Butua and the End of an Era: The effect of the collapse of the Kalanga state on ordinary citizens. An analysis of behaviour under stress 9781407310190, 9781407339979

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BAR S2420 2012 van Waarden Butua and the End of an Era

B A R

Cambridge Monographs in African Archaeology 82

Series Editors: Laurence Smith, Brian Stewart and Stephanie Wynne-Jones

Butua and the End of an Era The effect of the collapse of the Kalanga state on ordinary citizens An analysis of behaviour under stress

Catharina van Waarden

BAR International Series 2420 2012

Cambridge Monographs in African Archaeology 82

Series Editors: Laurence Smith, Brian Stewart and Stephanie Wynne-Jones

Butua and the End of an Era The effect of the collapse of the Kalanga state on ordinary citizens An analysis of behaviour under stress

Catharina van Waarden

BAR International Series 2420 2012

ISBN 9781407310190 paperback ISBN 9781407339979 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407310190 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

ABSTRACT The Kalanga state Butua, which had dominated the Zimbabwe plateau for four centuries, collapsed in the 1830s due to repeated difaqane invasions, and its population became subject to Ndebele invaders. This is a study of how the farming population coped with the stresses brought by these events and how this is manifest in the archaeological remains. A model of group behaviour under stress suggests that with increasing stress, group solidarity at first increases, but later decreases. A series of hypotheses based on this model guides the study. Part A - "Butua" is a reconstruction of the state based on oral and documentary evidence and archaeological research in Botswana. This reviews information from the capitals Khami and Danang'ombe and adds new evidence on elite sites with a case study of Selolwe, and on peasant sites of which Vumba is the focus. This portrays a well-organized, stable and prosperous state with clear class distinctions visible in architecture, material possessions, and differential access to beef. Calculations based on granary platforms establish that the farmers produced a substantial surplus with which they supported the elite. Part B - "The end of an era" combines information from historical sources with archaeological evidence from two villages at Domboshaba to reconstruct events and conditions in northeastern Botswana during the turbulent 19th century. The comparison between these sites and the earlier village of Vumba confirms initially an increase in group solidarity, followed by a decrease, most obvious in an increased emphasis on communal hunting, followed by more individual hunting and snaring. The differences between the sites are in some respects not great, as they are all kinbased farming communities, which by nature already display strong group solidarity even in peaceful times. Similarities between the sites, despite the passage of time and despite the circumstances, highlight the self-sufficient, stable and independent nature of these communities. Although the state structure and the elite disappeared, the farmer communities survived. This is an example of state collapse where the complex society disintegrated to the level of its building blocks, which were the kin-based farming communities. Keywords: Botswana, Butua, Khami, Rozvi, Kalanga, difaqane, Ndebele, collapse, solidarity, stress, farming communities. Catharina van Waarden PhD graduate Department of Anthropology, Binghamton University, State University of New York [email protected] © Catharina van Waarden

Cover illustration: broken spindle whorl from Selolwe, decorated with a design reminiscent of the layout of villages

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CONTENTS List of Tables List of Figures Acknowledgements 1. Introduction 2. State collapse and its effect on ordinary citizens. A model of behaviour under stress Depths of the pool Sociocultural evolution Collapse The collapse of Butua Building blocks of society Behaviour under stress Hypothesis testing Conclusions 3. Environmental context The Zimbabwe plateau Northeastern Botswana Climate change 4. Ethnographic background Ethnographic sources 5. Previous research Previous research about Butua Historic references Archaeological evidence The task ahead Previous research about the difaqane period 6. Approaches and methods Historical sources Analogy Change Recovery of archaeological data Summary of the introductory chapters Part A. Butua 7. Butua history from documents and oral traditions The rise of Butua Butua under the Togwa dynasty (c.1425-1685) Changamire take-over (1683-1696) Butua during Changamire rule (1696-1831) Conclusions 8. Archaeological evidence of Butua elite sites Terminology Classification by period Distribution of Butua elite sites Settlement hierarchy Khami Danang'ombe Zinjanja Naletale Manyanga Trends Dates Hierarchy Khami phase site hierarchy Conclusions 9. Commoner sites Granary platforms Livestock kraals and middens Settlement distribution Nzana and nzi

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iv v vii 1 4 5 5 6 9 9 10 14 15 17 17 19 23 25 26 28 28 28 29 37 38 42 42 43 44 44 46

47 49 49 51 54 56 70 72 72 72 82 84 96 98 100 101 102 102 102 104 104 109 110 110 112 113 115

Large sites Ethnic identity - the case of Moloko pottery Spatial analysis of commoner sites in the northeast The people Conclusions 10. Vumba Methodology The kraals The granaries Houses The midden and the date The Vumba spatial arrangements Central cattle pattern or not? Artifact assemblage Flora The faunal assemblage Discussion and conclusions 11. Boshe: Selolwe and other elite sites near Vumba Elite sites near Vumba Domboshaba Ruin Vukwe Ruin Selolwe Features on the platform Features in the north clearing The south clearing Artifact assemblage The faunal assemblage Discussion Associated villages Conclusions 12. Bathu ne Boshe. Subjects and rulers during the Khami Phase Site location Architecture The use of space Peasant Pattern and Zimbabwe Pattern Distribution of meat Grain - feeding the nation Pottery Mining and metallurgy Ivory Spinning, a national pastime Glass beads and other imports Conclusions Part B. The end of an era 13. History of the end. Oral and documentary evidence Butua under the Changamire The Western Province before the fall The difaqane The fall of the Changamire State Internal power struggles The Ngoni attacks The Ndebele period Refuge villages The Ndebele state Tributary phase Raids The 1863 attack. Renewed raiding and refugee period Lack of unity Arrival of Europeans, Tati Concession and end of hostilities Kalanga villages under Meng'we in the 1870s Conclusions 14. Domboshaba refuge sites iii

116 116 119 124 126 127 129 130 130 131 133 133 136 138 142 142 144 148 148 148 153 154 160 161 162 163 170 172 172 176 178 179 181 185 199 201 217 224 229 233 233 234 235 239 241 241 242 243 244 245 246 247 255 260 262 263 265 267 267 268 272 274

Refuge sites in Botswana Domboshaba Hill The Domboshaba lower village (07-C2-9A) The houses The yards Granaries Dolly holes Spatial arrangement Artifact assemblage Faunal assemblage Summary The Domboshaba upper village (07-C2-9B) The houses The yards Granaries Men's assembly area Ancestor shrine Dolly holes Spatial arrangements Artifact assemblage Faunal assemblage Summary 15. Changing behaviour under stress Testing the hypotheses Conclusions Building blocks of complex society Collapse of the Butua State Epilogue Appendix A. Radiocarbon dates Appendix B. Zimbabwe Tradition ruins in Botswana Appendix C. Commoner sites Bibliography

274 276 279 281 282 285 287 288 293 296 299 301 301 304 307 307 307 308 309 312 316 317 320 320 349 352 353 357 360 363 365 369

LIST OF TABLES Table page 10.4 Age of domesticates 143 10.5 Summary of activities, resources and 147 catchment area of Vumba 11.1 Dates of Khami-phase sites studied 148 11.2 Functional typology of pots of the Khami phase 163 at Selolwe 11.3 Identified faunal fragments of the Khami phase 170 of Selolwe 11.4 Age of domesticates 171 11.5 Comparison of game versus domestic body 171 parts at Selolwe 11.6 Summary of activities, resources and catchment 173 area of Selolwe 12.1 Location of Khami-phase elite sites in the 178 Northeast District 12.2 Location of sites in the landscape 179 12.3 Elevation of elite sites 179 12.4 Location relative to geological formation 179 12.5 Location of sites in land units 179 12.6 Symbolism of patterns in walls 182 12.7 House diameters 183 12.8 Aspects of Kalanga religion 192 12.9 Comparison of bones at Vumba and Selolwe 204

Table page 2.1 Hypotheses of behavioral change under stress 16 of warfare 3.1 Land units of agricultural, pastoral and mineral 23 potential 3.2 Climatic fluctuations 24 7.1 Export figures for gold and ivory 67 7.2 Overview of the Shona states 71 8.1 Settlement hierarchy terminology 73 8.2 Classification of Zimbabwe Tradition walled 78 sites in Botswana 8.3 Butua period walled sites in Botswana 80 8.4 Butua period elite sites outside Botswana 83 8.5 Muzinda levels for the Butua period 85 8.6 Number of known sites per settlement level 109 9.1 Number of granaries by region 115 9.2 Butua commoner sites in the Northeast District 119 by land unit 9.3 Dates of commoner sites 120 9.4 Commoner sites with kraals 122 9.5 Burials 124 10.1 Amount of excavation at Vumba 129 10.2 Composition of households at Vumba 135 10.3 Identified faunal fragments from Vumba 143

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Table page 14.12 Comparing the households of the two villages 311 14.13 Identified faunal fragments from the 317 Domboshaba upper village 14.14 Identified bones by species and skeletal portion 318 14.15 Summary of activities, resources and catchment 319 area of the upper site 15.1 Comparison of sites and extent of excavations 322 15.2 Comparison of features 322 15.3 Comparison of artifacts recovered 323 15.4 Comparison of floral remains 324 15.5a Comparison of faunal assemblages 324 15.5b Comparison of identified fragments and MNI 325 15.6 Settlement interpretation 326 15.7 Access to resources 327 15.8 Measures of nucleation 331 15.9 Measures of nucleation of main arcs at Vumba 331 and D. lower village 15.10 Comparison of authority of senior man 333 15.11 Meat contribution 335 15.12a Comparison of procurement strategies for 336 game 15.12b Chi-square test of game categories 336 15.13 Coefficients of variation as measures of 338 conformity 15.14 Comparison of pottery decoration 339 15.15 Activities 340 15.16 Density of bone 342 15.17 Agricultural activity 343 15.18 Known cooking fires and hearths 345 15.19 Beautifying houses 345 15.20 Pottery decoration 346 15.21 Evidence for personal adornment 367 15.22 Evidence for long-distance trade goods 347 15.23 Results of the testing of the hypotheses 351

Table page 12.10 Bones in house 1 at Selolwe 205 12.11 Game bones on platform at Selolwe 205 12.12 Faunal remains from Khami 206 12.13 Age of domesticates at Khami 207 12.14 Worked bone 207 12.15 Comparison of game and domesticates on elite 208 and commoner sites 12.16 Comparison of game size categories 209 12.17 Comparison of hunting at Vumba and Selolwe 209 12.18 Comparison of body parts of domestic animals 210 on elite and commoner sites 12.19 Age composition of cattle assemblages 211 12.20 Khami cattle deaths compared to simulation of 213 slaughter 12.21 Age composition of small stock assemblages 216 12.22 Environmental requirements of crops 218 12.23 Comparison of pottery 228 14.1 Known refuge period sites in Botswana 275 14.2 The granary platforms and estimated storage 286 capacity, lower village 14.3 Summary of houses and courtyards of the 287 Domboshaba lower village 14.4 Composition of households at the Domboshaba 291 lower village 14.5 Identified faunal fragments from the 297 Domboshaba lower village 14.6 Age of domesticates 297 14.7 Identified bones by species and skeletal portions298 14.8 Summary of activities, resources and catchment 300 area of the lower village 14.9 Summary of houses and associated features of 305 the Domboshaba upper site 14.10 The granary platforms of the upper village and 307 estimated storage capacity 14.11 Households of the Domboshaba upper village 310

LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 4.2 Kalanga groups in northeastern Botswana today 25 6.1 Archaeological surveys in the Northeast District 45 7.1 The Zimbabwe state and the northern Leopard's 50 Kopje chiefdom 7.2 Trade routes 50 7.3 Radiocarbon dates 51 7.4 Butua under the Chibundule dynasty, according 52 to oral history 7.5 Population movements 15-18th centuries 55 7.6 The Changamire dynasty 57 7.7 Butua under the Changamire dynasty 59 7.8 Ivory trade caravan 66 8.1 Early P-style and Q-style walling 74 8.2 Types of decoration in stone walling 74 8.3 Distribution of check-decorated walls 74 8.4 Construction techniques in Zimbabwe- and 74 Butua-type walling 8.5 Khami Ruin platform Ba cross-section 75 8.6 Screening versus elevating function 75

Figure page 2.1 System collapse modeled by the cusp 8 catastrophe 2.2 General model of group behaviour under stress 11 2.3 Sites at which group behaviour under stress will 15 be studied 3.1 Location of Butua 17 3.2 The Zimbabwe high plateau 18 3.3 Distribution of Zimbabwe Tradition elite sites 18 3.4 Regional geology 18 3.5 Current annual rainfall in Zimbabwe and 18 Botswana 3.6 Tsetse fly belts 19 3.7 Geology of the Northeast District 19 3.8 Topography of the Northeast District 20 3.9 Rainfall at Francistown from 1922 to 1994 20 3.10 Land suitability for rain-fed crop production 21 3.11 Land units of agricultural, pastoral and mineral 22 potential 4.1 Ethnic groups 25

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Figure page 10.12 Pots from Vumba 139 10.13 Textured decorations on Vumba pottery 140 10.14 Polychrome and monochrome examples of 140 pottery 10.15 Spindle whorl 141 10.16 Soapstone pipe bowl 141 10.17 Iron objects from Vumba 142 11.1 Location of sites studied 148 11.2 Sketch map of Domboshaba Ruin 149 11.3 Domboshaba Ruin house B 149 11.4 Details of lower part of Domboshaba Ruin 151 11.5 Vukwe bird 153 11.6 Location of Selolwe 154 11.7 Leopard's Kopje terrace wall on Selolwe Hill 154 11.8 Selolwe Hill 155 11.9 Selolwe Hill plan 156 11.10 Selolwe excavated squares 157 11.11 Selolwe platform wall 158 11.12 Platform wall north section 158 11.13 Cross-section of platform walls at W4 and 158 stratigraphy of north clearing 11.14 Selolwe site plan with features 159 11.15 Structure 1 at Selolwe 160 11.16 Structure 2 at Selolwe 161 11.17 Features in the north clearing at Selolwe 162 11.18 Seat or steps? 162 11.19 Khami-phase pottery typology for Selolwe 164 11.20 Examples of pot shapes from Selolwe 165 11.21 Examples of punctates and polychrome 166 band-and-panel ware from Selolwe 11.22 Decoration motifs and patterns at Selolwe, 166 Khami phase 11.23 Crucibles from Selolwe 167 11.24 Spindle whorls from Selolwe 168 11.25 Other clay objects from Selolwe 168 11.26 Unfinished soapstone artifacts 169 11.27 Metal artifacts from Selolwe 169 11.28 Selolwana A 175 12.1 Distance to river 180 12.2 Distance to nearest gold mine 181 12.3 Comparison of commoner and elite houses 183 12.4 Khami Ruins 185 12.5 Mambo's palace at Khami 186 12.6 Detailed plan of Mambo's palace 186 12.7 Ivory divining tablets from Khami 193 12.8 Ceremonial weapons at Khami 194 12.9 Interpretation of Khami 196 12.10 Interpretation of Khami royal area 196 12.11 Interpretation of Mambo's palace 197 12.12 Comparison of number of granaries and 200 presence of kraal 12.13 Distribution of meat among Kalanga and 202 Shona 12.14 Matanga plan 216 12.15 Rainfall requirements for crops 219 12.16 Pots from palace at Khami 225 12.17 Functional pot classification 226 12.18 Pottery classification for Khami 227 12.19 Interaction between classes in Butua society 237 13.1 Difaqane migrations 244 13.2 Attacks on Butua in the early 19th century 245

Figure page 8.7 Screening effect of Zimbabwe freestanding wall 76 8.8 Plans of Soswane Ruin and Schermers Ruin 76 8.9 Vukwe Ruin platform 77 8.10 Zimbabwe Tradition walled sites in Botswana 79 8.11 Butua elite sites 82 8.12 Sizes of Butua period walled sites in Botswana 85 8.13 Level 2 sites 86 8.14 Tsamaya Ruin - level 3 87 8.15 Kombani Ruin-level 4 88 8.16 Motloutse Ruin -level 4 89 8.17 Thune Ruin 90 8.18 Domboshaba Ruin 91 8.19 Old Tati Ruin 92 8.20 Nkange Ruin 93 8.21 Majande Hill Ruin 94 8.22 Majande Valley Ruin 95 8.23 Khami Ruins 96 8.24 Hill Ruin plan and profile 97 8.25 Main entrance palace at Khami 97 8.26 Plan of Danang'ombe 99 8.27 Palace of Danang'ombe 99 8.28 Decorated wall at Danang'ombe 99 8.29 Plan and photo of Zinjanja 100 8.30 Naletale Ruin 101 8.31 Manyanga Ruin 102 8.32 Dates of Butua period elite sites 103 8.33 Hierarchy of elite settlements and territories 105 8.34 Clustering of Butua elite sites 106 8.35 Provinces of Butua 107 8.36 Lines of communication level 4 sites and 107 capital 8.37 Polygons around level 3 sites - districts 108 8.38 Lines of communication level 3 with level 4 108 sites 9.1 Preserved granaries at Gadanyemba 110 9.2 Historic photos of granaries 111 9.3 Kalanga multi-celled granary 2001 111 9.4 Granary platform typology 112 9.5 Distribution of commoner sites in the 114 Northeast District 9.6 Lower Shashe Dam survey 114 9.7 Letsibogo Dam sites 114 9.8 Lower Shashe Dam site AC6 116 9.9 Moloko sites 117 9.10 Moloko pottery 118 9.11 Distance of commoner sites to water, mine and 121 chief 9.12 Number of granaries per site by land unit 123 9.13 Burial 6 Matanga 125 9.14 Burial 4 Tonota S. P. 125 10.1 Location of the Vumba site 127 10.2 The Vumba site 128 10.3 Vumba site plan 129 10.4 Granary platform 130 10.5 Vumba house 3 131 10.6 Recent palisaded yards 132 10.7 Interpretation of the Vumba settlement 133 10.8 Residence of Chief Meng'we 134 10.9 Mupane 36 site 137 10.10 Phoenix 19 site 137 10.11 Pottery typology of Vumba 138 vi

Figure page 14.18 Compounds 1-5 Domboshaba lower village 285 14.19 Granary platform 16 285 14.20 Main cluster of dolly holes at Domboshaba 287 lower village 14.21 Distances between houses 289 14.22 Granary sets of the Domboshaba lower village 290 14.23 Interpretation of the Domboshaba lower village 291 14.24 Compound layouts 292 14.25 Pottery classification of the Domboshaba lower 294 village 14.26 Examples of pottery from the Domboshaba 294 lower village 14.27 Iron objects found at the Domboshaba lower 296 village 14.28 Cut glass bead 296 14.29 Overview of upper valley 301 14.30 Mapped surface features and excavated areas 302 of the upper village 14.31 Main features of the Domboshaba upper village 302 14.32 House 6 303 14.33 House 9 304 14.34 Houses 6, 9 and 10 305 14.35 House 1 and granary platform 1 306 14.36 Houses 2 and 11 306 14.37 The fireplace of the libazhe 307 14.38 Shrine stone 308 14.39 Dolly hole cluster 308 14.40 Shelters on the east side of the upper valley 309 14.41 Interpretation of the Domboshaba upper village 310 14.42 Jar types 313 14.43 Bowls and beaker 313 14.44 Classification of the pottery assemblage of the 314 Domboshaba upper site 14.45 Spindle whorls 315 14.46 Metal objects from the Domboshaba upper 315 village 15.1 Settlement plans for Vumba and the two 330 Domboshaba Hill sites

Figure page 13.3 Nyamazana 246 13.4 Ndebele state 248 13.5 Ndebele warriors 248 13.6 Installation of Lobengula 249 13.7 Lobengula 249 13.8 Movement of Kalanga during the Ndebele 252 period 13.9 Lobengula's slaves 255 13.10 Captives 255 13.11 Refuge village 256 13.12 Refuge village with many granaries 257 13.13-.15 Refuge villages 258 13.16-.18 Refuge villages 259 13.19 Cave stronghold 260 13.20 Matebele on war path 262 13.21 Known Kalanga villages 1870-1896 268 13.22 Trading between whites and Kalanga 1891 270 13.23 Kalanga girls c. 1870s 271 13.24 Ndebele girls 1896 271 13.25 Shona women and girls c. 1890s 272 14.1 Known 19th-century refuge sites in Botswana 275 14.2 Location of the Domboshaba Hill sites 276 14.3 Domboshaba west side and east side 277 14.4 Features on and around Domboshaba Hill 277 14.5 Walls on the northeast and south side 278 14.6 Mapped surface features and excavated areas 280 at the lower site 14.7 Main features at the Domboshaba lower village 280 14.8 House no. 7 of the Domboshaba lower village 281 14.9 Ring-mould hearth of structure 7, 282 Domboshaba lower village 14.10 Plan of compound of house 1 283 14.11 Compound 1 from east and south 283 14.12 Compound 8 284 14.13 Compound 2 and 4 284 14.14 Abandoned compound in Kalakamati 1983 284 14.15 Yard walls, Kalakamati 1983 284 14.16 Yard wall with upright stones, Leshongwane 284 14.17 Pole yard wall in Chief Meng'we's compound 284

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Project was funded by the Friends of the Museum Association, B.G.I. (Pty) Ltd., Argo (Pty) Ltd., the Round Table Association, Kgalagadi Management Services Trust, the Norwegian Agency for International Development, Shell Oil Botswana (Pty) Ltd., Standard Bank Francistown, the National Museum and Art Gallery of Botswana, the SUNY Foundation and Fellowships from the State University of New York at Binghamton. For this I am very grateful, as without this funding the project would not have been possible.

Permission was received from the Office of the President to conduct the Tati Archaeological Survey (PP28/16 XVII(135)SA, dated 27 April 1982) and for the Tati Archaeological Research Project (OP28/16 XX(10)SAO, dated 10 June 1983), and this research was conducted as a Research Associate of the National Museum of Botswana. I am most grateful to the then Director of the National Museum, Mr. Alec Campbell, for his help with fundraising for the project and the logistical and moral support. Financial Assistance for the Tati Archaeological Survey was received from the Sigma Xi and the SUNY Foundations, as well as through a Doctoral Fellowship from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. The Tati Archaeological Research

Many people have helped with the research and my thanks go to my assistant Chibi Chakalisa and to David Schermers for his site information and hospitality during the 1982 survey. To Rob Pearson for his assistance and companionship during the 1983 field season and for

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Permission to use photographs and other illustrations was received from the following: Alec Campbell - Figs. 9.6, 9.8 Alfred Tsheboeng - Plan in Fig. 8.21 Nick Walker - Plan in Fig. 8.22 Tom Huffman - Figs. 8.26, 8.28, 8.29, 8.30 BAR for P. Sinclair & H. Lundmark- Fig. 8.34 Thames & Hudson Ltd. for Peter Garlake - photo 8.31 The National Museum and Monuments of Zimbabwe for Roger Summers - Figs. 3.4 and 3.6 and for Keith Robinson - Figs. 8.5, 8.24,12.5-12.8, 12.16 The National Archives of Zimbabwe: Figs. 7.9, 9.2, 13.5, 13.9-.10, 13.12-18, 13.20, 13.22, 13.24-.25. Museum Africa - photos 13.3 and 13.7 The Natural History Museum, London for drawings by Thomas Baines: Figs. 13.6, 13.11

carrying out the faunal identifications for the Domboshaba sites. To the field crew: Fray Kieme Chimunyunga, July Tshupoeng, Before Rantshome, Joe Majuta, Batshani Chimunyunga and Alex Moloise during excavations at Domboshaba, and to Chief Lethaku and the people of Kalakamati for their hospitality. To the Mater Spei College History Club, and Keetso Nfitjane, Onefas Pekenene, Victor Ndizodzile and Simon Tapela for help with the excavations at Vumba, and to Mr. Hulela, the landowner, and Chief G.G. Sechele for his hospitality. To the field crew at Selolwe: Ginger Kwele, Botokwa Kese, Papa Sedola and Peter Sethora, and to Mr. Billy Haskins, the landowner and Mike Smith and Dave Johnston for their hospitality and support. Kalanga oral traditions were collected under sponsorship of the Botswana Society and with the assistance of Rudolph Mojalemotho. I would furthermore, like to thank the Kalanga Bible Translation Project for the use of their ikalanga word list and Rev. Mothibi and Dr. Chebanne for discussions on ikalanga terminology.

I have also used illustrations from the following sources: R.S.S. Baden-Powell, The Matabele Campaign, 1896; T.M. Thomas, Eleven years in Central South Africa, 1872; Hall & Neal The ancient ruins of Rhodesia, 1904; L. Frobenius Erythräa; Länder und Zeiten des heiligen Königsmordes, 1930.

I am also very grateful to Ina Plug for the faunal analyses for the Vumba and Selolwe sites. Nick Walker kindly shared the results of his research on Zimbabwe Tradition elite sites in Botswana (Appendix B).

If, inadvertently, I have overlooked any copyright holders, I will be pleased to make the necessary arrangement at the first opportunity.

This research was carried out for a doctoral dissertation. The support from my former advisors Dr. Charles Redman and Dr. Vin Steponaitis is also gratefully acknowledged, and that of my final committee: Dr. Susan Pollock (advisor), Dr. Ann Stahl, Dr. William Isbell and Dara Silberstein; in particular Ann Stahl is thanked for her very thought-provoking comments. Finally, I thank my family for their support, especially my late parents whose help I could always rely on, Nora van Waarden and Richard MacNeill for helping to map Selolwane, Mike Smith and our sons Jasper and Charlie for their patience.

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1. INTRODUCTION Apart from the historical interest, however, the 19th century in southern Africa was a time of great upheaval through the Zulu military expansion and the resultant scattering of the tribes, known as the difaqane, followed shortly after by the expansion of the Boers and British, who quickly occupied the vacated territory.

In 1978, as part of a team from Trent University in Canada that was studying the archaeology of eastern Botswana, I was handed a site to excavate for a Master's degree. Leeukop (28-B2-2), located in the Tuli Block near the confluence of the Motloutse and Limpopo rivers, turned out to be a late 19th-century community crowded on top of a small, steep hill for refuge (Gautier and Van Waarden 1981; Van Waarden 1980a, 1980b).

The great calamity of the difaqane led to wholesale slaughter, displacement, invasions, subjection, the fall of states and general disintegration of societies that had existed peacefully for centuries. On the other hand, it saw the formation of new states, and birth of new ethnic groups.

No southern African archaeologist at the time would have considered this site of even remote interest, simply because recent history was already known from documents. A 19th-century site was a waste of energy and research funding, I was told. There were so many more important sites, like the 12th-century Mmamagwa nearby. Monumental architecture of 'lost' civilizations, Great Zimbabwe and Mapungubwe, soapstone birds and golden rhinos captured the imagination, as did sweeping migrations of early agro-pastoralists, not the simple huts of 'degenerate', conquered refugees.

If there is one thing that stands out in prehistory, it is that change is continual and inevitable through time. However, there are periods in the specific historic paths of societies during which change is more profound. The punctuated equilibrium model of socio-cultural evolution was exemplified in recent history with the fall of the Berlin wall and the disbandment of the Soviet Union, and now with the so-called 'Arab Spring'. The speed with which events followed each other was incredible and the resultant changes profound. For my parents' generation World War II was such a dramatic period. Similarly, the difaqane period was such a punctuation when the entire state of affairs was thrown into disarray, and when the dust settled, population distribution in the landscape, power relations within and between tribes, and the whole nature of society had changed. Because of these profound changes, the 19th century difaqane holds tremendous potential for research, especially on coping behaviour under severe stress and collapse of cultures.

Exceptions were Maggs' attempt to link the extensive walled settlements of the South African highveld with historically known Sotho-Tswana groups (Maggs 1976) and work at Mgungundlovu (Parkington and Cronin 1979). Not until the 1990s did historic archaeology of African cultures really gain ground, for example the work at the historic Zulu site of Bulawayo (Natal) by Whitelaw (1994) and on Nguni state formation (Perry 1999); Pistorius' (1992) and Hall's (1995) interesting studies of historic Tswana settlements in South Africa; Loubser's (1989) research on Venda sites; the excavations at old Bulawayo (Zimbabwe) by Hughes; Jill Kinahan's (2000) study of historic pastoral sites in Namibia; and in Botswana the work at the former Tswana capitals of Ntsweng and Old Palapye (Lane & Reid 1998). The ‘500 Year Initiative’, was initiated in 2006 specifically to address the period for which there is both historical and archaeological evidence. It focuses for now on the walled and terraced settlements in Mpumalanga, which had earlier been studied by Maggs, as well as a comparison with similar areas of intensive agriculture in east Africa (Delius and Schoeman 2010; Swanepoel et al. 2008).

Zimbabwe's foremost historian, David Beach (1988:3), urged Zimbabwean archaeologists to study such 'Refuge' sites, and this can be extended to all southern African countries: The excavation of 'Refuge' sites ought to be a major priority for ... archaeologists, and not just because they constitute a considerable gap in the archaeological sequence. The 'Refuge' Tradition is the only one ... that is congruent with the evidence supplied by documents and oral traditions. ...'Refuge' archaeology... can be ... used to test theories and assumptions about earlier cultures known only through archaeology...

Such historic sites are tangible connections with the past for modern Africans, as they key into the remembered past. Historic sites are also generally well preserved and often hold substantial tourist potential. Such sites become, therefore, important justifications for continued funding of archaeology in majority-rule governments of southern African nations.

Leeukop was the first site of the Refuge period to have been investigated. Simon Hall (1995) has since studied the Refuge site of Lepalong, Esterhuysen (2008) the siege of Historic Cave, and Perry (1999) analyzed Nguni settlement patterns, but otherwise such sites remain largely unexplored.

Such historic sites offer a much wider and more comprehensive body of data for the researcher, compared to prehistoric sites, as the remains can be understood through archaeological, historical and ethnographical information, and a multi-disciplinary approach is, therefore, required.

At Leeukop people had sought protection on top of a steep hill with limited access, which was fortified with stone walls. The 43 houses were crowded together, making use of all available space.

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CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN In order to study the adaptations to the stress of the time in this settlement, it would have been necessary to compare the site to earlier living conditions of the same ethnic group before the difaqane, so that differences could be attributable to the changing circumstances and not to cultural differences. Unfortunately, Leeukop is located in an area where historically a number of ethnic groups had lived: Kalanga, Venda, Birwa, Seleka, and it was not possible to positively identify the affiliation of the occupants. I concluded tentatively Venda or Shona/Kalanga, but now that the history of the area is better understood, 30 years later, I think it more likely that they were Seleka, who were persecuted by the Ngwato. Similarly, the source and severity of the stress had to be identified, but in the late 19th century that could have been aggression from the Ndebele to the north, the Ngwato to the west and/or the Boers from the south. Because of these problems, the study of Leeukop did not so much concentrate on the problem of coping with stress, but rather on gendered space.

elsewhere in Zimbabwe. It was not safe to do fieldwork in western Zimbabwe at the time, however, because of the operations of the Fifth Brigade of Mugabe's army against the rural Kalanga population, and hence my research was limited to Botswana. A systematic randomized sample of 53 km2 blocks was surveyed, and information gathered from Kalanga elders followed up specifically to identify Refuge sites. With the help of David Schermers, an amateur archaeologist, many additional sites were discovered. A total of 103 sites were recorded and the basic culture-historical framework identified (Van Waarden 1982). Of these, 21 were sites from the Butua state period, 14 being commoner sites and seven elite sites, and seven were 19th-century Refuge sites. During the 1982 field season we also carried out rescue excavations at 'Km 30' on the new FrancistownPlumtree road, a site called Matanga, which was a 15thcentury cattlepost (Van Waarden 1987). In 1983 we excavated two Refuge sites at the hill Domboshaba near Kalakamati in the north of the district, one at the base of the hill and the other on top. The site at Duthu la Majambube, where a known Ndebele attack took place, during which the traditional healer Majambube and his family were murdered, had also been earmarked for excavation, but as it is located next to the border with Zimbabwe, we were warned not to work there, because of armed bandits, so this part of the project was abandoned.

I decided, instead, to move further north, to the Northeast District around the Tati River, where the Kalanga had been the main ethnic group for centuries, first as citizens of the Butua State from 1450 to 1839, then, when the state collapsed as a result of the difaqane, as subjects or raiding targets of the Ndebele invaders. The northeast, therefore, provided a more controlled case for a study of behaviour under stress, where we knew the cultural group that was subjected to the stress, and the source and nature of the stress, and where there would be a good likelihood of finding sites for comparing the earlier, relatively stress-free period with the later very stressful times. A fair number of historical documents also existed for this area as the first European settlement north of the Limpopo was established here in 1868 and explorers and traders moved through the area to Matabeleland and the Victoria Falls, and recorded some useful ethno-historical information.

The site of Vumba was chosen for excavation in 1984 as an example of a farming village during the Butua state period (Van Waarden 1989). A site on the hill adjacent to this village was, upon excavation, found to date to the earlier Leopard's Kopje period and was not a headman's residence contemporary with the lower village site as had been hoped, despite the presence of house platforms. Excavations at Bole Hill were undertaken as an example of a lower elite site, so that we would have a crosssection of Butua society. This proved to have two components, Butua and an earlier Leopard's Kopje component. Some mixing of the strata makes this a difficult site and, therefore, this site is not used in this study. Instead, excavations at Selolwe Hill, although also superimposed on a Leopard's Kopje occupation, proved more fruitful and it is used here as an example of a local district headman's residence. Fieldwork was completed in 1985.

However, when I started the Tati Archaeological Research Project (TARP) in 1982, the specific history of the Kalanga had not been recorded, nor was there any ethnography of this culture; the archaeology of the northeast was virtually unknown, except for some excavations by German archaeologists in the 1930s on three stone-walled chiefly sites of Butua (Wieschhoff 1941), and no Kalanga peasant sites had been recorded nor any 19th-century sites of the Ndebele period.

During the fieldwork I was a guest at the Kalanga village of Kalakamati. A compound of traditional houses was built as our headquarters, so that I could observe traditional construction techniques as well as the effects of weather, erosion, termites, etc. on the structures for comparison with our findings at the sites. Other casual ethno-archaeological information was also noted. While Rob Pearson identified the faunal remains of the Refuge sites at the Transvaal Museum, I conducted the Butua period excavations.

In neighbouring Zimbabwe, the capitals of Butua, Khami and Danang'ombe, had been studied and other elite sites were known, but no farming villages had been excavated, nor to my knowledge even recorded. This was going to be a long term project, obviously. Although the modern border between Zimbabwe and Botswana lies across the former Kalanga State, the core of Butua lay on the Zimbabwe side. The Ndebele kingdom was similarly centered in western Zimbabwe, and Refuge sites were known in the Matopos Hills and 2

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA Under sponsorship of the Botswana Society, we carried out more in depth oral history research in February and March 1984 to clarify the complicated history of the Kalanga and assimilated groups (Van Waarden 1988).

phases, the Khami phase under the Togwa dynasty of Chibundule from 1450 to 1685, and the Rozvi phase under the Changamire dynasty from 1685 to 1839, are discussed. This documents a state with a well-organized sociopolitical structure and a clear class system, stable leadership, good harvests and large herds and wealth from trade. Peasants were successful farmers who fed the elite, had some livestock, ate meat from hunting game, probably also hunted for ivory, mined gold, copper and iron and acquired some luxuries. All indications are that this was a period of relative peace and stability.

In 1986 we started a regional museum in Francistown, which, unfortunately, slowed down the analysis of the six sites which had been excavated, but allowed me to do additional ethnographical and historical research. Especially useful was a NORAD sponsored study of traditional craft manufacture and a search through the extensive photographic section of the National Archives of Zimbabwe, sponsored by the Botswana Cultural Activities Support Trust.

Part B. The end of an era - which deals with the collapse of the state and its effects on the population. Collapse will be shown to be due to repeated invasions during a short period of time. This resulted in the decomposition of the state into its building blocks, which are the kin-based farming communities. The main focus of this study is the effect the collapse of the state and the subsequent invasion, occupation and oppression by the Ndebele had on these communities and how they coped with the stress they were under as a result. To this end I will be comparing farming communities of the Butua state period, especially Vumba, to two sites at Domboshaba, occupied during the time of collapse and subjection, to study whether and how group behaviour changed under such stress and how this is reflected in the archaeological record. If we can identify the stress and response to stress in the material evidence of a known culture historical sequence, the next step could be to apply such findings to a cultural crisis in the more distant past, where the historical evidence is missing. I conclude by returning to the effects of state collapse on different classes of the population and why and how the peasant population survived such trauma.

From 1987 onward great advances in archaeology in Botswana were made as a result of impact assessment surveys (AIAs) and mitigation excavations of the Cultural Resource Management (CRM) programme, necessitated by Botswana's rapid infrastructural development. This greatly enhanced the known distribution of Butua period commoner sites, particularly the work at Letsibogo Dam (Hanisch et al. 1993, Campbell et al. 1995), and the Lower Shashe Dam (Campbell 1988a, 1988b), and a number of AIAs in the Northeast District, especially for mining ventures (e.g. Van Waarden 1992, 2003a and Van Waarden & Walker 2007), so that about 300 such sites have now been recorded. We excavated three Butua farming villages during a mitigation programme for the Phoenix nickel mine, dating to the late 17th century, and an additional four such sites were mapped (Van Waarden 1992, 1994, 2000). Impact assessments and mitigation also have greatly increased our knowledge of the extensive prehistoric gold and copper mines in northeastern Botswana (Van Waarden 1991a, 1991b, 2002; Van Waarden & Walker 2007), which can only be summarized in this study. Over the years a number of Refuge sites have also been added to that distribution, and the number of elite Zimbabwe Tradition or Butua sites in Botswana have increased from the seven listed in 1982 to the 120 known today. I commence this study with theoretical discussions of state collapse and behaviour under stress. A model of group behavior under stress will guide the analysis and specific hypotheses are generated with expectations of how this may be visible in the archaeological remains. Additional introductory chapters provide the environmental and archaeological context of the project and an overview of previous research. After that the dissertation consists of two parts: Part A. Butua - a reconstruction of the Kalanga state period based on historical documents, oral history, archaeological, ethnographical and ecological information. The sites of Vumba, Selolwe and Khami are compared as examples of a cross-section of Kalanga society, from a kin-based farming community, to a local headman's residence, to the Mambo's capital. The two 3

2. STATE COLLAPSE AND ITS EFFECT ON ORDINARY CITIZENS A MODEL FOR BEHAVIOUR UNDER STRESS Archaeologists, historians and the general public have long been intrigued by 'lost' civilizations. In southern Africa the magnificent stone-walled ruins of the Zimbabwe and Butua states, especially Great Zimbabwe, have led, since their rediscovery in the 1870s, to much speculation as to who could possibly have built these and lived there, as the simple mud huts of local Shona and Kalanga at the time suggested that their ancestors could not possibly have built these structures. Instead, Sabaeans (Arabs), Phoenicians and the Queen of Sheba were seriously proposed by early explorers to have been the occupants (Bent 1893, Hall and Neal 1904), and Indian origins have even been invoked more recently (Hromnik 1981). Archaeologists David Randall-MacIver (1906) and Gertrude Caton-Thompson (1931) proved, however, through systematic excavations at Great Zimbabwe, Dhlo-Dhlo and other ruins, that the builders were Africans and culturally related to the local Kalanga and Shona populations, and this has since no longer been an issue amongst archaeologists.

that this ruin may become a cultural symbol for Botswana's Kalanga people. This has been organized by well educated Kalanga, who have learned about the ruin from history books and the National Museum. Similar efforts to recapture and politicize the past can be identified in the use of Great Zimbabwe and its soapstone birds as national symbols for Zimbabwe and the preparation of Mapungubwe and its golden rhino as national symbols for South Africa. These do not signal direct connections with the past, but serve more as foci for emerging nationalism and 'renaissance', pride in African ability, as well as economic development of the ecotourism sector. The connections are based on archaeological information about these sites, not on oral traditions. In Botswana the present use of certain stone-walled ruins for ancestor worship and healing ceremonies,3 similarly does not signify, as I understand it, a claim to the sites as belonging to the particular ancestors of those who worship there, but rather as sacred sites where previous 'owners of the land' lived, similar to the placement of a Kalanga Mwali shrine next to Khoesan rockpaintings.

However, the connection which Kalanga and Shona today have with the ruins of their forefathers seems not very strong, as, with a few exceptions, they do not claim specific ruins as belonging to their direct ancestors or their lineage (see also Beach 1998:48). The exceptions are the Nambya-Rozvi claim to Bumbusi Ruins near Hwange (Hemans 1912-13:87; Kearney 1907) and the Hera lineage claiming to have built Gombe Ruin (Beach 1980:75, 259), links between certain Kalanga groups with stone buildings in the Umzingwani valley (Von Sicard in Beach 1980:209), and the connections between specific Venda lineages and ruins in that area (Huffman and Hanisch 1987; Loubser 1989). Rozvi oral traditions mostly state that the stone-walled complexes, which they occupied until the 1830s, were already there when they arrived in the late 17th century.

The disjuncture between the prehistory as recorded by archaeologists and the remembered past among Botswana's Kalanga has several reasons: - During the second phase of the Butua state, post-1685, the Changamire Mambos continued to occupy stonewalled palaces, as did chiefs at Hwange and Venda, but elsewhere stone architecture was abandoned. - Oral traditions regarding Mambo are vague, in part because he lived far away. - Many internal movements of lineage groups took place in the 18th century as a result of the change in leadership, and a re-allocation of power and land took place. - The 19th century was a time of great upheaval and movement, so that ties to the land and to chiefly and ancestral places were disrupted. - The passing on of oral traditions was also disrupted at this time and little is generally known about the time before the Ndebele domination, except for lineage histories, mostly the succession of chiefs and where they ruled, and sometimes the relationship with the Mambo royal lineage.

In Botswana very few Kalanga know of the stone-walled ruins, unless they live nearby, and then they only know of one, at most two, such maswingo (sing. luswingo),1 not the more than 100 such chiefly places that are on record in this country. Elderly Kalanga informants vaguely connected maswingo with Mambo, the paramount ruler of the Kalanga in the distant past. Ruins near the western end of the distribution are even attributed to Khoe rather than Kalanga and said to have been 'built by God' or 'Toranjo' in Sowa Khoe (Chief Ganawabo Selolwane, H.T. Tutume 19842; Denbow 1994).

I believe that disjuncture in oral traditions was one of the effects of the collapse of the state and the turbulence of the 19th century. In a real sense a chapter in Kalanga history was closed. One of the aims of this study is to reopen that chapter, but also to study this closure itself. What were the effects of the collapse of the state on

Since 2000 a Kalanga cultural festival has been held at Domboshaba Ruin as a revival (The Voice, 13 October 2000: "Bakalanga go back to their roots") and it seems 1

luswingo means 'stone-walled ruin' in ikalanga H.T.= Historic Text, being a transcript of an interview. This is the format of reference to oral history at the University of Botswana.

2

3 A practice reported as occurring in Zimbabwe at least since about 1900 (Hall and Neal 1904:120)

4

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA ordinary citizens and how did their behaviour change under the stress?

past and that these are often complementary rather than antithetical, and none is necessarily better than another.

I start this study off by placing the collapse of Butua within a wider discussion of collapse of complex society in this chapter, and within the context of archaeological studies of the Late Iron Age in southern Africa in a following chapter. This first, more theoretical discussion also leads to a discussion of behaviour change under stress and a series of hypotheses that will guide my analysis.

There has been much acrimonious mudslinging between 'Positivists', 'Marxists' and 'Post-Structuralist' schools, accusations and counter-accusations that other researchers were either too narrowly focused and did not see the broader context, or they were too superficially trying to interpret the broad picture and losing touch with culture-historical specifics. Some have focused on one specific culture and have been criticized for not seeing it in its natural or cultural environment or as part of a world system. Some have been accused of focusing too much on cross-cultural similarities, others of emphasizing variability too much; some were accused of being too synchronic, others too materialistic, or too functional; some too theoretical, others too pre-occupied with pots and bones (e.g. Preucel and Hodder 1996; Trigger 1989).

Depths of the pool Kalanga believe in different levels of understanding as depths of a pool. Some diviners can reveal to great depths by prior knowledge of personal circumstances of clients, interpersonal relationships in the community, historical context, knowledge of the spirit world revealed through throws of the divining dice and use of ritual language, through people's reactions to their probing interpretations; but none can know completely, no one can reach the bottom of the pool (Werbner 1973). There, at the bottom, is the spirit world, from which the first man and rainmaker rose, the spirit world where the ancestors live and to which people return at death.

Criticism has its usefulness in that it opens minds to shortcomings and to other avenues of investigation, but all too often critics have dismissed existing paradigms in their entirety, forcefully proposing their own new agenda as the only correct one. Building on existing knowledge and theory and earlier insights, but staying clear of oversimplification and extreme positions, as well as an acceptance of a plurality of approaches and interests, will be more fruitful (McGlade and Van der Leeuw 1997; Shanks and Tilley 1992:108; Wylie 1992:282).

Similarly, in their endeavor to understand the past, archaeologists would do well to remind themselves that the past can be understood at different levels, all of which are necessary to gain a fuller understanding.4

The history of archaeology reflects a logical progression of inquiry that weaves back and forth between specifics and generalities, between patterns and variation, between society and the individual, between data and theory, indeed between induction and deduction, leading to increasing understanding, but always only partial. So too, this study has its place in the progression of inquiry into southern Africa's prehistory, not to come up with brilliant conclusions, but only to lead to further questions and investigations.

Using the pool as metaphor for the past, we see that archaeologists have been probing/diving at different depths, focusing on different problems, using different sources of information, different prior knowledge, different biases, approaching the questions from different angles. Some try to improve methods of probing, some are interested in the context or location of the pool in the landscape; some concentrate on surface levels as the most useful, others plunge deep into the metaphysical aspects; some take a snapshot of the entire pool, others look closeup at a specific period in a specific culture as a ripple in the pool; some look at the effect this ripple has on its surroundings as it spreads out; some try to find what caused the ripple in the first place, while others look at its demise when it reaches the edge of the pool. Some have looked and only seen their own reflection (we only create the past through our own eyes, with our own biases, as we want to see it); others questioned the pool's existence (there is no truth, no reality, no past).

