Hansson, 1995; Shao et al., 2021; von Bonsdorff et al., 2018; Weigl et al., 2013; Yeung & Fung, 2009). Retirement Planning Retirement planning was found effective in reducing preretirement anxiety, facilitating adjustment, and promoting satisfaction in retirement (Donaldson
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et al., 2010; Feldman, 1994; Topa et al., 2009). In order to handle the predictable (e.g., change in income and lifestyles) and potentially unpredictable challenges (e.g., unanticipated health-related issues) after retirement, people need to proactively mobilize and organize their resources in order to get prepared when retirement is approaching (M. Wang & Shi, 2014). Petkoska and Earl (2009) categorized retirement planning into four domains, namely financial, health, interpersonal/leisure, and work. They also found that although personal goals (e.g., financial goals, health goals, leisure goals, interpersonal goals, work goals) generally serve as prominent antecedents of these retirement planning behaviors, each type of retirement planning is associated with a unique set of demographic (e.g., gender) and psychological (e.g., time perspective) predictors. According to a meta-analysis by Topa et al. (2009), low job involvement and satisfaction are stronger predictors of retirement planning than perceived health and working conditions, supporting the idea that employees who are less committed to work are more motivated to initiate retirement planning, which in turn predicts retirement decision making, bridge employment, and retirement satisfaction. Additionally, recent research identified an occupational future time perspective (i.e., older workers’ beliefs about their time and opportunities left until they retire) as a critical psychological mechanism that transmits the effects of career adaptability and aging experience on later career planning (Fasbender et al., 2019). Researchers also paid attention to postretirement career planning (e.g., Wöhrmann et al., 2013), which reflects the planning of retirement activities that are closely related to employees’ current occupations. In line with social cognitive career theory (Lent et al., 1994), postretirement career planning is predicted by occupational self-efficiency and postretirement work outcome expectations (Wöhrmann et al., 2014a, 2014b). Bridge Employment Bridge employment, or the continued involvement in some employment arrangements after retiring from a long-term or full-time job (Kim & Feldman, 2000; Shultz, 2003), is increasingly prevalent in many countries (Beehr & Bennett, 2015; Zhan et al., 2015). Bridge employment allows retirees to have the option of maintaining some levels of work engagement and therefore redefining their retirement as an evolving process rather than a one-time event that terminates workforce participation. Prior research showed that such a transitional process is positively related to positive retirement adjustment (M. Wang, Henkens, & van Solinge, 2011), health status (Zhan et al., 2009), and satisfaction (Kim & Feldman, 2000). With regard to antecedents of bridge employment, prior research showed that retirees’ decisions regarding bridge employment can be shaped by (a) preretirement employment-related factors (such that different forms of preretirement employment may motivate older adults to choose different forms of bridge employment; von Bonsdorff et al., 2017); (b) affective or motivational factors such as communion and generativity striving motivations (Zhan et al., 2015), meaning of work (Fasbender et al., 2016), and career and
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organizational commitment (Zhan et al., 2013); and (c) individual characteristics such as age, gender, marital status (and quality), health conditions, financial pressure, family needs, and psychological experience of aging (e.g., Fasbender et al., 2014; Kim & Feldman, 2000; von Bonsdorff et al., 2017; Zhan et al., 2013). Accommodative Career Management Involuntary career transitions in the work-to-retirement transition stage typically manifest as negative treatments toward older employees in the workplace due to peoples’ negative views on aging (e.g., stereotype and self-stereotype). Moving to the purported decline stage in life, older workers are prone to deal with unfavorable situations associated with ageism and discrimination, as well as involuntary retirement. Managing Ageism and Discrimination Posthuma and Campion (2009) conducted an extensive review on literature related to age stereotypes and reported that older workers are generally perceived as less motivated, less competent, and less productive than younger workers. Although these stereotypes are not necessarily true (Froidevaux, Alterman, et al., 2020) and could manifest cultural differences (BlanchardFields et al., 2007), older workers’ careers have been shown to be negatively affected by such stereotypes to a large extent (e.g., Fasbender & Wang, 2017a, 2017b; Karpinska et al., 2015; Kmicinska et al., 2016; van Dalen et al., 2015). Berger (2009) focused on how older workers cope with these barriers in their job search processes and found that people tend to use counteractions (i.e., maintaining work skills and adjusting expectations) or/and concealments (i.e., changing résumés or personal styles to conceal age information) to deal with potential age discrimination. We urge that researchers need to discover more individual and organizational strategies that can effectively combat ageism. Managing Involuntary Retirement Szinovacz and Davey (2005) found that nearly 30% of participants in their study reported forced retirement, and this experience was found to be detrimental to employees’ health (Rhee et al., 2016; Voss et al., 2020), financial well-being (Heisig & Radl, 2017), and life satisfaction (Dingemans & Henkens, 2014). Involuntary retirement often results from personal or environmental constraints such as health conditions, care obligations, job displacement, or discriminative practices (Szinovacz & Davey, 2005). To help reduce the potential negative effects of involuntary retirement on older workers, Noone et al. (2013) found that retirement preparation benefits retirees’ life satisfaction, even for those who involuntarily retire from their work. Additionally, Dingemans and Henkens (2014) found that bridge employment helps with mitigating the negative shocks brought by involuntary retirement.
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DISCUSSION AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS Theoretical Implications The proposed framework has several theoretical implications. First, it echoes the lifespan perspective by highlighting the unique developmental goals associated with the school-to-work stage, workforce participation stage, and work-toretirement stage (Hartung, 2013; Nagy et al., 2019; Super, 1990; M. Wang & Wanberg, 2017). Specifically, during the school-to-work transition stage, individuals need to engage in career exploration and preparation activities to develop career identities (e.g., future work self) and capabilities to prepare for their future work roles. During the workforce participation stage, employees need to engage in various career self-management activities to achieve desired goals. Notably, individuals often need to balance their work and life needs at this stage, highlighting the importance of adopting a whole-life approach to understand career management. During the work-to-retirement transition stage, individuals need to proactively manage the age-related changes to maintain productivity, develop career and/or retirement plans, and/or take up bridge employment to smooth over the transition. Taken together, this chapter provides an insightful framework to understand effective career management strategies that are specific to different developmental needs at different stages. Second, this framework helps to advance existing career management theories by incorporating the model of assimilative versus accommodative strategies. Given that individuals nowadays experience more frequent and diverse forms of career transitions over the life course, the assimilative versus accommodative model underscores the dynamic balance between pursuing valuable goals and adjusting to real-world constraints. In particular, whereas most career management research emphasizes the assimilative side by focusing on the goal setting and goal pursuing processes, relatively scant scholarly attention has been paid to individuals’ accommodative strategies. The inclusion of accommodative strategies is particularly important for individuals whose careers are impeded by personal constraints, situational barriers, or unexpected changes. Integrating assimilative and accommodative strategies into the career management framework also paves the way for more fruitful research on how individuals flexibly choose or combine career management strategies to achieve P-E fit in different stages. In sum, the combination of lifespan and assimilative versus accommodative perspectives provides an overarching theoretical foundation that integrates career identity theory (e.g., Erikson, 1968; Holland et al., 1980; Marcia, 1980; Skorikov & Vondracek, 2011), career construction theory (Savickas, 2013), resource-based models (e.g., Hobfoll, 1989; M. Wang, Henkens, & van Solinge, 2011), protean career model (Hall, 1976; Hall et al., 2018), and boundaryless career theory (DeFillippi & Arthur, 1994), thereby advancing our understanding of career management process across different life stages. Besides the systematic summary of developmental tasks and strategies associated with the three transition stages (i.e., school-to-work transition stage, workforce participation stage, and work-to-retirement transition stage), our
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framework also illustrates three themes. The first theme is about individuals’ management of career identities: During the school-to-work transition stage, individuals need to explore and develop career identities to facilitate career planning and preparation; individuals at the work participation stage need to continuously manage their career identities (e.g., via voluntary transition to a workgroup or organization that better matches with their career values and interests) to reach supplementary fit; and the work-to-retirement stage requires individuals to reconfigure their identities (e.g., adjusting weights of work and life roles) to facilitate adjustment across different life domains. In a boundaryless and rapidly changing career world, individuals are facing more opportunities and difficulties to manage the coherence and complexity of career identities, and more research is needed to understand this important phenomenon. The second theme is related to the management of capabilities: Individuals use a variety of capability management strategies to meet situational demands in the school-to-work transition stage (e.g., capability development), workforce participation stage (e.g., skill development and utilization), and work-toretirement transition stage (e.g., capability maintenance). The capabilities that sustain contemporary career development not only manifest as occupation- or organization-specific knowledge and skills but also include adaptive competencies that enable individuals to meet continuously emerging challenges (e.g., DeFillippi & Arthur, 1994; Fouad & Bynner, 2008; Fugate et al., 2004; Hall, 1976; Savickas, 1997). Our framework provides a meaningful perspective to understand how individuals develop, diversify, and maintain domain-specific or transferrable competencies in different stages over the life course. The third theme reflects strategies individuals adopt (e.g., job crafting, i-deals, bridge employment) to obtain intrinsic and extrinsic rewards. In a career domain that is becoming increasingly boundaryless, individuals not only obtain rewards from their current job or employers but also have opportunities to go beyond organizational boundaries to initiate multiple social exchange relationships (e.g., multiple job holding) in the career ecosystem they are embedded in. In sum, the management of identities, capabilities, and rewards not only captures important strategies that help individuals achieve P-E fit across career stages but also helps explain the continuity and changes of career trajectories across the lifespan (Guan et al., 2021). Practical Implications Our chapter offers several important practical implications. First, as individuals need to deal with unique development tasks in different stages, it is conceivable that career management education and training practices should be customized for specific developmental tasks. Career exploration and preparation supports should be offered to young adults before they enter the school-to-work transition stage, thereby encouraging and assisting them to develop career identities and relevant capabilities (Hirschi, 2012; Verbruggen & Sels, 2008). In addition, organizations or social institutes can design career-related training programs to
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facilitate employees’ identity management, capability management, and reward management skills during the workforce participation stage (Guan, Wen, et al., 2014; Koen et al., 2012). Professional guidance for identity reconfiguration, capability maintenance, and reward restructure skills should benefit older workers or retirees. It is important to note that because individuals nowadays may experience cycles of career transitions over the life course (M. Wang et al., 2013), a person-centered approach should be particularly important and appropriate for career education and counseling practices (Spurk et al., 2020). Second, we note that although assimilative strategies can help people engage in goal-focused activities, they can lead to potential side effects such as entrapment in barren projects and exhaustion of resources. Accommodative strategies can complement these shortcomings by helping people adjust their careerdeveloping plans and channel resources to feasible goals. Given that individuals need to deal with various constraints and involuntary transitions across different career transition stages, it is important to use a dual-process model to promote people’s career management flexibility, in order to reduce the potential negative effects of these adverse conditions. Future Directions First, we call for more research to strengthen causal inference in career management research. Given that career management is a dynamic process that involves continuous P-E interactions, it is important to adopt appropriate research methods to detect the causal or reciprocal relations between career management strategies and career development outcomes. For example, existing research has investigated the positive feedback loops between future work self and career exploration (Guan et al., 2017) and between career success and career self-efficacy (Spurk et al., 2019), thereby enriching our understanding of the interrelatedness among these career-related constructs. To further strengthen the rigor of research in the field of career management, we urge future research to employ appropriate research designs (e.g., adopt a longitudinal design to address a research question that is associated with prospective prediction; M. Wang & Fang, 2022; M. Wang et al., 2017) and statistical approaches to answer the proposed research question (e.g., use the latent profile analysis to identify latent subpopulations within a population; Spurk et al., 2020; M. Wang, 2007; employ the cross-lagged modeling to strengthen causality inference; Y. Liu et al., 2016; adopt the latent growth modeling to assess the features of change; Y. Liu et al., 2016). Second, although we mainly focus on career management strategies at the individual level, there has been extensive research showing the important roles of interpersonal, organizational, and societal factors in shaping career development (Ng et al., 2005). For example, organizational career management has been found to be a unique predictor for employment career success, and it also strengthens the effects of career adaptability on career satisfaction (Guan, Zhou, et al., 2015). Jung and Takeuchi (2018) also found that perceived
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developmental practices and organizational support are positively related to employees’ career satisfaction after controlling for career self-management. It would be valuable for future research to further examine the collective and interactive effects of individual career management and environmental factors on career outcomes. Third, although career management strategies generally benefit individuals’ career development across different cultures, given the systematic cultural differences in values, beliefs, cognitive styles, and self-construals (Bond & Smith, 1996), more works are needed to examine cultural differences in career management. For example, Guan, Chen, et al. (2015) found systematic cultural differences in career decision-making strategies: Compared with American university students, Chinese participants show higher reliance on a relational approach to making career decisions (e.g., make compromises or consult with others), and these cultural differences are mediated by individuals’ selfconstruals and perceived cultural norm of collectivism. Given that individuals in a given cultural group are socialized by shared cultural meanings (e.g., values, thinking styles), their assimilative and accommodative career management strategies may manifest cultural-specific characteristics, and the effects of these strategies on career development outcomes may also be shaped by cultural backgrounds (Guan et al., 2020). These questions await further investigation. In summary, we integrate the lifespan perspective and an assimilative versus accommodative model to introduce a theoretical framework that explains how individuals exert agency in managing their careers across the lifespan, which contributes to a more integrative and coherent view of career management and has potential to further advance our understanding in career management.
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21 Exploring Global Careers Individual Mobility and Organizational Management Michael Dickmann and Rodrigo Mello
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lobal careers, which we define as long-term careers that involve various international jobs across different locations (Suutari et al., 2012), are not a new phenomenon. Traders, missionaries, and occupying armed forces have worked abroad for centuries. Since World War II, an increasingly interdependent global economy has transformed how organizations operate across the world, creating a strong need for culturally sophisticated, agile, and globally savvy assignees (Caligiuri, 2013) who must be able to manage international operations effectively. In fact, the COVID-19 pandemic has not only made virtual forms of global work more prominent but is also leading to some replacement of physical assignments (Selmer et al., 2022). Nevertheless, it is widely expected that the movement of individuals across borders for work purposes will continue to be an important phenomenon for individuals and multinational organizations (Mello et al., 2022). Consequently, any key developments are important for career counselors to understand in order to help their clients to navigate global careers amid substantial changes. Undertaking several international assignments (IAs) indicates that assignees are committed to developing their global careers. Evidence suggests that 40% to 70% of long-term expatriates have experienced previous IAs (Cerdin & Le Pargneux, 2010; Jokinen et al., 2008; Stahl & Cerdin, 2004), whereas around
This chapter is one of a number of outputs from the GLOMO (Global Mobility) project. The project has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie Grant Agreement No. 765355. https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-022 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 467
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20% of assignees have already undertaken three or more IAs (Brookfield Global Relocation Services, 2015). There are, of course, alternative ways of approaching global careers and work. In fact, some authors prefer to define global careers based on the specific global responsibilities that top-level managers within organizations hold (Cappellen & Janssens, 2005). This chapter explores individual careers that involve living and working in different countries. Such international careers are increasingly common among global professionals (Andresen et al., 2014). The management of global careerists is a challenge for organizations and global mobility (GM) departments due to the many micro- and mesoelements that have an influence on the outcomes of working abroad (Mello et al., 2022). Career counselors would benefit from understanding the key determinants of working in GM in order to refine suggested career interventions. Therefore, this chapter discusses organizational considerations, the roles of GM professionals, and their particular challenges. Moreover, the text proposes a framework for GM work (Dickmann, 2021a) and presents reflections on the impact of COVID-19 on GM, delineating recent substantial changes to global careers and their impact on those who manage GM. GM has many forms as it includes all international work patterns, be they self-initiated or company sponsored, short term (up to 1 year) or long term, or in one or several host environments (Baruch et al., 2013). GM is growing strongly and receiving substantial interest from careerists, career counselors, GM professionals, and other stakeholders in exploring its impact (McNulty & Selmer, 2017). In fact, given the increased importance of attracting global talent, GM even has the potential to influence the policies and regulations of cities and countries (Dickmann & Cerdin, 2014; Vaiman & Collings, 2014). This chapter predominantly focuses on the micro- and mesolevel perspectives and, at times, depicts the wider context. The microlevel perspective addresses differences among types of assignees (Bonache et al., 2001; Froese & Peltokorpi, 2013; Suutari & Brewster, 2000) and their career outcomes. The mesolevel perspective traditionally focuses on the management of global careerists, such as the selection of expatriates (Caligiuri, 2013; Harris & Brewster, 1999), the expatriate cycle (Harris et al., 2003), global talent management (Collings et al., 2019), and performance management (Engle et al., 2008). Incorporating these insights and exploring GM strategies, structures, policies, and practices, this chapter concentrates on the roles, responsibilities, and challenges of GM professionals and departments. In-depth knowledge of both perspectives outlined here allows career counselors to develop better advice to individuals and organizations. In addition, we provide a temporal perspective of global careers on the micro- and mesolevels. A temporal perspective divides these analyses into three stages during assignees’ international journey: motives (before the international work experience), challenges (during the international work experience), and consequences (after the international work experience). Recently, career theorists have reiterated the importance of context and time (Gunz & Mayrhofer, 2018). The issue of context includes the industry and
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geographic location. First, careers are always careers-in-context (Mayrhofer et al., 2007). Exploring context—for instance, with respect to dangers in hostile host environments, language capabilities, or cultural differences—is thus vital for GM professionals and career counselors to fully understand individuals’ careers and overall organizational outcomes. Career choices by global careerists take place within the context of organizations, countries, and societies, under local institutions such as the legal, economic, cultural, and social norms (Brewster et al., 2018). The matter of time includes the career stage of global careerists. Hence, the time when scholars survey or interview assignees matters. For instance, the life stage and role that individuals experience might influence assignees’ career and performance, which in turn affect the international operation of organizations (Arthur & Rousseau, 1996; Hall, 2002). Because context and time are dynamic, poorly timed data collection in relation to outcomes of global careers can affect findings relevant for GM professionals and international organizations. For instance, if GM departments collect data shortly after an international work experience, this can only indicate immediate adjustment issues and outcomes, ignoring the cumulative effects over time (Fuller, 2008). As a consequence, organizations might misinterpret data and then face challenges to develop international human resource management (IHRM) policies and practices tailored to the different types of assignees (Collings et al., 2007). The reader should appreciate that the term “after” does not necessarily mean the assignees return to their home country when their international work experience concludes. They may keep their global career by changing host countries or return home and subsequently take up an international life, which characterizes them as global careerists. For example, a few studies indicate that many repatriates settle down in their home environment after a period of stress, but there are also people who do not repatriate and, instead, stay on in their host country (Mello et al., 2022). Moreover, some individuals accept a job with another employer in their original host country or in another country (Suutari et al., 2018).
EXPLORING THE MICROLEVEL: INTERNATIONAL WORKERS AND THEIR GLOBAL CAREERS Before Working Abroad Given the high demands on global careerists, it could be argued that these careers may not appeal to everyone. In this regard, substantial research has been carried out on expatriate motives, both among assigned expatriates (AEs) and self-initiated expatriates (SIEs; Doherty et al., 2011; Richardson & Mallon 2005; Selmer & Lauring 2010; Suutari & Brewster, 2000; Tharenou, 2003). The findings indicate that expatriates are commonly motivated by factors such as competency development, career development, desire for adventure, and monetary rewards, as well as by other factors associated with the host country context (Doherty et al., 2011). However, AEs and SIEs may vary
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in their motives. For instance, the location, the host country’s reputation, lifestyle, and family-related concerns play a more critical role for SIEs than AEs (Doherty et al., 2011), as SIEs have fewer company-related motives (Richardson, 2006) than AEs. It is important to note that SIEs form a very diverse group, and thus motives vary (Suutari & Brewster, 2000). Some studies among students and young graduates show that the major reasons for taking international jobs were excitement, cross-cultural experiences, growth, meeting new and different people, and future career prospects (Tharenou, 2003). Early international experiences through education increase the likelihood of seeking a job in the same location afterward (Baruch et al., 2007). Although companies rarely send inexperienced employees as AEs to international positions, young people seem keen to go abroad on their own initiative as SIEs (Andresen et al., 2020; Doherty et al., 2011). Due to their early career stage, young people are also more commonly motivated by simply finding a job, especially when the home country’s job markets may offer fewer possibilities (Suutari & Brewster, 2000). AEs also reported professional development and career progress as more important motives than SIEs in general—an insight that is useful to consider when looking generically at career counseling of people willing to work abroad. There have also been studies on the motives of SIEs working in specific sectors. For example, the internationalization of higher education has led to increasing interest among academic SIEs (Richardson & Mallon, 2005; Selmer & Lauring 2010). These academics have been found to have three dominant motivations: Adventure/travel, life change and family, and financial reasons were significant in a number of cases (Richardson & Mallon 2005). SIEs also often find work in the not-for-profit sector, where motivation is often values based (Doherty et al., 2011) and includes a dedication to a cause (Cerdin & Le Pargneux, 2010). The motives of SIEs working within international organizations such as the European Union and the United Nations have been found to differ to some extent from the average SIEs, as they regard economic benefits, personal interest toward internationalization, and new experiences as slightly more important motives (Dickmann & Cerdin, 2018; Suutari & Brewster, 2000). Sometimes the motive of the SIEs is directly linked to their family situation through a dual career situation, wherein SIEs have gone abroad due to the assignment of their spouse and then found a job for themselves in order to continue their own career. This is much easier in regions such as the European Union, where work permits are not necessary for member state citizens and active policies exist to encourage mobility (Doherty et al., 2010). All in all, Suutari et al. (2012) sought to identify and analyze what experienced global careerists truly value in their work and careers. According to their results, global careerists place great importance on having ongoing developmental opportunities, perceiving their jobs as meaningful and substantial, and enjoying high levels of autonomy in their international jobs. Furthermore, assignment location and family-related concerns were found to be important factors when making career-related decisions.
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It seems it would be beneficial for organizations to understand AEs and SIEs as diverse groups that are motivated by different factors to different extents and, subsequently, need different GM management approaches. During Their Work Abroad: Working in a Host Country Embedded in a Host Organization It is now acknowledged that global work can be described as high-density work experience. This means that expatriates are under a high degree of (a) physical mobility (i.e., their role requires that they travel or relocate internationally), (b) cognitive flexibility (i.e., the work requires role incumbents to adjust their thought patterns and scripts to effectively interact with people and adapt to situational demands across cultures), and (c) nonwork disruption (i.e., the work role requirements disrupt or interfere with the employee’s normal activities and routines outside work) when compared with domestic workers (Peiperl & Jonsen, 2007; Shaffer et al., 2012). Furthermore, expatriates frequently work at a higher organizational level when they are abroad (Solomon, 1995; Suutari & Brewster, 2003), and they are usually responsible for a higher variety of tasks than in their previous jobs (Bossard & Peterson, 2005; K. Mäkelä & Suutari, 2009). Thus, their jobs as expatriates can be more challenging than at home. Considering these are the characteristics that typically describe international work experiences, it is easy to understand why, during extended global careers, the requirements for constant learning and development can prove to be very taxing for international professionals and their families (L. Mäkelä et al., 2017; McNulty & Brewster, 2017; McNulty & Vance, 2017). Forster (2000) even argued that such careers would be too challenging for most individuals and their families to cope with. In fact, global careerists can find it quite difficult to maintain a proper work–life balance, given how they face time-based conflicts caused by long working hours, 24/7 availability, traveling, and strain-based conflicts related to the unusual challenges and high levels of responsibility and autonomy involved in many expatriate jobs (Bossard & Peterson, 2005; L. Mäkelä & Suutari, 2011). It seems the return home from an IA or the change to another IA is a stressful transition that entails many changes in assignees’ personal and work lives but may also represent opportunities for their career development that might affect their career interests. Organizations then need to track these developments in order to manage their global talent through GM departments. After Working Abroad: Moving on and the Long-Term Effects of Global Careers It has been reported that certain characteristics of global careers act as drivers for their boundaryless nature (Suutari et al., 2012). First, the international business environment has been described as very turbulent due to the frequent restructurings, mergers, acquisitions, and divestments experienced by global
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careerists (Suutari et al., 2012). Combined with the cyclical nature of IAs (e.g., IA contracts typically last around 3 years; Doherty & Dickmann, 2012), this lack of stability means that global careerists have to be prepared to look for new jobs regularly. In turn, global careerists are able to leverage their extensive networks to access new job offers when they need to. Also, in cases where the global careerists want to pursue their next job back in their home country, they commonly find it challenging to find jobs offering the same level of rewards and benefits that they enjoyed abroad. The dynamic of global careerists’ career transitions supplies data to scholars identifying different kinds of global careers. First, Suutari (2003) identified two groups of global careerists: those who move from one assignment to another and those who alternate between their assignments abroad and some work periods in their home countries. Then, Andresen and Biemann (2013) identified three career types when looking at global careerists: those with an “international organizational career” (i.e., assignees working mainly for the same employer—who often initiate their global career as AEs), those with an “international boundaryless career” (i.e., assignees changing employers several times during their IAs—often initiating their global career as SIEs), and those with a “transnational career” (i.e., assignees who have had three or more IAs in two or more countries and worked for either one or several employers—and who often initiated their global careers as AEs). Finally, McNulty and Vance (2017) observed that whether a global careerist is considered an AE or an SIE is highly dependent on time. Indeed, McNulty and Vance observed that individuals engaging in multiple IAs can change from one type of IA to the other, a phenomenon which is referred to as the AE-SIE career continuum phenomenon. Subsequently, McNulty and Vance illustrated this continuum by identifying eight types of assignees: parent-country nationals, third-country nationals, foreign executives in local organizations, expatriates of host-country origin (or “returnees”), inpatriates (or “reverse expatriates”), permanent transferees, localized expatriates, and expat-preneurs. In this respect, it should be noted that global careerists may fit into one or more of these types in the course of their careers. It seems that this multiple international work experience leads people to reflect on their values, knowledge, and beliefs and hence to reconsider how they articulate and make sense of the world (Osland, 2000). An example of this would be how, after having successful international career experiences, expatriates develop a new identity, known as the global career identity (Suutari & Mäkelä, 2007) or the international employee identity (Kraimer et al., 2012). As a result of this change, expatriates may stop being interested in having domestic jobs without international mobility and/or responsibilities (Suutari & Mäkelä, 2007). In turn, the new identity that expatriates develop abroad may not fit the home country’s lifestyle, leading to a reverse cultural shock in the event of repatriation (Torrington et al., 2009). In summary, global careerists may develop a boundaryless mindset, referring to their willingness to initiate and pursue work-related relationships across organizational boundaries (Briscoe & Hall,
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2006) and locations (Segers et al., 2008). According to this logic, global careerists would then be constantly looking for new international job opportunities and thus may not be very committed to a single employer. For instance, due to their boundaryless orientation, the identity changes that take place during expatriation (Kraimer et al., 2012; Suutari & Mäkelä, 2007) and country-related pushpull factors (Ho et al., 2016; K. Mäkelä & Suutari, 2009), global careerists tend to change employers quite commonly if they repatriate (Baruch et al., 2002; Caligiuri & Lazarova, 2001; Stahl & Cerdin, 2004; Suutari & Brewster, 2003). Furthermore, even if organizations manage the repatriation process well, the global careerists may still look for better career opportunities in external job markets (Hyder & Lovblad, 2007) if they are unable to find jobs at home that are as interesting as the ones they had abroad. Career counseling would benefit from understanding the general context variables of particular assignments, the organizational goals associated with working abroad, and the individual’s expatriation drivers and more general career plans, as well as the difficulties that global talent management and repatriation approaches may face in the firm. Such insights would give a more sophisticated understanding of the GM experience and its potential advantages, disadvantages, and trade-offs (Dickmann & Baruch, 2011). After all, GM is an area of strong interdependence of employers and their staff given the heightened risks, intensive work pressures, and high-density learning experiences (Mello et al., 2022). Having explored the microlevel perspective of global careers, we now discuss the mesolevel management of assignees as well as broader organizational considerations.
ROLES AND CAPABILITIES OF GLOBAL MOBILITY DEPARTMENTS TO MANAGE GLOBAL WORKERS This chapter has explored the expatriation journey of global careerists abroad. In many cases, these individuals are embedded in an organizational context, especially if these are AEs, for whom more research insights exist (Froese & Peltokorpi, 2013; Suutari & Brewster, 2000). Although some work has explored the career management of SIEs (Andresen et al., 2013; Tharenou, 2013), more attention has been on the psychometric assessment and success factors of globally mobile people (Caligiuri, 2013), the sourcing of AEs (Harris & Brewster, 1999), their talent management (Collings et al., 2019), insights and management of their adjustment to the host culture (Black & Gregersen, 1991; Haslberger et al., 2013), management of their career journey (Dickmann et al., 2018), marketability options (Suutari et al., 2018), performance management (Dowling et al., 2013), and repatriation patterns (Lazarova & Cerdin, 2007). Some of the literature has clear time perspectives, such as when authors use the expatriate cycle (Harris et al., 2003) to distinguish periods before, during, and after working abroad. Most writers either concentrate on individuals’ experiences (as described previously) or on organizational activities and interfaces in
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relation to a highly focused GM area or in terms of a broad array of GM policies and processes (Dickmann, 2021b; Dickmann et al., 2018; Dowling et al., 2013). Although the predominant focus is useful, this chapter now shifts the approach to a less used perspective, outlining the role of GM departments and the needed competencies of GM professionals. Our attention allows an in-depth understanding of the organizational perspective, starting with global business objectives and GM management considerations that balance the strong focus historically attributed to global careerists. The need to present a balanced perspective has arisen due to the scarcity of insights into the roles of GM departments and professionals. A knowledge of their roles may allow career counselors to develop international work-specific insights when advising international organizations and GM professionals or those who want to move into the field. The ways that the function, roles, and the internal organization of human resources (HR) are structured is key to the competitive stance of companies (Becker et al., 1997; Wright et al., 2001). COVID-19 has reiterated that the competitive environment of firms is characterized by volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity (VUCA). Human capital (and within this, global talent) is important to create a competitive advantage through fostering valuable, rare resources that are difficult to substitute or to copy (Barney & Clark, 2007; Sparrow et al., 2010). Ulrich’s (1998) call to refocus HR management’s operating model to incorporate business partnering and his focus on strategic contribution has resulted in HR professionals aiming to increase their strategic insights, importance, and value to their organizations. HR managers have been presented with stark choices—either to wither in importance and relevance over time or to understand the essential competitive HR requirements of the organization and to strengthen their own competencies in order to support their firms more effectively (Brockbank & Ulrich, 2009; Caldwell, 2008). These arguments can be extended to an HR subsection, GM departments. Ulrich’s (1998) model incorporates four areas: strategic and operational issues as well as people and process dimensions. Dickmann (2021a) took these areas to suggest a SAFE model of GM (see Figure 21.1). SAFE describes four major roles of GM professionals. Smart global talent managers (S) aim to devise high-quality talent management approaches and conduct career and succession planning predominantly before assignments. Smart global talent management could home in on the intersection of individual and organizational interests, with positive outcomes for global careerists (Jokinen et al., 2008; L. Mäkelä et al., 2016) and their employers (Inkson & Arthur, 2001). During the time that assignees live abroad, GM departments could work toward high employee engagement and encourage experiences that individuals appreciate. To prepare assignees and their families for repatriation, long-term planning is important (Lazarova & Cerdin, 2007). Agile strategic advisory (A) is linked to the key objectives that firms pursue with their GM (Edström & Galbraith, 1977; Harzing, 2001). HR professionals will strive to align their GM approaches with the business and HR strategies of their organizations. They pursue value creation through assignments, for instance, when aiming at position filling,
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especially for companies that compete through innovation and seek knowledge transfer and application through international mobility. Where firms concentrate on a high degree of integration, control and coordination goals may be prevalent. These manifold objectives are not mutually exclusive, and in terms of timings they apply throughout the whole expatriate cycle. The flawless GM program designer (F) is highly operationally focused, and its systems and approaches are predominantly geared toward the time when assignees live abroad. Error-free compliance avoids severe risks, such as a withdrawal of operating permits or high penalties imposed on firms that may result from noncompliance to local regulations (Sartori, 2010). Key roles in this quadrant incorporate the management of vendors, the use of GM risk and data analytics, working toward error-free compliance, and the planning and deployment of efficient moves as well as an effective reaction to crises. Especially at the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2020, many firms struggled to live up to their compliance and duty of care obligations (Dickmann & Bader, 2020). Last, the efficient global people effectiveness expert (E) designs an attractive employee GM value proposition to attract global talent, selects the right individuals for specific FIGURE 21.1. SAFE Model of Global Mobility
Agile
Strategic Drive GM value creation (e.g., position filling)
Devise high-quality talent development
Strategic Advisor
Global Talent Manager
Manage knowledge transfer and application
Processes
Control business units and integrated culture
Construct intelligent career and succession planning
Plan for repatriation
Engage assignees and families through valued experiences
People
Align GM with business and HR strategy
Smart
SAFE GM Use data analytics and tracking
Manage vendors
Select appropriate type of international assignment
Global People Effectiveness Expert
GM Program Designer Ensure error-free compliance
Flawless
Create efficient GM rewards
Deploy efficient moves and plan crisis reaction
Implement effective performance management
Operational
Note. GM = global mobility; HR = human resources.
Develop targeted attraction, selection of international assignees
Efficient
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assignment types, and implements effective performance management coupled with designing global reward approaches (Dowling et al., 2013; Festing & Perkins, 2008; Point & Dickmann, 2012). These SAFE GM roles (described in more detail in Dickmann, 2021a) are obviously not standalone or one-size-fits-all. They are influenced by the HR strategy, operational model, and business strategy of the firm and will have to take account of the wider external environment, including hostile threats (Bader et al., 2021). An updated approach to Ulrich’s ideas regarding HR roles and competencies was published in 2017. In it, Ulrich (2017) emphasized a move from strategic partner toward strategic positioner who participates and shapes strategic discussions in order to influence both organizational and HR strategies. In addition, culture and change champion activities are stressed so that organizational culture can respond to changing business demands in an agile way. Ulrich originally suggested the administrative expert role that has now evolved into the roles of the compliance manager; analytics designer, who interprets data to shape decisions and technology; and media integrator, who uses new technologies in order to improve workforce productivity while shaping public and internal perceptions through social media. Two decades ago, Ulrich (1998) suggested the role of employee champion. This role has now been clarified to include a credible activist who earns trust by achieving good results. In addition, he suggested the role of human capital curator, who supports talent performance improvement. The employee champion also designs reward approaches that are effective in order to augment business performance. Finally, Ulrich identified the core role of paradox navigator for leading-edge HR departments. Given the dynamic environment and diverging time frames and the interests of the many stakeholders in an organization, HR professionals are increasingly seen to have to manage tensions. Consequently, HR experts must be capable of successfully managing emerging paradoxes in organizations. Given the recent literature on HR roles and the tasks and responsibilities of GM departments (Dickmann, 2018), this chapter proposes to draw up a characterization of GM professional roles and required competencies (see Figure 21.2). As ever, with drawing up a framework, the reality and complex context of organizations, HR and GM departments, and their diverse organizational gestalts are simplified. This allows the reader to gain a picture of the GM world predominantly from the perspective of HR practitioners rather than individual global careerists. Nevertheless, AEs will be affected by how the GM department is structured in their organization. Agile Strategic Advisor Within the SAFE GM framework, the strategic planning components that link directly to the HR and business strategy are perhaps the most important elements to connect GM work with business objectives. The agile strategic advisor, in relation to GM, would entail two subroles. As a strategic positioner of the
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FIGURE 21.2. SAFE Global Mobility Navigator
Flawless GM Program Designer
GM ana risk a • A lytics nd d • T nalyti expe ata c r • C ackin s and rt risi g s s re pec risk a spo ialis sse sso nse t r pla nne r
Efficient Global People Effectiveness Expert
People
SAFE GM Navigator
GM c • In ulture fl a • De uencer ctivist • M signer atch mak er
Stra t • Gl egic p o o • Vi bal bus sitione s r • De ionary iness ex pert code r
Smart Global Talent Manager
Agile Strategic Advisor
on mpi cha sor r nce asses adviso e erie Exp perienc al team n • Ex ernatio porter p t • In mily su • Fa
Glo b • Ta al wo r • C lent de k and o • P nstruc velopm talent lann t s ent er or cod tewar esig d ner
or rat teg n i bal tor Glo onnec • C oach ator • C oordin •C
ect archit liance Comp ational nal rn fessio • Inte liance pro comp manager dor • Ven chnology te • GM rator integ
Processes
Strategic
er nag rd or ma stewa ssess s rd rds ce a a an tor rew ewa GM lobal r erform acilita f p • G lobal ment • G ngage •E
Operational Note. GM = global mobility.
overall approach, GM experts have to handle the tensions of the diverging expectations of senior management and global workers. As a global integrator, GM professionals balance the interests of talent management colleagues and line managers in the global center and in local operating units. Their roles and associated capabilities are described here: • Strategic positioner – Global business expert: develop in-depth insight into how to align GM with global business and HR strategic objectives. – Visionary: envisage the future of global work integrating the mobility of work, people, and hybrid approaches. – Decoder: understand purpose and expectations of assignees, business travelers, and talent working across borders. • Global integrator – Connector: liaise effectively between talent management and emerging global work patterns.
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– Coach: advise line managers and global workers on specific challenges and support mechanisms to increase the chances of effective global work and well-being. – Coordinator: aid trustful cross-border collaboration between global and local talent management. Smart Global Talent Manager The smart global talent manager quadrant refers not only to a clever approach to developing international talent but also to the attempt to set SMART (specific, measurable, attainable, relevant, and time-bound) objectives for the variety of relevant tasks. As a global work and talent steward, GM professionals should understand talent and career systems and connect these to their global staffing plans. In relation to their experience champion role, these HR professionals should be familiar with local environments, understand assignee roles and experiences (including those of their families) in depth, and be able to design attractive GM propositions. This includes an understanding of the quality of broader host environments (e.g., the degree of danger; Bader et al., 2021; Fee et al., 2019) and that of host teams (Toh & DeNisi, 2005). A more detailed description of the specific roles and needed competencies follows: • Global work and talent steward – Talent development codesigner: advise and coordinate global talent development activities with talent management specialists. – Constructor: shape intelligent global careers within the new postCOVID-19 normal. Help to plan the location of work and people, understand working patterns, and give input into the development of effective international career and succession systems. – Planner: devise the impact of physical relocations and identity shifts connected to global work. Sensitize individuals and teams to operational implications. • Experience champion – Experience assessor: understand the implications of global work for the health and well-being of staff. Evaluate which experiences are valued by assignees and other global workers and how the organization can extend more support. – International team advisor: raise ideas and create support policies and practices that aid global workers in feeling welcome and appreciated by their coworkers and host teams in order to help them thrive. – Family supporter: be sensitive to the needs of families, partners, and significant others of global workers, whether they work in a host location, travel to it, or simply interact across borders.
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Flawless GM Program Designer The third element in the interlinked figure is flawless GM program design. Again, it consists of two subcategories that each have three elements to describe the roles and associated capabilities. Although each of the four quadrants incorporates elements in relation to strategic planning, predeparture activities, management during the assignment in situ, and some return planning and assessment of the overall success, the GM program design quadrant is potentially most focused on risks and experiences during the assignment abroad. The compliance architect has a strong external element when they strive to manage individual and organizational compliance to local regulations, including visa, work permit, tax, and social security issues, and to shape the business relationship to GM service providers. Although such GM vendors often provide services in relation to compliance insights or household goods shipping as well as finding accommodation, schools, and health provisions for assignee families, they also sell GM technology that might be usefully acquired and interfaced with existing company systems. The GM risk and data analytics expert role includes a number of essential tasks to track where (and for how long) employees are located (e.g., in order to not fall foul of local business regulations), gaining valuable GM insights to be able to monitor, assess, and refine their GM programs and developing plans and mechanisms in relation to potential crises. The COVID-19 pandemic has put a stark light on a number of companies that did not have good crisis modeling or business continuity planning (Dickmann & Bader, 2020). The roles and required capabilities are briefly described here: • Compliance architect – International compliance professional: understand local and international regulatory requirements and ensure business and individual compliance. – Vendor manager: evaluate business needs and select, cooperate, monitor, and assess appropriate global service providers. – GM technology integrator: develop insights into existing GM technology and how it can serve the company’s interest as well as how it can be combined with existing organizational technology. • GM risk and data analytics expert – Analytics and risk assessor: identify analytics that can improve the GM management process and that can augment GM and business objective achievement. Assess and manage risks associated with global work. – Tracking specialist: monitor where work is taking place and where staff are located in order to give flawless data to compliance. – Crisis response planner: draw up contingency plans for a variety of physical, psychological, and institutional dangers to ensure individual duty of care and organizational business continuity.
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Efficient Global People Effectiveness Expert Ulrich (2017) emphasized the important role of managing an organization’s culture, and a number of writers have stressed how crucial the employee value proposition is to attract, motivate, and retain individuals (Goswami, 2015). This is why the two subcategories of the last quadrant in the SAFE framework are highly important. As a GM culture activist, HR professionals are charged with developing and implementing an attractive GM employee value proposition that manages a good fit between organizational and individual interests and destination culture. Highly interlinked is the role of GM rewards manager, which combines reward and performance considerations in order to provide a good basis for engagement. The competencies needed for the role of global people effectiveness expert are outlined here: • GM culture activist – Influencer: shape the GM culture so that global work is an attractive proposition even in the potentially more demanding new normal. – Designer: configure the selection for global work so that there is a good talent, job demands, and cultural fit. – Matchmaker: choose the right match between talent interests, global job demands, and work climate in the post-COVID-19 world. • GM rewards manager – Global rewards steward: create efficient GM reward approaches that distinguish and incentivize different forms of global work. – Global performance assessor: develop performance management ideas and approaches that lead to increased fulfillment of global objectives. – Engagement facilitator: draw up flexible reward approaches that take account of the shifting risk landscape and personal threats in a postCOVID-19 world. Whereas Figure 21.1 shows an overview of GM roles indicating that the interfaces can be fluid as strategic and operational aspects as well as people and processes elements might overlap, Figure 21.2 depicts the many capabilities associated with a variety of more fine-grained activities and is, clearly, an ideal state framework. This framework can help psychologists and career counselors understand the many challenges that GM professionals face. It also allows career professionals to grasp the needed capabilities that may make GM experts successful in order to give superior advice. Of course, given that Figure 21.2 shows an idealized picture, organizations might not pursue some of the depicted activities. Their internal politics or resource constraints might effectively hinder GM professionals from undertaking some of the indicated roles. This is why the SAFE GM navigator is at the center of the framework, with the duty of steering an organization’s function through a rapidly changing environment. COVID-19 and its many changes in relation to the world of international work is making this abundantly clear (Caligiuri et al., 2020).