Sociocultural evolution The study of collapse of states has focused mainly on causes for such collapse. It is necessary, however, also to look at the nature of complex society (part A of this study) and the processes and effects of the collapse (part B). This is best done within a framework of sociocultural evolution. Although some would prefer to abandon evolutionary theory (Hodder 1992; Preucel and Hodder 1996; Shanks and Tilley 1992; Stahl 1999a; Vansina 1999), there is lately a resurgence of interest in sociocultural evolution, culminating in the establishment of the Centre for the Evolution of Cultural Diversity at the Institute of Archeology, University College London in 2006. 'Evolutionary archaeologists' seek to explain culture change through the process of selection as part of Darwinian theory, and see this as the only valid and systematic analysis in archaeology (Boyd and Richerson 1985; Dunnell 1996; Lyman and O'Brien 1998; Murray

We can play around with this comparison, but its ultimate insight is that there are many levels to understanding the

4

The concept of knowledge as a pool can be compared to that of the hermeneutic circle. Interpreting the past moves within this circle in a dialectical process requiring continual re-evaluation of ideas, concepts and representations, moving between the parts and the totality and is very context dependent (e.g. Shanks & Tilley 1992: ch. 5), as is divining.

5

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN 2002; O'Brien and Lyman 2000), whereas to 'evolutionary ecologists' behaviour change through adaptation is central (Boone and Smith 1998).

punctuated; change was both continuous and discontinuous, in part predictable and sometimes unpredictable. This dynamic view of the past and of culture lies at the heart of archaeology.

Even archaeologists who have strongly criticized 19thcentury evolutionists and neo-evolutionists for their shortcomings admit that sociocultural evolution remains the most persuasive explanatory framework in archaeology (Kristiansen and Rowlands 1998:23,243; McGlade and Van der Leeuw 1997; Trigger 1998) and terms like 'chiefdoms' and 'states', 'complex society', continue to be used in archaeological literature.

Archaeological research is, by definition, fundamentally concerned with dynamical description and interpretation, and particularly with questions relating to the long-term evolution of societal structures. [McGlade and Van der Leeuw 1997:3]

We have, however, an as yet limited understanding of cultural dynamics: ... the processes which are ultimately responsible for structuring long-run societal dynamics are both elusive and unpredictable. At the root of this problem lies the difficult task of unraveling the complex array of micromacro interactions which link individual purposive action to the larger-scale collective processes that produce societal change. [ibid.]

However, more detailed culture-histories have shown that there have been multiple paths towards social complexity and that the nature of complex societies is similarly quite varied (e.g. McIntosh 1999). Despite the differences, however, there are also shared features such as increasing size of polity and population, social stratification, political centralization, economic control, subsistence intensification, and commonalities of the human condition such as gender differences, importance of the family and a need for order and ideology, which continue to make cross-cultural comparisons fruitful. Note that comparison, by definition, means looking at both similarities and differences and goes beyond trying to fit complex societies into narrowly defined evolutionary stages.

I do not believe that these processes are entirely unpredictable, i.e. random, but rather that they are knowable, although imperfectly understood as yet, because they are so complicated. McGlade and Van der Leeuw propose non-linear dynamics as a way of reconciling the micro-and macrolevels of change, accounting for both order and disorder in socio-cultural systems, indeed it is proposed that an inherent instability or chaos at the core of a social system, as disorder within order, resulting from idiosyncratic and random behaviour by individuals, is a necessary source of evolutionary transformation. A certain amount of chaos or instability promotes flexibility necessary for greater adaptiveness and hence greater robustness of the system.

If we define sociocultural evolution as the development of one form of society out of another, not merely a progression through stages of increasing complexity, and include both the mechanisms or processes of change as well as its historic output (cf. Trigger 1998:8-11) in its study, such an evolutionary framework can encompass understanding of the past at all levels, and can accommodate many approaches.

I posit also the opposite, that the ordered, self-sustaining and stable lifestyle of simple farming communities allows them to survive chaotic circumstances, when mighty states are brought to their knees, causing the downfall of governing elite. Their simpler society maintains a resilience that allows them to deal with stresses, with which a complex state structure, of which they may form a part, can not cope.

When we look at the past as existing on different levels, affecting and affected by the individual, the group, society, world systems, in the short-term or over the 'longue durée', within an environment, that is both local and global, we see that change can occur simultaneously slowly through variable behaviour of individuals as decision-making and knowledgeable agents (although within cultural constraints), or rapidly through targeted political group action; change can be cyclical through adaptation to climatic cycles or to built-in social processes (such as alternating fission and fusion of groups); or it can occur catastrophically through unexpected natural disasters or a culmination of circumstances; it can be directional with a tendency towards greater or lesser complexity, or change may have a random element to it. We recognize that there have been periods of relative stability and others of transformation. Both require explanation.

Collapse In this study I am interested in the collapse of the Butua state and how this affected the Kalanga population. I will look at the macro-level of the collapse of the state within the regional culture-historical context of the difaqane and theoretically within an evolutionary framework. At a more micro-level the collapse will be studied as a period of stress and I will look at group behaviour under stress. These are complementary, as coping behaviour at group level allowed the farming communities to survive, whereas the state did not. The group, whether a family or larger kin group, or whether a social grouping within a complex society, is a particularly appropriate analytical unit in archaeology, because much of the data is retrieved at that level, whether from a small site such as a homestead or a small farming village, or a residential portion of a larger urban site, or a special function site used by a group of

In other words, culture change in the past occurred, as it does today, both on a micro (individual) and macro (society) level and was both non-linear (McGlade and Van der Leeuw 1997) and linear (Trigger 1998); the rate of change, furthermore, was variable: gradual, rapid or 6

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA specialists (miners, smiths or other craftsmen, priests, administrators). I will be concentrating on kin groups occupying small farming villages. The focus on the farming kin group also fills a gap in our understanding of the Shona states as previous research has focused on elite sites and little was known about the commoner peasants that formed the bulk of the population. Comparison with elite sites will help in understanding the Butua state as a whole.

- less economic and occupational specialization, of individuals, groups and territories - less centralized control; i.e. less regulation and integration of diverse economic and political groups by elite - less behavioral control and regimentation - less investment in monumental architecture, art and literature - less flow of information between individuals, between political and economic groups, between center and periphery - less sharing, trading, redistribution of resources - less overall coordination and organization of individuals and groups

A general discussion of collapse cross-culturally will set the stage for a discussion of the collapse of the Butua state in the second part of this study. This will be followed by a discussion of behaviour under stress and I will identify a number of hypotheses which will guide the analysis.

We will see that the dramatic end of the Kalanga state Butua qualifies to be called 'collapse'. In contrast, the contemporary Mutapa state in the Zambezi valley, disappeared after a long process of decline. It will be interesting to compare these two examples of devolution and the effects on the populations, but this lies beyond the scope of this study.

A fair amount has been written about the collapse of complex societies such as the Roman Empire, the Maya, the Minoan state, etc. Yoffee and Cowgill's (1988) The collapse of ancient states and civilizations and Tainter's (1988) The collapse of complex societies are particularly pertinent overviews.

Search for causes Much of the study of collapse of complex society has dealt with identifying causes or prime movers. The fall of the Roman Empire has been blamed on barbaric invasions or even lead poisoning from water pipes (Gibbon 1943; Gilfallen 1970), a massive volcanic eruption destroyed the Minoan society (Marinatos 1939), whereas drought led to the fall of the VIth Dynasty and the start of the First Intermediate Period or Dark Age in Egypt (Bell 1971). More commonly, multiple causes have been invoked: a combination of elite competition, trade disruptions, social unrest, agricultural difficulties, and disease are proposed to have caused the collapse of Mayan civilization, for example (Culbert 1973).

Tainter (1988:4) defines collapse as follows: A society has collapsed when it displays a rapid, significant loss of an established level of sociopolitical complexity.

Such a level of complexity must have been reached or developed towards for more than one or two generations to be considered 'established', otherwise it may merely be an unsuccessful experiment in complexity and not collapse proper. Collapse must be rapid, no more than a few decades, and ... must entail a substantial loss of sociopolitical structure. Losses that are less severe, or take longer to occur, are to be considered cases of weakness and decline. [ibid.:38]

Therefore, collapse is a rapid, substantial decline in an established level of complexity. A society that has collapsed is suddenly smaller, less differentiated and heterogeneous, and characterized by fewer specialized parts; it displays less social differentiation; and it is able to exercise less control over the behavior of its members. It is able at the same time to command smaller surpluses, to offer fewer benefits and inducements to membership; and it is less capable of providing subsistence and defensive security for a regional population. It may decompose to some of the constituent building blocks (e.g. states, ethnic groups, villages) out of which it was created. Collapse is a continuous variable and may involve a drop between major levels of complexity, e.g. state to chiefdom, or within a level. It is a process of major, rapid change from one structurally stable level to another. Evolution in reverse. [ibid.]

But such causes are not always sufficient explanation, as the stress they bring in itself does not necessarily lead to collapse; this depends on how well the system can respond to stress. A calamity may cause a mere hiccup or tremor in society, which responds, adjusts if necessary, then regains a state of relative equilibrium. The rise of early states, in fact, has often resulted from successful response to challenges or stresses; and the system that developed was often highly adapted to coping with those stresses. An example is the development of irrigation systems in areas that are prone to drought, such as Peru or Mesopotamia, and it is the development and maintenance of such irrigation systems that led to more complex societies such as that of the Moche and Babylon. Response to stress by adaptation may, indeed, lead to an increase in complexity.

Collapse may be manifested, for example, as - a decrease in size of the territory integrated within a single political unit - a sudden severe drop in population levels - a lower degree of stratification and social differentiation

Hazard analysis Hazard analysis in modern geography aims to predict how society will respond to stress and whether this will be adequate for survival. It looks at the magnitude of stress, its frequency, duration, speed of onset and areal extent, and also looks at the society's ability to cope with the stress through its level of sociopolitical complexity, 7

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN the areal extent of the polity and population density, economic system (for ex. whether it has built-in buffers such as storage of surplus) and whether the society has experience with this type of stress. It then aims to predict the response to the stress and whether this will be adequate for survival or how the preparedness can be improved. This analytical method holds promise for understanding prehistoric examples, as was explored in Environmental disaster and the archaeology of human response (Bawden and Reycraft 2000). In prehistoric examples, however, the outcome is known, and most of the studies in this book again focus on the identification of environmental causes for the fall of a state or the abandonment of sites, and analyze too little the relationship between the stress and the coping ability of the society. More emphasis on this and on the processes of adaptation and collapse and its aftermath would be welcome. Most examples in this book are of societies which survived the environmental calamities, but in an altered state. When collapse did occur, this was often as a result of convergent catastrophes or multiple and extreme stress (e.g. Moseley 2000). As we shall see, such a convergence of catastrophes struck the Butua State, although more of a human than an environmental nature.

which is a measure of complexity, but if rural taxation (Y) becomes too high, this may lead to a sudden catastrophic drop in centrality (Renfrew 1978, 1979). The catastrophe model becomes more complicated as variables are added (swallowtail and butterfly catastrophes). Similarly, Tainter (1988) proposed that collapse of complex society can be explained by an increasing cost:benefit ratio of investment in complexity, as the demands of administration and elite increase until they outgrow the ability of the economy to support them, leading ultimately to the collapse of the upper levels of control or even the entire society, in his opinion almost an inevitable evolutionary trajectory of early states. Additional stress, such as natural disasters, invasions, internal conflict, etc., merely hurry this process along. These models do help us to understand collapse, but are very difficult to substantiate with measurable variables from the remaining material culture of prehistoric examples.

Reycraft (2000) used hazard analysis to study the effects of a severe El Niño flood on a south Peruvian coastal population c. A.D. 1400. It caused the collapse of a complex society. The residue of this collapse were folklevel subsistence societies, who, left without a political elite and centralized authority, adapted by moving settlement locations, shifting their economy to available natural resources and by ethnic realignments. His is one example which shows that ... what happens beyond collapse depends on levels of hierarchical organization, types of ideological carriers, systems of social controls, and integrative mechanisms. Collapse, far from being an anomaly, both in the real world and in social evolutionary theory, presents in dramatic form not the end of social institutions, but almost always the beginning of new ones. Investigating collapse, therefore, leads to a better understanding of the past - and the roots of the present. [Eisenstadt 1988:243]

Figure 2.1 System collapse modeled by the cusp catastrophe [after R. Thom 1975]

Adaptive inflexibility Adaptation to stress may lead to an increase in complexity, as in the cases of the Moche and Babylonian adaptation to drought through irrigation. Adaptation comes at a price, however. Sahlins and Service (1960:97) state this as 'The Law of Evolutionary Potential':

Catastrophe theory In the search for explanations of collapse of early states, sudden, unexpected severe stress has often been looked for, such as natural disasters or invasions. Rarely has this been a sufficient explanation.

The more specialized and adapted a form in a given evolutionary stage, the smaller is its potential for passing to the next stage.

Catastrophe theory, in contrast, models abrupt changes without abrupt causes. Gradual change in the environment may cause a sudden evolutionary change in society. Even gradual change in certain aspects of a sociocultural system, without external causation, can cause sudden catastrophic change in behaviour. Renfrew applied R. Thom's 'Theory of Elementary Catastrophes' to the collapse of early states, using Thom's threedimensional mathematical cusp catastrophe model, which displays the catastrophe as a fold (Figure 2.1). As example, Renfrew showed that an increase in charismatic authority (X) can lead to an increase in centrality (Z),

or Specific evolutionary progress is inversely related to general evolutionary potential.

The price of adaptation is loss of adaptability or flexibility. Successful adaptation leads to conservatism (stick to the tried and proven; less experimentation; less variability; need to conform) and therefore the system will be less capable of adjusting to new circumstances, i.e. better adaptation or specialization results in less adaptability or evolutionary potential. It threatens panda

8

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA bears with extinction for only eating bamboo. It led to the collapse of the Brazilian economy when it lost its monopoly over rubber production.

occupation of areas now no longer liveable. Often the causes for abandonment leave no immediately obvious evidence, adding to the mystery of the past.

Societies on the margins of such a state, and often dominated by it, will be less specialized and more open to change; they can borrow ideas or techniques from the state but do not need the associated conservatism. These less specialized societies can, therefore, advance and challenge the dominant society, eventually leading to the fall of that state. This is also known as the 'penalty of taking the lead' or 'the privilege of backwardness' (Thorstein Veblen and Leon Trotsky, resp., in Sahlins & Service 1960:99).

In the case of Butua, we are fortunate in having historical evidence to inform us of reasons for the collapse of the Butua state, and this allows us to move on to study the effect this had on the population and the nature of their response to this stress. The Butua state was generally prepared for the stresses that befell it. Although there were some economic decline and sociopolitical rumblings, there is no evidence of impending catastrophe due to hyper integration or over taxation of the populace or other gradual internal changes, which were merely hurried along by the invasions. Nor were societies on the margin of the state taking over an inflexible giant.

Decrease in evolutionary potential or inflexibility can lead to 'hyper coherence', also referred to as 'hyper integration' (Rappaport in Flannery 1972:420) or to involution (Geertz 1963), where, as response to further ecological change or other stress, there is an increase in complexity of integration rather than a change in the system. This is eventually not a satisfactory response and a point may be reached where the system falls apart along the lines of the catastrophe model (such as through revolution). Wertheim calls it, therefore, the 'Law of Revolutionary Potential' (Wertheim 1974:74).

The historic evidence, instead, points to exceedingly bad luck, as repeated invasions caused the death of key members of the government, which crippled an internal coping mechanism and left the state vulnerable, a vulnerability, which was exploited by the Ndebele. Building blocks of society

Similarly a system may spiral out of control with such a response, through a positive feedback loop. For example, rural-urban migration ultimately depletes the agrarian base on which the urban population needs to rely. Rome responded to this by further urban expenditure, competitive display between cities, and increased taxes on agriculture. The mighty Roman empire was brought to its knees when foreign invaders found little resistance by the overtaxed peasantry (Tainter 1988:57).

Simon (1965:70) in his study of The architecture of complexity suggests that complex societies tend to be "nearly decomposable systems," built up in part of "social units, that are themselves potentially stable and independent, and indeed at one time may have been so" and have the capacity to again become so. A newly established state may include several formerly independent villages or ethnic groups, or an empire may incorporate previously established states. To the extent that these states, ethnic groups, or villages retain the potential for independence and stability, the collapse process may result in reversion (decomposition) to these 'building blocks' of complexity. [Tainter 1988:23-24].

Devolution or simplification of a cultural system may, on the other hand, be a suitable adaptive response as it can restore the adaptive flexibility to the system and increase its chance of success in new circumstances, it increases its evolutionary potential. So, for example, noted Keller about frontier America that "... the loss of specialized parts involved in the frontier adaptation left a generalized culture that was highly efficient in dealing with an extensive, relatively open environment" (in Sahlins and Service 1960:52). This retrogression in turn may have been a major factor in the subsequent cultural florescence in America.

The inherent nature of chiefdoms, for example, requiring that a chief redistributes amassed resources or he will lose his following, has frequently lead to cycles of centralization and decentralization. This can be seen in the history of Tswana chiefdoms, for example (Tlou and Campbell 1997), which reads as a cycle of fusion and fission. Fission took place if a group was not satisfied with the leadership. Another important factor in this has been the polygamous marriage system, which means that a chief can ensure that he has an heir, but indeed usually has many heirs, who are potential competitors in a succession struggle. Fission was often the result.

Such retrogression may be a temporary decline that allows for a better adaptation to new circumstances, which can then be taken full advantage of for a new growth and increase in complexity. However, most examples involve a decrease in complexity because the system could not cope with the stress.

McGuire (1983:117-122) has suggested that concentric societies in particular, extending outward from the individual to ever wider social spheres: family, descent group, village, tribe, etc., with insufficient intersecting social dimensions that cross-cut concentric categories (age-group regiments, membership in a religious group, occupation, trade-network), are prone to decomposition.

The collapse of Butua The preoccupation of archaeologists with causes of collapse and abandonment of sites is understandable, as ruins speak, but silently, of previous monumental glory or

…elite impose intergroup connections from above. Groups are played off against each other rather than

9

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN integrated into a coherent whole. Since change is rarely in the best interest of the ruling group, and there is lack of cohesion and common interest between groups, no mechanism exists for gradual adjustment to changing circumstances. Pressures then lead to collapse rather than to structural change. [McGuire in Tainter 1988:57]

during stress, the individual behaves differently in a group than when alone. Facing stress alone, an individual may panic, become aggressive, show withdrawal or escape behavior, or signs of regression and neurotic symptoms, generally negative behaviour. Groups faced with stress, on the contrary, show an increase in morale and cohesiveness, while competition for leadership decreases and behaviour tends to be more collaborative, mediating and cooperative, generally positive responses. Individuals, therefore, often actively seek group support when faced with stress (Mulder and Stemerding 1963) and tend to be more cooperative and friendly to prevent rejection. Response to stress, therefore, more often takes place on group level.

The case study of Butua will illustrate such a concentric society, where fission has been a response to internal stress; a system on the whole, however, which was a complex state with a long history of relative stability, punctuated by one major coup. An important weakness, however, was the polygamous marriage system, producing many heirs, and the complicated system of adelphic succession; this meant that after the death of a ruler there was usually a lengthy interregnum, when the state was vulnerable. A major invasion during such an interregnum brought the elite down, the system lost its integrative measures that had been controlled by the elite, and collapsed. It decomposed into its 'building blocks', the kin-based farming units.

Successful adaptation to stress also depends on the synchronization of behavior among members of a group. Failure of the group to synchronize its responses to stimuli results in fragmentation of the group, which can lead, on the one hand to innovation, followed by reintegration, or, on the other hand, to elimination of the group as a corporate body and ultimately to extinction as a biological population. It is, therefore, not sufficient to study adaptation to stress on the individual level as suggested by Jochim in his Strategies for Survival (1981), because group behaviour is not the sum of individual behaviour. To understand the effect of stress on culture, we must, therefore, study group behaviour under stress.

Behaviour under stress If these 'building blocks' of the state survived the crisis, despite the loss of governance, this indicates that they had retained a fair amount of self-sufficiency and independence, whereas, if they were unable to survive as independent units, this suggests that they had been structurally altered through their incorporation within the state. Were the farming families self-sufficient in basic necessities? The elite certainly not; they had been dependent on tribute, which was no longer forthcoming. The elite were targeted in the invasions, and those who survived were forced into exile, as we shall see, and the elite were cut off from their support.

Lanzetta's experimental results have been confirmed in studies of natural disasters as well as ethnographic studies of marginal peoples, who have been subject to environmental deprivation, for example in Laughlin and Brady's (1978) Extinction and Survival in Human Populations. Selye (1956) showed that biological adaptation to stress (irrespective of the type of stress) goes through three phases of response: 'alarm', 'resistance' and 'exhaustion'; he called this the 'General Adaptation Syndrome'. Laughlin and Brady (1978) found a similar progression of behavioral response by human groups responding to various degrees of stress of deprivation, which they call 'Adaptive Diaphasis', an expansion and then contraction, for example, in social cooperation and information processing. This 'General Adaptation Syndrome' model and the 'Adaptive Diaphasis' behavioral response were further applied by Dirks (1980) in charting "Social responses during severe food shortages and famine", and I will use this also for the study of response to stresses of state collapse and warfare. I will refer to this as the 'Model of Group Behaviour under Stress'.

However, the rural population was not spared by the invaders, and I will examine whether these farming communities managed to survive under the yoke of the oppressors, who took their cattle and grain, their women and children, and provided nothing in return. Even when a group had surrendered and been forced to become tribute-paying subjects, the oppressors would not guarantee their safety from marauders. The Kalanga farmers, therefore, lived under constant threat of attack. I will focus on the effect the collapse of the state had on the peasantry, the building blocks of the state, and whether and if so, how, they adjusted to the new climate of fear. How did they survive? How did this dramatic series of events affect them? How did they cope with the invaders? How did they respond to stress?

The model is based on many examples of behaviour under environmental stress, especially famine, which have been found to show certain universal tendencies, and the following description is based on Dirks (1980). The model shows that, as stress increases or is prolonged, group behaviour goes through three phases (Figure 2.2):

Models developed to predict and understand an individual's behaviour under stress, such as found in clinical psychology and the model of operant behaviour developed by behavioral psychologists are only of limited use here. Lanzetta (1955) has shown experimentally that,

10

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA experiments have shown that fasts of less than 24 hours increase gregariousness, but as hunger is prolonged gregarious tendencies decrease (the resistance stage) (Schacter 1959). The first reaction to stress may also be mass emigration, a form of hyper activation.

increase in group solidarity

alarm

pre-stress

Similarly, sharing, and the increased reciprocity that goes along with that, at first intensifies and cooperation among families increases, but this decreases with the disappearance of resources available for sharing (e.g. Burger et al. 1948).

resistance exhaustion

There is also a personal increase in irritability, nervousness and restlessness, and irritable and excitable groups of people may resort to political unrest. There is an alleged measurable relationship between average weight loss for a population and chance of political disorder: at 5% weight loss this is slight, but at 20% weight loss chance of political disorder is very serious. Over 20% the probability declines, as people lack the energy (Keys et al. 1950). Again, the diaphasis of response is evident. Other group reaction may be infectious panic, resulting in mass action such as a stampede at a soccer match, or riots and looting.

increase in stress

Figure 2.2 General model of group behaviour under stress.

1. Alarm reaction, during which there is greater group solidarity 2. Resistance, in which group solidarity decreases as it is no longer effective 3. Exhaustion, in which the group falls apart and eventually disappears Alarm There are many examples of increased group solidarity under stress. I grew up with stories of 'De Oorlog' (World War II). How difficult it was to obtain food and ordinary necessities in Nazi-occupied Holland; risking one's life on bicycle with tireless wheels to get potatoes from a distant farm and diving into a ditch if a plane came over; listening to freedom broadcasts on an illegal radio hidden in a hollowed-out bible and powered from a bicycle dynamo; helping with the resistance movement; escaped prisoners in hiding; summary executions, etc. There are actually a lot of parallels with the Kalanga subjection by the Ndebele. What struck me most, however, was that my parents talked about the war years almost with nostalgia, not for the difficulties and deprivation, but for the common sense of purpose, working together to survive and with the hope of freedom, a profound shared experience that led to a greater sense of group solidarity than had existed either before or after the war. This same sense of increased solidarity under severe stress was again almost tangible after the attacks on September 11, 2001, a common experience of horror, common commiseration with the victims, common anxiety in fear of further attack, and the resultant upsurge in patriotism in the U.S.A. was dramatic.

Deprivation of the population is to the advantage of a central government in that it both inflates the value of resources it has to redistribute and the government controls the force to expand and protect supplies. However, this may lead to political destabilization if deprivation outlasts the resources, provided people still have the strength this requires (Laughlin and Brady 1978:37-41). This stage is often also characterized by an increase in ritual. This may occur if people perceive the stress to be a result of supernatural displeasure. At the same time intensified ritual may counteract increasing divisiveness as the stress continues. Resistance As stress continues the various initial responses do not continue to be helpful or are no longer possible as people lose energy, and the responses are reversed: a decrease in activity in order to save energy; social ties erode and groups fragment and spread out; the generosity and selflessness during the alarm reaction phase is replaced by conserving, hoarding, selfishness and introversion. There are still family bonds, but only among close relatives. Food is no longer shared with others outside the family unit. Group action and group cohesion decrease. The former division of labour may be abandoned; in the case of famine, this is because everyone becomes preoccupied to find food and little else. In cases of recurrent or cyclical deprivation or stress, one may see an 'accordion effect' (Dirks 1980:28; Laughlin 1974; Laughlin and Brady 1978:32) where cycles of plenty and want result in cycles of expansion and contraction of the sharing networks, as may be often seen even in seasonal group behaviour among hunter-gatherers.

Furthermore, during this stage, with the onset of anxiety, the initial response is system-wide: "general hyper activation and intensified interaction in virtually every institutional sphere" (Dirks 1980:27). The stress causes either sensory overload or deprivation, producing hyper activation: animals become more active and people more excited when first experiencing hunger, for example (Franková 1977). There appears an increased need for social interaction. Anxiety draws people together, as has already been mentioned. However,

11

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN During the resistance stage one may consolidate one's assets and collect debts, even call up loan cattle (so cutting ties of loyalty). There is increasing competition and conflict. Settlements may be fortified to defend the remaining resources. There are aggressive incidents rather than the organized protests that may have occurred during the alarm response. There is overall disorder, which in turn is additional stress. This may be counteracted by an increased attraction to authority as a source of stability and control. Under stress at this phase people find it easier, even seek, to accept a higher authority, especially if it controls redistribution. They are more likely to submit to government agents and follow rules and regulations. However, authority is only maintained if supported by force.

chances of finding enough food for everyone. As a result, the family became dysfunctional as a socioeconomic unit. It was each person on his/her own; even children had to find their own food as soon as they were weaned (3 years old). The only groups that existed were gangs of children (3-7 years; 8-12 years) who banded together, not to share food or for companionship, but rather for protection against predators (even human predators, who would steal food out of a child's mouth if they could). A new set of norms and values arose, where 'good' was defined as the ability to steal food from someone, and where it was O.K. to laugh at the misery of others, and it was dangerous to trust anyone; love was considered idiotic and dangerous. A man and woman might live together because it is difficult to construct a hut alone. Sex was practiced, but was considered wasting of energy. They still lived in villages, but there was no social structure. There was, however, little violence and no anarchy. They were held together through reciprocity of 'favours'. Everyone had the basic right to try and survive, and this was respected.

There may at this stage also be a decrease in ritual if this requires food offerings and if these are in short demand because of the stress. Life-cycle, religious, agricultural rites are postponed or celebrated at low key and funerals are similarly less elaborate.

They were, each one, simply alone, and seemingly content to be alone. It was this very acceptance of individual isolation that made love almost impossible. Contact, when made, was usually for a very specific and practical purpose, having to do with food and the filling of a stomach, a single stomach. [Turnbull 1972:238]

A famine in Malawi in 2002 reached this phase of resistance. The famine, caused by drought, government mismanagement (sold the food reserves) and absence of the normal relief supply from Zimbabwe's surplus, was aggravated by the high incidence of AIDS. Communities were falling apart and there was increasing social disintegration. Where before one could have counted on the support and care of one's extended family and help from friends and neighbours, now each nuclear family was on its own. If you had no food left, you could no longer rely on others to share with you. If then in desperation you took, you might be attacked. One man tried to take maize from a field after his second daughter had just died of starvation, but the field's owner, a neighbour, attacked him with a machete and broke both his legs and cut a hand. Another woman had part of her ear cut off (B.B.C. television, 20 August 2002).

They still conceived of themselves as bound together, however, since they shared a history, a language, a selfconcept as mountain people, and a relationship with their sacred mountain. The present system enables them to survive with predictability, although with a greatly reduced population size and individual life span. This is preferable for them to the hazards of adaptation to better conditions, for if better conditions should prove temporary, then the change back to sociability would have been from their survival point of view, maladaptive. [ibid.:53]

They expected deprivation to continue indefinitely and did not conceive of it as stress. This is an example of

Exhaustion At this stage even the nuclear family fragments, at first by pushing out the aged. There is an increase in selfishness, even parents increasingly do not even feed their starving children. The children may form gangs which roam around in search of food. Only personal survival is important.

the extremes to which adaptation to deprivation can lead a human society, extremes at which sociality becomes extinct for all intents and purposes, but the people survive. [ibid. :75]

"Reciprocity eventually constricts to a point at which the family ceases to function as a redistributive, protective entity and individuals begin to fend exclusively for themselves" (Dirks 1980:30). Just as states under severe stress may collapse and fragment into their building blocks, so the ties that bind a family together will, in extremes, increasingly be maladaptive, and be broken. This process is referred to as 'atomization' (Laughlin and Brady 1978:89-90). Though too exhausted to engage in reciprocity, individuals still sought each other's company, though they might not speak to each other. In other cases children were sold, if reluctantly, for the good of all.

The Ik in northern Uganda (Turnbull 1972, 1978) had adapted to chronic severe environmental deprivation, which started c. 1920. Drought was aggravated by new national boundaries that prevented these hunter-gatherers from entering Sudan and Kenya where they had previously spent part of their nomadic seasonal cycle. Neighbouring pastoralists expanded and areas became overgrazed and the Ik caused further destruction of the environment by burning fields in attempts at agriculture. By 1964-5 the changes in lifestyle as adaptation to this stress had become the norm. Population, which had decreased, reached a new plateau of c. 1000 people. The ecologically soundest strategy was to spread out and have everyone forage on his/her own for food, to maximize the

Similar situations of extreme deprivation occurred during the difaqane, although temporary, and such adaptation did not become the norm, as the stress eventually eased.

12

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA The Model of Group Behaviour under Stress is, like all models, necessarily a simplification. There is more cultural variation evidenced by specific examples (see for example the "Comments" following Dirks' article). Cultural values guide people's response to stress and give thresholds that vary per cultural group at which traditional norms are abandoned, leading some to cannibalism, while others would rather accept death than go that far.

I shall discuss other indicators of stress, specifically linked to the difaqane in chapter 5. In the case of the end of the Butua state, stress experienced by the farming communities can be expected to have included: - fear or threat of attack - requiring defensive responses - instances of actual attack - leading to loss of life and resources; a scattering of the group - collapsing state with resultant absence of highest authorities and loss of structural framework that had kept the communities integrated in the state and had provided security and a justice system (rule of law) and had redistributed resources and, through ritual, had ensured fertility - oppression by new masters, especially the burden of excessive tribute demands.

Did Turnbull exaggerate the situation of the Ik? Was this a temporary form of behaviour and not a longer term adaptation? There are examples of extinction of populations and disappearance of cultures, but they may not necessarily have had to go to this extreme. Social disintegration may merely have been the abandonment of a settlement and scattering of those who had made up the community. What happened to the Toutswe people in east-central Botswana after 1300, for example? Although most archaeological sites have been abandoned, the process of abandonment is rarely studied. A move necessitated by the exhaustion of the environment or climatic change, famine, are common reasons. Again, rarely is the focus on the social environment.

These sources of stress will be illustrated with documents and oral history and measured by resource availability as evident in the archaeological record: range and quantity of resources, storage capacity for harvest and livestock are expected to decrease. The long distance trade network with the Portuguese was interrupted and the tributeredistribute structure of the state disappeared and then was only partially replaced during Ndebele rule. However, an increase in trade with the British and Boers from the south may have made up for some of the loss.

An exception is Geismar's (1982) study of a 19th-century rural black community in the USA, The archaeology of social disintegration in Skunk Hollow, in which she documents in great detail the abandonment of a community upon the loss of its leader. She, too, looks at group dynamics and interactions, but inspired by a sociological model of community disintegration by Homans (1950). Here disintegration of the basic social organization occurred, or 'exhaustion' was reached, when leadership declined and the number of shared activities carried out by members of the group declined. These two are related as social ranking is based on leadership in shared group activities. The settlement was abandoned as people moved away.

Response to stress We will see that the initial reaction for many was to try to avoid the stress by fleeing or hiding and attempting to defend against the enemy. Then many accepted the new reality and gave themselves up to become tributaries of the new masters. This, however, meant a great burden in meeting the excessive tribute demands and did not provide security from further attacks; they remained under stress. The Model of Group Behaviour under Stress explains that with increased or continuous stress, group solidarity will at first increase (the alarm phase) and then decrease to below pre-stress levels (the resistance phase), and in extreme cases disappear altogether (during the phase of exhaustion), and that at first there will be an increase in activity although a change in or re-emphasis on the types of activities performed, followed by a decrease.

In the case of the Ik outmigration was not an option and the stress of famine was quite different to the loss of a leader. Yet the effects on group cohesion were similar. Stress How can stress be detected in the archaeological record? Hodder (1979) listed examples of evidence that indicate that there had been economic stress, following Cohen (1977), Jarman and Jarman (1968) and Gould (pers. comm. to Hodder). These include the spread of settlements into new ecological zones and use of new microniches, a change from hunting large animals to small species, environmental degradation that was caused by man, decrease in the size of domestic animals, changes in age composition in faunal samples to an emphasis on immature animals, and greater fragmentation of bones to extract the maximum nutrition. Hodder suggested, furthermore, that social tensions between groups would be visible in sharp boundaries between artifact styles. On the other hand, however, efforts to reduce conflict may include gift giving, hence the presence of exotics in assemblages.

Changes in group solidarity Group solidarity consists of a number of factors. a. Nucleation. The size of the group may initially increase, even emigration may be done 'en masse', and the proximity of the family units will increase as people huddle together often in limited space, but then the group will fragment as some members are lost to the stress (die) and group solidarity is no longer found effective. b. Status differentiation. With the collapse of the state, there is no longer a traditional central authority to accept tribute and redistribute the resources. However, the invader exacts tribute and uses his redistributive control as an enticement for communities to accept his authority and become tributaries (alarm phase). As part of the 13

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN resistance phase people feel an increased need for leadership, authority as a source of stability and control and so opt for incorporation in the new state as tributaries. Within the group people will look for leadership from the head of the family and his importance may at first increase, but if he is not seen to resolve the crisis, disgruntled members may leave, undermining his authority. With continued stress, ultimately everyone will be involved in security and subsistence activities, irrespective of previous status or gender and there will be a decrease in division of labour. c. Sharing and cooperation. At first there is an increase in caring, generosity and selflessness as well as an increase in cooperation and activities that will strengthen group cohesiveness, such as ritual, but during the phase of resistance this decreases as individuals become increasingly selfish and introverted and start to hoard and protect their property, initially as a family unit, but ultimately even sharing within the family unit falls away. d. Conformity. Part of group solidarity is to conform to group norms. Conformity should increase during the initial response to stress, but decrease if the stress persists and as group solidarity decreases. Individualistic behaviour may not be easily detectable during the resistance phase, however, as creative expression declines at the same time (see below).

Worldview The stress model indicates that there may at first be an increase in ritual activity as a means of counteracting threats to group solidarity, but, more importantly I think, in an attempt to stop the stress, if this is perceived as being caused by the supernatural, which needs to be placated with prayers, offerings and ceremonies. During the phase of resistance, if ritual involves food sacrifice or a high degree of energy expenditure, such as through energetic or prolonged dancing, rituals will either be postponed or otherwise minimized. This implies that solutions are initially sought in the traditional beliefs, and religious prescriptions and taboos will be observed to a greater extent than before. However, if the stress is not removed by the supernatural, belief in God and the ancestral spirits is likely to diminish, possibly even to be abandoned, sometimes in favor of new religions (hence messianic movements invariably grow out of stress situations).5 Not only religious beliefs, but also people's entire worldview may become upset, as they perceive the world in chaos, a disordered view of life, unless their cosmology provides sufficient explanation for this stress situation, as could be expected in cases of cyclical stress. We can hypothesize, therefore, that during the phase of alarm, there will be an increase in conformity to beliefs and the traditional world view, whereas during the phase of resistance these will decrease in importance, eventually possibly even abandoned or replaced.

Changes in activities The Model of Group Behaviour under Stress suggests that at the alarm stage there will be an increase in activity, indeed even to the extent that one could speak of 'hyperactivity', whereas as stress continues or increases this will decrease as individuals try to conserve energy and become lethargic and only do the bare necessities. Hand-in-hand with this is a change in emphasis on defense and security, initially at the group level, but later each family unit and eventually each individual on their own. Non-essential activities are abandoned for activities that secure the basic necessities such as food, shelter and safety. Eventually the division of labour decreases and is abandoned as each individual will be pre-occupied with his or her own survival.

Hypothesis testing What is the purpose of studying the collapse of the Kalanga state and behaviour of the farming communities during this stressful period? If it is to improve our general understanding of collapse and stress by adding another case study to the list or by testing the applicability of the above models to a different type of stress situation, surely we would be better off to study some of the current crises, where we can actually observe what is happening and interview the victims and collect statistics. Take the famine in Malawi that was mentioned; or the AIDS epidemic in Botswana, where 25% of the adult population is HIV positive and even the country's president had voiced the fear that this could lead to population extinction; or the economic collapse of Zimbabwe under Mugabe's misrule; the daily news brings plenty of other crisis situations to our attention. The theories of system collapse and the model of adaptation to stress do much to clarify these crises, in my mind, but we should leave such analyses to sociologists and social anthropologists. Prehistoric examples are, in some way, easier to study, because the complexity of the system is less than that of modern complex societies in a global setting, and because the data is limited and hence more manageable. On the other hand, the data in prehistoric examples of stress and

An example: non-essential activities may include relaxing and story-telling around an evening fire, so passing on traditions and the cultural view of the world. In the case of warfare, a fire might give one away to the enemy; one could expect a fire to be inside, therefore, also reducing a smoke column, rather than out in the open. Unnecessary fires would also use up firewood, which takes an effort to collect - another reason not to have a fire if not necessary. As stress saps one's energy, more time may be spent sleeping, and less in idle conversation. One may talk about the crisis at hand rather than tell stories of the past to the kids. One could then expect a gap in oral traditions to occur at this time (collective amnesia). On the other hand, the past may become glorified as a Golden Age and it is likely that any oral traditions that do get passed on, will be distorted.

5

These are interesting phenomena and hold attraction also during the phase of resistance as people have a need for leadership, for someone to tell them what to do, for hope, even false hope.

14

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA collapse is generally restricted to remains of the material culture, as well as sometimes limited, and often distorted, information from documentary and oral history, and often the information one might need to test a stress model is simply not preserved.

response to stress in the material evidence of a historically known culture, the next step could be to apply such findings to a cultural crisis in the more distant past where the historical evidence is missing. This step is beyond the scope of this dissertation, however, but its potential for understanding Botswana's prehistory will be highlighted in the final discussion.

The purpose of this exercise is not so much to make a contribution to the stress model, although that might ultimately be possible, but rather to use the model to guide the investigation and illuminate the past. The main challenge is to try and identify stress and the response to stress in the remains of the material culture, in this case of a socio-cultural system for which we have some historical evidence of the nature and degree of the stress and the behavioral response to the stress. To that end Table 2.1 states a number of hypotheses on the changes in group behaviour under stress of warfare. Data of the three farmer village sites studied will be used to try and test these (Figure 2.3). If we can identify the stress and

Conclusions This study will look at a period of relative peace and stability, the Butua state, especially during the Khami phase, and the subsequent period of rapid and violent transformation, that of the collapse of the state and the subsequent Ndebele domination. These will be studied at two levels, the macro-scale of the state, society as a whole, and a smaller-scale of groups at different levels within the hierarchy. Emphasis will be on the farming family, which translates to the level of the commoner site in this study.

increase in group solidarity

Domboshaba lower village alarm

Before commencing on the study of the Butua state in part A, it is necessary to give background information about the environment, people and archaeology of the region, for those readers, who are not familiar with southern Africa. A review of previous research on Butua and the difaqane will also touch on problems of methodology and glaring gaps in our knowledge, so that it will become clearer how this study fits into the archaeology of the region and how it will attempt to close some of these gaps in our understanding of the past and change our focus away from elite sites to the lives of common folk, away from unproven grandiose theories and back to data-based interpretations. The focus is also on more in depth observations of behaviour change under stress rather than on grand schemes of stability and change.

Vumba pre-stress

Domboshaba upper village resistance exhaustion

increase in stress

Figure 2.3 Sites at which group behaviour under stress will be studied

15

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN Table 2.1 Hypotheses of behavioral change under stress of warfare

HYPOTHESES . Under increasing stress of warfare: 1. (measure of stress) There will be a decrease in the range and availability of resources

TEST CASES Pre-Stress Stress (alarm phase) Vumba Domboshaba lower

. Increased stress (resistance phase) Domboshaba upper TEST

.

range of resources; trade goods; storage capacity of granaries and livestock kraal; % domestic versus wild fauna

+

-

--

+

++

-

+

++

-

bii. Status differentiation will decrease c. Sharing and cooperation will increase, then decrease.

+ +

+ ++

-

d. There will be an increase in conformity, then a decrease

+

++

-

+

+

-

range of activities

+

++

-

storage capacity of granaries

+

++

+++

+

-

--

walling; site accessibility; location of resources and of hearths amount of decoration and embellishment; quality of craftsmanship

+

++

-

2. Group solidarity will increase, then decrease a. Nucleation of the group will increase, then decrease bi. Authority will increase, then decrease

3. There will be an increase, then decrease in activity, with change in emphasis a. The range of activities will change, then decrease in number b. There will be an increase, then decrease in subsistence activities c. There will be an increase in defense and protection of resources d. There will be a decrease in non-essential activities, a decrease in creativity; a degeneration in material culture 4. The importance of traditional religion and worldview at first increase, then decrease or may be replaced (+ present, ++ increase, - decrease)

16

settlement size; distances between houses and family units hierarchy of settlements; symbols of office; size and location of senior compound variation in wealth presence of communal facilities; communal activities; distribution of meat cuts degree of standardization and variation in pottery style, architecture style

ritual features and objects; spatial expression of worldview

3. ENVIRONMENTAL CONTEXT The Kalanga state Butua was located in the heart of southern Africa, covering the western part of modern Zimbabwe, the northeast of Botswana and the very northern part of South Africa (Figure 3.1).

The Zimbabwe plateau The Zimbabwe Plateau forms the watershed between the Zambezi drainage system to the north and the Limpopo to the south, and further west between the rivers flowing into the salt pans and the Limpopo (Figure 3.2, where the watershed is indicated by a thick line). This plateau can be defined as the area above 1000 m A.S.L. on the south and east side and above 1200 m on the north side. Its altitude, fertile soils and relatively high rainfall, mophane woodland (Colophospermum mopane) with sweet grassveld, relatively cool temperatures leading to low incidence of malaria and sleeping sickness in cattle, and its wealth in game and mineral resources have made this region very suitable for settlement by agro-pastoralists.

The sites that are focused on in this study are located in the Northeast District of Botswana, but surveys in the adjacent Central District have also provided relevant information and I refer to this wider area as northeastern Botswana or western Butua. Oral history and ethnoarchaeological data were obtained from this wider area. I have visited Khami Ruins, Danang'ombe, Zinjanja and Naletale in Zimbabwe, but carried out no fieldwork in that country and my knowledge of the archaeology, history and ethnography of the eastern part of Butua is based otherwise on written sources. The focus on the evidence from Botswana was due largely to the repeated civil strife in Zimbabwe from the 1980s to recently. I am grateful to the Botswana Government for allowing me to carry out research here.

In contrast, the Zambezi and Limpopo valleys are today hot and dry, as is the Kalahari to the west. The edge of the Kalahari sandveld coincides roughly with the 1000 m altitude line from east of the salt pans northward, and with the watershed (Figure 3.2) to the south, which separates the Limpopo drainage from the area where currently no rivers flow, as the little rain that falls, sinks down into the thick sand. These lines are today essentially the edge of arable land. Although crops are grown around the south, east and north side of the Sowa Pan, this is not very successful.

Northeastern Botswana is at the southwestern edge of the Zimbabwe Plateau and is both environmentally and culturally related to the adjacent area of Zimbabwe; the sites that have been investigated must also be seen in this broader regional context.

In Zimbabwe the vast majority of so-called 'Iron Age' sites are found in a big arc on the plateau, especially to the south and east of the watershed. Figure 3.3 gives the location of Zimbabwe Tradition elite sites and shows that most of these occur between the watershed and the 1000 m elevation on the south and east side. This is not the case in Botswana and South Africa, where such sites are especially known in the Motloutse and Limpopo valleys. The main watershed is, of course, devoid of major rivers, and during the dry winter months no surface water may be available, except from wells, a factor that may have limited settlement. The low site density to the northwest of the plateau is probably due to a less hospitable environment with higher temperatures and sandier soils, but Swan warns that site distribution may also be a reflection of the amount of archaeological survey that has taken place (Beach 1994; Sinclair and Lundmark 1984; Swan 1994 ). On Figure 3.4 of the geology of the area the solid black areas are schist relics, known as greenstone belts, of the Basement Complex, which are the oldest rocks. These are exposed especially around the 'Great Dyke', the long linear feature from north-northeast to south-southwest. The schist belts are surrounded and overlain by slightly later granites. During the volcanic formation of the granites, superheated liquids dissolved and concentrated minerals, which were forced into cracks in the older schists. It is these mineral rich quartz veins in the schists

Figure 3.1 Location of Butua in southern Africa.

17

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN

Figure 3.2 The Zimbabwe high plateau. Thick line=watershed

Figure 3.3 Distribution of Zimbabwe Tradition elite sites

Figure 3.4 Regional geology. Black=greenstone belts,g=granite, stipples=later preCambrian, 'later'=Karoo sandstone and sands. [Summers 1969:Figure 2]

Figure 3.5 Current annual rainfall in Zimbabwe [after Pikirayi 2001:27] and eastern Botswana [Pike 1971 in Sims 1981]. white800 mm. a=K2+Mapungubwe, b=Toutswemogala, c=Great Zimbabwe, d=Khami, e=Ingombe Ilede, f=Danang'ombe

and the contact zones between schists and granites, which contain mineable gold and copper. Note that this mineral belt lies especially west of the watershed, and only in the southwest and northeast do minerals and good farming conditions coincide. It is, therefore, probably no accident that these were also the areas in which the Butua and Mutapa states arose (cf. Beach 1994: maps 10 and 11, who refers to the coincidence of the Great Crescent of population and the Golden Crescent).

walls. The granite is surrounded by more recent Karoo and Tertiary deposits, mainly sandstone, basalt and Kalahari sands. Whereas the schist belts create fairly fertile loamy luvisols, the regosols over the granite and the arenosols of the sand belts do not hold moisture as well. Rainfall is vital for agriculture in this region, which is prone to droughts. Minimum annual rainfall for successful agriculture is about 400 mm. The plateau in Zimbabwe receives 500-800 mm (Pikirayi 2001:51), whereas northeast Botswana’s average annual rainfall

The extent of granite outcrops corresponds well with the distribution of elite sites (cf. Figures 3.3 and 3.4), as granite was the most suitable building material for stone

18

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA The geology Dominant geological features in the Northeast District are the Vumba and Tati Greenstone Belts (Figure 3.7). These consist of amphibolite with areas of meta-andesite, metadacite and felsites, and contain, among others, serpentinites, pyroxenites, ironstones, quartzites and marbles. Much mineralization has occurred in these areas. Among the rocks and minerals which were potentially important in prehistoric times are significant quantities of gold, copper, iron and hematite, soapstone, quartz and quartzite and smaller quantities of graphite, specular hematite, chert and jasper (Litherland 1975, Key 1976, and their accompanying geological maps of the Geological Survey of Botswana at scale 1:125,000 for Sebina-Tutume and Francistown). The granitoid rocks which underlie the rest of the area are predominantly granite, tonalite and gneiss. Late-Karoo intrusions of dolerite are found dispersed as sheets and dykes throughout the area. Finally, silcretes formed Gungwe Hill and Majambube Hill as part of the recent "Kalahari Beds". About 200 prehistoric gold mine features are known in the Northeast District (Key 1976; Summers 1969; Van Waarden 1991b; Van Waarden & Walker 2007)), and large prehistoric copper mines are present further west in the Dukwe and Matsitama copper belts (Van Waarden 1991a, 2002; Van Waarden, Walker & Chembezi 2007; Huffman et al. 1995).

Figure 3.6 Tsetse fly belts. [Summers 1967:Fig. 8]

now ranges from 550 mm in the north to 400 mm in the southeast (Pike 1971) (Fig. 3.5). The climate consists of summer rains from October to April and winter dry periods, during which not a drop of rain may fall and temperatures may dip below 0o C so that trees lose their foliage and grass dries out. Tsetse fly (Glossina morsitans), the carrier of Trypanosomiasis or sleeping sickness, which is fatal to cattle, cannot successfully reproduce in temperatures below 16o C or above 35o, when they seek shade (Ford 1971:288-294). Figure 3.6 is based on historic records of the tsetse fly as well as distribution of archaeological sites with cattle kraals (Summers 1967). This shows that northeastern Botswana and the Zimbabwe Plateau were free of the disease and, therefore, suitable for pastoralism. Northeastern Botswana The area under study here is delimited on the west side by the Makgadikgadi salt pans and to the southwest by Kalahari sands, areas unsuitable for agriculture. To the northwest the sandy soils are suitable for agriculture, but lack of surface water would have limited human settlement. In these areas pastoralism is practiced today thanks to boreholes, but in the past this would only have been possible under wetter climatic conditions. Northeastern Botswana is part of the so-called hardveld (in contrast to the sandveld of the Kalahari), where agropastoralism is currently practiced and where most of Botswana's population is located. Details of the environment of the Northeast District are now presented as they are directly relevant to the sites that will be focused on.

Figure 3.7 Geology of the Northeast District [after Litherland 1975 and Key 1976]

19

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN the Tati Concession, is defined as the triangular area between the Shashe River on the west and Ramokgwebane River on the east side and the watershed in the north. The Vukwe, Tati and Ntshe are major tributaries of the Shashe River. They all flow south and are part of the Limpopo drainage system. All these rivers are ephemeral and may flow for only several brief periods each year. Water is stored in the sands of the larger rivers throughout the dry season, however, and can be obtained by digging down into the river beds. Some pools of surface water may also be retained for some time after the rainy season. At Mantenge near Kalakamati is an unusual deep hole in a rock outcrop (said to be 7 m deep), which provides a permanent supply of rainwater, even in most drought years. For topographical details the Department of Surveys and Mapping has produced a series of excellent 1:50,000 topographical maps. Rainfall and temperature Mean annual rainfall in the Northeast District varies from over 500 mm in the north to 400 mm in the south. Figure 3.9 shows the fluctuations in annual rainfall measured between 1922 and 1994 in Francistown, which is in the middle of the District at the confluence of the Tati and Ntshe Rivers, and has a mean of 458.4 mm (Dept. of Meteorological Services).

Figure 3.8 Topography of the Northeast District

Topography The whole area slopes gradually down from the watershed in the north at 1350 m to 850 m in the south, marking the transition from highveld to middleveld (Figure 3.8). Apart from this gentle slope, the landscape is fairly flat, as most of the granitoid rock is subsurface. Exceptions are the granite bouldery kopjes1 in the highveld near Kalakamati, of which Domboshaba Hill at 100 m is the highest; a zone of low kopjes along the watershed, which continues to the west to Changate and Tutume and forms an extension of the Matopos hills in Zimbabwe; Ntimbale Hill and the Majwanamatshwaana Hills around the upper Tati River2 also are landmarks; finally Nyangabgwe Hill in Francistown is of tonalite.

According to this graph in only 40 of the 72 years of records has the annual rainfall been over 400 mm and enough for a harvest. This shows how marginal the area is and how drastic the effects of even a slightly higher or lower rainfall pattern would have been and how important risk management is for the farmers. The graph also shows that there is no change in mean annual rainfall over the past century, but that there is a general pattern of extended wet and dry spells of about 9 years duration, i.e. an 18 year cycle (note droughts of the 1980s and 1960s, etc.), which conforms to the rest of southern Africa. I have lived in the District from 1982 and have seen successful harvests only in the 1987/88 and again the 1998/99, 1999/2000 seasons, while 2002/2003

The Greenstone belts also contain a few hill complexes, outstanding among which are the serpentinite Vumba Hills and meta-pyroxenite Dwaleng Hills, both in the Vumba Greenstone Belt, while in the Tati Greenstone Belt are the 300 m high ironstone Matsiloje range at the far east and Signal Hill and the Mupanipani range of hills. Selolwe Hill on the Tati River north of Francistown is also part of a low range of schist hills. The intrusive dolerite dykes also form low kopjes here and there. Although this landscape is incised by a dense network of rivers and streams, they do not form noticeable 'valleys'. In Figure 3.8 only the major rivers and their main tributaries are shown. The Northeast District, previously 1

‘kopje’ is a southern African word for a small bouldery hill The correct ikalanga spelling is ‘Dati’ and the river is so marked on new topographic maps, but ‘Tati’ is so established in historic documents and current popular parlance, that I will continue with Tati.

Figure 3.9 Rainfall at Francistown from 1922 to 1994 [Dept. of Meteorological Services]

2

20

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA had record low rainfall, followed by unusually good 2003/2004 rains. The highly weathered Greenstone belts are very permeable to water, with the result that rainwater is held in these schists rather than flowing off through the rivers. Over gneissic (granitoid) areas more water flows through the sandy beds of the rivers and water is more readily obtained here by digging into the river bed (Key 1976:116).

Broad vegetation zones are: in the northern, highveld zone Mophane Tree Savanna (Colophospermum mopane) with coarse sweet or sour grasses, while in the remainder of the area there is Mixed Mophane-Acacia Tree savanna (Colophospermum mopane, Acacia nigrescens, Ac. Mellifera, Combretum spp., Terminalia spp., Sclerocarya caffra, which is the marula fruit tree, and Grewia berry bushes) with some sweet grasses. Mophane, a hardwood and important source of fodder, has shallow roots and needs water near the surface and prefers acidic rather than alkaline soils. Its shallow roots inhibit the growth of grass. Acacia has deeper roots and allows a better grass cover to grow around it. On the poorly drained vertisols the vegetation is almost exclusively stunted mophane and coarse grass. Secondary growth on fallow land is usually predominantly Acacia thorn bush (Ac. Tortilis) and sickle bush (Dichrostachys cinerea). Riparian woodland has big tree species, making clearance for agricultural fields difficult, despite the fertile soils. Mention must be made of the sweet grass Cenchrus ciliaris, which is usually found growing on prehistoric cattle kraal deposits.

Day temperatures range from 5o to 32o C with a few frosty nights. As mentioned, temperatures below 16o C are critical, because they inhibit tsetse fly reproduction. This area is, therefore, under current climatic conditions, free of cattle sleeping sickness. Malaria also is not endemic. Soil and vegetation All the soils in the area are Ferruginous Tropical Soils. The granitoid rocks produce shallow, light brown to light red-brown acid sandy regosols with much gravel, while the basic rocks of the Greenstone schists and dolerites produce shallow to moderately deep and darker, reddish luvisols, containing more silt and clay. Some schist areas with particularly bad drainage have produced dark, heavy clay vertisols. (De Wit and Nachtergaele 1990 and the accompanying soil map at 1:1,000,000 of the Ministry of Agriculture). Along the major rivers alluvial soil formation is thick, as much as 10 meters. On hills are usually shallow lithosols. Overgrazing in certain areas has removed the vegetation cover and the topsoil has eroded away.

Agricultural potential Figure 3.10 is adapted from the 1:1,000,000 map of Land Suitability for Rainfed Crop Production by the Ministry of Agriculture (Radcliffe et al. 1992). The evaluation of agricultural potential is based both on soils and climate, and constraints of degradation, erosion, flooding and soil workability are also taken into consideration. Yields for sorghum, maize, millet, cowpea and groundnut (of which maize was only introduced in the 16th century and is still not a dominant crop) were determined using a production system, described as 'improved traditional', which includes plowing with oxen, mono-cropping and plant spacing, which were not practiced in the past. Yields are, therefore, perhaps elevated compared to prehistoric yields under the same climatic conditions. However, the yields are used to compare productivity of the various land units and are, therefore, a good relative indication of agricultural potential. The use of plow and draft animals makes it possible to use heavier, clayey loams, which relieves the constraint of soil workability to some extent, and this must be taken into account in applying the results of this study to prehistoric conditions. Land suitability or agricultural potential is graded into classes of potential dependable yield from A (high) to E (low) to F (very low) to NS (not suitable). Figure 3.10 shows a cluster of B land units over the luvisols of the Vumba Greenstone Belt with fair rainfall, whereas the luvisols of the Tati Schist are more stony, shallower and the average annual rainfall is 50 to 100 mm less than in the north and these are, therefore, rated D to F. Because of the clay content in luvisols, they become very hard when dry and these soils would only have been suitable for plowing and weeding with a hoe when damp after rain. An area of class C in the northwest is a fertile, but clayey vertisol, also known as 'black cotton soil', which is difficult to plow even with draft animals, let alone hoeing by hand.

Figure 3.10 Land suitability for rainfed crop production [From 1:1,000,000 map, Ministry of Agriculture]

21

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN The E rated soils in the north half of the district are sandy regosols and are currently degraded and prone to erosion. The areas rated F are either very eroded (northwest) or too sandy (west) or too stony (southeast). The area rated 'not suitable' is shallow, stony and degraded.

Leopards occur in certain hilly areas. In general the density of wild animals is very low these days, due to overhunting. Ecological zones Table 3.1 and Figure 3.11 summarize the ecological zones and their agricultural, grazing and mineral potentials. The clayey loam soils of unit 3 have the highest agricultural potential, but may have been restricted in the past because they may have been hard to plow with a hoe and zone 1 or 4 may have been chosen instead. Zone 4 provides the best pasture, whereas zone 6 has adequate agriculture and grazing and is in proximity to gold, copper and iron deposits. The mineral rich belt no. 5b in itself is unsuited for agriculture, but has reasonable grazing. The availability of stone and minerals, water, hills, arable soil, certain vegetation types and occurrence of disease are among the factors that were likely taken into consideration by prehistoric and historic populations in decisions on settlement location.

Kalanga subsistence farmers in Kalakamati in the northwest of the district, using ox-drawn plows, consider luvisol (sabasi) the best soil if it is deep enough, and it is particularly good when mixed with some vertisol (thobolo) such as found in riverine forests. These latter would have been difficult to clear in the past. Thobolo on its own is never used. Sandy regosols (nsechana) are easier to till by hoe and are good "in years with low rainfall, but when there is much rain the crops 'sink in the soil' " (Dahlberg and Blaikie 1996:Appendix IV). In years with good rains a mixture of clayey soil (gwakwa) and nsechana is good, but it is too dry and hard in a dry year. West of the Northeast District is a broad band of unsuitable land. To the northwest are soils of classes A and B near Tutume and Maitengwe, which has currently a substantial farming population. This evaluation must be seen as relative suitability, but it does not reflect current landuse patterns. Historical events have resulted in private ownership of most of the district, mainly for cattle ranches, whereas the majority of the rural population lives in the former Tati Native Reserve, encompassing the very northern part of the district. The demand for land in the north has resulted in widespread use of class E, F and even 'not suitable' areas of land, and, with good rains, harvests can be reasonably successful even in these areas. It is, on the other hand, possible that the dense population and hence intensive cultivation of the northern soils has been the cause of the degraded and eroded nature of these soils and hence their poor rating, and it is possible that they were more suitable in the past. Grazing Field (1978:92) provides estimates of carrying capacity for livestock: north of Francistown 16 ha/L.S.U. (that is: 16 hectare of grassland are needed per livestock unit of 500 kg); south and east of Francistown 21 ha/L.S.U. The area north of Francistown has better pasture, while the south requires more extensive grazing. On the other hand, the highveld in the very north associated predominantly with Mophane woodland has a less abundant grass cover. Prime pasture is, therefore, the middleveld north of Francistown.

Figure 3.11 Land units of agricultural, pastoral and mineral potential under current climatic conditions.

Game Big game hunters reported a rich wildlife of elephants, rhino, giraffe, zebra and many antelopes and predators prior to 1870 (Tabler 1955:48-59) and even today elephants are occasionally found in the very northwest and southeastern tips of the district. One may encounter a rare bushbuck now, or steenbok, impala, kudu, ostrich, wild pig, aardwolf, and baboons, monkeys and springhare, while Cape hare and jackals are common. 22

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA Table 3.1 Land units of agricultural, pastoral and mineral potential under current climatic conditions Land unit 1

Rock formation

Soil

Vegetation

Agricultural potential

Granite

Rainfall mm 500

regosol

E low

2a

Granite

500

regosol

F very low

some

2b

Granite

500

regosol

NS not suitable

some

3

Granite

475-500

regosol

3a

Vumba 475-500 Greenstone Belt Vumba 475 Greenstone Belt

Mophane Sour + sweet grass Mophane Sour + sweet grass Mophane Sour + sweet grass Mophane Sour + sweet grass Mixed Mophane/Acacia Sweet grass Stunted Mophane Sour grass

Pastoral potential some

good 16 ha/LSU good 16 ha/LSU poor

Mixed Mophane/Acacia Sweet grass Mixed Mophane/Acacia Sweet grass Mophane Sweet grass Mixed Mophane/Acacia Sweet grass Mixed Mophane/Acacia Sweet grass Mixed woodland Sweet grass Riparian woodland

C-B moderate to moderately high B moderately high, but heavy to hoe C moderate, but heavy to hoe; waterlogging E low

good 16 ha/LSU F to NS very low to fair, 16not suitable 21 ha/LSU F very low fair 21 ha/LSU D-F moderately low to fair, very low 21 ha/LSU D moderately low fair, 21 ha/LSU E low some

3b

luvisol vertisol

4

Granite

450-475

regosol

5

Granite

425-475

regosol

5a

Granite

450

regosol

5b

Tati Greenstone 400-450 Belt Granite 400-450

6 7 8

Tati schist and ironstone hills Schist and granite

400-425

luvisol + (regosol) regosol + (luvisol) cambisol

400-500

fluvisol

A high, but hard to clear

Minerals

gold

gold, copper and iron

iron, gold

not suitable

Climate change The climatic fluctuations also correlate remarkably closely with dramatic changes in settlement distribution and with socio-political developments (Huffman 1996a), and thus indicate that climate was one of the main factors influencing cultural evolution in southern Africa. Using dates from archaeological sites, Huffman was able to refine the rough chronology of the climatic indicators, but these have been adjusted here to incorporate new data.

The rainfall pattern of today is not an adequate indicator of past rainfall (Tyson and Lindesay 1992, Tyson et al. 2000, Norström et al. 2005). Table 3.2 summarizes the broad environmental fluctuations in the summer rainfall areas of southern Africa over the past 2000 years. The present climate is relatively cool and dry. Warmer periods in the past are thought to have been due to increased activity of the tropical easterlies from the Indian Ocean and weaker circumpolar westerlies, resulting in an increase in rainfall over the northeastern summer rainfall region and a decrease in precipitation in the coastal Mediterranean winter rainfall region of the Cape. This climatological model is corroborated by evidence from dendrochronology, oxygen isotope analysis, foraminifera ratios, mollusc shell composition, palynology, micromammal analysis and geomorphological evidence from South Africa, Namibia and Malawi, although so far no direct evidence from Botswana and Zimbabwe.

Table 3.2 shows that during the Khami phase of Butua the climate was relatively wet and that the change in Mamboship and the move of the capital 100 km eastward up the Zimbabwe Plateau coincided with increased droughts. The period 1790–1810 was warm and wet and resulted in population expansion in Zululand along the east coast of South Africa due to an increasing reliance on maize, which had been introduced in the late 18th century and which has a greater yield than the traditional sorghum and millet during good rainfall (Hall 1976; Maggs 1982, 1984; Huffman 1996a). However, maize is not as drought resistant as these latter cereals and the subsequent severe droughts are alleged to have resulted in unusually severe food shortages, one of the factors leading to serious military tension and large scale movements of people, called the difaqane (Hall 1976; Hamilton 1995; Huffman 1996a; Maggs 1984). This, in turn, resulted in the death of the Mambo, the collapse of Butua as a state and the invasion by the Ndebele.

Of interest here is the period 1400-1850. From c. 1300 to c. 1800 was a globally cooler period, referred to as the Little Ice Age, with particularly cool and dry conditions in southern Africa from 1300 to 1450 and from the late 17th century to 1800. Many, although not all, of the climatic indicators suggest that the period c. 1475-1675 was somewhat warmer and wetter, more like current conditions, although droughts occurred c. 1540, 1575 and 1650. The late 18th century was also again wetter, but followed by droughts in the early 19th century.

23

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN Table 3.2 Climatic fluctuations, approximate dates and Iron Age developments in Northeastern Botswana (based on Tyson & Lindesay 1992, Huffman 1996, Tyson et al. 2000, Norström et al. 2005) Period A.D. 1810-1840 1790-1810 1685-1780

Climate cool and dry warm and wet cool and dry

Habitability marginal good marginal

1500-1675 1290-1475

warm and wet cool and dry

good marginal

890-1290

good

700-890 500-700 300-500 200-300

warm and wetter than present cool and dry warm and wet ?cool and dry warm and wet

marginal good marginal good

100-200

cool and dry

marginal

Cultural periods and event Refuge period; difaqane Population expansion Rozvi phase of Butua state, capital moved to Danang'ombe Khami phase of Butua state Zimbabwe state. Woolandale phase of Leopard's Kopje. Abandonment of Mapungubwe and Toutswe Zhizo to formation of chiefdoms: Mambo, K2 and Toutswe Gokomere to Zhizo probable arrival of Bantu farmers in Northeast Arrival of first Bantu-speaking farmers in Southern Africa Pastoral Khoe

settlements dominated by large cattle kraals during the warm 'Medieval Epoch' of 900-1300 by Leopard's Kopje and Toutswe people. The tsetse belts indicated in Figure 3.6 must, therefore, be questioned.

How much wetter or drier the climate became is not clear. Even if the annual rainfall was 50 mm more or less, the effects on agricultural potential would already have been drastic in the northeast. An increase of 50 mm would have increased the average annual rainfall to 450 mm in the south and 550 mm in the north of the Northeast District. Good rains would have made the luvisols (land unit 3) more workable and may even have made unit 5b suitable in areas where the soil is deep enough, but vertisol (3b) would have been waterlogged and even less suitable. Regosols may have had higher yields, although there would have been the problem of crops sinking into the soil. Grazing would have improved throughout, as evident after three reasonably wet seasons in a row recently, which resulted in increased grass cover even in land unit 5b. Game was more abundant as well. We can expect, therefore, that there had been good conditions during the Khami phase of Butua associated with increasing human population, livestock and wild resources. More surface water would also have made certain areas permanently habitable. Denser vegetation would have required more effort in clearing a field and more weeding may have been required. An increase in vegetation and higher minimum temperatures may also have enlarged the tsetse belts and the incidence of malaria and this may have been a reason for moving cattle and chiefs up the hills, similar to the predominantly hilltop

In contrast, a 50 mm drier climate would make the southern part of the Northeast District generally unsuitable for agriculture on account of insufficient rainfall. Luvisols would have been too hard to work. In the north erosion in land units 1 and 2 may have increased because of a decrease in vegetation. In other words, cultivation in the Northeast District under those conditions would have been very risky with repeated crop failure, and most of the area would have had to be reclassified as E, F or NS. In the northern parts where the rivers are still small, drinking water may have been a problem, for both humans and cattle. One could expect, therefore, during the Rozvi phase of Butua, some pastoralism in the south near the major rivers, and relatively unsuccessful agriculture on regosols, leading to a move further east up the plateau by farming communities. Thereafter, an amelioration in climate and increase in agricultural and pastoral potential would have occurred in the late 18th century, followed by a turbulent early 19th century, a period of droughts and invasions.

24

4. ETHNOGRAPHIC BACKGROUND The dominant ethnic group in northeastern Botswana and western Zimbabwe are the Kalanga. They identify themselves as such today and speak the Kalanga or western Shona dialect. The other Shona are the Karanga, Zezuru, Korekore, Manyika and Ndau (Figure 4.1). Historically the Karanga live in the area of Great Zimbabwe, the Korekore in the area of the Mutapa state and the Kalanga in the area of Butua. I suggest that the Kalanga can be equated with descendants of the citizens of Butua, because the people who consider themselves Kalanga today belong to lineages which lived in the area of the former state before the difaqane. Their dialect is distinguished, among other things, by the replacement of the 'r' by the 'l'. Whether they called themselves Kalanga during the 15th to 19th-century Butua state, is not known. The Kalanga are not a tribal1 entity created in the colonial period, nor are the Ndebele or Tswana tribes. The combined concept of 'Shona' is, however, a new construct on the basis of similarity of language, whereas previously people referred to Kalanga, Karanga, Korekore, etc. The various sub-dialects of Ikalanga (Wentzel 1983 (III)) can be traced to historic groups (Van Waarden 1988): a. Lilima - spoken by Balilima in the Bokalaka area of the Central District, the core of whom, as I will discuss later, are probably descendants of the citizens of Butua during the Khami phase. Subgroups: - Wumbe or Humbe, original Kalanga, now living in Tutume. - Assimilated people of Pedi origin, now living in Nswazwi.

Figure 4.2 Kalanga groups in northeastern Botswana today

b. Rozvi or Nyayi – spoken by the Changamire royal lineage and others with the 'moyo' or heart totem. This dialect, which came from the Zezuru or Korekore still retains the 'r'. Still spoken in parts of Zimbabwe and in the Maitengwe area of northeastern Botswana. c. Talahundra – spoken by descendants and followers of Dalahunde or Ntalaote, also Nyayi and still spoken in certain villages of the Northeast District and in the Mmadinare area. d. Nambya or Nanzwa – spoken by descendants and followers of Hwange, a Rozvi lineage which settled in northwestern Zimbabwe. The distribution of these various groups today is shown in Figure 4.2 (Van Waarden 1988). Their wanderings before and during the Ndebele period will be discussed in part B. Assimilated groups are of Pedi, Rolong, Seleka, Hurutshe and Kwena origin, all Sotho-Tswana, who came from the south from the late 18th century onward. Kalanga today distinguish the assimilated people from the true or original Kalanga, calling the latter 'Bakalanga dumbu'. These still live in separate villages or wards, although no doubt there has been intermarriage. The areas left blank in the Northeast District in Figure 4.2 are essentially privately owned cattle ranches. The Bayela are descendants and followers of Tumbale, a prominent figure in both the Togwa and Changamire governments. They do not consider themselves Nyayi today, but I do not know if they speak Lilima.

Figure 4.1 Major ethnic groups. Shona groups indicated in bold font, other groups in italics. [after Bourdillon 1976] 1

'Tribe' is not a derogatory word in Botswana, but is commonly used and even enshrined in the Constitution

25

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN Ethnographic sources The Ndebele or Amandebele, who live in western Zimbabwe, are descendants of the Matebele, a Ngunispeaking group from the east of South Africa, who invaded Butua in 1839 and subjected the Kalanga. Ndebele warriors took Kalanga wives and inducted Kalanga boys into their army, so the Ndebele today are a mixture of these cultural groups. Sindebele is also spoken by some people in the eastern villages of the Northeast District (Jakalasi 1 and 2) and in these groups Ndebele names and totems dominate and they are generally considered a mixed Ndebele-Kalanga group.

There is no comprehensive Kalanga ethnography per se, such as there are for the other Shona, the Ndebele, Venda and Tswana. Although there have been some anthropological studies of Kalanga culture, these have been narrow in their focus. Foremost is the research by Richard Werbner on Kalanga religion and ritual, in particular the Mwali rain cult, ritual sacrifice, spirit possession and divination (Werbner 1964, 1973, 1977, 1989, 1990). Werbner and Terrence Ranger have studied the effects on Kalanga society (particularly the Mwali cult) of the Shona uprising of 1896-7, as well as the recent war of Independence and the subsequent campaign of terror by the Fifth Brigade, and give some interesting insights on life during these stressful periods (Bhebe and Ranger 1996, Werbner 1989, 1991, 1996). The study of stress at the end of Butua and under Ndebele rule, which is the subject of the second part of this dissertation, could be compared also to these more recent periods of stress, but I have not attempted this.

In contrast, 'Bakalanga dumbu' are considered of true Kalanga stock, despite the 19th century wanderings and loss of women and children to the Ndebele overlords. Kalanga, who had fled to Shoshong to seek protection from the Ngwato chiefs, either returned to Bukalanga, to their former homes, or remain among the Ngwato in separate villages or wards. Although intermarriage does occur, my impression is that this mostly involves the movement of women, men remaining in the patrilineally constituted village or ward.

Isaac Schapera (1971), Tapela (1976, 1980) and Werbner (1970, 1971, 1975, 1980a, 1980b, 1980c) addressed issues of land tenure and chiefship among Kalanga in Botswana.

The present boundaries across the Kalanga area were defined through the Tati Concession, a mining concession granted by Lobengula, King of the Ndebele, to the London and Limpopo Mining Company in 1870. This concession ultimately became the Northeast District, its eastern boundary now being part of the national border between Botswana and Zimbabwe, hence Kalanga live in both countries, while the western boundary of the former concession now separates independent Kalanga in the Northeast District from those under Ngwato rule in the Central District (Van Waarden 1999a).

Ethnographies of the Shona in general were written by Bullock (1928, 1950), Kuper et al. (1954) and Bourdillon (1976). These contain little direct information on the Kalanga, emphasizing rather the Karanga, Korekore and Zezuru groups. These describe the Shona as never united into one nation, but of sufficient cultural and linguistic uniformity to distinguish them as of one culture. Many articles about Shona customs have appeared in NADA, the Native Affairs Department of Rhodesia annual, amongst which are many articles on religion, ritual, sexual behaviour and diet by doctor Michael Gelfand (e.g. 1971, 1974). He shows in one study on Shona religion that there is quite a lot of variation in ritual practice among the different Shona subgroups, a warning not to take customs and traditions among Korekore or Karanga as necessarily also practiced by Kalanga. The various Shona tribes have had different historical trajectories and consequently their cultures have been shaped by migrations, different ecological conditions, different socio-economic relationships, and contacts and influences. The Korekore, for example, associated with the Mutapa state, are generally believed to have a mixed cultural background of 'Karanga' from the central plateau Great Zimbabwe region, from whence the dominant group migrated, and Zimbabwe valley Tavara and 'Tonga', Tonga being a generic term for 'non-Shona'. The Kalanga of Zimbabwe have had a great deal of Ndebele influence since the 19th century and the Kalanga in the Bokalaka sub-district in Botswana adopted some Tswana customs, such as age-regiments, or rather they were inducted into the age-regiments of their Ngwato overlords since c. 1895.

The Kalanga of Botswana have chosen the TjiLilima dialect for their written language and I will be using their orthography (Chebanne et al. 1995; Van Waarden, ed. 1991). This differs somewhat from the written Kalanga of Zimbabwe: Danang'ombe instead of Danan'ombe, for example, as nasal pronunciation. To the west and south of the Kalanga are Batswana, mainly of the Ngwato tribe, and the Bakhurutshe of Makaleng in the Northeast District and Tonota in the Central District also are Setswana speakers. Batswana moved north probably in the 18th century, but Bapedi, who also spoke a Sotho-Tswana language may have preceded them north as far as the Motloutse and Shashe Rivers by several centuries (Campbell et al. 1996). Although it is more correct to refer to Bakalanga, Vashona, Batswana, Amandebele, etc., as the prefix identifies them as people, for ease of reading in an English text I will proceed using Kalanga, Tswana, Ndebele, etc.

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BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA Some useful information is published on Shona material culture by Ellert (1984) and an anonymous author (1982), but most of the interpretations of the archaeological objects and features are based on my own ethnoarchaeological observations while living among Kalanga in Kalakamati and later as Curator of the Supa-Ngwao Museum.

As I will discuss later, ethnographic information must be used with caution in interpreting the material culture and life in prehistoric Butua, as many changes and influences have altered Shona and Kalanga culture, especially from the 19th century onward. This information can be used in a comparative fashion, but requires independent confirmation from the archaeological record.

27

5. PREVIOUS RESEARCH Previous research about Butua Very little was known previously about the Butua state, or the Khami period as it was called. With some exceptions, it has not featured in research and also little in syntheses of southern African prehistory, in comparison with the other Zimbabwe culture1 states. These are the contemporary Mutapa state (15th-19th century), for which there is a large and detailed Portuguese archive, much of which documents from eyewitnesses (e.g. Ellert 1993; Mudenge 1988; Pikirayi 2001; Randles 1975; Theal 1898-1903), the precursor Zimbabwe State (12901450), especially the spectacular and controversial site of Great Zimbabwe (e.g. Bent 1893; Caton-Thompson 1931; Chipunza 1994; Collett et al. 1992; Garlake 1973; Hall 1905; Huffman 1972, 1981, 1984b, 1987, 1996b; Randall-MacIver 1906, Summers 1963), and thirdly the magnificent sites of K2 and Mapungubwe (1000-1290), which have been the focus of research on state formation (Fouché 1937, Gardner 1963; Huffman 1986c, 1996b, 2000; Leslie and Maggs 2000; Meyer 1998, 2000).

the Portuguese from the state after 1685. There are, therefore, few relevant historic documents from the Portuguese side and no eyewitness accounts from inside the state, although there are some descriptions of Rozvi army attacks on Portuguese feiras (trading posts) and references to contacts with the Mutapa state. Trade between the Portuguese and Butua seems largely to have been carried out through intermediaries.2 The limited Portuguese references to Butua are, therefore, mostly second hand. Europeans arrived in northeastern Botswana and on the southern plateau c. 1870, about 30 years after the fall of the state and do not refer to it. Although they made many useful ethno-historical observations, these were about the remnants of a population, deprived of its own government and state structure, and under the yoke of the Ndebele. Furthermore, the prospectors, explorers, traders and missionaries, although many with genuine interest and good intentions, came with their preconceptions about the Africans they met, and few acquired any insights into their society. They also sought to justify their presence and were enthusiastically in favour of European colonization. This biased their observations and their information needs to be read with this in mind.

Discussion of Butua took up five pages (3.4%) in Martin Hall's (1987) book on The changing past; farmers, kings and traders in southern Africa, 200-1860 and only 24 pages (9%) in Innocent Pikirayi's (2001) The Zimbabwe culture; origins and decline of southern Zambezian states. It fared best in The Shona and Zimbabwe, 9001850; an outline of Shona history by historian (not archaeologist) David Beach (1980), who devoted 26% of the text to the subject. This is an improvement over its total absence in Desmond Clark’s (1970) The prehistory of Africa, the two pages in Phillipson's (1977) The later prehistory of eastern and southern Africa (0.7%) and the single sentence and photo even in the 2005 edition of his African archaeology and the five pages (1%) in Peter Mitchell’s (2002) The archaeology of southern Africa.

Oral histories of the Rozvi, which were collected and published in a series of articles in NADA between 1920 and 1960 (Fortune 1956; Marconnes 1933; Marodzi 1924; Posselt 1935; Robinson 1959; Stanford Smith 1958; Von Sicard 1938, 1951, 1954 and see also 1964, 1969) and others collected by Beach (1980), deal mainly with the history of the Changamire ruling lineage after 1685 and some of these traditions are known to have been altered in support of rivalry over Rozvi paramountcy in the 1960s (Nenguwo 1963) and include new archaeological interpretations (Beach 1998:49).

Yet, for four centuries this was the largest and most powerful state in southern Africa. It occupied much of present western Zimbabwe and eastern Botswana from 1425 to 1830. After Great Zimbabwe its capitals were the most elaborate and they were the most beautifully decorated of the Zimbabwe Tradition sites, while the material culture excavated from these reflects its wealth and extensive trade contacts.

Alpers (1970:210) noted that Rozvi tradition "has been notoriously difficult to piece together," because of the difaqane, "representing as it did the defeated political order." Most of Beach's discussion on Butua in The Shona and Zimbabwe, 900-1850 came from limited archaeological data and Rozvi oral traditions, and hence:

Historic references

We know where it was, we know when it rose and when it fell, we know about its architecture, its economy and its material culture, and we know something about its relations with the Mutapa state and the Portuguese. Yet we know next to nothing about its internal history. [Beach 1980:187]

Much of the lack of information on Butua is due to its location in the southwestern part of the plateau, far away from literate Arabs and Portuguese on the East Coast and in the Zambezi valley. The Rozvi rulers, in fact, banned 1

'Great Zimbabwe' was the capital of the 'Zimbabwe State' (12901450). The 'Zimbabwe Tradition' or 'Zimbabwe culture' refers to life and its material aspects during the Zimbabwe State, Butua and the Mutapa State, which are, therefore called the 'Zimbabwe culture states' or the 'Shona states'. 'Zimbabwe' is the modern nation.

2

I expect that there are useful accounts of trade at Zumbo, the feira on the Zambezi which was most involved in trade with Butua, but I have no access to these Portuguese archives nor to Mudenge's thesis (1972) on “The Rozvi Empire and the ‘Feira’ of Zumbo”.

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BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA In collecting oral histories in Zimbabwe, Beach (1980:189) admitted that Kalanga "have been almost totally neglected... and so far there is virtually no traditional evidence available on the Kalanga that could illumine their history before 1650, or indeed, before 1800." He considered this "a major gap in our historical knowledge" (ibid.:18).

Archaeological evidence Archaeological research into the Butua state had also been very limited before the 1980s. Although about 100 elite stone-walled ruins of this period had been recorded, only the four largest and most spectacular had been excavated. These were Khami, which we now know was the capital from c. 1425-1685, Danang'ombe, formerly known as Dhlo-Dhlo, the second capital from c. 1685 to the 1830s, and Naletale and Zinjanja (formerly Regina), both near Danang'ombe and highly decorated.

This gap was partially filled by Masola Kumile's Nau dzabaKalanga; a history of the Kalanga, which was published by P. J. Wentzel in 1983, who used the text mainly to study the Kalanga language, to identify the various dialects of this western Shona language, and its relationship with the Venda language. Kumile lived at Dombodema near Plumtree, near the ZimbabweBotswana border. He wrote the manuscript in Ikalanga between 1922 and the 1960s. It was based on interviews with elderly Kalanga, although the informants are not identified (with one exception) and details of the background of his informants are not given, not even how many there were. By 1922 only those over 87 years of age would have been born before the Mambo was killed by difaqane invaders in 1835, so none would have grown up during the Butua state and all would have been influenced by Ndebele domination. The information they supplied must have been passed on to them from parents and grandparents, who would have had first-hand knowledge of the Butua state, or Bukalanga as they probably would have called it, under Changamire rule, but earlier history through praise poems, etc., must have been tribal traditions and less accurate. Although Kumile was literate, probably educated at the Dombodema mission school, and may have read the NADA articles, they have not influenced his writing, as even the names Changamire and Rozvi do not appear in his book.

The Butua state had succeeded the Zimbabwe state, which had Great Zimbabwe as its capital (1250-1425). This latter had evolved out of earlier chiefdoms (Van Waarden 2011): the Gumanye chiefdom of the central Zimbabwe plateau, the northern Leopard’s Kopje chiefdom of Mambo-Woolandale and the southern Leopard’s Kopje4 chiefdom of K2-Mapungubwe (10001250). During this latter period a wetter climate had resulted in increased human and cattle populations resulting in a more complex socio-political structure. The Mambo-Woolandale chiefdom became somehow incorporated into the Zimbabwe state and formed a basis for the subsequent Butua state. The Mutapa state in northeast Zimbabwe and the Zambezi valley was founded by migrants from Great Zimbabwe according to oral history, and was contemporary with Butua. Establishing the builders and antiquity Early 16th-century Portuguese accounts mentioned that the Mwene Mutapa, the king of the Mutapa state lived at the time in a palace of stone walls, but did not describe it further (Diogo de Alcáçova 1506:395; António Fernandes 1512 in Veloso:183). In 1552 João de Barros recorded a brief description by Swahili merchants, who had seen Great Zimbabwe, but who considered it very old and who had been told by local Karanga that they were not the builders (De Barros 1552:267-268). By then most of Great Zimbabwe had been abandoned already for about 100 years, although some of the Valley Enclosures had continued to be occupied, probably into the 16th century (Collett et al. 1992). No Portuguese recorded even hearsay of the stone-walled palaces still being built in Butua, a clear indication that they had no direct contact with that interior state. There is only a 19th-century reference indirectly connecting the Changamire's stonewalled residence with Danang'ombe (João Julião da Silva 1 June 1831 in Randles 1981:41), no earlier contemporary reports.

His account is remarkably detailed and very useful and contrasts sharply with the lack of knowledge about the Butua state, which I encountered in the 1980s in Botswana. An account of oral history of the Kalanga in Botswana had been written by Sebina (1947), but this was confusing and had relied heavily on published information on the Changamire state and on widely known stories. It was for that reason that the Botswana Society asked me to collect more information to try and sort out the relationships of the various groups in Botswana, who now consider themselves Kalanga (Van Waarden 1988).3

The myth current among Swahili that the Zimbabwe ruins were the palace of the Queen of Sheba in Ophir, the land of gold, and that the gold mines were those of King Solomon, was, therefore, readily adopted by the Portuguese, who embroidered the myth more and added the Phoenician king of Tyre (Garlake 1973:55). By the time Karl Mauch was shown the Great Zimbabwe ruins in 1871 its gold and its biblical origins were widely repeated

3

I do not profess to be particularly qualified to collect and analyze oral traditions, although I was aware of problems such as asking leading questions and the possibility of informants trying to guess what answers might be expected or pleasing, although in Botswana people are not afraid to speak their mind and to contradict if necessary. I had applied to the Botswana Society for funding to buy equipment for archaeological excavations. Instead they gave funding for an oral history project. This I did on a shoestring and then used the remaining funds to buy equipment.

4

These are both called 'Leopard's Kopje', because their pottery is similar, but they are now believed to have been distinct chiefdoms.

29

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN among Europeans and the Boers. Mauch, who was the first to give an eyewitness description of the ruins, confirmed its Phoenician origin on the basis of wooden lintels, which he believed were of cedar wood from Lebanon (Diary entry 11 Sept. 1872, in Mauch 1969:189191). This fired the imagination of the gold prospectors and was seen as justification for colonizing Mashonaland in 1890, as the ancient ruins had belonged to white men (Garlake 1973:65-66).

period. Contrary to some rumours, however, they did not dig in any of the ruins in the Tati District (current Northeast District) or elsewhere in Bechuanaland. The Old Tati Ruin had, however, been vandalized in the 1870s. Their Ancient Ruins Concession was revoked in 1903 by court order. Under increasing criticism of their destructive operations, Neal sought the cooperation of journalist R.N. Hall to produce a book: The ancient ruins of Rhodesia (1905). This lists and describes, to greater or lesser extent, about 175 stone-walled ruins, which Hall divided into two main types of architecture, representing two chronological periods, the first being free-standing walling similar to Great Zimbabwe and the second terraced, tiered ruins, which are often highly decorated and which are concentrated in the southwest of the country. This latter type is now recognized as ruins of the Butua period, but Hall and Neal still clung to a Sabaean (Arab) connection for the Zimbabwe type ruins, and a Phoenician period for the terraced ruins, the latter believed to have lasted to the beginning of the Christian era.

European explorers visiting Tati and Matabeleland in the 1870s described a number of stone-walled ruins, in particular what we now call Old Tati Ruin (Holub 1881:407-408; Mohr 1876:153, woodcut illustration by Thomas Baines opp. p.383), Vukwe Ruin (Holub 1881:397-398, woodcut by Thomas Baines? on p.372; Mohr 1876:380), and a ruin near the ImpakweRamokgwebane confluence in current Zimbabwe, and it became clear that their distribution was widespread. The first official investigation, that by Theodore Bent, was sponsored by Cecil Rhodes, the Royal Geographical Society and the British Association for the Advancement of Science. He cleared the Great Zimbabwe ruins and carried out some excavations. He produced the first detailed description and illustrations of this ruin, and his surveyor, R. M. Swan the first measured plans, and Bent also compiled information on twelve other ruins. Emphasizing the imported ceramics and unique exotic objects over the mass of African household goods, he concluded in his The ruined cities of Mashonaland, being a record of excavation and exploration in 1891 5 that, although there was no connection with the Phoenicians, with which ancient culture he was well acquainted, they must have been of Arab (Sabaean) origin.

Descriptions, especially of Khami, Dhlo-Dhlo and N'Natali make for sad reading, as most of the context and all the mundane artifacts have been lost. Most of the gold artifacts, some of which appear in photographs, were subsequently sold and probably melted down. Photographs and a map by White of Dhlo-Dhlo are useful. Their list of sites (second edition) includes 15 ruins in Tati and northern Bechuanaland, ten of which are briefly described, based on reports by others, as Hall and Neal did not visit them, and for three of which a plan is included, surveyed by Swan. They also documented many 'ancient workings' or prehistoric gold and copper mining features, including four in the Tati District, and describe mining techniques such as the use of mortar holes and crucibles. They showed that gold and copper smithing was carried out in the ruins.

Bent's recovery of crucibles with traces of gold at Great Zimbabwe confirmed the popular connection between the ruins and gold, and prospectors from the 1870s onwards had located many prehistoric gold mines at Tati and in Mashonaland. After the British South Africa Company (BSAC) invaded and annexed Matabeleland, as the Ndebele kingdom in western Zimbabwe was known, Burnham and Peachey dug in the Dhlo-Dhlo Ruins, east of Bulawayo, and their recovery of gold ornaments further confirmed this connection (Garlake 1973:70).

Hall was appointed Curator of Great Zimbabwe and caused extensive damage by removing what he believed were the recent 'Bantu' deposits in order to try and expose the remains of the ancient builders.

The prospectors W. G. Neal and George Johnson excavated five burials, richly adorned with gold jewelry, in the Mundie Ruin. This led to the formation of their Rhodesia Ancient Ruins Ltd., which was granted the right to dig in the ruins for treasure, essentially a mining concession, by Rhodes' B.S.A.C. in 1895. Great Zimbabwe was excluded from this concession. For eight years they proceeded to 'mine' about 55 ancient ruins in Matabeleland, thereby largely destroying their archaeological evidence, including large portions of Dhlo-Dhlo (Danang'ombe), Regina (Zinjanja), Khami, Naletale, Manyanga and 29 other ruins of the Butua

David Randall-MacIver was the first trained archaeologist to excavate stratigraphically at Khami, Dhlo-Dhlo and Naletale, and then he focused on Great Zimbabwe. His conclusions in Mediaeval Rhodesia (1906) that the ruins were an indigenous African development and dated to the 14th century on the basis of imported trade goods of known age, caused a stir, but Hall defended his position in Prehistoric Rhodesia (1909). The British Association and Rhodes Trustees then sent Gertrude Caton-Thompson in 1929, whose careful excavations at Great Zimbabwe and Dhlo-Dhlo confirmed MacIver's findings in her The Zimbabwe culture (1931). The reports in her book of the excavations of the Maund ruin at Great Zimbabwe and at Dhlo-Dhlo

5

Bent and his wife also made extensive and useful observations on Kalanga and Shona material culture (Bent 1893: ch. 1).

30

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA and other ruins are among the few detailed site reports for these periods, with detailed descriptions, photographs and artifact inventories, although only of chronologically diagnostic artifacts such as imports and not ordinary pot and bone fragments. She realized that only when her conclusions could be verified in this way would the dust settle over the origins debate.

subsequent degenerative phase, which ultimately led to the rough walling of the 19th century. Work at Khami Not much work was carried out over the next 20 years, due to the war, but interest in the ruins was revived with the work by Keith Robinson, Chief Inspector of Monuments for Rhodesia, who excavated the Khami Ruins between 1947 and 1955. His monograph Khami Ruins (1959), is one of the few detailed site reports for the Butua period, and stands apart along with CatonThompson's book (1931), and Fouché's (1937) and Gardner's (1963) monographs on Mapungubwe, in their detailed reporting of excavations, with plans and profiles and much attention to stratigraphic context, and photos. Archaeological methods had become more refined and even undecorated potsherds are recorded in the Khami ruins inventory, although sieves were not yet used, and faunal remains were collected but not yet identified.

Around the same time (1928-1930) a German expedition under Leo Frobenius from the Frankfurter Institut für Kulturmorphologie visited a number of Zimbabwean ruins and rockart sites. Frobenius had been exploring different parts of Africa already for 20 years, visiting ancient cities and rock paintings and collecting ethnographic information, oral traditions and myths, and was a strong proponent of the so-called 'Kulturkreislehre', an extreme diffusionist view. In his Erythräa; Länder und Zeiten des heiligen Königsmordes (1930) he declared the Zimbabwean Ruin Tradition part of the southern extension of the Erythraean Cultural Sphere, which had its origin in the Near East and Asia, particularly Mesopotamia and India, and which had been introduced into Africa via the Erythraean or Indian Ocean. Central to this Erythraean culture was sacred kingship, which included ritual murder of the king if he became infirm, royal brother-sister marriage, political position of the king's mother, supreme feudal lordship (the king owning everything in the country: land, cattle, minerals, subjects); the king was not to be seen, etc. (Wieschhoff 1941:95108) and hence the emphasis by the Frobenius expedition's collection of ethnographic data was on confirmation of sacred kingship.