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REFLECTIONS ON COVID-19 AND TECHNOLOGY: THE FUTURE OF GLOBAL WORK, MOVING WORK TO PEOPLE RATHER THAN PEOPLE TO WORK Overnight, COVID-19 challenged the status quo of individuals, cities, economies, countries, and continents. Whereas the global economic recession of a decade ago fundamentally placed chief finance officers (CFOs) at the core of the crisis, the human nature of the current crisis highlights the role of chief human resource officers (CHROs; Caligiuri et al., 2020; Collings et al., 2021; “Coronavirus Crisis,” 2020; Reimer & Bryant, 2020). Leaders have had to make many fast decisions that fundamentally affect people’s lives, such as who should stay at work and who should go home, how and where people could work digitally, when international assignees could go home, what the priorities are, and how those priorities can best be communicated to employees. At the organizational level, decision makers have had to undertake various actions to alleviate the impact of the pandemic. In most cases, these actions relate to managing distance and rethinking boundaries. However, a number of key questions remain. Will the pandemic’s effect lead to a major retrenchment of international mobility, or will it gradually be reestablished? Will companies take the opportunity to reduce numbers (and costs), or were they right to believe that international mobility was the best way to ensure their businesses’ efficient running? What is the role of technology in managing uncertainty in pandemic times? What are the shortcomings of the current approaches, and how can successful strategies be developed? The initial speed and scale at which the COVID-19 crisis evolved placed pressure on GM and HR departments. The human impact of the crisis resulted in significant prolonged anxiety and stress for employees. Established organizational routines were disrupted, and some were rendered obsolete overnight. These and other factors meant that the crisis was hugely disruptive, complex, and fraught with ambiguity for leaders. At strategic and operational levels, the decision-making process has been highly challenging as leaders try to reconcile contradictions and manage the complex interrelationships emerging from the crisis. Consequently, policy makers and business leaders feel anxious as they struggle to marshal and mobilize their talent pool through this crisis. Unlike other global crises, this exogenous shock has sped up the adoption of social and physical distance and remote working—maybe this points the way to the future of global talent management. As a response to the current pandemic, organizations increased IT capacity and moved away from traditional work arrangements. This scenario increased uncertainty about where the talents are, which means cities and businesses compete for the best employees globally. Therefore, there is an urgent need to develop and leverage more innovative and flexible forms of GM to support organizations to adapt to the volatility, complexity, and uncertainty of the global environment (Collings & Isichei, 2018; Reiche et al., 2019). However, there is a distinct lack of strategic linkages of GM and/or HR functions (Jooss et al., 2020). Based on our previous discussion, the
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SAFE model of global mobility adapted from Dickmann (2018) seems to support organizations in reestablishing strategic linkages disrupted by the pandemic, such as global leadership development, knowledge transfer and acquisition, competency gap filling, and control and coordination. The quadrants of the SAFE model may support the implementation of virtual assignments through remote working as a flexible global working arrangement mechanism to manage the disruption created by the COVID-19 crisis. Hence, it is important to observe that the term “remote working” describes a wide range of possible work arrangements, both temporal, from 1 day per week to full time, and geographic. Choudhury et al. (2021) distinguished between work from home and work from anywhere, arguing that the latter promises greater benefits to employees by offering both temporal and geographic flexibility. GM leaders might need to adapt their strategic and operational decisions to the new norm of GM: moving work to people rather than people to work. First, smart global talent managers manage the possible trade-off between individual and organizational GM outcomes. They focus on the intersection of individuals and organizations before, during, and after assignees’ international work experiences by planning assignees’ expatriation and repatriation. The COVID-19 pandemic has led to travel restrictions globally and has seen organizations turn toward virtual substitutes. Even with travel bans being lifted gradually, perceptions toward flexible global working arrangements may change among mobile employees and organizations (Caligiuri et al., 2020). Smart global talent managers may support decisions regarding flexible global working arrangements, such as remote working and the management of virtual teams. Decisions regarding reducing global assignee numbers compensated by a higher number of virtual assignments through remote working might have implications for both individuals and organizations. Physical, psychological, and social aspects reported in the literature (Collings et al., 2021) invite GM managers to reflect on the value creation realized at an organizational level and the impact at the individual level. Therefore, remote work might present a double-edged sword with substantial concern that such work is not being captured as a valuable asset (Reiche et al., 2019). For instance, Mabey and Zhao (2017) highlighted that particularly tacit knowledge is difficult to grasp through virtual means, which might affect knowledge transfer between headquarters and subsidiaries. Also, virtual assignments are related to inconvenient working hours (Suutari et al., 2013). A hybrid system might be relevant as “virtual and physical work complement rather than substitute for one another” (Jones et al., 2018, p. 257). Then, agile strategic advisory focused on organizational outcomes links the key objectives that firms pursue with their GM (Edström & Galbraith, 1977; Harzing, 2001). Smart global talent managers may interact with agile strategic advisory when planning expatriation and repatriation of assignees. However, agile strategic advisors do not focus on a specific temporal phase of the expatriation cycle. They have the strategic role of ensuring the goal of the assignments (e.g., knowledge transfer and acquisition, competency gap filling) will be
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accomplished, and aligned to the organizational objectives. Given the significant disruption created by the COVID-19 crisis, flexible global working arrangements, such as remote work and virtual platform structures, represent crucial mechanisms that GM uses to respond to globally complex and disruptive conditions (Caligiuri et al., 2020). In fact, COVID-19 triggered a higher degree of virtual collaboration and global remote working (Caligiuri et al., 2020). A key question is whether remote work represents a legitimate value creation or whether there are more destructive elements in its use that multinational enterprises need to account for (e.g., knowledge transfer vs. individual career development vs. health and well-being matters). Adopting flexible global working arrangements during the current pandemic may support organizations in continuing their objectives (e.g., relationship building, knowledge transfer, and leadership development). However, these options, such as virtual assignments through remote work, should not compromise the strategic linkages of the organizations (Jooss et al., 2020). In fact, there is limited evidence on the interaction between individuals’ experiences of flexible global work, other stakeholders, and the HR system (Jooss et al., 2020). The lack of evidence of strategic considerations of the pandemic’s impact on the organizational level (Caligiuri et al., 2020; Jooss et al., 2020) increases uncertainty about investments in remote working and virtual platforms. Therefore, agile strategic advisory should support the organization to pursue organizational linkages, providing more agile structures when facing the disruption created by COVID-19. Third, technology seems strategic in the role of the flawless GM program designer. They are highly operationally focused on the time when assignees live abroad. They work toward error-free compliance, planning and deployment of efficient moves, and an adequate reaction to crises. COVID-19 brought challenges for firms to live up to their compliance and duty of care obligations (Dickmann & Bader, 2020), such as the new norm of moving work to people rather than people to work. In order to mitigate the challenges of a hybrid system between physical mobility and remote work, the flawless GM program designer can support the development of a more sophisticated virtual architecture that acts as a complement to how individuals sustain the amount of flexible global work they carry out. This may require organizations to enhance their technological infrastructure and upskill workers who need training and development to utilize these forms of communication and compliance agreements (Selmer et al., 2021). Although much work has been carried out on the challenges and effectiveness of global virtual teams (Kramer et al., 2017), more empirical research is needed on how virtual platforms and remote working can be leveraged to create a more sustainable scenario and support the organizational responsiveness to crises like the current pandemic (Caligiuri et al., 2020). Finally, the efficient global people effectiveness expert designs an attractive employee GM value proposition to attract global talent, selects the right individual(s) for specific assignment types, and implements effective performance management coupled with designing global reward approaches (Dowling et al., 2013; Festing & Perkins, 2008; Point & Dickmann, 2012). Therefore,
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they focus on the time before and during the assignees’ international working experience. In the context of the current crisis, when virtual assignments are being implemented and assignees are working from home, the evidence concerning the impact of remote working on employee productivity and well-being suggests a complex relationship (Bloom et al., 2015; Martin & MacDonnell, 2012). As a virtual assignee does not need to relocate to a different country, it can be expected that it would take less effort to recruit people for virtual assignments than for other forms of IAs (Baruch et al., 2013; Holtbrügge & Schillo, 2011). However, there is a danger of underestimating the risk of cross-cultural miscommunication in virtual assignments (Holtbrügge & Schillo, 2011) and also the risk of higher work pressure related to inconvenient working hours (Suutari et al., 2013). It is expected that the need for specific HR support is not recognized. Also, little is known about the performance appraisal of virtual assignees. According to Hertel et al. (2005), teams that communicate mostly virtually often need more time to establish reliable work processes than conventional teams. This may have implications for the performance evaluation of those virtual teams where one or more individuals are placed in one subsidiary (or the headquarters) and the other team members are located in a diverse range of other subsidiaries. Besides, working from home might trigger professional isolation. Professional isolation has been shown to negatively affect job performance, and the negative effects increased as time spent working remotely increased (Golden et al., 2008). More face-to-face interaction and access to communication-enhancing technology have been shown to reduce such negative performance effects (Golden et al., 2008). Therefore, the interaction between the efficient global people effectiveness expert and the flawless GM program designer is important to develop virtual architecture to provide strategic and sustainable pathways to conducting global work during the COVID-19 crisis.
CONCLUSION This chapter has traced the career journey of globally mobile workers and has developed an overview of the roles of GM professionals and the responsibilities of GM departments. It has presented current academic insights and explored some pertinent organizational approaches and GM structures. The COVID-19 pandemic has presented new challenges and opportunities. Many globally mobile staff have returned to their home countries, have stopped international travel, and/or are working from home, which may change the face of GM (Selmer et al., 2021). Rethinking how multinational enterprises use global teams, virtual collaboration, and IAs could motivate important elements in a reconfiguration of the IHRM function. There is an opportunity for IHRM research to collect relevant and useful evidence to facilitate global work in the future by examining the role of the IHRM function during and after the pandemic. Even large organizations
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with sophisticated prepandemic IHRM policies are likely to rewrite the rules. As we write this chapter, there is an energetic debate happening in many GM departments regarding changing their traditional approach of moving people to their international work and, instead, moving international work to people. As travel restrictions ease, employers and individuals will make decisions about whether, when, and where they feel safe to travel. IHRM scholarship can offer an evidence base to assess the many impending changes to careers that globally mobile individuals are likely to experience and to develop insights into how their organizations can select, develop, support, and manage these individuals. The substantial changes to the experience of working abroad and its career effects as well as to the role of GM professionals are important for career counselors to understand. These might mean that any career interventions aimed at individuals or organizational approaches need to acknowledge the changing playing field of GM in a highly volatile, uncertain, and sometimes hostile world.
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Suutari, V., & Brewster, C. (2000). Making their own way: International experience through self-initiated foreign assignments. Journal of World Business, 35(4), 417–436. https://doi.org/10.1016/S1090-9516(00)00046-8 Suutari, V., & Brewster, C. (2003). Repatriation: Empirical evidence from a longitudinal study of careers and expectations among Finnish expatriates. International Journal of Human Resource Management, 14(7), 1132–1151. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 0958519032000114200 Suutari, V., Brewster, C., Mäkelä, L., Dickmann, M., & Tornikoski, C. (2018). The effect of international work experience on the career success of expatriates: A comparison of assigned and self-initiated expatriates. Human Resource Management, 57(1), 37–54. https://doi.org/10.1002/hrm.21827 Suutari, V., Brewster, C., Riusala, K., & Syrjäkari, S. (2013). Managing non-standard international experience: Evidence from a Finnish company. Journal of Global Mobility, 1(2), 118–138. https://doi.org/10.1108/JGM-10-2012-0014 Suutari, V., & Mäkelä, K. (2007). The career capital of managers with global careers. Journal of Managerial Psychology, 22(7), 628–648. https://doi.org/10.1108/ 02683940710820073 Suutari, V., Tornikoski, C., & Mäkelä, L. (2012). Career decision making of global careerists. International Journal of Human Resource Management, 23(16), 3455–3478. https://doi.org/10.1080/09585192.2011.639026 Tharenou, P. (2003). The initial development of receptivity to working abroad: Selfinitiated international work opportunities in young graduate employees. Journal of Occupational and Organizational Psychology, 76(4), 489–515. https://doi.org/10.1348/ 096317903322591604 Tharenou, P. (2013). Self-initiated expatriates: An alternative to company-assigned expatriates? Journal of Global Mobility, 1(3), 336–356. https://doi.org/10.1108/JGM02-2013-0008 Toh, S. M., & DeNisi, A. S. (2005). A local perspective to expatriate success. The Academy of Management Perspectives, 19(1), 132–146. https://doi.org/10.5465/ame. 2005.15841966 Torrington, D., Hall, L., Taylor, S., & Atkinson, C. (2009). Fundamentals of human resources management: Managing people at work. Pearson Education Limited. Ulrich, D. (1998). A new mandate for human resources. Harvard Business Review, 76(1), 124–134. Ulrich, D. (2017). Victory through organization. McGraw-Hill. Vaiman, V., & Collings, D. G. (2014). Global talent management. In D. G. Collings, G. T. Wood, & P. M. Caligiuri (Eds.), The Routledge companion to international human resource management (pp. 210–225). Routledge. Wright, P. M., Dunford, B. B., & Snell, S. A. (2001). Human resources and the resource based view of the firm. Journal of Management, 27(6), 701–721. https://doi.org/10. 1177/014920630102700607
22 Career Counseling and Psychotherapy The Working Alliance and Reflexive Practice Peter McIlveen and Malcolm Choat
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ounseling is a psychological confluence between two people: the client and the practitioner.1 Like the meeting of two rivers, counseling is a dynamic life moment of individuals psychologically meeting and merging and then leaving each other, transformed. Within this psychological confluence, the relationship—the working alliance—between client and practitioner is the dynamism of transformation. Substantial research evidence attests to the working alliance’s contribution to outcomes for clients. Accordingly, this chapter presents our consideration of the working alliance and its centrality to counseling for work, job, and career. Although the client and the client’s needs are the focus of counseling, the working alliance inherently involves the practitioner as an active partner in the relationship as much as it does the client. Yet the career development literature is limited by insufficient theory and research exploring the role and experiences of the practitioner in counseling. We address this gap in the literature through a consideration of practitioner countertransference and an ethic of reflexivity. To some extent, the lack of attention on the practitioner in career development literature may be a consequence of historical distinctions between psychotherapy and career counseling. To counter these distinctions, we present examples of practice in which the role of work in the client’s life is integrated into the counseling of the whole person, rather than work being treated as an We use the term practitioner in an inclusive sense referring to professionals whose work subsumes traditional conceptions of psychotherapy, counseling, career counseling, or cognate therapeutic practices.
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https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-023 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 493
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objectified demographic variable. We begin with an overview of contemporary challenges to artificial dichotomies that have inappropriately separated psychotherapy and career counseling. It is axiomatic that work may be inspirational and fulfilling for some people, some of the time, and sheer drudgery for others, perhaps most of the time. This common human experience is borne out in empirical evidence about the relations between decent work and well-being (Duffy et al., 2019; Modini et al., 2016) and, conversely, the relations among poor-quality work or unemployment and diminished well-being (Butterworth et al., 2013; Milner et al., 2014). As a human activity, work is a principal means of achieving survival and power, social connection, and self-determination and meeting people’s basic psychological needs of autonomy, relatedness, and competence (Blustein, 2006). Decent work contributes to personal fulfilment, structure, and identity, and the lack of it undermines those same things (Blustein, 2019). Despite work’s inherency in everyday life and its psychological benefits and burdens, psychotherapy and counseling practitioners may not conceptualize work in terms of its primacy for workers. Since the inception of psychotherapy, its practitioners have insufficiently recognized the psychological meaning and impact of work in the lives of clients: “The vast majority of approaches and definitions in psychotherapy theory, research, and practice do not include a specific reference to work, careers, occupations, or the like” (Blustein, 2006, p. 248). This specific critique of psychotherapy for failing to include work in its remit is met by a similar critique of career counseling for its lack of attention to another definitive dimension of being human that is the focus of psychotherapy: emotion (Hartung, 2011). In part, these respective deficiencies within psychotherapy and career counseling theory, research, and practice have been perpetuated by dichotomies embedded in professional discourses that artificially categorize “normal” versus “pathological” personal experiences in “personal” versus “public” domains of being (Richardson, 1996). Artificially dichotomizing discourse establishes phenomena deemed clinically significant and worthy of clinical attention as distinct from those everyday human experiences not worthy of clinical attention—the humdrum of ordinary life and the experiences of everyday work, jobs, and career in contexts that fill up the experiential range of life. As analytical tools, theories open vistas but concomitantly delimit knowledge and practices. Practitioners who are instilled by dint of their training with particular theoretical-practical frameworks are ipso facto delimited. Put more critically, practitioners latch onto parsimonious explanations and practices provided by theoretical protocol out of convenience, a professional comfort zone from which to operate. This comfort zone creates a box, wallpapered by theoretical dogma and furnished with the creature comforts of conventional professionalism and practices. (Franklin & Medvide, 2013, p. 254)
Notwithstanding such withering critique, the ostensible lack of integration of the role of work in people’s lives into models of psychotherapy may become a historical curiosity because of paradigmatic shifts inspired by the psychology
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of working framework (Blustein, 2006, 2013) and a contextual relational perspective of work that transcends boundaries between paid job-market work and care work, such as that typically performed by stay-at-home mothers (Richardson, 1996, 2012a, 2012b). We suggest that there is potential for a renaissance in the field of career counseling via an emphasis on a factor that is necessary for positive client outcomes: the relationship between practitioner and client. Drawing on commonalities evident in the practices of the artificially dichotomized fields of career counseling and psychotherapy, rather than on their putative differences, we follow the directions for an empathic (Richardson, 1996) and domain-sensitive (Blustein, 2006) approach that behooves a focus on the relationship—the working alliance—between practitioner and client. Here, we emphasize the role of the practitioner in the working alliance by exploring the notion of countertransference and the role of reflexivity. First, we briefly mention some moments of integration where psychotherapy included the role of work in people’s lives beyond the standard clinical intake interview in which work history is assessed.
MOMENTS OF INTEGRATION There are historical allusions to work’s effects on people’s mental health, wellbeing, and functioning in society. It was none other than Freud (1930/2010) who touched on the primacy of work for its function of grounding people in their psychosocial worlds: No other technique for the conduct of life binds the individual so firmly to reality as an emphasis on work, which at least gives him a secure place in one area of reality, the human community. . . . And yet people show scant regard for work as a path to happiness. . . . The great majority work only because they have to, and this aversion to work is the source of the most difficult social problems. (p. 23)
Freud’s statement, albeit a footnote, posits work as a psychological vehicle to connect a person’s unconscious to the real world and to the people who make up a person’s experiences of the world. Freud’s footnoted opinion remained, for a time, as a seemingly casual comment in the annals of psychotherapy. Noting an apparent dearth of interest in psychoanalytic career theory, Watkins and Savickas (1990) forecast a dismal future for it: “It is now dead or, at best, moribund” (p. 82). But was its death foretold too soon? Scholars have since breathed new life into psychoanalytic career theory. Extending beyond Freud and through Adler and Erikson, psychodynamic perspectives assert that familial dynamics and events in early life may play out across the course of life and unconsciously affect career decisions and satisfaction with work (Axelrod, 2001; Bordin, 1981, 1990; Malach-Pines & Yafe-Yanai, 2001; Watkins & Savickas, 1990). Indeed, a psychoanalytic perspective views career choice and satisfying work as forms of defense: the sublimation
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of libidinal drives; the resolution of tensions among the id, ego, and superego (Marcus, 2017); or the balancing of one’s narcissism with the needs of others while achieving idealized goals (Axelrod, 2001). Indeed, research has shown that early recollections before the age of 8, for example, “contain information about the manner which the individual will think about and operate in the world of work” (Watkins & Savickas, 1990, p. 90). Maladaptive repetition of dysfunctional behavior (Cardoso, 2012) also falls within the conceptual remit of a psychodynamic perspective. Counseling may very well bring to awareness the unconscious pernicious impact of a person’s engagement in behaviors that damage their relationships at work, leading to what seems to be a pattern of failures and ruptures with colleagues and employers. Persistent, but relatively limited, scholarly interest in psychodynamic perspectives on work (e.g., Levine, 2010; Marcus, 2017) and career counseling (e.g., Caputo et al., 2020; Lehman et al., 2015; Nevo & Wiseman, 2002; Phillips, 2020) offers some hope that these perspectives will not fade. Consistent with the psychodynamic perspectives, career construction theory asserts that trauma early in life influences personal development and careers. Savickas (2005, 2015) suggested that painful stories evident in early recollections evince a client’s hope to turn a preoccupation into an occupation. Trauma-informed counseling (Powers & Duys, 2020), for example, is an emerging approach that attends to clients’ past adverse childhood experiences and, especially, the impact of those experiences on career choices (e.g., Bryce et al., 2021). Thus, a trauma-informed approach to counseling offers an avenue to revisit the utility of psychodynamic perspectives, perhaps through career construction theory’s emphasis on life themes and healing narratives (Savickas, 2015). Integrative approaches to career counseling have emerged in recent decades and offer conceptual and practical advances to enrich the scope of counseling to be more inclusive of the gamut of life experiences (Blustein, 2006), including consideration of the place of relationships (Blustein, 2019; Richardson, 2012a) and emotion (Hartung, 2011) in counseling for jobs, work, and career. Counseling that utilizes mindfulness techniques, for example, may be suitable for clients who experience anxiety when facing the threat of unemployment (Jacobs & Blustein, 2008) or the challenges of career decision making (Galles et al., 2019). For example, acceptance and commitment therapy (ACT) uses mindfulness and provides clients a psychological space in which to detach from their hurtful emotions and reprocess dysfunctional thoughts that impede career decision making (Hoare et al., 2012; Luken & De Folter, 2019). The potential of mindfulness, ACT, and methods such as cognitive defusion, which enables distancing of thoughts and feelings, to contribute to counseling for exhausted workers at risk of burnout or other career ruptures seems promising given that psychological detachment from work is a strong predictor of recovery from fatigue (Bennett et al., 2018). Humanistic and experiential approaches center emotional experience at the core of counseling process and experience. The emotion-focused therapy approach to career counseling (Watson, 2015) includes familiar gestalt methods such as the empty-chair or two-chair techniques,
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which enable clients to experience and confront their painful thoughts and emotions and, in turn, resolve dilemmas and conflicts (Cardoso, 2016; Watson, 2015). Career counseling embedded in the social constructionist/constructivist paradigm (McIlveen & Schultheiss, 2012) has flourished in recent years, particularly with impetus from career construction theory (Savickas, 2005, 2011, 2013) and the life design school of thought (Nota & Rossier, 2015; Savickas, 2015). In the presence of well-articulated constructionist/constructivist theory, earlier models of narrative counseling (Brott, 2001; Cochran, 1997) have been followed by a proliferation of innovative counseling practices focused on storying and generating meaningfulness (e.g., Maree, 2020; McMahon, 2017). Other chapters of this handbook expand upon this paradigm (e.g., Chapter 6). In summary, although dichotomies (Richardson, 1996) reified in practitioners’ parsimonious explanations and comfort zones (Franklin & Medvide, 2013) have reinforced the distinction between psychotherapy and career counseling, that distinction is increasingly understood to be artificial. Here, we have presented a mere sample of opportunities for integration whereby psychotherapy and career counseling may merge. We now turn to the essential lens through which purported differences between psychotherapy and career counseling are irrelevant: the relationship between client and practitioner.
WORKING ALLIANCE: THE CRUCIBLE OF COUNSELING/ PSYCHOTHERAPY The working alliance or therapeutic alliance is a concept that is fundamental to counseling practice, in existence from at least the time of Freud. In his early writings, Freud considered that transference—the projections that arise from unresolved past relationships—was a hindrance to therapy. He later considered transference as having potentially positive features in that the relationship between practitioner and client could be the “vehicle of success in psychoanalysis” (Freud, 1912, p. 105) and therapy’s ubiquitous core (Flückiger et al., 2018). The term “alliance” was first applied by Zetzel (1956) to describe the positive aspects of transference, including the attachment that was established between practitioner and client. Zetzel considered that a relationship could be created if the practitioner cultivated a supportive environment, acknowledged the client’s feelings, and actively supported rapport (Zetzel, 1956, 1966). In contemporary practice, Zetzel’s perspective may seem like an assumption about the practice of counseling. It is important to note the historical—perhaps stereotypical—picture of psychoanalysis of an objective analyst listening to the free associations of the client without interacting in the monologue, rather than engaging in an active relational process. The importance of the working alliance within the psychodynamic tradition was pursued by Greenson (1965), the first to use the term “working alliance,” and later by Luborsky (1984). Like Zetzel, both Greenson and Luborsky considered the relationship between
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therapist and client to be dynamic, with the therapist responding to the needs of the patient, as required, throughout the therapeutic process (Horvath & Luborsky, 1993; Luborsky, 1984; Safran et al., 2009). Bordin (1979, 1994) theorized that the effectiveness of therapy is in part, if not entirely, a function of the strength of the working alliance, which consists of three interdependent components: goals, tasks, and the bond. Goals are those outcomes valued by the client and endorsed by the practitioner that are the target of the counseling intervention. Tasks are the in-counseling behaviors and cognitions that are relevant to facilitating change and that form the substance of the counseling process. The bond is the network of positive personal attachments between therapist and patient, which includes notions of trust, confidence, and acceptance. Bordin’s model of the working alliance has become one of the more influential and widely cited ideas in psychology (Constantino et al., 2010), and most studies on the working alliance are based on his conceptualization. This model of the working alliance is supported by at least 11 commonly used psychometric instruments that measure it (Horvath & Luborsky, 1993). Horvath and Greenberg (1989) devised the Working Alliance Inventory (WAI) based on Bordin’s (1979) definition. The WAI has been revised to include a therapist version (Hatcher et al., 2020) and a short form (WAI-S; Tracey & Kokotovic, 1989) that has demonstrable utility for career counseling (Alchin et al., 2018; Milot-Lapointe, Le Corff, & Savard, 2020). Other updates include the shortrevised WAI-SR (Hatcher & Gillaspy, 2006), with relatively minor amendments made to the wording and only positively worded items retained. The WAI-SR has been found to have validity in inpatient and outpatient psychotherapeutic settings (Munder et al., 2010) and career counseling settings (Perdrix et al., 2010). Perdrix et al. (2010) suggested that the WAI-SR may have a more sound and robust factorial structure than the WAI-S. The WAI and its versions have the largest empirical base and are the most widely used measures of the working alliance (Doran, 2016). It has accrued evidence of reliability (Hanson et al., 2002), predictive validity (Horvath et al., 2011), and construct validity (Cecero et al., 2001; Tichenor & Hill, 1989). Because the WAI has accreted evidence of construct, convergent, and predictive validity, it is often used in research (Bernecker et al., 2014; Elvins & Green, 2008). It is also used because the majority of studies using the WAI show a relation between the working alliance and positive intervention outcomes (Martin et al., 2000). For some decades, scholars have urged a focus on the working alliance in career counseling (Bedi, 2004; Heppner & Heppner, 2003; Meara & Patton, 1994) as it is essential to the core of inclusive psychological practice (Blustein, 2006). Their advocacy is vindicated by a growing body of evidence of the working alliance’s contribution to clients’ outcomes of career counseling (e.g., Alchin et al., 2018; Elad-Strenger & Littman-Ovadia, 2012; Masdonati et al., 2009, 2014; Milot-Lapointe et al., 2018, 2021; Milot-Lapointe, Savard, & Le Corff, 2020; Whiston et al., 2016). Meta-analytic research affirms the importance of
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practitioners attending to the working alliance throughout the course of counseling (Milot-Lapointe et al., 2021). Research findings published in the career development literature and psychotherapy literature (e.g., Flückiger et al., 2018; Horvath et al., 2011; Martin et al., 2000) justify greater attention to the practitioner–client relationship and the factors that influence its effects on clients’ experiences and the outcomes of counseling interventions. In summary, the working alliance is a crucial ingredient of the process and outcomes of both psychotherapy and career counseling. The relationship between client and practitioner is the lens through which the purported differences between psychotherapy and counseling can be resolved. Something is missing in this picture, however. Any discussion of the working alliance would be incomplete without reference to the individuals who form it. The working alliance’s strength and effectiveness vary according to the influences brought to bear by individuals in the relationship. We now turn to the partner in the working alliance who has received insufficient attention in the career counseling literature: the practitioner.
COUNTERTRANSFERENCE AND THE ETHIC OF REFLEXIVITY We began this chapter with the metaphor of counseling as a psychological confluence where client and practitioner meet. Like the meeting of rivers, with distinct waters flowing from different journeys from other places, carrying within their eddies the objects swept up from past spaces, client and practitioner bring their unique qualities to each other in a transformative encounter. In this way, practitioners’ personal characteristics (Ackerman & Hilsenroth, 2003; Crits-Christoph et al., 2006) and personal histories (Orlinsky & Rønnestad, 2005) influence their interactions within counseling and the working alliance with their client. This dynamic inherent in counseling requires the practitioner to actively attend to their engagement in the relationship and, moreover, to their reactions that may offer new perspectives for the benefit of the client. However, the practitioner’s experience of and influence on the working alliance has received insufficient attention in the career development literature. Countertransference may be defined as “internal and external reactions in which unresolved conflicts of the therapist, usually but not always unconscious, are implicated” (Hayes et al., 2018, p. 497). This definition is inclusive of behavioral, cognitive, somatic, and affective states. Most operationalizations and measures of countertransference include practitioners’ unresolved conflicts and may involve observational data (e.g., supervisor reports) or self-report data (Hayes et al., 2018). A practitioner’s reactions may be counterproductive: evincing, for example, outward signs of boredom, criticism, or exhaustion, or emotional states such as irritability or anxiety in response to a client not meeting the practitioner’s expectations for success. These critical expressions may be based on the practitioner’s past personal experiences of criticism or their overcoming of hurtful moments of failure earlier in life. Conversely, a practitioner
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may evince ostensibly positive reactions that reflect overinvolvement in a client’s story, perhaps expressed as anger “for” the client enduring felt injustices, while projecting their own past unconscious issues of injustice into the situation. Research indicates that processes of self-monitoring, self-management, selfcare, and engagement in supervision are useful methods for managing countertransference and that these affect counseling outcomes (Hayes et al., 2018). Indeed, ethical practice requires practitioners to manage biases arising from their personal history and its manifestations in their counseling practice, such as their experiences of trauma and its effects on career (Bryce et al., 2021). With few exceptions (e.g., Phillips, 2020; Watson, 2015), research and practice literature that explicitly addresses—more than merely mentions—countertransference in career counseling is conspicuous by its scarcity. Blustein (2006) suggested that practitioners may have “little exposure to their own inner life with respect to working” (p. 290) and that practitioners need to confront their personal issues associated with work. Such self-confrontation would contribute to efforts to engender an empathic, experience-near approach (Blustein, 2006) to professional practice informed by practitioners’ empathic introspection of their histories and the past and present effects of background factors, such as social class (Liu & Ali, 2005; Lott, 2002; McIlveen et al., 2010). The systems theory framework (STF) of career development (Patton & McMahon, 2014) is useful for conceptualizing the client, the practitioner, and moreover, their dynamic relationship. STF explicitly positions the client in a system of multidimensional layers of influences: the individual (e.g., gender, values, interests, skills), within a social system (e.g., peers, family, workplace), within an environmental/societal system (e.g., employment market, geographical location). STF requires practitioners to assess each of these influences at their various levels and explore how each influence affects and is affected by others within and between different levels. With respect to countertransference, STF posits client and practitioner as “the meeting of two separate systems and the formation of a new system, the therapeutic system” (Patton & McMahon, 2014, p. 367). Amid this dynamic of influences, the practitioner brings their own systems of influences into the counseling relationship. These influences must be insightfully understood in terms of the practitioner’s subjective experiences and in terms of the interactions of the client’s and practitioner’s influences on each other. Thus, regular engagement in reflective activities and supervision targeting countertransference (Hayes et al., 2018) are useful means for practitioners to enact an ethic of critical reflexivity (McIlveen, 2015) cognizant of their own systems of influences and career and the potential effects on the working alliance and counseling (McIlveen & Patton, 2010; McMahon & Patton, 2017; Patton & McMahon, 2014). Practitioners who enact an ethic of critical reflexivity (McIlveen, 2015) explicate the ontological, epistemological, axiological, and rhetorical influences on their practices. At one level, such explication may be an intellectual exercise of speaking or writing about those influences to oneself, with colleagues, or within supervision, with particular consideration given to countertransference
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moments experienced within counseling and the attendant behavioral, cognitive, somatic, and affective states associated with those moments. At another level, such explication could be a personalized expression of self that is both historical and contemporary, with a view to past, present, and future conflicts, impasses, and resolutions, including the actual experienced and remembered and the imagined as fantasy. An ethic of reflexivity should involve engagement in supervision that includes mandatory clinical governance and quality assurance monitoring. Nonetheless, practitioners need not subject themselves to supervision that may be experienced as intrusive monitoring in a managerialist atmosphere—such an experience would be in fact counterproductive to an authentic ethic of reflexivity. Supervision in a genuinely collegial and supportive relationship transcends managerial surveillance, becoming a meaningful encounter with a trusted mentor and, moreover, with oneself. Supervision should complement practitioners’ private moments of reflection and self-confrontation, which contribute to reflexively managing countertransference. We have argued for practitioners to adopt a reflexive approach to their work. The same argument applies to researchers. Blustein (2006) argued that an experience-near approach to the practice of research into people’s psychological experience of their work may challenge notions of objectivity because the researcher is necessarily embedded in the research. Blustein (2006) suggested that empathic introspection on the part of the researcher is a vehicle to eliminate the gap between the researcher and the participants, whose experiences are the focus of research. Qualitative research that is focused on participants’ subjective experiences and meaningfulness requires the researcher to use the concept of self as an interpretive instrument to analyze the qualitative data (e.g., interview transcripts, photographs). This interpretive mechanism is not an inherent epistemological or methodological defect, but it does make qualitative research especially vulnerable to a researcher’s biases. Biases may emanate from unresolved past conflicts (conscious or unconscious) and manifest in present contextual issues that directly and indirectly impinge on the subject of research (e.g., a psychological phenomenon or a social or political issue that is salient to the researcher’s personal history). Thus, researchers who enhance their own self-awareness and explicate their values and perspectives that consciously and unconsciously affect their engagement with participants will be better positioned to understand participants’ experiences. Blustein (2019) demonstrated this sensitivity to self-awareness in the research process not only through his research team working “diligently to discuss our own biases and to understand how our positions and stances may shape our interpretations” (p. xiv) but also by his rendering of heartfelt personal experiences that brought him nearer to the lived experiences of those people who mattered to him and the research itself. Autoethnographic research (McIlveen, 2007, 2008) and autobiographical self-analysis (Lengelle, 2020) may be suitable methods for self-directed reflexivity. An instructive example of autobiographical, empathic introspection and
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critical reflexivity was expressed by Maree (2020), who described his early personal experiences as a child and his familial and cultural background that profoundly affected (affects) his scholarship and practice: My mother was an English-speaking (Catholic) woman of Lebanese origin, while my father was of Afrikaans (Protestant) stock. Living in an almost exclusively Afrikaans environment at the height of apartheid, a member of one of many minority groups, I was almost “lost” in an intersectionality trap—it just never felt as if I really belonged to any group. Always an outsider, I felt “at home” among marginalized people and people with poverty in general. (p. 10)
Maree’s expressions of being lost, an outsider, yet at home among others is a poignant rendering of early experiences that may be interpreted psychodynamically and expressed narratively, making this passage exemplary of integrative counseling for career reflexively operationalized by the practitioner. Maree went on to describe his road-to-Damascus moment that became his realization of his adult career. In doing so, Maree demonstrated a commitment to an ethic of reflexivity whereby he demonstrated self-awareness and self-management of long-standing influences, both unconscious and conscious. Unfortunately, if the volume of literature about countertransference in career counseling practice and research is an indicator of the field’s awareness of countertransference, then it seems as if the field is unaware of itself. Informative research (Hayes et al., 2018) provides suggestive directions to address the paucity of research about countertransference and models for managing it in career counseling contexts. But insight is one thing; action is another.
CONCLUSION The emergence of psychotherapeutic models applied to career counseling contexts is reason to believe that the deficit discourse of differences between them may soon be a historical footnote and that instead there will be field of a psychotherapy/counseling for job, work, and career (Richardson, 1996). Narrating painful stories to empty chairs may become common practice for raising awareness and insight toward resolving trauma long forgotten but lived out in anxious preoccupations that became occupations. Such an integrative perspective recognizes that psychodynamic, integrative, humanistic, emotion-focused, and constructionist/constructivist approaches to practice have at least one thing in common: the centrality of the relationship between client and practitioner. Focusing career development research and training on the working alliance between client and practitioner—and their relationship dynamics influenced by countertransference—is another step toward developing a genuinely empathic (Richardson, 1996) and domain-sensitive and experience-near (Blustein, 2006) approach to professional practice. The artificial dichotomies between career counseling and psychotherapy are irrelevant within the crucible of the relationship of the client and practitioner.
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23 Careers and the Gifted Implications for Society and Education Policy Jonathan Wai and Don C. Zhang
T
he year 2020 will always be known for when COVID-19 brought the world to a standstill. Inaction rather than action was needed to reduce human-tohuman spread, and by trapping us in our homes, it suddenly altered the way we live our lives and do our work. Prior to this disruption, gifted and talented people from a wide array of backgrounds greatly influenced our lives, but COVID-19 helped a specific set of people who had built companies, expertise, and leadership capacity to rise to the occasion and in some cases greatly benefit from it. These include political leaders praised for how they handled the approach to containing the virus, such as Angela Merkel of Germany (Miller, 2020) and Tsai Ing-Wen (2020) of Taiwan, both of whom have doctorate degrees and attended prestigious institutions that require highly developed cognitive ability for admission. This pattern of being highly educated from selective schools is also true for Anthony Fauci (Davies, 2020; Finn, 2020), who in the United States has come to be seen as a key scientific leader in front of the cameras as a voice of scientific reason, and Nicholas Christakis, a Yale professor who became a core source on social media during the crisis (i.e., on the decision on whether to close schools; Couzin-Frankel, 2020). And ultimately, even coronavirus scientists, typically never viewed publicly with much awe, have become lauded heroes (Stevis-Gridneff, 2020). But in addition to the crucial leaders directing their countries through the crisis and the scientists racing to find a cure, a third set of personalities greatly benefited from the moment that forced nearly everyone to stay in their home and rely on the internet to live their lives. Millions working from home
https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-024 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 509
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(including professors and students in universities) suddenly required technology to connect, which led to the rise of Zoom, headed by Eric Yuan (Rogers, 2020). And Jeff Bezos, the visionary founder of Amazon (Wai, 2014a), the online retailer that can send nearly anything to your doorstep, seemed prescient when going to a physical shopping location suddenly became dangerous. All of the people described here were highly selected for cognitive ability, probably in their childhoods but definitely as adults, especially because we know they were admitted to highly selective institutions (which required high reasoning test scores) and have performed at the top to get where they are today. They are gifted, they chose and/or found their niche in quite different careers, and they have had an enormous impact on our world.
WHO CAN BE CONSIDERED GIFTED? We should be clear at the outset that the term gifted has elicited numerous operational definitions that, from a measurement perspective, are nearly impossible to adjudicate between, and in fact when attempts to quantify verbal definitions have been modeled, many of these definitions start to fall apart (McBee & Makel, 2019). This has led some to argue for keeping the label and others for discarding it (Peters et al., 2014). We sidestep this debate by noting, as have others (Thompson & Oehlert, 2010; Wai et al., 2018; Warne, 2016), that from a measurement perspective, developed general cognitive ability, or g, most certainly should be a core part of any definition of what it means to be academically gifted. Thus, we draw largely from the hierarchical model of cognitive abilities as illustrated by Carroll (1993) and specifically on the Radex scaling model (Lubinski, 2004; Lubinski & Benbow, 2000; Lubinski & Dawis, 1992), which includes g as well as specific mathematical, verbal, and spatial reasoning. Thus, being gifted can roughly be considered as being the top fraction (Rindermann & Thompson, 2011) on the dimension of cognitive reasoning or academic achievement as measured by multiple standardized tests (e.g., broadly the top 5% but for more select purposes the top 1% or even the top 0.01%; Wai et al., 2012). Formal identification for gifted educational experiences in K–12 schools in the United States largely happens in individual school districts and talent searches across the country (Assouline & Lupkowski-Shoplik, 2012). However, adults can also be identified as gifted (e.g., Rinn & Bishop, 2015). In fact, selective college admissions essentially function as gifted identification for collegebound high school students (Wai, 2013). All abilities are not fixed but developed (Lohman, 2005), and such developmental trajectories can vary depending upon one’s life circumstances and propensities, as well as what measures are used for the identification of giftedness (e.g., Lakin & Wai, 2020; Lohman & Korb, 2006; Wai & Lakin, 2020). However, numerous longitudinal studies have also illustrated that general cognitive ability measured at an early age, such as age 11, is reasonably stable into later life, even until age 90 (Deary, 2014; Deary et al., 2013).
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SINKING A SHAFT AT THE MOST CRITICAL POINT: COGNITIVE REASONING Dawis (1992), in his classic paper “The Individual Differences Tradition in Counseling Psychology,” made the case for utilizing information about cognitive abilities and numerous other measurable individual differences characteristics, such as interests and personality (Kell & Lubinski, 2015; Lubinski & Dawis, 1992), to assist with career counseling decisions regarding education, work, and life. For a more complete review of the role of numerous individual differences attributes beyond cognitive reasoning, in particular interests and personality, see Lubinski (2000) on assessing individual differences attributes by “sinking shafts at a few critical points,” namely, abilities, interests, and personality for counseling purposes and educational/vocational development as well as understanding complex human phenomena more broadly. We also know that over the last century, individual differences, in particular cognitive reasoning dimensions, have operated in the prediction of numerous life outcomes for the gifted (for a review of longitudinal work from 1916 to 2016, see Lubinski, 2016; Lubinski & Benbow, 2021). The research from industrial and organizational (I/O) psychology illustrates that general cognitive reasoning (what the I/O field calls GMA or general mental ability) is the most salient attribute for both the job complexity level one ends up in as well as how well one learns and performs on the job (Schmidt & Hunter, 2004; Schmidt et al., 2016). This extends to the body of research on the gifted illustrated by the Study of Mathematically Precocious Youth (SMPY; Lubinski & Benbow, 2006, 2021), which we review in more detail later, in addition to research on the top fraction of gifted youth in each country (Rindermann & Thompson, 2011). Gottfredson (2003) illustrated the continuum of jobs based on g-loadedness, or job complexity, showing that although by no means does developed general cognitive reasoning pin down the exact job one ends up in, it does provide a reasonable probabilistic band within which one is likely to be successful (Gottfredson, 2004). For the purposes of this chapter, where we focus on the top fraction of general cognitive ability as a reasonable proxy of intellectual or academic giftedness, this literature shows that the gifted and talented end up in a wide array of complex occupations in society throughout history and into the present, and in the age of artificial intelligence and other technological and public health challenges (e.g., COVID-19), the premium placed on such intellectual capital will likely increase (Wai & Allen, 2019). Thus, attending to the counseling needs of the gifted will continue to be important.
A PROSPECTIVE AND RETROSPECTIVE APPROACH We illustrate the connection between cognitive reasoning skills, careers, and giftedness through two approaches: prospective and retrospective. Specifically, our prospective approach will in part review findings from SMPY (Lubinski &
512 Wai and Zhang
Benbow, 2006, 2021), which identified gifted U.S. youths in the top 1% in cognitive reasoning from their SAT scores in the seventh grade in the early 1970s and followed up with them decades later to the present. The prospective approach will also review data from Project Talent, which tested a stratified random sample of ninth- through 12th-grade students in the early 1960s and followed up with them after high school (Wai et al., 2009). Thus, we illustrate how a reasoning test (namely, the SAT) given at about age 12 can be linked to the careers that gifted students enter and thrive in many decades later. On the flipside, the retrospective approach does not start with early testing but instead focuses on an extreme outcome of interest: highly selective U.S. leadership and other occupational careers that span business, politics, academia, and journalism (Wai, 2013). Then, the cognitive reasoning or giftedness levels of various occupational groups are roughly estimated through the degree of selective higher educational attendance (schools with the highest average test scores are indications of giftedness). This retrospective approach certainly has many limitations, such as the rough estimation of cognitive skills by proxy through higher education. However, when combined with the prospective approach, this gives an idea of the degree to which the different approaches converge (or not) and in what ways. So, first, we use SMPY to ask what kinds of careers do gifted students end up in, and what is the role of giftedness in career achievements? Second, we use a curated database of U.S. individuals in highly elite careers to ask to what extent the people in the most selective and prestigious careers are gifted.
WHAT KINDS OF CAREERS DO GIFTED STUDENTS END UP IN? The prospective approach requires early identification of gifted students and tracking their careers over a long time. In order to establish reliable and generalizable inferences, several methodological requirements must first be met (Lubinski, 2009). First, appropriate testing and selection criteria must be used to identify those who score in the top 1% and beyond. Relatedly, the instruments must also be sensitive to variations in cognitive reasoning within the top 1%, considering one third of the range in developed cognitive ability levels are observed within this segment of the population. Second, achievements must be measured with low base rate and truly exceptional career outcomes over a prolonged time frame (Ackerman, 2014). Finally, considering the multidetermined nature of career and life achievement as it relates to cognitive reasoning, large sample sizes and cross-validation are necessary to draw meaningful and generalizable inferences on how giftedness affects career choice and achievement.
STUDY OF MATHEMATICALLY PRECOCIOUS YOUTH One of the most significant contributions to the study of careers of the gifted is SMPY (Keating & Stanley, 1972; Lubinski & Benbow, 2021). Founded in 1971,
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SMPY initially served mathematically gifted students (but rapidly expanded to serve verbally gifted students as well) by providing them with learning environments that matched their learning rates as measured by the SAT as part of a talent search process. One of the most profound methodological innovations of SMPY is the use of above-level testing for identification (Stanley, 1990) and appropriate developmental placement (Lubinski & Benbow, 2000). Adolescents age 12 to 13 were first identified as potential candidates for SMPY if they scored within the top 3% of their age group on tests of cognitive reasoning. These students were then given the SAT, which is typically administered for high school students and used for college admissions in the United States. Above-level testing, unlike conventional testing, affords the measurement fidelity needed to capture meaningful variance in cognitive abilities of those in the top 1%. By rough analogy, to adequately measure their intellectual heights, you need at least a yardstick, not a ruler. The range of reasoning levels as reflected in the SAT composite scores is illustrated in Figure 23.1. In the decades following its establishment, SMPY identified four cohorts of over 5,000 adolescents and followed many of them for over half a century, with an additional cohort (Cohort 5) being a group of top science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) 1st- and 2nd-year graduate students (Lubinski & Benbow, 2006). Despite no formal training, the adolescents’ scores on the SAT were comparable to high schoolers who were almost 5 years their senior (for data on the ACT talent search comparison, see Wai & Allen, 2019), and a subset of their scores was higher than admission standards for the country’s elite universities. Considering that the SAT and ACT reflect general reasoning (Frey & Detterman 2004; Koenig et al., 2008), the remarkable test scores of SMPY participants are also manifested in their accelerated learning rates. At age 12, SMPY students can assimilate a full high school curriculum in just 3 weeks—those in the top of the top 1% (i.e., top 0.01%) can assimilate twice as much! The intellectual prowess of SMPY participants is translated into various career outcomes. The motivational–competency tandem of vocational interest posits that individual preferences are based on (a) satisfaction (do you like it?) and (b) satisfactoriness (can you do it?; Dawis & Lofquist 1984). Based on this framework, gifted individuals are expected to be attracted to and succeed in careers that are commensurate with their developed cognitive abilities (Wilk & Sackett, 1996). In tracking the career outcomes of SMPY adolescents scoring in the top 1% of the SAT, Lubinski and colleagues (2014) found that SMPY participants achieved exceptional career success in academia, industry, and government. Among these highly distinguished individuals are executives in the corporate sectors, corporate attorneys for Fortune 500 companies, and tenured faculty at some of the most prestigious universities in the world (see Table 3 in Kell, Lubinksi, & Benbow, 2013). Many of these individuals are similar to the exemplars of scientific, social, and political leaders introduced at the beginning of the chapter. Gifted individuals do not just end up in prestigious careers; they also excel at them. Research from I/O psychology has long established the importance of cognitive ability for work performance, particularly for intellectually demanding
0
0.5
1.0
1.5
2.0
2.5
0.6
V S M
V S M
0.5
Business
Education
PhDs Master’s Bachelor’s
0.7
V S M
Arts
0.8
0.9
V S M
Humanities
General Ability Level
V S M
Social Science
1.0
V S M
Biological Science
1.1
V S M
Math/CS
1.2
V S M
Physical Science
1.3
V S M
Engineering
Note. Participants’ average z-scores on verbal (V), spatial (S), and mathematical (M) reasoning for bachelor’s, master’s, and PhD degree holders are plotted on the x-axis separated by field of study. The groups are ordered based on their standing on general mental reasoning, which is reflected by the sum of verbal, spatial, and mathematical scores. The reasoning levels on the x-axis are based on weighted means across each group. The figure is standardized in relation to all participants with complete ability data at the time of initial testing. Respective Ns for bachelor’s, master’s, and PhDs in each group are as follows: engineering (1,143; 339; 71), physical science (633; 182; 202), math/computer science (877; 266; 57), biological science (740; 182; 79), humanities (3,226; 695; 82), social science (2,609; 484; 158), arts (615; master’s + doctorates = 171), business (2,386; master’s + doctorates = 191), and education (3,403; master’s + doctorates = 1,505). From “Spatial Ability for STEM Domains: Aligning Over 50 Years of Cumulative Psychological Knowledge Solidifies Its Importance,” by J. Wai, D. Lubinski, and C. P. Benbow, 2009, Journal of Educational Psychology, 101(4), p. 834 (https://doi.org/10.1037/a0016127). Copyright 2009 by the American Psychological Association.