He found Khami an imposing ruin, which had seen several phases of development to a multi-tiered terraced platform, with highly decorated walls, secret passages and hidden chambers, and the prestige goods to confirm that here lived the Mambo, the ruler, and that this must have been the capital after Great Zimbabwe. He identified both Khami and Dhlo-Dhlo with the Rozwi and their demise with the Nguni invasions. Although the first radiocarbon dates for Great Zimbabwe became available in 1955 (Summers 1955), Khami was not dated until 1967, by charcoal collected by Robinson from the lowest midden at Khami, to 495 +/-95 B.P. (Sheppard and Swart 1967:384).

In the Tati District they visited rock paintings, mines and ruins (Gordon 1929a, 1929b) and two team members, Seekirchner and Wieschhoff, were sent back later to explore the ruins further (Wieschhoff 1941). Among the 30 ruins inspected, 14 mapped and 9 excavated, were Schaschi Ruin (Domboshaba Ruin), Vukwe Ruin and the elusive Luswingo Ruin. Wieschhoff warned about the reliability and origin of the Portuguese accounts and recognized movements of people due to the Changamire and Ndebele invasions as having caused a break between oral history and the ruins. He recognized that stone building had continued as fortifications, but in much more careless style and that Venda in the northern Transvaal still built and occupied stone-walled settlements. The artifacts found in the excavations showed much similarity to Shona culture as then observed and a direct connection could be made. Despite these connections with Shona and Venda, and recognition through trade imports that many of the ruins had been occupied later than the 14th century, and although he broke with the excesses of the Kulturkreis, he sought the origins of the Zimbabwe-Monomotapa culture in East Africa and claimed that a Hamitic group, who had conquered the Bantu living on the Zimbabwe plateau c. 1000 A.D., had been the builders. He observed two main wall construction types, with dressed (straightened) and undressed stones, but considered the best-built the originals and the undressed parts repair work during a

Classifications and distributions After World War II and into the 1960s much of the archaeological efforts went into Iron Age6 pottery classifications (Robinson 1961b; Schofield 1948), continuing on from Laidler's (1938) work, as well as classifications and distributions of the stone-walled ruins through analysis of wall construction and decoration (Cooke et al. 1966; Garlake 1970a; Summers 1958b; Whitty 1959, 1961) and these classifications were supported by radiocarbon dates (Fagan 1966; Garlake 1969; Summers 1955). Four periods of occupation of Great Zimbabwe were recognized, the third being its zenith and the fourth now being related to the Rozvi and contemporary with Khami and Danang'ombe. Changes between these periods, as well as the final end due to 19th-century invaders were seen as "more or less fundamental and complete, if not also disruptive or catastrophic, social and cultural changes..., induced by population movements and migrations" (Garlake 1973:105). 6

'Iron Age' is still used, but as a convenience term, as iron is not a focus. Lately 'Farming Communities' is in vogue to replace Iron Age, but from the 11th century onward the Zimbabwean states can hardly be characterized as such.

31

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN More recent efforts by Chipunza (1994) and Collett et al. (1992) have refined the chronology and building sequence at Great Zimbabwe, showing its spatial development over time and the research by Collett et al. indicates that one of the Western Valley enclosures was still occupied after 1488 and probably into the 16th century, hence it continued to be a chiefly residence, although much smaller, during the Khami phase of Butua.

Trade and cattle models for the evolution of chiefdoms and states Various hypotheses were entertained in the 1970s as to the cause of the rise of the Shona states and their economy. Huffman (1972, 2000) considered, and still does, long distance trade as the prime mover, which pushed the Leopard's Kopje and Gumanye chiefdoms to the level of a state, and which subsequently was the predominant economic force to keep the elite in power. Hand in hand with the importance of trade went mining for gold, and Summers' (1969) survey of prehistoric gold and copper mines made clear the extent of this economic activity.

Garlake similarly questioned the abruptness of the changes in his reassessment of Great Zimbabwe (1973:105-108), and saw rather gradual improvements in pottery and architectural techniques. He ascribed the rise and grandeur of Great Zimbabwe to its position on the relatively wet southern plateau, just outside the dry and tsetse-ridden lowveld on the edge of gold producing areas and on a major trade route via the Sabi valley around the eastern mountains to the east coast and that it, therefore, controlled the trade of gold and ivory from the interior for mainly cloth and glass beads from the Indian Ocean ports. He suggested that many features and artifacts with likely ritual and symbolic meaning implied an as yet unknown religious importance for Great Zimbabwe (Garlake 1973: chapter VIII). The extent of the Zimbabwe State, or at least its influence, became so large, however, that those communities on the edge, which had benefitted in wealth from contact with Great Zimbabwe, became a threat to it, such as the Mbara traders at Ingombe Ilede along the Zambezi. In the 15th century disruption in trade and possibly a shortage of food caused a migration to take place out of the capital to the northeast, to the area between Ingombe Ilede and the coast, where the Mutapa State was founded. He concluded that the abandonment of Great Zimbabwe was not sudden, complete and violent, but a planned, controlled, and orderly, if not voluntary, withdrawal of people, and that trade was a major cause for this decline (Ibid.:110).

The 'trade-stimulus' hypothesis was challenged by Garlake (1978:493), who showed that the main stonewalled elite sites were "centers of considerably greater economic diversity". Looking at the distribution of Zimbabwe state elite sites, he proposed that they were purposely sited just outside the lowveld tsetse zone on the periphery of the plateau to take advantage of seasonally available pasture7, and he proposed an annual transhumance between dry winter lowveld and wet summer plateau grazing, making intensive cattle production possible. This was further based on detailed faunal analyses by Barker (1978), Brain (1974) and Welbourne (1975), and confirmed recently by Thorp (1995), which studies showed a great reliance on beef by elite, considerably greater than by commoners, and in particular a slaughtering pattern of surplus young adult beasts. The interest in zooarchaeology also led to examination of ecological conditions and climatic change (Tyson and Lindesay 1992; Huffman 1996a) and its implications for pastoralism, but little attention has been paid to any role agriculture may have played in the evolution and maintenance of the Zimbabwean States. Garlake's analysis of Zimbabwe State elite sites included the use of Thiessen polygons to identify territories within the state, and he showed that each of ten territories stretched from the watershed on the plateau through middleveld to lowveld, so encompassing a range of pasture conditions and other resources.

Establishing connections with the documentary and oral sequence Posselt (1935:10) had already made a connection between the Rozwi as occupants of some of the ruins, although not as their builders. In "The archaeology of the Rozwi" Robinson (1966) tentatively concluded that period III at Great Zimbabwe is the earliest Monomotapa period and that the Mutapa moved to the northeast when the Changamire and the Rozwi took over Great Zimbabwe and built the Q-style walls and the ruins to the southwest. Garlake (1973:199-200) thought that the Mutapa state only lasted until the end of the 16th century and was replaced by the Rozvi Changamire state. It was not until the 1980s that Beach made the connection between the historic and the archaeological evidence, that Khami and the Mutapa capital were successors to Great Zimbabwe and that Khami was ruled by the Torwa and that there was a subsequent change in ruling dynasty to that of the Changamire of the Rozvi in the late 17th century, who moved the capital to Danang'ombe. I have since suggested that the Changamire of the Rozvi oral traditions and Nichasike of the Kalanga oral history of Kumile were one and the same, as were the Rozvi and the Nyayi (Van Waarden 1991c:10).

He noted, however, that the distribution of elite sites of the Butua State was different, occurring throughout the western parts of the plateau, not just along its edge, and coinciding with the distribution of earlier Leopard's Kopje sites with large cattle kraals and hence a heavy emphasis on pastoralism. This suggests good pasture throughout the western plateau during the Khami phase, so that the transhumance model does not apply to this state. Although Denbow (1983, 1984) proposed an ecological model for the evolution of chiefdoms in the 9th to 10th century, based on the introduction of cattle into new grazing zones, it has been well established that the increase in cattle wealth coincided with improved 7

32

Tsetse not being active during the dry winter.

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA climatic conditions (Huffman 1996a; Van Waarden 1998). This led, as mentioned, to the evolution of four chiefdoms: the two Leopard's Kopje chiefdoms, being the Mambo-Woolandale chiefdom in western Zimbabwe and northeastern Botswana, and K2-Mapungubwe at the Shashe-Limpopo confluence in the south, the Toutswe chiefdom in east central Botswana and the Gumanye chiefdom on the central Zimbabwe plateau, which Huffman (1978b) considered part of a wider phenomenon (including Harare, Musengezi and Eiland), which he called the Kutama Tradition. Cattle were the source of wealth and status that allowed maintenance of the chiefly hierarchies over the subsequent four centuries (Denbow 1984; Hall 1987; Van Waarden 1998). Huffman (e.g. 2000) argues, however, that cattle wealth would not have sufficed as economic stimulus for the evolution beyond chiefdoms to states. He ascribes this role to the longdistance trade.

Much of the debate about state formation and the economic basis of the Shona states has become a theoretical rehashing of the same limited evidence. Progress in this regard hinges on the need for more concrete evidence.

Mudenge (1974) examined the role of foreign trade in the "Rozvi empire" through historical documents and dismissed the trade stimulus hypothesis, as the rulers apparently did not monopolize either mining or trade. He assumed instead that pastoralism was the real economic basis of Butua, such that "cattle provided visible social, economic and political bonds between the Rozvi rulers and their subjects" (p. 390), although the historic evidence for this is thin, and as we shall see, proof is problematic.

In the 1970s there had been considerable interest in structuralist analysis of settlements, seeing the use of space as a reflection of the cosmology or worldview of the people concerned (Oliver 1977). Structuralist analysis looks for patterns that have meaning at different levels, so that ideology and social structure are reflected in, and can be read from, spatial arrangements of sites. Many anthropological examples showed that this was indeed the case. Archaeologists have access to settlement plans, but not easy access to less material aspects of culture. Was this a way to reach a deeper level of understanding? Mary Douglas (1972) warned against trying to deduce symbolic order from the material evidence alone, just as the meaning of a symbol is not generally obvious from the material symbol itself.

Cognitive archaeology and spatial patterns Although initially Tom Huffman was also preoccupied with pottery classifications and the origins of the Early Iron Age and Leopard's Kopje Traditions through migration, in the early 1980s he became impatient with a "narrow inductivist" approach, whereby one is waiting for the data to speak, as having produced too little explanation, and he started on his long odyssey into cognitive archaeology8 (Huffman 1981, 1982, 1984a, 1984b, 1986a, 1986b, 1986c, 1987), finally culminating in his book Snakes and crocodiles; power and symbolism in ancient Zimbabwe (1996b).

An alternative explanation is based on a Marxist model of modes and relations of production (Hall 1986, 1987; Pikirayi 2001). The lineage mode of production is seen as fundamental to early farming communities and is presumed to have continued to have been dominant among farmers of the Zimbabwe culture states and even into the 19th century. Pikirayi bases his model, therefore, on recent descent-based ownership of land and agriculture and claims that this had a built-in mechanism for a multi-tiered society, with cattle transactions structuring the relations of production. Trade in gold, copper and ivory and wealth in cattle, wives and land allowed the heads of lineages ("senior stewards" in Pikirayi's terms) to gain in power and some of these ultimately to become chiefs. With greatly enhanced wealth through control of the international trade, the rulers changed from 'leaders among equals' (chiefs) to absolute rulers (kings), heading a political elite and ruling through a tributary mode of production. This model requires, however, that the ruling class has a means of coercion in order to prevent fission, which had always plagued chiefdoms and Pikirayi considers ideology to have played such a coercive role, but Hall expects that this was done through military power, although there is little evidence for this so far, apart from arrow linkshafts and ivory tablets that were presumably archery wrist guards at Mapungubwe. The Rozvi Mambos are known to have had a feared army, which maintained the state's borders and its trade and political interest beyond, although it is not known to have been used to enforce tribute from its own people.

Three considerations guided Huffman's approach: 1. The cognitive system (worldview or cosmology) is conservative (e.g. Boyd and Richerson 1985:274-277; Hallpike 1986:288; Isbell 1978; Maranda 1972). General beliefs about the cosmos and social values, which can be considered the core principles of society are not functionally related to the mode of subsistence and can "persist for long periods and play an important role in reinforcing social solidarity and cultural identity", as they "provide guidance for organizing knowledge and social life, help to sustain cultural systems and can resist change" (Trigger 1998:140,169). Hence, cognitive patterns as evident in spatial arrangements should also persist. Others disagree and see cosmology similarly constantly being adjusted and sometimes overhauled through revolution and conversion (e.g. Douglas 1973:179ff.). 2. Cosmology has a complex structure of symbolic relationships and meanings, so that it is highly probable that two settlements with the same spatial pattern result from the same worldview (Huffman 1996b:6). The emphasis must, therefore, be on complex configurations rather than isolated symbols (Isbell 1978:271). 8

At the same time David Lewis-Williams established cognitive archaeology in respect of rock art interpretation. Both were in the Archaeology Department at the University of the Witwatersrand.

33

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN 3. Historic relationships between ethnic groups and the conservative nature of cosmology lead to widespread sharing of worldview and results in culture complexes. A culture complex exists at a more general level of culture, which is not affected by ethnic or cultural membership and subsumes local variation (Huffman 1986b: 86). This view stems directly from 'culture area' and 'Kulturkreis' concepts.

from insects. Even at sites like Schroda, K2, Toutswemogala, the Central Cattle Pattern is not properly proven to apply. However, the concept of this 'culture area' and Huffman's Early Iron Age Bantu migrations suggested to him that this cognitive pattern was brought in from the north when the Bantu pastoralists arrived, in contrast to the view that this was an indigenous development during the expansion of cattle herds under favourable climatic conditions between 890 and 1290 A.D., or even the possibility that it is restricted to the 20th century (Hall 1984). Huffman set out to 'prove' this, therefore, at the Early Iron Age site of Broederstroom (1990, 1993), by recognizing the presence of cattle kraals, but a more complete settlement plan is needed to prove its Early Iron Age application in my view.

In this case it started with Herskovits' (1926) "The cattle complex in East Africa", a 'culture area', which he showed extended to include all pastoral Bantu peoples of 20th-century southern Africa: Nguni, Sotho-Tswana, Shona, Venda, in whose culture cattle are central, in that they constitute wealth and hence power and prestige, and therefore feature in all customs connected with marriage, birth and death. Kuper in his Wives for cattle: bridewealth and marriage in southern Africa (1982) and his earlier "Symbolic dimension of the southern Bantu homestead" (1980) expanded on these ideas in his application especially to the Zulu and through detailed structural analysis also showed how this was expressed spatially in the settlement and house layout. This was shown also to apply to SothoTswana and other Nguni people:

The Central Cattle Pattern is applicable to later Iron Age agropastoral villages, as I showed in the analysis of Vumba (1989), which is a Khami phase commoner site, and I will discuss this in a later chapter. His second avenue for an analysis of 'expressive space' started at Great Zimbabwe, where he had been working in the 1970s. Following the structural method of analysis of Kuper, he looked for and found spatial opposites between males and females, high and low status, politics and production, rainmaking and procreation in the various ruins and the associated features that he assumed to have expressed the structure symbolically: monoliths, towers, vertical slots, passages, decorative patterns in the wall, etc..10 This was progressively and imaginatively interpreted using Portuguese documents about the Mutapa state, ethnographic observations about the meaning of space in present stone-walled Venda palaces, a smattering of oral traditions and ethnohistorical snippets from Rozvi and Kalanga, and a dosage of common sense (Huffman 1981, 1984a, 1984b, 1986a, 1986b). He later (1996b) changed his mind, however, about the "fairly obvious" sexual connotations of monoliths versus vertical slots and parallel passage, to an equation with horns of a bull11 versus furrows12 and the passages were ignored.13 He then showed that this cognitive model could also be detected in the spatial arrangement at Khami, which he assumes was literally built by migrants from Great Zimbabwe and hence must mirror the expressive space of the earlier capital.14

First there is the general opposition of male pastoralism and female agriculture, in which the direct exchange of women and children for cattle is one of a series of exchanges of products from these two domains. Second, there is a system of hierarchical transactions in which ancestors, rulers and men enrich and fertilize their descendants, subjects and wives. In this system cattle are associated in a variety of ways with ancestors and with men, and so with the life-giving and fertilizing powers. Third, there is a system of oppositions between the 'hot', dangerous and sterilizing and the 'cool', healing, and fertilizing forces, and in this context cattle are 'cool', healthgiving, and associated positively with female childbearing. Finally, the payment of bridewealth cattle gives the husband legal rights to the children his wife bears... more precisely, the transfer of bridewealth cattle is necessary to the birth of a legitimate person... Cattle transfers are therefore essential both to natural female fertility and to legitimate female fertility. [Kuper 1982:21-22]

Huffman pursued this cognitive model, which he now calls the Central Cattle Pattern, in two directions. First it was shown to apply to a wide range of the southern Bantu archaeological sites (Huffman 1982), although, in my view simply identifying a cattle kraal9 with pits and burials does not mean that the worldview of the Central Cattle Pattern and its structural implications apply. Burials may have been placed in a dung deposit because it was the softest matrix to dig a grave in, in the absence of picks and shovels potentially an important consideration. Similarly, grain may be buried under a dung deposit and in dung-lined pits, in order to protect it

10

One of the problems with this kind of structural analysis is that there are always oppositions to be found, but are they meaningful? 11 yet why are they not paired? 12 I still think they contained poles for a door or gate 13 The parallel passage in the Great Enclosure is dismissed as "not a status symbol... and unexpected" (1996:148). 14 In his 1981 article he recognized, however, that this only points to the existence of a pattern, but is not proof of its meaning. In his 1996 book he shows that the pattern occurs at other Khami period sites, but he does not acknowledge then that this is not proof of its meaning.

9

I use the southern African term 'kraal' for livestock enclosure (Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary 1977). 'Kraal' can also be used as verb. Other archaeologists now use the term 'byre', which Webster's defines as 'a cow barn'.

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BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA Going back in time he investigated the origin of the elite Zimbabwe Pattern, as he calls it, out of the Central Cattle Pattern at the sites of Schroda, K2 and Mapungubwe in the Limpopo valley through a sequence of spatial transformations, leading from an emphasis on cattle to that of sacred leadership (based on Frobenius' characterization) in a class society, made possible by the economic stimulus of trade with the east coast in gold and ivory for glass beads and cloth. State formation was so dramatic that there was a change in worldview. Whereas the Central Cattle Pattern emphasizes oppositions between male and female, senior and junior, secular public front versus sacred private back, symbolized via the central role of cattle transactions, the Zimbabwe Pattern emphasizes structural and spatial oppositions between the ruler and his followers, his wives and the male court (Huffman 1996b, 2000). This involved a move by the elite up a hill to be physically separated and above the commoners, and later a separation of the king on the hill from his wives and other royalty in the valley and their separation behind stone walls.

periods. He develops the model in an eclectic juggling of tidbits from Portuguese accounts, Shona and Venda ethnography, and spatial arrangements at Danang'ombe, the Rozvi capital from 1693 to 1830, what he calls the "ethnographic present", presumably on the grounds that the archaeology is contemporary with the ethnography, which is not so in most of his sources. He also calls this "some variation of the 'direct historical approach'," where "a model is derived from the relevant ethnography of a prehistoric group's living descendants, and then the model is applied back in time to the older archaeological situations," and furthermore, he states that "this is not an argument by normal analogy, but an argument about sameness" (Huffman 1996b:6). I shall show in my consideration of the history and archaeology of Butua, that the spatial arrangements of Danang'ombe were not put in place by ancestors of the particular Shona, or the Venda of the ethnographies he used, nor by contemporary Mutapa Korekore that feature in the Portuguese accounts, so this is not a direct historical link in the strictest sense of the word: 1. Danang'ombe was built by Kalanga during the Togwa rule of Chibundule and probably not initially as a capital. 2. It was then occupied by the Changamire, who had come from the Mutapa state, and who made it his capital, but is not known to have changed the spatial arrangements. 3. There are no eyewitness Portuguese accounts of Butua and only Da Silva (1831) refers to the stone-walled platforms of the capital after interviewing a servant of Changamire. The Portuguese frequently referred to Changamire, however, because he attacked them at their feiras and, consequently, these accounts are clouded by fear. 4. Huffman himself even considers Portuguese accounts of the Mutapa state of the 18th and 19th century as "incomplete, sometimes mistaken, and inevitably biased" and "less useful", because Portuguese interference in Mutapa politics, who manipulated the state's leadership, had weakened class distinction and sacred leadership there, the two characteristics that formed the "essence and principal social dynamic" of the Zimbabwe Pattern (Huffman 1996b:10). Even if Portuguese accounts were a true reflection of the Mutapa state at the time, the presence of the Portuguese likely had changed the nature of the state. 5. Although Korekore of the Mutapa state and Kalanga of Butua were related as Shona and had earlier connections through and influences from Great Zimbabwe, we can expect considerable differences between their cultures. In addition to the Portuguese influence and the impact of trade, the later Mutapa state had moved into the Zimbabwe valley and was influenced by the Tonga (matrilineal) who had lived there. In addition, pastoralism was not successful in the tsetse belt of this area (Mudenge 1988:161-162) in contrast to Butua. It is to be expected, therefore, that the Mutapa State and Butua had quite different economic, political, social and even cognitive systems, and hence, using

My analysis of Vumba suggested, however, that the Central Cattle Pattern continued to be applicable to the commoner class, and that there were two separate models of expressive space in existence at the same time, proof of separation of the classes (Van Waarden 1989). This also indicated that the concerns of the commoners and those of the elite were different, and that, whereas the commoners formed a conservative basis of Shona society, the elite settlements reflected innovations, a departure from tradition, which in itself, as a defiance of the ancestors, reinforced the power of the elite. In order to confirm the Zimbabwe Pattern and to understand it better, he mapped and studied the layouts of many elite Zimbabwean sites in Zimbabwe, Botswana and Venda along with research into the modern expressive space of the Venda capitals (Huffman 1984a; Huffman and Hanisch 1987), culminating in a great elaboration of the Zimbabwe Pattern as presented in his book Snakes and crocodiles (1996b). Here he works his way backwards in time in an effort to use the direct historical approach, starting at the Rozvi capital of Butua, Danang'ombe, confirmed by Naletale and Zinjanja especially, which is then tested for interpretive value at the preceding capital Khami. Curiously, he refers to the Khami period as the "ethnographic present." Thereafter he takes the model back in time to Great Zimbabwe and contemporary elite sites, and then to its beginning at Mapungubwe and K2. His book has sparked much criticism (Beach et al. 1997; Beach 1998; Segobye 1997), most having to do with his use of historical and ethnographic information and the static nature of his model. The direct historical approach and analogy I shall confine my comments here on Huffman's model to the Butua period (his "Khami period") and particularly his derivation of the Zimbabwe Pattern, and not the application to the earlier Zimbabwe and Mapungubwe 35

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN information on expressive space from elite Mutapa sites to understand Butua sites is not "an argument about sameness." 6. Shona ethnography and oral history were collected after the states had collapsed (Butua) or disintegrated (Mutapa) and the Ndebele and British had affected life in many ways and likely changed the customs that were observed and the history that was passed on. Again, there is a historical relationship between Butua and 19th to 20th century Shona, but this is also not "an argument about sameness." 7. Most of Huffman's information on the use of space in elite walled sites comes from Venda ethnography and oral history. We shall see that the Venda are related to the Kalanga in several ways (Beach 1980:211-217,260-263; Beach 1998:54 note 5; Huffman and Hanisch 1987; Loubser 1989:58; Stayt 1931:18; Van der Waal 1977): a. Common roots in the Leopard's Kopje chiefdoms (1000-1300) b. A number of Khami phase ruins in Venda show that Butua had extended into that area c. 1450. c. A branch of the Rozvi ruling lineage, the Singo, moved from Butua south of the Limpopo and consolidated the Venda under their leadership c. 1700. They occupied the earlier built stone-walled ruin of Dzata as their capital and expanded it with further walling. d. The Mwali rain cult was brought from Venda to Butua in the 18th century. The Kalanga, therefore, consider the Venda their "sister's children" (Werbner 1989:73). However, Venda also have had a strong Sotho influence, from whence they, probably, adopted initiation schools, amongst other practices.

such as beliefs and ideology, worldview, were subject to change under the influences and circumstances mentioned above: Portuguese interference in politics, increased importance of trade on the economy, difaqane upheavals, for example. One of the hypotheses to be considered in this study is indeed that the importance and nature of religion and worldview change under stress. This is, however, not my overriding focus in this study. There has been considerable discussion about the uncritical use of historical and ethnographic information through a direct historical approach and assumption of sameness, as well as the use of analogy in archaeological interpretations (Wylie 1985, 1988; Stahl 1993; Lane 1995). Historians have cautioned about biases and inaccuracies in historic documents and oral traditions as well as in ethnographic records (Beach 1998, Beach et al. 1997; Stahl 2001; Vansina 1985). In southern Africa these involve contact situations, which in themselves have had some impact on the culture or historical events described. Even if historical connections can be shown to exist, in the case of Danang'ombe the only direct historical connections would be with Kalanga and Rozvi. Unfortunately, historical and ethnographic information on these groups is limited and little used in Huffman's derivation of his Zimbabwe Pattern model. The evidence which he does use can, therefore, only be used as comparison. When used in that way, the Mutapa state and the modern Venda state are suitable analogical sources. We must assume, however, that there are considerable dissimilarities, because of the different environmental and cultural conditions and the different historical paths and influences from other cultures to which they have been exposed. Even deep seated beliefs and values that form the cognitive systems of related cultures, be they historically related or contemporary, can not be assumed to have been the same nor static. This is something that needs to be established. The Zimbabwe Pattern, and the Central Cattle Pattern for that matter, need to be viewed as analogical models to be tested against the archaeological record rather than imposed on it, and if necessary adjusted, discarded or replaced.

Venda were affected by the difaqane turbulence and responded by moving into defensive positions on mountain slopes (Loubser 1989; Van der Waal 1977). This required clearing terraced living space and making stone walls, which were not made as coursed walling of the Zimbabwe Tradition. Indeed, they were not the only people who built protective stone walls at the time (Parsons 1995; Hall 1995). Oral traditions and ethnographic information were collected after the difaqane period. All this suggests that, although there are historic relationships between Butua and the 19th-20th century Venda, it can be expected that there are also major differences.

Huffman's way of testing the model is to show that its spatial features exist in contemporary elite sites and he presented a large amount of data to that effect. All this accomplishes, however, is to establish that a spatial pattern of sorts exists, but it does not test the meaning of this pattern, nor the underlying organizing structure, let alone its presumed related socio-political organization and cognitive structure. What is needed, rather, is a careful excavation of elite sites so that the use and function of space can be determined independently through the associated features and artifactual remains. This is a major task and not my objective here. I will comment on aspects of the Zimbabwe Pattern model, however, in the coming chapters and give some alternative interpretations.

Huffman's Zimbabwe Pattern model is built up from these sources and imposed on the Danang'ombe spatial layout. His "argument of sameness" is based on the premise that Butua, Mutapa, modern Shona and Venda are part of a larger Zimbabwe culture, which must share the same worldview, a cognitive pattern which is resistant to change. This shared worldview or sameness is, however, what he needs to prove and herein lies the circularity of his argument. Both his premises and conclusions are sameness in cognitive pattern (cf. Huffman 1997). This should not be an argument about sameness, but an analogical model. Indeed, my expectation would be that even deep cultural structure,

Despite the criticism Huffman has received, his work has pulled southern African archaeology out of the doldrums, 36

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA and made it one of the more exciting areas of study, by reaching beyond basic culture-history and questions of economy and politics to a deeper level of understanding of the Zimbabwe culture. Even if he has not quite proven his point or if it appears that he followed more his intuition than rigorous scientific method, he has presented archaeologists with a great deal to think about and a great deal that requires further explanation and can not just be swept under the carpet. The ball is now in the court of his critics to test his model.

Butua state and add a body of data on commoner sites, as well as on lower elite sites, and compare commoner and elite lifestyles and how they had been integrated in the state system. Only then would we have a basis for comparison with the stressful 19th century. Explanations of the rise and nature of complex society in southern Africa seem more theory driven lately than based on facts. Whether based on progressive evolutionary stages, Marxist theory of modes and relations of production, or cognitive models, much has been speculation and it is time to either test these theories against concrete information and figures or to liberate our minds from these theories and look in detail at the data for explanations. There seems to be a credibility gap between theory and data and we need to step back for a reality check and be open to new ways of looking at change.

The absent populace Curiously, therefore, we have a rather odd initial understanding of the Butua state. On the one hand there has been detailed analysis of the spatial configurations of the four most elaborate elite sites: Danang'ombe, Khami, Naletale and Zinjanja (Regina) and we have been told how the intricacies of the symbolic expression of space can be read to understand the mindset of the elite 300-500 years ago. We 'know' about the crocodile symbolism associated with sacred leaders that has been built into the stone walling and even where the Mambo's wives stayed during childbirth. Yet these sites were excavated more than 50 years earlier by still very crude methods. We know about the wealth of the elite and the importance of trade from items found at these sites and have some indication of rituals and the importance of beef in the elite diet. We know the outlines of the history of the state. We know something about the architecture of elite sites and the extent of the state by the distribution of sites. But that is it.

The history of archaeology of the Zimbabwean States has seen major swings in inquiry, from wild speculation about origins, to basic classification and dating, to much theorizing about causes of the rise of these states, economy, sociopolitical hierarchies and class distinctions, and ultimately speculation about the cosmology that underpinned this all. In the logical progression of archaeological inquiry (see chapter 2), it is necessary now to return to the data, test theories or find new explanations. Interpreting the past requires continual reevaluation of ideas, concepts and models against the data. Hence both deduction and induction are necessary. We need to move from generalities to specifics, from grand patterns to variation, from sweeping evolutionary schemes to detailed study of specific examples of change, and back again. This applies to southern African archaeology in general, as well as to the progression of inquiry of this particular study.

Until the publication of "The granaries of Vumba" (Van Waarden 1989), which was part of this research project, there was no information about the general populace, the peasant communities, which presumably were the supporters and providers of the elite. There had been speculation about them, but based on farming communities that had preceded the state period (also still very sketchy), or based on expectations from current Shona practice. Pikirayi (2001:208), for example, assumed that they continued to live according to the earlier local Leopard's Kopje Tradition, but he does not describe that either. There is, furthermore, an assumption that the elite sites were towns, or even cities (Pikirayi 2001:maps 7.1, 7.3). Khami is estimated to have had a population of more than 7000 people and Danang'ombe about 5000, although these figures are not based on concrete archaeological evidence, suggesting that much of the population had moved to these centers. Urbanization may have been assumed as a necessary characteristic of states in the progressive evolutionary model, but again, this needs to be proven rather than assumed. The task ahead It is clear, therefore, that it was not possible to study the collapse or post-collapse commoner sites and compare these to already known conditions during the state period, as that evidence simply did not exist yet. Hence my study needed first to bring together what was known of the 37

Previous research about the difaqane period The mfecane or difaqane15 has been hotly debated by southern African historians, the argument centering on whether this was an internal Zulu-centered revolution, which subsequently spread to the interior, as portrayed by Omer-Cooper in his The Zulu aftermath: a nineteenth century revolution in Bantu Africa (1966), on the basis of European accounts of the time, and which is hence known as the 'Settler Model', or whether it was a more widespread reaction to European colonial expansion, as proposed by Cobbing (1988, 1992), who blames the havoc mainly on slave trade.

1. There was an increase in population in Zululand and Swaziland, as well as an increase in the number of sites, but a decrease in population and site numbers in the eastern Transvaal and the Free State. He sees these population changes as a result rather than a cause of the difaqane and concludes that there was a massive movement eastward (ibid.:99,100,137). Within the Settler Model this would be interpreted differently, however, with population increase as part of the state formation process preceding and during the difaqane, and the decrease in population in the west as due to an increased death rate and migration, although not into Zululand. 2. The distribution of sites in Zululand and Swaziland changed from uniform to clustered, indicating aggregation. 3. Within Zululand there was a change from a two-tiered to a three-tiered hierarchy with a dramatic increase in elite site sizes, but a decrease in the total number of elite sites, suggestive of increased aggregation and more centralized control (ibid.:104-5,117). In contrast, there was a decrease in social complexity in the Transvaal and Free State as the number of tiers in the social hierarchy decreased. 4. Cattle in Zululand became more concentrated into dramatically larger enclosures with an overall increase in livestock numbers, again showing more centralized control. There was, similarly, an aggregation of livestock in larger enclosures in the eastern Transvaal and an overall dramatic decrease in livestock numbers in the western Transvaal and Free State.

This provoked a careful reconsideration of the historic sources and a conclusion in The Mfecane aftermath (Hamilton 1995), that this period of stress and change was both, a reaction by African societies in the coastal lowveld and on the plateau against the approaching European frontier, and attempts by these African societies to cope with competition over resources in a deteriorating natural environment. There have been a few archaeological contributions to the debate. Tree-ring analysis from Zululand indicated a very wet period from 1790 to 1810, followed by drought (Table 3.3; Hall 1976; Huffman 1996a; Tyson and Lindesay 1992). The wet period coincided with the introduction of maize in the lowveld and a growing dependency on this high yielding crop (Hall 1976; Maggs 1982, 1984), which may have led to an increase in population and competition over land. However, unlike sorghum and millet, maize is not drought resistant and it is suggested that the inability to cope with the subsequent drought due to the switch to maize led to famine and additional competition over resources, and conflict, a contributing factor, therefore, to the eventual militarization of the Nguni, the rise of the Zulu nation and the difaqane.

He concluded that there is indeed archaeological corroboration of formation of the Zulu state, with peripherally a similar evolutionary process in Swaziland. Curiously, however, he sees this as contrary to the predictions of the Settler Model. He showed, furthermore, that there were no European goods on pre-difaqane Zululand sites, in contrast to sites in the Free State and eastern Transvaal (ibid.:134). This suggests, indeed, that the Zulu state formation was an internal evolution, while the difaqane in the Free State and Eastern Transvaal were not so much reactions to the Zulu military expansion, but influence from an approaching southern frontier with European contact from the Cape. However, trade goods are virtually absent at the large Tswana site of Olifantspoort (Mason 1986:438) in the western Transvaal, bringing the trade and contact hypothesis into question.

Warren Perry investigated whether the expected changes in settlement pattern, as predicted by the 'Settler Model' are evident in the archaeological record. He did this by analyzing changes in site size, site rank, cattle enclosure size and some artifactual evidence for Zululand, Swaziland, eastern and western Transvaal and the Free State, using known site records of the pre-difaqane and post-difaqane periods. Despite small data sets, probably incomplete survey coverage and poor temporal controls, which did not allow him to distinguish occupations as immediately prior to, during or post the difaqane, he has some interesting initial results in his Landscape transformations and the archaeology of impact; social disruption and state formation in southern Africa (1999).

Yet, Perry clings to Cobbing's16 controversial theory of colonialism and in particular slavery, as being at the root

For example:

16

Cobbing certainly lost his credibility with me, and probably would with most Batswana, by accusing L.M.S. missionary Robert Moffat of being a slave trader. I think Cobbing took source criticism too far. To denounce all historical sources as mere colonial propaganda is an insult to the intellectual independence of the authors. Cobbing's is a case of hypercriticism, seeing conspiracies, cover-ups and lies, and making

15

Mfecane is the Nguni word and difaqane is the Sotho-Tswana-Pedi equivalent and means 'the crushing', as in grinding grain between stones (Parsons 1982:55). I am not aware of a Shona term for this period or phenomenon.

38

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA of all conflict of the difaqane. Elizabeth Eldredge (1995:126-139) had shown, however, that the slave trade via Delagoa Bay was a consequence of the difaqane disruptions, not a cause, as the wars generated prisoners, although slave and cattle raiding by Griqua and Kora as agents for white farmers, had been a major source of violence in the Free State and the Transvaal in the 1820s and 1830s (Eldredge 1995:139ff; Parsons 1995).

Tswana populations, had already been recognized in the archaeological literature (Caister 1982; Huffman 1986; Mason 1986; Pistorius 1992). Tswana megasites could cover several square kilometers and contain 1,000 to 30,000 people, the latter being an estimate for the Ngwato capital Shoshong c. 187017 and others being Molokwane and Dithubaruba of the Kwena, Kaditshwene of the Hurutshe, and Mochudi of the Kgatla.

It is still correct, therefore, to call the turbulent early 19th century the difaqane, both the rise of the Zulu military state and its aftermath for the adjacent areas, including Butua, and the conflicts in the Transvaal and Free State that had already started in the 17th century as a result of increasing population density and European trade for ivory, and culminating in the early 19th century with increasing Griqua slave and cattle raiding and migration set in motion as a result of Zulu expansion.

Interestingly, these large sites continued to adhere to the Central Cattle Pattern (Huffman 1986). The Zulu (and Ndebele) military settlements had a large central enclosure containing one or more cattle kraals and a military parade ground, around which the households were arranged according to seniority, indicating emphasis on military male activity areas and centralized control. Tswana towns were divided into wards, each of which with a central kraal and kgotla-court around which the houses were similarly arranged. There is some historical evidence that each ward had previously been a separate political entity, so that the town was essentially a clustering of formerly independent settlements for defensive purposes. Thus there was not an evolution to an elite settlement layout such as for Zimbabwe Tradition sites. Possibly this is due to the emergency nature of this development.

Although the causes and processes of the difaqane are not directly relevant to the study of the end of Butua, among its effects were the collapse of this state and the subsequent subjection of the Kalanga by the Ndebele. Perry's study and the debate about the difaqane raise important questions, such as whether global trade and European influence played any role in the collapse of Butua, they beg a consideration of captive raiding and forced incorporation of captives into dominant African polities, and focus on transformations that led to the development of new forms of societies out of earlier ones. The importance of these examples of sociocultural evolution are the different paths these societies took despite their contemporaneity and despite their subjection to similar stresses, and furthermore, that these examples of sociocultural evolution can be studied in great detail because of their recent historical context. Perry recognized this opportunity.

Other indicators of stress and defensive behaviour, in addition to aggregation, were defensive hilltop locations, defensive stone walls, high fences around each household, and the use of underground caverns (Hall 1995; Huffman 1986), the absence or small size of livestock enclosures suggestive of raiding, and movement of people as evident in changing distributions of ethnically distinct material culture. Simon Hall (1995) reported on the remarkable site of Lepalong near Potchefstroom, a village that was occupied by Kwena between 1827 and 1836, after they had fled south from Mzilikazi's Ndebele when the latter were causing havoc in the Transvaal before moving to Butua. The village existed at two levels. Above ground were 47 houses around a series of livestock kraals, in what Hall considers a minimal spatial expression of the Central Cattle Pattern, giving the impression of a loose, fragmented community, possibly of unrelated occupants. The houses surrounded the hidden entrance to an underground cavern, which in turn contained 70 densely spaced houses, often with the back being the cavern wall and having no roof, although the walls were 1.5 m high. There were wooden fences, and sub-chambers of the cavern were used as goat/sheep enclosures, and there was a permanent pool of water. Family units were more clearly defined here than in the village above, shown in a marked separation of private and public space. The article, unfortunately, does not include a plan of the site. In the highest part of the cave a well- preserved hut cluster may have housed the senior man's family. He controlled access to the livestock kraals and had the best

His study also focuses our attention on evidence of warfare and social conflict and responses to these, and the evidence these leave in the archaeological record, dramatic decrease in human and cattle populations, and aggregated settlement distribution, for example. He concludes that there were massive shifts in population from one region to another and a shift from more uniform to more clustered distributions of sites across the landscape, as would be expected if warfare was the stimulus for this population movement. Thus the mfecane/difaqane is associated with an unprecedented increase in the amount of movement induced by violence. In other words, peace has a centrifugal tendency, spreading primary producer sites across the landscape, and war has a centripetal tendency, pulling primary producers into centers. [Perry 1999:100]

That warfare associated with the difaqane had been the reason for aggregation of the Zulu and particularly of the assumptions of hidden agendas and unspoken truths. This is in stark contrast to Cobbing's earlier analysis of the Ndebele Kingdom, which is an example of careful historical examination and very useful analysis and synthesis and I rely much on his work for Ndebele-Kalanga relationships.

17

This was the second largest settlement in southern Africa at the time, after Cape Town.

39

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN preserved granaries. No excavation had yet been undertaken. A comparison of the two villages, focusing on group behaviour under different degrees of stress, along the lines of the comparison between the two Domboshaba villages in this study, would be welcome.

admits, however, that there had been "a reorganization of societies generally toward a smaller scale" (ibid.:35), that it was a decadent and chaotic period, a confused state of affairs that saw the fragmentation of Karanga and Rozvi social and political life (ibid.:222).

Esterhuysen’s (2008) study of the siege of the Kekana Ndebele under Chief Mugombane similarly deals with a cave refuge. They were besieged by Trekboers for a month in 1854. Although not directly related to the difaqane, it is of interest as a contemporary event of extreme stress. The siege ended in the massacre of 700 men, while the women and children were taken captive and the cattle stolen. Esterhuysen reconstructs the desperate plight of the besieged and the spiritual and physical disintegration of the group, leading ultimately to the suicide of the chief and the silence about the events in the oral history of the survivors. This can be considered an example of the stage of ‘exhaustion’.

Considering that many sites were actually defensive refuges, the term 'Refuge Period' still seems useful in my opinion, although it will have a longer time depth in eastern Zimbabwe and the Transvaal than in the Kalanga area, and we need to shift our focus beyond a difaqane causation to include a broader impact of European trade and agents. Perry refers to this, therefore, as the "Archaeology of impact", essentially a historical archaeology of capitalist penetration, colonialism, domination and resistance, and Stahl (1999b) refers to this as the "Archaeology of global encounters". In emphasizing causality for the difaqane and Refuge period, as either internally generated among African societies, possibly with a dash of environmental change, or through external agents, historians and archaeologists expose themselves to changing fashions of political correctness. Eldredge (1995:161) warns that "it is a step backwards to depict African history in South Africa again as a wholly reactive process and to deny to Africans their own history."

Whereas defensive hill locations, stone walling and aggregation had occurred from c. 1750 A.D., the use of caves and caverns as extreme strategy for defensive behaviour has been recorded elsewhere in the Transvaal, but occurred only during the extraordinary stress experienced in the early parts of the 19th century. Just as the term difaqane has come under scrutiny, so also have there been objections to 'Refuge Tradition'. Summers (1958) coined the term for the Inyanga area of eastern Zimbabwe for the period between the demise of the Zimbabwe Tradition states and the colonial period, when hostilities forced people to seek shelter on walled hilltops. He assumed that this move was due to Nguni invasions as part of the mfecane.

In the study of the collapse of the Butua state and the subsequent subjection of the Kalanga by the Ndebele, colonial forces played a very minor role, as the scene of these historical episodes was far from both the Portuguese and British-Boer frontiers at the time and, although trade goods did penetrate to this interior, as they had for centuries, and had affected the way of life, it would be misplaced to seek a major role for European colonialism, capitalist penetration and global encounters in these changes. Such an archaeology of colonial impact or of global encounters would only become relevant at a later date. We must ask, however, to what extent there was a decline in trade and mining prior to the collapse of the state.

Historical research (Beach 1974, 1988) showed, however, that, apart from Butua, the Shona were little affected by these incursions and that defensive hill positions had occurred already much earlier, possibly already since several centuries, suggesting instead conflict among Shona themselves. This is similar to the defensive settlements in the Transvaal, which also date back to well before the difaqane, suggesting cattle and captive raiding among Sotho-Tswana-Pedi themselves, possibly due to the approaching European frontier, as mentioned.

The potential for the study of social change and changing behaviour under stress on difaqane and Refuge period sites remains largely unexplored. Although limited to Perry's settlement distribution analysis and Hall's Lepalong site, as well as my research at Leeukop (Van Waarden 1980a,b), this already presents a number of indicators of stress and examples of adaptive behaviour to stress, that add questions to the analysis in this dissertation. For example, although refugees added to the already large single settlement Ngwato nation at Shoshong, why did Kalanga, who remained in the former Butua area live in dispersed settlements and why did they not aggregate? Is aggregation more a resistance than a defensive measure? Does aggregation require strong leadership?

Similarly, among the eastern Shona longstanding internal conflict may also have had external causes, in particular the aggressive impact of the Portuguese, the prazeros, influx of trade goods and guns, changes in power structures and general impact of European contact and the Indian Ocean trade network. This has not yet been studied. Pikirayi (2001:31-2,238,240) objects to the term 'Refuge Period' or 'Refuge culture', as archaeologists have used it on the assumption that the Nguni invasions had brought an end to the Zimbabwe culture and had resulted in widespread devastation and a degeneration of architectural style and fragmentation of society. He

The Model of Group Behaviour under Stress, suggests that aggregation or nucleation is dependent on the severity of the stress and the phase within the adaptation 40

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA process. Responses such as defiance and armed confrontation, active and passive resistance, or submission, which are visible in material remains, such as decreases in human and cattle populations, aggregated versus dispersed settlement, hilltop or cave refuges, defensive walls and fences, hidden cattle enclosures and granaries, presence or absence of fences around household units, weapons, violent deaths, etc., can similarly be accounted for by the phased response to stress of this model.

41

6. APPROACHES AND METHODS b. In his description he uses Kalanga dynastic names and not those of the Rozvi, although they describe the same rulers. This shows that he was not influenced by Rozvi oral history as, for example, published by Posselt (1935), although some of the stories are very similar. This strengthens the accounts as the same events are described from opposite views. c His account is very detailed.

Historical sources Part A of this study is a discussion of the Butua state and starts with the historical evidence for Butua, while part B, on the end of the Butua era, begins with the historic evidence of the fall of the state and of Ndebele dominance over the remnant population. For this I rely mainly on five sets of information.

5. Oral history of the Bakalanga of Botswana (Van Waarden 1988). In this publication I give details of the sources and interviews and the problems associated with oral traditions. In brief, the sources are four university student theses and papers (Mannathoko 1978; Pharo 1983; Tapela 1976; Woto 1976), one synthesis by a Kalanga chief (Sebina 1947), 17 interviews carried out by teachers for a history course (Malikongwa and Ford 1979), but mainly 34 interviews conducted by myself.1 I fairly systematically interviewed chiefs and headmen of most of the villages in the Northeast District and the Bokalanga subdistrict of the Central District. They told me what they knew and often referred me on to an uncle or other elder, who seemed to be an informal keeper of chiefly history. Leads and suggestions of knowledgeable people were followed up. Five of the informants were women and several informants had slashed ears, indicative of personal experience of Ndebele rule. My main informant was Rev. Nsunda Moses Holonga, whose interest in local history stems from his teachers, archaeologist Neville Jones and anthropologist Isaac Schapera, as well as from his father, who came from the Hwange area, and his information came mainly from elders in his 14 UCCSA congregations.

1. Historical syntheses by David Beach (1980), Randles (1975) and Mudenge (1974, 1988), are based on original Portuguese records, and Beach also collected many oral traditions. Their work includes detailed source critiques, and I will use much of the evidence they bring to bear simply with reference to their work, rather than going into further details of the validity of their sources, as I do not have access to the original documents and oral traditions they have used. For the Ndebele I rely mainly on the Ndebele history by Becker (1979), Mziki (1972) and Cobbing (1974). Although more historical and ethnographic studies are available about the Ndebele, my emphasis is on Ndebele-Kalanga relations. 2. Primary accounts by European explorers, prospectors, hunters and missionaries of the period post-1850, mainly post-1869 regarding the location of Kalanga villages and conditions under Ndebele rule (Baden-Powell 1897; Baines 1877, 1946; Elton 1872; Holub 1881; Mauch 1969 [1869-1872], 1971; Moffat, J. and E. 1945 [1858-1878]; Moffat, R. 1945 [1829-1860]; Mohr 1993 [1876]; Oates 1881; Selous 1893; Tabler 1955, 1960, 1966; Thomas 1971 [1872]; Wood 1974 [1893]). These are eyewitness accounts and their reliability is established through crossreferencing. Some of their obvious biases are discussed in part B. They provide indications of stress among the Kalanga during that time and of some adaptive behaviour changes.

The oral history was collected with the following aims in mind: a. Sorting out the complex historical relationships between the various Kalanga groups in Botswana. b. Gathering information about general Kalanga history and the Butua state, and connections with archaeological sites. c. Collecting information about the Ndebele period, Ndebele-Kalanga relationships and events at particular sites. d. Information on material culture that could be helpful in interpretation of the archaeological remains. The oral history publication mainly dealt with item a. As mentioned, item b showed a major gap in knowledge about the Butua state. Information from c has been used in part B of this dissertation and some information on material culture is used in the interpretation of the four sites described in this study.

3. Rozvi oral traditions, which have been recorded by Posselt (1935) and Fortune (1956) and in scattered publications, and which have been incorporated by Beach in his historical syntheses (Beach 1974, 1980, 1988, 1994). 4. Masola Kumile's account of oral history of Kalanga of Zimbabwe, of which the Ikalanga transcript and translation are available in Wentzel's publication. His informants have not been specified, except for M.B. Khupe, who gave information on the traditional Kalanga lifestyle. There are several reasons why Kumalo's account can be considered useful, although in part mythologized: a. The main events in his account are the change in Mambo dynasty and the difaqane. These correspond with Portuguese and British accounts and Rozvi oral tradition with enough detail that it is clear that the same events are being described. The historic documents provide dates for these events, which can be compared with dates from the archaeological sites.

1

Transcripts of my interviews, entitled "Oral traditions of the Bakalanga and Bakhurutshe", about 200 pages, were submitted to the National Archives.

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BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA histories, on a daily basis and how they adjusted their lives to these.

Reliability of information was tested by cross-referencing of independent accounts, although it was not always possible to establish independence.

Analogy Oral histories of Lilima lineages go vaguely back to a lineage founder Tshibundule, who can be estimated to have lived c.*1767 +/- 28 and who can be equated with the original Chibundule lineage of kings or Mambos, although he is not remembered as such. Banyayi chiefly history dates from the 18th-century Rozvi phase. Immigrant groups, who became assimilated into Kalanga culture, have remembered histories from the 18th century (Pedi), early 19th century (Rolong), and late 19th century (Seleka), while the Khurutshe probably arrived in the late 18th century. Interestingly, certain specific Kalanga lineages and events are also mentioned in Kumalo's account, providing links and confirmation.

There has been concern about the use of analogy by archaeologists (Lane 1995; Stahl 1993; Wylie 1985, 1988). Archaeologists use analogy a lot, mostly implicitly to interpret the functions of artifacts and features, using ethnographic examples. So also in this study. In this kind of analogy, similarity of form between objects is used to interpret similarity of function. I do not give details of generally accepted interpretations, such as houses, pots, spindle whorls. This study would be too long and tedious if all ethnographic analogical reasoning would have to be justified. However, certain analogies are discussed in some detail, those based on new information, for example such as functions of different pots in use by Kalanga in recent times, or if the interpretation has been questioned, such as that of granary platforms (Lane 1995).

Especially cross-referencing of accounts from related chiefly lineages with the help of generational dating (indicated as c.*year +/-, above; Beach 1980:330) was helpful when successive lineage heads had been condensed into one mythologized individual with the consequent telescoping of events. This was in part due to adoption of the founding ancestor's name as title for each of his successors.

Analogies and models can be derived from a multitude of sources, even common sense. So, for example, have the main house and palace plan of Naletale been compared to a spoked wheel (Wieschhoff 1941). This is a descriptive analogy, which has no further explanatory value, as this is only a visual design similarity from unrelated cultures, which can not possibly have structural similarities, as the wheel was not known in southern Africa and neither do the interior radiating walls function to support the circular outer wall.

Totems, passed on patrilineally, also indicate historic relationships. Informants knew this as well, however, and could assume a connection between two groups because they had the same totem. Totem changes did occur also, for example in order to hide the identity of a group if it was being persecuted2 or to claim a special relationship to the dominant group. Large totem groups could be subdivided using a different praise name or tshidawo, so that intermarriage could be allowed.3

Huffman's interpretation of expressive space at Danang'ombe consists of a complex series of nested analogies. For example, he compares the main walled complex to a mountain because of its height and grandeur. Venda and Shona compare their leaders to mountains, hence Huffman interprets this structure as the palace of a king, which expressed the majesty, authority and aloofness of their leader (1996b:24-25). In this way Huffman proposes that the walled complex = mountain = king = sacred leadership gives insight into the cosmology of the Zimbabwe culture.

These historic references provide a background for the archaeological study. It is to be understood that this is only a history in outline, and that the archaeological data will add significantly to this by emphasizing what actually happened rather than the sometimes biased or idealized accounts of oral history. In this way historic details frame and flesh out the archaeological data, but the latter acts as a check on historic accounts. The archaeological data also adds to our understanding by being an accumulation of the remains of daily life, and in this study in particular an emphasis on the daily life of ordinary people, whereas the oral history and documents deal almost exclusively with chiefly lineages and especially with the royal Mambo rulers and with significant events. My emphasis in the first part of this dissertation is on daily life across the spectrum of Butua society, and in the second part on how small farming families experienced the major stressful regional changes and historical events, which have been recorded in the

I discuss a Kalanga metaphor for the Mambo as a termite heap, that presents a different interpretation of these sites, with different implications for the role of the leader. This is presented as an alternative to show that Huffman's interpretation is not the only possible one; it also suggests a possibly different cosmology and expressive space for Butua elite sites compared to those of the Venda or the Zimbabwe period ruins. Here an analogy, which Kalanga themselves used to describe their leaders, is used to understand the archaeological remains of their leaders' palaces and by extension the way they viewed their leaders. These analogies have more validity as the relationship between the source of the analogy and the subject that it is to explain have a more direct historical connection, in this case a 20th century praise poem for the Mambo who had lived there. These simple examples show that the explanatory value of analogies can be

2

A change from chibelu to an Ndebele totem for security reasons, is one example (N. Gulubane HT Madandume 3/6/1984 in Gauthusi 1985:1). 3 Ng'anga Bogobe HT Maitengwe 24/6/1984; Bafi Matenge HT Madandume 17/6/1984 (Gauthusi 1985:41)

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CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN improved by a direct historical relationship between the source and the subject (Wylie 1988).

and it can be shown that it has explanatory value, this will be encouragement to continue to test it in other situations. If it does not fit, the differences can be just as interesting.

In his argument of sameness Huffman assumes that the inhabitants of Danang'ombe must also have viewed this edifice as a mountain and their Mambo as a mountain. This is an interpretive or illustrative use of analogy (Stahl 1993) and is viewed with suspicion by his critics. In contrast, I consider the termite heap analogy in a comparative way (ibid.), requiring further confirmation that the palace was indeed viewed as such by the inhabitants and that, by extension, this gives an insight in their beliefs regarding leadership.

Change A weakness in this study is that I compare a 15th- to 17th-century situation with 19th-century sites. It is possible that differences observed are not due to stress, but rather to changes that may have occurred in the culture for other reasons in the intervening period. This can be tested against the 17th-century Phoenix sites at a later date. I also do not know, nor do I want to give the impression, that the Vumba site and indeed the slice through society represented by Vumba, Selolwe and Khami, are necessarily typical of the entire Butua state period and that no changes had taken place over 400 years even in the lifestyle of farmers. This remains to be determined.

Similarly, the Central Cattle Pattern and the Zimbabwe Pattern should be viewed as analogical models, which are not to be used to infer meaning from sites on the basis of a few similarities, but rather require to be tested against the archaeological evidence. The better the fit between the model and the site, the more likely that there are also structural and cognitive similarities. At the same time, we must anticipate that there have been variations and changes of these models through time and space.

Historic indications are that the Khami phase was more peaceful than the 17th-century change-over in ruling dynasty and the subsequent Rozvi phase. Environmental stress during the latter phase was also likely. In that sense a Khami phase contrast with the post-collapse period is more appropriate.

It is important, therefore, that as much of the spatial arrangements of a site is uncovered as possible, with a good record of artifact distributions, so that functional use of space can be determined independently. It is not sufficient to establish that there is a cattle kraal and that, therefore, the entire Central Cattle Pattern model applies.

The model also emphasizes differences in group behaviour under different degrees of stress and the comparison between the two post-collapse sites is in itself a test of the model.

The Model of Group Behaviour under Stress is also used as an analogous model. Here there is no historical connection. Rather, the model was developed by Selye (1956), Laughlin and Brady (1978) and Dirks (1980) through observations of regularities of many cases of group behaviour under stress of famine. The relevance criteria, which improve the potential usefulness of the model for the case study (Wylie 1988) are stress that affects the wider region and the group (in contrast, for example, to stress on the individual through illness), and which is, furthermore, of considerable duration and varies in level of intensity. Analysis is, therefore, at the level of the group or site (occupation level) and consists of a comparison between three peasant sites at different intensities of stress: little or no stress during the Khami phase of the Butua state at the site of Vumba, severe stress and very severe stress post-collapse and under Ndebele domination at the lower and upper Domboshaba villages, respectively (Figure 1.3 and Table 1.1).

Therefore, although I will be comparing different historical periods, the emphasis is more on comparison of stress situations rather than historical change. Recovery of archaeological data Survey During the Tati Archaeological survey (Van Waarden 1982) emphasis was on locating Butua period and Refuge period sites, but all other sites encountered were recorded in order to provide a prehistoric framework for northeastern Botswana. A number of sites had previously been reported, but their exact locations were not known; these were relocated. David Schermers, an amateur archaeologist, had also found a number of sites and these were studied and recorded during the survey. Most Butua period and Refuge period sites appeared to be in the northern parts of the Northeast District and a stratified, systematic, unaligned sample (Redman 1979) of 27 quadrats of 1 km x 1 km was, therefore, surveyed in the Kalakamati-Sechele area, being a 11 % sample of 243 km2. In addition, a systematic sample of 13 quadrats of 1 km x 1 km along a transect of 111 km across the district was surveyed, again an 11% sample, bringing the total of the Tati Archaeological Survey to 40 km2 out of 360 km2 (Van Waarden 1982; Figure 6.1). Since then I carried out a number of archaeological impact assessments in the Northeast District, which involved systematic survey, amongst which are the 24 km2 mine lease for the Phoenix

The model is used in a comparative way. It is not assumed that sufficient similarity in stress must also result in similar adaptive behaviour. That is what needs to be tested through the archaeological evidence. The hypotheses that have been derived from the model and the expected implications for the archaeological record are used to guide the analysis and to test the explanatory value of the model also for this, somewhat different, stress situation, and to see if such behavioral changes can be detected in the archaeological record. If the model fits

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BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA composition and spatial expression of worldview. This was possible because of the shallow depths of the occupation levels (10-20 cm) and the surface visibility of the stone granary platforms, stone yard wall foundations and middens, amongst other features. Excavation was aided by the surface indications of features, but elsewhere a systematic sampling procedure was used of 1 m2 quadrats on a 2m x 2 m grid, which quadrats were then expanded if features were encountered. Middens were sampled to increase the artifact and faunal assemblages so that range of resources, trade goods and other economic activities could be studied. Although emphasis was on the excavation of contiguous space, all records were kept per m2. Detailed plans and stratigraphic profiles were drawn and a photographic record made. All matrix was screened through 5mm mesh sieves and all artifacts and bone were collected and processed, even small undiagnostic fragments, but only diagnostic artifacts have been stored at the National Museum. Soil samples from middens and other organic deposits for flotation were processed for carbonized seeds and other identifiable plant remains and stored with the collection. Unfortunately no comprehensive comparative seed collection exists as of yet in southern Africa. Faunal identifications were carried out at the Transvaal Museum, which has the most comprehensive comparative collection for southern African fauna, by Ina Plug and by Rob Pearson under Plug's supervision.

Figure 6.1 Archaeological surveys in the Northeast District

nickel mine, 17 km2 for the Mupane gold mine lease and adjacent areas, 7 km2 for the Signal Hill gold mine and about 8 km2 in Francistown for the new sewage system, while linear transects across the district included roads from Francistown to Matsiloje and access roads and utility corridors to the new mines, power lines from Morupule to Jackalasi 2 and from Francistown to Dukwi, the rail line from Francistown to Sowa, as well as 24 km of the major river banks (Van Waarden 1999b).4 In addition, surveys by other researchers include a targeted survey for rockart by Nick Walker, mostly near the watershed, a 6 km2 survey for the Ntimbale Dam by Alinah Segobye and an initial impact assessment by Alec Campbell for the Lower Shashe Dam, of which 40 km2 lies in the Northeast District (ibid.). This has increased systematic archaeological survey in the Northeast District to 142 km2 and 272 km of linear transect, which amounts to about 3.5% of the approximately 4000 km2 area. This has resulted in the discovery of 417 sites.

A great deal more information is available about these sites than can be adequately documented in this study. Detailed site reports will be prepared separately. This is an important goal of the research, as the lack of details from excavations has hampered dialogue in southern African archaeology, as it has not been possible for colleagues to verify claims or to build on interpretations. This is also one of the main reasons why Huffman's theories remained so long unchallenged - lack of data.5 His critics have mainly attacked him on theoretical and methodological grounds. Emphasis has been on summaries in short publications aimed at illustrating broad theoretical arguments. We criticize excavation methods used in the earlier parts of the 19th century as the soil was not sieved, bone not kept and only selected artifacts recovered, often without exact stratigraphic context. At least useable site plans and records of what was found were published. The lack of detailed site reports belies our detailed modern excavation procedures. The reason may be publication costs, but with desktop publishing and CD recording techniques it should be possible to make detailed site reports available.

Excavation Of these recorded sites, this study focuses on the two Butua period sites Vumba and Selolwe, and on two sites of the Ndebele or Refuge period at the Domboshaba Hill, which were excavated (Figure 6.1), but many more are included in discussions of distributions. The model of behavioral change under stress and the hypotheses discussed in Chapter 2 guided the excavations. Emphasis was, therefore, on recovery of large portions of the spatial arrangements of the sites, as it would be necessary to compare proxemics, group

5

Not that Huffman's work is not based on data. He presents a vast amount of evidence on walling and other architectural features and no one disputes that patterns of layout and decoration exist nor that they were likely imbued with symbolic meaning, but what is missing is collaborative data on the function of space that can substantiate this meaning. "... all too often there are no archaeological data to form even small 'resistances' to his interpretations, which are often circular, over generalized, and contradictory" (Denbow 1997:62).

4

A 33 km2 survey done recently for the Selkirk Mine added about 20 Khami-phase homesteads, but these results are not included here (Van Waarden & Walker 2007).

45

SUMMARY OF THE INTRODUCTORY CHAPTERS The danger of long term projects is that research interests can change over the years, in the discipline as a whole, and for the archaeologist concerned, even by what was found during the course of the project. This has not really occurred here. The focus on behaviour change under stress remains as interesting and promising for understanding prehistoric change as it was at the planning stages of the project. Curiously, few other archaeologists have shown interest in this over the years. Yet, I continue to believe that much of culture change has occurred as a result of adaptation to stress, whether successful or not, whether the stress was of an environmental nature or from inter-ethnic conflict as in this case study. This study focuses on collapse of the Butua state and the subsequent period of Ndebele oppression. Like the difaqane elsewhere in southern Africa, this was a period of transformation. My focus is on this transformation and particularly on how this affected the commoner or farming communities. By doing so, I also aim to fill a gap in our understanding of the Butua state, which has thus far been studied exclusively through the upper elite sites.

Section A - Butua, which follows, is a reconstruction of life during this state period, and a cross-section of society during the Khami phase will be studied by comparing evidence from a peasant village with a lower elite residence and with the royal palace of the Mambo. Section B focuses on the end of this era and will compare two farming villages under different degrees of stress from the post-collapse period to the Butua farming village to test the Model of Group Behaviour under Stress. This model is based on comparative ethnography, mainly examples of behaviour change to the stress of famine. This suggests that group behaviour changes with the severity and duration of the stress. To test the model I will look at a variety of archaeological evidence, from proxemics in the spatial layout of the villages to stylistic variation, availability of resources and I will also discuss the current interest in spatial expression of underlying cognitive structure. If successful, this model can be further used to identify and understand stressful periods in the more remote past for which documentary and oral history are not available.

46

PART A

BUTUA

47

BUTUA Part A of this study attempts a reconstruction of the Kalanga state Butua, with emphasis on 'attempt', as this is neither complete nor even necessarily correct. As more historical and archaeological evidence becomes available in future, I fully expect that our understanding of Butua will change. However, this is meant to provide a starting point. Although there have been archaeological studies of a few of the elite sites and scattered documentary and oral history, attempts to integrate these into a wider synthesis of Butua are limited to short chapters in historical or archaeological studies of the Shona states (Beach 1980:ch.6 and 7; Mudenge 1988:ch.8; Pikirayi 2001:ch.7), which essentially conclude that we do not know much about this state. Huffman's extensive discussion of the elite sites (1996b:part I) suffers from a weak historical framework.

hierarchy of sites indicates the political structure. Much new information is added on elite sites in Botswana, in the western part of the state.

Chapter 7 brings together evidence from Portuguese documents, oral history of the Rozvi and, for the first time, substantial oral history of the Kalanga themselves. This highlights the two distinct historical phases under the Togwa and Changamire royal lineages, and the much greater body of information available for the more recent Changamire phase, and forms a framework for the chapters of archaeological evidence that follow.

Chapter 12 brings this information together and compares and contrasts elite and peasant sites, with emphasis on settlement layout, architecture, material culture, economic base, range of activities, etc. in an effort to better understand relationships between the people and their chiefs.

Chapter 9 introduces a large body of data which is now available on commoner sites in Botswana, the peasantry which was absent in previous discussions on Butua. Chapter 10 is a detailed discussion of the Vumba site, a peasant village of the 15th-16th century. Chapter 11 discusses elite sites in the Vumba area, particularly the site of Selolwe. This was occupied by a district chief and, hence, fills a gap in our understanding of Butua between the residences of the royal elite and the villages of the common folk.

This will provide a basis against which to compare conditions and behaviour changes during the subsequent stressful period of state collapse and subjection, which is presented in part B.

Chapter 8 is a general discussion of elite sites, the distribution of which defines the state, while the

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7. BUTUA HISTORY FROM DOCUMENTS AND ORAL TRADITIONS The first mention of Butua was in 1502, when Ahmad Ibn-Madjid, the Arab pilot of Vasco da Gama, wrote in his sailing manuals of "Munabatur", the great King, whose land lies inland from Sofala and beyond a plain with hills, who owns a mine and trades via the Zambezi (in Randles 1981:9 and Beach 1980:49). He was most certainly the Munhu Butua, the King of Butua.

ruling group until the 1860s. He had no information from the Kalanga, who formed the majority of Butua's population. By his own admission, "the regions to the south and west have traditions that at present are too diffuse to analyze" (Beach 1980:273). This gap has since been filled by oral history as told by Masola Kumile, a Kalanga from the Plumtree area of Zimbabwe, who started writing the traditions of the elders in 1922 (translated by Wentzel 1983), and oral traditions from Kalanga in Botswana, mainly by Sebina (1947), Malikongwa and Ford (1979) and myself (1988).

By about 1506 the Portuguese had taken over the Mozambique coastal trade from the Arabs, who had traded this far south since the tenth century. Antonio Fernandes, who had travelled extensively into the interior from Sofala, reported in 1512 that

As mentioned, oral traditions are fragmentary and rarely go back even to the 17th century. They tend to concentrate on the ancestry of a particular chief in order to legitimize his claim to rule, and may mention names of places where his group lived, with an occasional story about the reasons for moving and the people they encountered. Traditions about the heads of state, who carried the title Mambo in Butua and Munhumutapa in the Mutapa state, tend to have become myths of heroes with magical powers. These may have been based on real events, but such realistic details are usually difficult to extract from the stories. Often events that had been separated by many years will be remembered as having occurred simultaneously. This telescoping of events is compounded by the custom that the name of the founder of a lineage becomes the honorary or ruling name for each subsequent head of that lineage, with the result that a series of successive leaders may become compressed into one mythologized individual. Totems and praisenames can be used to check on claims of historic relationships and this has allowed us to understand the complex origins of Botswana's Kalanga groups and their relationship with the Butua state.

between the country of Monomotapa and Sofala, all the kings obey Monomotapa, but further to the interior was another king, who had rebelled and with whom he was at war, the king of Butua. The latter was as powerful as the Monomotapa, and his country contained much gold. [In a letter from Gaspar Veloso to the King of Portugal, quoted in Randles 1975:19].

On a map from 1677 this kingdom of Butua or 'Butua reino' is located up the Zambezi beyond the 'Empire of Motapa' (Randles 1975), yet the descriptions of Butua more closely resemble that of the southwestern plateau with its gold mines: Some of the mines are situated in the Kingdom of Batua, the king of which is a vassal to the king of Benomotapa; they are stated to be in the open and plain country in the province called Toro and are the oldest mines known in all that region. [From the Chronicles of Prince Dom Joao by Damiao de Goes c. 1520, quoted in Posselt 1935: 6].

This is the first documentary evidence of Butua. Claims of the extent of the Mutapa state were exaggerated in reports to the Portuguese King in order to give added importance to the Portuguese colony's dealings with that state, and there is no evidence that the king of Butua was ever a vassal of the Munhumutapa (Beach 1980:199; Ellert 1993:2; Randles 1975:8).

The following reconstruction of the Butua state from oral history and documents provides a framework for the archaeological information. No detailed source critique has been attempted, as I do not have access to the Portuguese documents nor to the Rozvi historical texts, nor those of Kumile's Kalanga informants.

As mentioned, there are extensive documents about the Mutapa state, but only vague references to Butua, as the Portuguese rarely ventured further inland, and from the late 17th century were banned from the interior altogether. English documents for the region begin around 1870, after the collapse of Butua, and refer only to the subsequent Ndebele state.

First we must set the scene and briefly discuss the rise of Butua with some archaeological background. More detailed archaeological evidence will be added in the next chapters. The rise of Butua

Historians Randles (1975) and Mudenge (1974, 1988) make extensive use of Portuguese documents, but have little to say about Butua. David Beach, in his epic The Shona and Zimbabwe, 900-1850 (1980) relied more heavily on oral traditions in his reconstruction of the history of the Shona states. His knowledge of Butua was, unfortunately, limited to evidence from a few Portuguese documents and oral traditions by Rozvi informants, whose ancestors came to Butua around 1700 and were the

From A.D. 1296 to 1425 the Zimbabwe plateau was dominated by the Zimbabwe State with Great Zimbabwe the capital (Figure 7.1). This was a city with an estimated population over 11,000 people (Huffman 1986c:323), where the rulers lived in magnificent stone-walled compounds (Garlake 1973). They controlled the trade routes between the interior and the east coast, and many

49

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN dominant east coast trading centre of Kilwa, and while the latter continued to trade via Sofala, the Angoche traders opened a new trade route via the Cuama (Zambezi) River (Beach 1980:48-49; Newitt 1972). They started to trade with the Tonga and further inland with the Mambara people at Ingombe Ilede (Fagan 1969; Garlake 1970b; Phillipson and Fagan 1969). The sudden rise to power of a new centre at Khami and the demise of Great Zimbabwe can be explained by the rerouting of the trade from the Woolandale chiefdom via Ingombe Ilede, bypassing Great Zimbabwe (Van Waarden 1998). This still needs to be proven, but the documentary evidence for the new trade route and the dates of Great Zimbabwe, Khami and Ingombe Ilede fit very well (Figure 7.3). Khami, which had been a Leopard's Kopje site previously (Robinson 1959), became the new centre of power and capital of a new state, known to the Portuguese later as Butua. The rise of Khami probably caused the demise of Great Zimbabwe, not the other way around as Huffman (1981:146) has suggested, and a major factor was the opening up of the Ingombe Ilede - Quelimane - Angoche trade route.

Figure 7.1 The Zimbabwe state (defined by stone-walled ruins) and the northern Leopard's Kopje chiefdom (both Mambo and Woolandale phases).

stone-walled ruins in the architectural style of Great Zimbabwe indicate the extent of their influence. There are 28 known ruins in Botswana that are in the style of Great Zimbabwe's architecture, spread throughout the eastern hardveld and reaching as far as the Sowa salt pan. This had suggested the western extent of the Zimbabwe State. Recent evidence from the Mupanipani and Toranju Ruins shows, however, that some of these walled elite sites in northeastern Botswana predated Great Zimbabwe and that the Zimbabwe Tradition of architecture rose out of earlier Leopard's Kopje (Woolandale) terrace walling (Van Waarden 2006, 2011). Other walled sites in this region are believed to be contemporary with Great Zimbabwe. These, most likely, were occupied by local Woolandale chiefs, who had trade relations with the capital.

There are oral traditions that the people of Great Zimbabwe moved north with a leader to found the Mutapa State. But there is no evidence that a ruler from Great Zimbabwe migrated west with his followers and established Khami as his new capital. There appears to be a sudden urbanization at Khami from the limited Leopard's Kopje settlement below the king's palace and the Leopard's Kopje type-site across the river, to a settlement of approximately 40 ha, suggestive of an increase in population. However, this is unlikely to have occurred overnight. A detailed chronology for the development of the site remains to be established, but there is no evidence that the capital's population came from Great Zimbabwe. Instead, the architecture of the palace, which is strongly influenced by Woolandale terrace walling, suggests the rise to prominence of a local Leopard's Kopje chief (Van Waarden 1998).

There is a growing body of data that suggests that during the period 1290-1475 the climate had been cold and dry (Table 3.2), making agriculture in Botswana unreliable and many parts of southern Africa were abandoned as a result, including the Toutswe chiefdom of east-central Botswana and Mapungubwe in the Limpopo valley. It is likely that much of the population had moved to the wetter Zimbabwe plateau, and this would then have been one of the factors that led to the rise in power of Great Zimbabwe (Huffman 1996a:57; Van Waarden 1998). Occupation of most of eastern Botswana was probably only for hunting and mining, with limited pastoralism. The ivory, furs, ostrich feathers, gold, copper and salt amassed here could have been traded to Great Zimbabwe via the local elite centres for food. Great Zimbabwe did not produce gold itself; this came from the Woolandale chiefdom, as did probably most of the ivory and other trade goods. Its power and wealth came mainly from control over the trade route from the Woolandale chiefdom, through Manyika to Sofala on the east coast (Figure 7.2). In the early 15th century the Sultanate of Angoche established itself in rivalry to the

Figure 7.2 Trade routes

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BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA traditions only mention Mambo, the title for the state ruler, and the name for Mambo is given as 'Chibundule' (Kumile in Wentzel 1983(I)). 'Chibundule' was the praise name given to the first Togwa Mambo and means 'sounding of the war horn' or 'roaring like a bull' (Kumile in Wentzel 1983(I): 13-15). This must have become the praise name for all the subsequent Togwa Mambos. Individual names of rulers are 'Madabhale', the first Chibundule (Kumile in Wentzel 1983(I):15); 'Madhladhla', the last Togwa Mambo (Cooke 1974:3); Ndumba and Ntumbale (Lukoto in Robinson 1959:160). According to Kumile, Chibundule ruled over the Kalanga from Dzimbabwe (Great Zimbabwe?) to the Salt (Makgadikgadi pans), south to the Huri (Crocodile River) and the Palapye road, and north to the Nanzwa (Hwange) and the Zambezi (Kumile in Wentzel 1983(I):13-15), but Kalanga informants in Botswana said that Mambo ruled from Gwelo to the Motloutse (Figure 7.4). Figure 7.3 Radiocarbon dates for sites mentioned (1 sigma ranges with most probable dates shown as crossbars). Great Zimbabwe periods IVa and IVb were its florescence, while during period IVc only the Western Valley Enclosure was occupied. [Huffman & Vogel 1991; Collett et al. 1992; date details in Appendix A].

Chibundule is remembered in the following praise poem: It is he, Chibundule, indeed! The refuge which gave shelter to the elephant and the rhinoceros The one who honours the elephant, The animal with the big ears. He, the one who washes with milk, Because the water has tadpoles in it. The builder of the mountain strongholds, Which can not be penetrated by the enemy. [Wentzel 1983 (I):5, 99-101, 189-191]

Butua under the Togwa dynasty (c.1425-1685) I will refer to the state as it is shown on Portuguese maps as 'Butua'1 and the ruling dynasty as Togwa.2 Kalanga

The second line can also be translated as "… shelter against the elephant …" (Wentzel II:16, note 19), yet in line 3 'honours the elephant' is 'mayila hou', where 'mayila' refers to 'to honour' as in taboo or totem. The elephant nzou was also the totem of the Munhumutapa dynasty (nzou-samanyanga) (Beach 1980:ch. 2), so that, if Chibundule had 'hou' as totem, this could suggest a relationship between the two dynasties. There is no other evidence for this. The rhinoceros is not a known totem, but the golden rhinos found at Mapungubwe (Oddy 1984; Huffman 1996b:188) may have symbolized the ruling dynasty of that great trade centre in the Limpopo valley (c. A.D. 1100-1290), some of whom may have moved to Great Zimbabwe.3 We do not know the totem of the

1

'Butua' may refer to Bu-=the country of the –Tua or –Twa= Khoesan or Bushmen (Posselt 1935:5); the Kalanga name for Khoesan is, however, 'Ba-Khwa'. Or it may have been derived from 'burwa', a borrow word from Setswana, meaning south (Batswana are referred to in Kalanga as Ba-Rwa). Butua may be the name given to this state by Portuguese informants from the Mutapa state as 'that country somewhere to the south, by the Kalahari'. Abraham 1959:73 suggests that 'Butua' may have originated from 'Gunuvutwa', which was the Tavara version of the shona 'Guruuswa', the general name for the grasslands of the plateau. We do not know what it was called by its own citizens at the time. Later it was referred to as 'shango yabaKalanga' = the country of the BaKalanga, which can be shortened as 'BuKalanga', and Venda traditions also call the country north of the Limpopo 'Vhukalanga' (Huffman & Hanisch 1987:79). Beach believed that the citizens of Butua only started calling themselves 'BaKalanga' after the take-over by the Changamire, a Karanga. As explained later, they may have called themselves 'Balilima' during the Togwa dynasty's rule ('kulima'=to plow); Arab documents refer to copper trading at the Limpopo with the 'Limis' (Ibn Battuta, c. 1325, in Caton-Thompson 1931:265), possibly the same people? Could the correct name for the early state have been 'Bulilima'? 2 The ruling dynasty of Butua was known to the Portuguese as 'Torwa', 'Toroa' or 'Thoroe'. The 'r' in the name indicates that it is not a Kalanga name, but the Karanga-speaking informants of the Portuguese would have pronounced it thus and, indeed, Alcáçova refers to 'Toloa' in 1506 (Randles 1975:18). 'Vatorwa' is Shona for outsiders, who are living in a community with whom they have no kinship relations (Mudenge 1988:12). Karanga of the Mutapa state may have considered the people of Butua thus in relation to themselves, although they all spoke shona dialects. Some Rozwi informants refer to the early ruling dynasty as 'Togwa' (Alpers 1970:209), a name still preserved as place name in the Matopos Hills and 'Ntogwa' is also the name of the 'dzihwosana dzinolaula', high priests of the Mwali rain shrine in Botswana. In modern kalanga 'ku-tola'= to take and 'ku-togwa'= to be taken. 'Togwa' as an old Kalanga name is probably the most correct version. The

'dzihwosana', as keepers of tradition, may have adopted the early royal dynastic name, or they may even be descendents of the royal lineage, as it is known that "an older defeated dynasty,... as the original owner of the land.... often becomes the centre of the most important rain-making cults" (Bourdillon 1987:105), but this is speculation. Apparently Mudenge has come to the same conclusion and refers to the "Togwa dynasty of Guruuswa": "... from the point of view of material culture the Togwa kingdom of Guruuswa was the true successor to the Great Zimbabwe state..." (Mudenge 1988:47). 3 The kalanga word for rhinoceros given here is nhema, which, contrasting with chipembele for black rhino, probably refers to the white rhino. My impression of the rhinos from Mapungubwe, but I have only seen a side view, is that they are white rhinos (cf. Huffman 1996b:188). While there are three praises of Chibundule as "refuge ... to the elephant and the rhinoceros", Chibundule himself is elsewhere "like a rhinoceros in comparison" or "as big as the rhinoceros" (Wentzel 1983(I):47, 133 resp.).

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CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN [Chief Councillor] Vunamakuni ('breaker of logs'), like a calf in comparison, Who strikes the rhinoceros with a big axe; [Councillor] Zwikono ('fat bulls'), like a small hyena in comparison; [Councillor] Nkami, the milker of cows from whom the calves have been removed, the head of the herdsmen of [the cattle of ] Mambo [Chibundule]; And Nechombe-Ntulunhulu, like a buffalo bull in comparison, the in-law [who performs ritual duties], who could not contribute anything to the pot, who reaches out to strike with the shaft of his spear. [Wentzel 1983 (I):5, 13, 47, 73, 99-101, 189-191] Names of some of his many minor councillors basungwaxa or royal advisors machinda (in lilima: bazinda) are also known: Nimale, Hungwe, Nigwande, Ninhembwe. The Mambo also had a Great Diviner, who stayed in Mambo's courtyard: Ng'anga Hambani or Hambale: Hambale, he the one who stabs the gall bladder, The maker of the small holes; He, the dancer on the small stone, The one who stretches the skin on the rocks; He, the peg which does not become blunt, Which makes a hole in a big rock like a pumpkin: "You chiefs, stretch your legs and let the poor cross their legs." [Wentzel 1983 (I):101,191]

Figure 7.4 Butua under the Chibundule dynasty, according to oral history. Also indicated are the Mutapa state in the 15th16th century and the Moyo area from which the Changamire later came.

rulers of Great Zimbabwe; it might have been the bateleur eagle of the famous soapstone pillars. According to Rozvi traditions, Chibundule himself and the Togwa royal dynasty, are said to have had the shoko (soko in shona) or monkey totem (Beach 1980:199,202,234; Fortune 1956:80; Marodzi 1924:88; Posselt 1935:143). This is not reflected in Kalanga traditions and not in his praise poem.

Stretching of the legs is an act of making rain, one of the tasks of a Great Diviner.

"He, the one who washes with milk, because of the water having tadpoles in it" implies abundance of milk and hence of cattle, as well as plenty of rain. The word 'mangula', which is translated as "he washes", also is the noun for 'copper' or even 'iron'. This could then read: "He, the one of copper and milk", indicating both mineral and livestock wealth, which we know from other evidence to have been the case in the Togwa period. Obviously Wentzel chose the first translation, since it makes more sense in connection with the tadpoles in the water.

If Chibundule represents a whole lineage of Togwa Mambos, the above names of his advisors likely also represent positions, which may have become hereditary. Such was the case in the Mutapa State and later also during the reign of the Changamire dynasty over Butua.

And the greatest ng'anga in the country was Ng'anga Tsakanya. Chibundule himself also had powerful charms in his medicine calabash, with which he could protect the country from invasion (Wentzel 1983 (I):49).

The praises are standard versions, which have been retold over the generations and no doubt are cryptic phrases, not only glorifying, but full of symbolism, most of which remains obscure to us.

The builder of the mountain strongholds refers to stonewalled architecture of the elite sites, although the ruins of this period are not on high 'mountains' and are not very defensive.

Mambo Chibundule is said to have had residences all over the country, so that potential enemies would not know where he was at any one time. The five which Kumile mentions (Wentzel 1983 (I):15, 103) were all located in and just north of the Matopos Mountains5: Huwana near the swamp of Mwala; at Tandabagwana or Chiwon'ola near present Tekwani Mission; Ngwabhani near Madabe's west of Plumtree; one in the mountains of

Chibundule had several Councillors, known as bakadzaxa or makulukota (Wentzel 1983 (I):4,190).4 Comparing these to Chibundule, they are remembered as:

4

bakadzaxa (in the Lilima-Kalanga dialect of Botswana: bokadzasha) may come from bakadzi = women and xe or she = chief, an important man sometimes being honoured as 'wife' of the ruler (Beach 1980:123), in the sense of Mambo's right hand; makulukota means 'the great or elders (makulu) of the court of law or assembly place (kota or khuta). In contrast to khuta being the physical assembly place of the men and the court, dale (dare in shona) means the council that meets there, although the word dale is now rarely used (Chebanne (pers. comm)).

The khuta is also sometimes referred to as lubazhe, but this is more the place in the homestead where men meet than a court of law. 5

These are all in the Plumtree area and may have been the ones known to Kumile's informants. Similarly ruins in Botswana are commonly believed locally to have been where Mambo lived. This does, therefore, not mean that they all belonged to the Mambo rather than to local chiefs.

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BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA in Randles 1975:121), and it may possibly have been in the form of loans. The use-loan of cattle to vassals is well documented in the later Ndebele state and Tswana chiefdoms, and Mudenge (1974:389) has suggested that this practice (kuronzera in shona) was also common during the Changamire phase of Butua, although no clear evidence is available. Kalanga call this kusaidza and the existence of this word suggests that this practice was also known to them. The importance of the role of the 'Head of the Herdsmen of the royal herds' to the point of being a Councillor of the Mambo, may refer exactly to that. Mudenge describes the shona kuronzera as "the person to whom cattle are loaned has the right to usufruct but may not dispose of them without the owner's permission" (ibid.).10 In practice it puts the herdsman under obligation to the owner, creating a vassalage, and giving power to the owner, and at the same time it spreads the wealth and food. Much of the wealth and power and cohesion of the state may have been based on this practice, and this may be an important way in which ordinary people were included and benefitted from the state structure.

Dziba (Matopos); and one at Zimbabwe. The capital Khami is not identified specifically by Kumile's informants, but others refer to it as Mambo's place (Robinson 1959:16; Fortune 1956:80). They also relate that ceremonies were held at Khami to pray to Mwali, God, for rain, but it is not clear whether these took place during the Khami occupation or after its abandonment just as ruins in Botswana today may be used as places of worship.6 "The country of Chibundule was good and was at peace and the rule of Chibundule was with very great glory" (Kumile in Wentzel 1983 (I):103). Monclaro (1569) and Joao dos Santos (1609) reported that cattle were abundant, and according to Antonio Gomes (1648) the cows were "so large that one milked them while standing" (Randles 1975:75). It is clear that many of these cattle were owned by the Mambo (who allegedly washed with milk) and that cattle played an important role, not only in the economy, but in politics as well, since one of Chibundule's Chief Councillors was the Head of the Herdsmen of the royal herds.

The Arab and Portuguese traders learned to make use of the existing trading and tribute networks to obtain soughtafter ivory and gold. The gold ore was scattered and labour intensive to extract, and the Portuguese soon learned, as had the Arabs, that it was more effective for them to obtain the gold through barter than to take over the mines and organize a full-scale mining operation. Gold was mined by the inhabitants of the plateau in their spare time, usually in the months just prior to the planting season (Barretto 1667 quoted in Randles 1981:53). In 1569 Monclaro reported that the daily production per miner was 1 to 1.5 cruzados, about 3.8 to 5.4 g of gold (Randles 1981:54). As an indication of the wealth of Butua, Alcáçova reported that in 1493 the Togwa Mambo11 made a gift to the Munhumutapa of "4000 polled cows and gold that could fill four water-barrels used by the Portuguese on their ships in the 16th century" (in Mudenge 1988:48). António Gomes (in Ellert 1993:67) also wrote in the period 1620-1630 that "Blacks from Abatua bring a lot of gold in thick pieces weighing about three or four patacas being the best carats in all these lands." Because of such accounts Butua came to be known by the Portuguese as Mãe de Ouro, 'Mother of Gold' (Ellert 1993:22; Newitt 1973:69). Pedro Barreto wrote in 1634 that the Portuguese traded far into the interior, presumably as far as Butua, through African

The things which traditionally were important to the Kalanga, according to Kumile's informant M.B. Khupe7 (Wentzel 1983 (I):33) were: 1. the family – one should marry many wives so that one will beget many children 2. land – a place which is called by one's own name, to plow and harvest plenty of food 3. skins/furs – to be sewn into blankets by the women8 4. tobacco – grown for barter 5. copper – mined for jewelry and trade9 Agricultural produce, skins and copper were used to buy cattle and goats with which one could acquire wives (Wentzel 1983(I):33,37). Livestock was then the pivotal connection between wealth and social and political status. However, livestock are not mentioned as an end in themselves, representing wealth, only as a means towards enlarging one's family. This exchange may have taken place through regional barter networks or through a tribute-redistribute process. Tribute is said to have been collected for the Mambo by Kalanga sub-chiefs from their people (Marconnes 1933:87, quoting Woods 1931). Redistribution may have taken the form of gifts, just as later the Munhumutapa sent cattle to those who mined gold (João de Barros 1552

10

This 'kusaidza', or 'mafisa' as it is called in Botswana, was explained to me as being more than the use of milk: the herdsmen of the royal herds of Seretse Khama, first President of Botswana, were allocated 10 cows and a bull per family to care for. Of the 10 calves born each year (provided there was not a drought), the family head and his wife received 2, the first born son received 2, and 6 went to Seretse Khama. Each year these cattle were allocated by the Head of the Herdsmen of the royal herds. In this way the chief's herds grew and so did the private herds of the herdsmen, who still today are fiercely loyal to the Khama family, although they are Basarwa (Khoesan) and BaKalanga (Golekwante Mogo, pers. comm., Foley, 1 June 2000) 11 Alcáçova refers to Changamire of Guruuswa, but Mudenge concludes that Changamire here was used as title for the king and that he was referring to the Togwa Mambo. Alcáçova recounted this incident 12-13 years after it is said to have taken place.

6

Lobengula, King of the Ndebele, used the Khami ruins for rainmaking ceremonies and had stationed an impi or regiment there to keep foreigners out (Cooke 1974:3, 16). 7 We must remember here that Khupe wrote in the early 19th century. Whether the same importance was placed on these in the earlier state period remains to be determined. 8 "And he must be a hunter and find the skins of small animals to be used in the women's courtyard for sewing blankets." Although he refers specifically to small skins, it is surprising that such work would be done by women, as leatherwork among Shona is done by men (Gelfand 1971:142). 9 Gold is not mentioned. This suggests that copper mining may have continued longer than gold production, or that copper was worked by ordinary folk and gold by the elite.

53

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN intermediaries, who bartered large quantities of goods for gold and ivory and that these traders were very honest (Marconnes 1933:82).

the magic and charms in his story should not be taken literally, it is corroborated by Rozvi chief Mbava (Posselt 1935:41) and by the Kalanga informant Bafi Matenge in Botswana (Gauthusi 1985:35-38), indicating that this indeed did take place.

Yet, Dos Santos wrote at the end of the 16th century that the people of Butua were preoccupied with breeding cattle, of which there were very many, and that they had little interest in digging for gold (Mudenge 1974:389). The foreign traders had no cattle to give in return, but they successfully stimulated a desire for imported luxury goods among the Shona, to the extent that many ordinary citizens acquired a string of glass beads and some India calico (Randles 1975:ch.VIII).

Who was Changamire? Mudenge (1988:47) concludes from Diogo de Alcáçova's report of 1506 that he had been a senior member of the Togwa dynasty, who had become a wealthy and influential Governor (amir) of the Munhumutapa, who had subsequently rebelled and deposed the ruler in 1490 and had ruled the Mutapa state for four years before being killed by the rightful heir to the throne (see also Beach 1998:69-70). Until 1547 there was conflict between his successor, Changamire Togwa II, and the Munhumutapa. We don't hear from this lineage again until the 1680s.

We have little further information from documents or traditions about trade and tribute in Butua during the Togwa period, apart from alleged abundance of cattle and gold. One informant (Makwati in Robinson 1959:159) said that the stones used in the construction of the buildings at Khami, the capital of Butua during the Togwa dynasty's reign, were brought as tribute to Mambo. This confirms the general assumption that monumental architecture reflects control over a sizeable labour force, and is symbolic for the power and status of the person for whom such a building was constructed. If this is reliable information, it is evidence that tribute was paid and not only in kind, but in labour. Such labourtribute is later referred to as 'hunde' or 'zhunde' and also took the form of agricultural work (Wentzel 1983 (I):35; Posselt 1935:151). Nkwanana Manokola told me that even in the 1920s the houses of Chief Meng'we were built by his subjects as 'zhunde' (H.T. Maitengwe, 12/2/1984, born 1901).

In the 1640s there was, allegedly, a rivalry between the Togwa Mambo and his younger brother. The latter married into a powerful Mwenye family (shona-speaking Muslim traders who still conducted much of the trade into the interior as middlemen at that time), and with the help of the Mwenye community he drove out the Mambo, who fled to Manyika. In 1644 the deposed Mambo returned to Butua, accompanied by the army of the Portuguese 'prazo'-holder (landowner) Sisnando Dias Bayão, who seized this opportunity to gain influence in gold-rich Butua. The deposed ruler was reinstated. Bayão left a small guard of musketeers behind in palisaded forts or chuambos, but he himself was killed on his return trip to Manyika (leaving no eyewitness account of Butua), and subsequently his forces were withdrawn from the Togwa capital (Beach 1980:201; Ellert 1993:23; Gray 1971:532 fn.9). This left the Mambo without much support. The death of many of the Mwenye in Butua during these wars can also be expected to have been disruptive to the long distance trade. There is little further information about Butua until the 1680s.