Specific Ability Level
FIGURE 23.1. Findings From the Study of Mathematically Precocious Youth (SMPY) on Adult Accomplishments as a Function of General Cognitive Reasoning Within the Top 1% Among Highly Gifted Students 514 Wai and Zhang
Careers and the Gifted 515
occupations (Schmidt & Hunter, 2004). The value of cognitive reasoning for career achievement is exemplified in longitudinal studies of gifted youth. Independent samples of highly gifted youths from SMPY and Duke’s Talent Identification Program were tracked for over 25 years, and their career accomplishments were thoroughly detailed (Kell, Lubinski, & Benbow, 2013; Makel et al., 2016). By their late 30s, participants in both samples had achieved remarkable, and comparable, career accomplishments, such as earning a doctoral degree (37%– 44%), receiving tenure (7.5%–11.3%), or securing a patent (9%–15%). These accomplishments are even more impressive considering that their base rates within the general population are all less than 2%. In addition to ability levels, gifted researchers have also begun to recognize the importance of developed ability patterns, which can be operationalized in several ways. One approach is to calculate the “tilt” in reasoning patterns based on the difference between mathematical and verbal abilities (Park et al., 2007). This approach has revealed that ability patterns as reflected in the tilt predicted, above and beyond ability level, the educational and occupational preferences of the gifted. Shea et al. (2001), for instance, found that SMPY adolescents who had higher spatial relative to verbal reasoning exhibited a stronger preference for STEM-related courses in high school and college, whereas those who had relatively higher verbal reasoning were more attracted to humanities and social science courses. In addition to career choices, ability pattern is also critical for predicting the domain in which career accomplishments are more likely to occur (e.g., STEM vs. non-STEM). Drawing from C. P. Snow’s (1959) two cultures theory, Bernstein et al. (2019) found that those with a higher verbal/ humanistic set of characteristics at age 13 were more likely to achieve eminence in humanities/social science fields. In contrast, those who achieved eminence in STEM-related fields were 1.2 standard deviations above the norm for SMPY participants on the math/science set of characteristics. These findings were replicated in a different sample of top STEM graduate students who scored highly on the Graduate Record Exam (they were sampled from top STEM graduate programs). Even within this highly selective sample, those who achieved eminence in STEM careers (e.g., full professor at research-intensive STEM graduate programs) still exhibited higher status on the math/scientific set of characteristics relative to their peers nearly 25 years after the assessment. Others have focused on the unique role of spatial reasoning (Lakin & Wai, 2020; Wai & Lakin, 2020), which is the third pillar of Carroll’s (1993) Radex scaling model. Wai et al. (2009) examined the role of specific abilities for predicting degree attainment and occupational preferences using data from Project Talent. The general and specific reasoning profiles of the student participants are presented in Figure 23.2. Whereas degree earners in non-STEM domains tended to have higher developed verbal ability scores than spatial ability scores, students who earned advanced degrees in STEM domains all had higher spatial reasoning scores than verbal reasoning scores. Similarly, Humphreys et al. (1993) found that, compared with students who scored in the top 20% for math-verbal, those who scored in the top 20% on math-spatial were significantly more attracted to
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FIGURE 23.2. Accomplishments Across Individual Differences Within the Top 1% of General Cognitive Ability: 25+ Years After Identification at Age 13
Note. Participants are separated into quartiles based on their SAT-V + SAT-M composites at age 13. Mean SAT scores are displayed in parentheses along the x-axis. Odds ratios comparing the likelihood of each career achievement outcome in the top and bottom quartiles are displayed at the right end of the criterion line. Asterisks indicate that the 95% confidence interval did not include 1.0, suggesting that the likelihood of outcome for participants in Q4 of SAT scores was significantly greater than participants in Q1. Additional data on doctorates and income were included based on Park et al. (2007). From “Exceptional Cognitive Ability: The Phenotype,” by D. Lubinski, 2009, Behavior Genetics, 39, p. 353 (https://doi.org/10.1007/s10519-009-9273-0). Copyright 2009 by Springer Nature. Reprinted with permission.
STEM-related majors and graduate studies (e.g., engineering, mathematics, computer science). Spatial reasoning also contributes incremental value for predicting career achievements. Kell, Lubinski, Benbow, and Steiger (2013) conducted a 30-year follow-up of 563 gifted adolescents assessed when they were 13 and found that, after accounting for verbal and mathematical ability, spatial ability explained an additional 7.6% of variance in predicting various creative outcomes such as publications and patents in STEM fields. Together, these findings illustrate the importance of specific reasoning skills and their patterns, or trait complexes (Ackerman et al., 2013), to better understand the career trajectory and achievement of gifted individuals (Lubinski, 2020).
CAN YOU BE TOO GIFTED? Some have suggested that the real-world impact of giftedness reaches a threshold at a certain point (i.e., threshold hypothesis). In other words, the incremen-
Careers and the Gifted 517
tal value of cognitive abilities is negligible for predicting career achievement after a certain level of IQ (Ghiselli, 1963). Others have further proposed that in some situations, intelligence may even negatively contribute to certain work outcomes (Simonton, 1985): a phenomenon known as the “too much of a good thing” effect (TMGT; Grant & Schwartz, 2011). These beliefs have become somewhat of an urban legend and are further popularized by books such as Outliers, where Malcolm Gladwell (2008) noted that “the relationship between success and IQ works only up to a point” (p. 79). Despite the enigmatic appeal of these popular beliefs, they fall apart when scrutinized using empirical evidence gathered with appropriate methods. Even among the top 1% of SAT scorers, those in the top quartile of ability were still more accomplished than those in the lower quartile in career accomplishments such as obtaining patents, earning a high income, and securing academic tenure (Wai et al., 2005). Similarly, among individuals who hold advanced and terminal degrees, individual differences in quantitative and reasoning skills assessed at age 13 continue to predict creative achievements (Park et al., 2007). Brown and colleagues (2021), using four population-representative samples totaling 48,558 participants spanning over a half century in the United States and United Kingdom, found no evidence for a curvilinear effect of cognitive reasoning on career, educational, or life outcomes. Evidence for the TMGT effect of cognitive ability is also sparse. Antonakis et al. (2017), for instance, suggested that in socially laden contexts, such as leadership, there may be a penalty for being “too smart.” Data from SMPY, however, shows that compared with the general population, SMPY participants were significantly more likely to be in high-ranking and leadership positions in prestigious organizations and government agencies (Kell, Lubinski, & Benbow, 2013; McCabe et al., 2020). In addition to their exceptional career achievements, the intellectually gifted also lead fulfilling lives. In a 20-year follow-up of SMPY’s most able cohort, who scored in the top 1 in 10,000 on the SAT (top 0.01%), Lubinski et al. (2006) compared the participants’ career and life satisfaction with that of the top STEM graduate student cohort. They found participants in both cohorts were comparably happy with their careers (5.3–5.8 on a 7-point scale, with 7 being the high end) and significant others (6.5–6.6 on a 7-point scale). Overall, the level of satisfaction with life reported by participants in both cohorts (5.0– 5.3 on a 7-point scale) was also similar to those observed in the general population. Gifted students often end up in prestigious careers where they can shape the future of our society through their leadership in innovation while maintaining happy, fulfilled, and well-rounded personal lives.
TO WHAT EXTENT ARE THE PEOPLE IN THE MOST SELECTIVE AND PRESTIGIOUS CAREERS GIFTED? As reviewed in the prior section, the link between being gifted and talented— especially at higher levels of reasoning—and later educational and occupational success is clear, on average. However, another way to examine the associational
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link between success and cognitive skills is to first start with groups at the pinnacle of achievement or leadership (e.g., political and business/technology leaders similar to the handful of people leading during the COVID-19 crisis) and then retrospectively examine whether these highly successful individuals had indicators of high reasoning capacity or giftedness at an earlier point in their lives (e.g., Cox, 1959; Simonton, 2009). Though it is hard to determine giftedness as the key causal mechanism of later success by starting with what is typically the outcome of interest in most research designs, it does provide another method to estimate intellectual giftedness. Specifically, it gives an estimate of the giftedness of the select population studied. In the United States, gaining admission to a highly selective college or university typically requires, on average, extremely high standardized test scores on the SAT or ACT. Though the SAT and ACT are often viewed typically as aptitude or achievement tests, it turns out that both these tests have been shown to measure developed general cognitive reasoning, or g (Frey & Detterman, 2004; Koenig et al., 2008). When conceptualizing intellectual or academic giftedness as measured by cognitive reasoning, this means that any given test score distribution for a given age group will simply reflect a normal curve, and students scoring at the top of that normal curve, depending upon the cut score, would qualify as gifted. Thus, the SAT and ACT distribution of scores—and the average reasoning levels of students in different schools—reflects a continuum of abilities, with a great deal of overlap. Figure 23.3 illustrates the structure of cognitive reasoning of the student body of all colleges and universities who reported information to U.S. News & World Report rankings (U.S. News, 2015). The method of the study that will be summarized here essentially takes those schools with average test scores that place individuals who have attended them as roughly in the top 1% of general cognitive reasoning. It should be noted that this is only a rough approximation for groups of occupations studied here and certainly has important limitations. According to Murray (2012), “The average graduate of an elite college is at the 99th [per]centile of IQ of the entire population of seventeen-year-olds” (p. 366), which he concluded based on an analysis of SAT test data from the website of the College Board. For the purposes of this study, attending a highly selective undergraduate or graduate institution (based on high test scores required for admission) was the criteria used to determine whether groups of individuals from these select groups could be considered gifted and having a high general reasoning level. Information on undergraduate attendance was used to estimate general reasoning through the level of SAT or ACT scores, and because graduate admissions tests such as the GMAT, LSAT, and GRE all measure similar constructs as the SAT or ACT but provide a general reasoning measure at a different stage of life, attendance at selective graduate schools was also used to estimate general reasoning. Overall, attendance at colleges or universities for undergraduate or graduate education that indicated high average standardized test scores on the SAT, ACT, LSAT, GMAT, and GRE was used to estimate the proportion of each group that was in the top 1% of cognitive reasoning and attended an “Elite School” as defined in
Careers and the Gifted 519
FIGURE 23.3. Structure of General Cognitive Reasoning of Students Across U.S. Colleges and Universities
Note. This illustrates the overall distributional structure of SAT (Math + Verbal) 25th to 75th percentile scores for colleges and universities used in the study. The far-left point of the light gray bars indicates 25th percentile scores, whereas the far-right point of the dark gray bars indicates 75th percentile scores. The line in between these regions is roughly the 50th percentile. A sampling of school names is given on the y-axis for readability. The full list of schools can be found in Supplementary A of Wai et al. (2018). From “Using Standardized Test Scores to Include General Cognitive Ability in Education Research and Policy,” by J. Wai, M. I. Brown, and C. F. Chabris, 2018, Journal of Intelligence, 6(3), p. 5 (https://doi.org/10.3390/jintelligence6030037). CC BY 4.0. *Some students were not required to provide scores to the college or university. **The college or university did not report or did not tell U.S. News about all students it had scores for. ***Data were provided to U.S. News from a prior year. ~The college or university may not require or did not submit scores from all applicants.
this study. Additionally, the authors looked at the percentage independent of this top 1% or Elite School category who attended graduate school or college or had missing data. The full original method used in this study can be found in Wai (2013), including the methods, limitations, and Table 1 from that paper (see also Wai et al., 2019). The average scores of students at any given college or university were used as a rough proxy for general cognitive ability level. A key limitation of this method, therefore, is that individual scores were not available and the average scores of a school were used as a proxy for an individual’s score. Additionally, general reasoning cannot be disentangled here from education or numerous other factors that are associated with attendance at an elite college or university at either the undergraduate or graduate level. However, these estimates are reasonable for groups, as the sources of error are probably randomly distributed when considering group estimates. Ways the method may underestimate ability might include when a student who scores highly decides not to attend a selective private school due to financial limitations (e.g., lack of scholarships or
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aid) or due to a need to stay to support one’s family or be near home and instead attends the honors college of a flagship state public school. Ways the method may overestimate reasoning might include when students’ chances of admission are improved through being a legacy student, through being recruited for an athletic team, by having political or other connections, or through affirmative action (Espenshade & Radford, 2009; Golden, 2006; Sander, 2004). Factors in both directions are likely operating, thus making the estimate reasonable for groups. However, the method does not account for the role of other important factors like institutional effects, gender roles, or luck. Finally, the people who have reached the pinnacle of achievement in different U.S. sectors are probably selected for characteristics not just limited to reasoning level, and these might include academic motivation; seeking deliberate practice in an expertise domain; willingness to take risks; and a broader desire for status, wealth, or power. Here we briefly summarize samples used in this study review (N = 13,824), which were drawn from numerous prior publications and limited here to just U.S.-focused groups (Wai, 2013, 2014c; Wai & Lincoln, 2016; Wai & Perina, 2018; Wai & Rindermann, 2015). These groups (ordered here by sample size) included the most powerful men (n = 27) and women (n = 59) according to Forbes, The New Republic journalists (n = 95), the Time 100 (n = 100), senators (n = 100), Forbes billionaires (n = 424), House members (n = 441), Fortune 500 CEOs (n = 500), World Economic Forum in Davos attendees (n = 661), active federal judges (n = 789), New York Times journalists (n = 984), Wall Street Journal journalists (n = 995), and Wealth-X 30 millionaires (n = 8,649). A brief description of groups that readers may be less familiar with follows. Wealth-X is a company that collects data on people with a net worth of $30 million or higher (so also on billionaires). Forbes most powerful men and women lists include people such as top politicians and business leaders and others in positions of great power and influence. The World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, includes many business, academic, political, and other leaders of society. The New Republic is an influential magazine that complements the New York Times and Wall Street Journal brands, which are more broadly known. Table 23.1 shows each of the occupationally select groups and the proportion who attended an Elite School and by proxy are roughly in the top 1% of cognitive reasoning (sorted by Elite School from top to bottom). The Elite School category specifically indicates the proportion of each group that attended one of the highly selective schools with average test scores that likely placed them in the top 1% of general cognitive reasoning. “Graduate School” indicates the proportion of each group that attended graduate school independent of the Elite School category. “College” indicates the proportion of each group that attended college independent of the Graduate School or Elite School categories. “Missing” indicates the proportion where educational status was unclear. Elite School, Graduate School, College, and Missing sum to 100%. The Harvard category indicates the proportion of students who attended Harvard in some capacity (this would be contained in the Elite School percentage).
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TABLE 23.1. Proportion of Various Groups of Leaders and High Achievers in U.S. Society Who Earned Higher Educational Degrees as a Function of Selectivity Elite school
Grad school
College
Missing
Harvard
House members
0.206
0.475
0.308
0.009
0.066
Wealth-X president
0.277
0.170
0.313
0.238
0.070
Wealth-X CEOs
0.309
0.196
0.319
0.175
0.076
Time 100
0.317
0.221
0.365
0.096
0.087
Wealth-X 30 millionaires
0.338
0.183
0.278
0.200
0.090
Wealth-X founders
0.338
0.183
0.274
0.203
0.082
Wealth-X chairmen
0.348
0.192
0.309
0.150
0.095
Wealth-X self-made 30 millionaires
0.359
0.200
0.266
0.175
0.099
Federal judges
0.409
0.591
0.000
0.000
0.119
Fortune 500 CEOs
0.410
0.262
0.268
0.058
0.116
Senators
0.410
0.420
0.160
0.010
0.120
Forbes self-made billionaires
0.426
0.155
0.314
0.105
0.123
Wealth-X billionaires
0.434
0.129
0.338
0.099
0.122
Wealth-X self-made billionaires
0.437
0.161
0.316
0.086
0.134
New York Times editors/writers
0.439
0.129
0.376
0.056
0.044
Forbes billionaires
0.448
0.122
0.321
0.109
0.113
Wall Street Journal editors/writers
0.498
0.121
0.344
0.037
0.037
Davos overall
0.546
0.176
0.181
0.095
0.185
Davos media
0.556
0.111
0.256
0.078
0.133
Forbes powerful women
0.559
0.085
0.288
0.068
0.186
Davos CEOs
0.599
0.194
0.171
0.036
0.153
The New Republic
0.642
0.000
0.316
0.042
0.189
Davos government and policy
0.742
0.194
0.032
0.032
0.355
Forbes powerful men
0.852
0.037
0.111
0.000
0.407
Davos academia
0.901
0.088
0.011
0.000
0.275
Note. Time 100 data in this graph come from the 2009 cohort. This analysis focuses only on U.S. elite schools. “Wealth-X” is a company that collects data on high-net-worth individuals at the level of $30 million and above. “Davos” indicates those individuals from the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland. Adapted from “The Role of Elite Education and Inferred Cognitive Ability in Eminent Creative Expertise: An Historical Analysis of the TIME 100,” by J. Wai, M. C. Makel, and J. Gambrell, 2019, Journal of Expertise, 2(2), p. 85 (https://www.journalofexpertise.org/articles/ volume2_issue2/JoE_2019_2_2_Wai.pdf). CC BY 3.0.
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Though each group is not discussed in great detail here, we provide a brief summary of findings. House members were the least select in terms of education and a related indication of intellectual giftedness, then came the Time 100, 30 millionaires, federal judges, Fortune 500 CEOs, senators, New York Times and Wall Street Journal editors and writers, Davos attendees, and Forbes most powerful women and men. Given Harvard is just one school, its influence is quite clear in regard to the representation of alumni among U.S. occupational leaders. Overall, Table 23.1 shows that roughly half of all these groups are likely in the top 1% of cognitive reasoning as indicated by Elite School attendance as classified by the method used here. If top 1% in reasoning people are to be expected at the base rate of 1%, this means that top 1% in ability people are overrepresented among these groups by a factor of about 50 times base rate expectations. Given that intellectual giftedness is sometimes not just limited to the top 1% (e.g., as determined in the SMPY studies) but can be considered the top 5% (e.g., Wai et al., 2012), this means that a very large proportion (if not nearly all) of the U.S. occupational and leadership elite is likely intellectually gifted. This retrospective approach when combined with the prospective approach taken earlier using the SMPY and Project Talent data (Wai, 2014b), indicates that, overall, the gifted do end up in highly selective careers in society. As discussed earlier, Gottfredson (2003, see Figure 15.1) illustrated the continuum of jobs based on how complex or g-loaded they were, in the sense that the complexity of an occupation in some ways functions as a mental test battery. For example, among the general population, a packer was at the 21st percentile of g and a material handler was at the 25th percentile, whereas research analysts and attorneys were at the 91st percentile. Table 23.1 illustrates estimates of extremely select occupations across various domains, showing that even among the very top percentiles of the occupational distribution, there is a very wide range of average cognitive ability or intellectual giftedness associated with being in that occupation. Thus, this illustrates in a different way how gifted individuals are important to all kinds of careers, especially those that require high levels of intellectual reasoning capacity.
IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIETY AND EDUCATION POLICY In this chapter, we focused largely on the role that developed cognitive abilities play especially for highly selective careers among the intellectually gifted. Using a combined prospective and retrospective approach illustrates that people identified as gifted as young end up in highly select and diverse careers and that people who end up at the pinnacle of career achievement are largely gifted. This does not mean that having high cognitive reasoning or being gifted is the sole criteria for ending up in a highly prestigious career, only that increasing cognitive reasoning typically does increase the likelihood of all kinds of
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positive outcomes throughout the general distribution (Brown et al., 2021) and into the far right tail of reasoning capacities (Robertson et al., 2010), and thus it is to be expected to a large degree that many gifted individuals will populate highly influential positions in society. Of course, the extent to which this gifted talent is allocated appropriately to various occupations of varying complexity (Strenze, 2013) is an important topic to consider, and career counseling of the gifted, namely helping match them to careers in regard to reasoning level, reasoning pattern, interests, personality, lifestyle preferences, and other factors, is quite important for the full talent development and flourishing of these students to reach the heights of achievement and excellence that they are truly capable of (e.g., Subotnik et al., 2011). As Kell and Lubinski (2015) pointed out, not using cognitive abilities in career counseling can possibly even amount to malpractice. Counselors can respond to the needs of the gifted as outlined in this article by understanding that a wide range of individual differences exist in the gifted population; that depending upon those individual differences there are differences in educational or other needs for appropriate developmental placement (e.g., advanced education, perhaps in certain domains); and that these individual differences should be accounted for openly and honestly in counseling placements, discussions, and decision making throughout a student’s trajectory. Even among the core samples reviewed in this chapter, however, many of these gifted students who reached their full potential came from relatively secure backgrounds, whereas many talented but disadvantaged students continue to be left behind (Wai & Worrell, 2016). This includes students who primarily have spatial strengths but may have to surmount other behavioral issues that affect their academic success (Lakin & Wai, 2020; Wai & Lakin, 2020). It also extends to students from low-income and underrepresented minority backgrounds who simply do not reach their full potential because of a lack of early and continuous universal identification and matching to opportunities for appropriate developmental placement (Lubinski & Benbow, 2000) and a lack of parental and other resource support that is needed for competition for selective college admissions and making it through numerous hurdles to the pinnacle of achievement in various domains. At a broad national policy level, the United States historically and presently does not provide funding for gifted education ($1 to the gifted for every $500,000 for education as a whole at the national policy level; Wai & Worrell, 2016), which is important to ensure universal selection and gifted education opportunities are in place for all students, especially disadvantaged ones. At a more targeted level, among those responsible for helping counsel students in eventually finding the right careers, it is imperative to ensure that students who do not have adequate support and resources among the gifted are provided every opportunity to develop to their utmost capacity. Doing so can improve societal innovation broadly and can especially help us in our times of need, such as having intellectually talented and competent scientific and institutional leadership during a pandemic.
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24 Work and Unemployment Frank Burtnett
U
nderstanding the relevance of unemployment in the American workplace is essential to providing services in myriad settings that facilitate individual workers’ career development, including for those whose mental wellness has been affected by job loss and interruption. Similarly, an analysis of underemployment as a prologue to unemployment deserves equal attention from helping professionals. During 2019, the last full year not affected by the COVID-19 pandemic, the U.S. Department of Labor’s Bureau of Labor Statistics reported unemployment at 3.8%, the lowest it had been in 50 years. Pandemic-driven terminations and furloughs drove that figure to 13.0% in a matter of months (Kochhar, 2020). This chapter begins with definitions of unemployment and underemployment and an analysis of the causes of each. I then present an overview of the American workplace and how the work performed there has evolved over the past century, including how those trends have led to significant adjustments to workplace metrics. Next, I present an overview of the career development process with specific attention directed to the young adult, adult, and late adult years, when individuals are actively engaged in their occupational pursuits and likely to encounter unemployment and underemployment. This emphasis on the career development process will allow the reader to focus on the life experiences that produce outcomes for the career navigator in their quest for satisfaction and success, while understanding that both unemployment and underemployment will produce undesirable consequences. Following an examination of the employment factors that will predictably play
https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-025 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 529
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havoc with an individual’s mental wellness, the chapter concludes with an overview of programs and services needed by those victimized by unemployment, including the roles that counselors, therapists, and others play with those who are experiencing job loss or workplace frustration.
DEFINITIONS OF UNEMPLOYMENT AND UNDEREMPLOYMENT The U.S. Department of Labor (DOL) recognizes only one official definition of unemployment—people who are employable, but jobless, actively seeking work, and available to take a job. The official DOL unemployment rate for the nation is the number of unemployed (as identified with this definition) as a percentage of the full labor force. Various communiques and reports from the Federal Reserve System have stated that a smoothly running economy is dependent on an unemployment rate that is not greater than 4% to 6%. The terms used to describe unemployment are “cyclical,” “structural,” and “frictional.” Cyclical unemployment is most familiar, as it refers to any contraction or reduction in the business cycle that results in significant job loss during a period of economic recession or depression when significant numbers of workers are laid off to reduce costs. Cyclical unemployment is extended when the initial period of unemployment results in weakened demand for goods and services. Structural unemployment occurs when the occupational knowledge and skill set of the workforce majority fails to meet those in demand in the economy. The technological revolution in the global workplace over the past half century has resulted in a demand for knowledge and skills that do not always blend with the available workforce pool. As vacancies are created during periods of structural employment, knowledge and skill attainment adjustments must often be made by candidates wishing to secure them. Frictional unemployment occurs when employed workers voluntarily leave their occupational roles in the workforce to transition to improved or more desirable ones. Frictional unemployment, usually short-term in duration, includes students transitioning from educational settings to their initial positions in the workforce period of employment as well as individuals who have voluntarily “stepped out” (e.g., new mothers, employees returning from medical leave) wishing to resume their positions in the workforce. More than a half century ago, Robert Mogull (1973) wrote of these definitions and their causes in his “Primer on Unemployment” in the Journal of Employment Counseling. Workforce participation is tied directly to the U.S. economy and affected by factors such as worker characteristics (e.g., aptitudes, interests) and demographics (e.g., age, educational attainment level). These factors are monitored by the Current Population Survey, a monthly survey of approximately 60,000 American households that is conducted by the U.S. Census Bureau for the Bureau of Labor Statistics. Another lens for looking at unemployment is to determine which occupations across the work universe in the United States are most vulnerable to the
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routine ups and downs of the economy and the full thrust of recessions and downturns when they occur. These occupations and sectors are anticipated to be among the earliest and hardest hit when a catastrophe like the COVID-19 pandemic occurs. One view is that the largest employing sectors, including retail sales, hospitality, and personal services, would be the first and hardest hit during times of economic turmoil and decline. During challenging economic times, people suspend or delay purchases, eat out and travel less, and postpone many actions as a part of their “not at this time” behavior. One specific study supported this by determining that the occupations at higher risk are those involving food preparation and service and those tied to retail sales and distribution (Gascon, 2020). Least affected are occupations considered essential, including those in health care, education, public safety, and related sectors. Any definition of unemployment also requires consideration of a parallel term, underemployment. Underemployed individuals are working but are unfulfilled in their occupational roles or not working up to their education, knowledge, or skill set levels. Recessionary periods often find workforce members seeking or accepting such positions to be employed during these highly competitive and challenging economic times. Others find the occupational setting where they are employed deficient in its options for growth, advancement, and mobility. The periodic figures made public by the federal government represent the percentage of individuals in the total U.S. workforce who are unemployed. These figures are influenced significantly by national and global economic conditions and by individual worker behaviors and employer actions. Unemployed workers, who meet certain criteria and requirements, are entitled to unemployment benefits and referred for unemployment insurance and unemployment compensation. Participation in these unemployment programs involves registration with a governmental agency, usually on the condition that they actively seek a return to employment. In summary, unemployment covers an assortment of circumstances, including people who have lost their jobs, quit their jobs to seek other employment, or are looking for their initial place of employment. At various times these individuals will find their ranks swelled by those workers who have elected to leave their roles for parenting and other personal reasons. When any of the given situations produces an unwanted period of unemployment or less than satisfactory resumption of their employment, these individuals may find themselves confronting issues or problems that call for mental health counseling, career counseling, or both.
OVERVIEW OF THE U.S. WORKPLACE Any examination of unemployment must also devote a measure of attention to the American workplace and the work that is performed there. The
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transformation of the United States from an agricultural to an industrial nation and then to one influenced by computers, information, communication technologies, and a seemingly never-ending parade of technological innovations and advancements dramatically altered work and the workplace. Gone forever are the days when an individual becomes knowledgeable and skilled at an occupation, adds competence with experience, and performs the same occupational role for their entire adult lifespan. Future and current members of the workforce must be vigilant in their exploration of, preparation for, entry into, and transition through their occupation or career. New and emerging occupations will require additional knowledge and skill set preparation, as will many existing ones that are significantly affected by change and redefinition. Preservice and in-service education and training programs for these occupations will have to be redesigned and redelivered. Individuals in occupations lost to obsolescence most assuredly will be required to complete full career makeovers. How rapidly is the world of work changing? Futurists and forecasters have projected that as many as 65% of children entering elementary school in the current decade will eventually enter and occupy occupations that did not exist at the time they started school (World Economic Forum, 2016). Beginning in the last half of the 20th century and continuing into the current millennium, the American workplace has experienced unprecedented change in the way work is performed and in the number of members populating the workforce. Eventually in 2020, that record number turned downward due to the furloughs and terminations driven by the COVID-19 pandemic that produced mayhem in the American economy similar to that of the Great Depression (1929–1939) nearly a century earlier. Workforce Size and Composition The labor force is the actual number of people available for work and includes both the employed and unemployed adult populations. The U.S. labor force had reached a record high of 164.6 million persons by February 2020 when the COVID-19 pandemic halted the rise and led to a period of decline. Once the pandemic was brought under control, number of labor force members started to rise again (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2021, 2022). This composite figure had risen each year since 1960, with the exception of the period following the Great Recession, when it remained below 2008 levels from 2009 to 2011. As in many other countries in the Western Hemisphere, that growth can be attributed to the increasing number of women entering and remaining in the workforce and the larger number of older Americans electing to work more years. The ongoing growth in workforce numbers was accompanied by workplace models and structures including such innovations as flexible scheduling and remote work, practices that were adopted more universally as a part of the new normal inspired by the COVID-19 pandemic. How many of these innovations will become permanent is yet to be determined.
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Currently, the most widely used compilation of career or occupational information is the Occupational Outlook Handbook, a biennial collection of hundreds of occupation profiles from across the workforce. Work and Workplace Trends In closing this discussion of the American workplace, it is important to note that greater emphasis today is being directed toward overall career readiness across occupations and sectors. The five career readiness skills identified here are ones welcomed by employers, as they have been deemed the ones most likely to result in win-win satisfaction for the employee and the employer: • learning skills, beyond just the knowledge and functions of a particular occupation, that embrace an appreciation for learning, acceptance of its career-long presence, and mastery of the technologies that support and extend our occupational capabilities; • planning and management skills, embracing such structural characteristics as the ability to set and monitor goals, establish time and performance milestones, and evaluate outcomes in an organized and cost-efficient manner; • communication skills, including listening, speaking, writing, networking, and when required, the ability to teach and persuade others; • interactive skills, including openness toward participation in a multiple-role or team environment, working with diverse players, and acceptance of different roles; and • problem-solving and decision-making skills that can be applied easily to address workplace issues, resulting in effective protocols and strategies (Burtnett, 2018). Recognizing that career readiness represents the occupational knowledge and skill set that individuals must possess for initial entry and movement through the workplace, the National Association of Colleges and Employers (2021) identified eight competencies for a career-ready workforce. Along with mastery of a body of occupational knowledge and skill set, they represent the behaviors most likely to ensure job security for current and future members of the workforce. The greater the presence of readiness skills—coupled with a mastery and command of core occupational knowledge and expertise—the greater the chances that individual will be employed, stay employed, and move constructively out of job loss or underemployment. The readiness competencies and workplace characteristics given here represent those welcomed in the contemporary American and global workplace, where current and future employees are going to have to compete and succeed. Some workplaces, it must be noted, have been more specific in the design and implementation of new and innovative protocols and practices that are uniquely appropriate to the work their employees are required to perform.
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Inherent in many of the new trends is a revitalized sense of accountability heretofore not emphasized in the American workplace. It should be noted that although many of these trends had been initiated and have been progressing steadily over a period of time, the COVID-19 pandemic and restrictions on human interaction and the assembly of people have had a dramatic effect on the workplace and the manner in which individuals in many settings and environments now perform their work functions (e.g., flexibility, independence, and communication skills required to work remotely) currently and into the future
CAREER DEVELOPMENT AND UNEMPLOYMENT AND UNDEREMPLOYMENT Career development represents an ongoing series of life stages and experiences during which individuals consider, prepare for, enter, and progress through occupations and work roles. Career development starts early and continues across the lifespan, a definition that is consistent with the popular career/ lifespan development theory advanced by Donald Super (1980). Understanding the entire process and the inherent life experiences within it will allow the individual to navigate their personal quest for career success and satisfaction. This same understanding can further be used in correcting or resolving negative career circumstances (i.e., periods of unemployment). An understanding of the career development process is best achieved when the viewer approaches the learning task from the following six perspectives (Burtnett, 2019): 1. Career development is a process that parallels human growth and development, a series of unique experiences that span childhood, adolescence, young adulthood, adulthood, and older adulthood. 2. An individual’s ability to understand what is happening or will happen in each of these stages can determine the degree to which they can guide or control (be proactive) or mend and fix (be reactive or remedial) what is occurring in their career and work lives. 3. Each individual is likely to engage in a number of jobs and occupations over the course of their lives, with the totality of those focused on a specific role or setting and eventually considered their career. 4. Candidates for employment need to know where they are, where they have been, and what lies ahead for them in the future if they are to personally influence the career development process. 5. Most individuals experience the following eight stages of the career development process: a. self-awareness; b. exploration;
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c. d. e. f. g. h.
goal setting; decision making; knowledge, skill set acquisition, and competency attainment; orientation, entry, and adjustment; growth, mobility, and maintenance; and wind down, adjustment, and exit.
6. The eight stages seldom occur in linear, one-stop-and-move-on fashion. They are cyclical and often repeated as one navigates the full life experience. Each stage has a particular purpose to play in the complete career development process and can be influential in how unemployment or underemployment might be addressed if, when, and where it is ever to occur. Although the threat of unemployment and underemployment is most likely to appear during the latter three stages, each stage presents tasks that must be mastered in order to avoid interruption of the full process and ensure a successful transition from one stage to the next. Orientation, Entry, and Adjustment Once the individual has passed through the knowledge acquisition and skill set acquisition stage of the career development process and achieved an acceptable level of career or occupational competency, they enter a transitional period when they must identify, apply for, enter, and adjust to a specific job opportunity or employment situation suited to their level of preparation and initial competence. It is a time of renewed self-awareness and exploration where initial job seekers and career advancers are searching for positions that are consistent with their personal wants and desires, such as compensation, location, growth opportunities, and any emerging work–life balance concerns. The orientation, entry, and adjustment stage is also a time when job finding and acquisition strategies (e.g., job search skills, résumé creation, interview practice role play) must be learned and executed, strategies that will quite possibly be required on an emergency basis should unemployment enter the picture. Failure to progress satisfactorily through this transition is the reason some experience unemployment during the time following formal education and training. Having extremely lengthy gaps between preparation and placement can intensify individual anxiety, stress, and loss of confidence in earlier goal setting and decision making. It may also result in the acceptance or continuance of temporary, part-time, and out-of-field employment as a means of economic survival during the continuing job search and acquisition period. Growth, Mobility, and Maintenance As the individual progresses beyond an early presence in their career and occupation, any mastery or success in their initial work roles is likely to result in
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added responsibilities and rewards (e.g., promotions, salary adjustments). Not surprisingly, this same time of growth, mobility, and maintenance will also reveal the correctness of early career decisions, as well as the suitability of the individual for the employment environment or situation in which they currently find themselves. Growth and mobility opportunities will emerge for many, whereas others find stagnation in their ability to perform their work effectively and comfortably in the work environment where they find themselves. In the contemporary world of work, all employees must actively engage in continuing education, even lifelong learning in order to sustain their knowledge and skill set levels and address the changes brought on by emerging structural and technological changes that influence how work is performed. New careers and occupations will present themselves as personal career growth and mobility options as varied workplaces amend their mission and create organizational and structural protocols and procedures to enhance employee performance and productivity. Although job loss can often be attributed to failures and inadequacies of the employee, it can also be ascribed to economic influences and business actions that result in downsizing, closure, and relocation. In such instances, the employees become innocent victims and must address the challenges of unemployment through no fault of their own. Wind Down, Adjustment, and Exit With the baby boomer generation (born post–World War II through 1964) entering senior status, the American workplace faces the new challenge of increased life expectancy and a growing desire on the part of the older workforce to remain fully active in their current work roles or phase into a modified employment relationship (e.g., reduced schedule, altered role, remote work). Many older workers elect to work longer when they discover that their personal finances and economic conditions are not conducive to full exit and retirement. For a variety of reasons, many workers are foregoing retirement and attempting to sustain existing or alternative working terms and conditions in order to remain employed. To protect older workers from forced exit and age discrimination in hiring and promotion, Congress enacted the Age Discrimination in Employment Act in 1967. When unemployment becomes an issue for older workers, a decision to continue working or opt for immediate retirement begs consideration. Those in the late adulthood period often have early-out options that can move retirement up on their life calendar. Others may use the opportunity to consider a new work role or setting, as well as personalized modifications to their employment situation. Navigating the full career development experience is fraught with challenges that are only intensified when the individual is subjected to work interruption or loss. These occurrences are likely to require immediate and resolute attention in order for the latter stages of the career development process to progress unimpeded.
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Task Mastery Influencing Career Development As individuals pass through the various career development stages, they acquire the core occupational knowledge and skill set necessary to make them viable candidates for employment. During late adolescence and young adulthood, career development becomes focused on job search and acquisition skills and the successful transition from the world of education and training to the world of work. As the following statement suggests, this learning process continues as individuals engage in new and continued occupational experiences where the practice of the profession or craft results in proficiency and competence. Continuing education and in-service training advances that mastery to even greater heights. Knowledge + Skill Set + Experience = Proficiency and Competence
Super’s lifespan view of career development implies that learning and task mastery must be achieved at each stage. Once learned, the mastery of these selfawareness, exploration, goal-setting, and decision-making tasks, typically associated with the early stages of the career development process, can be applied over and over when needed in the adult career experience. As “skills for life,” they become invaluable and ready to be resurrected during periods of unemployment and underemployment. Equally valuable during this career development stage is the acquisition of job search, identification, and application skills typically associated with the orientation and job entry phases of the career development process. Individuals facing unemployment or underemployment can become the beneficiaries of such skill mastery as they seek to rejoin the ranks of the employed.
CAUSES OF UNEMPLOYMENT AND UNDEREMPLOYMENT Individuals confronted with unemployment can usually trace their joblessness to one or a mix or uncontrollable and controllable causes. Uncontrollable, in these cases, refers to business changes (e.g., closures, mergers, offshoring), economic causes (e.g., recessions, inflationary setbacks), or unexpected events (e.g., pandemics, weather disasters) that turn innocent employees into victims. The controllable causes, although often unanticipated and equally difficult to cope with, can usually be attributed to personal behaviors displayed by the individual employee. Uncontrollable Causes of Unemployment When a company or organization ceases operations, merges, or otherwise restructures, job loss is often an inevitability. In the best of these situations, positions are moved to another location and existing staff are given an opportunity
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to compete for or follow them as a part of any downsizing. Offshoring, or the movement of the operation to another international location, results in permanent job elimination. Similarly, employers faced with antiquated and inefficient practices will often lose the ability to compete and be forced to revamp both organizational and operational structures or face closure. The same is true for those who find their work dramatically affected by robotics and other technological advancements resulting in job obsolescence or their employer making major adjustments to their existing work roles. Workforce members, experiencing these situations, face retraining in the skills and tools that are dictated by their vanishing positions or a complete career makeover where new knowledge and skills will lead to a new occupation entirely. Before leaving the subject of uncontrollable causes of unemployment, it should be noted that unforeseen and unpredictable events such as the lingering COVID-19 pandemic, as well as disruptions imposed by periodic weather events (e.g., hurricanes, tornadoes, wildfires), can play havoc with the economy of a region and eventually affect the overall employment scene. The COVID-19 pandemic hit America and the world with a force so powerful that it altered how work is performed in many settings and how employees go about their daily routines. Limited in number and duration as they may be, these unanticipated events typically result in job loss and interruption and require immediate attention. Finally, new entrants to the workforce sometimes face an unemployment situation when the occupational fields they hope to enter are saturated with applicants due to business and economic factors influencing supply and demand. This has forced many students and trainees to seek internships and work-study opportunities that will provide a measure of hands-on experience to augment their formal education and training. Much to the chagrin of those affected, layoffs, furloughs, and dismissals have become all-too-frequent actions taken by employers to alleviate the economic fallout caused by any or all of these causes. Controllable Causes of Unemployment When the individual voluntarily elects to resign their employment temporarily to seek another or better position, they expose themselves to certain risk. Hopefully, they have weighed the consequences of being unemployed temporarily and are financially positioned to take such action. Even those who have voluntarily elected to opt out of the workforce for an extended period of time (e.g., stay-at-home parents) may find formidable challenges when they wish to return to the workforce. Separate from the causes of chosen unemployment just outlined, many among the ranks of unemployed people find themselves in possession of the dreaded pink slip for matters of their own doing or circumstances they could have otherwise handled in ways that would not have resulted in their dis-
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missal. The following four groupings consolidate an extensive list of factors cited by human resource professionals as associated with worker behaviors that result in discipline and termination. The behaviors that are objectionable or undesirable can often be identified, corrected, and dealt with over time. When problem behaviors persist or the employee does not respond to coaching or discipline, employee dismissal is the likely outcome. Correspondingly, when action is taken to correct a situation or control its consequences, the individual may avoid termination. Finally, the harshest offenses, namely those that are illegal or unethical in nature, are likely to end in termination. Performance and Productivity Performance and productivity deficiencies are normally associated with failures of the employee to meet work quality and productivity expectations. These concerns are often rooted in employees being found wanting in knowledge, skill set, and competency or deficient in their attention to detail and time efficiency, including calendar and clock management, meeting deadlines, and keeping pace with colleagues and team members. These behaviors, if not corrected, often result in dismissal following a trial or probationary period. Growth and Development After an initial period of entry and adjustment, known as onboarding, employers typically monitor the individual growth and development of workers with the expectation of seeing a measure of progression in their proficiency and competency. When the individual fails to respond positively to performance and production goals, as well as any managerial and supervisory guidance, their value as a contributor to the business, organization, institution, or agency can become suspect. Further, employers across most work environments expect to see evidence from workers of extended educational experiences (personal renewal and formal training) that hone and extend their occupational knowledge and skill set. Behavior and Conduct Workplace behavior and conduct represent the largest and widest ranging assortment of workplace faults and blunders resulting in termination. These violations also represent degrees of severity that can be tolerated and treated via reprimand in some instances but demand immediate termination in others. Fluctuating in seriousness from matters such as attendance, tardiness, and leave abuses to much larger violations like the falsification of qualifications and experiences that led to hiring, theft, misappropriation or damaging of employer property, insubordination, harassment, and bullying, the less severe can sometime be corrected.
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Also included here is the failure to uphold professional and ethical standards, violation of operational protocols, and the repetition of undesirable actions and behaviors following reprimand. Employees who take corrective or remedial steps to address the less severe of these types of infractions stand the best chance of salvaging their employment. Character and Attitude Character grows from an individual’s life and learning experiences and constitutes the identity that they evolve into as a person. Concomitantly, attitude speaks to an individual’s viewpoint, the degree of their likes or dislikes, and how they approach a given employment situation. Emanating from every individual is a set of identifiable characteristics or traits that are welcomed in the workplace. These include such descriptors as energetic, enthusiastic, helpful, honest, kind, passionate, perceptive, and resourceful, to name just a few. Positive characteristics and attitudes are seen as necessary ingredients in successful engagement of workforce members, and employers often go to great lengths to identify them during the hiring process and cultivate them once the individual is on the job. Negative or missing characteristics are often seen as flaws that, if not eliminated or mollified, can lead to a derailment of the employment experience. Said matters can range from the absence of adequate buy-in to the purposes and goals of the employers to outward displays of undependability, unpredictability, detachment, entitlement, untrustworthiness, and eccentricity. Controllable Causes of Underemployment Before concluding the causes of unemployment, a deeper examination of underemployment is in order. As stated earlier, underemployment means the individual is working but in a manner or capacity below that for which they are qualified or in a position viewed as not satisfying their career development objectives and aspirations. These workforce members often become passive candidates for job change but are unable or unwilling to risk their economic or financial circumstances by voluntarily resigning their current employment. Individual career growth, mobility, and maintenance are best achieved from a position of strength for these individuals, and being unemployed can be seen as a perilous situation. It should further be noted that individuals considered or considering themselves underemployed could be moved forward in the dismissal or furlough queue should their discontentment or lack of engagement become known. Compensation and raises have slipped from the top of the list of most desirable employment characteristics in recent times to be replaced by benefits and perks as shown in the Glassdoor 2015 Employment Confidence Survey. Worthy of mention, also, is work performed on employee engagement by Gallup. Their research has found that contemporary employees place a significant
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premium on a desirable work–life balance, an inviting workplace culture, and a positive feeling about how their occupation and career are progressing (Gallup, n.d.). When missing, these characteristics can become the rationale for voluntary job change and relocation.
SERVING THE NEEDS OF UNEMPLOYED INDIVIDUALS: A TWO-PHASE APPROACH Job loss and the return to employment can be a challenging time for the individual experiencing this interruption or derailing of their career development. Its impact can be felt immediately and over the long term. Such occurrences call for a two-phase remedy or treatment for the affected individual to successfully return to the workplace and proceed in an orderly manner through their personal career development experience. During the first phase, the individual must address any personal, social, emotional, and cognitive issues requiring attention. Concurrently with any counseling or therapeutic applications that may be required to concentrate on behavioral or attitudinal concerns resulting in termination, additional education and training may be necessary to enrich knowledge gaps or skill set deficiencies. The breadth and depth of this phase will vary with the degree to which these matters have and could again affect the employee’s eventual work status. Witnessing the technologically influenced emergence of the American workplace in the last quarter of the 1900s, Barbara Shelton (1985) wrote about the social and psychological impact of unemployment, including the economic costs it has on the individual and the family. Once any personal, emotional, social, and cognitive concerns that led to job loss are resolved or under control, the second phase involves the creation and implementation of a fresh job pursuit and acquisition plan, one that employs the most effective search techniques and application tools. Individuals who have been active members of the workforce for a considerable period of time will find a host of new protocols (e.g., remote employment interviews, electronic résumé exchanges, tools like job boards) in place today. Like the first phase, this portion of the corrective function is likely to vary in time and implementation requirements. Together, however, they represent the most strategic and effective route to an orderly and timely transition back to employment.
RELATIONSHIP OF UNEMPLOYMENT AND UNDEREMPLOYMENT TO MENTAL HEALTH Helping people in improving their lives and experiencing career success and satisfaction is a fundamental tenet of the vocational guidance concept advanced by Frank Parsons at the beginning of the 20th century (Parsons, 1909) and one
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that has been included in the work of multiple theorists and scholars ever since (e.g., Herr, 1989). Fast-forward to today, and career development counseling can be found in the eight areas of training required by the Council for the Accreditation of Counseling and Related Educational Programs (2016) standards for the preparation of professional counselors. Although the relationship between mental health and unemployment and underemployment has been recognized, these conditions have not always been subjected to coordinated efforts by counselors and others seeking to help such clients. Too often, these service approaches have been separate and unconnected. More coordination and collaboration by counseling delivery systems (e.g., among mental health, secondary and postsecondary education, rehabilitation, and employment) appears to be the obvious solution to a matter that is becoming increasingly recognized as both a mental health and human growth and development issue. Mental wellness can serve as a fundamental underpinning throughout every aspect of the career development process, especially during periods of career growth, mobility, and maintenance and times when the adult worker is actively exploring job options, making applications, and transitioning to employment for the first or any future times. This interconnectedness of unemployment, underemployment, and mental health is multifaceted. In some instances, individuals who have suffered involuntary job loss will likely need career or employment counseling and placement assistance to prevent their unemployment situation from growing into a larger mental health or emotional concern. More serious, however, is when mental health issues and problems have contributed to actual termination, and those concerns must be dealt with before the individual can be assured that they will not reoccur in future employment. Comprehensive mental health and career counseling programs that serve individuals across the lifespan must be constructed and made accessible in a manner that recognizes that the two are interwoven. Research by Tang and colleagues (2021) supported the assimilation of career development and human growth and development, as well as an integrated approach to both mental health and career counseling. Such integration calls for the design and implementation of counseling and therapeutic interventions with unemployed individuals to foster and facilitate both mental wellness and career development (Herr, 1989).