Chibundule had an army, but we know little about its size, organization and operations, apart from a defensive battle against the Rozvi-Nyayi of Changamire. They are said to have taken their women along on campaigns to cook for the warriors, as the Rozvi army is also reported to have done (Wentzel 1983 (I):81). Oral traditions in Botswana state that Chibundule only mobilized soldiers during war and that in general Kalanga were not warlike, but relied more on Mwali (God) (e.g. Bafi Matenge, H.T. Madandume 17/6/1984 in Gauthusi 1985:39), and Kumile confirms the reputation that Chibundule ruled with a soft switch and that the Kalanga were like the python, without poison (Wentzel 1983(I):31).

This foray into Butua gave the Portuguese renewed confidence that they could impose their will over the interior and they moved further inland, attempting to conquer the Mutapa State and Butua. Their oppression and lawlessness caused the eastern Shona much grief and led both to violent resistance and a gradual migration out of the affected area. It is at this time that we hear again of a Changamire, likely a descendant of the Changamire Togwa governors of the 15th-16th centuries.

Changamire take-over (1683-1696)

Like his namesake of the 15th century, Changamire is alleged to have been a close associate of the Munhumutapa initially, having been either the keeper of the Munhumutapa's cattle herds, and having used the ruler's herds to gain supporters (Beach 1980:138, 231, based on António de Conceição), or commander of the Mutapa army, who was charged with leading them to the territory of the Orobze (Rozvi), where he rebelled (Dionizio de Mello e Castro and Antonio Pinto de Miranda, in Randles 1979:29). This Rozvi territory was in the northeastern part of the plateau; Beach refers to it

Some time between 1683 and 1696 the leadership of the state was taken over by Changamire, an influential Karanga chief from the northeast of the plateau. An anonymous document from 1683 still refers to the ruler of Butua as 'Torwa' and that he was in friendly contact with the Portuguese, while in 1684 Changamire was reported to be "a black man ruling in Butua" and certainly by 1696 at the latest Changamire ruled over the whole of Butua (Beach 1980:201,233; Mudenge 1988:286-7). The Portuguese documents give no further details about this takeover, but this event is the focus of Kumile's account (Wentzel 1983(I):49-77;103-137), and although much of 54

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA subjects rather than through the established networks. In this atmosphere of violence and anarchy Changamire III rose to power as leader of the Rozvi of the moyo totem. Butua, with an already weak leadership, must have seemed too good a prize to pass up. As mentioned, there is little documentary evidence from the Portuguese of Changamire's take-over of the Mamboship of Butua. The few brief comments give the impression that it was quick and easy (Beach 1980:203); they do not even report whether it was a conquest in the sense of victory in battle. This can be explained by Mudenge's claim that Changamire I had been a senior member of the Togwa dynasty, in which case this would have been a succession struggle and not conquest by a foreigner. Rozvi traditions give the name of this Changamire conqueror as Dombo (Dombolakonachingwango) or Chikura (Chikurawadyembewu). They explain his takeover of power symbolically: there were two rulers in Butua, Chihunduru (or Ciwunduro = Chibundule) of the soko totem and Tumbare (Tumbale) of the bepe totem, each living on a hill as a symbol of their royalty. Chikura then arrived and had his own hill built, made of earth and with ivory steps, which was higher than either of the others, thereby indicating that he was mightier (Rozvi priest Mavudzi in Posselt 1935:142-3, Beach 1980:234).

Figure 7.5 Population movements from the 15th to 18th century

as the "Central Moyo Nuclear Area" (Figure 7.4), because moyo (heart) was the dominant totem there. Changamire became such a powerful figure, that for a while the Portuguese paid him a curva, a large trade tax (Beach 1980:231) and when they once neglected to send him this curva, he attacked them at Maungwe in Manyika.

For the most detailed account of the Changamire takeover, we must consult the Kalanga traditions recorded by Kumile, but this is repeated also by Bafi Matenge (H.T. Madandume 17/6/1984 in Gauthusi 1985:35-38) and by Rozvi chief Mbava (Posselt 1935:141). Interestingly, just as the Kalanga traditions do not speak of Tolwa/Togwa or Butua, the name Changamire also does not occur. Only one of my Kalanga informants in Botswana had heard of Changamire or Changamile as a Zezuru (Karanga) witchdoctor, who took over the Mamboship. Neither do they mention Dombo or Chikura. Instead, the conqueror of the country of the Kalanga is said to have been Nichasike, whose boyhood name was Chilisamhulu. Since both of these names occur in Changamire genealogies compiled from Rozvi traditions (Beach 1980:ch.7; Fortune 1956:73; Marodzi 1924:88; Posselt 1935:145; and Stanford Smith 1958:85; Figure 7.6), it is clear that the same Changamire conquest is meant. Nichasike came with his followers, the Nyayi, all of whom had moyo as totem. These Nyayi should be equated with the Rozvi warriors of Changamire Dombo/Chikura (Marconnes 1933:73; Wentzel 1983(II):57). 'Nyayi' means 'spy' (S. Masola in Robinson 1966:24; Wentzel 1983(I):139) and it is not hard to imagine why the Kalanga refer to the conquerors as such.12

Beach (1980) gives a number of reasons for Changamire's interest in Butua. He documents that over the centuries a circular series of migrations took place on the plateau, which he attributes to overcrowding and depletion of the environment: initially in the 15th century many moved from the Great Zimbabwe area northward to what became the Mutapa State and the Central Moyo Nuclear Area; then, from the latter part of the 17th century to the early 18th century many moyo and other Karanga groups moved from the northeast to the south and southwest (Figure 7.5), from where there were smaller migrations to the north and south in the 18th century and eastward in the 19th century. The drier climate after about 1675 coincides with the second wave of migrations. It may, similarly, have been the cause for the loss of power by the Togwa Mambo in Butua if he failed to bring rain for his farmers. The northeast was in the late 17th to early 18th century also subject to famine and disease. Epidemics of smallpox, measles and the plague, brought by the Europeans, struck in 1658 and again in 1715, when 200,000 died (Randles 1981:93,121). In addition, influential Portuguese bought vast tracts of gold-bearing land from the Munhumutapa and chiefs, and many Karanga families were thus dispossessed of their land. These prazo-holders ruled their territories virtually as independent white chiefdoms, where neither Portuguese nor Shona law applied. They also undermined the rule of the traditional chiefs by trading directly with the chiefs'

12

In the Nambya-Kalanga dictionary (a Rozvi-Kalanga dialect mixture; Moreno 1988) '-lilima' means "run off in a panic, as a group of people running for safety in all directions," rather than the plowing connection I have presumed. One wonders, of course, whether this meaning came to be ascribed to this name after the defeat by the Changamire or whether this meaning already existed for this word and the Togwa people were given that name after they fled. Similarly did 'Nyayi

55

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN The person, who best fits the bill for such a rival pretender is Tumbale. As we have learned, the Rozvi traditions mention two rulers or ruling families in Butua at the time that the Changamire arrived: Chibundule of the 'shoko' totem and Tumbale of the 'bepe' (calabash) totem. In contrast, the Kalanga traditions do not mention Tumbale in connection with the Togwa Mambo Chibundule, but rather list him as a Chief Councillor of Changamire-Nichasike after the latter's rise to power in Butua. Tumbale's father Ninhembwe, however, played an important role in the events leading up to the conquest, according to these traditions. Ninhembwe was at the time a Councillor (nkadzasha) of Changamire-Nichasike (Wentzel 1983(I):110-111). He was involved in three attempts to take Butua by trickery: first he was sent to investigate Chibundule's magic and to arrange for a test of magic strength between the two leaders. Then he was sent to arrange a joint hunt during which they planned to kill the Mambo. And thirdly, he was sent to arrange the marriage between Chibundule and Nichasike's daughter/sister Bagedze Moyo (Wentzel 1983 (I):49,51, 57,111). Other, independent traditions from the southwest border area of the Mutapa state (likely on the trade route between Butua and the Zambezi valley at the time) mention 'Tumbare' of the Togwa state as having helped certain chiefs to establish themselves there (Beach 1980:71, 202). It appears, therefore, that there was an influential Tumbale lineage in Butua during the period of Togwa rule, even though the Kalanga traditions do not acknowledge this. This same lineage appears to have helped the Changamire in his conquest and subsequently became influential during the reign of this second dynasty (Beach 1980:242). It is this Tumbale lineage, which may have provided Changamire with a foothold in Butua.

Chibundule could not be defeated, because he had very strong magical powers, with which he could, for example, cause a mist to rise through which the Nyayi army lost its sense of direction when they were sent to attack his country. In a nutshell, his magic was broken when Changamire-Nichasike gave his daughter (possibly sister) Bagedze Moyo in marriage to Chibundule and she cut off part of the braid on his fontanelle, which symbolized his power.13 The Nyayi warriors then attacked from all sides and there was a severe battle during which Chibundule fled to the Matombo a Bhuba mountains and "disappeared." Of course Chibundule's magic strength and how it came to be broken must not be taken literally. A myth involving a seduction is a common explanation for a takeover (Bourdillon 1987:104; Marconnes 1933:79). How then was the conquest accomplished? By brute force alone? There are a few hints. Changamire Chikura/Dlembeu is said to have been of the moyo totem, but his mother's lineage was shoko, the same totem the Togwa dynasty is said to have had (Wentzel 1983 (II): 95). It is possible, therefore, that the Togwa and Changamire lineages were related, either through marriage of the lineage founder, Changamire I, or marriage of Chikura's father, and again by intermarriage through Bagedze Moyo when Changamire-Nichasike arrived in Butua in the late 17th century. This second kinship bond may suggest that ChangamireNichasike at first had accepted a tributary relationship to the Togwa-Chibundule. A Rozvi informant put it this way: "'At that point the Rozi deceived him (Ciwunduro=Chibundule) saying: 'Now we give you on our side a wife that you may allow us to stay also here in this land with you'" (Fortune 1956:72). A gift of a bride to a chief is generally an indication of acceptance of subservience by her family (Posselt 1935:153, 157).

Butua during Changamire rule (1696-1831) Being aware of the undesirable influence and unruly behaviour of the Portuguese in the northeast, and their previous interference in the politics of the southwest, the Changamire Mambos prohibited them from entering Butua during their reign. There are, therefore, no eyewitness accounts of the state during this period. Nonetheless, the Portuguese did have contact with the people of Butua through commerce and military campaigns and their reports provide valuable insights. Add to this the information that can be gleaned from Rozvi and Kalanga traditions, and one can start to reconstruct the history and organization of the state.

The power struggle which is reported to have occurred in the 1640s had left a Mambo, who had needed a Portuguese army to be reinstated, suggesting that he had insufficient support within the state of Butua. Neither could he count on further help from the Portuguese, who were far away to the east of the plateau. It is possible that by 1683 a different Togwa Mambo reigned, but there remains the possibility of continued factionalism. If this was the case, all the Changamire needed to do was to support a rival pretender to the Mamboship and after a successful coup with the backing of the Rozvi-Nyayi warriors, it would not have taken much to have pushed this rival aside and to have taken up the Mamboship himself.

The Changamire Mambo dynasty A reconstruction of the Changamire ruling lineage is presented in Figure 7.6 and exemplifies the much greater detail of the oral history of the Changamire rule than the earlier Togwa period. This is based on the somewhat conflicting information supplied by Alpers (1970), Beach (1980), Fortune (1956), Marodzi (1924), Posselt (1935), Stanford Smith (1958), Von Sicard (1954), and Wentzel (1983). The order in which the names occur may not be completely correct and the relationships between successive Mambos, whether father and son or brothers, are also not clear. Succession ideally proceeded first

already mean 'spy' or did it acquire this meaning later? Other sources give the meaning of Banyayi as 'messengers of a chief' (Posselt 1935:135). 13 In the 19th century Kalanga wore their hair long, in contrast to Shona further east, who shaved their heads. Women wore it in three braids, one to the front, i.e. from the fontanelle, and one to each side, while men tied theirs in 'horns' standing upright.

56

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA

Figure 7.6 The Changamire dynasty. // sekuru-muzekuru relationship. Years of rule in brackets.

collaterally: brothers from the same house as the deceased Mambo (i.e. from the same mother), followed by brothers from more junior houses, and then lineally to the son of the eldest brother or senior house, so alternating houses (Posselt 1935:150). As one could not be chief over one's father or uncle, this ensured that the Mambo was always a senior or elder man (Bourdillon 1987:106).

This title Amir may very well have had an Arab origin. The prefix 'Ni-' (in ikalanga) or 'Ne-' (short for mwene or munhu in korekore, the northern Shona dialect, see Fig. 4.1) refers to Master or Lord (Wentzel 1983(II):21-22). We can derive these names then as follows: a. Cha-ng-amire: Governor 'Cha' ('ng' serving as linking infix for ease of pronunciation) b. Ni-cha-sike: Lord 'Cha', the Creator (ku-sika = to create), the First (Wentzel II:20). Similarly: c. Ni-cha-pingura: Lord 'Cha', the Churner of Milk d. Ni-cha-gadzi-ke: Lord 'Cha', the Installer (of chiefs) The prefix 'Ma-' is often found when a father of a chief is named, as a respectful plural, for example: Ma-kulu-kusa is the father of chief Nkusa: the father - the elder – of Nkusa.

Kumile writes predominantly about Nichasike, but the events of Nichasike's reign that are described span 150 years, from the overthrow of the Togwa ruler (1680s) to his own defeat by the Nguni (1830s). This can be explained by the custom that rulers take on the name of the first ruler in their dynastic lineage as a praise name. Hence, if Nichasike had been the first Changamire ruler over Butua, all subsequent Mambos of his lineage were also called Nichasike. The last Mambo had then as his own name Chirisamhuru and had the praise name Nichasike.

In Figure 7.6 rozvi versions of Mambo names have been given preference, since this was the dialect of the ruling dynasty; they differ mainly in the kalanga 'l' and rozvi 'r', the latter being a remnant of the karanga dialect spoken by the Rozvi when they were still in the Central Moyo Nuclear Area. Apart from this 'r' sound, rozvi spoken today is much closer to kalanga, virtually identical in vocabulary and syntax, than to the korekore and karanga dialects of the eastern Shona (Wentzel 1983 (III)), and this is a clear indication that the Changamire and other Rozvi immigrants adopted the dialect of the original inhabitants of Butua. I will also refer to the ruling

There is an interesting connection between the names Changamire and Nichasike, which may explain why the name 'Changamire' features in the Rozvi traditions and Portuguese documents, but not in the Kalanga traditions. Alcáçova (Randles 1975:17) wrote in 1506 about the Changamire, who had ousted the Munhumutapa in 1490: "... his name was Changamire and he was Minister of Justice, which one calls there 'amir', we say Governor ...". 57

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN Gathering as booty from all sides What is in the cattle kraal; People of the king's real wealth,19 Wealth in cloth wears out; Those who lie at Manyanga; Whose line of settlements stretches from the east

dynasty as 'Changamire' and their followers as 'Rozvi', as these were the names they continued to use for themselves. Changamire-Nichasike, then, was the conqueror of Butua and the first Changamire Mambo of the 'Cha' family and, therefore, known as 'the Creator'. His Kalanga praises are as follows:

to the furthermost west;

Those for whom all ills came to an end at Dzimbahwe;20

Who have guarded the bush country, Crowners of kingdoms;21

Nichasike, son of Maluzapi Son of Madlazwegwendo. The Venda of the Venda. The Shavi of the Shavi He, Nichasike, the Creator of the country Who created the elephant and the rhinoceros.14 He, the calf that butts its way in, The calf of the Creator of the country For whom there is not built with a pole,15 Which is destroyed by the worm And which is devoured by termites And is weakened and falls down, But for whom is built with a wall of stones, Which cannot be devoured by termites And which cannot be bored by a worm.

People with abundant wealth [Hodza & Fortune 1979:224-230]

Nichasike, or at least the first Changamire ruler of Butua, is reported by the Portuguese to have died in 1696 (Beach 1980:238) and to have been succeeded by his son Sebabee/Sebabec. More information is available about the various Mambos than can be given here. The last Mambo to rule Butua was Chirisamhuru ('herder of calves', so called for having reared a buffalo calf). He was killed in about 1835 by a Ngoni force and his death really heralded the end of the state, although Tohwechipi, Ntevere and Jiri were also proclaimed Mambo, but they ruled only over a remnant of Rozvi and related followers after having fled to the east (Beach 1980:266-277). Luwanika is said to have fled across the Zambezi at that time.

And he is said to have praised himself thus: It is I, Nichasike, who has created the country I have conquered and I am the Mambo of this country For I have built and I have extended the country of Chibundule I have ruled it and built and reinforced it. That which will eat the kingdom Where will it come from? [Wentzel 1983 (I):5-7,141,191,203]

Political and administrative organization The Mambo had several close advisers or makulukoto (Wentzel 1983(I):7, 101). One of four Chief Councillors was Nhale of the moyo totem, who was the father of Meng'we who later came to rule over eastern Botswana.

Most of these praises speak for themselves; some are again tantalizingly open to interpretation, such as "the creator of the elephant and the rhinoceros." Others refer to confusing Kalanga traditions that the Nyayi came from Venda and that -Shavi is the Venda name for the Lemba traders who lived among them, such that Nichasike claimed to be the leader of the Venda and Shavi as well. Later emigrations of a Rozvi group to Vendaland and a 'shava' group to the north are discussed below. The elaborate stone walled ruins of the Changamire rulers will be discussed in the next chapter.

Another Chief Councillor was Mabhaya Gomo, the father of Tumbale of the 'bepe' (calabash) totem (Wentzel 1983 (I):101). After the conquest or coup Tumbale adopted the moyo totem to further identify with the new ruling group of Rozvi-Nyayi (Beach 1980:202). Tumbale became the second most powerful individual in Butua and his posts as Highest General of the Armies and Chief Collector of Tribute were inherited by the Tumbale lineage. Furthermore, the head of this lineage acted as regent after the death of a Mambo until the next head of state was chosen (Nenguwo in Mudenge 1974:375). His praises include the following phrases:

The traditional Rozvi clan praises also have some revealing verses: ... Abounding in milk; You who welcome subjects;16 Keeper and master of the earth;17 Lord of the people; Ant-heap surrounded by abundant sorghum;18 Calf-herd; Capital with many cattle;

He is Tumbale, he of bhepe of Nhaba, Of Nhaba with crafty plans; The ones without crafty plans have perished. The antheap of Nhaba, the antheap surrounded by abundant sorghum He, the bravest of the brave, the hero of heroes. He, the eater of the countries, [Wentzel 1983(I):7,143,149-150,151,193,219]

14

compare with Chibundule's praise that he gave shelter to the elephant and the rhinoceros 15 pole palisades and pole-and-dhaka house walls 16 including immigrants 17 A chief is given a handful of soil at installation to signify he 'owns' the land 18 Ant-heap soil, having come from deep in the ground, is rich in trace elements and makes a good fertilizer, as is known by Shona farmers (Bourdillon 1987:76). It is, therefore, also sometimes eaten.

His crafty plans seem to have allowed him to survive a change in leadership and come out even more powerful, 19

Subjects are his real wealth or people kept by his wealth. A Mambo's capital residence is called the Dzimbahwe or zimbabwe. 21 refers to installation of chiefs by Mambo 20

58

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA

Figure 7.7 Butua under the Changamire dynasty (1685-1835). Grey area under direct control of the rulers. Singo, Shangwe and Nambya were chiefdoms established by Rozvi emigrants. Dashed arrows = sphere of influence. Hatched area of Bulilima gwa Meng'we is the focus of this study.

since they also led to many victories in battle. He was so powerful that the Portuguese of Manyika and Zumbo sent tributes not only to Mambo, but also to Tumbale.

is customary to appoint a senior woman of the patrilineage over all the women instead of an in-law, whose loyalties may have lain with her own patriline.

Then there was Ninjigwe, the keeper of the gun of Mambo Nichasike:

The four Chief Councillors, the Great Diviner and the Leader of the Women, as well as the 'sekuru' houses of Nerwande and Mavudzi formed Mambo's dale (council), who advised him at his khuta (court and men's meeting place) on all matters of state. They represented the military, the priesthood, women and regional government and also expressed public opinion from all walks of life, all ethnic origins, both Rozvi and Togwa-Kalanga, as well as the wishes of the ancestors and the High God Mwali. Priests could not only advise, but warn and reprimand the Mambo. Many of these advisory posts were inherited by the lineages founded by these first advisors, and so these positions, not being filled by appointees of individual Mambos, could serve as check on the rule of a Mambo, since they were so powerful that they could oust him, as they did Changamire-Baswi (Mudenge 1974:376).

He, the crasher of rocks. He, who throws the skin, the shot of the gun. [Wentzel 1983(I):7,191]

This 'gun' was very famous, and people recited its praises. It refers to the four Portuguese cannon, which the Mambo Nichasike acquired, probably as booty in one of the attacks on the Portuguese feiras, most likely Dambarara, and which he kept at the capital (Anon. Portuguese document in Mudenge 1974:378; Ellert 1993:56,59)). Two such cannon were found at Danang'ombe, also known as Dhlo-Dhlo Ruin (White 1903:18), which, therefore, identifies this site as the capital during Changamire rule. Another close adviser of Nichasike was Ngomane, the Chief diviner. His totem was 'gumbo' (leg) and again the reference to 'rain leg' comes to mind, divining rain having been one of his tasks.

The Mambos are reported to have had five residences (Wentzel 1983(I):17): one for protection in the Matopos or Mabwe aDziba Mountains, a small Zimbabwe at ThabazikaMambo or Manyanga, one near the Muguze (Mgesa?) river, one at the Inyati Mountain, and one at Zimbabwe; apart from Manyanga, these are a bit difficult to identify. It was said that the capital was bordered on the east side by the Shangani River (Fortune 1956:80), and this is further evidence that the ruin Danang'ombe/Dhlo-Dhlo was the capital (Figure 7.7). Later, during Gumboremvura's rule it may have been moved to Manyanga or ThabazikaMambo, where Chirisamhuru is said to have been slain.

Two lineages related to the Mambos as 'sekuru' (mother's brother) became confidants to Mambo and later influential priests and official rainmakers. And finally, there was Bagedze Moyo, the daughter or sister of Nichasike, who broke Chibundule's magic powers. She was given a share of the wealth of the country and she was made the leader of the women, in charge of all women's work (Wentzel 1983(I):139). Note that she was of the Changamire/Nichasike lineage and it 59

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN which was occupied by the royal lineage, other moyo and non-moyo Rozvi, and know virtually nothing of the area further west, so the Kalanga traditions ignore the Rozvi area. Kumile gives the extent of the state as from the Mangwe to the Muntowotsi (Motloutse) and from the origin of the Nata river to 'the Salt'. In Botswana Mambo is known to have ruled from the Motloutse to Gwelo. This area was known as 'Bulilima-gwa-Meng'we',24 meaning the country of the Lilima, who were ruled by Meng'we (Woto 1976:2; Gauthusi 1985:7).

Mambo also ordered residences to be built for his councillors: for Tumbale at Nhaba hill near Inyanti just east of the Bembezi, and for Ngomane, the Chief Diviner, at Chananze Hill, for example (Wentzel 1983(I):143). 22 Mambo controlled the area around the capital directly. The regions around this were ruled by branches of the royal family (machinda (karanga), bazinda (lilimakalanga)) in compensation for their loss of eligibility to the Mamboship, which is a Shona custom (Beach 1980:239; Robinson 1959:160; Figure 7.7) and Mambo ordered residences built for them. Just northwest of this core area, on the Bubi river, were the 'sekuru' houses of the lineage of the mother's brother of Mambo Chikurawadyembeu (Figure 7.7). They were considered Rozvi, although not of the moyo totem. Other moyo and non-moyo Rozvi lived also around the core area. Some of these had come with the Changamire from the northeast of the plateau, others were original citizens of the old Butua under the Togwa dynasty, who collaborated with Changamire in his conquest of Butua or who came to be associated later with the new regime and adopted the Rozvi name. The close association of these groups with the ruling dynasty was further cemented by the installation of their chiefs or 'boshe' by Mambo (Posselt 1935:157), and by intermarriage, these chiefs being given sisters or daughters of Mambo in marriage and giving daughters to Mambo as wife. Some of these groups then adopted the moyo totem, as did the Tumbale lineage, as a sign of their identification with the new rulers.

The Kalanga of Botswana divide themselves into three groups: the Lilima and the Nyayi, who are both considered Kalanga dumbo, or true, original Kalanga, and groups of immigrants, who have been assimilated and who are now also considered Kalanga (Van Waarden 1988). The Nyayi of Botswana have the totem moyo and speak a slightly different dialect from the lilima dialect. Both are now classified as Western Shona dialects (Wentzel 1983(III)), but I am not certain that the Nyayi dialect of Botswana is identical to the Rozvi dialect of Western Shona as spoken in Zimbabwe. Botswana's Nyayi are clearly of Rozvi origin: Kumile calls Nichasike's warriors and followers Nyayi instead of Rozvi; both have moyo as totem; and the foremost Nyayi lineage in Botswana is that of Meng'we, who was the son of Nhale, the Chief Councillor of the Changamire Mambo 'Nichasike'. Meng'we was sent to rule over Bulilima, on behalf of Mambo. He is said to have been "the teeth of the countryside" or "Meno eshango" (hence 'Meng'we'), or Mambo's teeth, which chew information before swallowing it and passing it on to Mambo (Van Waarden 1988).

Rozvi traditions refer to a Kalanga ruler 'Ndumba' as ruling the region west of the Bembezi and Beach (1980:234), therefore, concludes that the Bembezi was the western boundary of the Changamire state proper, areas further west at most being tributary.

Mambo ordered a residence to be built for Nhale at Chongogwe. Chongogwe or 'Tshongogwe' became the praise name for Meng'we. The praise: "He, Chongogwe is the very high mountain which appears in the distance" (Wentzel 1983: 7) may be cryptic for "he is the important chief in far away Bulilima." The traditional area of residence for the Meng'we chiefs has been along the Maitengwe river, where the present chief also lives. None of the Meng'we chiefs is remembered as having lived in a stone-walled residence or on a hill and there is no recollection of a hill Tshongogwe.

Wentzel (vol. II:96-97) suggests that 'Ndumba' is the sindebele version of Tumbale.23 If this is correct, then Tumbale would have controlled the area between the core of the state that was controlled directly by the Changamire mambos and their families, and the original population or Kalanga dumbo to the west. This was the core of the former state and includes Khami, abandoned by then. Just as Rozvi traditions only cover the area of the state,

The oral traditions of the Lilima give some indications that suggest that they were descendants of the original inhabitants of Butua, who were conquered by the Nyayi (Van Waarden 1988), although the Lilima of today are not aware of this. They do acknowledge the Nyayi as senior to them, however.

22

There are over 300 stone-walled ruins known in Zimbabwe and it should be possible to identify some with specific rulers. I am not familiar enough with the ruins and physiography of Zimbabwe to positively identify any sites mentioned in the oral histories, apart from Danang'ombe and Manyanga. 23 According to Wentzel 'Indumba', short for 'ENtumbane' is Sindebele for 'kuTumbale', the later name for the hill Nhaba where Tumbale lived and where Mzilikazi was later buried; i.e. the sindebele 'Ndumba' is 'Tumbale' in ikalanga, suggesting that the area west of the Bembezi was ruled by Councillor Tumbale. Interestingly, 'Tumbale' is a praise name for the chiefly lineage Habangana of the people of Mapoka in Botswana, who are Bakalanga dumbo, called Bayela. They have 'mbizi', zebra as totem. (Chief George Makhabana Habangana, pers. comm. 1998; Balule 1988:11; Ng'anga Bogobe, H.T. Maitengwe 24/8/84 born 1904, in Gauthusi 1985:72; Tjedza 1(2) 1988:11). The origin and meaning of this praise name are no longer known

First of all, the founder of the chiefly lineage of the Wumbe, who are by far the largest and most senior group of Lilima, is said to have been a certain 'Tshibundule'. They have no recollection of a Mambo Chibundule, however; no personal name of any Mambo is known. This Wumbe chief Tshibundule was engaged in a power 24

Including the current Bulilima and Mangwe districts in Zimbabwe.

60

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA Outside the state were three areas of Rozvi emigrants, who associated themselves with the Rozvi of Butua, but who were independent. There was also a wide region, stretching to the Zambezi and Manyika, where Mambo had some influence and occasionally interfered in internal politics with the aid of the Rozvi army and sometimes demanded tribute (Figure 7.7; Beach 1980:273).

struggle with Mambo and lost. The magic tricks used in this power struggle are the same as Kumile relates as having been used in the power struggle between Chibundule and Nichasike, but these may be standard versions of a power struggle. Furthermore, the praise to Mambo Chibundule: "He, the one who washes with milk, because the water has tadpoles in it," also occurs in the praise poems of the Nshakashogwe branch of the Wumbe and of the Senete people, who are also Lilima. Another clue is the fancy pottery, known as polychrome band-andpanel ware, which was found at Khami, the capital of Butua during Togwa rule. This pottery is said to have been made by women of the Humbe [=Wumbe] or Lilima people (Robinson 1959:161). This fancy ware was made already from the very beginning of the Togwa period, around 1450, well before the Changamire conquest.

Population movements, emigrants and immigrants Both Rozvi (Fortune 1956:83) and Kalanga (Kumile in Wentzel 1983(I):177) traditions recount that the Changamire Mambo had powerful war drums, which were strengthened annually by Ngomane, the Great Diviner,26 using children or young men, who were captured from subject tribes and made into medicine. Among the subject tribes from whom children were taken, were the houses of Nerwande and Tumbale (Fortune 1956:83), both with possible Togwa connections. Others mentioned were the people of Mazuwe, Makulukusa and Misole, all with the tshibelu (African hoopoo) totem, and these fled to Dalahunde (Ntalaote) to save their youngsters (Wentzel 1983(I):181). Makulukusa, Mazuwe and Misole today are branches of the Wumbe-Lilima of northeastern Botswana (see footnote 12). This then is a further indication that they had been from the original Butua population under the Togwa rulers, who were made subjects and fled from the core of the new state, most likely because their young men were recruited into the Rozvi-Nyayi army (symbolically: put in the war drums), as an indication of their submission to the new rulers. Their emigration was also likely precipitated by population pressure and confiscation of their land, which was given to incoming Rozvi groups instead.

Bulilima-gwa-Meng'we then was ruled over by the lineage of the Chief Councillor of the Mambo, a moyo Nyayi lineage, and the Mambo himself did not rule directly over this region. Because of this decentralization, the rulers were only known in Botswana as Mambo and many think of Mambo as having been one individual rather than a whole dynasty of rulers. Mambo was generally loved and honoured and the country is remembered as having been at peace.25 The inhabitants of Bulilima-gwa-Meng'we paid a regular tribute of game skins to Mambo, but the Wumbe say that they did not pay tribute to Meng'we, suggesting that Lilima chiefs still retained power over their own people. Other regional Rozvi-Nyayi chiefly lineages, who ruled on behalf of the Mambo were Gwangwava in the present Charter District, the house of Tandi at Mahungwe over Makoni and his people and possibly the house of Nerwande over the Mangwende (Mudenge 1974:384).

Dalaunde or Ntalaote (Setswana) was the elder brother of Meng'we and the Talaote people are still considered the senior branch of the Nyayi of Botswana, but because the Talaote had become scattered, Meng'we became the senior chief of the area. There is evidence from oral histories that BaTalaote had moved to Shoshong from north of Tutume by 1750 when the Bakaa arrived there, and they were also said to have settled in Serowe and Mmadinare in about 1800 (Figure 7.5). In the late 18th century the Talaote were ousted from Shoshong by the BaNgwato and moved to Mosu and the Boteti (Figure 7.5; Campbell 1980:73,197,199,367). What this suggests is that Ntalaote controlled an area south of Meng'we, from the Motloutse River to Shoshong (Figure 7.7).

To summarize then, various zones can be recognized in Butua during the reign of the Changamire dynasty from 1696-1831 (Figure 7.7): a. the area immediately around the capital stood under direct rule of the Mambo b. around this the lands were given to members of the royal family, bazinda, who were moyo Rozvi on the paternal side, the Rozvi elite. c. outside this zone lands were allocated to close associates of the royal family: the sekuru houses and other moyo and non-moyo Rozvi. d. Tumbale/Ndumba controlled the area of the core of the former state around Khami, between the Rozvi and the Lilima. e. a zone of Kalanga, including part of the population of the state under the previous regime, tribute-paying citizens of the state, who were ruled by moyo Nyayi regional chiefs for the Mambo, such as the Lilima under Meng'we. f. a zone of groups, who were sometimes tributary, sometimes independent (Beach 1980:273).

The Lilima are said to have separated from the other Kalanga shortly after the conquest by Changamire (Marodzi 1924:88), referring then to their move, initially southwestward towards 'Dalaunde'. Ntalaote controlled an area that was probably outside the direct influence of the new Mambo. Later the Lilima moved north, remaining west of the Ramokgwebane and Maitengwe Rivers. Apart from the Lilima, descendants of the original

25

The noun for 'honour' in lilima today is 'Mambo' (Kalanga Bible Translation Project wordlist)

26

61

'ngoma' = drum; cf. Ndebele 'sangoma' = diviner/doctor

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN population of Butua, who moved out of the core of the state, there were three groups of 'Rozvi', who also left during the 18th century, but who left the state altogether.

Meng'we (Van Waarden 1988). Population pressure in the south led to the splitting up of Sotho, Tswana and later Nguni groups. Many of these splinter groups moved north into Botswana. The highveld of Zimbabwe, hence Butua, must have been very inviting with its good rains, fertile soils and green pastures.

First there were a number of movements northward, from the early to mid-18th century. They moved around the sandveld via the Mafungavusi plateau to the Deka and Matetsi valleys (Figure 7.5), where they were ruled by the Hwange dynasty and came to be known as the Nambya or Nanzwa (Hemans 1912-13). They were soko and shava Rozvi, who recently claimed to have had an earlier moyo totem (Posselt 1935:150), but Beach (1980:259) thought that among the first of these groups who settled in the Deka valley were probably descendants of Togwa groups. The likely reason for this move, as for the move of the Lilima westward, was rivalry over land within the core of the state. There are claims that they were an extension of Changamire power, but it is not certain that this was the case; they had certainly lost close contact with the state, although at least once they asked Changamire to choose a new leader (Beach 1980:259). In general they were independent, although within range of the Rozvi army.

According to their oral history, a group of Pedi left the Transvaal in the late 18th century in search of a good paramount chief and had heard of Mambo and the country of the Kalanga. They accepted Mambo's rule, sent him tribute, acknowledged Meng'we as the senior chief of the area and learned ikalanga. However, recent archaeological discoveries of sites with Moloko pottery27 along the Motloutse River at Letsibogo show the presence of a Sotho-Tswana group, most likely Pedi, at the border of Butua already since the 16th century (Campbell et al. 1995). They consider themselves now Kalanga and are settled among the Lilima of Tutume where they make up the Selolwane ward, and have established villages of their own at Nswazwi, Masunga, Nkange and Marapong. Their totem is kgupe, the hare. Another group, the Khurutshe-Tswana may have arrived in Bulilima in the late 18th century. With a few exceptions, they did not assimilate into the Kalanga group, but remained independent. Their relationship with Meng'we and with Mambo is not clear, but there is no record of hostilities.

The second group, led by Chireya (or Sileya) conquered the Mafungabusi plateau, known for its salt pans, ivory and tobacco and took over the Shangwe confederacy, which was the area from the Umniati to the Zambezi to the sandveld (Figures 7.5, 7.7). This was also a strategic position across the trade route between Butua and the Portuguese feira of Zumbo (Marconnes 1933:78-79, quoting NADA 1927:65 and 1924:77; Beach 1980:260).

Integration The challenge to the Changamire rulers was to integrate the different ethnic elements into one state. They did this, first of all, by appeasing potential rivals to the Mamboship by allocating portions of the state for them to settle with their own people or to govern over subject groups. Powerful lineages of the Togwa state were drawn in by appointing them to influential posts, such as Tumbale becoming a Chief Councillor and Commander of the Army. Intermarriage with such influential Togwa lineages further strengthened their allegiance and especially the Nerwande and Mavudzi houses became strong allies. Such intermarriage also smoothed the changeover by the new rulers, the latter even making an effort to assimilate by adopting the Kalanga dialect.

In the beginning of the 18th century a group of Rozvi of the Changamire dynasty went south, crossed the Limpopo, and came to rule over Vendaland, the Soutpansberg area (Huffman and Hanisch 1987; Loubser 1989,1992; Beach 1980:212-218). These rulers became known as the Singo dynasty. Again, Beach suggests that they moved out because of a shortage of land within the core of the state, but being of the royal family it is hard to believe that there was no room for them; would they not have had the power to oust some tributary groups? Some royal dispute seems more likely, although there is no evidence either way. The area they came to rule had previously been the Thovela state of the Venda. Prior to the arrival of the Singo dynasty, several Shona lineages were already in Thovela, such as the Tavhatsindi, the Twamamba and the Lembetu; it is possible that they came during the Togwa dynasty's rule. Venda during the Singo dynasty was independent of the Changamire state. Indeed, the Shona immigrants adopted many of the Venda customs, such as initiation schools and some of their religious practices.

The allegiance of subject groups was controlled by the custom known as ku-gadza she, which gave the Mambo the right to appoint or approve and install chiefs and headmen. I am the Rozvi who stand here. I, the Rozvi, give you authority today. As you stand before the people, I call you chief today..... We give you authority to judge and punish all lawbreakers, Among your kindred as among the strangers. Today you are made a knife that cuts evenly on every side.

The arrival of the Nyayi-Rozvi on the southwest of the plateau then seems to have precipitated movements out of the core area by earlier inhabitants towards the west and north and even various Rozvi groups moved on. Still, migration into Butua continued as new groups settled on the edges of the state, especially on the south side of the plateau (Beach 1980:ch.8) and also in Bulilima-gwa-

27

Moloko pottery is considered a precursor to historic Sotho and Tswana pottery and Moloko sites are, therefore, considered to have been occupied by early Sotho-Tswana people.

62

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA Have no one whom you hate or whom you love more than another. You are the chief of everyone, Father of orphans and of those who suffer. Here is a handful of soil, hold it in both hands. That shows you will rule the land and eat its fruit. Go, pasture and guard every creature, big and small, in the land in which you are. [Hodza and Fortune 1979:8-9]

from the state ruler to the various chiefs, who by accepting this, reaffirmed their loyalty. In turn they then passed the fire on to their subjects. In the assimilation of immigrant groups, the adoption of the ikalanga dialect played an important role. The Changamire lineage and its Rozvi followers themselves adopted ikalanga (although they retained the 'r' sound), rather than maintaining the Karanga dialect as a distinct marker that kept them separated from the original Kalanga. In Botswana the adoption of ikalanga was considered a requirement for acceptance into the state.

As a sign of their status such chiefs were given certain symbols of office. Important chiefs carried a large sheathed knife, known as mucho-mucho, and wore a flowing colorful garment with a train, which was carried by one or more attendants. Ordinary chiefs wore a cloth head cover in a variety of colours, a chirembá which was a ndoro or conch shell whorl, and carried a staff, called tswimbo (Posselt 1935:10; Hodza and Fortune 1979:9). Black and white cloth was sent as part of the regalia according to Rozvi chief Mbava (Marconnes 1933:77; see also Mudenge 1974:388). It is not known whether this was a custom already during the Togwa dynasty.28 Neither is it clear whether the Mambo himself was the installer of chiefs, or whether this was the role of a brother or paternal uncle. There is no indication that the Lilima chiefs, who came under Meng'we, were also subject to approval by the Mambo. Meng'we, however, is known to have interfered in the Wumbe chiefly succession at least once, supporting Nkuse in ousting his father, the ruling chief Makulukusa.

All subject people paid an annual tribute to Mambo, mupeta waMambo or in kalanga luketo, another confirmation of their vassal status and acceptance of his overrule. All Nyayi and all Lilima in Botswana did, as well as all immigrant groups to the area, with the possible exception of the Bakhurutshe, a large Tswana group, which did not assimilate into Kalanga society. Tribute was paid with tobacco, skins/furs, iron objects (hoes, axes, weapons), ivory, livestock, cloth, beads, gold, grain, whatever a region could produce (Posselt 1935:156; Mudenge 1974:383;Robinson 1959:164). It was collected by banyamai (Karanga) or nkethisi (bakhethisi) in ikalanga, tribute collectors, who were selected headmen, who could not be relatives of Mambo (Posselt 1935:156), this no doubt to check any undue accumulation of wealth by potential rivals to the Mamboship. Apart from tribute in kind, it was also paid in the form of labour or zhunde. This extended from the family level to the national level. Wives tended a field for their husband, and the yield was kept in his granary, and kept aside for emergencies and famine (Wentzel 1983(I):41). Similarly, a son-in-law worked for his wife's parents in a practice called 'ku-garira'. Among the Rozvi this took the place of a bride price or lobola (Posselt 1935:153). Zhunde for the local chief meant mainly agricultural work, the villagers working his fields; these harvest were used to feed those working his fields, as well as guests to the chief's khuta and destitutes, and served his subjects in time of famine (Posselt 1935:151). As mentioned, zhunde labourers also probably built and maintained the chief's houses.

The handful of soil given to a chief upon installation indicates another important measure: Changamire also allocated land (ku-vera-nyika) to the various groups in the state. Presumably the chiefs in turn allocated land to their subjects. In the west Meng'we is known to have allocated land to Pedi immigrant groups. To essentially farming communities, land is of course crucial. Together with kuronzera (use loan of cattle, which was discussed before), kuveranyika served to create loyalty among the peasant population. Only followers or tributary people, who accepted Mambo's or Meng'we's rule would be given land and possibly cattle. Intermarriage with subject chiefs and councillors to strengthen allegiance is also reported (Posselt 1935:153, 157), Mambo giving royal women in marriage and subject chiefs in turn giving a sister or daughter to be Mambo's wife. Mambo is said to have had wives in many villages (Posselt 1935:153), no doubt acting as his eyes and ears. No specific case of intermarriage is known with the Lilima of Botswana, however, suggesting that this custom also was not extended to this region.

It is not clear how labour tribute was used at the national level, whether as army service, agricultural work or construction. There is conflicting information in the traditions about large scale construction projects for the elite during Changamire rule. On the one hand, Kumile reports in Nichasike's praise poem, that there was built for him "with a wall of stones" and that he had residences built for his councillors and relatives (Wentzel 1983(I):5, 143). According to Posselt (1935:152), however, stone walls were built only during Gumboremvura's reign, these being defensive, against Nguni raids and that otherwise the Mambos (presumably the Changamire lineage), did not have stone dwellings built, but frequently occupied ancient ruins, probably former Togwa residences. The Hwange lineage of Rozvi, who settled to the northwest are known to have had stone walled capitals, but at least one of these, Bumbuzi Ruins,

Another integrative measure may have been an annual rekindling of the fires as was custom in the Mutapa State (Randles 1975:88). For this ceremony all fires throughout the state were extinguished and a new fire was issued 28

Posselt describes such customs as during the reign of Mambo, not specifying further. Unless otherwise indicated, I assume that the traditions he recorded refer to the later, Changamire period. Mudenge and Hodza and Fortune refer to investiture during Changamire rule.

63

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN controlled by the ruling family, indoctrinated the young not only into the rules of marriage and the secrets of religion, but also into the operations of the state and their duties as citizens. There is no evidence from traditions or documents that initiation schools were held in Butua. The Rozvi did not practice circumcision, one of the major aspects of most initiation practices (Posselt 1935:135). Traditional ways of coming of age of Shona and Kalanga girls and boys in Zimbabwe, involved instruction and ceremonies that were carried out for the individual, not group initiation (Rozvi traditions: Posselt 1935:135; Shona:Gelfand 1960:36-37;Kalanga: Wentzel 1983(I):1925, 35-39). A girl would be prepared for marriage under the tutelage of the 'mbongá', a chosen unmarried woman of the chief's patriline, often sister of the chief, who guards the charms of the clan (Hodza and Fortune 1979:5-16). The Shona and Kalanga similarly did not have age-regiments, unlike the Tswana, where such groups represented a cohort, which had undergone initiation together and which was called upon from time to time to perform duties for the tribe. Instead Kalanga may have relied on neighbourhood work parties as was the case in recent times. Also, the Kalanga in Botswana say that they admired the Tshizwina-Rolong, a group of Tswana immigrants, for their initiation school, since the Kalanga did not have this practice; some Kalanga started to send their children to the Tshizwina school to be "taught obedience and character" (Sebina 1947:92-93; Van Waarden 1988: Kgomotso Mulopo, H.T. Nswazwi 1984). Venda culture has a strong Sotho influence (e.g. Loubser 1988) and this is likely where the Venda initiation practices originated from.

is said to have been the work of Lilima, who were paid as workmen by the Nambya (Robinson 1959:161). Posselt (1935:152) was told that there had been three classes of labourers used in this construction: the carriers, the stonecutters and the builders. The Venda still build stonewalled residences for their chiefs today. In return for tribute, subject groups normally could expect to enjoy the benefits of the state, i.e. allocation of land, securing of fertility and rain through religious ceremonies, food in time of drought, protection against enemies, immunity against raids by the Rozvi army, as well as cotton cloth and glass beads from the Portuguese trade. Changamire Mambo Baswi failed to provide food and seeds for his people and this 'mad' Mambo was, therefore, deposed. There were, however, also many instances in the eastern and southeastern parts of the state, where tributary people were attacked and ousted by new arrivals, but the Rozvi army failed to support them (Beach 1980:274). Instead, as long as these newcomers became tributary as well, the rulers seemed to have cared little who their subjects were. In Bulilima-gwa-Meng'we Meng'we was given the task of controlling the integration process. The Nswazwi-Pedi, for example, ... arrived in the Meng'we area before the ploughing season and a man in charge of Mambo's royal granaries (Dhula le zhunde) reported them to Mambo... Mambo gave instructions that they should be fed from the granaries and during the ploughing season they were given seeds to sow. They were given areas to search land. They in turn accepted Meng'we's rule and began paying tribute in the form of skins. They were also accepted in the political structure of the Meng'we people in that they were given a ward of their own. The ward handled such cases as theft and other minor ones, and cases such as involved murder were referred to Meng'we. Through intermarriage and continued association between the Ntombo29 (Nswazwi) and Meng'we people, the Ntombo as a minority began to assimilate some of the cultural traits like language from the Kalanga of Meng'we. ... The administration was arranged hierarchically in that the head was Mambo, whose immediate follower was Meng'we. Next to Meng'we were the ward heads who were responsible for collecting tribute and settling minor disputes among their people. Tribute was in the form of skins and grain. Grain would be stored and used in feeding Mambo's standing army, some of whose members were chosen from the Ntombo (Nswazwi)... who at this time were referring to themselves as Bakalanga. [Pharo 1983: 4-5]30

Economy and commercial relations Trade, both regional and international, played an important role in the economy and politics of Butua during Changamire rule, but, just as during the earlier Togwa period, the basis of the economy was agropastoral, grain and livestock, most of the population being subsistence farmers, who in their spare time might hunt, mine or produce specific crafts for trade or tribute. The income of the Mambo and other ruling elite, and, therefore, for the maintenance of the state system, must have been largely based on tribute or tax, and this tribute in turn redistributed, served to spread out essential commodities throughout the state. As mentioned, Butua was rich in resources: gold, copper, iron, ivory and other game products, salt in the most western part, and the environment was well suited for livestock and crops. Little information is available on local production and local or regional trade during the Changamire period, with the result that the long distance trade, which was documented by the Portuguese, tends to be overemphasized.