INDIVIDUAL CHALLENGES OF UNEMPLOYMENT Mental health challenges stemming from unemployment are observable as early as the time anticipating job loss and then linger and intensify during the actual period of separation. In some situations, their residue will remain for a period of time after the unemployment situation has been rectified. For workers new to the workplace, these difficulties can be a source of frustration and
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disappointment at a time when a celebration of achievement and accomplishment were expected. Individuals who are out of work and having trouble returning to employment are prime candidates for psychosocial adjustments, some of which can have a profound effect on their lifestyle. The loss of employment status and security often finds the victim experiencing one or more of the following: • overt and covert reactions that are psychosocial in nature; • mounting reappraisal and reformation of career and educational goals and implementation steps; • intensifying damage to self-esteem, purpose, and worth; • diminishing finances, debt, and need for rebudgeting; • loss of personal security and protections (i.e., health insurance) and those of dependents; • unwanted separation from colleagues, networks, and social connections; • escalating fear of work knowledge and skill set stagnation; and • substantial disruption to identity as a work performer, producer, and contributor. Among the reactions that are emotional in nature are feelings of envy, anger, denial, uncertainty, fear, embarrassment, alarm that can often lead or grow into a larger bout of anxiety, depression, stress, and physical health concerns (e.g., sleep loss, eating disorders, exercise mismanagement). Further, research published in the American Journal of Lifestyle Medicine has shown a link between job loss and increases in physical inactivity, in addition to increased obesity, which young adults experienced during the U.S. Great Recession of 2008 to 2009 (Alam, 2021). In a worst-case scenario, any one or a combination could be viewed as a traumatic emotional period requiring treatment suited to posttraumatic stress disorder. Some caregivers, such as Millicent Simmelink (2009), have even characterized the emotional devastation associated with job loss as causing its victims to grieve and pass through a period of bereavement. Through these times of challenge for the individual, helping professionals recognize that any bridges spanning the unemployment to reemployment chasm must begin with acceptance of the realities of the situation as the first step in the path to recovery. Dealing with any associated or periphery concerns immediately and proactively will minimize their negative consequences. Denial of their existence and failure to address them forthrightly often results in an extension or expansion of undesirable outcomes. Job loss and interruption can also lead to a questioning of previous career and educational goal setting and decision making, including a loss of confidence in one’s ability to navigate such transitions. This may require a reappraisal of one’s career plan, including steps
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taken and yet to be taken to acquire the requisite knowledge and skill set for career entry, reentry, and progression. The mental health concerns identified here typically follow and intensify as the unemployment experience deepens and lengthens. Regardless of any interventions initiated, it is not unusual for long-term unemployment to lead to more serious mental health concerns. Temporary or short-term unemployment is less detrimental but nevertheless deserving of counseling and therapeutic attention when warranted. Assessing the impact of unemployment and the breadth of the challenges it can create took on a whole new meaning in 2020 when COVID-19 pandemicdriven job losses and furloughs sent shockwaves through the American workplace and the resulting economic downturn that followed witnessed unemployment numbers rising by more than 14 million, from 6.2 million in February to 20.5 million in May 2020 (Kochhar, 2020). As a result, the U.S. unemployment rate, which had reached a record post–World War II low of 3.8% in May of 2020, shot dramatically up to 13% by winter (Kochhar, 2020). Unemployment seems to hit some groups and sectors more severely than others, including youth and young adult workers whose work experiences are passing through the formative stages. Also hard hit are representatives from lower socioeconomic strata, who often have lower levels of educational attainment. Unfortunately, a disproportionate number of women, people of color, older adults, people of varying ability, and people who have been incarcerated find themselves in working sectors hardest hit by unemployment. Further, individuals who have been unemployed for lengthy periods of time have been shown to be at a disadvantage when navigating the job market because their identity of being unemployed is viewed by some employers as a negative reflection of their qualifications and employability. Petrucci and colleagues (2015) reported on the effects of age, length of unemployment, and need for coping behaviors. This problem has grown to the point where the National Conference of State Legislators (2013) determined that some employers only want to accept applications from currently employed or recently unemployed candidates, a trend that has resulted in legislation being enacted or proposed in some states to make such discrimination illegal. Similarly, any underemployed individual whose position in the workforce is not representative of their educational, skill set, and competency level stands a very likely chance of facing discrimination when employers are reducing staff or issuing furloughs. The likelihood of such endings is amplified for any persons who have expressed displeasure over a lack of work engagement or opportunity for career growth and advancement. If there is a silver lining to be found in any aspect of unemployment and underemployment, it would be that persons holding or preparing for better fitting positions can use the period for redirection and makeover. Some observers have suggested that following unemployment, employees tend to work harder and take the security of their positions more seriously, using this emotional or traumatic period as a catalyst for improving their work ethic (O’Connell, 2020).
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A COMPREHENSIVE PROGRAM AND SERVICE APPROACH TO SERVING UNEMPLOYED INDIVIDUALS Any organization, agency, or institutional initiative whose purpose or mission can be interpreted as including programs and services for unemployed individuals should make certain that said operations are of the highest quality and carried out in an effective and resource-efficient (human and fiscal) manner and that steps toward the formation of alliances with correspondingly focused business and public sector entities are sanctioned. Further, responsible program and service sponsors must ensure that the counselors and other professionals and support staff charged with program and service delivery possess the appropriate knowledge, skill set, and competencies required to fulfill their defined function. From a mental health perspective, those competencies can be found in the standards of care espoused by organizations such as the American Counseling Association and the American Psychological Association. In the matter of the career and employment counseling aspects of these service offerings, the competencies and standards espoused by the National Career Development Association (NCDA) and the National Employment Counselors are appropriate for consideration. Collectively, the standards of all of these groups can serve as the professional and ethical framework upon which desired counseling programs and services can be constructed and delivered. The NCDA Career Counseling Competencies statement includes such capabilities as individual and group counseling, assessment, and information dissemination and use, which can serve as guidelines for career counselor training programs or as a checklist for caregivers seeking to acquire or enhance their professional skills (NCDA, 2009). Beyond the competencies of staff members, the effectiveness of programs and services must be the subject of continual evidence-based research to determine what works and to safeguard the inclusion of those components in future delivery systems. The findings of this ongoing appraisal of best practices and other accountability measures must then be shared with active caregivers and administrators via scholarly writings and made a part of future preservice and in-service training. Complementing any of these standards should be appropriate psychoeducation programs aimed at helping unemployed and underemployed individuals learn about strategies (e.g., career decision making) and techniques (e.g., job finding) that will empower clients to proceed positively through engagements with helping professionals. To enable personal growth and learning, programs may wish to make available a fast-paced skill-building education and training component as a means of immediate relief or assistance. As a specific form of therapeutic intervention that combines psychotherapy and education for those who are experiencing mental health and career development issues and problems, psychoeducation can be used with individuals, families, and groups and be implemented on its own or as a supplement or complement to counseling treatment and other interventions.
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A comprehensive view of serving unemployed and underemployed individuals from a mental health perspective includes the following components: • individual and group counseling services, • assessment administration and interpretation services, • information (i.e., human, print, electronic) delivery and resource sharing, and • psychoeducation programming. If delivered strictly from a career development or employment counseling perspective, those basic components could also include the following: • placement and job referral services; • skill-building education and training opportunities; and • group seminars, workshops, and training in job identification and acquisition. Of paramount importance in the design and delivery of assistance to unemployed and underemployed individuals is the inclusion of coping skills leading to the resilience that will guide the client or consumer in their transition back to suitable and satisfactory employment. Referred to as adapting to the new normal during the COVID-19 pandemic, the ability to cope and manage permanent and temporary change is a behavioral task that must be mastered. Similar attention is also required to help unemployed individuals avoid experiencing societal stigmas associated with their job loss and subsequent psychosocial state (Amundson & Borgen, 1987; Guindon & Smith, 2011; McLarnon et al., 2020). Programs and services that have been established to deal with issues such as homelessness, spousal/partner abuse, substance abuse, and other weighty concerns that permeate the mental health agenda of the nation often learn that the issues and problems of their clients and stakeholders are rooted in career and employment issues and challenges, matters that must be resolved or eliminated before moving forward. In reality, the reverse is also true. Many individuals addressing career and employment concerns may find those matters are tied to personal, emotional, learning, and/or social concerns that may not be addressed in other quarters. All of these matters call for increased communication and collaboration among care providers. The preceding information about programs and services should in no way be considered as a one-size-fits-all application of programs and services for unemployed or underemployed people. Whereas some components will be comprehensive and proactive, others will have to be more specific and targeted to the personal needs of niche clients. Delivering programs and services that are effective and accessible is of utmost importance. Such interventions must be both proactive and preemptive, as well as reactive and remedial, in their composition and purpose. In a Third Way report, Mazzara and Horwitz (2014) outlined the operational characteristics that are required to make workplace development activities successful.
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ROLE OF CAREGIVERS AND OTHER HELPING PROFESSIONALS Individuals in transition through the various stages of the career development process, including those facing daunting challenges motivated by job loss and unemployment, often fail to use the programs and services and available resources that will ameliorate these situations. Stationed in a variety of public and private settings, competent and experienced caregivers stand ready to provide both proactive and corrective assistance and developmental support. Counselors, Therapists, and Related Mental Health Professionals A cadre of counselors, therapists, educators, and related mental health professionals is positioned across numerous community organizations, agencies, and institutions to give relief and comfort to unemployed and underemployed people. These professional caregivers deal regularly with anxiety, depression, and other stressors generated by unemployment through identifying symptoms, discovering causes, explaining or teaching effective coping strategies, and engaging in therapeutic interventions that offer corrective solutions (Amundson & Borgen, 1987; Goldsmith & Diette, 2012). Public advocacy groups like Mental Health America and the National Alliance on Mental Illness estimated that the population of American adults diagnosed with a mental health condition currently exceeds 46 million. However, in 2017, less than half of those individuals had accessed mental health services (Leonard, 2020; National Alliance on Mental Illness, 2014). Following is a partial listing of mental health interventions that mental health counselors and therapists must be prepared to address: • work–life balance issues; • personal, emotional cognitive, and social concerns; • marriage, family, and other relationship matters; • alcohol and substance use disorders and addiction; • eating disorders and other wellness concerns; • confidence and security matters; • fears and phobias; • anger management; • grief and loss; • authority issues and interpersonal conflicts; and • unemployment and underemployment matters. Mental health counselors, psychologists, and therapists help their clients understand their feelings and identify issues that affect their mental health. This understanding and mastery is followed by the discovery and practice of
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coping skills and resolution strategies. Additionally, as the detrimental effects of unemployment often extend beyond the unemployed individual and trickle outward to others, including spouses, partners, children, and other family members, they, too, may need to avail themselves of applicable programs and services. Career and Employment Counselors Career counselors—those who specialize in working with clients in support of their career development needs—are found in the various settings where counseling services are offered but are also situated in private practice settings, community organizations (e.g., B’nai B’rith, a vocational Jewish service organization), and educational institutions, where they are most likely to be found in career planning and placement centers. A growing number of schools and colleges are offering the services of these facilities to graduates and community members as well. Following is a representative list of interventions that those specializing in career counseling, as well as those associated with human resources initiatives, are likely to address: • general career growth, mobility, and maintenance; • work–life balance issues; • continuing education and training; • major career makeovers and adjustments; • aptitude, achievement, interest, personality, and related assessments; • job identification, acquisition, and entry; • workplace entry and orientation; and • late career adjustment and retirement planning. Finally, employment and placement counselors who focus specifically on the needs of unemployed individuals can be found in government agencies at both the federal (e.g., Veterans Affairs) and state/local (e.g., Virginia Employment Commission) levels. Employee Assistance Program Counselors Employee assistance programs (EAPs) in employment settings under the human resources umbrella have brought career development assistance directly into the workplace for those employees in need and have more than justified the return on investment made by sponsoring employers. Where comprehensive EAPs have been offered in the workplace, the following outcomes have been observed:
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• greater employee retention through the creation and maintenance of a positive employment culture and climate; • resolution of personal mental health issues before they reach problematic stages; • improved team building and group participation; • enhanced worker engagement, resulting in increased productivity and performance; • decreased absenteeism and tardiness; • reduced accidents and fewer workers compensation claims; • reduced medical claims due to earlier identification and treatment of mental health and substance use issues; • smoother transitions during times of closings, mergers, downsizing, and the like (Burtnett, 2020). Additionally, those seeking to recover from unemployment or job loss can turn to both formal and informal entities for targeted assistance. These include search and staffing professionals and recruiters, whose specific role is the connecting of competent, qualified candidates with workforce vacancies. Recent technological innovations have included electronic job boards and related internet-driven instruments that assist with job placement. Finally, participation in career, professional, trade, or other work-related organizations (national, state, and local) and various social media (e.g., LinkedIn, Facebook, Indeed) networks will often offer the connectedness that leads unemployed individuals on the path back to the workplace. Too often, job seekers and changers fail to utilize the talented people and competent services that can take them from one career development stage on to the next.
CONCLUSION Unemployment and underemployment in America represent a blemish of significant magnitude, one that will not be eliminated or alleviated solely by job creation, education and training reform, and other macro solutions. Relevant attention to the needs of the victims of unemployment requires the ongoing design and delivery of comprehensive programs and services that address both career and human growth and development. Counselors, therapists, and related caregivers are uniquely positioned to serve the many personal, emotional, cognitive, social, and related needs of those experiencing job loss and any consequential unemployment. Their programs and services must be of the highest quality and capable of reaching every individual for whom they are intended. Understanding the impact that unemployment has on the wellness and development of its victims—followed by
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assertive action to address their needs—represents the first step to the reduction and elimination of this omnipresent concern.
REFERENCES The Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967, Pub. L. No. 90-202, 29 U.S.C. § 621 (1967). https://www.eeoc.gov/statutes/age-discrimination-employment-act1967 Alam, S., & Bose, B. (2021). The Great Recession and physical inactivity of young adults. Journal of Lifestyle Medicine. Advance online publication. https://doi.org/ 10.1177/15598276211008400 Amundson, N. E. & Borgen, W. A. (1987). Coping with unemployment: What helps and what hinders. Journal of Employment Counseling, 24(3), 97–106. https://doi.org/ 10.1002/j.2161-1920.1987.tb00222.x Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2021, January 8). The employment situation—December 2020. U.S. Department of Labor. https://www.bls.gov/news.release/archives/empsit_ 01082021.pdf Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2022, September 2). The employment situation—August 2022. U.S. Department of Labor. https://www.bls.gov/news.release/archives/empsit_ 09022022.pdf Burtnett, F. (2018). Essential career readiness skills. Employment Marketplace. Burtnett, F. (2019). Career errors: Straight talk about the steps and missteps of career development (2nd ed.). Rowman & Littlefield. Burtnett, F. (2020). Employee assistance programs: Now more than ever. Employment Marketplace. https://www.eminfo.com/articles-employee-assistance-programsnow-more-than-ever-645.php Council for the Accreditation of Counseling and Related Educational Programs. (2016). 2016 CACREP standards. http://www.cacrep.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/2016Standards-with-citations.pdf Gallup. (n.d.). How to improve the employee experience. Workplace. https://www. gallup.com/workplace/323573/employee-experience-and-workplace-culture.aspx Gascon, C. S. (2020). COVID-19: Which workers face the highest unemployment risk? On the Economy. Federal Reserve Bank of St Louis. https://www.stlouisfed.org/ on-the-economy/2020/march/covid-19-workers-highest-unemployment-risk Glassdoor. (2015). Q3 2015 U.S. employment confidence survey. https://media.glassdoor. com/pr/press/pdf/ECS-Q32015-Supplement.pdf Goldsmith, A. H., & Diette, T. M. (2012). Exploring the link between unemployment and mental health outcomes. American Psychological Association. https://www.apa.org/pi/ ses/resources/indicator/2012/04/unemployment Guindon, M. H., & Smith, B. (2011) Emotional barriers to successful reemployment: Implications by counselors. Journal of Employment Counseling, 39(2), 73–82. https:// doi.org/10.1002/j.2161-1920.2002.tb00839.x Herr, E. L. (1989). Career development and mental health. Journal of Career Development, 16(1), 5–18. https://doi.org/10.1177/089484538901600102 Kochhar, R. (2020). Unemployment rose higher in three months of COVID-19 than it did in two years of the Great Recession. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/ fact-tank/2020/06/11/unemployment-rose-higher-in-three-months-of-covid-19than-it-did-in-two-years-of-the-great-recession/ Leonard, J. (2020). How can mental health counselors help? Medical News Today. https://www.medicalnewstoday.com/articles/mental-health-counselor
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Mazzara, A., & Horwitz, G. (2014). The 7 habits of highly effective workplace development programs. Third Way. https://www.thirdway.org/report/the-7-habits-of-highlyeffective-workforce-programs McLarnon, M. J., Rothstein, M. G., & King, G. A. (2020). Resiliency, self-regulation, and reemployment after job loss. Journal of Employment Counseling, 57(3), 115–129. https://doi.org/10.1002/joec.12149 Mogull, R. C. (1973). A primer on unemployment. Journal of Employment Counseling, 10(1), 11–16. https://doi.org/10.1002/j.2161-1920.1973.tb01122.x National Alliance on Mental Illness. (2014). Road to recovery: Employment and mental illness. https://nami.org/Support-Education/Publications-Reports/Public-PolicyReports/RoadtoRecovery National Association of Colleges and Employers. (2021). Competencies for a career-ready workforce. https://www.naceweb.org/uploadedfiles/files/2021/resources/nace-careerreadiness-competencies-revised-apr-2021.pdf National Career Development Association. (2009). Career counseling competencies. https:// ncda.org/aws/NCDA/pt/sp/compentencies_career_counseling National Conference of State Legislators. (2013) Discrimination against the unemployed: 2013 legislation. https://www.ncsl.org/research/labor-and-employment/ discrimination-against-the-unemployed.aspx O’Connell, B. (2020). Silver linings: Managers see upsides during the pandemic. Society for Human Resource Management. https://www.shrm.org/resourcesandtools/hr-topics/ people-managers/pages/coronavirus-silver-linings-.aspx Parsons, F. A. (1909). Choosing a vocation. Houghton-Mifflin. Petrucci, T., Blau, G., & McClendon, J. (2015). Effect of age, length of employment, and problem-focused coping on positive reemployment expectations. Journal of Employment Counseling, 52(4), 171–177. https://doi.org/10.1002/joec.12022 Shelton, B. K. (1985). The social and psychological impact of unemployment. Journal of Employment Counseling, 22(1), 18–22. https://doi.org/10.1002/j.2161-1920.1985. tb00808.x Simmelink, M. N. (2009). Understanding grief in the context of job loss and lifestyle adjustment. Career Convergence. National Career Development Association. https:// www.ncda.org/aws/NCDA/pt/sd/news_article/5232/_PARENT/CC_layout_details/ false Super, D. E. (1980). A life-span, life-space approach to career development. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 16(3), 282–298. https://doi.org/10.1016/0001-8791(80)90056-1 Tang, M., Montgomery, M. L., Collins, B., & Jenkins, K. (2021). Integrating career and mental health counseling: Necessity and strategies. Journal of Employment Counseling, 58(1), 23–35. https://doi.org/10.1002/joec.12155 World Economic Forum. (2016). The future of jobs. https://reports.weforum.org/futureof-jobs-2016
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W
ork is an important milestone and protective factor in adulthood, including for individuals with disabilities and chronic health conditions. The benefits of employment extend beyond financial security and income; work also contributes to an individual’s independence, community participation, sense of purpose and accomplishment, well-being, and quality of life. Thus, absence of work or the loss of the ability to work can affect one’s identity, self-esteem, self-worth, social connections, and purpose. Individuals with disabilities face multiple challenges and barriers in finding and maintaining employment. The impact of disability on work experience depends on a myriad of factors beyond the disability or health condition, such as the nature of the job (e.g., tasks, roles, hours, demands), the work environment and culture (e.g., company’s disability policy and compliance, physical accessibility, coworker/supervisor attitudes, structural ableism), available resources (e.g., social support, transportation, assistive technology, symptom/health management, on-the-job supports), and barriers to work (e.g., depression, internalized ableism, medication side effects, job dissatisfaction, legal issues). According to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the U.S. Census Bureau, approximately one in four Americans, about 61.4 million American adults, are currently living with a disability (Okoro et al., 2018). Individuals with disabilities are a large and growing minority group in the United States, second only to combined ethnic groups (Taylor, 2018). According to the U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics (2020), 30.9% of individuals with a disability age 16 to 64 are employed compared with 74.6% of people https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-026 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 553
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without a disability. Based on the Americans With Disabilities Act (ADA) of 1990 and the ADA Amendments Act of 2008 (ADAAA), disability is defined as a physical or mental impairment that substantially limits a major life activity, having a record of such impairment, or being regarded as having such impairment because of an actual or perceived physical or mental impairment. The ADA and ADAAA have notably broadened the definition of disability.
MODELS OF DISABILITY Views on the nature of disability have evolved over time, which is reflected in the evolution of theoretical models and definitions of disability. Although current theories focus on an ecological perspective of disability, clients and psychologists may hold beliefs about disability that are influenced by religious, cultural, and medical beliefs. Psychologists’ awareness of these beliefs and how they affect clients’ work experiences is important to facilitating improved clinical processes and outcomes. Similarly, psychologists, clients, and families may embrace different disability models, resulting in specific beliefs and behavior that may not align. It is imperative that psychologists understand the potential influence of their own and their clients’ paradigms when establishing and maintaining a therapeutic relationship and weighing clinical decisions. Several models of disability in the literature that have different therapeutic implications are described next. Medical Model The medical model conceptualizes disability as a condition stemming solely from a disease or disorder that requires medical intervention to “cure,” eliminate, or “fix” (Falvo & Holland, 2018). This model is often used to determine eligibility for educational, vocational, financial, legal, and government entitlement programs (e.g., Social Security Disability Insurance, Supplemental Security Income; Chan et al., 2005). Although this model has advanced understanding of illness and disease etiology, process, and survival rates, it focuses on diagnostic labels, deficits, limitations, and medical treatments for a cure. This perspective ignores an individual’s potential and abilities and fails to recognize the degree to which abilities may be hampered or enhanced by the environment. Social Model The social model views disability as a social construct and considers it part of cultural diversity instead of biological deficiency. It posits that health conditions are not inherently disabling; rather, societal exclusion and inaccessible environments (e.g., lack of entrance ramp and Braille signage) make them so (Bingham et al., 2013). It also illuminates how environments may impede or facilitate individual functioning by creating or removing barriers to participation and empha-
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sizes social and functional accommodations. Thus, society is responsible for social change and taking political action that promotes universal access and prevents discrimination and injustices (Bingham et al., 2013). Examples include using universal design to create accessibility for everyone in the workplace, encouraging individuals with disabilities to make their own career decisions, educating the public and employers about disability issues, implementing policies to improve diversity and inclusion in the workplace, and enforcing laws to ensure equitable access to employment (Smart, 2004). The social model is grounded in the disability rights movement, and self-advocacy is a critical component. In this model, a psychologist can facilitate a client’s positive disability identity and self-advocacy skills or consult with others to ensure that clients have adequate accommodations, opportunities for participation, and a voice in decision making. Biopsychosocial Model The biopsychosocial model was introduced and emphasized in the past few decades to expand our understanding of disability from the narrow perspectives of the medical and social models. It includes salient aspects from both the medical and social models and posits that disability is a complex interaction of biological, psychological, and social factors (Falvo & Holland, 2018). As such, the biopsychosocial model implies that many factors beyond the health condition itself determine the functional impact and level of one’s disability. The World Health Organization’s International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health (ICF) is a classification of health and health-related domains and the world’s leading biopsychosocial approach to conceptualizing health and disability (Peterson & Rosenthal, 2005). ICF places a positive focus on function and health, emphasizing the integration of health conditions and personal, societal, and environmental factors. Rather than viewing disability as a personal attribute directly caused by disease or injury and requiring correction, ICF addresses disability as a social construct and promotes the concept of disability as the result of assets or barriers found within the social or physical environment. ICF’s emphasis on the effects of person–environment (P-E) contextual factors on functioning and participation makes it an ideal vocational rehabilitation framework in vocational assessment, rehabilitation planning, and the provision of evidence-based vocational interventions. It provides a thorough understanding of these complex factors and their interaction effects on employment outcomes for psychologists to better understand the dynamics of disability and work so that effective interventions can be developed to address the employment disparities facing individuals with disabilities (Sung et al., 2020).
PSYCHOLOGISTS’ ROLE IN DISABILITY AND WORK Psychologists not only are responsible for understanding relevant theoretical underpinnings in career psychology but also need to become familiar with how
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disability influences an individual’s psychosocial well-being and overall wellness. It is important for psychologists to learn the best practices in working with individuals with disabilities, including the selection of quality assessment measures; adoption of evidence-based treatment/intervention approaches; advocacy of reasonable workplace accommodations; and appropriate integration of disability-related issues into research, assessment, intervention, consultation, and advocacy that are relevant to the employment service areas. All individuals have the right to work on an equal basis with others, which includes the right to the opportunity to gain a living by work freely chosen or accepted in a labor market and work environment that is open, inclusive, and accessible. It is important for psychologists to safeguard and promote the realization of the right to work by taking appropriate steps, including (a) collaborating with other disciplines to enable persons with disabilities to have effective access to general technical and vocational guidance programs, placement services, and vocational and continuing training; (b) protecting the rights of persons with disabilities to just and favorable conditions of work (e.g., opportunities, remuneration for work, safe and healthy working conditions); (c) ensuring that reasonable accommodation is provided to persons with disabilities in the workplace and that they are able to exercise their labor and trade union rights; (d) promoting employment opportunities and career advancement for persons with disabilities in the labor market, as well as employment assistance; (e) promoting employment of persons with disabilities in both public and private sectors; (f) educating the public (e.g., employers and employees) about disability issues and promoting positive attitudes toward workplace diversity and inclusion; and (g) familiarizing themselves with disability- and employment-related laws and policies to enforce equitable access to employment and protection. For instance, to facilitate successful return to work, a client with a traumatic brain injury may need accessible community support, assistive technology, and reasonable accommodations in the workplace as well as interventions to ensure psychosocial adjustment to work-related demands and stress. Psychologists may play a critical role in conducting assessments to gather information about the client’s cognitive and psychosocial functioning, providing interventions for individuals who experience mental health issues, and facilitating the return-to-work process with an interdisciplinary team of professionals. On the other hand, supporting the school-to-work transition of a high school student with autism spectrum disorder requires collaborating with the family and school team. Psychologists may play an important role in conducting psychoeducational assessments, making recommendations to the transition team, providing psychosocial interventions, and working with families to treat mental health and/or behavioral issues.
CAREER DEVELOPMENT THEORIES Several theoretical frameworks explain the important areas of career development, including occupational choice, work readiness, adjustment to work, and
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the progression of career-related goals and behaviors. This section provides an overview of the major career development theories in the field and their applications to those with disabilities. Please refer to Chapters 1 and 2 for details about Holland’s theory of career choice, work adjustment theory, and social cognitive career theory. Social Learning Theory of Career Decision Making Krumboltz’s (1979) social learning theory of career decision making applies Bandura’s (1977) social learning theory to career development. Four factors that are thought to interact and influence career decision making over one’s lifespan: genetic endowment and special attributes (e.g., inherited qualities that may set limits on individual career opportunities), environmental conditions and events (e.g., social, cultural, and political/economic circumstances), learning experiences (e.g., instrumental and associative), and task approach skills (e.g., problem-solving skills and work habits an individual has developed). Work Readiness Theory Understanding an individual’s readiness to work is important. The work readiness theory explains that individuals go through the five stages of change based on Prochaska and DiClemente’s stages of change model (Prochaska et al., 1992) in regard to employment: precontemplation, contemplation, preparation, action, and maintenance. In the precontemplation stage, individuals are unaware of their barriers to work and have little intention to work in the foreseeable future. Individuals in the contemplation stage are aware of their barriers to work and may consider how to make changes about work. In the preparation stage, individuals begin to think about and move toward changing problematic behavior in order to pursue work. In the action stage, individuals are engaged in job-seeking behavior and taking the steps to become employed. Maintenance involves maintaining the behavior change related to employment. INCOME Framework of Career Development The INCOME framework is a theory specific to individuals with disabilities and diverse populations (e.g., gender, race, cultural background, sexual orientation, disability status; Hershenson, 2010). INCOME consists of six statuses: Imagining, iNforming, Choosing, Obtaining, Maintaining, and Exiting (Hershenson, 2010). In the Imagining status, persons with disabilities become aware of the concept of work and which occupations may be a good fit based on their own resources, abilities, and opportunities. In the iNforming status, individuals develop a clearer understanding of their interests, ambitions, abilities, resources, and limitations, as well as conditions of success, pros and cons, compensation, opportunities, and prospects in different lines of work. After obtaining more information about themselves and work, individuals with disabilities can determine whether a job
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will be a good match. The Choosing status occurs when an employment seeker selects a job or educational program and understands the requirements and steps necessary to work toward that job. In the Obtaining status, people seek and obtain employment, usually the occupation of their choice or a closely related one. The Maintaining status involves the process of adapting to, performing in, and sustaining a job. The match between the needs of the person and the work environment influences successful outcomes. The length of time a person stays in a job varies depending on the quality of the job match. Finally, the Exiting status involves the process of thinking about or leaving one’s current job. Ways of exiting a position include not only getting fired or retiring but also being promoted or departing voluntarily. A person may leave a position involuntarily for various reasons, such as poor job performance, obtaining another position for upward mobility, the employer downsizing, or reaching mandatory retirement age. Nonetheless, voluntary exiting may occur when a person is not satisfied with the current position, the company lacks opportunities for advancement, or there are intolerable workplace conditions. Individuals with disabilities may be in this status several times during their career and may consider exiting when in other statuses.
ASSESSMENT IN VOCATIONAL REHABILITATION PROCESS Conducting assessments is a main role of psychologists to help clients with disabilities understand and develop career choices and goals, assess work readiness, and find a career consistent with their interests, abilities, and values. It is important for psychologists to assess different areas related to an individual’s work readiness, job interests, abilities, and the work environment to maximize the likelihood of long-term employment success. Results from career assessment provide reliable and valid data to (a) generate vocationally relevant information about an individual’s current levels of social, educational, psychological, and physiological functioning; (b) estimate an individual’s potential for behavior change and skill acquisition; (c) determine an individual’s most effective learning style; (d) identify possible jobs an individual can perform with and without support; (e) identify education or special training programs that might increase an individual’s vocational potential; and (f) identify community support services that could facilitate job retention following successful job placement (Rubin & Roessler, 2008). This process consists of assessing the relationship of an individual’s skills, abilities, personality characteristics, and physical abilities to perform required job tasks. Cognitive The link between cognitive abilities and job performance is long-standing. General cognitive abilities are thought to be one of the best overall predictors of job performance (Gottfredson, 2003). Psychologists can use results from cognitive testing to understand information about an individual’s cognitive abilities and,
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thus, the training, education, and occupations for which they will be competitive. Commonly used cognitive tests in the vocational process include the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale, fourth edition (WAIS-IV; Wechsler et al., 2008), the Woodcock–Johnson Tests of Cognitive Abilities, fourth edition (WJ-IV; Schrank, McGrew, & Mather, 2014), and the Stanford–Binet Intelligence Scales, fifth edition (SB-5; Roid & Pomplun, 2012). In addition, specific cognitive instruments are used for various disabilities. For example, the Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test, fifth edition (PPVT-5; Dunn & Dunn, 2018) may be applicable for individuals with intellectual disabilities; the Slosson Intelligence Test–Revised, fourth edition (SIT-4; Slosson et al., 2017) may be applicable for individuals with visual impairments, reading difficulties, and physical disabilities; the Raven’s Progressive Matrices, Clinical Edition (Raven, 2017) may be applicable for individuals with physical or emotional disabilities; and the Beta-4 (Kellogg & Morton, 2016) may be applicable for individuals with reading difficulties or who are nonnative English speakers. Achievement Achievement testing is used to evaluate specific information that an individual has learned throughout their education and life to provide academic and career-related findings. Psychologists can assess an individual’s verbal and numerical skills (e.g., word reading, reading comprehension, spelling, mathematics), as these skills are often related to job efficiency. Commonly used achievement tests include the Wide Range Achievement Test, fifth edition (WRAT-5; Wilkinson & Robertson, 2017); the Wechsler Individual Achievement Test, fourth edition (WIAT-4; Wechsler, 2020); the Woodcock–Johnson IV Tests of Achievement (WJ IV-ACH; Schrank, Mather, & McGrew, 2014); the Peabody Individual Achievement Test–Revised/Normative Update (PIAT-R/NU; Markwardt, 1989); and the Adult Basic Learning Examination, second edition (ABLE-2; Karlsen & Gardner, 1986). Assessing academic achievement is helpful when clients with disabilities have had limited educational experiences and basic reading and arithmetic abilities need to be understood for possible training. Personality Personality assessments provide information about an individual’s unique patterns of thinking, feeling, and behaving. Many employers rely on information from personality tests to understand an individual’s emotional, interpersonal, motivational, and attitudinal characteristics to determine how they will fit in on the job (Calvasina & Calvasina, 2016). Personality tests are typically given during a preemployment screening process. Commonly used personality tests include the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory, third edition (MMPI-3; Ben-Porath & Tellegen, 2020); the Myers–Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI; Myers et al., 2003); the Sixteen Personality Factor Questionnaire (16PF; Cattell et al., 2003); the California Psychological Inventory (CPI; Gough & Bradley, 2005;
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Megargee, 2009); and the NEO Personality Inventory-3 (NEO-PI-3; McCrae & Costa, 2010; McCrae et al., 2005). Aptitude Aptitude tests are used to assess individuals’ skills and abilities. They can be used to understand an individual’s specific abilities that predict the likelihood of learning and achieving knowledge or skills needed for success in a specific job. There are several commonly used aptitude tests. The Armed Services Vocational Aptitude Battery (ASVAB; Jensen, 1985) is the most widely administered multiple-aptitude battery to select and classify potential military recruits. The Differential Aptitude Tests, fifth edition, Form C (DAT; Bennett et al., 1990) is used for vocational and educational counseling. The O*NET Ability Profiler is a freely available instrument used to measure nine different abilities. These aptitude tests usually measure skills and abilities related to the world of work, such as verbal ability, arithmetic reasoning computation, spatial ability, form perception, clerical perception, motor coordination, manual dexterity, and finger dexterity. Functional Capacity Assessment of functional capacity can provide a deeper understanding of an individual’s abilities and limitations related to work performance. Understanding this prior to the job search process can provide more congruent job options based on what roles, duties, and responsibilities an individual can actively perform on the job. A functional capacity evaluation (FCE) assesses an individual’s capacity to perform work activities and compares an individual’s health status and body functions and structures with the demands of the job and the work environment. The primary purpose of FCE is to evaluate an individual’s ability to participate in work. A well-designed FCE should consist of a battery of standardized assessments that offers results in performance-based measures and demonstrates predictive value about the individual’s capability to work and/or ability to return to work after injury (Kuijer et al., 2012). Traditionally, FCEs measured an individual’s ability to perform the physical demands of a job, but over the last decade many FCE batteries have begun to include evaluation of cognitive demands if such testing is warranted. Vocational Interest and Values Vocational interest and values assessments are used to identify jobs that align with an individual’s interests and values, which can predict job satisfaction. It is important to consider the match between an individual’s interests, as well as extrinsic and intrinsic rewards that a job provides in order to improve an individual’s job satisfaction (Rubin & Roessler, 2008). There are a number of commonly used interest inventories. The Strong Interest Inventory (SII; Donnay et
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al., 2004) is one of the oldest and most scientifically developed interest surveys measuring interest in occupations, school subjects, work activities, leisure activities, types of people, and personal characteristics. It yields scores and scales based on Holland’s RIASEC model. The Standard Self-Directed Search (Standard SDS; Holland & Messer, 2017) is also based on Holland’s theory. It is a self-administered, self-recorded, and self-interpreted vocational counseling tool that yields a score for each of the six personality types. The Reading-Free Vocational Interest Inventory, third edition (RFVII-3; Synatschk & Becker, 2020) is commonly used for those with intellectual or learning disabilities as there is no requirement for reading. The Minnesota Importance Questionnaire (MIQ; Rounds & Armstrong, 2005) and the Job Consideration Scale (JCS; Krause et al., 2020), a validated brief version of the MIQ, are also common tools used to assess an individual’s values. Transferable Skills Transferable skills analysis is a procedure used to determine potential new employment positions when an individual is no longer able to perform a previous job, often due to an injury. Transferable skills analyses are integral to the job-matching process, which includes (a) identifying jobs performed in an individual’s work history, (b) determining residual functional capacity following the injury, (c) searching for occupations that match an individual’s reduced level of functioning, (d) revising occupational possibilities, (e) assessing the feasibility of selected occupations in a specific location, (f) assessing employability of an individual, and (g) determining the placeability of the individual in a given location (Truthan & Field, 2014). A number of commercially available computer-based systems can assist with this process and provide access to the Dictionary of Occupational Titles and O*NET databases, including SkillTRANOASYS; McCroskey Vocational Quotient System (MVQS); Career A.I.; and Software for Employment, Education, and Rehabilitation (SEER; Truthan & Field, 2014). Situational and Ecological In addition to assessment of an individual’s personal interests, values, abilities, and personality, it is important for psychologists to assess an individual’s job performance and work behaviors. Situational assessments are useful in providing information regarding an individual’s general employability behaviors. Assessments should take place in a realistic but controlled work environment using a systematic work-assessment approach and taking work culture, supervision style, colleague and coworker relationships, and available accommodations into consideration. Results can provide valuable insight regarding how a client will fare in that job and possible supports that may be needed. These assessments gather information regarding an individual’s ability to (a) accept supervision, (b) get along with coworkers, (c) stay on task, (d) sustain productivity for
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8 hours, and (e) tolerate frustration (Mussel et al., 2018). Ecological assessments conducted in the natural setting (e.g., actual work sites) are also useful in evaluating an individual’s ability to meet the productivity demands of that setting under the provision of training or on-the-job supports (Rubin & Roessler, 2008). Work Motivation and Readiness In addition to assessing an individual’s abilities, skills, and vocational interests, understanding their readiness to work is important for informing the selection of appropriate interventions to help move toward work. For example, individuals who do not see work as necessary or are unaware of their barriers to work would require different interventions than those who are actively seeking employment. Understanding an individual’s readiness to work can typically be assessed through interviews with clients, applying Prochaska and DiClemente’s stages of change model (Prochaska et al., 1992). Career Management Career self-management (CSM) is defined as the degree to which an individual regularly gathers information and plans for career problem solving and decision making (Kossek et al., 1998). CSM spans the development of a range of competencies, including labor market awareness and analysis, networking with stakeholders in one’s chosen profession, and successfully searching and applying for relevant positions (Bridgstock, 2009). Studies show that possession of these competencies will better enable an individual to effectively manage their career and make informed career choices (e.g., Jackson & Wilton, 2017). Career decision making is critical and requires forward planning and resourcing. It is important to develop strategies and participate in activities and initiatives (e.g., pursuing a leadership role, joining a professional association, undertaking voluntary work) to accrue evidence of required capabilities and gain positional advantage. CSM is an important factor in making informed and appropriate career choices, which positively links with career well-being and work performance (Gati et al., 2012).
EVIDENCE-BASED INTERVENTIONS There are a breadth of evidence-based practices and interventions that psychologists can use to support and improve employment readiness and outcomes for individuals with disabilities, with the goal of achieving competitive integrated employment. Competitive integrated employment is considered the highest level of employment and is defined as an individual working in an integrated community-based setting, either part- or full-time, and receiving similar benefits, competitive wages, and advancement opportunities as employees without disabilities in similar job positions (Allison et al., 2019).
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Motivational Interviewing Motivation plays a key role in employment success and has been identified as an essential factor in managing medical issues and adjusting to disability, returning to work, and improving psychosocial functioning (Chou et al., 2009). An individual’s motivation increases to the extent that they perceive goals as valuable and achievable and are supported by the environment. Motivational interviewing (MI) is a therapy approach used to help individuals gain understanding and resolve their ambivalence about goal and behavioral change across the stages of change (Miller & Rollnick, 2012). MI is the recommended treatment approach for working with individuals demonstrating ambivalence about finding and maintaining work. It has been broadly applied to rehabilitation psychology, including assisting clients in managing medical issues, facilitating adjustment to disabilities, improving psychosocial functioning, and returning to work. Specifically, using MI psychologists can assess client motivation and can help individuals move from feeling unwilling or unready to work to considering the possibility of working and eventually seeking and maintaining employment (Britt et al., 2018). MI has been shown to be effective in improving client motivation and employment outcomes for individuals with disabilities at this level. Previous studies (e.g., Leahy et al., 2018) have shown that MI can promote a strong working alliance between the client and the therapist, which was associated with successful employment outcomes, job satisfaction for employed consumers, and a more positive outlook on future employment prospects for those who were unemployed. In recent years, state vocational rehabilitation agencies have adopted MI to revitalize vocational counseling and guidance in the federal/state vocational rehabilitation system. As suggested by Wright (1983), psychologists can (a) encourage clients to take small steps toward change and role play work situations that cause anxiety (e.g., employment interviews, on-thejob evaluations), (b) reinforce clients’ efforts toward change, (c) help clients gain confidence by considering potential ways to achieve goals and gain additional skills, (d) directly involve clients in all aspects of decision making related to the employment process, (e) focus on clients’ assets and deemphasize limitations and other negative aspects of the situation, and (f) uncritically acknowledge and explore clients’ feelings when they discount or reject offers of assistance. Disability Disclosure and Impression Management Disability disclosure can be a significant dilemma for individuals with disabilities, particularly for those with less obvious disabilities. Psychologists can work with clients to address if and how to disclose one’s disability at work. It is important to help clients understand the possible benefits and risks of disclosing a disability. In a study of 600 people with disabilities, researchers identified four main themes to consider when disclosing one’s disability at work:
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(a) balancing timing of the disclosure with the need for accommodations, (b) assessing the workplace climate and supervisor relationship prior to disclosure, (c) understanding one’s own disability identity, and (d) considering concerns about possible negative consequences or differential treatment upon disclosure (von Schrader et al., 2014). It is important for psychologists to help individuals with disabilities learn skills to prepare for job interviews because employers may be prone to biases against applicants with disabilities. Teaching impression management (IM) skills and strategies may help individuals with disabilities change employers’ misperceptions about potential challenges related to employment and the workplace. Research in industrial and organizational psychology has indicated that interviewers’ evaluations of job applicants’ suitability are less influenced by academic credentials and work skill factors than by interviewers’ subjective impressions of applicants’ interview performance (Stevens & Kristof, 1995). Previous studies have shown that use of IM was positively related to interviewer evaluations of job applicants and subsequent outcomes, such as a job offer (Sung et al., 2017). For instance, Sung and colleagues (2017) found that IM has a significant positive effect on job interview outcomes for individuals with epilepsy. Therefore, placeability skills training, including social skills and coping skills training, which are central to IM in job interview situations, should be considered important when working on employment goals with individuals with disabilities. IM can be classified into two broad categories: assertive IM tactics and defensive IM tactics. Assertive IM tactics refer to attempts of the job applicant to actively construct an image of themselves as a particular type of person with particular beliefs, opinions, characteristics, or experiences. Defensive IM tactics refer to attempts made by the job applicant to respond to a perceived potential or an actual threat to their image during the interview. Psychologists can consider using IM as a powerful strategy for empowering their clients to combat disability stigma and offset negative perceptions of employers about the potential of this population to be productive workers. Job-Related Skills Training To obtain and retain competitive employment in integrated settings, it is important for individuals with disabilities to develop appropriate specific employability, general employability, and placeability skills (Chan et al., 2005). Specific employability skills are job specific, vary from one job class to another, and are also considered as part of hard skills. Examples include intelligence, aptitudes, temperament, physical capacity, job knowledge, and job skills. Vocational behaviors and skills in specific employability are important in predicting job performance. Conversely, general employability skills, also known as general work personality, are not job specific. General employability skills are required in every job and are also considered as part of soft skills. Examples of these behaviors include grooming and hygiene, professionalism, attendance, punctuality, safety consciousness, interpersonal relationships, frustration tolerance, work
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stamina, and productivity (Chan et al., 2005). General employability behaviors and skills are important in the prediction of job-maintenance behavior. Placeability is often referred to as the degree of sophistication in job-acquiring skills. Although placeability has little to do with the person’s ability to perform a job, it is an important factor to evaluate in rehabilitation because it addresses a person’s ability to obtain a job. Job-seeking behaviors are evaluated in terms of, for example, the client’s resourcefulness, motivation, skills in writing résumés and cover letters, and interview behaviors (Chan et al., 2005). Job-related skills training has been empirically shown to increase employment readiness skills, social skills, coping skills, and job search and maintenance outcomes. It is important for psychologists to focus on two crucial work skill development categories for individuals with disabilities in the workforce: hard skills and soft skills. Hard skills are defined as technical skills and abilities that allow an individual to perform a particular task or job in a specific context (e.g., developing a résumé, using technology to apply for jobs, creating a spreadsheet, organizing merchandise, writing software code), whereas soft skills are interpersonal skills that are transferable across contexts (e.g., socialcommunication skills, positive attitude, responsibility, flexibility, time management, teamwork, work ethic; Robles, 2012). When working with clients with disabilities, it would be helpful for psychologists to emphasize the importance of (a) soft skills to facilitate positive workplace relationships, (b) stress management skills to cope with personal and job-related stress, (c) time management skills to organize and manage time, (d) self-advocacy skills in disability rights and workplace accommodation, and (e) work–life balance to prevent burnout.
Workplace Accommodations According to the Americans With Disabilities Act National Network (2018), A reasonable accommodation is any change to the application or hiring process, to the job, to the way the job is done, or the work environment that allows a person with a disability who is qualified for the job to perform the essential functions of that job and enjoy equal employment opportunities. (para. 2)
Providing reasonable accommodations to individuals with disabilities in the workplace is not only best practice but legally mandated by the ADA. Workplace accommodations and use of assistive technology enable individuals with disabilities to perform the essential functions of the job in an equitable way. They provide benefits not only to employees with disabilities but also to their employers. Specifically, providing job accommodations when needed can reduce employee turnover, increase productivity, limit the cost of new worker training, and reduce absenteeism (Gower et al., 2014). Job modifications or alterations in work tasks or formats are another form of workplace accommodations that can be helpful to maintaining one’s job given functional limitations in the workplace. When accommodations and/or modifications cannot be
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made, or the individual is unable to perform their job with all reasonable accommodations and/or modification, a new job that is aligned with the individual’s functional capacities may be appropriate. The Job Accommodation Network website (https://askjan.org/) is the leading source of free, expert guidance on job accommodations and employment issues for psychologists and other disability service providers. Psychologists can access information related to five categories of job accommodations: disability, limitation, work-related function, topic, and accommodation. In addition, there are 10 regional Disability and Business Technical Assistance Centers (https://adata.org/) to provide technical assistance for employers and disability service providers with ADA compliance and job accommodation issues. Importantly, employer attitudes and ableism can be the most disabling aspects of an individual’s health condition in the workplace. Social factors encompassing broader environmental and sociopolitical components include laws and policies (e.g., ADA, Individuals With Disabilities Education Act, Affordable Care Act); accessibility (e.g., home, health care, workplace, school, community, transportation); products and technology (e.g., computers, internet, phones); climate (e.g., dry, humid, hot, cold); resources and services (e.g., vocational rehabilitation, independent living centers, personal care attendants, counseling); service delivery orientations (e.g., trauma informed, disability justice oriented, mental health recovery oriented); societal attitudes and behaviors (e.g., prejudice, discrimination, stigma, stereotyping, microaggressions); and other environmental factors related to the experience of living in poverty and experiencing trauma, stress, and homelessness. Psychologists must educate their clients on self-advocacy skills and disability and employment laws and policies and advocate for full workplace access with/on behalf of their clients with disabilities. Supported Employment Supported employment (SE) involves helping individuals with disabilities search for competitive employment and mental health treatment concurrently. There is strong empirical support for the effectiveness of SE for individuals with intellectual and developmental disabilities and those with severe mental illness (Wehman et al., 2014). The most popular implementation of SE is individual placement and support. SE involves providing ongoing support services to individuals with disabilities in a competitive integrated employment setting. It is composed of four phases: discovery (i.e., assessment), job development, on-thejob training, and follow-along support. In the discovery phase, assessments, observations, interviews, and job shadowing are conducted to understand an individual’s strengths, interests, and abilities. Information from the assessment is then used to develop a job that aligns with an individual’s strengths and employment preferences. Once a job is developed, individuals receive on-thejob support, including training beyond the typical onboarding process and
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training in using assistive technology and other accommodations needed to succeed in the job. Finally, ongoing long-term support is provided as needed to ensure job maintenance and career progression. Although the role of psychologist in SE is more secondary as compared with occupational therapists, rehabilitation counselors, and other employment specialists, psychologists still have a role in understanding their clients’ vocational needs and work closely with other employment professionals in addressing the barriers to employment that they might be experiencing (e.g., mental health issues).