Initiation schools played an important integrative role in societies such as those of the Sotho-Tswana and the Venda. Because of the historic connection between the Venda and the Shona, Huffman (1984, 1996b) assumes that the Shona similarly had initiation schools which, 29

For example, was there any specialization? According to Kumile, each family mined for copper: "Each family went to the copper carrying the stones which had to be smelted at the enclosure for the big drum and the furnace for melting the ore" (Wentzel 1983:39). Yet, according to

Ntombo is the praise name for the Nswazwi men. Oral history of the Nswazwi - Pedi was recorded in the 1980s. Their predecessors may have been the Moloko people who lived along the Motloutse river at Letsibogo from the 16th century, but the Nswazwi royal genealogy suggests that they moved into Bulilima-gwa-Meng'we probably in the late 18th century. 30

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BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA (kalanga),31 was made from cotton and was as highly prized as imported cotton cloth. The local cloth-making industry particularly boomed in the lower Zambezi valley and the East coast lowveld, where domesticated cotton was grown and traded against the cattle and gold of the plateau (Randles 1975:82). The spinning and weaving of cotton most likely had been introduced by the Arabs, and although it did not become as big an industry in Butua as in the Zambezi valley, nevertheless cotton was woven into cloth by the Kalanga, a task done by men, and especially cloth dyed black was highly valued (Mauch 1969:233).

Posselt, smithing during this period was reserved for a kind of caste, and families, who did this work, were held in great esteem (Randles 1975:76). In the area of Chief Chibi, between the Lundi and Tokwe rivers iron was particularly abundant and Bent, visiting in 1891, reported whole villages specializing in iron smelting, while others specialized in pottery: In Chibi's country iron-smelting is a great industry. Here whole villages devote all their time and energies to it, tilling no land and keeping no cattle, but exchanging their iron-headed assegais, barbed arrowheads, and field tools for grain and such domestic commodities as they may require. I am told also of villages which, after the same fashion, have a monopoly of pot-making. This industry is mostly carried on by the women, who deftly build up with clay, on round stands made for the purpose, large pots for domestic use, which they scrape smooth with large shells kept for this object, and then they give them a sort of black glaze with plumbago. In exchange for one of these pots they get as much grain as it will hold. [Bent 1893:45-46]

We know little of how local trade or trade between regions within the state was organized, whether there were standard exchange values (suggested by a clay pot being exchanged for its contents in grain), and whether there were local travelling merchants at the time, such as the Lemba among the Venda and as there were middlemen for the long distance trade with the Portuguese. Posselt (1935:12 fn.1) mentions local traders or peddlers, called mushabi, who carried axes, knives, etc. for barter. Trade was certainly not so organized that there were regular local markets. The only markets were the Portuguese feiras and before these the Arab bazaars for the international trade. Figure 7.8 gives an impression how long distance trade may have been carried out, although the photo was probably taken around 1900 in Mashonaland.

The Chibi dynasty had migrated from Manyika in the early 1700s and had become tributary to the Changamire (Alpers 1970:216). Similarly Njanja blacksmiths at Mount Wedza, west of the Lundi River, developed a highly successful iron industry, trading their hoes over a wide area (Beach 1980:312), but these specialists generally operated independently from Changamire rule (Beach 1980:336).

Long distance or international trade I During the 18th century much of the trade between the

The Nswazwi-Pedi of Bulilima were also noted for their smithing expertise. They were not full-time specialists, however, but also planted crops and tended their herds.

Portuguese and Butua was conducted via Zumbo on the Zambezi (Randles 1975:61; Mudenge 1974, 1988; Ellert 1993:76-82; Figure 7.7). The former Portuguese feiras had been abandoned after Rozvi attacks on Manyika and were not revived, except for Dambarare briefly in 1769. Zumbo had been founded about 1720 by a métis from Goa and reached its zenith between 1726 and 1751 due to the hard work of Portuguese missionary Pedro da Santissima Trindade. Trade through Zumbo declined in the 1760s, but picked up again after 1769 (Mudenge 1988:316-317). Since no whites were allowed into Butua, trade between Zumbo and the Rozvi capital was conducted via intermediaries, known as vashambadzi, black travelling merchants in the service of the muzungos, as the Portuguese and Indians were known. The journey into Butua from Zumbo and the return trip took a year in all, so trade turnover was very slow (Newitt 1973:78). Muzungos, or their mixed offspring known as mwanamuzungo (Ellert 1993), came up from Tete by boat, portaging around the Caborra Bassa falls. On the way they had to pay taxes to the Munhumutapa and still they ran the risk of being robbed of their goods by opposition factions in Mutapa. Francisco de Mello e Castro complained in 1750 that the vashambadzi

As skilled iron workers the Ntombo (Nswazwi) made hoes..., guns, rings and razors... Those (among them) who were skilled in this art were recognized in society and considered to be rich. Hence they occupied higher positions in society. The products of that iron ore could be exchanged for skin dresses and blankets and could also be used as a form of lobola and for buying servants... [Pharo 1983:4-5]

A survey of craft producers in the Northeast District in the 1990s showed that many specialists were foreigners or learned from parents who had been foreigners. Craft production may have been a way for immigrants to find a niche in an established society, especially if they were not immediately allocated enough land to be self-sufficient farmers (Van Waarden research project for Supa-Ngwao Museum). Much of the iron and copper and some of the gold was used in the state itself rather than for export, and made into tools and jewelry. Other luxury objects for local trade were carved out of ivory, soapstone and shells. A local cloth, machira (karanga) or jila (plur. matjila)

31 In the Nambya-Kalanga dialect cotton thread is luchinda or unchinda (plur. michinda) and note that royal princes are called machinda in Shona – could there be a connection? In Kalanga thread is thali and a royal prince a nzinda, however.

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CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN basketload of ore of each mining day, may have been given to Mambo as a tax, as was the case in the Mutapa state (Randles 1975:97). With the techniques available, and given the nature of the gold deposits, such a system, whereby villagers mined in their spare time and sent gold as tribute, was more effective than had Mambo owned the mines and ordered them worked by a labour force. Gold as tribute served both political and economic purposes. If subjects were allowed to trade, everybody benefitted. It is likely that the Mambo's main income from international trade was the annual tax or kuruva (known by the Portuguese as curva), which he exacted from the Portuguese for the privilege of trading in the interior. I have as yet found little information about the size of this tax, but the tax sent from Zumbo to the Rozvi Mambo in the 18th century included firearms and gunpowder (Gray 1971:532 fn.7, based on a letter from Zumbo dated 29 March 1781).

Figure 7.8 Ivory trade caravan 1896, probably Mashonaland. Note cotton cloth wrap skirts. [National Archives of Zimbabwe, photo 4865]

frequently took off with the goods to the detriment of the Portuguese (Randles 1975:119).

According to Beach (1980:246) most gold mining areas still operating towards the end of the Changamire rule were in central and eastern Shona areas, outside the state core proper. In addition, most gold mines had been worked as far as possible with the existing technology, since they had been dug down to the water table. The export figures for gold tend to confirm this decline in the gold trade (Table 7.1; Randles 1975:44,57,113.

In 1772 a rival to the Munhumutapa blockaded Zumbo (Alpers 1970:207), but was driven away with the help of the Rozvi army, and again in 1780 they came to the rescue (Mudenge 1988:319,339). Nevertheless, this seems to have emphasized the need for an alternative trade post, and in the second half of the 18th century the Portuguese were allowed to open a feira in Manyika, which came to be known as Macequece or Chipangura (Figure 7.7). The Mambo even sent his army to help in the construction of a fortress for the whites and to enforce his terms of trade (Beach 1980:244).

The Arab figures are hearsay from Portuguese and may have been exaggerated (Randles 1979:79), but a definite decline in gold exports occurred when the Portuguese took over in the early 16th century. They themselves blamed it on the civil wars which took place around that time, as trade between the Munhumutapa and Sofala was blocked by a Danda chief from 1519 to the early 1540s (Ellert 1993:8). The Portuguese style of trading differed, however, from that of the Arabs (who spoke shona, for example), and it also took a while before the Portuguese realized that Indian cotton cloth and beads were the fashion and not European linen, woolen cloth or the Venetian beads of the time (Randles 1979:80). The figures are official figures, not including private trade.

The main trade goods, as before, were gold and ivory for cloth and beads, but other luxury goods also came in from Zumbo: sombreiros, sea shells, rosaries of fake coral, handkerchiefs, chinese porcelain, brass bells, scissors, candles and brandy (Mudenge 1974:387), as well as muzzle-loaders, lead and gunpowder (Ellert 1993:78). According to the Portuguese, the Mambo controlled this trade. All gold had to be submitted to him. Vassal chiefs were prohibited from owning any, on pain of death (Randles 1979:61). It remains to be shown, however, how real this monopoly was. Other Portuguese documents about the trade from Zumbo suggest that the vashambadzi did not only trade between Zumbo and Mambo's court, but that they bartered their goods in all gold bearing regions of Butua, trading directly with the villages (Mudenge 1974:386). Although gold, ivory, beads and cloth were sent by some chiefs as tribute to Mambo, it is not known whether they sent all that they had of these commodities. Rather than owning all the gold and ivory and requiring subjects to obtain these for him as tribute, Mambo may have allowed them to own part of these materials; a Shona chief was given one tusk of every elephant killed (Summers 1971:206), for example. Presumably the hunter was allowed to keep the other tusk and trade it himself. Whether the chief then traded that one tusk or gave it to the Mambo, is not clear. Similarly only a portion of the gold mined, such as the first

The figures for the 16th and 17th century are for the whole region, whereas the 18th century figures are the exports from Butua only, making for a somewhat unreliable comparison. Nonetheless, a steady increase from the late 16th through the 17th century is evident as the Portuguese trade expanded. In 1552 João de Barros (Décadas de Asia I, liv.X,Cap1 in Randles 1979:80) reported that 5000 elephants were killed per year, which would amount to about 500,000 kg of ivory.32 Ivory had been the bulk of the exports from Sofala in the 17th century, but no figures are available for that period. Other figures are given in Table 7.1.

32

Tusks vary from 7-107 kg in weight. If on average tusks of 50 kg were taken, then 5000 elephants represent c. 500,000 kg of ivory.

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BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA Table 7.1. Export figures for gold and ivory (Ellert 1993:7-8; Randles 1975:113-115, 1979:79-80; Summers 1969:182) GOLD Togwa period (c.1450-1683) th End 15 century 1508 200-300 miticals 1513 6500-7000 miticals 1513-14 25029 miticals 1514 20000 miticals 1519 552.5 miticals 1591 1610 1631 15000-20000 miticals 1667

7,650-8,500 kg/year 1-1.4 kg 30-32 kg 117 kg 93.6 kg 2.6 kg 716 kg 850 kg 70-93.6 kg 1,487.5 kg

Changamire period (c. 1696-1830) 1696 10000 miticals 1750 1758 1762 1806 1820

46.8 kg 212.5-255 kg 425 kg 297.5 kg 28.8-51 kg 10.98 kg

IVORY Togwa period 1513-14 Changamire period 1758 1762 1806

25,000 kg 23,500 kg 141,000-164,500 kg 47,000kg

Arab trade via Sofala and Angoche Sofala (8 months) purchased by De Soares of Sofala exported by Portuguese to India (9 months) whole region whole region Karangaland whole region gold+ivory Manyika Butua alone ibid. ibid. through Quelimane alone ibid.

purchased by De Soares of Sofala whole region whole region whole region

Note: 1 matical or mithqal (arabic) = c. 0.165 oz = c. 4.68 g. 1 pasta = 100 miticals. 1 matical = 8 tangas (18th cent. Mozambique) = 1.5 xerafins (beginning 17th century) = 467 reis (mid 16th century) (Mudenge 1988:XV, XVIII)

The only other export figure is 46,000 kg of copper in 1762 (Randles 1975:115), which is surprisingly high, considering that little mention is made of this resource at all. It is unlikely that such a large amount was exported only in that year and comparable quantities may have been traded from the 15th century (copper ingots and wire found at Ingombe Ilede) through the 18th century.

inhabited in 1820, but finally destroyed in 1836 (Ellert 1993; Mudenge 1988). The Munhumutapas gained tribute and taxes from trade between the Portuguese and Rozvi between Tete and Zumbo. International trade was important in Butua, but the economy probably did not depend on it (Mudenge 1974), nor did it influence politics there to the extent that it did in the Mutapa state, where the political structure was manipulated by the Portuguese. Locally produced luxury goods were just as highly prized, and trade between regions within southern Africa, although poorly understood at present, may also have been important; the Kalanga obtained dogs from the Batswana, for example (Robinson 1959:164).

In the second half of the 18th century exports of gold from Butua declined, but ivory export figures are higher. The slave trade also became more and more profitable. Most of the slaves came from north of the Zambezi and there is no evidence of slaves being taken from Butua.33 The low figures for gold and ivory exports in the 19th century are also due to the gradual departure of the Portuguese from the East coast, as they lost control of the ports further north. The decline in trade coincided with a drastic decline in profits, as cotton and glass beads became more commonly available. Arabs are reported to have made a profit of 100:1, while Portuguese profits, which stood at about 30:1 in 1569, dropped to 2:1 in 1616 (Randles 1975:116).

Military power In order to maintain this vast state, control its subjects and exact tribute from them, as well as be able to control the long distance trade, the Changamire Mambos were backed by a powerful army. In 1684 Changamire and his Rozvi army routed the Portuguese in the Battle for Maungwe in Manyika, when they had neglected to send him the annual curva or trade tribute, quickly followed by a major defeat of Munhumutapa Mukombwe, who had attempted to invade Butua (Ellert 1993:28; Gray 1971:533; Mudenge 1988:286-287; Randles 1979:37; based on Conceição and Caetano de Mello de Castro). In 1693 he attacked the Feira of Dambarara, encouraged by the Munhumutapa,

Zumbo was abandoned in 1780, destroyed in 1804, then reoccupied, closed again in 1813, again reconstructed and 33

Newitt (1973:221) gives figures for the period 1815-1830 of 10,000 slaves taken from Mozambique to Brazil and 7000 for French islands in the Indian Ocean per year. In 1830 Quelimane is said to have been the most important slaving port in Africa. The slave trade was banned by Portugal in 1836, but by the 1880s some still exported from Mozambique.

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CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN and killed all the Portuguese there (Mudenge 1988:289296; Newitt 1973:71; Posselt 1935:209-210). From these battles the Rozvi warriors gained their reputation as extremely fearsome, brutal and invincible. They were so greatly feared and respected that even a rumour of their approach was enough for the Portuguese to vacate the other feiras on the plateau and even longstanding settlements such as Tete and Sena (Beach 1980:232; Mudenge 1988:ch.8). The Portuguese were attacked at Manyika a second time and the Rozvi took all Portuguese residents of the feiras of the region prisoner (not clear how many) and took them to Butua, where Changamire gave them land and women in return for maintaining his palace. When the captain of Sena pleaded for their release, Mambo sent him two pots full of gold, but the prisoners were never allowed to return (Randles 1979:37, 58). Even in 1735 Fr. Simão Santa Thomás still tried to obtain their release, but to no avail (Mudenge 1988:301); this suggests that they were still in Butua after 40 years.

A messenger of Changamire installed him on the throne and gave him the necessary directions.' " In this fashion Changamire established his supremacy over the entire plateau region. The Portuguese were banned from the plateau and recognized the Changamire by paying a tribute, this being reported for 1759, for example (Posselt 1935:11). In 1743 2,000 Rozvi warriors were sent to Zumbo to aid the Portuguese against a particularly aggressive Munhumutapa. On their way back from this campaign the forces got out of control and robbed some vashambadzi traders of 500 pastas of gold, being about 234 kg. This is the only such incident known; the army was generally reported as very disciplined. When the Mambo heard of this rebellion, he sent another army to annihilate the rebel soldiers (Mudenge 1974:380;1988:303). They returned to Zumbo in 1772 to relieve it from a blockade by the Munhumutapa (Mudenge 1974:380), and around 1780 3,000 warriors were sent once more to support the Portuguese at Zumbo, while at the same time a large force was in Manyika to help with (or supervise) the construction of the new Portuguese feira there.

In 1831 a servant of Changamire told Juliao da Silva that the Changamire has three 'cungomes' (literally: drums), which I suppose to be big houses made of stone, and four big artillery pieces, very rusty on the ground... The Changamire owns numerous rifles, which have been provided by the people of Senna, as well as pigs and beautiful dogs. [Randles 1975:62; Beach 1980:278].

The army was divided into regiments or missoca under the command of a cabo. These cabos stood under inhabezes or generals, who in turn were instructed by Tumbale, the highest general. Mambo was the Commander-in-Chief (Mudenge 1974:377-8).

Rumour had it that those three buildings had been built by the Portuguese; if so, the builders were likely those taken prisoner in Manyika. As mentioned, the cannon were probably booty from the sacking of the feira of Dambarara in 1693. Muskets, or at least powder and balls, were traded to the Shona from 1521 onward (Randles 1975:44), but never seem to have played a major role in warfare; they would have been cumbersome to carry and load and were often inaccurate. Trade guns were of notoriously poor quality (Smith 1975:123).

The Rozvi army is alleged to have gone into battle with their women, as did the Togwa army; they carried food supplies, fetched water and cooked for the troops (Wentzel 1983(I):81). This allowed the army to go on longer campaigns, whereas otherwise a three day foray was considered the limit, after which local supplies had to be raided. Rozvi warriors also brought their own food, although Pharo (1983:4-5) noted that Nswazwi tributary grain was used to feed the army. The call to war was "Chisadza mhomwe," i.e. "fill your bags with porridge." In battle the main body or viatte was flanked by two horns or mulomo acumba, with some in the rear tending to the wounded and replenishing the fighters and preventing a retreat (Mudenge 1974:378).

Rozvi attacks on Manyika ended in 1696, when Sebabee, the son of Changamire, withdrew to Butua on his father's death, because his succession was threatened. Thereafter he made peace with the Portuguese. Manyika became a vassal region of Butua, which relationship lasted until about 1806 (Randles 1975:58). The Munhumutapa had been attacked by the Rozvi in 1693 and overthrown and from then on both the Mambo and the Portuguese interfered with the Mutapa succession, putting rival claimants on the throne (Mudenge 1988:ch.8;Newitt 1973:71-72).34 A Portuguese document (Posselt 1935:139) stated that " 'each succeeding Manamotapa was by the grace of the Changamire, for out of his hand he received the empire.

The success of their campaigns has been ascribed to the magic power of the war drums. These drums were sounded by Tumbale after Mambo's cannon had been shot off to call up the army (Fortune 1956:83), and then the drums were carried into battle. When the enemy was located, the drums were opened and out came the sacred bees or worms, which stung the enemy and killed them (Wentzel 1983(I):179; Fortune 1956:84). These stinging insects refer most likely to the arrows, which the warriors were known to have shot, in contrast to groups like Tswana and Nguni, who attacked with spears. According to Posselt's informants (1935:34,42) the arrows were

34

As Newitt (1973:71-72) put it, the chieftaincy of the Munhumutapa "had become the plaything of the two real powers in central Africa, the Changamire and the Portuguese." "The Portuguese writers maintained the fiction of the 'empire' of Mwene Mutapa, aware that their claims to territory in central Africa (which they were to drag out again in the 1890s) rested on the formal concessions made by the Mwene Mutapas in the 17th century."

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BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA poisoned.35 The symptoms of the 'stings' are similar to those of San arrow poison, which is obtained from larvae ('worms') of a certain beetle, either instant death or the affected enemy would shake his head and loose his grip on his spear (Wentzel 1983(I):179). This would explain the belief among Portuguese soldiers at Sena that the "Rozvi Mambo had magic oil with which he could kill anyone simply by touching the person with it" (Mudenge 1974:379).

rise against the British and even the Ndebele consulted the Mwali oracle (Ranger 1967). There is no doubt that this was a powerful religious institution in the 19th century, and even today offerings are sent from the Kalanga in Botswana to the oracle shrine at Njelele in Zimbabwe to ask for rain. It is most certainly incorrect to extend this Cave cult and the power of its priests back to the Togwa state and even to Great Zimbabwe. The Kalanga traditions are quite clear about this:

Other tactics were 'fire', to disorient the enemy through the smoke and cause them to burn their feet on the embers, and 'sleep', possibly by poisoning the food and water supply. Apart from bows and arrows, the warriors fought with spears, shields, battle axes, daggers and bludgeons, and the army had guns and cannon, as mentioned.

Now during the time of the rule of Nichasike, quickly there arrived the tribe of Lubimbi, also coming from Venda country. They were the ones who came with Mwali into this country. They were the ones of Lubimbi of Mwali, the great one, the Venda who arrived in this country and found Mambo Nichasike ruling. So then they entered under Mambo and were ruled by him. They brought their chief priest Sabaswi, the father of Npininga, the grandfather of Jenje... And Mambo loved Mwali dearly. He took gifts to Mwali all the time, being obedient in everything... And Mwali also honoured Mambo greatly and gave him strength to defeat other tribes. [Wentzel 1983(I): 77-79].

Although Tumbale is by some sources said to have been the highest general, Kumile mentions two armies: one led by Tumbale, and the other, being "Mambo's own army," led by Ninjigwe, the gun keeper, and later both Hambale (formerly the great Diviner of Chibundule) and Mazile were commanders of Mambo's army. Nhale too was at one point the leader of the army (Wentzel 1983(I)):111).

Beach concluded from all the evidence he had been able to gather, that Mwali or Mwari, had been the Shona High God, and that the Shona (Rozvi) who went to Vendaland adopted the Venda practice of associating the High God, known by the Venda as Raluvhimba, with a cave. This syncretic form of Mwali worship was subsequently reintroduced into Butua in the late 18th century.

This large and well organized army gave the Mambos the diplomatic and political leverage, which they used not only to keep control in the state and levy tribute, but also to dictate terms of trade with the Portuguese and to interfere in the politics of Manyika and Mutapa. Yet, it is not certain that this was a full-time force. Apart from the campaigns during the period of conquest in the late 17th century and the few occasions that an army was sent to Zumbo or Manyika, there is little evidence of operations. There certainly was no standing army among the tributary people. Warriors, otherwise engaged in tending livestock, may very well only have been called up for specific campaigns. The only reference to a standing army is that of the Nswazwi youths being chosen to join it (Pharo 1983:4-5). This information was provided by two nonNswazwi informants in the 1980s and its reliability is, therefore, not certain, but it is possible that young men of tributary groups were required to serve in the army.

Oral histories state that, in earlier times, ceremonies to ask Mwali for rain were held at Mambo's place at Khami (Robinson 1959:161,162). It is possible that Changamire did not have enough of a connection to the land, having originated elsewhere, to take over the rain ceremonies from Chibundule, and needed an alternative in the form of the Njelele oracle.36 Mwali was the High God, who brought or withheld rain and fertility. He was, however, not involved in personal lives and was not prayed to directly, but he could be propitiated through the spirits of the ancestors (badzimu). The dead played an important role in the lives of their living relatives and much of Kalanga religion centred around the badzimu, both in family problems and national issues. Religious ceremonies involved libations to the badzimu, drumming, singing and dancing, until someone fell into trance, serving as host (svikiro) to a nzimu, who would talk to those gathered. The badzimu of the Mambo could intercede with Mwali on behalf of the nation. The Mambo himself did not serve as medium for the royal badzimu, but rather spoke with his ancestors through a senior spirit medium or mhondoro. There is no evidence

The Mambos themselves only had a small bodyguard of young unmarried men, the g'wanan'wana or in kalanga mwanamwana (='grandchildren'?) (Beach 1980:245). Religion A lot has been written about the so-called 'Mwali Cave Cult', as having been the unifying factor in the Changamire State, giving the Mambos, who were appointed with divine sanction, powerful control over their subjects, while in turn the priests or mediums of Mwali served as check on the power of the Mambos. These priests of Mwali later helped to unify the Shona to

36

There are many examples of former 'owners of the land' coming to play an important role in rain ceremonies. For example, Joshua Nkomo, leader of the Ndebele and of the freedom movement ZAPU in the 1980s is known to have worshipped at the Njelele shrine of the Kalanga. Similarly, a Kalanga Mwali shrine in Botswana was established in the 1970s adjacent to prehistoric Khoesan rock paintings made by the 'ancients', owners of the land.

35

Similarly, the Shangwe army in battle had let loose their bees, and shot down many Rozvis with their poisoned arrows (Marconnes 1933:79).

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CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN that the Mambo was a religious or sacred leader or divine king, other than that the Changamire Mambo Chikurawadyembewu is said to have been the son of a union between Hanawu, daughter of Nerwande, and Mwali and he was, therefore, said to be of divine origin.

Meng'we from Mambo, and it is to the chief that Mambo's tribute would have been paid. In contrast, during Togwa Mambo rule the area that is now northeastern Botswana was in the core of the state and the farmers of the villages, which we will be studying, would have lived a few days walking, about 100 km, from the state capital. They may have gone there for labour tribute, even to pray to Mwali. Lilima women are said to have gone from this area (south of Plumtree) to Khami to make pots, as tribute presumably, after which they returned home (Mbita in Robinson 1959:161). We could expect, therefore, that during Togwa rule the ordinary people here were more directly involved in the state and probably also benefitted more because of this association.

In the 19th century certain mhondoro mediums, such as the Chaminuka and Nehande mediums, became quite influential in the Shona uprising against the Ndebele and more recently in the Chimurenga war of independence, possibly because of a power vacuum as there was no ruling Mambo. There is, however, no evidence that spirit mediums in the past were powerful. As was mentioned, both the Togwa and Changamire Mambos had as one of their councillors a Great Diviner, who had as one of his tasks to divine rain. The relationship of the Great Diviner to the royal badzimu is not known.

In the next chapters I will discuss the archaeological evidence of Butua. The reconstruction of Butua and its history from documentary and oral traditions provides an initial framework for the archaeological evidence, but it is also, in turn, added to and checked by these physical remains.

That the Mambos were revered, is quite clear from the oral histories, but their power was not received as divine right, although sanctioned by the ancestral spirits, but rather by an army and the peace and economic stability of the land.

In this way many clues can be woven together towards a reconstruction of the past, clues that confirm or contradict, and are often puzzling or frustratingly incomplete, leaving a prehistoric tapestry, which has as yet many holes and frayed ends, but which is already exciting in its colourful detail.

Conclusions This reconstruction of the Butua state shows that there is a lot more information from oral history and documents about the Changamire period, after 1685, than about the Togwa period, as can be expected. Interestingly, we will see that the reverse is true for archaeological evidence. The Changamire Mambos established their capital at Danang'ombe (1696-1830s), about 100 km east of the Togwa Mambos' capital at Khami (c.1450-1683). Note that the earlier capital lay outside the core of the Rozvi state and outside direct control of the Changamire Mambos. During the Togwa Mambos' rule the peasantry of the state were probably Balilima. After the Changamire dynasty took over, Lilima groups moved out of the core area, westward, to Botswana and Meng'we was appointed chief over this western province. Although Bulilima-gwaMeng'we was part of the state, the Changamire did not control this area directly. We have seen that during the Changamire period the state was divided into various regions, ruled over by chiefly lineages, who were appointed by the Mambo. Most ordinary citizens living in the area that is now northeastern Botswana, probably never saw the Changamire Mambo or his capital and may only have had a vague concept of the 'state' or nyika. They would have known about Meng'we as a Nzinda chief, as Mambo's representative, but their world would have centred more around their chief or she and the bushe or chiefdom in which they lived, as it was the chief and headmen who would have allocated land and loaned cattle to the farmers, even if acknowledging that these came via 70

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA Table 7.2 Overview of the Shona states. Period AD

State

Capital

Extent

1290-1425

Zimbabwe

Great Zimbabwe Zimbabwe Plateau, but influence to Mozambique and Sowa Pan

1425-1685

Butua Khami (Khami phase)

1696-1830s

Butua Danang'ombe (Rozvi phase)

Ruling lineage ?

Ethnic group ancestral Karanga

Trade route

Climate

WoolandaleGreat ZimbabweSofala-Kilwa

dry

Southwestern plateau, eastern Botswana, northern South Africa Southwest and central plateau, northeast Botswana; satellites in Venda, Wange, Shangwe

Chibundule or LilimaTogwa Kalanga

via Ingombe Ilede - wet Angoche 1500-1675

Changamire (Nichasike in kalanga)

Kalanga (Lilima and Rozvi/ Nyayi)

via Zumbo-SenaQuelimane

wet 1790-1810

1450-1750

Mutapa or Mukaranga

various walled zimbabwe

Northeast plateau and Zambezi valley

(Munhumutapa title)

KorekoreShona

to Sena-TeteSofala

1750-1830s

Mutapa

various palisaded zimbabwe

Zambezi valley

(Munhumutapa title)

KorekoreShona

to Sena-TeteSofala

71

dry 1685-1780

wet 1500-1675 dry 1685-1780 wet 1790-1810

8. ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE OF BUTUA ELITE SITES Quite a lot of information is now available from archaeological sites of the Butua state, from capitals to small homesteads. Although the emphasis of this study is on ordinary people, in order to understand their relationship to the state and its ruling class, I shall discuss the entire hierarchy of sites here and in the next section focus on commoner sites.

Bakalanga of Botswana today do not have a special word for their leaders' residences, but say nzi wa she, the village of the chief, etc., and chiefly residences today are generally also indistinct from other homesteads, apart from their location behind the khuta. Stone-walled ruins are either called Luswingo (plural Maswingo), which I understand to mean 'ruined walls', or Toranjo, a Khoe word meaning 'built by God'.

There are about 420 stone-walled ruins of the Zimbabwe Tradition known in Zimbabwe (probably some duplication as some ruins may be known by more than one name). In Botswana there are 106 such sites reported, 27 in South Africa's Limpopo Province, 4 in Mozambique and one on the border of Zimbabwe, Botswana and South Africa (Figure 3.3). These are spread over an enormous area and span six centuries. Much of the literature about these sites has involved classification in an effort to identify their temporal and hierarchical relations, as it is not always obvious which period they belong to (Chipunza 1994, Garlake 1970a, Summers 1958b, Whitty 1959). This has been like groping in the dark, because so little excavation has taken place since the advent of radiocarbon dating that only 20 of these 558 have been dated and, therefore, there are few temporal pegs on which to hang classifications.

I will refer to a Mambo's palace as a 'zimbabgwe' and other ruins as 'muzinda' (plural mizinda), following Huffman and Hanisch (1987) and Huffman (1996b). According to Mudenge (1988) 'zimbabwe' was reserved for the residence of the king in the Mutapa state and may come from zimba = houses of mabgwe = stone (but cf. Wentzel 1983(II):33-34). A chief's palace was called muzinda. These are karanga-shona words. 'Zimbabgwe' is an acceptable kalanga word as well, but there is now no equivalent for muzinda. As, however, the word nzinda exists in kalanga for royal prince, muzinda is probably also appropriate for chiefly residences in Butua. Classification by period None of the classification schemes are fully satisfactory in practice.3

Terminology It is important, of course, to separate the elite sites of Butua from the Zimbabwe and Mutapa states. This has to be done mainly on the basis of architectural attributes. Separating sites of the Khami phase and the Rozvi phase is a second step, combining radiocarbon dates, imported ceramics, some architectural developments and a cautious use of oral traditions, which link specific Mambos or events to specific sites.

I will use the terms 'Butua period', comprising a 'Khami phase' and 'Rozvi phase'.1 As the language of the Butua state was most probably ikalanga, with the lilima dialect relating to the Khami phase and the rozvi dialect spoken by the elite during the Rozvi phase, the current kalanga words are the most likely to have been used in the past as well.

Three areas of Butua have received extensive work, consisting of both survey and excavation: the area around Mount Buhwa at the Lundi-Engezi confluence (Huffman 1978), the northern Transvaal and Soutpansberg area (Huffman and Hanisch 1987; Loubser 1989) and our project area of northeastern Botswana. All three of these are in the outer zones of the state. No intensive regional survey has yet been undertaken in the heart of the state, although excavations have been carried out at the capitals Khami and Danang'ombe and the major elite sites Zinjanja and Naletale.

Kalanga today distinguish five levels of settlement, reflecting socio-political units: nyika = the country; bushe = the chiefdom2, ntuthu = the ward, nzi = village and nzana = homestead (Table 8.1). Chiefs and headmen are all addressed as She, but there is a word Nzinda for royal prince or royal, senior chief, although rarely used now. Similarly, the word Mambo refers to the king in the past and is not currently used for the country's leader. 1

Archaeologists have usually referred to the Butua state period as the 'Khami period', after the capital of the Togwa Mambos. It is not strictly correct to use this for the period of Changamire rule, of course. 'Khami period' is so ensconced in the literature, however, and sites have been entered into the national sites register with this label, so the terminology I propose is a compromise. To be consistent one would have to use 'Danang'ombe phase', but this is long and difficult to remember by some; similarly 'Changamire' is a long word, hence I will use 'Rozvi' phase. I have previously used 'Chibundule phase' and 'Nichasike phase' (Van Waarden 1991c,1998), but they are too difficult to remember. 2 Although in Anthropology 'chiefdom' and 'state' refer to degrees of socio-political complexity of a polity and are usually considered different stages in cultural evolution, to the Kalanga the nyika consists of a number of bushe, which is translated as chiefdoms (e.g. the 'chiefdom' of Habangana).

In all three surveyed regions, different sizes of sites have been encountered with correspondingly different amounts of stone walling. Excavations at Buhwa and in the 3

This leads to disagreements among archaeologists. Huffman's allocation of sites to Khami Period or Great Zimbabwe period in his Snakes and Crocodiles (1996:7) differs from Swan's (1994:154-159) list of ruins in Zimbabwe by 5 of his 30 Khami period sites and he also makes no distinction between sites of the two phases: Khami and Rozvi, nor sites outside Butua proper, but considers them all "the ethnographic present."

72

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA Table 8.1 Settlement hierarchy terminology Spatial unit

Socio-political unit

Leader

Leader's residence

English Kalanga Karanga Husband NLUME Head of family NSHOLO E NSHA

Kalanga NG'UMBA [ZIMBA]

English Kalanga Karanga Home- NZANA Mana stead [MIZANA]

family (nuclear or polygamous)

Village

NZI [MIZI]

extended family

Ward

NTUTHU Dunhu intermarried Headman [MITUTHU] [Matunhu] group of families

District BUSHE

Musha

Nyika

Region/ BUSHE Province or NYIKA Country NYIKA

Nyika

1 or Nzana subunit of 1

Homestead

1

Nzi

Village

SHE WE NTUTHU Sadunhu NZI WA NTUTHU Nzanga

2

Muzinda Headman's [Mizinda] residence

SHE [BOSHE]

Muzinda District chief's palace

Lineage headNSHOLO WE NZI Samusha NZI WA NSHOLO or NTUNGAMILI

sub-chiefdom

Chief

chiefdom

Royal Prince NZINDA Senior chief [BAZINDA]

state

Karanga Imba [Zimba]

King

Site Archaeological site level

Ishe NZI WA SHE [Madzishe]

Muzinda [Mizinda]

3

?

(Muzinda)

4/5 Muzinda Chief's palace

[Machinda]

MAMBO [BOMAMBO]

Mambo [Madzimambo]

ZIMBABGWE Dzimbahwe 6

Zimbabgwe King's palace

In addition: Councillors/ MAKOTA Elders Chief Councillors

MAKULUKOTA/ BAKADZASHA

Note: In the above table ikalanga (lilima dialect) words are indicated in capital letters, plurals in [brackets], karanga words in italics and the words to be used in this archaeological study in bold type. Examples: the Bomambo of the Togwa lineage ruled from their Zimbabgwe at Khami over the Bakalanga of the nyika 'Butua', also known as Bukalanga. Domboshaba is believed to have been the muzinda of a Nzinda, whereas Selolwe is believed to have been the muzinda of a She. Bodumatau is an example of a Muzinda of a She we Ntuthu or Ward Headman. The village of Vumba is a Nzi that consists of a number of Mizana or family units. I am indebted to the Kalanga Bible Translation Project, Mike Rodewald, Rev. Mothiki and Dr. Chebanne for clarifying the ikalanga terms. Karanga words have been taken from Mudenge (1988), Bourdillon (1987), Hodza and Fortune (1979) and Posselt (1935:157)

northern Transvaal concentrated on large elite sites. It was, therefore, one of the priorities of the TARP project to investigate smaller elite sites and unwalled commoner sites. The excavations at Vumba, Phoenix and Letsibogo, to some extent Bole Hill and at Selolwe extend our knowledge to the full range of sites and make it possible to reconstruct a profile of Butua during the Khami phase from peasants to elite to the Mambo, so making up for the paucity of documentary and traditional information on this first phase of Butua. In contrast, archaeological evidence for the Rozvi phase is much more limited and our reconstruction has to rely more heavily on the historical data. Some archaeological information is also available about prehistoric mines and Portuguese feiras and this can serve as check on the historical data on regional and international trade.

exfoliating naturally in large sheets, which can easily be broken up with fire, water and wedges into tabular blocks. The use of such quarried stone distinguishes the Zimbabwe Tradition sites from other traditions of stone building in southern Africa, such as the earlier Woolandale walling. Other types of rock, such as sandstone, quartzite, schist and calcrete have also been used, although their breakage is less predictable. The stone architecture is characterized by dry stone technique (no mortar used) and adjoining walls are not keyed into each other, thus producing vertical, unbonded joints between them. In early walling, stones were placed fairly haphazardly as long as an even, flat vertical outer face was produced. This P-style walling developed into Q-style walling (Figure 8.1), where stones of even thickness were shaped and placed into regular courses. Only when this technique was mastered was it possible to successfully include decorative patterns, such as check, cord, herringbone, and chevron, which otherwise weaken a wall (Fig. 8.2).

Figure 3.3 shows the distribution of sites of all three states combined. Not all 558 sites are shown, only those with locations given in the literature (Garlake 1970, Swan 1994, Huffman and Hanisch 1987). This shows that most of the elite sites are in the granitic areas of the plateau. This granite has the characteristic of 73

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN

Figure 8.1 Early P-style walling at Mupanipani Ruin (left) and Q-style walling at Nkange Ruin (right; note check decoration).

There is a general chronological order of P, PQ to Q at Great Zimbabwe, while R (uncoursed) walling occurred throughout (Whitty 1959; Chipunza 1994; Collett et al. 1992, Huffman and Vogel 1991), whereas most walling on the Butua sites is in Q style. At smaller elite sites, mizinda in outlying areas of Butua, where builders may have been less skilled, or in areas where granite is not available, P or PQ, even R walling may be found, while Q may have been intended.

and more varied. There is little wall decoration at Great Zimbabwe, considerable decoration at Khami, but not very varied, while on later sites, such as Naletale, wall decoration is extensive and highly varied.

The walls at Khami are profusely decorated with check pattern, which was absent at Great Zimbabwe. The presence of check decoration is, therefore, considered to be an indicator of affiliation with Khami. Figure 8.3 shows that the distribution of check decoration closely resembles the extent of the state under the Togwa Mambos as defined in oral history (Figure 7.4). Cord and herringbone decoration can occur on either Zimbabwe or Butua period sites, whereas chevron decoration is more associated with the Zimbabwe state. Although we use decoration here as a chronological marker, Huffman (1996b:30,67-69,-117) has suggested that the various decorations are symbols, identifying the person who occupied a particular enclosure or the activities that took place there. He reads these through analogy with divining dice, the meanings of which are known. In this iconography check pattern represents the male crocodile or senior male and stands for 'wisdom'. This would explain the common occurrence of check patterns on Khami phase ruins, as these are presumed to have been chiefly palaces, hence domains of the senior men. Through time, decorations became more profuse

Figure 8.3 Distribution of check decorated walls.

In Butua the architecture was also strongly influenced by the earlier Woolandale terrace walling (Van Waarden 1998, 2004, 2006, 2011; Fig. 8.4). These were retaining walls, built by constructing an outer face first, which was then filled in with smaller rubble stone, as is also found at Khami.

Figure 8.2 Types of decoration in stone walling

Figure 8.4 Construction techniques in Zimbabwe and Butua type walling (cross-sections)

74

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA

Figure 8.5 Khami Ruin platform Ba. Excavation cross-section showing stages of development (Robinson 1959:81)

A cross-section of platform Ba at Khami by Robinson (1959:81) shows this technique quite clearly in wall XV and in the extension of the earlier wall XVa, whereas, interestingly, the original wall XVa was built as freestanding wall in the Great Zimbabwe technique, whereby courses extend in layers throughout the width of the wall (Figures 8.4 and 8.5).

In contrast, a typical Butua period muzinda consists of a Q-style wall surrounding a small hill and retaining a rubble stone platform, covered with a floor of fine gravel or dhaka (=hutclay) on which one or more houses were built (Garlake's style 7, 5; Figure 8.9). Access to the platform may be via a passage entrance. There may be check decoration in the wall.

The terrace walling of Woolandale sites is reflected in the Khami walled terraces, which encase a small hill. The upper terraces form larger level areas or platforms on which the houses were built. These stood in full view to the outside. In contrast, at Great Zimbabwe, walls were freestanding and through time became increasingly higher, hiding the houses and occupants and their activities from outside eyes. These are major conceptual differences in the architecture (Figure 8.6).

Many of the sites, especially in Botswana, can not be classified so easily, however. The Mupanipani Ruin with typical Zimbabwe period layout and P-style facing, has rubble-filled walling, for example, and houses that were elevated on low stone platforms to stand in full view above the level of the perimeter wall. We know now that this elite site predates Great Zimbabwe and that such walling and layout were regional developments out of Leopard's Kopje architecture (Van Waarden 2006, 2011). Also, not all Butua period sites are made of platforms. Some have an enclosure marked by a freestanding wall with check decoration, either on its own (Musung Ruin) or in combination with house platforms (Nkange Ruin).

A typical Zimbabwe period muzinda consists of an oval enclosure with a freestanding stone wall either around its entire circumference, or only at the front, and one or more radiating walls connecting the outer wall to one or more houses and subdividing the interior courtyard space (Figure 8.8). It has rounded wall ends and may have some decoration, such as some chevron or a horizontal coloured line. Walls are often in P or PQ style (Figure 8.7; cf. Garlake 1970a: style 1, 4).

Sometimes combinations of characteristics represent adaptations to the topography of the site. Other sites may be at a specific point in the evolution of the architecture, combining characteristics of the local Leopard's Kopje terrace walling and house platforms, with Zimbabwe Tradition wall construction, but not quite having reached Khami-style platforms. Combinations of characteristics may also be found on sites which have had a long occupation during the transition from the Zimbabwe period to the Butua period. Furthermore, sites themselves may change and develop over time; they may start with a freestanding circumference wall and an interior platform to elevate a house. Over time the interior space may be raised through rubbish and/or multiple floors, or the house-platform may be expanded to fill the entire interior, making the original freestanding enclosure wall a retaining platform wall. Entrance passages may develop between two adjacent platforms. Eventually there may be multiple tiers of retaining platforms. We need more dated

Figure 8.6 The screening versus elevating function of the walling in Zimbabwe (left) and Butua period (right) mizinda.

75

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN

Figure 8.7 The screening effect of a Zimbabwe freestanding wall (PQ). Note height and chevron decoration near the top. Soswane Ruin.

Figure 8.8 Examples of typical Zimbabwe period site layout. Left: Soswane Ruin has a tall freestanding wall in PQ style and interior radiating wall; walls are layered inside. Right: Schermers Ruin is a nearly complete enclosure, subdivided by interior radiating walls that abut a house.

76

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA

Figure 8.9. Butua period platform. Vukwe ruin after 1930s reconstruction. Note passage entrance. (Photos by Wieschhoff; Plan after Wieschhoff 1941:69)

77

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN sites to properly document the development of Butua phase architecture.

Table 8.2 is a classification, which seems to work better for Botswana walled elite sites than Garlake's typology, which had been devised for Zimbabwe's ruins. These classes are fluid, as it appears that there were no abrupt introductions of new building styles, but rather gradual changes. B1, for example, recognizes a group of sites with Leopard's Kopje type terrace walling with P-style façades, at Dinokwe representing the development of Zimbabwe Tradition out of Leopard's Kopje terrace walling, at other sites representing a reoccupation or renovation of an earlier Leopard's Kopje component. It is possible that all P-style walling in Botswana pre-dates Great Zimbabwe, but more dates are needed (Van Waarden 2011).

Although the sequence at Khami is not understood in detail, Robinson showed that there were different construction stages in the main Hill Ruin and that enclosures became filled and evolved into platforms (Figure 8.5). Examples of ruins with what appear to be platforms in the process of construction are Tsamaya Ruin (Figure 8.14) and Majande Hill Ruin (Figure 8.21), although these platforms might have been covered by dhaka that was subsequently washed off. Ruins in an intermediate stage of development are, for example Nkange ruin (Figure 8.1, 8.20), Zinjanja (Figure 8.29) and Naletale (Figure 8.30).