ETHICAL AND CULTURAL CONSIDERATIONS When working with individuals with disabilities, psychologists should explore and consider the various cultural and ethical aspects that may influence clients’ career development and career decision-making process throughout their lifespan. Ethical Considerations A 2002 American Psychological Association President’s Column identified disability issues as “a challenge for you, me, and all psychologists concerned about including all those with any disability within the caring human community” (Zimbardo, 2002, p. 5). Psychologists should become aware of how their own attitudes, conceptions of disability, and possible biases may affect their professional relationships with clients who have disabilities. A number of important frameworks provide guidance on how to respond to ethical and cultural issues that are likely to arise when psychologists work with individuals with disabilities. For example, Wright (1983) outlined ethical and advocacy considerations in service provision to individuals with disabilities. She also championed what are known as the value-laden beliefs and principles for rehabilitation psychology, which were designed to aid researchers and practitioners working with clients with disabilities (the 20 beliefs and principles also appear in Wright, 1983). Wright’s Value-Laden Beliefs and Principles (summarized in Exhibit 25.1) capture important aspects of psychology and an approach to working with individuals with disabilities. In addition, the American Psychological Association (2022) published Guidelines for Assessment and Intervention With Persons With Disabilities, which are specifically intended for psychologists who work in various settings with clients who have disabilities, including businesses and employment settings; insurance; compensation and legal contexts; and hospital, rehabilitation, and community service settings. It is important for psychologists to consider their own physical, mental, intellectual, and sensory vulnerabilities; embrace inherent differences among individuals with disabilities; minimize barriers to care; and train future psychologists in these endeavors.
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EXHIBIT 25.1
Rehabilitation Psychology Value-Laden Beliefs and Principles 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14.
15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20.
Every individual needs respect and encouragement; the presence of a disability, no matter how severe, does not alter these fundamental rights. The severity of a handicap can be increased or diminished by environmental conditions. Issues of coping and adjusting to a disability cannot be validly considered without examining reality problems in the social and physical environment. The assets of the person must receive considerable attention in the rehabilitation effort. The significance of a disability is affected by the person’s feelings about the self and their situation. The active participation of the client in the planning and execution of the rehabilitation program is to be sought as fully as possible. The client is seen not as an isolated individual but as part of a larger group that includes other people, often the family. Because each person has unique characteristics and each situation its own properties, variability is required in rehabilitation plans. Predictor variables, based on group outcomes in rehabilitation, should be applied with caution to the individual case. All phases of rehabilitation have psychological aspects. Interdisciplinary and interagency collaboration and coordination of services are essential. Self-help organizations are important allies in the rehabilitation effort. In addition to the special problems of particular groups, rehabilitation clients commonly share certain problems by virtue of their disadvantaged and devalued position. It is essential that society as a whole continuously and persistently strives to provide the basic means toward the fulfillment of the lives of all its inhabitants, including those with disabilities. Involvement of the client with the general life of the community is a fundamental principle guiding decisions concerning living arrangements and the use of resources. People with disabilities, like all citizens, are entitled to participate in and contribute to the general life of the community. Provision must be made for the effective dissemination of information concerning legislation and community offerings of potential benefit to persons with disabilities. Basic research can profitably be guided by the question of usefulness in ameliorating problems, a vital consideration in rehabilitation fields, including psychology. Persons with disabilities should be called upon to serve as coplanners, coevaluators, and consultants to others, including professional persons. Continuing review of the contributions of psychologists and others in rehabilitation within a framework of guiding principles that are themselves subject to review is an essential part of the self-correcting effort of science and the professions.
Cultural Considerations Furthermore, it is important for psychologists to recognize social and cultural diversity among individuals with disabilities. Cultural groups may be characterized by (but not limited to) age, sex, class, race, ethnicity, gender identity,
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sexual orientation, disability status/identity, religion/spirituality, immigration status, heritage, and geographic location. Language, physicality, relationship status, work experience, hobbies, and interests are also identified as important cultural factors to consider in client conceptualization (Arredondo & Toporek, 2004). Psychology is often shaped by Western cultural values such as independence, work, achievement, medicine, science, and self-sufficiency (Jezewski & Sotnik, 2005). These values may conflict with values held by those from nonWestern cultures. Culture informs how communities view help seeking, accessing support services, and Western medicine. For example, some non-Western cultures approach health and disability from a metaphysical/spiritual realm, where disability is predetermined by fate and should therefore not be altered through medicine, science, or technology (Jezewski & Sotnik, 2005). In addition, some non-Western cultures believe family should care for those with a health condition, and thus independent living and employment may not be highly prioritized or accepted. To work effectively with clients who have disabilities, it is important for psychologists to consider how a client’s cultural histories, norms, identities, and sociopolitical experiences intersect with their health condition to inform their disability experience. Different racial, cultural, religious, and underrepresented groups may attribute different causes and meanings to disability. Disability-related concepts and perceptions associated with independent living and employment may vary across different groups. Intersecting cultural identities are particularly important to understanding the negative impact of power structures on those from oppressed communities (e.g., economic structures, health care, criminal justice, educational systems). Oppressed cultural communities such as Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer/questioning (LGBTQ) communities are at high risk for chronic illness and disability. In fact, individuals with disabilities are overrepresented among certain ethnic minority groups (e.g., Black, American Indian, and Alaska Native groups) and lower socioeconomic strata (Creamer et al., 2022). Within the context of career psychology, studies show that BIPOC and LGBTQ individuals with disabilities are less accepted, receive less training than those from the majority culture, and achieve less successful employment outcomes (Gates, 2011). These disparities among BIPOC communities can be attributed to disproportionately high levels of poverty and unemployment and disproportionately low levels of formal education and access to quality health care as a result of multiple intersecting forms of oppression (e.g., ableism, racism, heterosexism). Thus, psychologists working with persons from oppressed cultural communities such as BIPOC and LGBTQ communities should be conscientious of these potential psychosocial issues and take an intersectional approach that acknowledges the multiple systemic oppressions experienced by persons with chronic illness and disabilities who are also members of other marginalized groups in order to fully understand how culture influences health, functioning, and disability.
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Application of RESPECTFUL Framework As psychologists check their own attitudes, conceptions of disability, and possible biases, the RESPECTFUL framework can be used. This counseling and development model introduces a new way of perceiving individuals who are seeking assistance from psychologists or counselors and involves two basic assumptions. The first assumption is that the aim of counseling is to develop and enhance a client’s overall improvement. The second involves the recognition that human development is complex, multidimensional, and unique. The RESPECTFUL framework can be applied in the psychology of addressing the needs of individuals with disabilities, especially because of its focus on the following factors: (a) religious/spiritual identity, (b) ethnic/cultural/racial background, (c) sexual identity, (d) psychological maturity, (e) economic class background, (f) chronological/developmental challenges, (g) threats to one’s personal well-being, (h) family history and dynamics, (i) unique physical characteristics, and (j) location of residence (D’Andrea & Daniels, 2001). Not only does each of the RESPECTFUL factors influence the way people view themselves and others, but they also affect the way clients and psychologists construct meaning from different challenges that clients present in psychotherapeutic settings. By being aware of these factors, psychologists can increase their knowledge of important variables that frequently influence their clients’ career development, think more comprehensively and holistically when working with clients from diverse backgrounds, and promote “barrierfree” psychological practices for clients with disabilities.
IMPLICATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH AND PRACTICE The COVID-19 global pandemic has shaped the world of work in various ways, including affecting employment situations. For those with disabilities, finding and maintaining employment was a significant challenge in prepandemic times (Maroto & Pettinicchio, 2014) and may become even more difficult in an already saturated job market with fewer opportunities. There is much speculation about how COVID-19 will shape future work for individuals with disabilities. The scope of psychologists’ involvement in employment for individuals with disabilities will also be affected. Psychologists will likely play a role in areas such as job accommodations in remote office settings, mental health, occupational health and safety, work–family issues, telecommuting, virtual teamwork, job insecurity, precarious work, and disability and employment policy. More research is needed to inform practices addressing the impacts of COVID-19 for work processes that affect individuals with disabilities currently and in the future. It is time for psychologists to take a proactive role and consider developing, validating, utilizing, and/or adapting assessment and treatment plans in the new world of work. Given the significant impacts on employment for individuals with disabilities, it is important for psychologists to work with other employ-
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ment professionals to develop support plans for this population and explore or develop new employment opportunities that allow for telecommuting or other distance work. In addition, there is an immediate need for psychologists to help individuals with disabilities develop strategies for better self-care, stress management, and support seeking to help navigate the various challenges and minimize the vocational inequalities between individuals with and without disabilities (Pellicano & Stears, 2020).
CONCLUSION Psychologists play a significant role in the career development of individuals with disabilities. Providing quality assessment; utilizing evidence-based treatment/intervention approaches; advocating for clients; and integrating disability-related issues into research, assessment, intervention, consultation, and advocacy are essential practices of psychologists. Applying career development theories and related cognitive, psychological, personality, educational, and vocational assessments is beneficial to guide psychologists in assessing work readiness and employment-related support needs of individuals with disabilities. Throughout the disability rehabilitation process, implementing skills training to teach different strategies (e.g., stress management, time management, emotional regulation) and practical tools are essential to ensure employment success for individuals with disabilities. Given the complex employment needs of individuals with disabilities and the evolving business needs of employers, it is important for psychologists to be familiar with evidence-based employment practices and innovative strategies that are relevant to specific disability populations and employment context in promoting rehabilitation outcomes.
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26 Experiences of Marginalization in Career Development From Education to the Workplace Richard P. Douglass
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any theories within career psychology have focused on an individual’s sense of choice as a major influence throughout the career development process (e.g., Holland, 1959). Such frameworks have focused on the fit between individual personality traits and the work environment without much consideration of outside influences. More recently, however, scholars have noted that factors outside of an individual’s control—such as bullying, discrimination, and harassment, together considered experiences of marginalization—negatively affect a person’s career development and experiences in the workplace (e.g., Duffy et al., 2016). Instead of assuming that individuals can simply choose their path in the career development process, more attention is being devoted to examining the ways that outside forces limit choice. The present chapter builds on this shift within the career development literature in four ways by (a) defining bullying, discrimination, and harassment; (b) reviewing career theories with an emphasis on how recent advancements have begun to focus on these constructs; (c) examining the effects that experiences of marginalization have on an individual’s career development and experiences in the workplace; and (d) discussing implications for this area of career psychology. A limitation of the chapter to be addressed before proceeding is the Western perspective embedded in the concepts explored in the following pages. Many prominent career theories were largely developed with assumptions of privilege. The Western perspective will also be apparent when discussing research related to educational, employment, and wage earnings disparities within the https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-027 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 577
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United States. People across the globe experience marginalization, but readers should use caution when extending the ideas of this chapter to areas beyond the United States and should not assume that the patterns outlined in this chapter are identical across contexts.
CONCEPTUALIZING BULLYING, DISCRIMINATION, AND HARASSMENT Although bullying, discrimination, and harassment all have detrimental effects throughout the career development process—ranging from experiences in school to experiences in the workplace—each construct is distinct and should be uniquely defined. The American Psychological Association (APA) has broadly defined bullying as aggressive behavior intended to cause discomfort or injury to a person (APA, n.d.) and discrimination as the unfair treatment of a group of people based on a variety of characteristics, such as race or sexual orientation (APA, 2019). Lastly, harassment consists of unwelcome actions taken against a person based on personal characteristics (U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission [EEOC]; n.d.-c). Although more nuanced definitions exist for each of these constructs, the definitions offered in this chapter are intentionally broad to highlight that these experiences are not the result of being a member of a specific minoritized group. In fact, individuals are often subjected to compounded experiences of marginalization based on the intersection of multiple aspects of one’s identity (Cole, 2009). Experiences of bullying, discrimination, and harassment at an individual level are informed by various systems that are often outside personal control. Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecological systems theory is a useful framework for understanding the different systems that shape individual experiences. Bronfenbrenner outlined five systems that inform a person’s experiences: microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, macrosystem, and chronosystem. The microsystem comprises the elements of a person’s environment that are most immediate and have a direct impact on them, such as family members or school peers, and the mesosystem involves interactions among elements of a person’s microsystem. The exosystem indirectly affects an individual and includes interactions without inputs from the individual (e.g., organizational policies developed without employee input). On a broader scale, the macrosystem refers to systemic factors affecting an individual, such as societal attitudes and values and cultural contexts. The chronosystem was eventually added to the model to represent the element of time as an influence on a person’s development (Bronfenbrenner, 1988). Although intended for rehabilitation psychology, the framework created by Levine and Breshears (2019) highlights how experiences of discrimination occur within each ecological system (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). According to the framework, discrimination often occurs based on multiple aspects of a person’s identity at various levels. For instance, within a microsystem, a person may experience interpersonal discrimination in one setting based on ability status
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and in another based on race. These interpersonal experiences, however, are the result of systemic forces within the exosystem and macrosystems that contribute to systemic issues for traditionally minoritized individuals.
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS The roots of career psychology underscored the necessity of serving disadvantaged people (Parsons, 1909), but many theoretical frameworks have failed to account for issues related to bullying, discrimination, and harassment. Such theories often focused on person–environment fit (Holland, 1959) along with developmental and social constructionist perspectives (e.g., Gottfredson, 2005; Savickas, 2002). Some established theories, such as social cognitive career theory (Lent et al., 1994), as well as some emerging theories (e.g., the psychology of working theory [PWT]; Duffy et al., 2016), have emphasized the role of contextual factors throughout the career development process and work experiences of students, job seekers, and employees. Research from a social-cognitive perspective (Lent et al., 1994) accounts for person inputs and environmental influences when attempting to explain how career interests are developed and are subsequently associated with career choices and actions. Practically, this often results in factors such as gender, race, and age serving as proxies for constructs such as sexual harassment, racial discrimination, and ageism. Instead of using contextual variables to represent experiences of bullying, discrimination, and harassment, the PWT (Duffy et al., 2016) more explicitly focuses on how experiences of marginalization shape the pursuit and attainment of work experiences. Specifically, within the PWT, experiences of marginalization are considered to largely influence the type of work that individuals can obtain. Although the PWT is a newer theory within career psychology, a wealth of research has already demonstrated the negative effects of marginalization (often assessed using measures of bullying, discrimination, and harassment) on attaining decent work (e.g., work meeting criteria such as fair pay and access to health care; Douglass et al., 2017, 2020; Duffy et al., 2017; Tokar & Kaut, 2018). The PWT has been a prominent advancement in the field of career psychology and highlights the importance of accounting for experiences of marginalization within future career research and theory. Although not specific to career development, a conceptual framework specifically identified bullying, discrimination, and harassment as potential predictors of occupational health disparities (Okechukwu et al., 2014). Within the framework, interpersonal and structural injustices within society are posited to create injustices within the workplace, which are in turn proposed to contribute to detrimental physical and mental health outcomes due to an increased exposure to occupational hazards. Also, structural injustices are proposed to contribute to labor stratification in which certain groups are under- or overrepresented across specific occupational categories. This framework parallels the PWT (Duffy et al., 2016) in that experiences of marginalization are thought
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to be responsible for individuals attaining less decent work and subsequently worse general and career outcomes.
ISSUES IN EDUCATION Educational experiences often lay the groundwork for career exploration and development. From a social-cognitive perspective (Lent et al., 1994), for example, learning experiences are theorized to contribute to the development of career interests, goals, and actions. Unfortunately, experiences of marginalization have contributed to disparities in access to quality education, which has resulted in educational inequality within the United States. Rather than focusing on individual experiences of marginalization in the form of bullying, discrimination, and harassment, this section takes a systemic perspective and reviews longstanding issues—and their present-day consequences—within the U.S. education system. The current educational inequities within the United States can be traced back to various systemic issues starting with the origination of the educational system in the country. In 1779, Thomas Jefferson authored a bill suggesting that “all the free children” should be entitled to free tuition for 3 years, with additional education available for families that could afford it (para. 6). The bill, which mainly benefited White students, was eventually passed and provided the foundation for public education in America. The educational opportunities for African Americans worsened in the 1830s when states started to pass laws prohibiting the teaching of reading or writing to free or enslaved African Americans (Akin, 1833; General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia, 1831). Although these antiliteracy laws were pervasive in the Southern states, Northern states were not exempt from discriminatory educational practices. In 1849, the Massachusetts Supreme Court presided over the case Roberts v. City of Boston and determined that public schools in Boston could deny African American children the right to enroll in White-only schools. The Massachusetts ruling served as precedent when, in 1896, the U.S. Supreme Court declared “separate but equal” (p. 552) facilities were constitutional in the case of Plessy v. Ferguson, which resulted in continued widespread segregation within schools. It was not until 1954 during the U.S. Supreme Court case of Brown v. Board of Education that segregation in public schools was deemed “inherently unequal” (p. 495). The landmark decision required the abolishment of segregated schools, but segregation among public schools is still a major issue (Meatto, 2019). A full overview of the development of the educational system in the United States is beyond the scope of this chapter, but educational inequalities have not been limited to racial discrimination. Across history, educational opportunities have also often been restricted based on socioeconomic status, sex, and ability status. The effects of persistent and pervasive barriers to quality education for individuals of traditionally minoritized groups have resulted in substantial issues within the public education system, including achievement gaps among
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non-White and White students. For example, one report based on data from the 2017–2018 school year demonstrated public high school graduation rates by race were as follows: Asian/Pacific Islander (92%), White (89%), Hispanic (81%), Black (79%), and American Indian/Alaska Native (74%; Hussar et al., 2020). The same report revealed disparities in enrollment rates of public 2- and 4-year postsecondary institutions—White students represented 49% and 56% of students enrolled, respectively, whereas Black (14%, 12%) and Hispanic (27%, 20%) accounted for substantially smaller portions of enrollment. Addressing these trends is critical given the essential role of education in entering the workforce.
BETWEEN EDUCATION AND THE WORKPLACE: FINDING A JOB Before detailing experiences of marginalization within the workplace, it is helpful to understand the experiences of individuals attempting to enter the workplace. A common barrier for non-White job applicants is substantially lower callback rates for job interviews, which are typically assessed via field experiments. In one type of design, employers are sent relevant résumés that are identical in all aspects related to job qualifications, but the résumés contain clues regarding the applicant’s race (e.g., racialized names). Another type of design includes sending research participants on actual interviews, where the candidates differ in race but are matched as closely as possible on characteristics related to the job description. A meta-analysis of these types of experiments found that African American and Latinx job seekers received around 36% and 24% fewer callbacks, respectively, when compared with White job seekers (Quillian et al., 2017). At the time of their study, the authors concluded that there has been a modest decline in hiring discrimination against Latinx people over the past 25 years but no change in hiring discrimination against African Americans. These findings remained consistent even after accounting for experimental design, occupational category, labor market conditions, and the educational attainment and gender of the applicants. Other research has included Asian job seekers and has found that, overall, White job seekers can receive up to 50% greater callbacks compared with Asian, Black, and Latinx job seekers (Kang et al., 2016). Such hiring practices are not limited to race, as research in the United States has suggested that about one in three individuals with disabilities attain employment compared with 76% of individuals without a disability (Kraus, 2017; Lauer & Houtenville, 2017), and one review highlighted negative employer perceptions related to sex, age, and sexual orientation (Okechukwu et al., 2014).
OCCUPATIONAL SEGREGATION Discriminatory hiring practices in the United States, in combination with unequal access to education, have contributed to occupational segregation,
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where certain groups of individuals are either over- or underrepresented in certain occupations. This phenomenon is in line with the conceptual framework proposed by Okechukwu et al. (2014), which theorizes that structural injustices (e.g., discriminatory hiring practices) are associated with labor stratification, defined as the overplacement of minority and disadvantaged workers into certain jobs, typically jobs with poor working conditions (e.g., greater occupational hazards) and little autonomy. Occupational segregation is also aligned with the PWT (Duffy et al., 2016) in that lifetime experiences of marginalization—particularly at the systemic level in terms of barriers to education and fair hiring practices—contribute to a lower attainment of decent work among minority workers. Analysis of nationwide survey data in the United States has revealed that Black and Latinx workers are underrepresented across the highest paying occupations in America (e.g., lawyers, physicians; Bahn & Cummings, 2020). Some specific instances of occupational segregation can be seen in findings from the same data, demonstrating that almost a third of all nursing assistant positions are held by Black women and construction occupations are held by a disproportionate number of Latino men (Bahn & Cummings, 2020). There is segregation within occupations as well, one example being the fact that women and employees of color are disproportionately represented among the lowest paying jobs within the restaurant industry (e.g., fast food) compared with higher paying restaurant jobs (e.g., fine dining; Restaurant Opportunities Centers United, 2015). Patterns of occupational segregation do not seem to be declining and are likely to continue to be a serious concern within the American workforce. Gender segregation has been found to be less pronounced within the millennial workforce when compared with previous generations, but one estimate suggested that it would take 125 birth cohorts (i.e., all individuals born in a given year) before gender occupational segregation is fully eliminated (Weeden, 2019). Racial occupational segregation is less pronounced than gender occupational segregation, but analyses of U.S. census data dating back to 1950 have demonstrated no significant decline in occupational segregation based on race (Weeden, 2019). Overall, without changes implemented to address such segregation across occupations, minority workers will continue to be exposed to greater occupational hazards, which contributes to poorer physical and mental health outcomes (Okechukwu et al., 2014).
MARGINALIZATION IN THE WORKPLACE Much of this chapter has focused on systemic discrimination that people encounter throughout the career development process, as opposed to individual-level experiences. This section reviews major findings related to marginalization that individuals experience within the workplace at both systemic and individual levels. Before delving into the research in this area, how-
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ever, it is necessary to describe the legal protections in place for employees. Within the United States, the EEOC enforces federal laws that provide protection against employment discrimination—broadly defined as differential or less favorable treatment based on aspects of a person’s identity, such as age, disability, national origin, race, religion, and sex (U.S. EEOC, n.d.-b). The EEOC considers harassment to be a form of employment discrimination in which an employee experiences unwelcome conduct based on the categories mentioned previously (U.S. EEOC, n.d.-c) but does not make explicit references to bullying. Within the United States, Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 is a major federal law that requires fair treatment across several minority groups. Despite several legal protections for employees, the EEOC receives thousands of complaints each year. The most recent EEOC data from 2019 revealed that—across all complaint categories—there were 72,675 charges filed. The total number of charges may be underestimated due to required arbitration agreements put in place by many employers (Estlund, 2018). This chapter includes a brief review of research related to marginalization in the workplace among the three categories that accounted for the largest percentages of EEOC charges during 2019: disability, race, and sex. Disability From an EEOC perspective, disability is broadly conceptualized as a physical or mental health condition that significantly inhibits major life activities (e.g., learning, walking; U.S. EEOC, n.d.-a). People under this conceptualization of disability status are protected under the Americans With Disabilities Act of 1990, which prohibits discrimination and harassment based on the current presence of a disability or a history of disability. Employers are required to provide reasonable accommodations to applicants or employees who have a disability, such as making the workplace wheelchair accessible. In 2019, the EEOC received 24,238 disability charges, which accounted for the largest percentage (33.4%) of overall charges filed. Workers with disabilities have reported overt and subtle forms of discrimination, including, but not limited to, issues related to promotion practices, reduced responsibilities, and social exclusion (Snyder et al., 2010). Some research has found varying experiences of discrimination across disability status. For example, one study found that employees with mental health disabilities were more likely to experience workplace discrimination than employees with other types of disabilities (Chan et al., 2005). At a structural level, employees with disabilities have reported accessibility issues in the workplace (e.g., restrooms, modified equipment; Engel & Munger, 2003). These experiences of marginalization contribute to ambivalence among employees on whether to disclose a concealable disability status; the ambivalence is often derived from fear of future bullying, discrimination, and harassment related to the disability (Goldberg et al., 2005).
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Race Discrimination based on race or color was the second most reported EEOC charge during 2019, with a total of 23,976 charges accounting for 33% of all charges. Everyday racial discrimination in the workplace is often present in the form of insulting comments, a lack of privileges, or outright mistreatment and is often associated with reduced general and work-related well-being (Deitch et al., 2003). From a meta-analytic perspective, the literature related to workplace discrimination among racial minority groups is vast and consistent: Perceived racial discrimination in the workplace is associated with a host of negative outcomes, including poorer physical and mental health, job attitudes, and organizational citizenship behaviors (Triana et al., 2015). In another meta-analysis, perceptions of race-based mistreatment were greater for Asian, Black, and Hispanic employees when compared with White employees, who reported fewer instances of workplace bullying, harassment, ostracism, and abusive supervision experiences (McCord et al., 2018). The culmination of individual- and macrolevel experiences of marginalization described in this chapter have contributed to an increase in wage inequality between Black and White workers. An analysis of data from the Economic Policy Institute demonstrated that—after accounting for age, education, gender, and geographic region—the wage gap has grown from 10.2% in 2000 to 14.9% in 2019 (Gould, 2020). Thus, although overall wages have tended to increase, this means Black workers made 14.9% less when compared with White workers in 2019. There are also inequalities related to median annual income across sex and race. Data from 2017 revealed the breakdown of median annual earnings was as follows: Asian women ($51,378), White women ($46,513), Black women ($36,735), and Hispanic women ($32,002; U.S. Department of Labor, n.d.). The same pattern can be seen when looking at the median annual income of men during 2017 (albeit with overall greater annual earnings, a trend that is discussed in the next section): Asian men ($67,673), White men ($60,388), Black men ($42,076), and Hispanic men ($38,876). Although wages have mostly climbed over the past several decades, it is clear that there are major inequalities in terms of how employees are compensated. Sex In 2019, the EEOC received 23,532 charges based on sex, which represented 32.4% of their total charges. At the time, sex was narrowly defined by Title VII as only referring to differential treatment of men versus women and did not include protections for sexual and gender minority individuals (Civil Rights Act, 1964). In 2020, however, the U.S. Supreme Court issued a ruling in the case of Bostock v. Clayton County, Georgia that stated that Title VII’s provisions related to sex extend to sexual orientation and transgender status. This ruling represented the first federal protections in place for sexual minority and transgender employees, as previous protections for these groups were at the discre-
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tion of individual states. The Supreme Court’s ruling did not address issues related to bathroom access or dress codes, which may complicate future charges of bullying, discrimination, and harassment in this area. Although women are not the only recipients of sexual harassment, they are most often targeted and endure the most extreme forms; one report found that by the age of 26 about one in three women had experienced sexual harassment in the workplace compared with one in seven men (Blackstone et al., 2018). Contrary to popular opinion, supervisory status has been found to be a predictor of identifying and reporting behaviors as sexual harassment, such that women in supervisory experiences report experiencing more sexual harassment than nonsupervisors (McLaughlin et al., 2012). Sexual harassment among women has detrimental consequences in the form of physical and mental health concerns (e.g., sleep disturbances, anxious and depressive symptoms) and a greater likelihood of changing jobs (McLaughlin et al., 2017; Stock & Tissot, 2012). Mistreatment of women at work is not limited to sexual harassment, as women have been found to experience more workplace incivility— defined as discourteous and rude behavior at work—than men (Zurbrügg & Miner, 2016) and unequal compensation compared with male counterparts. Specifically, in 2017, median annual earnings for women in the United States were $41,977 and $52,146 for men (U.S. Department of Labor, n.d.). Estimates have shown that working women earn between $0.57 and $0.83 for every dollar that working men earn (Gould et al., 2016; Saez, 2018). Sexual and gender minority groups also have a history of consistent experiences of bullying, discrimination, and harassment throughout the career development process (Dispenza et al., 2016) and in the workplace (Sears & Mallory, 2011). Such employees have reported marginalization at work that included physical or verbal abuse, vandalism, unequal compensation, and premature termination (Badgett et al., 2007). Mallory and Sears (2015) reported that 42% of sexual minority employees and 78% of transgender employees had experienced workplace discrimination at some point in their lives. The next several years will prove to be a critical period in the tracking of workplace discrimination based on sexual and gender identity, as structural stigma—defined as societal-level conditions (e.g., a lack of antidiscrimination laws within a state)— has played a significant role in the workplace experiences of sexual and gender minority individuals across states (Hatzenbuehler, 2016). Monitoring of experiences after the Bostock v. Clayton County, Georgia ruling will help to reveal if sexual and gender minority marginalization at work decreases.
LOOKING FORWARD: IMPLICATIONS FOR THEORY AND PRACTICE This chapter has outlined individual- and macrolevel issues that traditionally minoritized groups encounter throughout the career development process, including their experiences in the workplace. There have been some promising advancements related to marginalization among these groups (e.g., smaller
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educational achievement gaps, wage increases, expanded federal protections). Yet many factors still contribute to marginalization of minoritized groups in the process of attaining a job and in the workplace (e.g., educational achievement gaps, discriminatory hiring practices, occupational segregation, wage inequality). The remainder of the chapter is devoted to discussing ways that such issues can be addressed from a career psychology lens. Theoretical Implications Key drivers for future research addressing the role of marginalization in career development will be the utilization and refinement of emerging frameworks (e.g., Duffy et al., 2016; Okechukwu et al., 2014) and the development of new theories designed to address long-standing inequities. Evidence for the utility of new theories to address such issues can be seen in the rapid growth of research among minoritized groups that has been conducted in response to the emergence of the PWT, including research with individuals with chronic illness (Tokar & Kaut, 2018), racial and ethnic minority individuals (Douglass et al., 2020; Duffy et al., 2018), and sexual and gender minority individuals (Douglass et al., 2017; Tebbe et al., 2019). A critical area of growth is for existing and new theories to better account for the structural forces that often limit the career development and working experiences of traditionally minoritized groups. As reviewed in this chapter, many forces outside of a person’s control shape career development (e.g., access to education, discriminatory hiring practices). Theories that emphasize the examination of organizational correlates of systemic discrimination can identify organizational risk and protective factors that may help prevent the marginalization of job seekers and employees. Practical Implications The systemic forces outlined in this chapter illustrate the need for clinicians to deemphasize the personal blame of clients and instead draw attention to the contextual factors that affect a client’s experiences during the career development process. Feminist theories encourage clinicians to explore how external causes contribute to client distress (Brown, 2010; Enns, 2012) and help prevent clients from engaging in self-blame. Helping clients cultivate a sense of critical consciousness—which includes reflecting on systemic inequities—is one way of enhancing awareness of issues such as discriminatory hiring practices and income inequality that may be negatively affecting clients career experiences (Diemer et al., 2017; Watts et al., 2011). Indeed, consciousness raising has been used to garner attention around critical societal issues (Weitz, 1982). Although feminist perspectives are aimed at empowering clients and encouraging them to consider themselves as active agents of change within oppressive social environments (Brown, 2010; Enns, 2012), the responsibility of advocating for social change must not be the burden of clients experiencing marginal-
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ization. In fact, in accordance with APA (2012) competency benchmarks, advocacy is viewed as a necessary role of psychologists. Many of the issues explored here will not be resolved without substantial political and organizational efforts. Psychologists are responsible for utilizing knowledge garnered through career psychology research to advocate for changes to legal and organizational policies.
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Holland, J. L. (1959). A theory of vocational choice. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 6(1), 35–45. https://doi.org/10.1037/h0040767 Hussar, B., Zhang, J., Hein, S., Wang, K., Roberts, A., Cui, J., Smith, M., Bullock Mann, F., Barmer, A., & Dilig, R. (2020). The condition of education 2020 (NCES 2020-144). National Center for Education Statistics. https://nces.ed.gov/pubs2020/2020144.pdf Jefferson, T. (1779, June 18). 79. A bill for the more general diffusion of knowledge. https:// founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/01-02-02-0132-0004-0079 Kang, S. K., DeCelles, K. A., Tilcsik, A., & Jun, S. (2016). Whitened résumés: Race and self-presentation in the labor market. Administrative Science Quarterly, 61(3), 469–502. https://doi.org/10.1177/0001839216639577 Kraus, L. (2017). 2016 disability statistics annual report. University of New Hampshire. Lauer, E. A., & Houtenville, A. J. (2017). Annual disability statistics compendium: 2016. University of New Hampshire, Institute on Disability. Lent, R. W., Brown, S. D., & Hackett, G. (1994). Toward a unifying social cognitive theory of career and academic interest, choice, and performance. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 45(1), 79–122. https://doi.org/10.1006/jvbe.1994.1027 Levine, A., & Breshears, B. (2019). Discrimination at every turn: An intersectional ecological lens for rehabilitation. Rehabilitation Psychology, 64(2), 146–153. https:// doi.org/10.1037/rep0000266 Mallory, C., & Sears, B. (2015). Gender identity and sexual orientation discrimination in the workplace. The Williams Institute. https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/ publications/sogi-discrimination-workplace/ McCord, M. A., Joseph, D. L., Dhanani, L. Y., & Beus, J. M. (2018). A meta-analysis of sex and race differences in perceived workplace mistreatment. Journal of Applied Psychology, 103(2), 137–163. https://doi.org/10.1037/apl0000250 McLaughlin, H., Uggen, C., & Blackstone, A. (2012). Sexual harassment, workplace authority, and the paradox of power. American Sociological Review, 77(4), 625–647. https://doi.org/10.1177/0003122412451728 McLaughlin, H., Uggen, C., & Blackstone, A. (2017). The economic and career effects of sexual harassment on working women. Gender & Society, 31(3), 333–358. https://doi. org/10.1177/0891243217704631 Meatto, K. (2019, May 2). Still separate, still unequal: Teaching about school segregation and educational inequality. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/ 2019/05/02/learning/lesson-plans/still-separate-still-unequal-teaching-aboutschool-segregation-and-educational-inequality.html Okechukwu, C. A., Souza, K., Davis, K. D., & de Castro, A. B. (2014). Discrimination, harassment, abuse, and bullying in the workplace: Contribution of workplace injustice to occupational health disparities. American Journal of Industrial Medicine, 57(5), 573–586. https://doi.org/10.1002/ajim.22221 Parsons, F. (1909). Choosing a vocation. Houghton, Mifflin and Company. Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 (1896). https://www.loc.gov/item/usrep163537/ Quillian, L., Pager, D., Hexel, O., & Midtbøen, A. H. (2017). Meta-analysis of field experiments shows no change in racial discrimination in hiring over time. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 114(41), 10870–10875. https://doi.org/10. 1073/pnas.1706255114 Restaurant Opportunities Centers United. (2015, October 20). Ending Jim Crow in America’s restaurants: Racial and gender occupational segregation in the restaurant industry. https://rocunited.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/7/2022/06/RaceGender_Report_ LR.pdf Roberts v. City of Boston, 59 Mass. 198, 5 Cush. 198 (1849). https://cite.case.law/ mass/59/198/?full_case=true&format=html Saez, E. (2018). State of the union 2018: Earnings. Pathways, Special Issue 2018, 20–22. https://inequality.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/Pathways_SOTU_2018.pdf
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Savickas, M. L. (2002). Career construction: A developmental theory of vocational behavior. In D. Brown (Eds.), Career choice and development (4th ed., pp. 149–205). Jossey Bass. Sears, B., & Mallory, C. (2011). Documented evidence of employment discrimination & its effects on LGBT people. The Williams Institute. https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/ publications/employ-discrim-effect-lgbt-people/ Snyder, L. A., Carmichael, J. S., Blackwell, L. V., Cleveland, J. N., & Thornton, G. C., III. (2010). Perceptions of discrimination and justice among employees with disabilities. Employee Responsibilities and Rights Journal, 22(1), 5–19. https://doi.org/10.1007/ s10672-009-9107-5 Stock, S. R., & Tissot, F. (2012). Are there health effects of harassment in the workplace? A gender-sensitive study of the relationships between work and neck pain. Ergonomics, 55(2), 147–159. https://doi.org/10.1080/00140139.2011.598243 Tebbe, E. A., Allan, B. A., & Bell, H. L. (2019). Work and well-being in TGNC adults: The moderating effect of workplace protections. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 66(1), 1–13. https://doi.org/10.1037/cou0000308 Tokar, D. M., & Kaut, K. P. (2018). Predictors of decent work among workers with Chiari malformation: An empirical test of the psychology of working theory. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 106, 126–137. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2018.01.002 Triana, M. C., Jayasinghe, M., & Pieper, J. R. (2015). Perceived workplace racial discrimination and its correlates: A meta-analysis. Journal of Organizational Behavior, 36(4), 491–513. https://doi.org/10.1002/job.1988 U.S. Department of Labor. (n.d.). Earnings and ratios. https://www.dol.gov/agencies/wb/ data/earnings U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. (n.d.-a). Disability discrimination. https://www.eeoc.gov/disability-discrimination U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. (n.d.-b). Harassment. https://www. eeoc.gov/harassment U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. (n.d.-c). What is employment discrimination? https://www.eeoc.gov/youth/what-employment-discrimination Watts, R. J., Diemer, M. A., & Voight, A. M. (2011). Critical consciousness: Current status and future directions. New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development, 2011(134), 43–57. https://doi.org/10.1002/cd.310 Weeden, K. A. (2019). State of the union 2019: Occupational segregation. Pathways, Special Issue 2019, 33–36. https://inequality.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/ Pathways_SOTU_2019.pdf Weitz, R. (1982). Feminist consciousness raising, self-concept, and depression. Sex Roles, 8(3), 231–241. https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00287307 Zurbrügg, L., & Miner, K. N. (2016). Gender, sexual orientation, and workplace incivility: Who is most targeted and who is most harmed? Frontiers in Psychology, 7, Article 565. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2016.00565
27 Healthy Careers An Occupational Health Psychology Perspective Robert R. Sinclair, Baylor Graham, Lauren Kistler, Meredith Pool, Danielle Sperry, and Gwendolyn P. Watson
W
ork dominates most people’s adult lives; we spend far more of our time working than in any activity other than sleep. Accordingly, work is a major influence on health. In the United States, the Bureau of Labor Statistics (2020) reported that 5,333 workers experienced fatal occupational injuries in 2019, the highest number since 2007. Additionally, tens of thousands more workers die each year from occupational illnesses, and millions more experience nonfatal injuries serious enough to miss at least a day of work. In addition to threatening physical health, work also has a massive influence on mental health. For example, in the annual Stress in America surveys of the American Psychological Association (APA), work has been among participants’ top sources of stress for over a decade (APA, 2017). These occupational health threats affect employers’ productivity and profitability (Mitchell & Bates, 2011). These figures highlight the importance of occupational health as a concern for career psychology. Occupational health psychology (OHP) has emerged as a scientific discipline that focuses on the relationship between work and employee health with the goal of developing theories about the psychological mechanisms that influence employee health as well as implementing interventions that result in safer and healthier workplaces. Our chapter has three goals. First, we provide a brief overview of OHP and describe the concept of work organization as described by the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH). Next, we present the job demands–resources (JD-R) model as a broad theoretical framework for thinking about how the workplace influences https://doi.org/10.1037/0000339-028 Career Psychology: Models, Concepts, and Counseling for Meaningful Employment, W. B. Walsh, L. Y. Flores, P. J. Hartung, and F. T. L. Leong (Editors) Copyright © 2023 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved. 591
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occupational health and career-related outcomes. Finally, a full accounting of the range of OHP scholarship potentially related to career psychology is well beyond the scope of this chapter. Therefore, we describe several trends in occupational health scholarship that have implications for career psychology. These trends fall into three broad areas: economic stress, changing forms of labor, and the experience of work.
OCCUPATIONAL HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY AND WORK ORGANIZATION NIOSH (n.d.) defined OHP as focused on “the application of psychology to improving the quality of work life, and to protecting and promoting the safety, health and well-being of workers” (para. 2). According to Sinclair and Cheung (2015), OHP focuses on social and behavioral processes associated with four broad types of health promotion efforts. Physical injury prevention involves reducing physical harm (e.g., injuries/illnesses). Physical health promotion focuses on promoting healthy behavior and employee wellness. Psychological disorder prevention focuses on addressing the influence of the work environment on mental health concerns. Psychological health promotion emphasizes how work can create positive mental health, such as through having a sense of meaning and purpose at work. Within each of these areas, OHP has a strong orientation toward primary prevention—efforts to prevent health problems by making changes in the work environment rather than the treatment of problems after they occur (Tetrick & Quick, 2011). For example, whereas a mental health treatment provider might focus on helping employees deal with mental health challenges caused by workplace stress, OHP focuses on the role of the workplace as an influence on both negative (e.g., stress) and positive (e.g., career satisfaction) workplace experiences. Work organization refers to “work processes (job tasks, job design) and organizational practices (management practices, production methods, human resource policies) impacting job design” (NIOSH, 2016, p. 1). Contemporary occupational health threats may be viewed as resulting from changes to work organization (Sinclair et al., 2020). The JD-R model (Bakker & Demerouti, 2017) provides a broad framework for discussing how work organization influences employee health by influencing employees’ demands and resources. According to the JD-R model, demands are aspects of a job that require effort to cope (e.g., high workload, changing technology, interpersonal conflict) and that cause people to experience job strain. In contrast, resources help employees perform their job, lessen their demands, or stimulate personal growth (e.g., supervisor support, flexible schedules, new technology that facilitates job performance). Whereas demands impair health by causing strain, resources benefit employees by enhancing their motivation. Although multiple strain and motivation measures can be incorporated into this model, two of the most commonly used measures, which are highly relevant to career psychology, are burnout as a measure of health impairment and work engagement as a measure of motivation.
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Figure 27.1 presents a simplified version of the JD-R model that we used as an organizing framework for this chapter (for further details on the JD-R model, see Bakker & Demerouti, 2017). The overlapping Venn diagrams depict the interrelationships between constructs at various stages of the process. For example, employees often experience multiple simultaneous demands or resources in the three broad categories of demands and resources of changing forms of labor, economic stress, and the experience of work. Similarly, health impairment and motivation are likely to be inversely related. Consistent with prior research, our model takes a broad perspective on career success to include objective and subjective measures of constructs such as job performance, career satisfaction and commitment, earnings, life satisfaction, occupational prestige, and so on (cf. Wang & Wanberg, 2017). We assume that career success will be associated with lower levels of job strain and higher levels of motivation. Exceptions to this broad proposition are certainly plausible, however, as employees may simultaneously experience costs and benefits of working in demanding jobs that involve both high strain and high accomplishment (Cavanaugh et al., 2000). Finally, it is important to note that the JD-R model includes dynamic pathways reflecting how outcomes such as higher job performance may influence one’s subsequent access to resources and experience of demands. This is consistent with a developmental perspective on healthy careers such that career success, demands, and resources should covary over time.
JOB DEMANDS AND RESOURCES We identified 10 issues in the OHP literature that have implications for career psychology. As shown in Figure 27.1, these 10 issues reflect three broad themes in OHP that are relevant to career psychology: economic stress, new forms of labor, and the changing experience of work. We review each of these areas, offering recommendations for future career research as appropriate, and conclude with some practical recommendations about supporting healthy careers through healthy work organization. FIGURE 27.1. JD-R Model-Based Organizing Framework Linking Career-Related Demands and Resources to Health and Career Outcomes
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Economic Stressors According to Voydanoff (1990), economic stress comprises both objective and subjective components that reflect either an employment- or income-related dimension of the worker’s life. This categorization results in four distinct sources of stress. Unemployment is perhaps the most important objective employment stressor. Financial deprivation may be viewed as an objective income-related stressor. Financial strain reflects one’s subjective perceptions of stress. Although research in each of these areas is certainly relevant to career psychology, we focus on two additional economic stressors that we believe require further attention in career psychology: job insecurity and underemployment. Job Insecurity Job insecurity is a type of employment uncertainty that is a subjective and employment-related economic stressor (Probst, 2005). Most current definitions of job insecurity emphasize some degree of perceived threat of the loss of one’s job entirely or of valued features of the job (Shoss, 2017). Job insecurity research distinguishes the cognitive perception of job stability from one’s affective reaction to the possible loss of one’s job. This distinction is important, particularly concerning the discussion of job insecurity moderators because they can act as an explanation of why employees may have quite different hedonic reactions to the same subjective perception of cognitive insecurity (Probst et al., 2018). Researchers also distinguish between qualitative and quantitative job insecurity (Shoss, 2017). Quantitative job insecurity occurs when there is a perceived threat to the job as a whole, whereas qualitative job insecurity occurs when there is a threat to features or quality of the job. For instance, if an individual is experiencing the threat of losing the career development opportunities that their job currently provides, then they would be experiencing qualitative job insecurity. On the other hand, if they feel that their position at work may be terminated completely, they would be experiencing quantitative job insecurity. Depending on the type of job insecurity, the antecedents and outcomes can differ, and consequently we focus primarily on quantitative job insecurity as the primary form of the construct. A variety of factors both at the individual and organizational level can precede the experience of job insecurity. Perhaps the most obvious of these antecedents are organizational changes. For instance, formal layoff announcements, impending mergers or acquisitions, restructuring, and downsizing are all important organizational characteristics that may increase job insecurity (Probst, 2002). Perceptions of job security may also differ by the size of the organization. Research indicates that small- and medium-sized organizations are perceived to be less secure, creating challenges when recruiting new talent (Moy & Lee, 2002). Nonstandard work arrangements, such as temporary or part-time work, are also associated with higher job insecurity (De Cuyper et al., 2008; Probst, 2002).
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In addition to identifying precursors, job insecurity research has found direct and indirect links to an array of consequences that negatively affect employees and their organizations. For example, in reviewing job insecurity, Probst et al. (2018) proposed that job insecurity produces cognitive, affective, and attitudinal reactions that result in reduced employee well-being and negative changes in behavior. Numerous studies also have linked job insecurity to both poorer mental and poorer physical health (e.g., Cheng & Chan, 2008). Both direct and indirect influences of job insecurity have been found on career commitment and career attitude, suggesting a negative relationship (Yoon et al., 2018). However, some individuals cope better with job insecurity than others, moving to grow their career, adapting to career changes, and engaging in proactive career planning (Klehe et al., 2012). Future research in this area should strive to gain a better understanding of why some individuals respond in this way. For example, some individuals may see job insecurity as a reason to further their education and prepare for a career change, whereas others may engage in proactive coping behaviors and strive to protect their job. Research in this area has produced mixed effects that require further investigation (Shoss, 2017). The effects of job insecurity can also extend beyond the employee into their family, as it has been shown to have a negative impact on spouses and children (Westman et al., 2001; Zhao et al., 2012). Thus, job insecurity is important to attend to in psychological research not only due to the vast array of associated health outcomes but because of the organizational, career, and familial implications as well. Underemployment Underemployment generally refers to working in a position that is below one’s capacity or qualifications. Feldman (1996) identified five subdimensions of underemployment. Pay/hierarchical underemployment occurs when workers are paid less or have lower status compared with similarly skilled workers or a former job. Hours underemployment concerns receiving less hours at work than desired or experiencing other types of work-status incongruence, such as the mismatch between the preference for and received full- versus part-time status, schedule, and/or assigned shift. Job field underemployment involves working in an occupation outside of a worker’s field of formal education or training. The last two subdimensions of underemployment, overeducation and skill/experience underutilization, reflect the overqualification of workers based on the extent to which their education level or skills/work experience, respectively, surpass what is required for the job. McKee-Ryan and Harvey’s (2011) review of underemployment highlights its overwhelmingly negative outcomes for job (e.g., job performance, withdrawal behaviors), career (e.g., career satisfaction, career trajectory), and personal outcomes (e.g., psychological well-being, social relationships). Lack of person–environment (P-E) fit is a proposed theoretical explanation for underemployment’s influence on workers. In other words, inconsistencies between workers’ expectations (e.g., pay, hours, field of work) or abilities (e.g., skill,
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education, experience) and the actual job content produce negative consequences for workers. Thus, underemployment is considered to be a job demand that initiates the health impairment processes of the JD-R model and is expected to predict adverse health and career outcomes. Underemployed workers are considered to be less likely to achieve career success than their appropriately employed counterparts. For example, Nabi (2003) found that underemployed recent business school graduates reported less subjective career success (i.e., career satisfaction) and objective career success (i.e., salary) compared with peers who obtained jobs congruent with their abilities and preferences. Underemployment has been found to have lasting effects on career success and may impede one’s career trajectory (Erdogan & Bauer, 2011; McKee-Ryan & Harvey, 2011). A 10-year longitudinal study by Verbruggen et al. (2015) supported the long-term impact of underemployment and distinguished how the obstruction of career success differs by type of underemployment. For example, contingent underemployment (similar to hours underemployment) was negatively related to future wages, and content underemployment (similar to job field underemployment) was negatively associated with job satisfaction over time. Some researchers have directed their attention to coping strategies in response to underemployment. Underemployed workers may cope by withdrawing from the organization and pursuing new job opportunities. For example, Debus et al. (2020) found that overqualification was positively associated with withdrawal behaviors and turnover intentions. They also found that underemployed workers who engaged in job crafting behaviors were less likely to report job withdrawal or turnover intentions. Thus, job crafting offers a potential coping mechanism to mitigate negative career and health outcomes associated with underemployment. Future researchers should continue to explore the relationship between career psychology and underemployment. First, more research should be conducted on underemployment beyond the early career stage. Specifically, underemployed older workers are often ignored in the context of career research (Virick, 2011). With the growth of the aging workforce, future researchers should seek to understand what types of underemployment are more common among older workers and if there are significant differences in health and career outcomes by age. Future researchers should also consider potential benefits of underemployment. Erdogan et al. (2011) suggested underemployment may be perceived as positive when an employee chooses a career that aligns with their values and interests or accepts underemployed roles for the benefits of flexibility and work–life balance. Lastly, future researchers should examine ways to mitigate the negative effects of underemployment. For example, in addition to demonstrating the encouraging role of job crafting, Debus et al. (2020) reported that employees who experienced high levels of autonomy (e.g., a job resource) were less likely to engage in withdrawal behaviors. Thus, evidence suggests that researchers and organizations may be able to counteract the negative outcomes of underemployment with intent to promote better health and career success.
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New Forms of Labor Researchers have recognized that the changing nature of work organization has significant implications for occupational health (Sinclair et al., 2020). One set of these changes concerns new work demands and resources that may either facilitate or detract from career success. We focus on four of these laborrelated concerns: nonstandard work arrangements, job crafting, emotional labor, and the work–family interface. Nonstandard Work Arrangements Drawing from Pfeffer and Baron (1988), George and Chattopadhyay (2017) described three groups of nonstandard workers, including workers who have a limited (a) temporal attachment (e.g., temporary and part-time workers), (b) physical attachment (e.g., teleworkers, individuals working from home), or (c) administrative attachment (e.g., agency workers, independent contractors) to their organizations. Nonstandard work arrangements are differentiated from standard work arrangements such that in standard work arrangements workers are generally expected to be full time, continue indefinitely, and complete their work under the supervision of the employer and at the physical place of employment (Kalleberg, 2000). In contrast, nonstandard workers work temporarily and are outside of the organization either physically (e.g., remote workers) or administratively (e.g., third-party contract workers; George & Chattopadhyay, 2017). Common types of nonstandard workers include contingent workers (e.g., independent contractors, temporary workers), self-employed workers, sharing economy workers (e.g., Airbnb hosts), and platform workers (e.g., rideshare drivers, Etsy sellers). Interest is growing on the occupational health implications of nonstandard work across business, labor, government, and academia (Howard, 2017). Due to their limited attachment to the organization, nonstandard workers may not feel supported by the organization and may not be as affected by the organizational culture. Nonstandard workers often do not receive the same amount of training as standard workers and therefore may not feel safe while completing job tasks (Aronsson, 1999); they also may lack access to personal protective equipment that is necessary to perform job tasks (Cummings & Kreiss, 2008). Additionally, they may not feel comfortable reporting poor work environment conditions or safety hazards, due to concerns about losing their jobs. Nonstandard work arrangements normally do not provide workers with benefits (e.g., health care), legal protection, formal job training, or supervisor support that are often included in standard work arrangements. Consistent with the JD-R model, the precariousness and lack of protection in nonstandard employment arrangements can heighten nonstandard workers’ stress and adversely affect their overall health and well-being (Quinlan et al., 2001). Further, some nonstandard workers are engaged in task-based payment systems, which often result in workers who are insecure, underpaid, and overworked (Quinlan et al., 2001).
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Research has established that temporary work is associated with a broad range of health outcomes. Virtanen et al.’s (2005) meta-analysis indicated an association between psychological morbidity and temporary employment. Kivimäki et al. (2003) found that that temporary employment was associated with higher mortality (1.2–1.6 times higher) than permanent employment. Additionally, results showed that alcohol-related deaths were nearly twice as likely in temporary workers. There also was a lower mortality rate for individuals who moved from temporary employment to a permanent position. Finally, Benavides et al. (2006) found that temporary workers have a higher risk of occupational injuries due to having greater exposure to hazardous working conditions and less knowledge of and experiences with the workplace, tools, and activities. Length of employment affected nonfatal injury incident rates such that the highest rates were observed among workers employed for less than 6 months and the lowest rates were observed among workers employed for over 2 years. It is often assumed that those in nonstandard employment arrangements are less loyal to their organization (Aronsson, 1999). Nonstandard workers have limited physical, administrative, and social attachment to their organizations, which would seemingly correlate with lower levels of commitment. However, research is decidedly mixed on this point. For example, although De Cuyper et al. (2009) found that, as a result of increased feelings of job insecurity and lower perceived employability, temporary agency workers had lower levels of affective organizational commitment, other research has found temporary workers to have higher affective commitment (Van Dyne & Ang, 1998). Similarly, some studies report mixed findings about whether part-time workers’ organizational commitment is higher (Martin & Sinclair, 2007) or lower (Han et al., 2009) than their full-time counterparts. Future research is needed to examine the mechanisms that might account for these differences in affective commitment as well as to extend these findings to studies of career commitment. Job Crafting Job crafting occurs when employees use a bottom-up approach by shaping, molding, and redefining their job in efforts to better align their perceived job characteristics with their expectations of meaningful work (Tims et al., 2012; Wrzesniewski & Dutton, 2001). Employees across various jobs, industries, and hierarchical ranks have been found to engage in and benefit from job crafting behaviors (Bindl et al., 2019). Wrzesniewski and Dutton’s (2001) original conception of job crafting focused on specific types of behaviors involving the modification of work tasks (task crafting; i.e., changing the number, type, or scope of job tasks), work relationships (relationship crafting; i.e., redefining relational boundaries by altering interactions with others at work), and cognitions about work (cognitive crafting; i.e., improving how one thinks about their job to perceive greater meaning in their work). However, Tims et al. (2012) applied job crafting to the context of the JD-R model such that job crafting reflects the employee’s efforts to adjust and balance the demands and resources associated
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with the job with their own needs and capabilities. Tims et al. (2012) described four subdimensions reflecting efforts to increase structural job resources (e.g., skill variety, autonomy), social job resources (e.g., feedback, social support), and challenge demands (e.g., job complexity, work pressure) and to decrease hindrance job demands (e.g., role ambiguity, role conflict). Job crafting has received much attention in the OHP literature and has become an increasingly attractive topic in the field of career psychology. P-E fit theory poses that the extent of congruence between someone’s work environment and their needs and abilities influences their work outcomes such that better career planning, decision making, and adjustment occur with greater P-E fit (Su et al., 2015). P-E fit connects to job crafting because, by definition, job crafting behaviors intend to increase the perceived fit between the employee and their work. This implied relationship between job crafting and fit has been empirically tested and supported in the occupational health literature (i.e., Lu et al., 2014; Tims et al., 2016). Further, evidence supports job crafting enhancing work engagement—a commonly studied motivational process in the JD-R model—through P-E fit as well as other career and performance outcomes (e.g., Dubbelt et al., 2019). Although interest in job crafting and career success is relatively new, the research has been promising. Most literature has examined job crafting as a mediator that translates work characteristics into motivating, meaningful experiences that stimulate career success. For example, Akkermans and Tims (2017) focused on how career competencies influenced job crafting behaviors and subsequent career success (e.g., improvements in perceived employability and the work–home interface) over time. Their findings highlight the importance of career competencies as a precursor to job crafting. Thus, when employees are cognizant of their capabilities, are able to set goals to progress in their career, and know how to express themselves, they are more apt to engage in job crafting and enhance their person–job fit. Research also shows that job crafting is associated with workers’ general health and well-being. In a three-wave study on leadership and job crafting, Kim and Beehr (2018) considered both career success (e.g., career satisfaction and career commitment) and well-being outcomes (e.g., physical health symptoms and depression). Empowering leadership—which embodies positive qualities such as being willing to delegate, encouraging initiative and self-leadership, and expressing confidence and support to subordinates (Amundsen & Martinsen, 2014)—was found to encourage subordinate job crafting. Furthermore, job crafting mediated the proposed relationship such that crafting behaviors predicted increased career satisfaction and commitment and reduced physical health symptoms and depression. There are several avenues for future research on job crafting. First, future research should test job crafting interventions as a way to ignite the motivational processes expected to produce career benefit. Job crafting interventions have been found to be relatively effective in increasing P-E fit (Kooij et al., 2017) and work engagement (Oprea et al., 2019), but additional intervention
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research is a clear need. Second, job crafting may be particularly relevant to career adaptability. Career adaptability refers to the ability to engage in self-regulation strategies to adequately prepare, adapt, and participate in work roles (Savickas, 1997). During times of economic or job insecurity, career adaptability may be particularly important to increase the likelihood of continued employment and success. Lastly, more research is needed on how job crafting behaviors may manifest differently across the stages of workers’ careers. A limited amount of research has suggested that job crafting, specifically promotionfocused job crafting such as increasing resources and challenge demands, may be particularly important for older workers to actively shape and find meaning in their careers (e.g., Kooij et al., 2017). Future study should extend this stream of research to better understand job crafting at different career stages. Emotional Labor In any job where an individual must interact with others—in or outside of the company—there is pressure to present oneself in a particular way, which often involves active efforts to manage one’s emotional displays. Accordingly, occupational health researchers have become increasingly interested in emotional labor. Employees who engage in emotional labor may enhance, fake, or suppress their feelings in order to alter the way in which their emotions are perceived (Grandey, 2000). The two broad types of emotional labor are surface acting, which involves changing one’s emotional displays, and deep acting, which involves active efforts to change one’s true emotions (Hochschild, 1983/2012). In a workplace setting, both surface and deep acting, as well as suppression of emotions, may be used by the individual to fit into the organization. Indeed, work units may develop their own norms for emotion display rules (Diefendorff et al., 2011). Hochschild’s (1983/2012) original conception of emotional labor discussed its potential connection with alienation and burnout at work. From a JD-R model perspective, both deep and surface acting represent potential work demands that may threaten one’s health and interfere with career success (Montgomery et al., 2006). Consistent with this, Hülsheger and Schewe’s (2011) meta-analytic review of the emotional labor literature revealed that surface acting was associated with poor well-being and job attitudes. Interestingly, deep acting was only weakly associated with well-being and was positively associated with emotional performance and customer satisfaction. Other studies have drawn similar conclusions about the benefits of deep acting. For example, Chu et al. (2012) found that deep acting was associated with positive career outcomes and job satisfaction but was negatively associated with emotional exhaustion. When employees are deep acting, they feel as if they are less forced and fraudulent and find more intrinsic rewards from their performance (Hochschild, 1983/2012). The benefits of some forms of emotional labor continue to be a topic of research interest (Humphrey et al., 2015). Additionally, contemporary emotional labor research has integrated the notions of deep and surface acting into a broader model that encompasses emotion regulation as well as emotional
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requirements of a position, emotional performance, emotional contagion, and emotion-related outcomes (cf. Grandey & Gabriel, 2015). Although research has shown that emotional labor predicts indicators of career success such as job satisfaction and job performance, there is a continued need for research attention to understand the impact of emotional labor on other career-related indicators, particularly from a developmental perspective looking at the impact of emotional labor over the course of one’s career as well as a need for further understanding of the potentially positive and negative effects of emotional labor on career development and how to develop and implement interventions that might address the negative consequences of emotional labor while facilitating the positive ones. Work–Family Interface Work–life balance is the idea that it is beneficial to be satisfied in both the family and work domains (Greenhaus et al., 2003). Through the lens of the JD-R model, family can be observed as both a demand and a resource depending on the existence of strain and support (Odle-Dusseau et al., 2013). Work–family conflict (WFC) is said to occur when the demands of either work or family roles create stress associated with meeting the demands of the other role (Greenhaus et al., 2003). WFC has been shown to be related to a wide range of poor health outcomes, including burnout, emotional well-being, life satisfaction, and depression, to name just a few (Allen & Martin, 2017; Greenhaus et al., 2006). Therefore, WFC represents a major potential obstacle to career success. In order to help promote healthy work–family balance and prevent negative outcomes of WFC, supervisors and organizational policies play an important role (Allen, 2001). Family-supportive supervisor behavior (FSSB) and familysupportive organization perception (FSOP) are two heavily studied organizational responses to WFC. Hammer et al. (2009) described four forms of FSSB: emotional support (i.e., caring for employees and encouraging them to communicate their support needs), role modeling (i.e., demonstrating effective balance between work and family), instrumental support (i.e., providing services to manage the work–nonwork interface through management actions), and creative work–family management (i.e., proactive and strategic initiated action by supervisors to help foster better management for employees’ lives). A growing body of research shows not only that FSSB is helpful in mitigating the negative impacts of WFC (Mills et al., 2014) but that it is also effective at reducing stress (Crain et al., 2014). Although supervisors can be useful facilitators, overall attitudes toward the organization also are important to consider. This is studied through examining FSOP, which can be generally defined as the employee’s universal perceptions of the degree to which the organization is supportive of family (Allen, 2001). When employees perceive FSOP in their organization, they experience positive effects for their well-being. Regarding employees’ careers, FSSB and FSOP may help employees develop a better fit between their needs and their organization’s demands. Employees
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with FSSB are less vulnerable to resource loss and more able to gain career success (Crain et al., 2014) than those without supervisors engaging in such behaviors. FSSB helps with accommodating employees’ various roles, which in turn helps increase work engagement, job satisfaction, and performance (Odle-Dusseau et al., 2016). Chen and Zhang (2020) found that FSSB increases career satisfaction by increasing the meaningfulness of work and employees’ identification with the vocation. Research on career commitment also shows a positive relationship between commitment and FSSB, as several studies have shown a negative relationship between turnover intention and FSSB (Crain & Stevens, 2018; Hammer et al., 2009). Although less research has focused on FSOP, studies have shown that it predicts career success and health-related outcomes such as job satisfaction, job burnout, depression, stress, and physical health symptoms (Haar & Roche, 2010; Jennings et al., 2016). Beyond employee career outcomes, this is also beneficial for organizations and for fostering a more enriched work environment for employees. Although researchers have examined direct impacts of FSSB and FSOP on career and health outcomes, some research also shows how these resources may act as mediators. For example, Allen (2001) found that FSOP mediates the relationship of existing family-supportive policies, WFC, and affective commitment. Further research is needed to evaluate the nature of these relationships and other mediating variables that may be involved, which could include supervisor- and team-level outcomes if an organization is perceived positively as well as other employee-level antecedents that may elicit FSSB and serve as additional resources to cope against other work and family demands (Crain et al., 2014). The Experience of Work As occupational health scholarship has matured, researchers have developed a much better understanding of the theoretical mechanisms underlying career success. The positive psychology movement (see Chapter 11), has played an important role in those developments, leading to several streams of new research with implications for career psychology. Additionally, in organizational psychology literature, the concept of organizational climate has received a great deal of attention as a theoretically interesting concept with great potential to inform organizational interventions. Finally, JD-R literature has begun to emphasize the distinction between organizational resources (e.g., supervisor support) and personal resources (e.g., personality traits; Xanthopoulou et al., 2007). With these developments in mind, we focus on two concepts from positive psychology—meaningful work and the sense of work as a calling—as well as age-supportive climate as a career-related climate construct and resilience as a personal career resource. Meaningful Work Meaningfulness is a complex construct with differing definitions from discipline to discipline (Rosso et al., 2010). From the psychological perspective, however,
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meaningfulness is the subjective interpretation of an individual’s experiences and the amount of significance that they perceive them to hold (Pratt & Ashforth, 2003). Within the workplace context, the degree to which an individual sees their work as meaningful can be influenced by their general beliefs, values, and attitudes about work as well as by their personal experiences and significance of work overall (Rosso et al., 2010). Thus, in extending beyond the individual’s experience of their present job, it is important to discuss the perceptions that individuals have of work in general. The literature on work orientation provides a framework for this discussion. Wrzesniewski et al. (1997) described the most commonly used model of work orientation as including three distinct ways that most people see their work. The first is seeing work as a job that is merely for the purposes of acquiring resources (e.g., to meet financial demands) rather than enjoyment. These individuals often find meaningfulness outside of work and see work as inhibiting them from engaging in more desirable activities. The second is viewing work as a career in which there is opportunity for advancement. These individuals are more invested in their work, and at this point, their career becomes closely tied to their self-esteem and elicits more social recognition. The final work orientation is seeing work as a calling. Work becomes an integral part of the individual’s identity, and rather than emphasizing work as a facilitator of resources or career advancement, the emphasis is on finding the work itself to be enjoyable and fulfilling. Additionally, callings are typically associated with the idea that the work is an integral part of society and is contributing to the greater good (Rosso et al., 2010). An individual’s work orientation provides valuable insight into their personal understanding of meaningfulness, why they choose to work, and how they perform at work (Wrzesniewski et al., 1997). In addition, it provides a basis for characterizing meaningfulness with respect to how individuals experience work and why some find work more meaningful than others. However, despite the source of meaningfulness, research has consistently demonstrated its usefulness as an important predictor of many of the commonly studied outcomes in the organizational sciences. For example, meaningfulness at work affects worker motivation, absenteeism, engagement, empowerment, stress, organizational identification, career development, individual performance, and personal fulfillment (Rosso et al., 2010). Thus, it is important to cultivate meaningfulness in the workplace not only for the individual’s sake but for the organization’s as well. One way this can be done is through drawing attention to the social responsibility of the organization and emphasizing the positive impact that the organization has on society as a whole (Pratt & Ashforth, 2003). However, for the purposes of this chapter, we focus the remainder of our discussion on enhancing meaningfulness through career development. Meaningfulness is the highest when individuals view their work as a calling (Dik & Duffy, 2009; Wrzesniewski et al., 1997). However, this is not occupation specific. In fact, research has shown that individuals in a variety of occupations, such as administrative assistants, hospital cleaning staff, hairdressers, and
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restaurant kitchen employees, can view their work as a calling (Wrzesniewski & Dutton, 2001). Many of these employees are able to do this by crafting their jobs in a way that facilitates the most meaning for them personally. Even individuals in more undesirable jobs can obtain meaning by reframing, recalibrating, or refocusing the social function of their work (Ashforth & Kreiner, 1999). As a result, when organizations provide individuals with the opportunity to treat their work as a calling, they tend to experience work as more meaningful, fulfilling, and impactful as well (Berg et al., 2010). However, it is important to note that due to the changing nature of work arrangements, cultivating meaningfulness may look quite different for workers who fall outside of the standard work arrangements. Career Callings Calling can reference a number of sentiments depending upon the discipline, but previous research in career psychology defines a calling as an individual’s attitude or disposition toward the broad domain of work, explained by a draw, intrinsically meaningful and central to the person’s identity (Wrzesniewski et al., 1997). Callings can provide a sense of purpose to employees, which can be beneficial. Callings are found to be a relatively stable concept over an individual’s lifetime, but some newer research has found calling may fluctuate depending on the degree of intensity within the job (Zhu et al., 2021). A sense of calling can make someone more equipped to manage crises, which allows for needed occupational knowledge and skills to function effectively in these stressful situations (Zhu et al., 2021). In this capacity, callings seem to facilitate employee performance. Typically, callings are attitudes associated with broad fields, but some more recent studies have defined the concept of a calling for one or more specific occupations (Berg et al., 2010). Jobs are designed for employees to specialize in certain tasks, but as an individual progresses more into their occupation, there is less emphasis on broad fields and more emphasis on specialization, and callings also may narrow accordingly. Whether a calling is more general or specific is important to clarify through research because it will provide more direction on how to pursue unanswered callings (Berg et al., 2010). Although career psychology research is beginning to study work callings, findings related to career and health outcomes to date are mixed. Callings have been found to be linked to positive career success outcomes such as career commitment and life meaning (Duffy & Dik, 2013). Callings also have been shown to be positively related to work engagement, career satisfaction, and career adaptability (Xie et al., 2016). Career commitment may be one mechanism that facilitates work well-being, as career commitment was found to mediate the relationship between calling and job satisfaction and to partially mediate the relationships between calling and both organizational commitment and withdrawal intentions (Duffy et al., 2011). Calling indirectly relates positively to employability with access to proactive professional development (Lysova et al., 2018).
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Although having a calling tends to have a positive connotation, newer research is evaluating the negative effects of callings. Having a calling may be both beneficial and problematic because it is negatively related to employability due to career inflexibility (Lysova et al., 2018). A calling implies a deep connection to the career that limits the ability to recover from worry experiences (Clinton et al., 2017) and exacerbates negative reactions to work stressors (Wilson & Britt, 2020), leading to poor well-being. Further research on callings needs to be conducted in order to evaluate what mediates the relationship between callings and career and health outcomes as well as what determines positive and negative responses to callings. Age-Supportive Climate Older adults represent an increasingly large share of the potential labor pool worldwide, and their career success may depend in part on their organization’s ability to provide them with the necessary supports. Although negative agerelated stereotypes are common in organizations, Truxillo et al. (2014) noted that many common negative older worker stereotypes (e.g., inflexibility) are not accurate. They also discussed the potential for age climate interventions to benefit both individual and organizational outcomes, which ultimately could influence career success measures such as career satisfaction and career commitment. According to van Dam et al. (2017), an age-supportive climate refers to the extent to which the contributions of older employees are valued and supported by the organization and its agents. An age-supportive climate that actively supports the needs of older workers and is not marred by age stereotypes can benefit older workers’ health and well-being. Kooij et al. (2008) identified several human resources management practices that have the potential to motivate older workers to work longer, such as redesigning aspects of the job, encouraging career development, and making ergonomic adjustments to better suit older workers. An organization that implements these practices is likely to foster an age-supportive climate, which will ultimately provide individual benefits (e.g., continued career development) to older employees, as well as organizational benefits (e.g., work commitment, job satisfaction). Peeters and van Emmerik (2008) pointed out that organizations should fully utilize employees of all ages and make decisions based on employees’ individual characteristics and capabilities instead of relying on age-based assumptions. Providing an age-supportive climate through the utilization of older workers’ capabilities and demonstration of their value will reap positive outcomes for organizations, including lower turnover, heightened productivity, and stronger employee commitment. In addition, an age-supportive climate encourages older workers to share their institutional knowledge with other employees, leading to greater organizational effectiveness. It is important for organizations to determine whether the organizational climate, including an age-supportive climate, positively affects the health and well-being of their employees regardless of their age. Toward this end, Peterson and Spiker (2005) claimed that organizations
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must offer flexibility in human resources policies (e.g., flexible scheduling, phased retirement), provide knowledge-transfer programs (i.e., programs that define and disseminate valuable organizational knowledge), and stimulate attitude changes that challenge the negative stereotypes of older workers. Kunze et al. (2011) discussed the construct of a perceived age-discrimination climate, which is another potential issue that organizations may face in regard to an age diverse and aging workforce. They conceptualized an age-discrimination climate as the overall perception that members have of age-related treatment from the organization. A perceived age-discrimination climate can be viewed as a demand on older workers, whereas the existence of an age-supportive climate can be viewed as a resource. However, age discrimination has received greater focus within the literature. Thus, although both discrimination and support require further attention, there is a particular need for future research to better understand the nature of age-supportive climate as a resource for older workers and their organizations. Career Resilience The concept of career resilience (CR) provides a link between the broader field of career-related attitudes and the health outcomes of interest to occupational health psychologists. Resilience is generally defined as the process of positive adjustment despite adversity (Britt et al., 2016). Britt et al. (2016) noted two broad approaches to resilience research, one that conceptualizes resilience as a particular trajectory of health-related responses reflecting a general lack of disruption in functioning following an adverse event and another that conceptualizes resilience as a set of individual characteristics or capacities that predict trajectory membership. Resilience is a process that incorporates both temporal and developmental aspects understood through one’s experiences, reactions, and behaviors that are used as coping strategies in difficult situations (Hartmann et al., 2020). Career researchers have extended the general notion of resilience to CR. Rochat et al. (2017) defined CR as effective vocational functioning under disabling career-related circumstances. CR involves using adaptive coping strategies to reach current career goals and combat career shocks. These shocks may include negative events (e.g., injury, illness, job loss) that make people rethink their career direction or positive events (e.g., unexpected raise, receiving an award, unexpected promotion) that solidify one’s identity in the workplace as a valued employee (Seibert et al., 2016). Mishra and McDonald (2017) split CR into two dimensions: personal factors and conceptual factors. Personal factors include individual characteristics such as personality, skills, attitudes, behaviors, and career history. Conceptual factors include a supportive workplace, a supportive family, and positive job characteristics (e.g., autonomy, feedback, skills). When these dimensions are combined, CR facilitates career satisfaction and success. Regarding the JD-R model perspective, these two dimensions may be viewed as sets of personal and organizational resources (see Xanthopoulou et al., 2007) that help people cope with career-related challenges.
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Employees with higher levels of CR-related resources tend to show positive health outcomes. High-CR individuals tend to take better care of themselves by getting more sleep, exercise, and quality nutrition; by being more spiritually in tune; and by taking the leave that is offered by the organization (Moffett et al., 2015). In addition, healthy habits and CR work hand in hand to promote positive work and life outcomes. Resilient individuals have an easier time setting occupational boundaries and saying no when their plate gets too heavy, which allows more focus to be put on the tasks at hand to prevent burnout and added stressors. Healthy habits also can enhance personal capabilities to foster a healthy work environment and handle stress setbacks in the workplace. Thus, individuals with higher CR are better able to rebound after an impediment in the workplace (Richtnér & Löfsten, 2014). The impact of stress setbacks and disruptive changes in one’s occupation may be minimized when individuals engage in adaptive learning behaviors and behavior-setting strategies (Mishra & McDonald, 2017). Research also suggests that CR plays an important role in career success. For instance, scholars have found a positive correlation between CR and occupational performance, happiness, satisfaction, and commitment (Ahmad et al., 2019). Although this evidence is encouraging, CR is a relatively new concept, and there are many opportunities for future research extending the broad resilience literature to study the role of CR in career success.
TOWARD HEALTHY CAREERS: HEALTHY WORK ORGANIZATION IN PRACTICE As an applied discipline, OHP scholarship is motivated by the desire to develop evidence-based primary prevention interventions focused on work organization. In recent years, a great deal of OHP scholarship has been conducted on these interventions, and the scope and sophistication of intervention efforts has correspondingly increased. This literature has important implications for organizations seeking to increase their employees’ occupational health and career success. Two key themes in this literature are an increased focus on both physical and mental health concerns and greater recognition that interventions need to focus on both work-related and familyrelated concerns. The APA’s Center for Organizational Excellence offered a Psychologically Healthy Workplace Award (PHWA) each year, until 2019. The PHWA encompassed five criteria: (a) employee involvement, (b) work–life balance, (c) employee growth and development, (d) employee recognition, and (e) health and safety (Grawitch & Ballard, 2016). In terms of the JD-R model, these categories could be regarded as different sets of resources organizations offer to their employees to help them grow professionally and/or cope with job demands. As compared with national averages, PWHA winners had better employee retention, better employee satisfaction, and greater participation in employee wellness programs (Grawitch &
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Ballard, 2016), suggesting that efforts to meet the PHWA criteria should be associated with greater career success. A growing trend in OHP and related disciplines is recognition of the need for integrated intervention efforts that address both injury prevention and health promotion. However, organizational programs designed to address injury prevention tend to be isolated from those designed to address health promotion, hindering their potential effectiveness (Schill & Chosewood, 2013). NIOSH’s Total Worker Health (TWH) program is an effort to address occupational health concerns with an integrated approach (NIOSH, 2012; Schill & Chosewood, 2013). TWH programs involve “integrating occupational safety and health protection with health promotion to prevent worker injury and illness and to advance worker health and well-being” (Schill & Chosewood, 2013, p. S8). In a review of 17 intervention studies that addressed both safety and health concerns, Anger et al. (2015) found that all but one showed improvement for employees related to safety or health conditions, highlighting the potential effectiveness of integrated programs. However, very little research has directly tested the benefits of programs that intentionally integrate safety and health concerns. Therefore, although the future of TWH interventions is promising, more research is needed on their effectiveness. The OHP literature includes many additional examples of specific intervention topics related to career success, including, for example, wellness (Parks & Steelman, 2008), mindfulness-based stress reduction (Vonderlin et al., 2020), and safety climate (Lee et al., 2019). Taken together, this literature suggests an increasingly robust body of evidence demonstrating the benefits of health promotion and injury prevention efforts for employees and their organizations. Career-related issues have received some attention in this literature—such as in the focus of some of this work on career development opportunities. However, there are clear opportunities for career psychologists to conduct further research on healthy work organization concerns as well as for occupational health psychologists to devote more attention to career-related outcomes.
CONCLUSION Technological, political, economic, and social trends drive work organization to be constantly changing. These changes will have both positive and negative implications for how employees experience their careers. Current concerns such as globalization, climate change, and automation of work will create both opportunities for new employee careers in emerging economic sectors, such as the green economy, and new threats to employee careers, such as increased job insecurity. These changes will be associated with new types of job demands and new resources to meet those demands, as well as the potential for threats to both health and career success. Career psychology can play a vital role in recommending science-based solutions that will help employees continue to lead safe and healthy lives.
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INDEX
Abbreviated Career Counseling Checklist, 314 Abilities, 417–418 career assessment and, 418 direct and indirect effects of, 40 interest model and, 40 performance and, 40, 47, 53 self-efficacy beliefs and, 39 self-estimates vs. self-efficacy measures of, 199 social cognitive career theory (SCCT) and, 39 Ability patterns and career choice, 515 ABLE-2 (Adult Basic Learning Examination, second edition), 559 A Broken Bargain for LGBT Workers of Color, 304 ACA. See American Counseling Association (ACA) Academic performance predictors of, 155 vocational interests and, 154–155 Academic satisfaction predicting, 156 vocational interests and, 156–157 Academic self-efficacy, 201–202 career development and, 201 Acceptance and commitment therapy (ACT), 72–73, 496 cognitive defusion and, 496 psychological flexibility and, 73 psychology of working theory (PWT) and, 72–73 work-based interventions and, 72–73
Accommodative strategies, 436, 441, 443–444, 453 ageism and discrimination, 450 career plateaus and, 447 environmental barriers, 444 involuntary career transitions and, 447 involuntary retirement, 450 personal constraints, 443 person–job (P-E) misfit and, 446–447 school-to-work transition stage and, 443–444 workforce participation stage and, 446–447 work-to-retirement transition stage and, 450 Acculturation, 286, 289–290, 351 Asian Americans and, 331–334 vocational behavior and, 333–334 Acculturative stress, 286–288 discrimination and, 287 familiarity with the host culture and, 286 language proficiency and, 286–287 Achievement assessment, 559 A Comprehensive Guide to Career Assessments, 427 ACT. See Acceptance and commitment therapy (ACT) ACT exam, 518 Action stage of work readiness, 557 Activity and life designing, 130 ADA. See Americans With Disabilities Act (ADA) ADA Amendments Act of 2008 (ADAAA), 554 617
618 Index
Adaptability, 7, 126, 215 career interventions and, 7 concern and, 215 confidence and, 215 control and, 215 curiosity and, 215 dimensions of, 215 employee well-being and, 228 job performance and, 220 personal, 219 Adaptation, 126, 215, 218 career adaptability and, 227 Adapting responses career adaptability and, 215 disengagement and, 215 establishment and, 215 five behaviors of, 215 management and, 215 orientation and, 215 Adaptive performance career adaptability and, 219–220 dimensions of, 220 work roles and, 220 Adaptivity, 126, 127, 214, 215, 220 career adaptability and, 215 Adjustment styles dimensions, 25 discorrespondence and, 25 variables, 25 Administrative expert, 476 Adult Basic Learning Examination, second edition (ABLE-2), 559 Adult Career Concerns Inventory, 420 Advocacy ACA Advocacy Competencies, 292 community-based, 291–292 immigrants and, 290–291 intersectional approach and, 400 social class and work and, 400 vocational, 401 Advocating for Latina/o Achievement in School (ALAS), 355 AEs. See Assigned expatriates (AEs) AE-SIE career continuum phenomenon, 472 Affordable Care Act, 566 African Americans. See also Career counseling with Black and African Americans Black identity and, 308 career psychology and, 8 caste system and, 300–301 disabilities and employment and, 304 historical context of work and, 300–301 Negro-to-Black conversion theory and, 308 slavery and, 300–301 structural racism and, 303, 304 unemployment rates for, 302–303 women and oppression and, 302–303
Age-discrimination climate, 606 Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967, 536 Ageism, 450 Agentic action, 71 clusters, 71 critical reflection and action and, 71 decent work and, 71 proactive engagement and, 71 social support and community engagement and, 71 Age-supportive climate, 605–606 Agile strategic advisor, 474, 476–478 COVID-19 and, 482–483 global integrator subrole, 477 strategic positioner subrole, 476 ALAS (Advocating for Latina/o Achievement in School), 355 Aliento, 291 Allocentric, 334 Altruism, 238 Amazon, 510 American Counseling Association (ACA), 280, 545 ACA Advocacy Competencies, 292 American Immigration Council, 285 American Indian Graduate Center, 379 American Indian Science and Engineering Society (AISES), 379 American Journal of Lifestyle Medicine, 543 American Psychological Association (APA), 280, 545 APA Handbook of Testing and Assessment in Psychology, 427 APA Presidential Task Force on Immigration, 280 guidelines adopted by for working with marginalized groups, 357 Americans With Disabilities Act (ADA), 262, 554, 583 ADA National Network, 565 Angular agreement, 156 Antiliteracy laws, 580 Anxious–ambivalent, 127 APA. See American Psychological Association (APA) APA Handbook of Testing and Assessment in Psychology, 427 Approach behavior and self-efficacy beliefs, 38 Aptitude, 417 assessment, 560 career assessment and, 418 Armed Forces Qualification Test, 418 Armed Services Vocational Aptitude Battery (ASVAB), 418, 560 ASVAB Career Exploration Program (CEP), 423
Index 619
Artificial intelligence and environmental exploration, 176 Asexual people, 272 Asian Americans acculturation and, 331–334 career choice and, 323 career decision making and, 337 career maturity and, 337 career psychology of, 8, 321–344 ethnic identity and, 331–334 Holland’s theory for, 324–328 individualism–collectivism and, 334–338 intergenerational family conflict among, 337 job satisfaction for, 327 model minority myth and, 331 occupational choice behaviors and, 333 relational self and, 323 self-construal and, 336–338 social cognitive career theory (SCCT) and, 328–329 Super’s theory for, 323–324 vocational behavior of, 333–334 vocational identity and, 323 work devotion vs. family devotion, 331 Assertive impression management (IM), 564 Assessments achievement, 559 Adult Basic Learning Examination, second edition (ABLE-2), 559 aptitude, 560 Armed Services Vocational Aptitude Battery (ASVAB), 560 Beta-4, 559 California Psychological Inventory (CPI), 559 career self-management (CSM), 562 cognitive, 558–559 Differential Aptitude Tests, fifth edition, Form C (DAT), 560 functional capacity evaluation (FCE), 560 Job Consideration Scale (JCS), 561 Minnesota Importance Questionnaire (MIQ), 561 Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory, third edition (MMPI-3), 559 Myers–Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI), 559 NEO Personality Inventory-3 (NEO-PI-3), 560 O*NET Ability Profiler, 560 Peabody Individual Achievement Test–Revised/Normative Update (PIAT-R/NU), 559 Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test, fifth edition (PPVT-5), 559 personality, 559 for person–environment (P-E) fit theories, 17
Raven’s Progressive Matrices, Clinical Edition, 559 Reading-Free Vocational Interest Inventory, third edition (RFVII-3), 561 situational and ecological, 561–562 Sixteen Personality Factor Questionnaire (16PF), 559 Slosson Intelligence Test–Revised, fourth edition (SIT-4), 559 Standard Self-Directed Search (Standard SDS), 561 Stanford–Binet Intelligence Scales, fifth edition (SB-5), 559 Strong Interest Inventory (SII), 560 transferable skills, 561 vocational interest and values, 560–561 Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale, fourth edition (WAIS-IV), 559 Wechsler Individual Achievement Test, fourth edition (WIAT-4), 559 Wide Range Achievement Test, fifth edition (WRAT-5), 559 Woodcock–Johnson IV Tests of Achievement (WJ IV-ACH), 559 Woodcock–Johnson Tests of Cognitive Abilities, fourth edition (WJ-IV), 559 work motivation and readiness, 562 Assigned expatriates (AEs), 469 motives and, 470 Assimilationists, 332 Assimilative strategies, 436, 441, 453 bridge employment, 449 career exploration, 442 career preparation, 442–443 career self-management, 444–445 i-deals, 445–446 job crafting, 445 optimizing age-related changes, 448 retirement planning, 448–449 school-to-work transition stage and, 442–443 workforce participation stage and, 444–446 work-to-retirement transition stage and, 448–449 Asylum seekers, 281 Attachment theory, 26 Attitude and unemployment, 540 Autobiographical self-analysis, 501 Autoethnographic research, 501
B
Ball Aptitude Battery, 418 Bandura’s general social cognitive theory, 38 Bandura’s self-efficacy theory, 193, 194–195 sources of efficacy information and, 194–195 Bandura’s social learning theory to career development, 557 Basic Interest Scales (BIS), 201
620 Index
Behavior and conduct and termination, 539 Beta-4, 559 Bezos, Jeff, 510 Biculturalism, 290 stressors, 351 Big Five, 106, 417 Big Five Inventory-2, 417 BIPOC (Black, Indigenous, and People of Color) and disability, 569 BIS (Basic Interest Scales), 201 Bisexual people and discrimination, 261 Black Americans. See African Americans Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) and disability, 569 Blustein, David, 60 Bonds and working alliance, 498 Bordin’s model of working alliance, 498 Bostock v. Clayton County, Georgia, 262, 584, 585 Bottleneck effect, 269 Boundaryless careers, 440–441 career success and, 441 career transitions and, 441 physical and psychological mobility and, 440 Boundaryless mindset, 472–473 Brandtstädter and Renner’s dual-process framework, 436–439 Bridge employment, 449 retirement and, 449 Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory, 578 Brookfield Global Relocation Services, 468 Brown v. Board of Education, 580 Bullying definition of, 578 theoretical frameworks for, 579 Bureau of Labor Statistics, 374, 530, 553, 591 Burnout, 106, 238, 592 definition of, 106 emotional labor and, 600 happiness and, 238 living a calling and, 105
C
CAAS. See Career Adapt-Abilities Scale (CAAS) Caballerismo, 347 CACCM (culturally appropriate career counseling model), 308 CACG (computer-assisted career guidance), 423 Calculus assumption, 19 California Psychological Association, 280 California Psychological Inventory (CPI), 559 Calling, 603, 604–605 career commitment and, 604 definition of, 5, 102, 107
finding one’s, 112–113 key constructs of, 102–106 life satisfaction and, 107 living a calling, 103 meaningful work and, 603–604 motivation, 104 across multiple domains, 111 negative effects of, 605 older workers and, 107 opportunity to pursue, 103, 113 perceiving a calling, 103 work and, 604 Campbell Interest and Skill Survey (CISS), 416 Capability management, 452 CAPA (Career and Personality Assessment), 201 Career, 435. See also Job; Work commitment, 598, 604 concern, 438 confidence, 420–421, 439, 443 contemporary context of, 3 control, 439 curiosity, 439 disabilities and, 11 gifted people and, 10, 512 global, 10 immaturity, 322 indecision, 203, 422 inflexibility, 605 international, 468 maintenance, 437 plateaus, 447 preparation, 442–443 problems, self and cultural conception of, 307 readiness, 533 resources, 223 selective and the gifted, 517–521 self-determined, 7 services, 94 shocks, 606 types and global careerists, 472 volitional, 60 Career achievement cognitive reasoning and, 515 spatial reasoning and, 516 Career Adapt-Abilities Scale (CAAS), 131, 221, 420 Career adaptability, 127, 213–234, 392, 438, 600. See also Adaptability adaptation and, 215, 218, 227 adapting responses and, 215 adaptive performance and, 219–220 adaptivity and, 215 age-related correlates of, 226 career assessment and, 420 career construction theory and, 214–218, 439–440
Index 621
career counseling and, 228 career decision making and, 214 career exploration and, 442 career guidance and, 228 career interventions and, 228 career management and, 438–439 in childhood, 220–221 concepts and measures of, 216–217 conceptual integration of, 224–225 concern and, 127, 226 confidence and, 128, 226 conscientiousness and, 223 control and, 128 cooperation and, 224 curiosity and, 128, 226 daily behavioral measure of, 222 definition of, 214 different operationalizations of, 224–225 dimensions of, 127–128, 218 early research on, 220–221 employability and, 136, 219 five-factor model of, 224 job crafting and, 600 job performance and, 223 job search and, 223 life course development and, 128 life designing and, 130 across the lifespan, 220, 223 maxicycles and, 128 measurement development and, 221 measurement of, 218, 221 measures of adaptation results and, 226 meta-analyses of, 226 minicycles and, 128 newer research on, 221–224 older workers and, 226–227 origins of, 214 person–environment (P-E) fit and, 439–440 positive youth development and, 221 practical implications of research on, 228 predictors of, 222 protean career model and, 218–220 psychology of working theory (PWT) and, 64 research directions for, 226–227 resources, 213, 228 reviews of the literature, 225 Rottinghaus’s definition of, 218 theoretical models and definitions of, 214–220 theoretical predictors of, 225 university students and, 222 vocational maturity vs., 128, 214 work–nonwork interface and, 227 work-to-retirement transition and, 226–227 Career A.I., 561
Career alternatives, 171 career decision making and, 180 core attributes of, 171 environmental exploration and, 175 Career and Personality Assessment (CAPA), 201 Career and Work Adaptability Questionnaire (CWAQ), 224 Career aspects, 171 continuous, 171 discrete, 171 Career assessment, 9, 411, 558–562. See also Assessments abilities and, 417–418 aptitude and, 417–418 career adaptability and, 420 career confidence and, 420–421 career decision making and, 422 career maturity and, 420 computer-assisted career guidance (CACG) and, 423 content domains, 416–419 cultural formulation approach to, 307 Dawis and Lofquist’s theory of work adjustment and, 413 ethical standards and, 415 foundations of, 412–415 Holland’s theory of vocational choice and adjustment and, 413 information and communication technology and, 423–424 intake process, 412–415 integrative assessment and counseling model, 413–415 integrative case studies, 425–426 integrative perspective, 418–419 internet-based, 9 intervention models, 412–415 personality traits and, 417 process domains and, 419 qualitative approaches to, 422–423 Rottinghaus and Eshelman’s six-step model, 413–415 self-efficacy and, 420–421 skills and, 417–418 social cognitive career theory and, 413 Super’s lifespan/lifespace career theory and, 413 take-home suggestions for, 427 values and, 419 virtual, 424–425 vocational identity and, 421 vocational interests and, 416 Career behavior, 194 self-efficacy theory and, 194 Career callings, 604. See also Calling Career choice, 80 ability patterns and, 515 Asian Americans and, 324
622 Index
Career choice (continued) assistance for making, 81 caste system and, 301 CASVE cycle and, 84 content, 420 contexts for making, 81 decision-making skills and, 5 domain-specific interests and, 154 gender-role socialization and, 194 global careerists and, 469 Holland’s theory and, 153 interest assessment and, 153 interventions, 54 knowledge and, 82 Native Americans and, 374–375 Parsons’s three broad factors for, 16 personality and, 18 prediction of and interests, 153–154 problem-solving skills and, 5 process, 420 self-efficacy and, 420 social class and, 392 spatial reasoning and, 515 Super’s theory and, 322–324 vocational activity and, 199 Career Construction Interview, 425 Career construction model of adaptation, 218, 226 Career construction theory, 226, 451, 496–497 adaptability and, 126 adaptation and, 126 adaptivity and, 126, 127 attachment schemas to self-construction and, 127 career adaptability and, 214–218, 392, 439, 439–440 career development and, 123 characteristic adaptations and, 123 constructivism vs. social constructionism and, 133 contextualist worldview and, 126 core theoretical propositions of, 124 dispositional traits and, 123, 127 emergence of, 122–123 healing narratives and, 496 imperatives of, 123 integrative life narratives and, 123 knowledge of person/self and, 123 life course development perspective and, 126 life designing for career construction and, 5, 121–128, 122 life design theory and, 71, 213 lifespace and, 125 lifespan and, 125 life stage conceptualization of, 125 life themes and, 496 macronarratives and, 128
micronarratives and, 128 narrative identity and, 128 older workers and, 137 postpositivist epistemology vs., 131–133 prospective reflexivity and, 128 Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional (RIASEC) interests and, 134 retrospective reflection and, 128 social constructionism and, 126 third wave, tension inherent in, 132 three segments of, 123–124 vocational psychology and, 122 Career counseling career stories and, 129 cognitive abilities and, 511 competencies for serving the unemployed, 545 counselors, 548 Crites’s comprehensive counseling model of, 412 cultural formulation approach to, 307 emotion-focused therapy and, 496–497 evidence-based, 399 gifted and, 523 global careers and, 473 for immigrant communities, 8, 280–281, 292–293 inclusivity in, 62 individual differences and, 511 individual learning plans (ILPs) for, 93 intake process, 412–415 integrative approach to, 69, 495–497 integrative case studies, 425–426 interventions, 548 Latinxs and, 348–352 life-design approach to, 131 meaningfulness and, 123 mental health counseling and, 72 metacognition process, 310 modeling and, 133 multicultural guidelines and, 280–281 Native Americans students and, 375–377 Osborn and Zunker’s model of, 412 person-centered approach to, 412 postmodern approaches to, 123 practitioners and, 10 psychodynamic perspectives and, 496 psychology of working theory (PWT) and, 70, 72 psychotherapy vs., 10, 493–494 remote, 424 role of interests in, 161–162 Rottinghaus and Eshelman’s six-step model of, 413 sexual and gender minority populations and, 7 social class and, 9, 399–400
Index 623
social cognitive career theory (SCCT) and, 72 social constructionist/constructivist paradigm and, 497 as social justice, 292–293 social supports for Native Americans and, 375 true reasoning and, 17 virtual, 423, 424–425 working alliance and, 10, 498–499 Career Counseling Checklist, 300 Career counseling interventions, 69, 206 Rottinghaus and Eshelman six-step model and, 413–415 for sexual and gender minority people, 259–278 technology and, 423 Career counseling with Black and African Americans, 299–320 Afrocentric vs. Eurocentric worldviews and, 311 Career Counseling Checklist and, 300 counseling theories and, 301 culturally appropriate career counseling model (CACCM) and, 308 intersectionality and, 302–304 key requirements for effective career counseling, 302–305 Multicultural Career Counseling Checklist (MCCC) and, 300, 308 Nigrescence theory and, 308 preparation for, 309 psychology of working theory (PWT) and, 307 recommendations for, 317–318 revised assumptions about, 304–306 social cognitive career theory (SCCT) and, 306 theories and models of, 306–308 Think Aloud method and, 300, 302 Career decision making, 179–185, 202, 422, 443 Asian Americans and, 337 capability and, 88 career adaptability and, 214 career alternatives and, 180 career exploration and, 169–192 career practitioners and, 170 career transitions and, 179–181 caste system and, 301 causes of difficulties in, 185–186 complexity and, 88–89 concerns about the process, 184–185 coping with difficulties and, 184–185 core stages of, 6 decision theory for, 180 descriptive models of, 180–181 economic and social change and, 136 environmental exploration and, 175
external conflicts and, 186 factors, 88, 557 ICT-based systems in facilitating, 186–187 inconsistent information and, 185 interest congruence and, 158–159, 162 interests and, 6, 162 internal conflicts and, 186 intuition and, 184 lack of information and, 185 lack of readiness and, 185 measures of self-efficacy and, 202–204 normative models of, 180 prescreening, in-depth exploration, and choice (PIC) model of, 181–184 prescriptive models of, 181 productive or adaptive coping strategies for, 185 quality of process vs. satisfaction with outcome, 185 readiness for, 88–89 reframing conflicts in terms of aspects and, 186 satisficing and, 185 self-exploration and, 172 sequential elimination and, 181–182 skills, 180 strategic anchoring and adjustment in, 162 systematic, 184 theoretical assumptions about, 82 true reasoning and, 169 21st century advances in, 180 uncertainty and, 185 vocational interests and, 146 Career Decision-Making Difficulties Questionnaire, 422 Career decisions interests and, 162 interest stabilization and, 152–153 vocational identity and, 421 Career decision self-efficacy, 203 Latinx groups and, 203 Native American students and, 203 online career exploration systems and, 204 Career Decision Self-Efficacy Scale (CDSE), 202–204 career interventions and, 204 chronic indecision and, 203 competencies measured, 202–203 Career development. See also Life design for career construction academic self-efficacy and, 201 acculturation and enculturation and, 289–290 adaptability and, 218 advocacy and, 290–291, 291–292 career construction theory and, 123 career immaturity and, 322
624 Index
Career development (continued) career maturity and, 322, 420 caste system and, 301 counseling, 542 couseling practitioners and, 10 critical consciousness and, 62, 291 education and, 63 English-language proficiency and, 287 essential resources for, 439 etic and emic approaches to, 321 gender minority populations and, 7, 194 growth, mobility, and maintenance stage of, 535–536 identity management and, 272–273 immigrants and, 281 immigrants supports groups and, 291 individuals with disabilities and, 11 interests and, 6 interventions, 204 lesbian and gay people and, 259 life design (third wave of), 121 marginalization and, 11, 577–578, 586 meaningful work and, 603–604 mental health and, 542 metacompetencies and, 219 misfit in, 446 models and volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity (VUCA) and, 122 models, crisis in, 122–123 Native Americans and, 376–377 organizational, 453 orientation, entry, and adjustment stage of, 535 person and contextual variables affecting, 43 process-oriented approach to, 37 process variables and, 419 psychology of careers (second wave of), 121 psychology of occupations (first wave of), 121 self-direction and, 218 self-efficacy theory and, 6 self-efficacy theory and women and, 193–212, 194–196 self-management model and, 51 sexual and gender identity development and, 270 sexual minority populations and, 7 social class and, 9 social networks and, 288 stages of, 437 stereotypes and, 287 Super’s lifespan model and, 391 systemic discrimination and, 582–585 systems theory framework (STF) of, 500 task mastery influencing, 537 theories of, 267–271
three-factor model of, 439 transgender people and, 259 underemployment and, 534–537 unemployment and, 529–530, 534–537 wind down, adjustment, and exit stage of, 536 Career Development and Counseling: Putting Theory and Research to Work, 66 Career-development assessment and counseling (C-DAC), 412 Career development theories, 556–558 INCOME framework of career development, 557–558 social learning theory of career decision making, 557 work readiness theory, 557 Career exploration, 170–171, 221, 442, 452 career adaptability and, 442 career alternatives and, 171 career aspects and, 171 career choice and, 170 career decision making and, 169–192 computer-assisted career guidance systems for, 186–187 environmental exploration and, 175–179 focus of, 170 modes of, 170 OCCU-Find and, 424 occupational simulation and, 424 online systems, 204 preference and, 171 self-exploration and, 172–175 technology and, 425 vocational identity and, 421 Career Exploration Program (CEP), 423 Career Futures Inventory (CFI), 218, 421 Career Futures Inventory–Revised (CFI-R), 218 Career identity, 219, 452 theory, 451 Career interventions, 9–11, 71, 80, 206, 228–229 adaptability and, 7 Career Decision Self-Efficacy Scale (CDSE) and, 204 CASVE cycle and, 86 clients and, 81 content-process-context (CPC) model of, 17 cost-effectiveness, 90 factors affecting, 82 individual learning plans (ILPs) and, 93 individuals and, 81 online, 9 organizational restructuring and, 229 practitioners and, 81 practitioner skills needed for, 83 psychology of working theory (PWT) and, 69–70
Index 625
pyramid of information processing domains and, 86 readiness assessment and, 91 readiness to benefit from, 83, 89–90 response to intervention (RTI) and, 93 theory, 5, 82–83 for young adults, 228–229 Career management accommodative strategies, 436, 443–444, 446–447, 450 assimilative strategies, 436, 442–443, 444, 448–449 boundaryless career theory and, 440–441 capability management and, 452 career adaptability and, 438–439 career transitions and, 436 cultural differences in, 454 definition of, 435 developmental stages of, 441 developmental tasks of, 437 dual process framework and, 436 dual process model of, 9 education and, 436 environmental barriers and, 444 future directions for, 453–454 lifespan perspective of, 9, 435–438, 451–452 nonwork roles and, 445 organizational, 453 personal constraints and, 443–444 practical implications of, 452–453 protean career orientation and, 440 school-to-work transition stage, 441–444 socioeconomic status (SES) and, 444 systematic model of, 444–445 theoretical implications of, 451–452 three-factor model of, 445 whole-life model of, 445 workforce participation stage, 444–447 work-to-retirement transition stage, 447–450 Career maturity, 322, 420 Asian Americans and, 337 career assessment and, 420 Crites’s theory of, 337 cultural relativity and, 337 stages of, 420 Career Maturity Inventory, 323, 420 Career outcomes, 153–159 identity management and, 265 Career performance, 222 daily career adaptability and, 222 Career planning, 186–187, 221, 442–443 challenges encountered by, 186–187 future of, 187 interventions, 399 postretirement, 449 Career practitioners, 170 self-exploration and, 172
Career problem solving diversity and social justice factors and, 83 knowledge and, 82 nature of career problems, 80–81 theoretical assumptions about, 82 Career process self-efficacy measurement, 203 Career psychology advocacy in and social class, 400–401 African Americans and, 8 Asian Americans and, 8, 321–344 cultural accommodation model and, 339 cultural specificity and, 329–338 disability and, 555–556 emic (culture-specific) approach, 8 etic (universal) approach, 8 Latinxs and, 8 Native Americans and, 8 occupational health and, 591 self-efficacy theory and, 206 sexual and gender minority and, 259–278 underemployment and, 596 Career resilience (CR), 606–607 career success and, 607 conceptual factors, 606 health outcomes and, 607 personal factors, 606 Career satisfaction daily career adaptability and, 222 family-supportive supervisor behavior (FSSB) and, 602 Career Search Self-Efficacy Scale, 202 measurement of confidence and, 203–204 Career self-efficacy, 328 career indecision and, 203 measurement of, 196–202, 203 Career self-management (CSM), 444–445, 562 variables important to, 52–53 Career stories, 128 career counseling and, 129 Career success, 593. See also Well-being and career success career resilience (CR) and, 607 emotional labor and, 601 family-supportive supervisor behavior (FSSB) and, 602 interests and, 157 job crafting and, 599 objective, 157 predictors of, 157 subjective, 155–157 underemployment and, 596 well-being and, 7 work–family conflict (WFC) and, 601 Career theory, 4–6, 413 individualism, 348 open opportunity structures, 348 practitioners, 468 psychoanalytic, 495 universality, 348
626 Index
Career Thoughts Inventory (CTI), 91 Career transitions, 436 boundaryless careers and, 441 career decision making and, 179–181 environmental exploration and, 179 involuntary, 447 school-to-work stage, 441–444 Caste system and African Americans, 300–301 CASVE-CQ measure, 95 CASVE cycle, 83, 84–86 analysis phase, 85 career choice and, 84 career interventions and, 86 communication phase, 84–85 execution phase, 85 five phases of, 84 as handout, 86 synthesis phase, 85 valuing phase, 85 CCW (community cultural wealth model), 355 C-DAC (career-development assessment and counseling), 412 CDSE. See Career Decision Self-Efficacy Scale (CDSE) CEI-II (Curiosity and Exploration Inventory-II), 332 Celerity, 24 Center for Community College Student Engagement, 371 Center for Organizational Excellence, 607 CEP (Career Exploration Program), 423 CFI (Career Futures Inventory), 218, 421 CFI-R (Career Futures Inventory–Revised), 218 CFOs (chief finance officers), 481 Character and unemployment, 540 Characteristic adaptations, 123 Chiari malformation, 63 Chief finance officers (CFOs), 481 Chief human resource officers (CHROs) and the coronavirus crisis, 481 Choice model, 43–47 central hypotheses of, 46 cross-cultural validity of, 47 interests and, 44, 45 outcome expectations and, 45 predictions of, 46 research support for, 46–47 self-efficacy beliefs and, 45 Choice stage, 183–184 intuition and, 184 roles of self- and environmental explorations in, 184 Choosing a Vocation, 16 Choosing status of INCOME framework, 558 Christakis, Nicholas, 509 Chronic absenteeism, 238 Chronic indecision, 203, 204
Chronosystem, 578 CHROs (chief human resource officers) and the coronavirus crisis, 481 CIP theory. See Cognitive information processing (CIP) theory Circumscription, 392 Cissexist barriers, 263 Citizenship, 284 Civil Rights Act of 1964, 583 CLA (cultural lens approach) and work as calling theory (WCT), 110 Classism, 393, 396–397 cultural matching and, 397 education and, 396 institutional, 396 interpersonal, 396 in work, 396–397 Client Career Counseling Checklist, 314 Clients, 81 CliftonStrengths, 421 Clinical governance and ethic of critical reflexivity, 501 Code of Ethics, 415 Cognitive ability, 510 career counseling and, 511 self-efficacy and, 202 work performance and, 513 Cognitive assessment, 558–559 Cognitive crafting, 598 Cognitive defusion, 496 Cognitive information processing (CIP) theory, 5, 79–100 career and mental health issues and, 92 career intervention and, 5, 80, 82–83 career problem solving and, 81, 82 CASVE cycle and, 84–86 core principle of, 79 decision making and, 79, 82 differentiated service delivery model of, 90–93 evidence-based practice research on, 95 evolution of, 80 examples of, 94 Florida State University (FSU) and, 80 information processing and, 5, 79 key elements of, 5, 83–94 problem solving and, 79 pyramid of information processing domains and, 83–84 readiness assessment and, 89 research related to, 94–95 vocational behavior theory and, 5, 80, 95 Cognitive reasoning, 511 ability patterns and, 515 career achievement and, 515 gifted people and, 511 Study of Mathematically Precocious Youth (SMPY) and, 513 tilt and, 515
Index 627
Coherence, 173 College Self-Efficacy Inventory, 201 Community cultural wealth model (CCW), 355 Community engagement, 71 Competitive integrated employment, 562 Complexity, 121, 474 Compliance architect, 479 Computer-assisted career guidance (CACG), 423 Concealment, 264 avoidance goals and, 264 covering, 264 negative affect and, 266 passing, 264 types of, 264–265 Concern, 215, 226 Confidence, 215, 222, 226 Confidence Inventory, 201 Congruence, 19, 127, 324 Holland’s notion of, 127, 157 indices, 31, 156 interest and academic performance and, 155 interest and career decision making and, 158 interest and job satisfaction and, 156 job satisfaction and, 20, 32, 156 patterns, 157 performance and, 20 profile-based approaches to, 156 Conscientiousness, 222, 223, 238 career resources and, 223 Consistency, 20, 173 of interests and work environments, 324 Constructivism, 132, 133 social constructionism vs., 132 Constructivist counseling, 123 Contemplation stage of work readiness, 557 Content-process-context (CPC) model of intervention, 17 Control, 215 Cooperation, 224 Coping With Career Decision-Making Difficulties, 184 Coronavirus. See COVID-19 The Corporate Equality Index, 262 Correspondence and work environment, 22, 27 Council for the Accreditation of Counseling and Related Educational Programs, 542 Counseling, 493. See also Career counseling integrative approach to, 69 PWT-informed, 70 trauma-informed, 496 work-based and trauma-informed, 72 Counseling practitioners career development and, 10 psychotherapy vs., 494
social constructionism and, 133 working alliance and, 493 Countertransference, 493, 499–500, 502 managing, 500 systems theory framework (STF) and, 500 Coursera, 380 Courtesy, 238 Covering, 264 COVID-19, 532 chief human resource officers (CHROs) and, 481 disability and, 570 efficient global people effectiveness expert and, 483 error-free compliance and, 483 evolution of, 481 global talent management and, 481 global work and, 481–484 professional isolation and, 484 unemployment and, 538 virtual collaboration and global remote working and, 483 work and, 532 CPC (content-process-context) model of intervention, 17 CPI (California Psychological Inventory), 559 CR. See Career resilience (CR) Creativity and happiness, 244 Credible activist, 476 Crites’s Career Maturity Inventory, 338 Crites’s comprehensive counseling model, 412 Crites’s theory of career maturity, 337 Critical consciousness, 62, 64, 291, 586 career development and, 62 Critical reflection, 71 Crystallization, 85 CSM. See Career self-management (CSM) CTI (Career Thoughts Inventory), 91 CTI Workbook, 91 Cultural accommodation model, 339 Cultural formulation approach to career counseling, 307 Cultural lens approach (CLA) and work as calling theory (WCT), 110 Culturally appropriate career counseling model (CACCM), 308 Culture enclaves and, 290 flexibility and, 290 identity and, 307 matching and, 397 relativity of, 337 specificity of, 321 Super’s lifespan developmental model and, 322–324 validity of, 321, 322–329 values of immigrants and, 290
628 Index
Curiosity, 215, 222, 226, 332 Curiosity and Exploration Inventory-II (CEI-II), 332 Current Population Survey, 530 CWAQ (Career and Work Adaptability Questionnaire), 224 Cyclical unemployment, 530 DACA. See Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) D-A (demand–ability) fit, 23, 446 Daily career adaptability, 222 DAT (Differential Aptitude Tests, fifth edition, Form C), 560 Dawis and Lofquist’s theory of work adjustment, 41, 413 Decent work, 4, 63, 494 agentic action and, 71 cultural norms affecting, 68 economic constraints and, 63–64, 68 emotionally safe environment and, 65 International Labor Organization’s (ILO’s) definition of, 63 job and life satisfaction and, 69 main components of, 63–66 marginalization and, 63–64 outcomes of, 65 predictors of, 63–65 quality education and, 63 self-determination and, 65 sexual minority people and social class and, 272 social status and, 68 survival needs and, 65 well-being and, 68 work meaning and, 272 workplace climate and, 272 Decent Work Scale (DWS), 63–66 Decision making cognitive information processing (CIP) theory and, 79 readiness assessment, 91 skills domain, 83 Decision Space Worksheet (DSW), 91 Deep acting, 600 Defensive impression management, 564 Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), 281, 285, 350 DeGraffenreid v. General Motors, 395 Demand–ability assessments, 31 Demand–ability (D-A) fit, 23, 446 Deportation, 282 Developed general cognitive ability, 510 Developmental psychology and lifespan and life course perspectives, 126 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, text revision to the fourth edition (DSM-IV-TR), 307 Dictionary of Occupational Titles database, 561
Differential Aptitude Tests, fifth edition, Form C (DAT), 560 Differential Status Identity Scale, 390 Differentiated service delivery model, 90–93 brief staff-assisted services and, 91 career and mental health issues and, 91–92 decision-making readiness and, 90 decision-making readiness assessment and, 91 delivery tools for, 91 face-to-face and virtual delivery, 93 goal of, 91 individual case-managed services and, 91 levels of, 90–91 self-help services and, 90 service delivery tools, 93 service settings and duration, 93 social justice and, 94 Differentiation, 20, 173, 324 Disability, 444, 554, 583 assessments and, 556, 558–562 biopsychosocial model of, 555 Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) and, 569 career development and, 11 career psychology and, 555–556 careers and, 11 COVID-19 and, 570 cultural considerations, 568–569 definition of, 554 disclosure and impression management, 563–564 discrimination and, 583 ethical considerations of, 567–568 evidence-based practices and interventions, 562–567 impression management (IM) and, 564 lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer/questioning (LGBTQ) and, 569 medical model of, 554 models of, 554–555 non-Western culture and, 569 person–environment (P-E) fit and, 555 psychologists and, 555–556 RESPECTFUL framework and, 570 rights movement, 555 social model of, 554–555 workplace accommodations and, 565–566 Disability and Business Technical Assistance Centers, 566 Disclosure, 264 approach goals and, 264 between-person level, 265 family satisfaction and, 270 implicit vs. explicit, 264 positive affect and, 266 strategies, 264–265 within-person level, 265
Index 629
Discorrespondence adjustment styles and, 25 work environment and, 22, 24, 27 Discrimination, 260–264, 287, 450 age, 606 bisexual employees and, 261 cissexist, 263 definition of, 578 disability and, 583 employment, 583 gender-based, 272, 584–585 heterosexist and P-O values fit, 267 interpersonal, 262 job search and, 581 mental health outcomes and, 263 race and, 584 sexual, 584–585 sexual minority people and, 260–264, 585 sexual orientation-based, 263 social class and, 395 systemic, 582–585, 586 theoretical frameworks for, 579 transgender, 261, 585 wage gap and, 584 workplace, 261, 583 Disengagement, 215 Disequilibrium theory of work adjustment (TWA) and, 23, 28 work environment and, 23 Dismissive–avoidant, 127 Disposition, 18 Dispositional traits, 123, 127 Dissatisfaction and work environment, 23–24 DOL (U.S. Department of Labor), 529 Downsizing, 594 Dream career, 172 DSM-IV-TR (Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, text revision to the fourth edition), 307 DSW (Decision Space Worksheet), 91 Duke’s Talent Identification Program, 515 Duolingo, 380 DWS (Decent Work Scale), 63–66
E
EAPs. See Employee assistance programs (EAPs) EC (emancipatory communitarian), 60 Ecological assessment, 561–562 Economic constraints, 393 decent work and, 63–64, 68 Economic Constraints Scale, 390 Economic cultures, 393 Economic Policy Institute, 584 Economic resources and volition, 67 Economic stressors, 594–596 job insecurity and, 594–595 underemployment, 595–596
Economic vulnerability and immigrants, 288 Education African Americans and, 580 antiliteracy laws and, 580 career development and, 63 classism in, 396 decent work and, 63 inequities and marginalization in, 580–581 liberation-oriented curriculum and, 291 Poder career education program, 291 psychology of working theory (PWT) and, 66 segregation and, 580 undocu-friendly campuses and, 293 EEOC. See Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) Efficacy theory, 194 Efficient global people effectiveness expert, 475, 480 COVID-19 and, 483–484 global mobility (GM) culture activist subrole, 480 global mobility (GM) rewards manager, 480 Emancipatory communitarian (EC), 60 Emotional and Personality-Related Career Decision Difficulties Questionnaire, 422 Emotional exhaustion, 238 Emotional labor, 600–601 burnout and, 600 career success and, 601 deep acting, 600 surface acting, 600 Emotion-focused therapy, 496–497 Empiricism, 123 Employability, 6, 135, 219 adaptability of continuous lifelong learning (curiosity) and, 135 career adaptability and, 136 career identity and, 219 dimensions of, 219 four-factor model of, 439 human capital and, 219 life-design counseling and, 136 personal adaptability and, 219 skills, 564 social capital and, 219 Employee assistance programs (EAPs), 548–549 outcomes, 549 Employee champion, 476 Employment competitive integrated, 562 discrimination, 583 stages of change model of, 557 verification of, 285 Empowering leadership, 599 Empty-chair technique, 496
630 Index
Enculturation, 289–290, 351 Endurance, 24 Environment barriers and, 444 information about, 177 objective, 29 personality interactions and, 19 subjective, 29 Environmental exploration, 6, 170, 175–179 artificial intelligence and, 176 career alternatives and, 175 career decision making and, 175 career transitions and, 179 challenges in, 177–178 characteristics of, 175–176 focused vs. unfocused, 175 future of, 179 goals of, 175 ICT-based systems for, 179 intentional vs. fortuitous, 175 occupational information and, 177 quality of occupational information and, 178 quantity of occupational information and, 177 sources of environmental information for, 177 structured vs. unstructured, 176 uncertainty about the future and, 178 virtual reality (VR) and, 179 Environmental interest profiles, 159 Eponymous career construction theory, 121 Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), 578 charges based on race, 584 charges based on sex, 584 disability charges, 583 Equilibrium theory of work adjustment (TWA) and, 23 work environment and, 23 Error-free compliance, 483 COVID-19 and, 483 ESCI (Expanded Skills Confidence Inventory), 200–201 ESM (experience sampling method), 241 Establishment, 215 Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct, 415 Ethic of reflexivity, 493, 502 clinical governance and, 501 critical, 500–501 life-design counseling and, 133 quality assurance monitoring and, 501 supervision and, 501 Ethnic identity, 331, 352 Asian Americans and, 331–334 Euclidean distance, 156
Evidence-based interventions disability disclosure, 563–564 impression management (IM), 564 job-related skills training, 564–565 motivational interviewing, 563 supported employment (SE), 566–567 workplace accommodations, 565–566 Executive processing domain, 84 Exiting status of INCOME framework, 558 Éxito!, 356–357 Exosystem, 578 Expanded Skills Confidence Inventory (ESCI), 200–201 Expatriates AE-SIE career continuum phenomenon and, 472 assigned, 469 cycle, 473 expat-preneurs, 472 global career identity and, 472 identity changes and, 473 internationalization and, 470 job challenge and, 471 motivation for, 469–470 reverse cultural shock and, 472 self-initiated, 469 types of assignees, 472 Expectations of rejection, 263 Experience champion, 478 Experience-near approach and researchers, 501 Experience sampling method (ESM), 241 Exploration, 215 Expressed interests, 145, 416 External barriers to women, 193 External conflicts, 186
F
Familismo, 290, 347, 352 Family-supportive organization perception (FSOP), 601 Family-supportive supervisor behavior (FSSB), 601 career satisfaction and, 602 career success and, 602 Fauci, Anthony, 509 FCC (Federal Communications Commission), 370 FCE (functional capacity evaluation) and assessment, 560 Fearful–disorganized, 127 Federal Communications Commission (FCC), 370 Federal Reserve System, 530 Fit, 22 demand–ability assessments and, 31 measurement of, 32 needs–supplies and, 31 person–environment (P-E) models and, 31
Index 631
Flawless global mobility (GM) program designer, 475, 479 compliance architect subrole, 479 error-free compliance, 483 global mobility (GM) risk and data analytics expert subrole, 479 technology and, 483 Flexibility, 25 Florida State University (FSU), 5, 80 Floyd, George, 313–314 Forbes, 520 Forced retirement, 450 Fourth industrial revolution, 121 volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity (VUCA) and, 121 Frictional unemployment, 530 FSOP (family-supportive organization perception), 601 FSSB. See Family-supportive supervisor behavior (FSSB) FSU (Florida State University), 80 Functional capacity evaluation (FCE) and assessment, 560
G
Garrett and Pichette’s five levels of acculturation rubric, 380 Gender career considerations and, 43 differences and, 152 discrimination, 272 role socialization and career choice, 194 self-efficacy beliefs and, 42–43 social class and, 395–396 social cognitive career theory (SCCT) and, 42–43 Gender minority people career counseling and, 7 career development and, 7, 194 definition of, 259 disclosure and, 264 fear of discrimination and, 263 gender transition and, 266–267 work volition and, 272 Gender transition, 266–267 gender identity actions and, 266 male privilege and, 267 well-being and, 266 General cognitive ability, 510 gifted and, 511 measurement of, 518 General employability skills, 564 General mental ability (GMA), 511 gifted people and, 511 General social cognitive theory, 38 Generating meaningfulness, 497 Gifted people, 10, 510 academically, 510 career choice and, 512 cognitive reasoning and, 511
funding of education for, 523 general cognitive ability and, 511 general mental ability (GMA) and, 511 identification of, 510 intellectually, 518 minorities and, 523 prestigious careers and, 517, 517–521 prospective approach and, 512 Radex scaling model and, 510 retrospective approach and, 512 spatial reasoning and, 515 threshold hypothesis and, 516–517 trait complexes and, 516 Gig economy, 30, 436 Glassdoor 2015 Employment Confidence Survey, 540 Global careerists boundaryless mindset of, 472–473 career choice and, 469 career transitions and, 472 career types and, 472 characterization of, 469 different kinds of, 472 identity and, 472 job searches and, 472 microlevel exploration of, 469–473 priorities of, 470 time and, 469 work–life balance and, 471 Global careers, 467–469 boundaryless nature of, 471–472 career counseling for, 473 context and, 468–469 cyclical nature of, 472 data collection and, 469 international assignments (IAs) and, 467 international boundaryless career, 472 international organizational career, 472 long-term effects of, 471–472 temporal perspective of, 468 transnational career, 472 Global integrator, 477 Global meaning framework, 112 Global mobility (GM), 468 culture activist, 480 data collection and, 469 employee value proposition, 480 forms of, 468, 481 mesolevel perspective of, 468 microlevel perspective of, 468 new norm of, 482 rewards manager, 480 risk and data analytics expert, 479 SAFE model of, 474–476 Global mobility (GM) departments data collection and, 469 management of global workers and, 473–480 roles of, 474–476
632 Index
Global mobility (GM) professionals agile strategic advisory, 474 efficient global people effectiveness expert, 475 error-free compliance and, 475 flawless GM program designer, 475 as global work and talent stewards, 478 major roles of, 474–475 smart global talent managers, 474 Global talent, 474 management and COVID-19, 481 Global work, 471 COVID-19 and technology and, 481–484 flexible arrangements for, 483 management of, 473–480 talent stewards, 478 GM. See Global mobility (GM) GMA. See General mental ability (GMA) Goals, 45 actions and, 46 interests and, 42, 45 performance model and, 42 personal, 42 satisfaction model and, 42 self-management models and, 42, 51 working alliance and, 498 work-related, 42 Gottfredson’s theory of circumscription and compromise, 392 Graduate Record Exam, 515 Great Depression, 532 Great Recession, 532, 543 Green card, 284 Growth and development, 539 Guidelines for Assessment and Intervention With Persons With Disabilities, 567
H
Halo effects, 237, 241 Happiness, 236, 248 burnout and, 238 chronic absenteeism and, 238 creating it in the workplace, 246–248 creativity and, 244 emotional exhaustion and, 238 employee, 247 future prosocial behavior and, 242 halo effects and, 237 income and, 239, 242 interpersonal rewards and, 239 job evaluations and, 241 job performance and, 237, 241 organizational change and, 238 peer review and, 243 positive activities in the workplace for, 247 productivity and, 241, 242 prosociality and, 244 success and, 240, 243 unemployment and, 242
withdrawal behaviors and, 242 work engagement and, 238 workload and stress levels and, 247 Happy–productive worker theory, 241 Harassment definition of, 578 theoretical frameworks for, 579 Hard skills, 565 Harvard Online Learning, 380 Health career resilience (CR) and, 607 job crafting and, 599 job insecurity and, 595 work and, 591–610 Heterosexist barriers, 263 Heterosexist discrimination social class and, 272 work volition and, 272 Holland’s congruence hypothesis, 157 Holland’s RIASEC model. See Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional (RIASEC) model Holland’s six vocational personality types, 416 Holland’s themes and vocational activity, 201 Holland’s theory of vocational choice and adjustment, 4, 16, 18–20, 127, 260, 324–328 application of, 21 calculus assumption and, 19 congruency and, 19, 324 consistency and, 20, 324 differentiation and, 20, 324 environments in, 18 fundamental tenets of, 18 identity and, 20 incongruence and, 19 individual differences theories and, 413 interests and, 17, 199–200 internal validity of for Asian Americans, 324–326 predictive validity of for Asian Americans, 326–328 racial/ethnic groups and, 20 research support for, 20–21 secondary assumptions and, 19 self-efficacy and, 199–200 sexual and gender minority employees and, 268–269 Hormone replacement therapy (HRT), 266 Hours underemployment, 595 HR. See Human resources (HR) HRT (hormone replacement therapy), 266 Human capital, 219, 474 curator, 476 theory, 443 Human resources (HR), 474 administrative expert role in, 476 competitive stance of companies, 474
Index 633
credible activist role in, 476 employee champion role in, 476 human capital curator in, 476 paradox navigator role in, 476 roles and competencies of, 476 strategic positioner role in, 476 Ulrich’s (1998) model of, 474–475 Ulrich’s (2017) model of, 476 IAs (international assignments), 467 ICF (International Classification of Functioning), 555 ICT (Information and communication technology), 170 I-deals, 445–446 Identity, 20, 128 Identity management, 264–266 asexual and nonbinary people and, 272–273 career development and, 272–273 career outcomes and, 265–266 concealment and, 264 disclosure and, 264 predictors of, 265 Idiocentric, 334 Idiosyncratic employment arrangements, 445–446 ILO (International Labor Organization), 63 ILPs (individual learning plans), 93 Imagining status of INCOME framework, 557 IM (impression management), 564 Immigrant paradox, 289 Immigrants acculturative stress and, 286–288 advocacy and, 290–291 assessing strengths and resources of, 289–291 barriers to career development of, 284–289 biculturalism and, 290 career counseling and, 8 career development and, 281 country-of-origin and, 281–282 cultural enclaves and, 290 cultural flexibility and, 290 cultural values and, 290 diversity of, 280 economic vulnerability of, 288 educational access for, 291 education and career in home country and, 283 employment verification and, 285 familismo and, 290 immigration policy changes and, 281 liberation-oriented curriculum for, 291 liberation-oriented resistance and, 292 loss of professional status and, 288–289 mental health distress and, 285
multicultural guidelines and competencies for career counseling of, 280–281 naturalization and, 284–285 poverty and, 288 psychological experiences of, 281 resilience and, 289–290 sanctuary practice and, 292 social and demographic factors and, 282–283 social capital and, 288 social networks and, 288 stereotypes of, 287 Temporary Protected Status (TPS) and, 285 undocumented, 285 U.S. population of, 279 Immigrants Rising, 291 Immigration classism and, 284 Latinxs and, 350 policy, 285 racism and, 284–285 status barriers, 284–285 stressors and, 285, 350 Immigration status barriers affecting, 284–285 types of, 284 undocumented, 285 ImmSchools, 291 The Importance of Work in an Age of Uncertainty, 307 Impression management (IM), 564 Inclusive psychological practice, 69 Inclusivity and career counseling, 62 Income and happiness, 239, 242 INCOME (Imagining, Informing, Choosing, Obtaining, Maintaining, and Exiting) framework of career development, 557–558 interventions, 444 statuses of INCOME framework, 557–558 Incongruence, 19 Indeed, 382 In-depth exploration, 182 degree of fit and, 182 goals of self- and environmental explorations during, 182 online databases and, 183 roles of self- and environmental explorations during, 182–183 Individual differences tradition, 511 Individualism, 348 Individualism–collectivism Asian Americans and, 334–338 value orientations of, 335 Individual learning plans (ILPs), 93 Individuals, 81 Individuals With Disabilities Education Act, 566
634 Index
Industrial and organizational (I/O) psychology, 16, 511 person–supervisor (P-S) fit and, 28 Information and communication technology (ICT), 170 Information processing, 5 Informative research, 502 Ing-Wen, Tsai, 509 Injury prevention, 608 Inpatriates, 472 Institutional classism, 396 Intake process, 412–415 Integrationists, 332 Integrative life narratives, 123 Intentions and social cognitive career theory (SCCT), 42 Interaction, 22 Interest assessment, 146 career options and, 153 idiothetic and idiosyncratic use of Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional (RIASEC) model and, 149 prestige and, 147 Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional (RIASEC) model and, 150 structure of, 146–147 Interest congruence academic performance and, 155 career decision making and, 158–159 job performance and, 155 research on, 157–158 Interest model, 40, 43–47 abilities and, 40 cross-cultural validity of, 47 distal person and contextual factors may influencing, 45 goals and, 42 outcome expectations and, 44 research support for, 46–47 self-efficacy beliefs and, 44 Interest Profiler, 21, 186 Interests assessment of, 161 career choice and, 153–154 career decision making and, 162 career decisions and, 162 developmental trajectories of, 152–153 development of, 159–161 domain-specific and career choice, 154 environmental constraint and, 158 environmental profiles, 159 importance of, 162 individual profiles, 159 mean-level stability of, 150, 151–152 objective career success and, 157 outcome-oriented, 160 people-oriented, 151
person–environment (P-E) fit and, 162 prediction of, 158 process-oriented, 160–161 profile stability, 152 rank-order stability, 152 role of, 161–162 self-determination theory (SDT) and, 160 self-efficacy and, 198 stability, 44 stabilization and career decisions and, 152–153 things-oriented, 151 traitedness, 158 Interest types alternative interest models of, 147 circular model of, 148 conceptual simplicity vs. accessibility of nuances, 148 Holland’s hexagonal model of, 148 number of, 147–148 Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional (RIASEC), 146–147 structural arrangement of, 148 Internal barriers to women, 193 Internal conflicts, 186 International assignments (IAs), 467 International boundaryless career, 472 International careers, 468 International Classification of Functioning (ICF), 555 Internationalization, 470 International Labor Organization (ILO), 63 International organizational career, 472 Interpersonal classism, 396 Intersectionality, 349, 357, 395 African American women and, 302–303 career counseling with Black and African Americans and, 302–304 Interventions behavioral domain and efficacy information and, 205 belief–perseverance technique and, 205 career, 206 career counseling, 206 career development, 204 career-planning and social class, 399 chronic indecision and, 204 efficacy-based, 204 evidence-based, 562–567 experimental group, 205 gratitude, 247 integrated, 70 job crafting, 599 Latinx academic success and, 354–355 mindfulness, 248 performance accomplishment, 205 prosocial behavior, 247
Index 635
psychology of working theory (PWT) informed, 70 self-efficacy and, 205–206 social activity, 247 strength-based, 248 vicarious learning, 205 work as calling theory (WCT) and, 111 Intuition and career decision making, 184 Involuntary career transitions, 447, 539 Involuntary retirement, 450 I/O psychology. See Industrial and organizational (I/O) psychology
J
JAI (Job Adaptability Inventory), 220 JCS (Job Consideration Scale), 561 JD-R model. See Job demands–resources (JD-R) model Job. See also Career; Work adaptability, 220 clarity, 240 complexity, 511 field underemployment, 595 matching and transferable skills, 561 obsolescence, 538 opportunities and language proficiency, 286 resources, 592, 593–607 satisfaction and positive affect, 237 searches and self-direction orientation, 440 security, 594–595 skills training, 564–565 strain, 592 Job Accommodation Network website, 566 Job Adaptability Inventory (JAI), 220 Job Consideration Scale (JCS), 561 Job crafting, 104, 107, 114, 445, 596, 598–600 career adaptability and, 600 career success and, 599 cognitive crafting, 598 empowering leadership and, 599 health and, 599 interventions, 599 job demands–resources (JD-R) model and, 598–599 person–environment (P-E) fit and, 599 relationship crafting, 598 subdimensions of, 599 task crafting, 598 work engagement and, 599 Job demands, 592, 593–607 economic stressors and, 594–596 experience of, 602–607 job crafting and, 598–600 new forms of labor, 597–602 underemployment and, 596 Job demands–resources (JD-R) model, 591, 592 burnout and, 592 career resilience (CR) and, 606 economic stressors and, 594–596
emotional labor and, 600 health impairment and, 596 job crafting and, 598–599 nonstandard work arrangements and, 597 work engagement and, 592 work–life balance and, 601 Job evaluations happiness and, 241 positive affect and, 237 Job insecurity, 594–595 downsizing and, 594 health and, 595 layoffs and, 594 mergers or acquisitions and, 594 organizational changes and, 594 qualitative vs. quantitative, 594 restructuring and, 594 Job performance, 223 adaptability and, 220 happiness and, 237 living a calling and, 105 vocational interests and, 154–155 Job satisfaction Asian Americans and, 327 decent work and, 69 heterosexist and P-O values fit, 267 life satisfaction and, 237 living a calling and, 105 protean career orientation and, 440 vocational interests and, 127 well-being and, 241 Job search, 223 callbacks rates, 581 discrimination and, 581 Garrett and Pichette’s five levels of acculturation rubric and, 380 marginalization and, 581 Native Americans and, 380–382 positive affect and, 240 work as calling theory (WCT) and, 108 Journal of Career Assessment, 427 Journal of Counseling Psychology, 18 Journal of Employment Counseling, 530 Journal of Vocational Behavior, 131
K
Knowledge career choice and, 82 career problem solving and, 82 domain, 83 transfer programs, 606 Krumboltz’s social learning theory, 392 career decision making and, 557 Kuder Career Interests Assessment, 416
L
Labor force. See Workforce Latino/a Values Scale, 352 Latinxs academic and work intervention programs for, 354–356
636 Index
Latinxs (continued) acculturation and, 351 advocacy for, 357–358 anti-immigrant sociopolitical climate and, 350 bias and, 349 bicultural stressors and, 351 Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model and, 350 caballerismo and, 347 career counseling strategies and, 348–352 career psychology and, 8 community cultural wealth model (CCW) and, 355 contextual barriers and, 354 cultural factors and, 351–352 cultural values of, 347 educational and career development and, 354 educational participation and, 346, 353 enculturation and, 351 environmental and contextual factors and, 350–351 ethnic identity and, 352 Éxito! and, 356–357 familismo and, 347, 352 family and, 350 as immigrant workers, 350 intersectional perspective and, 349 interventions and academic success of, 354–355 job satisfaction and culture and, 351 labor force participation and, 346 machismo and, 347 marianismo and, 347 personalismo and, 347 population size and composition, 346 Project HOPE and, 356 religion and, 350 research on work and vocational development of, 352–354 science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) involvement and, 355–356 simpatía and, 347 supportive factors for, 354 wage gaps and, 346 work vs. self-perception, 348 Layoffs, 594 LCS (Living a Calling Scale), 110 Leadership, empowering, 599 Learned helplessness, 238 Learning experiences access to, 200 self-efficacy and, 200 women and, 200 Learning Experiences Questionnaire (LEQ), 200
Lesbian and gay people and career development, 259. See also Sexual and gender minority people Levine and Breshears framework, 578–579 Life course development, 128 career adaptability and, 128 career construction theory and, 126 Life design, 127 activity and, 130 career adaptability and, 130 constructivism vs. social constructionism and, 132 counseling and, 123, 130 describing to modeling and, 130 employability and, 135–136 holistic integration of all life roles and, 130 intentionality and, 130 lifelong perspective and, 130 lifespan reengagement and, 136–137 linear causality to nonlinear dynamics and, 130 modeling and, 133 narratability and, 130 predetermination vs. agency, 132–133 prescription to process and, 129 presuppositions of, 129 Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional (RIASEC) interests and, 134 school of thought, 497 scientific facts to narrative realities and, 130 self-regulation and, 130 social constructionism and, 129 tenets of, 129–130 theory, 71, 213 traits to states in context and, 129 Life-design counseling employability and, 136 ethic of reflexivity and, 133 psychometric assessment and, 134 Life design for career construction, 6, 121–142 career development models crisis, 122 employability and, 6 eponymous career construction theory and, 121 founders of, 122 Life Design International Research Group, 131 Lifelong perspective and life design, 130 Life satisfaction, 236, 238 calling and, 107 decent work and, 69 emotional exhaustion and, 238 job satisfaction and, 237 social support and, 239 work as calling theory (WCT) and, 108
Index 637
Lifespace, 125 Lifespan, 125 continuity theory and, 136 developmental psychology and, 126 reengagement, 136 vocational psychology and, 136 vocational psychology during, 136 Lifespan/lifespace career theory, 130, 260–278, 438 bottleneck effect and, 269 gay and lesbian identity development and, 269 minicycles and, 125 self-concept and, 125 sexual and gender minority employees and, 269–270 social constructionism and, 126 Little train who thought he could theory, 39 Living a calling, 103, 114 barriers to, 103, 113 burnout and, 105 job performance and, 105 job satisfaction and, 105 marginalized populations and, 103 opportunity and, 103, 113 organizational exploitation and, 105 outcomes of, 105–106 perceiving a calling and, 103 person–environment (P-E) fit and, 104 predictors of, 103–105 psychological climate and, 106 social class and, 103 work volition and, 103 Living a Calling Scale (LCS), 110 Localized expatriates, 472 Logical positivism, 123 Logical thinking and positive emotions, 244
M
MacArthur Ladder of Subjective Social Status, 390 Machismo, 347 Macronarratives, 128 Macrosystem, 578 Maintaining status of INCOME framework, 558 Maintenance stage of work readiness, 557 Making Better Career Decisions website, 422 Management, 215 Manifest interests, 416 Marginalization career development and, 11, 577–578, 586 decent work and, 63–64 education and, 580 job search and, 581 psychology of working theory (PWT) and, 579 workplace, 582–585 Marginal Persons, 332
Marianismo, 347 Marianismo Beliefs Scale, 352 Marital relationships and person– environment (P-E) fit, 31 Maslow’s theory, 26 Mathematics Self-Efficacy Scale (MSES), 197 Math self-efficacy, 196–198 careers in the sciences and, 197 gender differences in, 197 measures of, 197 Science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) domains and, 198 social cognitive career theory (SCCT) and, 197–198 Maxicycles and career adaptability, 128 MBTI (Myers–Briggs Type Indicator), 417, 559 MCCC. See Multicultural Career Counseling Checklist (MCCC) McCroskey Vocational Quotient System (MVQS), 561 MDS (multidimensional scaling), 149 Meaningfulness, 123, 602 career counseling and, 123 generating, 497 Meaningful work, 602–604 calling and, 603–604 career development and, 603–604 work orientation and, 603 Measured interests, 145 MEIM (Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure), 330 Mental health counselors, 547–548 interventions, 547 services for the unemployed, 546 sexual harassment and, 585 social class and, 398 underemployment and, 542 unemployment and, 542, 542–543, 547 work related, 591 Mental Health America, 547 Mental health counseling and career counseling, 72 Mentors and work as calling theory (WCT), 108 Mergers and acquisitions, 594 Merkel, Angela, 509 Mesosystem, 578 Metacognition career counseling process, 310 Metacompetencies, 219 Micronarratives, 128 Microsystem, 578 Migration asylum seekers and, 281 country-of-origin and, 281–282 deportation and, 282
638 Index
Migration (continued) education and career in home country and, 283 factors shaping, 281–283 host culture environment and, 282 immigrants and, 281 refugees and, 281 social and demographic factors and, 282–283 sojourners and, 281 voluntary vs. involuntary, 281–282 MI (motivational interviewing), 563 Minicycles, 125 career adaptability and, 128 Minnesota Importance Questionnaire (MIQ), 419, 561 Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory, third edition (MMPI-3), 559 MIQ (Minnesota Importance Questionnaire), 419, 561 MMPI-3 (Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory, third edition), 559 Model minority, 331 Motivational interviewing (MI), 563 Movement capital, 439 MSES (Mathematics Self-Efficacy Scale), 197 Multicultural Career Counseling Checklist (MCCC), 300, 308, 314 Multicultural Guidelines: An Ecological Approach to Context, Identity, and Intersectionality, 302, 306 Multidimensional scaling (MDS), 149 Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM), 330 MVQS (McCroskey Vocational Quotient System), 561 MVS (My Vocational Situation), 421 My Career Story, 422 Myers–Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI), 417, 559 My Vocational Situation (MVS), 421
N Narratability and life designing, 130 Narrative counseling, 497 Narrative identity, 128 career construction theory and, 128 as psychological fiction, 128 National Alliance on Mental Illness, 547 National Association of Colleges and Employers, 533 National Career Development Association (NCDA), 545 NCDA Career Counseling Competencies, 545 National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), 369 National Conference of State Legislators, 544
National Congress for American Indians, 382 National Employment Counselor, 545 National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH), 591 National Latinx Psychological Association (NLPA), 280, 357 National Science Foundation’s Scientists and Engineers Statistical Data System (SESTAT), 331 Native Americans access to educational opportunities and, 369 acculturation levels of, 381 barriers related to college education of, 370–371, 371–372 barriers related to K–12 education of, 369 brief history of, 367–368 career choice and, 373, 374–375 career counseling for K–12, 375–377 career development and, 379, 382 career psychology and, 8 career psychology of children and youth, 369–370 college counseling and, 378–379 college majors and, 373 college persistence and, 371–372, 378–379 college readiness and, 370–371 community service and, 376 counseling for college readiness, 377 critical components of career development for, 376–377 cultural supports for, 375, 379 discrimination and, 372, 382 distribution of, 367 employment distributions of, 374 entrepreneurial enterprises and, 374–375 financial resources for, 371 forced assimilation of, 368 Garrett and Pichette’s five levels of acculturation rubric and, 380 job searches and, 380–382 K–12 education and, 369–370 mentorship and, 382 parental support and, 376 racism and, 382 science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) majors and, 373 social supports for, 375 tribal colleges and universities (TCUs), 377 workplace cultural values and norms, 374 Naturalization, 284 NCDA. See National Career Development Association (NCDA) NCES (National Center for Education Statistics), 369
Index 639
Needs assessment and psychology of working theory (PWT), 71 Needs–supplies (N-S) fit, 22, 31, 446 Negative affect and concealment, 266 Negative emotions, 246 Negro-to-Black conversion theory, 308 The New Republic, 520 New York Times, 520 Nigrescence theory, 308, 313 NLPA (National Latinx Psychological Association), 280, 357 Nonbinary people, 272 Nonstandard work arrangements, 597–598 occupational health implications of, 597 N-S fit. See Needs–supplies (N-S) fit
O
Objective environment, 29 Objective person, 29 Objective person–environment (P-E) fit, 29 Obtaining status of INCOME framework, 558 OCB. See Organizational citizenship behavior (OCB) OCCU-Find, 424 Occupational categorization and Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional (RIASEC), 146 Occupational health, 591 career psychology and, 591 resources vs. demands, 592 Occupational health psychology (OHP), 11, 16, 591 definition of, 592 future applications of person– environment (P-E) fit models for, 30 health promotion and, 608 injury prevention and, 608 interventions, 607–608 job crafting and, 599 job demands–resources model and, 11 person–environment (P-E) fit and, 29–30 physical health promotion and, 592 physical injury prevention and, 592 psychological disorder prevention and, 592 psychological health promotion and, 592 types of health promotion efforts associated with, 592–593 vocational psychology for, 30 work organization and, 592–593 Occupational injuries, 591, 598 temporary workers and, 598 Occupational Outlook Handbook, 533 Occupational profiling and Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional (RIASEC) model, 150 Occupational segregation, 581–582 patterns of, 582 Occupational Self-Efficacy Beliefs Scale, 199
Occupations attributes of, 171 illnesses and, 591 information about, 177 simulation of, 424 stress and, 29–30 training for, 532 transitions and, 213 Offshoring, 538 OHP. See Occupational health psychology (OHP) Onboarding, 539 O*NET Ability Profiler, 418, 560 O*NET Interest Profiler, 416 O*NET Online, 424, 561 Open opportunity structures, 348 Organizational change, 594 downsizing, 594 happiness and, 238 layoffs, 594 mergers or acquisitions, 594 restructuring, 594 Organizational citizenship behavior (OCB), 238–239 altruism and, 238 conscientiousness and, 238 courtesy and, 238 Organizational climate, 602 Organizational exploitation, 106 definition of, 106 living a calling and, 105 Organizational support theory, 26 Orientation, 215 Oriented interests, 160 Outcome expectations, 4, 421 actual outcomes vs., 41 approach behavior and, 41 choice and, 45 as cognitive representations of anticipated outcomes or consequences of activity involvement, 41 interest model and, 44 interest stability and, 44 motivation and, 41 self-efficacy and, 421–422 self-efficacy beliefs vs., 41 self-management model and, 51 social cognitive career theory (SCCT) and, 41–42 talent-congruent, 45 Outcome-oriented interests, 160 measuring, 161 Outliers, 517 Overeducation, 595 Overqualification, 446, 596
P
Pace, 24 PAIs (positive activity interventions), 247 Paradox navigator, 476
640 Index
Parsons, Frank, 16, 391 person–environment (P-E) fit approach, 391 trait-and-factor approach, 391 vocational guidance and, 541 Parsons’s matching model of career guidance, 4, 16 assumptions about career decision making in, 17 true reasoning and, 17 Passing, 264 Pattern congruence, 157 Pay/hierarchical underemployment, 595 Peabody Individual Achievement Test– Revised/Normative Update (PIAT-R/ NU), 559 Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test, fifth edition (PPVT-5), 559 P-E fit. See Person–environment (P-E) fit Performance, 539 ability and, 40, 53 congruence and, 20 predicting, 47 satisfaction and, 49 self-efficacy beliefs and, 40 Performance accomplishments intervention, 205 Performance model, 47–48 ability and, 40, 47 goals and, 42 research support for, 48 satisfaction model and, 49 Permanent transferees, 472 Perseverance, 25, 26 Personal adaptability, 219 Personal constraints, 443–444 disabilities and, 444 educational underachievement and, 443 student debt and, 444 Personal Globe Inventory, 419 Personalismo, 347 Personality career assessment and, 417 career choice and, 18 development, 417 environment interactions and, 19 five-factor model of, 106, 417 types of, 18 vocational interests and, 417 work as calling theory (WCT) and, 106 Personality assessment, 559 Personality style variables, 24 theory of work adjustment (TWA) and, 24 Person–environment (P-E) fit, 4, 15–36, 391, 439. See also Person–environment (P-E) misfit accuracy of self-assessment and, 29 assessments for, 17
congruence–job satisfactions and, 32 contact with reality and, 29 cultural differences and, 32 disability and, 32, 555 Holland’s theory of vocational choice and, 17, 18–20 indices, 31 interests and, 162 job crafting and, 104, 599 living a calling and, 104 marital relationships and, 31 measurement issues and, 31 moderators of, 32 nonwork predictors and outcomes of, 30 objective, 29 occupational health psychology (OHP) and, 29–30 occupational stress and, 29–30 operationalization of, 32 as predictor for industrial and organizational outcomes, 28 Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional (RIASEC) model and, 146 research and, 31 social fit and, 113 subjective, 29 theory of work adjustment (TWA) and, 17, 22–26 turnover and, 29 underemployment and, 595 vocational interests and, 146 vocational psychology and, 30 work as calling theory (WCT) and, 104 work centrality variables and, 32 work environment and, 17 work-related outcomes and, 28 Person–environment (P-E) interaction and theory of work adjustment (TWA), 22, 27 Person–environment (P-E) misfit, 446–447. See also Person–environment (P-E) fit overcoming, 446–447 overqualification, 446 value incongruence, 446, 447 Person–group (P-G) fit, 28 Person–job (P-J) fit, 28 Person–organization (P-O) fit, 28 Person–supervisor (P-S) fit, 28 Person–vocation (P-V) fit, 28 P-G (person–group) fit, 28 PHWA (Psychologically Healthy Workplace Award), 607 Physical health promotion, 592 Physical injury prevention, 592 PIAT-R/NU (Peabody Individual Achievement Test–Revised/Normative Update), 559
Index 641
PIC (prescreening, in-depth exploration, and choice) model, 181–185 Pink-collar jobs, 193 P-J (person–job) fit, 28 Placeability, 565 Plessy v. Ferguson, 580 Poder career education program, 291 P-O (person–organization) fit, 28 Positive activity interventions (PAIs), 247 Positive affect gainful employment and, 240 job clarity and, 240 job evaluations and, 237 job satisfaction and, 237 job search intensity and, 240 social support and, 239 workplace disclosure and, 266 Positive emotions career-related negotiations and, 244 confidence and, 243 job loss and, 240 logical thinking and, 244 peer review and, 243–244 Positive moods, malleability of, 50 Positive psychology movement, 602 meaningful work and, 602–604 Positive reinforcement and self-efficacy beliefs, 39, 40 Positive youth development, 221 Postmigration factors shaping, 281–283 host culture environment and, 282 Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), 543 Poverty and immigrants, 288 PPVT-5 (Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test, fifth edition), 559 Practitioners, 81, 273, 494. See also Career counseling; Counseling practitioners ethic of critical reflexivity and, 500–501 experience-near approach and, 500 practitioner–client relationship, 499 reflexive approach and, 501 working with sexual and gender minority people, 273 Precarious work, 397 economic crises and, 398 Precontemplation stage of work readiness, 557 Predictive model and work adjustments, 22–24 Preemployment screening and personality assessments, 559 Preference, 171 aspect-based, 171, 174 coherence and, 173 cohesiveness of, 174 consistency and, 173 differentiation and, 173 synchronized, 174
Premigration, 281 Preparation stage of work readiness, 557 Prescreening, 181–182 goals of self- and environmental exploration in, 181–182 roles of self- and environmental explorations in, 182 search criteria and, 181 Prescreening, in-depth exploration, and choice (PIC) model, 181–185 career decision making and, 181 choice stage and, 183–184 in-depth exploration and, 182–183 prescreening and, 181–182 Prestige and interest assessment, 147 Primer on Unemployment, 530 Proactive engagement, 71 Problem-solving and cognitive information processing (CIP) theory, 79 Process domains and career assessment, 419 Process model and work adjustments, 24 Process-oriented interests, 160–161 measuring, 161 Prochaska and DiClemente’s stages of change model, 557, 562 Productivity, 539 happiness and, 241 Professional isolation, 484 Profile correlation, 156 Progressive Era, 391 Project HOPE, 356 Project Talent, 512, 515 Prosociality and happiness, 244 Prospective approach and gifted, 512 Prospective reflexivity, 128 Protean career orientation, 439–440 career adaptability and, 218–220 career management and, 440 job satisfaction and, 440 two-dimension model of, 440 vocational identity and, 440 Protean paradox, 440 P-S (person–supervisor) fit, 28 Psychoanalytic career theory, 495 Psychological disorder prevention, 592 Psychological flexibility, 73 Psychological health promotion, 592 Psychologically Healthy Workplace Award (PHWA), 607 Psychologists advocacy and, 587 barrier-free practices and, 570 disability assessments and, 558–562 evidence-based practices and interventions and, 562–567 Psychology of working, 60 The Psychology of Working: A New Perspective for Career Development, Counseling, and Public Policy, 60
642 Index
Psychology of working counseling (PWC), 69, 399 antiracism and, 69 psychology of working theory (PWT) and, 69 Psychology of working framework (PWF), 59–62, 134, 392–393 access to opportunity and, 62 core assumptions of, 61 critical consciousness and, 62 emancipatory communitarian (EC) and, 60 fundamental human needs and, 61 major constructs of, 62 vocational psychology and, 60, 61–62 work volition and, 62 Psychology of working systems intervention (PWSI), 69 Psychology of working theory (PWT), 4, 59–78, 134, 260–278, 307, 392–393 acceptance and commitment therapy (ACT) and, 72–73 agentic action and, 71 career adaptability and, 64 career counseling and, 72 career interventions and, 69–70 critical consciousness and, 64 decent work and, 63–66 Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) recipients and, 67 economic conditions and, 64 economic constraints and, 393 education and, 66 inclusive psychological practice and, 69 integrative intervention models and, 71 interventions, 69, 70 life design theory and, 71 marginalization and, 579 moderator variables within predictor portion of, 64–65 needs assessment and, 71 new directions for practice, 71–73 as a partial framework, 66 proactive personality and, 64 psychology of working and, 60 psychology of working counseling (PWC) and, 69 psychotherapy and, 70, 72–73 recent research and, 65–69 sexual and gender minority people and, 271–272 social cognitive career theory (SCCT) and, 71–72 social support and, 64 socioeconomic status (SES) and, 393 studies with college students, 67–68 studies with non-U.S. working adults, 68–69 subjective social status (SSS) and, 393
theoretical overview of, 62–65 theory of change approach to, 70 underemployment and, 66 vocational psychology and, 73 workplace satisfaction and, 68 work volition and, 64 Psychotherapy, 73 acceptance and commitment therapy (ACT), 496 career counseling vs., 10, 493–494 interventions, 73 psychology of working theory (PWT) and, 72–73 psychology of working theory (PWT) informed practitioners, 70 PTSD (posttraumatic stress disorder), 543 Public Interest Guidelines, 306 P-V (person–vocation) fit, 28 PWC. See Psychology of working counseling (PWC) PWF. See Psychology of working framework (PWF) PWSI (psychology of working systems intervention), 69 PWT. See Psychology of working theory (PWT) Pygmalion effects, 244 Pyramid of information processing domains career interventions and, 86 CASVE cycle and, 83 cognitive information processing (CIP) theory and, 83–84 decision-making skills domain, 83–84 executive processing domain, 84 as handout, 86 knowledge domain, 83
Q
Quality assurance monitoring and ethic of critical reflexivity, 501 Quantitative job insecurity, 594
R
Race and discrimination, 584 Racial/ethnic groups and Holland’s theory of vocational choice and adjustment, 20 Racism immigration and, 284 Native Americans and, 382 separate but equal, 580 Radex scaling model, 510 RAICES (Refugee and Immigrant Center for Education and Legal Services), 291 Raven’s Progressive Matrices, Clinical Edition, 559 Reading-Free Vocational Interest Inventory, third edition (RFVII-3), 561 Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional (RIASEC) model, 18, 127, 324, 561 bipolar conceptualization of, 149
Index 643
career construction theory and, 134 dimensional nature of, 147–149 idiosyncratic approach to, 150 idiothetic approach to, 149–150 interest assessment and, 150 interest types, 146–149 life designing and, 134 multidimensional scaling (MDS) and, 149 occupational categorization and, 146 occupational profiling and, 150 opposite interests and, 149 person–environment (P-E) fit and, 146 structural arrangement of, 148 Recruitment and vocational environments, 19 Reflexive approach, 501 ethics of, 493 Refugee and Immigrant Center for Education and Legal Services (RAICES), 291 Refugees, 281 Rehabilitation psychology, 567 Relationship crafting, 598 Remote working, 482 COVID-19 and, 483 professional isolation and, 484 Repatriation, 472, 473 Reputation and self-construction, 134 Research autoethnographic, 501 informative, 502 Researchers bias and, 501 experience-near approach and, 501 reflexive approach and, 501 self-awareness and, 501 Resilience, 606 Resistance, liberation-oriented, 292 RESPECTFUL framework, 570 Response to intervention (RTI) career interventions and, 93 intervention sequence and, 93 Responsibilities of Users of Standardized Tests, 415 Restructuring, 594 Retirement bridge employment and, 449 planning for, 448–449 transitioning to, 27 Retrospective approach gifted and, 512 reflection and, 128 Returnees, 472 Reverse cultural shock, 472 Revised Math Self-Efficacy Scale (MSES-R), 197 Revised NEO Personality Inventory (NEO-PI-3), 417
RFVII-3 (Reading-Free Vocational Interest Inventory, third edition), 561 Rhythm, 24 RIASEC model. See Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional (RIASEC) model Richardson, Mary Sue, 60, 122–123 The Right Way, 188 Roberts v. City of Boston, 580 Rottinghaus and Eshelman’s six-step model, 9, 413–415 RTI. See Response to intervention (RTI) Sanctuary practice, 292 SAT exam, 512, 513, 518 Satisfaction performance and, 49 person and contextual variables affecting, 49 theory of work adjustment (TWA) and, 24, 26 vocational interests and work and, 127 work environment and, 23–24, 49 work/school vs. life, 50 Satisfaction model, 49–50 goals and, 42 performance model and, 49 research support for, 50 variables, 49 Satisfactoriness theory of work adjustment (TWA) and, 24, 26 work environment and, 22 Savickas and Porfeli’s Career Adapt-Abilities Scale, 420 Savickas, Mark L., 122–123 SB-5 (Stanford–Binet Intelligence Scales, fifth edition), 559 SCCT. See Social cognitive career theory (SCCT) School-to-work transition stage, 441–444, 451 accommodative strategies during, 443–444 assimilative strategies during, 442–443 personal constraints and, 443–444 socioeconomic status (SES) and, 444 Science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) careers, 194 choices and persistence of women and racial/ethnic minorities in, 198 Latinxs and, 356 math self-efficacy and, 196–198 outcomes and self-efficacy, 198 performance accomplishments and, 198 self-efficacy beliefs and, 198 social cognitive career theory (SCCT) and, 198 women in, 194 SCI (Skills Confidence Inventory), 199, 418 SCWM (social class worldview model), 393
644 Index
SDS. See Self-Directed Search (SDS) SDT (self-determination theory), 61, 160 Secure–autonomous, 127 SEER (Software for Employment, Education, and Rehabilitation), 561 Segregation, 580 occupational, 581–582 Selection, optimization, and compensation (SOC), 448 Self autobiographical analysis of, 501 awareness of, 501 knowledge of, 123–124 as object, 123 as social actor, motivated agent, and autobiographical author, 124 Self-concept, 125, 128 Self-construal and Asian Americans, 336–338 Self-Construal Scale, 338 Self-construction, 127 reputation and, 134 Self-determination and decent work, 65 Self-determination theory (SDT), 61, 160 Self-Directed Search (SDS), 18, 186, 416 Self-efficacy, 328 academic, 201–202 basic domains of and vocational activity, 200–201 career assessment and, 420–421 career choice and, 420 career decision and, 203 career process measurement and, 203 content focused activities and, 199–202 Holland themes and, 200 interest domains, 199–200 interests and, 198 learning experiences and, 200 math and, 196–198 measured cognitive ability and, 202 measurement of, 199–200 measures vs. self-estimates of ability, 199 outcome expectations and, 421–422 prediction of chosen college major and, 201 process focused, 202–204 Realistic, 206 science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) careers and, 198 social cognitive career theory (SCCT) and, 200 sources of efficacy information and, 198, 200 standardized testing scores and, 202 vicarious learning and, 200 womens access to learning experiences and, 200 Self-efficacy beliefs, 4, 38–40 ability vs., 40 accuracy of, 39
approach behavior and, 38 career development and, 6 change and domain-related activities, 39 choice and, 45 as cognitive representations of competencies, 39 enactive experiences and, 39 enhancements of, 50 gender and, 42–43 human behavior and, 38 interest model and, 40, 44 interest stability and, 44 major sources of information forming, 39 outcome expectations vs., 41 performance and, 40 positive reinforcement and, 39, 40 science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM), 198 self-management model and, 51 self-worth vs., 38 talent-congruent, 45 theory of, 6 vicarious exposure and, 39 Self-efficacy expectations, 194 abilities self-estimates vs., 199 college women and, 195–196 interventions for, 205–206 major types of criterion behaviors and, 195 performance and persistence and, 196 women and, 195–196 Self-Efficacy Questionnaire (SEQ), 199 Self-Efficacy Rating Scale (SER), 199 Self-efficacy theory, 193, 194–195 career behavior and, 194 career development of women and, 194–196 interventions and, 205–206 Self-exploration, 6, 170, 172–175 adult feedback and, 173 career decision making and, 172 career practitioners and, 172 challenges in, 173 characteristics of, 172–174 coherence and, 173 cohesiveness of preferences and, 173–174 compromise and, 173 consistency and, 173 differentiation and, 173 facilitation of, 174–175 goals of, 172 the internet and, 174 likes and dislikes and, 172 search criteria and, 173 self-help assessments and, 172 simulations for, 174 sources of, 172–173 virtual reality (VR) and, 174 Self-help assessments, 172
Index 645
Self-initiated expatriates (SIEs), 469–470 academic, 470 motives and, 470 not-for-profit sector and, 470 Self-management model, 51–53 career development and, 51 core social cognitive variables and, 51 goals and, 42, 51 outcome expectations and, 51 person and contextual variables and, 52 primary goal of, 38 research support and, 52–53 self-efficacy beliefs and, 51 social cognitive career theory (SCCT) and, 37, 51–53 Self-regulation and life designing, 130 Separate but equal, 580 Separationists, 332 SEQ (Self-Efficacy Questionnaire), 199 Sequential elimination, 181 SER (Self-Efficacy Rating Scale), 199 SES (socioeconomic status), 390, 393 SESTAT (National Science Foundation’s Scientists and Engineers Statistical Data System), 331 SE (supported employment), 566–567 Sex and discrimination, 584–585 Sexual and gender minority employees affinity groups for, 262 affirmative organizational policies and practices for, 262 affirmative sexual and gender minority policies and practices for, 262 career development and, 270 career outcomes and, 265–266 disclosure and, 263, 264 diversity trainings and, 262 expectations of rejection and, 263 family satisfaction and, 270 identity management and, 264–266 lifespan/lifespace career theory and, 269–270 supportive workplace climates and, 268 workplace discrimination and mental health outcomes for, 263 workplace discrimination with career outcomes for, 263 Sexual and gender minority people career counseling and, 7 career development and, 7, 273 career interventions and, 273 of color, 265 decent work and, 272 definition of, 259 discrimination in the workplace and, 260–264 future research directions for, 272–273 heterosexist stigma and vocational choice and, 269
Holland’s theory of vocational choice and adjustment and, 268 multiple life roles in, 270 as older adults, 273 practical implications for practitioners and, 273 psychology of working theory (PWT) and, 271–272 sexual identity development and, 269 social cognitive career theory (SCCT) and, 271 work volition and, 272 Sexual harassment, 585 mental health and, 585 Sexual identity development and sexual minority people, 269 SIEs. See Self-initiated expatriates (SIEs) SII. See Strong Interest Inventory (SII) Silver tsunami, 447 Simpatía, 347 Simpatía Scale, 352 SIT-4 (Slosson Intelligence Test–Revised, fourth edition), 559 Situational assessment, 561–562 Sixteen Personality Factor Questionnaire (16PF), 559 Skills, 417 career assessment and, 418 communication, 533 hard, 565 interactive, 533 learning, 533 planning and management, 533 problem solving, 533 soft, 565 underutilization of, 595 Skills Confidence Inventory (SCI), 199, 418 SkillTRAN-OASYS, 561 SL-ASIA (Suinn–Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation scale), 333 Slavery and African Americans, 300–301 Slosson Intelligence Test–Revised, fourth edition (SIT-4), 559 Smart global talent managers, 474, 478 experience champion role of, 478 global work and talent steward role of, 478 individual vs. organizational outcomes and, 482 specific, measurable, attainable, relevant, and time-bound (SMART) objectives and, 478 virtual teams and, 482 SMART (specific, measurable, attainable, relevant, and time-bound) objectives, 478 SMPY. See Study of Mathematically Precocious Youth (SMPY) Social capital, 219 immigrants and, 288
646 Index
Social class, 390 advocacy in working lives and, 400–401 career choice and, 392 career counseling and, 9, 399–400 career development and, 9, 391 as a cultural construct, 393–396 discrimination and, 395 economic cultures and, 393 gender and, 395–396 Gottfredson’s theory of circumscription and compromise and, 392 heterosexist discrimination and, 272 intersectional perspectives on, 395–396 MacArthur Ladder of Subjective Social Status and, 390 mental health and, 398 objective measures of, 390 psychological experience of, 390 resource-based measures of, 390 sexual minority people and work volition and, 272 social cognitive career theory (SCCT) and, 392 social identity and, 395 subjective measures of, 390 theoretical perspectives on, 391–393 unemployment and, 397–398 vocational personalities and, 391 work quality and, 397–398 work values and, 394 Social class worldview model (SCWM), 393 Social cognitive career theory (SCCT), 4, 26, 37–58, 194, 260–278, 306, 392, 413 ability and, 39–40 Asian Americans and, 328–329 career choice and, 154 career choice intervention and, 54 career outcomes and, 153 central constructs of, 328–329 central hypotheses of, 46 contextual variables and, 42–43 core constructs of, 38–42 gender and, 42–43 intentions and, 42 interest and choice models and, 43–47 math self-efficacy and, 197–198 outcome expectations and, 41–42 performance model and, 47 process-oriented approach to career development and, 37 psychology of working theory (PWT) and, 71–72 rationale behind, 37 satisfaction model and, 49 self-efficacy beliefs and, 38–40, 200, 328 self-management model and, 37, 51–53 sexual minority people and, 271 social class and, 392 theoretical models included in, 53
Social constructionism, 123, 126, 132, 134 constructivism vs., 132 contextual assumption of, 130 counseling practitioners and, 133 reputation and, 134 resemblances and, 134 Social constructionist/constructivist paradigm, 497 Social fit, 113 Social identity theory social class and, 395 work as calling (WCT) theory and, 107 Social justice, 292–293 Social Justice and Multicultural Counseling Competencies, 292 Social learning theory career decision making and, 557 Krumboltz’s, 392 Social mobility, 398 Social networks career development and, 288 immigrants and, 288 Social status and decent work, 68 Social support, 71 well-being and, 241 Socioeconomic status (SES), 390, 393 Socioemotional selectivity theory (SST), 437 SOC (selection, optimization, and compensation), 448 Soft skills, 565 Software for Employment, Education, and Rehabilitation (SEER), 561 Sojourners, 281 Spatial reasoning career achievement and, 516 career choice and, 515 gifted and, 515 Specific employability skills, 564 Specific, measurable, attainable, relevant, and time-bound (SMART) objectives, 478 SSS (subjective social status), 390, 393 SST (socioemotional selectivity theory), 437 Stability of interests, 150–153 developmental trajectories of, 152–153 mean-levels, 151–152 profile, 152 rank-order of, 152 structural, 150–151 Standardized tests. See also ACT exam; SAT exam general cognitive reasoning and, 518 Standard Self-Directed Search (Standard SDS), 561 Standards for Educational and Psychological Testing, 415 Standards for the Qualifications of Test Users, 415 Stanford–Binet Intelligence Scales, fifth edition (SB-5), 559
Index 647
STEM careers. See Science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) careers Stepped out, 530 STF (systems theory framework), 500 Storying, 497 Strategic positioner, 476 Stress, 220 Stress in America, 591 Strong Interest Inventory (SII), 201, 415, 416, 560 Structural racism, 303, 304 Structural unemployment, 530 Student debt, 444 Study of Mathematically Precocious Youth (SMPY), 511, 512–516 cognitive reasoning and, 513 Subjective environment, 29 Subjective person, 29 Subjective person–environment (P-E) fit, 29 Subjective social status (SSS), 390, 393 Success and happiness, 240, 243 Suinn–Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation scale (SL-ASIA), 333 Super’s career-development assessment and counseling (C-DAC) model, 412 Super’s lifespan developmental model, 322–324, 391–392 Super’s lifespan/lifespace career theory, 260–278, 534 career assessment and, 413 career choice and, 322 cultural validity of for Asian Americans, 323 task mastery and, 537 Supervision and ethic of critical reflexivity, 501 Supplementary fit, 446 Supplementary misfit, 447 Supported employment (SE), 566–567 Surface acting, 600 Survival needs decent work and, 65 Systemic discrimination, 586 Systems theory framework (STF), 500
T
Task crafting, 598 Task mastery and career development, 537 Tasks and working alliance, 498 Task-Specific Occupational Self-Efficacy Scale (TSOSS), 199 TCUs (tribal colleges and universities), 377 Telecounseling, 423 COVID-19 and, 424 Telehealth, 425 Zoom and, 510 Temporary Protected Status (TPS), 285 Temporary work, 598 career commitment and, 598 occupational injuries and, 598
Termination of employment. See Involuntary career transitions Theory of career intervention, 80 Theory of change intervention model and needs assessment and, 70 psychology of working theory (PWT) and, 70 Theory of vocational behavior, 80 Theory of vocational choice and adjustment, 260 Theory of work adjustment (TWA), 4, 16, 17–21, 22–26, 41, 259–278, 391 adjustment framework and, 27 adjustment styles and discorrespondence and, 25 application of, 27 avenues for adjustment behavior, 23 culturally stigmatized groups and, 27–28 disequilibrium and, 28 dissatisfaction as motivation and, 23, 27 dynamic component of, 22 equilibrium and, 23 experiences of the individual and, 24 fit and, 22 focus of, 22 interaction and, 22 measures for, 26 moderating relationships and variables and, 24–25 personality styles and, 24 person–environment (P-E) interaction and, 22, 27 potential career options and, 27 predictive model of, 22–24 process model of, 22, 24 research support for, 26–28 retirement transition and, 27 satisfaction and, 22, 24, 26 satisfactoriness and, 24, 26 sexual minority employees and, 267–268 structural component of, 22 Therapeutic alliance. See Working alliance Think Aloud method, 300, 302, 309–312 case studies using, 312–316 intersectionality and, 310–311 worldview collaborative independence and, 310–311 Third Way report, 546 Threshold hypothesis, 516–517 Tilt, 515 Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, 262, 584 Too much of a good thing effect (TMGT), 517 Total Worker Health (TWH) program, 608 TPS (Temporary Protected Status), 285 Tracey’s Personal Globe Inventory, 419 Trait complexes, 516
648 Index
Transferable skills assessment of, 561 job-matching and, 561 Transference, 497 Transgender people career development and, 259 discrimination and, 261 identity nondisclosure and, 263 Transnational career, 472 Trauma-informed counseling, 496 Tribal colleges and universities (TCUs), 377 Triple jeopardy, 304 True reasoning, 169 Parsons’s matching model of career guidance and, 17 TSOSS (Task-Specific Occupational Self-Efficacy Scale), 199 Turnover and person–environment (P-E) fit, 29 TWA. See Theory of work adjustment (TWA) TWH (Total Worker Health) program, 608 Two-chair technique, 496
U
Ulrich, Dave employee champion role and, 476 human resources model (1998), 474–475 human resources model (2017), 476 Uncertainty, 121, 474 Underemployment, 529, 540, 595–596 career development and, 534–537 career psychology and, 596 career success and, 596 causes of, 537–541 controllable causes of, 540 definition of, 531 hours, 595 job crafting and, 596 job field and, 595 long-term impact of, 596 mental health and, 541–542 negative outcomes from, 595 overeducation and, 595 overqualification and, 596 pay/hierarchical, 595 person–environment (P-E) fit and, 595 psychology of working theory (PWT) and, 66 skill/experience underutilization and, 595 subdimensions of, 595 Unemployment behavior and conduct and, 539 career development and, 529–530, 534–537 causes of, 537–541 character and attitude and, 540 controllable causes of, 537, 538–539 COVID-19 and, 538 cyclical, 530 definition of, 10, 530
dismissal and, 538–539 education and training and, 545 employee assistance programs (EAPs) and, 548–549 frictional, 530 growth and development and, 539 happiness and, 242 individual challenges of, 542–544 job obsolescence and, 538 mental health and, 541–542, 542–543, 547–548 mental health services for, 546 offshoring and, 538 performance and productivity and, 539 positive emotions and, 240 posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and, 543 programs, 531 rate, 544 reactions to, 543 role of caregivers and, 547–549 service approach to, 545–546 serving the needs of unemployed individuals, 541 side effects of long-term, 544 social class and, 397–398 standards for serving, 545 stepped out, 530 structural, 530 technological advancements and, 538 termination and, 539 two-phase treatment for, 541 uncontrollable causes of, 537–538 work ethic and, 544 Unisex Edition of the ACT Interest Inventory (UNIACT), 326 United We Dream, 291 Universality, 348 Unsatisfactoriness in the work environment, 22–23 USA Jobs, 382 U.S. Census Bureau, 530, 553 U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 553 U.S. Department of Labor (DOL), 529, 530, 553 U.S. Department of Labor’s Occupational Network (O*Net), 17, 21 U.S. News & World Report, 518 U.S. Small Business Administration, 380 U.S. workplace career readiness and, 533 overview of, 531–534 trends, 533
V Value incongruence, 446, 447 Values, 419 Values Scale, 419
Index 649
VIA Classification of Character Strengths and Virtue, 421 Vicarious learning, 200 intervention, 205 Virtual assignments, 483 cross-cultural miscommunication in, 484 Virtual collaboration during COVID-19, 483 Virtual reality (VR), 174 Virtual teams, 482 Vocational activity basic domains of and self-efficacy, 199–201 career choice and, 199 Holland themes and, 201 Vocational advocacy, 401 Vocational behavior theory, 5 cognitive information processing (CIP) theory and, 95 contextualist developmental theory of, 125–127 studies of, 80 Vocational choice and sexual minority people, 269 Vocational development and process variables, 419 Vocational/Educational Self-Efficacy Scale, 201 Vocational environments, 19 Vocational guidance movement, 391 Vocational identity, 323, 421, 438 career decisions and, 421 career exploration and, 421 protean career orientation and, 440 Vocational Identity Measure, 421 Vocational Identity Status Assessment, 421 Vocational interests, 6, 145–168 academic performance and, 154–155 academic satisfaction and, 156–157 career assessment and, 416 career decision making and, 6 career development and, 6 choice considerations vs., 45 definition of, 145 expressed interests and, 145, 416 goals and, 45, 46 Holland’s typology of, 146–147 job performance and, 154–155 job satisfaction and, 127 manifest interests and, 416 mean-level stability of, 150–152 measured, 145 middle school as a critical transition period for, 151 personality traits and, 417 person–environment (P-E) fit and, 146 resemblances and, 134 stability of, 150–153 structure of, 146–150 subjective success and, 155–157 values assessment and, 560–561
work and satisfaction, 127 workplace performance and, 127 Vocational maturity, 214 career adaptability vs., 128 volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity (VUCA) and, 128 Vocational personality types, 127, 391, 416 disposition and, 18 Self-Directed Search (SDS) and, 18 vocational environments and, 19 Vocational Preference Inventory, 18 Vocational psychology, 30, 60, 136 career construction theory and, 122–123 communitarian, 60 emancipatory, 60 expanding the purview of, 61 across the lifespan, 136 person–environment (P-E) fit and, 30 postretirement-aged people and, 136 psychology of working framework (PWF) and, 61–62, 392 psychology of working theory (PWT) and, 73, 392 research on Latinxs and, 352–354 role of interests in, 161–162 self as object and, 123 self as project and, 123–124 self as subject and, 123 sociopolitical critique of, 134 Vocational theories Gottfredson’s theory of circumscription and compromise, 392 Holland’s vocational personalities and ideal occupational environments, 391 Parsons’s person–environment (P-E) fit approach, 391 psychology of working theory (PWT), 393 social class and counseling and, 400 Super’s lifespan developmental model, 391–392 theory of work adjustment (TWA), 391 Volatility, 121, 474 Volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity (VUCA), 121, 128, 135, 474 career development models and, 122 fourth industrial revolution and, 121 vocational maturity and, 128 Volition and economic resources, 67. See also Work volition VR (virtual reality), 174 VUCA. See Volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity (VUCA)
W Wage inequality, 584 race and, 584 women and, 585 WAIS-IV (Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale, fourth edition), 559
650 Index
WAI-SR (Working Alliance Inventory–Short Revised), 498 WAI-S (Working Alliance Inventory–Short Form), 498 WAI (Working Alliance Inventory), 498 Wall Street Journal, 520 WCT (work as calling theory), 101–120 Wealth-X, 520 Web of Science, 225 Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale, fourth edition (WAIS-IV), 559 Wechsler Individual Achievement Test, fourth edition (WIAT-4), 559 Well-being. See also Well-being and career success components of, 236 decent work and, 68 improving it in the workplace, 246–248 life satisfaction and, 236 measurement of in the workplace, 246 optimal workplace conditions for, 247 social support and, 241 success and, 235–256 work as calling theory (WCT) and, 112 worker, 7 Well-being and career success, 7 causality and, 243 combined evidence for, 245 cross-sectional evidence for, 237–240 experimental evidence for, 243–245 longitudinal evidence for, 240–243 WFC (work–family conflict). See Work–family conflict (WFC) Whole-life career management model, 445 Who You Are Matters board game, 422 WIAT-4 (Wechsler Individual Achievement Test, fourth edition), 559 Wide Range Achievement Test, fifth edition (WRAT-5), 559 Withdrawal behaviors and happiness, 242 WJ IV-ACH (Woodcock–Johnson IV Tests of Achievement), 559 WJ-IV (Woodcock–Johnson Tests of Cognitive Abilities, fourth edition), 559 Women career development of and self-efficacy theory, 194–196 external barriers to, 193 internal barriers to, 193 science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) careers and, 194 Woodcock–Johnson IV Tests of Achievement (WJ IV-ACH), 559 Woodcock–Johnson Tests of Cognitive Abilities, fourth edition (WJ-IV), 559 Work, 494. See also Career; Job abroad, 471–472 adjustment, 23 aspects of, 171
benefits of, 553 callings, 604 career development and, 391 centrality variables of, 32 COVID-19 and, 532 decent, 494 economic crises and, 398 ethics and unemployment, 544 experience of, 602–607 flexible global arrangements for, 483 health and, 591–610 intersectional perspectives on, 395–396 meaning and decent work, 272 meaningful, 394, 602–604 mental health and, 591 motivation and readiness assessment, 562 orientation and meaningful work, 603 pandemics and, 398 performance and cognitive ability, 513 precarious, 397 psychodynamic perspectives and, 496 quality and social class, 397–398 remote, 482 self-concept and, 125 temporary, 598 theoretical perspectives on, 391–393 traumas and, 213 trends, 533 values, 394, 419 Workaholism, 107 definition of, 105 living a calling and, 105, 107 Work as calling theory (WCT), 5, 101–120 calling motivation and, 104 career counseling applications of, 111–114 cultural contexts and, 110 cultural lens approach (CLA) and, 110 definition of calling and, 107 faith and work integration and, 112 as guiding framework, 107 interventions and, 111 job crafting and, 104 job seeking and, 108 life satisfaction and, 108 living a calling, 103 mentors and, 108 moderator variables affecting, 104, 106 opportunity and, 103, 111, 113 organizational support and, 104, 105 organization outcomes and, 109 as partial framework, 107–108 perceiving a calling and, 103, 104, 112–113 personality and, 106 person–environment (P-E) fit and, 104 primary purpose of, 101 prosocial values and, 112 psychological climate and, 106
Index 651
research on, 107–111 social identity theory and, 107 testing of its propositions, 109–110 as underlying theory, 108–109 well-being and, 112 work volition and, 108 Work-based counseling, trauma-informed, 72 Work-based interventions, 73 acceptance and commitment therapy (ACT) and, 72–73 Work disability challenges and barriers, 553 psychologists and, 555–556 Work engagement, 238, 592 happiness and, 238 job crafting and, 599 Work environment correspondence and, 22 discorrespondence and, 22 dissatisfaction and, 23–24 flexibility and, 25 interest-congruent, 45 perseverance and, 26 person–environment (P-E) fit theories and, 17 psychological climate of, 106 satisfaction and, 23–24, 49 satisfactoriness and, 22–23 subjective, 29 unsatisfactoriness and, 22–23 Workers empowerment of, 292 international vs. domestic, 471 Work–family conflict (WFC), 601 career success and, 601 family-supportive organization perception (FSOP) and, 601 family-supportive supervisor behavior (FSSB) and, 601 Workforce challenges of returning to, 538 gender-based segregation of, 193 pace of change in, 532 size and composition of, 532 U.S. and immigrants, 279 Workforce participation stage, 444–447, 451 accommodative strategies during, 446–447 assimilative strategies during, 444–446 career plateaus and, 447 career self-management and, 444–445 i-deals and, 445–446 involuntary career transitions and, 447 job crafting and, 445 person–environment (P-E) misfit and, 446–447 Work Importance Locator, 419
Working alliance, 10, 493, 495, 497–499 bonds and, 498 Bordin’s model of, 498 career counseling and, 10, 498–499 components of, 498 counseling practitioners and, 493 effectiveness of therapy and, 498 goals of, 498 tasks and, 498 Working Alliance Inventory–Short Form (WAI-S), 498 Working Alliance Inventory–Short Revised (WAI-SR), 498 Working Alliance Inventory (WAI), 498 Work–life balance, 601–602 global careerists and, 471 work–family conflict (WFC) and, 601 Work–nonwork conflict, 227 Work organization, 592 age-discrimination climate and, 606 age-supportive climate and, 605–606 career resilience (CR) and, 606 emotional labor and, 600–601 family-supportive organization perception (FSOP), 601 family-supportive supervisor behavior (FSSB) and, 601 job crafting and, 598–600 knowledge-transfer programs and, 606 new forms of, 597–602 nonstandard work arrangements, 597–598 work–life balance and, 601–602 Workplace. See also U.S. workplace accommodations, 565–566 climate and decent work, 272 climate and work volition, 272 discrimination in, 583 marginalization in, 582–585 satisfaction and psychology of working theory (PWT), 68 sexual harassment in, 585 trends, 533 Workplace identity management. See Identity management Work readiness theory, 557 Work-to-retirement transition stage, 226, 447–450, 451 accommodative strategies during, 450 ageism and discrimination during, 450 assimilative strategies during, 448–449 bridge employment and, 449 involuntary retirement and, 450 optimizing age-related changes and, 448 retirement planning during, 448–449 Work volition, 62, 392 economic resources and, 67 gender minority people and, 272 heterosexist discrimination and, 272
652 Index
Work volition (continued) living a calling and, 103 positive outcomes of, 64 psychology of working theory (PWT) and, 64 sexual and gender minority people and, 272 work as calling theory (WCT) and, 108 workplace climate and, 272 World Economic Forum, 520 World Health Organization, 555, 574 International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health (ICF), 555
Worldview collaborative independence, 310 WRAT-5 (Wide Range Achievement Test, fifth edition), 559 Wright’s Value-Laden Beliefs and Principles, 567–568
X
Xenophobia, 287
Y
YouScience, 423, 426 internet-based career guidance system, 418 Yuan, Eric, 510
Z
Zoom, 510
ABOUT THE EDITORS
W. Bruce Walsh, PhD, is a professor emeritus in the Department of Psychology at The Ohio State University. Dr. Walsh is the founder and charter editor of the Journal of Career Assessment. He has coauthored and coedited 24 books and 150 journal articles. In 1998 he served as president of the Society of Counseling Psychology and in 2010 as president of the Society for Environmental, Population, and Conservation Psychology. From 1990 to 2002 he served as the director of training for the Counseling Psychology Program at Ohio State. In 2004 Dr. Walsh received the Leona Tyler Award from the Society of Counseling Psychology in recognition of outstanding accomplishments. In 2011 the American Academy of Counseling Psychology selected him for the Jim Cossé Distinguished Service Award for Extraordinary Contributions to the Professional Practice of Counseling Psychology, and in 2019 he received an American Psychological Association (APA) Presidential Citation for exceptional leadership in the field of counseling psychology. He has served as an APA council representative for Division 34 (2002–2008) and Division 17 (2010–2013). He is a founding fellow of the Center for the History of Psychology (2011) at the University of Akron. Since 2015 he has served as an American Psychological Foundation (APF) trustee and is an APF visionary leader. He holds fellow status in the APA and the Association for Psychological Science and is licensed as a psychologist in Ohio. Lisa Y. Flores, PhD, is a professor of psychology in the Department of Psychological Sciences at the University of Missouri. She has expertise in the career development of women and Latinxs and the integration of Latinx immigrants in rural communities. She has published over 100 journal articles and book chapters and presented over 250 conference presentations in these areas. She 653
654 About the Editors
has been PI and co-PI on grants totaling $5.1 million from the National Science Foundation, U.S. Department of Agriculture, and U.S. Department of Education to support her research. Dr. Flores’s research aims to understand the impact of psychosocial, cultural, and contextual variables on the educational and vocational decisions and satisfaction of Latinxs in engineering. Over the past 10 years, her work on broadening Latinxs’ participation in engineering fields has been consistently funded by the National Science Foundation. Dr. Flores served as editor of the Journal of Career Development from 2005 to 2022 and as the Legacies and Traditions Forum editor of The Counseling Psychologist (2019–present). She is past associate editor of the Journal of Counseling Psychology and has served on the editorial boards of the Journal of Vocational Behavior, Counseling Psychologist, Journal of Counseling Psychology, and Career Development Quarterly. She is a fellow of the American Psychological Association (Divisions 17, 35, and 45) and has received several honors for her work, including the Best in Science Award from the Society of Counseling Psychology, the Distinguished Career Award from the Society of Vocational Psychology, the Shining Star Award from the National Multicultural Conference and Summit, the John Holland Award for Outstanding Achievement in Career or Personality Research from the Society of Counseling Psychology, and early career professional awards from both the Society of Counseling Psychology and the National Latinx Psychological Association. Paul J. Hartung, PhD, is a professor in the Department of Family and Community Medicine at Northeast Ohio Medical University, where he directs the College of Medicine’s first-year course on the psychosocial foundations of clinical medicine. He has published 62 peer-reviewed journal articles, 38 book chapters, four edited books, and an h-index of 40, reflecting high productivity and impact of his work. He also has given over 100 conference paper presentations, along with 85 international, national, and state presentations, including keynote addresses and workshops delivered on four continents. He served as editor for The Career Development Quarterly (2014–2021), president of Division 16 (Counseling) of the International Association of Applied Psychology (IAAP; 2018–2022), and currently serves as IAAP Division 16 past president (2022– 2026). He also currently serves on the editorial boards for the Journal of Vocational Behavior (2003–present), Journal of Career Assessment (1997–present), and International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance (2012–present). He received the American Psychological Association (APA) Division 17 John Holland Award for Outstanding Achievement in Career or Personality Research (2009), the National Career Development Association (NCDA) Eminent Career Award (2020), and the APA Society for Vocational Psychology Distinguished Achievement Award (2021). For his outstanding contributions to the science and profession of psychology and the field of career development, he was named fellow of the APA, the IAAP, and NCDA.
About the Editors 655
Frederick T. L. Leong, PhD, is a retired professor of psychology at Michigan State University and served as the director of the Consortium for Multicultural Psychology Research. He has authored or coauthored over 190 articles in various psychology journals and 124 book chapters and has edited or coedited 22 books. Dr. Leong is a fellow of the American Psychological Association (APA), Association for Psychological Science, and International Association of Applied Psychology. He is the founding editor of the Asian American Journal of Psychology and served as associate editor of the American Psychologist and Archives of Scientific Psychology. He received the APA Award for Distinguished Contributions to the International Advancement of Psychology and the APA Award for Distinguished Service to Psychological Science. He also received the Stanley Sue Award for Distinguished Contributions to Diversity in Clinical Psychology from APA’s Division 12, the APA Division 45 Distinguished Contributions to Research Award, the Division 17 Leona Tyler Lifetime Achievement Award, and the Division 29 Award for Distinguished Contributions to the International Advancement of Psychotherapy. His major clinical research interest centers on culture and mental health and cross-cultural psychotherapy, and his industrial and organizational research is focused on cultural and personality factors related to career choice, work adjustment, and occupational stress. His research has been cited 21,969 times with an h-index of 82.