Table 8.2 Classification of Zimbabwe Tradition walled sites in Botswana. Class Period

Garlake's style1

B1

LK+Z

B2

Z

B3

Z

B4

B

B5

B

B6

B

B7

LK,Z,B 8

1,4

6

7, 5

B2ÆB4+B2ÆB6

B4+B6: B5+B7 B3/B5+B7

Fill

Entrance/ ends

Decoration2

number

size m2

Retaining (partly 1.4-2 freestanding)

P (PQ)

layered or rubble

square (round)

-

5

96-2520

Enclosure with interior radiating walls

Freestanding 0.6-2 (partly retaining)

P (PQ,Q)

rubble (or layered)

round and/or square

m

10

180-2000

Front screening wall with interior radiating walls

freestanding

0.6-2.5

PQ (P)

layered (rubble)

round or square

rare: ch, v, h, g

11

35-645

Enclosure

freestanding

1-1.5

PQ/Q

?

square or round

ck, c, h

2

176-2350

Wall type

Terrace walling

Height m

freestanding Front wall (may have radiating wall)

Combinations: B3+B7 B2+B5+B7

B2+B6 B2+B5+B7

Facing

Function

Q

ck, c, h, v, ph, combinal,m tions

Platform for several houses

retaining + elevating (partly freestanding)

0.8-2.5

Q

rubble

passage entrance, square (round)

none, or: 10 ck, v, h, vh, c, ch, pc

30-575

Platform for individual house

elevating

0.3-1

uncoursed or Q, PQ

rubble

(square)

none, or: ck, c, v

10-12

3

Z Front wall with one or more individual house platforms: Mupanipani Ruin, Gai, Tamasara Z+B Zimbabwe enclosure (P facing) reoccupied, given very ornate front wall + several individual house platforms: Majande Hill Ruin Z-B Continuous occupation: two B2 enclosures become a B4 enclosure (check added) and a B6 platform with passage entrance: Domboshaba Ruin Z-B Continuous occupation? A double B2 enclosures and a B6 platform added: Thune Ruin Z-B Continuous occupation: B2 enclosure with decorated front façade and several individual house platforms: Nkange Ruin B Motloutse Ruin, Kombani Ruin B Front wall with several individual house platforms: Majande Valley Ruin ? Front wall with one or more individual house platforms: Tamasara Ruin

1

Style 8 is a house platform p>0.10, i.e. there is between 10 and 25% probability that the differences in figures are due to sampling rather than a significant difference between the regions.

5

-ana = diminutive suffix, i.e. nzi = village, becomes nzana = small village. Plurals: mizi and mizana

115

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN Before continuing with the settlement distribution analysis of the sites in the Northeast District, let me discuss the large sites at Lower Shashe Dam and Letsibogo and the issue of 'Moloko' pottery.

Botswana (Figure 8.10) no other farming villages have as yet been dated to the 14th century.1 It is possible that the large granary sites at Letsibogo were contemporary with AC6.

Large sites Ethnic identity – the case of 'Moloko' pottery Unusual are the sites of Setimela (17D3-134) and Gaboruthwe Hill (17D3-17) at Letsibogo (Campbell 1988c), each with an estimated 250 granary platforms, and the site AC6 at Lower Shashe with 308 granary platforms (Campbell 1988a, 1991). These are more than extended families, with the granaries representing 50 to 60 adults; adding children and the elderly, one can estimate a population of 100-120 people and we can consider this a large village of related families, possibly a ward, 'ntuthu'.

The pottery from site AC6 illustrated by Campbell (1988a:20; Figure 9.10) has similarities to the 'Moloko' Tradition pottery found at Letsibogo and Majande Hill. Other sites at Lower Shashe: AC2, 3, 4 and 10 similarly have 'Moloko' elements: multiple thin polychrome bands separated by single or multiple grooves or lines of punctates or dragged punctates; massed punctates or bangle impressions; and some arched lines. Comparing these to Moloko pottery affiliate set classes in Evers (1988 appendix) the similarities are striking indeed. We had already been surprised to find 'Moloko' pottery at Letsibogo (Hanisch et al. 1993; Campbell et al. 1995), when Tsheboeng and Walker also found Moloko pottery at Majande Hill.

It is significant that walling is reported on Gaboruthwe Hill, whereas the granaries are at the foot of the hill (I don't know if this is prestige walling). We also do not know if these granaries are all contemporary. Setimela and AC6 do not have walling associated with them.

Moloko pottery is considered the precursor to SothoTswana pottery, and not characteristically ShonaKalanga, nor normally associated with the Zimbabwe and Butua states. Evers (1988) showed that there was a Moloko movement through time from the east to the west (Figure 9.9) and Huffman has suggested that this was a Late Iron Age migration, possibly from Tanzania via Mozambique (Huffman 1989), which is supported by linguistic evidence (Huffman and Herbert 1995). The dates in eastern Botswana are the late 13th to early 15th century at Majande Hill (possibly associated with the Pstyle walling), the late 14th to 17th century at Lower Shashe and the late 15th to early 17th century at Letsibogo (Appendix A). These dates fit in well with a migration northward from Nagoma to Tavatshena to Icon (Evers 1988; Hanisch 1979).

Campbell's sketch of site AC6 at Lower Shashe (Figure 9.8) suggests clusters of granaries around three kraals, the largest of which with vitrified dung on the south side. There is as yet no indication that these features are not contemporary. The date obtained by Campbell is interesting: 1308-1367,1379-(1404)-1424, which is Zimbabwe to the transition to the Butua state. He did not give the context of the charcoal sample on which this date is based. This date indicates an unusually large and successful farming community at the time when the climate was relatively dry. Although the distribution of elite Zimbabwe period sites extends well into eastern

Moloko pottery is first found in eastern and southeastern Botswana in the late 13th century, suggesting that early Sotho-Tswana people crossed the hot and inhospitable Limpopo valley into the periphery of the Zimbabwe state, possibly seeking refuge with a Zimbabwe chief at Majande? Here they may have mixed with Western Shona-speakers and adopted their type of grain storage. The sites at Letsibogo, both those with Moloko pottery and those with Khami type pottery date to the subsequent Khami phase, with dated 'Moloko' sites having no to 9 granary platforms, although undated 'Moloko' sites may have up to 63 or 'numerous' granaries. The combination of large kraals and an unusually high number of granary platforms with Moloko-like pottery and a date to the 14th to early 15th century at AC6 at Lower Shashe is, 1

Letsibogo 125 produced a date of 1280-(1296)-1316, 1352-1390 and produced Zimbabwe type pottery. This site also has 49 large granary platforms and two kraals (Campbell et al, 1995). Subsequently Kinahan got two Butua period dates from this site, however and he considers it a Khami phase site (Huffman & Kinahan 2002/3).

Figure 9.8 Lower Shashe Dam site AC6 [sketch by Campbell (1991:33)]

116

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA

Figure 9.9 Moloko sites

therefore, quite interesting. This site requires further investigation.

pottery date to the Rozvi phase, although site AC3 at Lower Shashe probably dates to the crucial 17th century.

Hanisch noted an emphasis on highly decorated bowls at Icon and Walker similarly noted that bowls were more abundant in the lower layer at Majande Hill and more highly decorated. Similarly the pottery of the earliest Moloko site at Letsibogo, 17-D3-79A, consists predominantly of highly decorated bowls (Campbell et al. 1995). This site has no granary platforms or kraal feature associated with it, but site -79B, only 300 m away, with granaries, had tall necked jars decorated with graphite that are typical of Khami pottery. The two sites are essentially contemporary and a trade relationship was postulated, the Moloko bowls being traded.

So far Letsibogo pottery does not seem to occur in the Old Tati District, nor has it been reported from the capital Khami, where it could have been sent in tribute. However, Butua period pottery, in contrast to earlier Zimbabwe period pottery, is noted for its polychrome decoration and punctates and dragged punctates are also common at the site of Selolwe, for example. In other words, the Moloko tradition may have been an influence on Zimbabwe/Leopard's Kopje potters to produce Khami period pottery. This requires more research; indeed the Zimbabwe and Butua pottery have not yet been adequately defined or presented.

I would suggest that during the Butua period the people living in the Letsibogo, Lower Shashe and Majande areas, all in the Shape Bushe, had become essentially Kalanga, certainly in their grain storage methods, probably spoke ikalanga and probably had intermarried and were full citizens of the state, although they continued to make pottery in the Moloko tradition. I propose that we refer to them as Letsibogo people with Letsibogo pottery, as this was first recognized there.

It is possible that the Nswazwi-Kalanga, who consider themselves to be of Pedi origin (a Sotho group), may have descended from Letsibogo people, having arrived in the 14th century and not in the 18th century as their oral history suggests (Van Waarden 1988:2-28). Pedi-Kalanga were known for their pottery and even today their beautiful polychrome bowls (Note: not jars) are traded.

The distribution of elite sites shows that the Letsibogo, Lower Shashe and Majande areas are well within the Butua state. Note that thus far no sites with Moloko-like

I will now leave the Letsibogo and Lower Shashe sites out of the discussion, as possibly having a mixed cultural background, and concentrate instead on sites in the Northeast.

117

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN

Figure 9.10 Moloko pottery . r=red, b=black, g=graphite, c=colour [Walker pers. comm., Campbell 1988a, Campbell et al. 1995]

118

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA Butua granary sites found in the areas surveyed systematically. This shows that the site densities for units 5b and 6, with unsuitable or moderately low agriculture potential respectively, are higher than for the best agricultural units 3 and 3a, and in particular the Golden Eagle and Phoenix samples stand out. The Golden Eagle sample requires further investigation. The Phoenix sample involves 18 sites with granary platforms located on deep regosols derived from gneiss, although the ore body itself is in the greenstone belt or schists. Evidence for prehistoric copper mining at Phoenix is very limited, but a small old gold mine is present nearby.

Spatial analysis of commoner sites in the Northeast We have seen (Table 9.1) that there is a difference between the number of granaries per site, and the family sizes this implies, between the chiefdom or bushe of Domboshaba, where 57% of the sites were occupied by extended families, and that of Old Tati where settlements tended to be occupied by single family units, whether monogamous (38%) or polygamous (35%). This is probably due to the small sample size from the Domboshaba bushe, although it is not unexpected. One factor could be the land suitability for farmers to be successful and to be able to marry more wives and sustain larger families. Remember that the best agricultural land units, 3 and 3a, as well as the best grazing areas, land unit 4 are in the north (Figure 9.5), even though other areas in the Domboshaba Bushe are not suitable (2a, 2b, 5) or of low agricultural potential, land unit 1. In contrast, in the Old Tati Bushe, the Phoenix sample is in land unit 6, moderately low potential for mixed farming, and most of the rest of the known sites are in land unit 5b, which is now not suitable for agriculture, although suitable for pastoralism mainly thanks to boreholes.

Two important factors probably played a role in the presence of agricultural sites in the presently unsuitable unit 5b: climate change and mining. Climate change We have seen in chapter 3 that the period from about 1500 to 1675, corresponding to the Khami phase, was probably relatively warm and wet, whereas the period 1675-1780, the Rozvi phase, was cool and dry. Even a small change in annual rainfall or in distribution of the rain through the season makes a major difference in agricultural success in a marginal area as the Northeast District these days. Wetter conditions than today would have made luvisols of land unit 5b comparable to land unit 3a with moderately high agricultural potential. In contrast, regosols become less suited as crops 'sink' into sandy soils during wet conditions. Conditions that were drier than today would have made most of the Northeast unsuitable for agriculture.

Density by land unit Let us first look at the number or densities of sites per land unit (Table 9.2 and Figure 9.5). The large numbers of sites found in unit 5b and in the Phoenix area of land unit 6, as well as the very low numbers recorded in units 1, 2a and 5, is largely due to survey bias as shown in the numbers of km2 of systematic survey in these units. More revealing, therefore, are the density figures of

Table 9.2. Butua commoner sites in the Northeast District by land unit Land unit Current suitability Best agriculture Best grazing

3, 3a 4

Moderately low (mixed farming) Phoenix sample other

6

Total Not suitable for agriculture, some pastoralism Mupane sample Signal Hill Golden Eagle other

Total Northeast District

Systematic sample No. of Density 2 sites (sites/km )

Total Land unit No. of Sites with kraals sites n %

16 3

7 0

0.43 0

11 2 21

18 50

24 7

18 4

0.75 0.57

18 5 13 1

31

22

0.71

31 6

17 7 7 4

10 4 9 0

0.59 0.57 1.29 0

10 4 9 17

35

23

0.66

40 10

4 0

2

0.50

2 0 1 0

11

0

0

1 1

100

100

54

0.54

88 20

23

19

5b

Total Some agriculture Low agriculture, some pastoralism Not suitable

2

km

3b 1 2a,2b,5

119

1 0 4 5 25

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN involve a roundtrip of 8 km, probably per day, then up to 45.2% of the sites in land unit 6 and 25% in unit 5b must have got their water from elsewhere but a river (Figure 9.11). Curiously, the Matanga cattle post site in land unit 4 is as much as 7 km from a major river. These figures also suggest, therefore, that the climate was wetter. Alternatively, of course, these may have been occupied only seasonally during the rainy season when surface water would have been available.

Dates of commoner sites Table 9.3 lists the 15 dates we have currently for unwalled sites of the Butua period. Only the Nyangabgwe date is not associated with granaries, although with a kraal, and is also unusual in that it is located on a hill. Only three dates have 1 sigma ranges that extend to the 18th century, but in all three cases the most probable date falls before 1685. This suggests that all of these farmer villages date to the Khami phase, none to the Rozvi phase, although the last six dates are probably of the transition period post 1640. Of these, particularly the three Phoenix sites are of interest, as mitigation excavations have been carried out here. However, this information is not yet included in this study.

The fact that no sites were found to be more than 11.2 km from a river has to do with the distances between rivers, leaving only a small portion of the district farther from a river. The rivers start near the northern border and here people relied more on wells in historic times.

Also note that Matanga, which was previously considered a late Zimbabwe period cattle post (Van Waarden 1987) now appears to date to the transition period between Great Zimbabwe and Khami, not because the new calibration curve has altered the Matanga dates dramatically, but because it has changed the dates of the capitals, such that the transition has changed from about 1450 to 1410-1425.

Ideally one would live closer to water than 4 km so as not to waste energy and time on such a chore. Some other factor must then have been of influence in deciding on a settlement location beyond, say 2 km from a river. Distance to the nearest known mine Distance to a gold, copper or iron ore body may have been such a factor (Figure 9.11). Unfortunately our sample is biased in this regard, as most of the systematic surveys were for pre-development impact assessments for gold and copper-nickel mines. Hence in the mineral-rich Tati Greenstone Belt, land unit 5b, the mean distance to a gold mine is 2.04 km (s=1.29 km) with a range of 0.1-4.6 km (n=40), whereas the mean distance to water in this land unit is 3.28 km (s=3.08) with a range of 0.3-11.2 km.

The presence of granary sites in land unit 5b, currently unsuitable, and the absence of such sites during the Rozvi phase thus far, are independent confirmation of the environmental data, pointing to a wetter Khami phase and a drier Rozvi phase. Distance to water Distance from a granary site to a river, which would currently be the source of water during the dry season, may also point in this direction, as during a wetter climate the water table would have been higher, and wells, as well as streams, could have provided alternative permanent water sources. If we consider distance to water of 4 km as maximum practical distance, as this would

The Kalakamati sample in land units 3, 3a and 3b was not focused on mines and shows with less bias that the mean distance to a gold mine in the Vumba schist belt (land unit 3a) is 1.06 km (s=0.79) with a range of 0.1-2 km.

Table 9.3 Dates of commoner sites in Butua9 (SH98 calibration) Site Matanga

Site No. 07D3-9

Letsibogo 86 Bole Hill Letsibogo 4 Vumba Letsibogo 79B Mupane 36 Letsibogo 110 Tonota S.P. Phoenix 19 Nyangabgwe H. Letsibogo 26 Phoenix 28 Phoenix 21

17D3-86 07C4-7 17D3-4 07C2-39 17D3-79 17B3-36 17D3-110 17A4-2 17B2-19 17B1-1 17D3-26 17B2-28 17B2-21

9

Sample I-12,813 I-12,814 Beta-80983 Wits-1586 Beta-80979 I-13,720 Beta-80982 GrA-25215 Beta-80985 Pta-8924 Pta-8204 Hv-24310 Beta-81225 Pta-8313 Pta-8203

Date B.P. 580+/-75 530+/-75 550+/-70 500+/-50 480+/-60 450+/-80 450+/-50 430+/-35 370+/-90 320+/-60 320+/-45 290+/-155 280+/-70 270+/-25 250+/-50

Date A.D.(cal) 1412 1427 1421 1436 1443 1456 1456 1469 1521,1576,1627 1643 1643 1652 1655 1658 1664

not including sites with 'Moloko' pottery

120

1 sigma range 1314-1355,1388-1435 1404-1453 1400-1443 1421-1456 1424-1478 1427-1521,1576-1627 1436-1498 1449-1504,1603-1612 1451-1655 1516-1590,1622-1661 1523-1566,1629-1657 1459-1886,1920-1954 1531-1549,1634-1676,1767-1801 1651-1666 1649-1678,1748-1804,1954

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA

Figure 9.11 Distance of commoner sites to water, mine and chief by land unit

121

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN Compared to this, mean distance to a mine or ore body in land unit 3 is 15.97 km (s=6.65) with a range of 10.9-25 km. The sites in land unit 4 are also 10.5-30 km from a mine. Clearly the sites in land units 3 and 4 are not situated for mining. What is surprising is that so many agricultural villages do occur within 2 km of a mine: namely 22 of the 40 in land unit 5b and 8 of the 31 in land unit 6, suggesting that here, as in land unit 3a, distance to a mine was a factor in the locating of these settlement. The fact that these villages were also involved with agriculture as evident through the presence of granary platforms, places doubt on the idea that mining was only carried out seasonally in the dry season.

Zimbabwe. The cluster between 10 and 12 km distance in land unit 5b represents the sites at Mupane mine.10 The farthest distance is 14 km. This is because the known elite sites are a fairly regular 40 km apart, as we have seen in the previous chapter, so that the farthest possible distance from a commoner site would be about 20 km. The evidence thus far suggests that many farmers did not visit their chiefs on a regular basis. 6-8 km, which is a round trip of 12-16 km or 3-4 hour walk, may still have been considered reasonable, but beyond that it becomes a major undertaking. At this point in our data collection it does not make sense to look at nearest neighbours, or neighbourhood clusters (there is a problem with contemporaneity anyway). The impression is one of fairly dispersed distribution, however. This occurs when fields are adjacent to the homestead as is the case with rural Kalanga today, although more nucleated villages with outer zones of fields draw more and more due to schools, shops and clinics.

Distance to an elite site We do not yet have a nice survey coverage as was possible in the Toutswe area through aerial photography, which showed quite clearly the settlement hierarchy and spatial relationship between elite centers and commoner villages (Denbow 1984). We can, however, get an idea whether distance to a chief's residence was a factor in choosing where to build one's home, or in the allocation of land by the chief.

A dispersed distribution, with commoners living quite far from the elite, also implies quite peaceful conditions.

The surveys did not target the areas immediately around the elite sites, and hence very few commoner sites have been recorded within 2 km of an elite site. When systematic surveys have been done around elite sites, the picture may change. For now, with the information available, Figure 9.11 shows that there were many farmers who lived at quite a distance from their chief. The peak in land unit 6 represents the cluster around the Phoenix mine. The nearest known elite site to these sites is the Umpakwe (or Impakwe) Ruin across the border in

Kraals A dispersed distribution may also have to do with pasture and the need to spread the herds for sustainable grazing, particularly in the drier southern half of the study area. Surprisingly few commoner sites have a livestock kraal (Tables 9.2, 9.4). ___________

10 Although walled elite sites are known here, they are of the earlier Leopard's Kopje and Zimbabwe period

Table 9.4 Butua state commoner sites in the Northeast District with kraal features Site Number 07C2-20 07C2-39

Land Unit 3 3a

Site name

Most likely date

Vumba

1456

07D3-9

4

Matanga

1412,1427

17A2-6 17A2-11 17B1-1 17B2-19

5b 5 5b 6

Nyangabgwe Phoenix 19

1652 1643

17B2-21 17B2-25 17B2-28 17B2-29 17B2-33 17B3-11 17B3-14 17B3-16 17B3-18 17B3-36 17B4-25 17B4-26 17B4-37

6 6 6 6 6 5b 5b 5b 5b 5b 5b 5b 5b

Phoenix 21

1664

Phoenix 28 Phoenix 29

1658

Mupane 36

1469

Kraal 2 diameter m surface m 30 707 10-17.5 149 7 39 26 531 3 kraals of 25m 3x491 4 13 40 1257 2 kraals 10 79 10 79 4 13 15 177 20m + one smaller 314+ 30 707 10 79 20 314 25 491 size unknown 20 314 size unknown 3 7 15 177 50 1963 20 314

122

Max. herd size cattle or goats 54 235 11 49 3 13 40 177 3x37 3x163 1 4 96 419 6 6 1 13 24+ 54 6 24 37

26 26 4 59 104+ 235 26 104 163

24

104

0 13 151 24

2 59 654 104

Number of sites

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA

16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0 1-10

11-20

21-30

31-40

41-50

51-60

61-70

71-80

81-90

91-100

101-110

Number of granaries Landunit 3, 3a and 3b nuclear family

Landunit 5b

polygamous family

Landunit 6

extended family total

land unit 3,3a,3b 5b 6 Total

1-10 granaries

(n) 2 14 11 27

11-20

(n) 3 9 11 23

21+

(n) 7 11 7 25

(n) 12 34 29 75

Figure 9.12 Number of granaries on commoner sites in the Northeast District by land unit. (There are also two known sites in land unit 4, one in category 1-10, the other in 71-80).

Of the 88 commoner sites in the Northeast District only 20 sites have a kraal deposit visible at the surface, which is only 22.73%, and some only a small one, possibly for goats/sheep rather than cattle. For that matter, very few of the elite sites have a cattle kraal, or if so, with only minimal dung accumulation, in contrast to the manure mounds that dominated earlier Leopard's Kopje and Zhizo sites. Although the sample is small, it is worth noting that the largest kraals, on sites 17A2-6 and 17B426, are in land unit 5b, which currently has only fair pastoral potential. Matanga is dominated by four large kraals and is the only site that compares to today's cattle posts; it is in land unit 4, which has good pastoral potential. In land unit 5b 25% of the sites have a kraal, compared to 19% in land unit 6.

the evidence at the surface today. This could have been the result of short occupation spans for such sites, or livestock may not have been penned up at the homestead in general. Today many rural Kalanga families own cattle, but do not pen them up at the homestead. Instead they are at a distant cattle post, or they are left to roam free through the bush, so that no manure feature is produced.

Noko (1996) showed that cattle require 13-16 m2 per animal compared to 3-5 m2 for goats/sheep. A 5 m diameter kraal, being 19.63 m2, can hold 1 cow or 3-5 goats/sheep; a 10 m diameter kraal can hold 5-6 cattle; 25 m diameter of the four kraals at Matanga can hold 31-38 cattle each; and the 70 m diameter feature at the Lower Shashe site AC6 could potentially hold 240-296 head of cattle. Considering, therefore, only kraals of at least 10 m diameter to have likely been for cattle, only about 18% of the commoner sites had a cattle kraal. The percentages and sizes of kraals at commoner sites appear not to have a chronological distinction, although our dated sample is very small as yet.

Numbers of granaries Finally, let us return to an examination of the number of granaries per site. Figure 9.12 shows the number of granaries per site by land unit. Under current climatic conditions land unit 5b should be less productive than land unit 6, while units 3 and 3a would yield the greatest harvest and hence would require the most storage facilities. The mean number of granary platforms in units 3, 3a and 3b, at 27.75, is indeed the highest, largely due to the 108 granaries at Vumba, which lies in the Vumba schist land unit 3a. However the mean number of granaries in land unit 5b, at 20.53, is greater than in land unit 6, at 17.48, contrary to expectations. This lends further support to the idea that the climate was wetter during the Khami phase so that agricultural potential for land unit 5b was better than today. This also points out that Vumba with its 108 granaries is not typical of commoner sites in the Northeast District sample, which have on average only 20 granaries.

This does have implications, of course, for the applicability of the Central Cattle Pattern model. This survey shows that the Vumba site is typical only of 18% of the sites in this respect. The C.C.P. model is applicable there, but the other 82% of the commoner sites do not share this cattle focus. The focus, instead is on agriculture and crop storage.

Does this suggest that only about 23% of the farmers owned livestock? Manure kraal deposits may have been so thin that they eroded or blew away, or became buried with insufficient alteration to the chemistry of the soil to result in Cenchrus encroachment, so that we do not see

123

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN

The first category of the graph probably represents mizana of nuclear families, the second of polygamous families, and over 21 granaries probably mizi of extended families, as discussed before. Bearing in mind that the sample size for land units 3, 3a and 3b combined is too small for a Chi-square test, there is a relatively higher number of extended families on land units 3,3a and 3b with best agricultural conditions, as one could expect, although the curve peaks at the 21-30 granaries category. On land unit 6 smaller family units predominate, while in land unit 5b all three sizes of families occur in relatively equal numbers, but note that the extended families tend to be larger than those in the 3,3a and 3b land unit. This suggests that wetter conditions allowed farming even on the schists near the mines, drawing farmers to both land unit 5b and 3a, so that they could actively engage in both activities, and indeed, the larger family units indicate that they did so successfully. The small numbers of sites in the separate land units make these conclusions only tentative as yet.

Combining the 75 sites for which we have information, there are roughly equal numbers of nuclear, polygamous and extended families. This was remarked on before regarding Table 9.1 and it was suggested that this may reflect a natural progression of growth and domicile of a family. The number of granaries is only one aspect of storage capacity, however, as the sizes of the granaries, and hence of the granary platforms, can make quite a difference. This will be considered further in chapter 12. The people What do we know about the people themselves? Burials are rare: 11 individuals from Matanga (07D3-9; Van Waarden with De Villiers 1987): 5 men, 4 children and 2 unidentified; and 3 men and a woman from Tonota SP (17A4-2; Van Waarden with Mosothwane 2003b). Table 9.5 gives details.

Table 9.5 Butua burials at Matanga and Tonota SP 1

Burial Sex Age Location Burial position Matanga (07D3-9) Date (1 sigma overlap): 1404-1435 1 (F) 10-12 near kraal R, head to NNW

2 3 4a 4b 4c

? (M) ? ? (M)

8-9 25-35 6-7 4 adult

N of houses ,, ,, ,, ,,

R, head to NNE L, head to NNW ? ? R, head to WSW

5

(M)

30-40

,,

R, head to ENE

6

M

c.30

near kraal

L, head to W

Health

Grave goods

worn teeth

1 copper and 2 iron bangles on lower R arm. 2 iron bangles lower L arm. 3 iron bangles L ankle. 1 copper bangle upper calf R leg. 1 pot by feet upside down. 1/2 bovid mandible + 1 longbone near hip 1 iron bangle on ankle none

worn teeth; some periodontal disease; had lost central incisor worn teeth, but healthy

7 M 30-40 between 2 kraals R, head to N worn teeth 8 ? ? N of houses ? 9 ? ? in kraal ? (only part of skull) Tonota Sewage Ponds (17A4-2) Date: 1516-1590,1622-(1643)-1661 1 M >30 in soft calc? 168cm tall, teeth not silicate 100 m N worn (tobaccoof homestead stained?) 2 (M) 17-25 ,, ? good dentition, not worn

1

4

F

adult

,,

L, head to W

158 cm tall, had had a full term pregnancy, good dentition

5

(M)

50-80

,,

?

periodontal disease, had lost some teeth

All flexed, on R=right side or L=left side

124

many turquoise glass beads, a few black or beige, 1 iron bangle, 1 pottery disk, 1 stone partly ground 1 bovid tooth 153 turquoise + cobalt-blue glass beads around neck, 1/2 bowl at feet, other 1/2 at elbow none none ? 1 cooking pot, 1 bowl 1 cooking pot with hole (madila?). Copper bangle(s) on R wrist, ivory bangle? 1 cooking pot, 1 cooking bowl, 1 iron bangle on each ankle, copper bangle(s) on R wrist, 15 glass beads chest and neck area. colour of glass beads: 6 Indian red, 1 pale yellow, 8 light green 1 necked bowl decorated with local mica-schist

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA

Figure 9.13 Burial 6 Matanga. (The skull had been cut by machine in road construction).

Figure 9.14 Sketch of position of Burial 4, Tonota S.P. and grave goods. Left arm and leg had fallen out when the grave was undercut by machine.

Matanga had 5 kraals and was probably a cattlepost, dating to the Zimbabwe-Butua transition period. Some prestige goods suggest possible elite status (more about that later). The young girl wore nine bangles, while only one of the men wore 1 bangle.11 He wore a necklace of glass beads, however, and so did the man of burial 6 (Figure 9.13).

mageu13 or sour milk had been placed on her head, which spilled out over the pot when soil was thrown in to close the grave. She had been placed on her left side with her hands by her face and her head to the west. Fresh soot from the pot on her head was dated to c. 1643. This shows that even ordinary farmers managed to adorn themselves with a few iron and copper bangles and ivory (Tonota burial 2), and had access to trade goods, such as glass beads, although only a few in comparison to the rich strand of burial 6 at Matanga. Still this stands in stark contrast to the two women buried at Danang'ombe, probably her contemporaries, who had worn masses of fine bronze bangles on arms and legs, some with glass spacer beads, as well as many other glass beads; they had been wrapped in cloth, covered with what was probably much red ochre and were accompanied by 2 large jars and 7 globular neckless vessels (Caton-Thompson 1931:171-173).

Four 4 burials were unearthed near a small Butua homestead at the Tonota Sewage Ponds.12 Of these only burial 4 could be recovered properly (Figure 9.14). She had been a mother, 158 cm tall, and had a gap between her upper front teeth, which probably had given her a wonderful smile. She wore an iron bangle on each ankle and a copper bangle on her right wrist and around her neck had been a necklace, probably of organic beads with 15 glass spacer beads. A meal had been cooked for her for the funeral, one bowl of food had been placed by her flexed knees, while a jar with a thick liquid, such as 11

This does not mean the men did not wear bangles when alive. According to Rev. Nsunda Moses Holonga (H.T. Kalakamati 4/1984) the head of a compound wears a bracelet, but this is removed before he dies, otherwise he will be in a coma and can't die fully. On his death it is given to the next head. Also, according to Rev. Holonga, beads are not buried with a person. These were worn to chase or ward off bad spirits. Now bracelets and beads are no longer worn as missionaries told them it doesn't work. 12 a fifth burial was accompanied by a Leopard's Kopje pot and was associated with another site nearby

The cause of death of these 15 people is not known. Obviously some died in childhood, although many reached 30 years of age and one survived to at least 50 years. No obvious pathological problems were noticed, apart from worn teeth in the Matanga adult population with some periodontal disease, in contrast to the three 13

125

unfermented beer drunk by women and children

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN young adults at Tonota, whose teeth were not worn, although the old man had poor teeth. This suggests possibly a grittier diet eaten by the Matanga group.

Only 22.7% of the sites recorded have livestock kraals, 18% likely for cattle. Hence the Central Cattle Pattern does not seem to be the dominant cognitive model in use by the Butua peasantry.

Conclusions Granary number per site can give an idea of family size. The current samples suggest that areas with good agricultural potential, such as land units 3, 3a and 3b in the Domboshaba chiefdom tended to have settlements occupied by extended families, while in land unit 6, with currently moderately low mixed farming potential, settlement sizes indicate a greater tendency towards smaller nuclear and polygamous family units.

Stone granary platforms are well preserved and generally remain visible at the current surface, allowing us to make a reliable record of commoner sites. Although survey coverage of the Northeast District is still sparse and includes a bias towards areas around mines, the distribution of sites already shows a dispersed peasantry, living mostly in small homesteads. The dispersed nature of the settlements, with many farmers living quite a distance from their chiefs, speaks of generally peaceful conditions.

Burials are rarely found, but thus far show that farmers had some access to iron and copper luxuries and some trade goods (glass beads), but that there was a vast difference in wealth with the upper elite, confirming a class structure to the Butua state. The contrast between peasants and elite will be analyzed further by more detailed comparison of one such commoner site and specific elite sites. Results of excavations at the farming village of Vumba are presented in the next chapter.

Presence of agricultural villages in currently unsuitable land units and placement of 24 to 33% of the sites away from large rivers, as well as 15 sites dated to the Khami phase and none to the Rozvi phase, are confirmation of the environmental evidence for a wetter climate during the Khami phase, compared to a drier Rozvi phase.

126

10. VUMBA Vumba (07C2-39) was chosen for excavation as an example of a commoner site, because the low hill next to the site has stone house platforms on it, which suggested a level 2 headman and it was hoped that the two sites were contemporary. However, the hill site, now called Dwaleng (07C2-32), turned out to be a Leopard's Kopje occupation. Furthermore, preservation on Vumba seemed very good and the many stone granary platforms formed a nearly complete circle. Now we know that large sites, like Vumba, and with livestock kraals, are rare and that most commoner sites are smaller. Although, therefore, not very representative, it provides a more complete settlement model, of which the smaller sites appear as segments.

(Nyangani Hills; formerly Dwaleng Hills), which has been heavily metamorphosed and mineralized, producing, among others, concentrations of gold in quartz veins. This has been, and still is, mined on a small scale at Somerset, Arab, Sheba and Mokoba mines. Most of this is currently private land, the Somerset Estate, and used for cattle ranching. The schist produces two soil types: a chromic luvisol (white area on Figure 10.1), which is suitable for cultivation and pasture (land unit 3a), but also a eutric vertisol or a heavy clayey black-cotton soil (grey on Figure 10.1; land unit 3b), which has poor drainage, stunted tree growth and is only suitable for agriculture if the rains are not very heavy.

The site is located in the Vumba Schist Relic or greenstone belt (Figure 10.1), hence its name. This is an area of about 100 km2 of amphibolite with outcrops of serpentenite (the Vumba Hills) and metapyroxenite

Around the schist belt, granitic rock produces deep and sandier soils (dotted in Figure 10.1),which form land

Figure 10.1 Location of the Vumba site and the soils of the surrounding area..

127

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN units 2b and 2a in the north, 1 in the east and 5 to the south, all currently with low agricultural potential or not suitable at all, and some grazing potential (Table 3.1, Figure 3.10). Today the farmers of Sechele village, plow in the sandier soils of land unit 5 south of the Vumba Hills, but some also have an additional field in the blackcotton soil, to spread their chances (Chief G.G. Sechele, pers. comm. 1984; north of the hills is the private ranch).

the rivers and Mophane woodland provides grazing and fodder for the cattle, hardwood for house construction and firewood and protein-rich mophane worms (caterpillars). Mophane leaves and bark are also the favorite food for elephants, which still visited the area until 1982. The site of Vumba is situated 150 m west of the southernmost hill in the Nyangani range; this low hill provides shelter from predominantly easterly winds (Figure 10.2). It is in land unit 3a, but near the blackcotton soil of land unit 3b. The soil at the site is actually shallow (about 20 cm of silty loam over a gravel layer). The Letaba River is more a stream today, but the Vukwe River has water in its sands usually all year.

The granitic areas have suitable rock for stone wall construction, as seen at Domboshaba Ruin, about 13 km to the north of Vumba, and at Vukwe Ruin, about 4.6 km to the east-southeast, although at Nyangani Ruin in the northwest the local schist was used with some success. The entire area currently has adequate water supplies in

Figure 10.2 The Vumba site with the Dwaleng Hill acting as windbreak. Top: from the southwest, showing open areas of kraals, surrounded by the arc of stone granary platforms. Bottom: taken from the south, looking northeast and showing the granary platform clusters.

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BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA Methodology

Excavation proceeded in 1 x 1 m2 and 5 cm arbitrary units, unless there was a break in strata. Emphasis was on opening up large consecutive 1 x 1 m quadrats, rather than isolated small areas. Standard excavation methods were used and all matrix sieved through 5 mm mesh screens.

Excavation showed that the living surface was 10 to 15 cm below the modern surface. Any features which had been preserved to a height of about 15 cm were, therefore, still visible (Figure 10.3). This included two livestock kraals, 108 granary platforms and a communal midden. Areas with burnt clay fragments were shown upon excavation to have been houses.

Table 10.1 Amount of excavation by feature type Since much of the layout was already known from surface indications, excavation areas were selected rather than allocated through a random method. A total of 9.92 m3 was excavated, spread over 95m2 of surface (Table 10.1; Figure 10.3), which amounts to only 1.5% of the site area (90 m diameter). However, as the excavations could be targetted to already visible features, much was learned and an adequate sample of artifacts and feature details obtained.

Midden Kraals Houses Granary Total excavated

Figure 10.3 Vumba site plan

129

11.0 m2 4.0 m2 79.5 m2 0.5 m2 95.0 m2

2.65 m3 0.78 m3 6.46 m3 0.03 m3 9.92 m3

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN Nineteen of these features had some burnt dhaka pieces amongst or on the stones, remains of a dhaka superstructure. Four of the features had fragments of a moulded base (Figure 10.4), which lacked pole impressions. A burnt dhaka fragment with a 1.5 cm wide stick impression suggests that some sticks may have been used in the bins, but possibly as part of a ceiling. There is not enough information to show the height of the bins nor proof of a thatch roof, although this would have been likely.

The kraals The largest kraal is roughly oval in shape with diameters of 11 to 18.5 m, but the light grey silty matrix was only 20 cm thick in the centre and 8-10 cm at the edge. We excavated in the dry season, but tough grass roots were tentatively identified as Cenchrus ciliaris, a frequent indicator of prehistoric dung deposits. Absence of charcoal in the testpits and a low density of artifacts and bone distinguish it from the midden. Excavation, although limited, showed no evidence of a fence, but this may have consisted of thorn bushes laid on the surface.

If we take the minimum diameter of each stone feature as the maximum possible diameter of the superstructure and if we assume a height of 1 m and 5 cm thick walls, then the total storage capacity of the granaries at this site can be calculated to be about 173.4 m3.2

The smaller kraal was surrounded by a 20 cm deep, 25 cm wide ditch, which had probably been dug to implant a palisade to keep the livestock in. The deposit had eroded outward by about 1 to 2 m and was now about 20 cm thick. The original kraal was about 7 m in diameter, an area of about 38.5 m2. If we assume a similar erosion of the dung deposit of the large kraal, it would have been 10 to 17.5 m in diameter, an area of about 149 m2. No phytolith analysis has yet been undertaken, but the faunal assemblage, as we shall see, includes both goats (and possibly sheep) and cattle. These are usually kept in separate kraals. Using Noko's (1996) findings for current kraal space of 3-5 m2 per goat/sheep and 13-16 m2 for cattle, the small kraal could have accommodated 7-13 goats or 2-3 cattle and the large kraal 30-50 goats or 9-12 cattle. As today cattle kraals tend to be larger than goat/sheep kraals, it is likely that the big kraal held about 10 cattle and the small kraal about 10 small stock (this is more likely than 40 goats and 2 cattle). The relatively thin manure deposits suggest that the village was not occupied for an extensive period of time. In the 1980s in the Northeast District the average subsistence farming household has 10-15 cattle (40% of households had no cattle at all) and 20-25 goats, of which the latter formed the main source of meat (Department of Town and Regional Planning 1982:2,12). The granaries During the survey we had counted 86 granary platforms, but upon clearing of the bush it turned out that there were 108 in total. Similarly, some of the other sites may be found to have larger numbers. Nonetheless, it is at the upper end of settlement sizes for the district. The circular stone features had a minimum diameter ranging from 0.60 to 2.15 m (mean 1.50 m, s. = 0.27 m)1 and were of a range from type b to type c (Figure 9.4), type c being more complete. It is possible that they were not all contemporary, with cross bars having been reused; alternatively type b granary platforms may have had wooden crossbars that were not preserved.

Figure 10.4 One of the star-shaped granary platforms at Vumba

2

6 Sr2h (volume of cylinder), where r is the interior radius of the bin = minimum radius of the granary platform less 5 cm for the wall, and h is an estimated height of the superstructure of 1 m.

1

Many of these features have not been preserved perfectly round, and north-south and east-west diameters were recorded.

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BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA concentration about 4 m in diameter, was exposed and found to consist of fragments with pole impressions, the collapsed wall. Upon removal of this dhaka, we found the base of the wall still in situ with 10 vertical carbonized pole fragments. This showed that the wall was made of a frame of closely spaced vertical poles, 5-9 cm in diameter, to which a layer of dhaka plaster, 2 to 5 cm thick, had been applied on the interior,3 while on the exterior a low ledge of dhaka probably existed to lend further support to the poles. This made the base of the wall about 15 cm thick. The houses varied from 2-3 m in diameter, with structures 3 and 1 being the largest. _______________

Houses We excavated in six areas where some burnt dhaka fragments were visible at the surface and these proved to be house remains. In addition, structure 4 (see Fig. 10.3) consisted of a ring of gravel, which was probably left after the erosion of an unburned dhaka wall. Such gravel may be added to the clay as temper and serves to reduce cracking. Recently abandoned houses generally erode into ring mounds of clay with gravel. It is likely that there had been more houses, which I show in a reconstruction in Figure 10.7.

3

Structure 3, about 4 m east of the small kraal, was the best preserved (Figures 10.3 and 10.5). A dhaka

I had thought that plastering of pole walls was done to keep wind and rain out, but I was told in Nkange by two informants that it was to keep snakes out. Pole-framed walls are rare today; most are of unburned clay bricks.

Figure 10.5 Vumba house 3, photo from west and plan after removal of collapsed dhaka wall. Burnt base of pole-and-dhaka wall shown in situ. Note granary platforms and monolith-like natural stones in the background.

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Figure 10.6 Recent examples of palisaded yards. Top Tswapong 1996, bottom Nshakashogwe 1984.

Structure 3 had a west entrance and three pieces of moulded clay without pole impressions may have been a door sill, partially over stones; the latter still in place, whereas the moulded clay is displaced to the west. The entrances to the other structures are not known with certainty. Structure 3 also had remnants of adjoining pole-and-dhaka walls, which may have formed a palisaded enclosure on the west to southwest side, which can then be considered to have been the front yard (Figure 10.6 are recent examples). It may have been necessary to secure the base of these palisade walls in dhaka as the soil is shallow over a gravelly subsoil. One

entered the house through this enclosed yard. Extensive burning of a clay floor here is evidence of a fire place, probably for cooking, and two stones probably served as pot supports (usually three). There are similarly extensive (cooking?) fireplaces to the northwest of structure 1 and west of structure 5, while there was some evidence of moulded ring hearths inside structures 6 and 7. The location of entrances, yards and outdoor fires west of a house or courtyard wall is practical, as the walls provide shelter against winds that come predominantly from the east.

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BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA cluster level. The realization that we were dealing with clusters within clusters was an eye-opener and has led to a better understanding of the social relationships represented by the settlement pattern.

The midden and the date There was one communal midden on the northwest side of the settlement, 13 m in diameter and 32 cm thick in the centre. Although some Cenchrus grass grew on the loose light grey ash, the presence of charcoal and baked termite tunnels from firewood and a good density of artifacts and bones showed that this was a midden and not a kraal.

The 22 small clusters, consisting of up to 7 granary platforms, with 15 of the 22 computer-generated clusters containing 5 granary platforms, correspond to granary sets, as discussed in Chapter 9. Each set consists of granary platforms of different sizes, big ones presumably for grains and smaller ones for legumes, corresponding to cells within the larger grain houses of today. The 6 larger clusters, each consisting of one to six granary sets, correspond then to granaries of a family group, either a nuclear family or a polygamous family, who lived together as an extended family. Figure 10.7 is an interpretation4 with visually tighter clusters, which recognizes that although 5 granaries per set is still the mean, sets with 3 to 7 granaries are common. __________________

Charcoal from 20-25 cm below the surface produced the date of 450 +/- 80 B.P. (I-13720), which calibrates to 1427-(1456)-1521,1576-1627. The Vumba spatial arrangements Looking at the site plan (Figure 10.3) there are some obvious groups of granary platforms, separated by open spaces, but this is not so clear for the large numbers of granary platforms in the arc east around the kraals. The K-means analysis, a computerized clustering programme, was, therefore, employed. This is a heuristic method, which can help one recognize patterns and gives some measure of whether these are meaningful. It suggested that the granary platforms formed meaningful clusters not just at one level, but at two: the 6-cluster level and the 22-

4

This is an adjustment from the original results of the K-means clustering procedure (Van Waarden 1989), this version being more visually satisfying. K-means analysis is a heuristic method, which can help one recognize patterns and gives some measure of whether these are meaningful. It does not necessarily result in the best divisions. Similarly, my interpretation may not have been the actual clusters. What is important is the recognition of clusters at two levels.

Figure 10.7 Interpretation of the Vumba settlement.

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CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN

Figure 10.8 Residence of Chief Diba Moses Meng'we's polygamous extended family, Maitengwe 1984.

analogy of a settlement layout for a polygamous extended family.

Although there are brief comments in the literature about Kalanga and Shona families and their villages, we are hampered by the lack of a Kalanga ethnography with details on the material culture and spatial arrangements. Rather than quoting snippets from the literature, therefore, I present as illustration the plan of the residence of Chief Diba Moses Meng'we in 1984 (Figure 10.8).5 Of course much has changed since the time of Vumba, chief amongst these are a change to a linear rather than circular layout and the use of rectangular grain houses both due to European influence. The Meng'we example is not given to prove that the interpretation of Vumba given here is correct, but rather as an illustrative

I can not go into much discussion here, but some pertinent similarities can be pointed out. All adult women and all husbands had their own grain house, consisting of 4-9 cells (mean = 6), which would have corresponded to granary sets at Vumba. The granaries were at the back, to the east, behind the houses, whereas the khuta, which is the men's assembly area and the chief's court, the livestock kraals and the khuta granary,6 were in the front and to the west, where was also the main entrance. In the front was also the tree where sacrifices were made to the ancestors. Each wife had her own bedroom and kitchen. The chief's compound is an example, although complex, of a polygamous family unit and it is flanked on both sides by similar family units of the chief's younger brothers, which together formed the centre of the royal Meng'we ward in the extensive settlement of Maitengwe. What is also important to note is that the residence changed as household members grew up and married, left, got too old to tend a field, or died.

5

Permission to map and photograph was kindly given by the Chief, who also provided valuable information. Chief Diba Moses Meng'we was born in 1905 and was acknowledged as senior of the Kalanga chiefs at the time. He reigned on behalf of an older brother. He was the son of Mme Muxange Tibone, replacement wife (sister) of the 4th wife of Chief Tibone Meng'we. Chief Moses lived at the time with his two wives, two of his children, five grandchildren, two paternal aunts and his youngest brother and his family. Next to him lived his younger brothers and their families, the brother to the north, or right hand when facing the entrance, has since succeeded Chief Moses on his death. Although this is a chiefly residence, it is the best example available to me of a polygamous extended Kalanga family residence.

6

in this case built specifically to collect tribute grain to feed the Bechuanaland troops in World War II

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BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA At Vumba, similarly, the settlement probably grew over time and the arc filled with houses and granaries to the point where lack of space may have forced some members outside the arc. A circle of c. 100 m diameter may be anticipated for family growth over the lifespan of the senior man. It may be one reason for sons and brothers to eventually move out and establish their own nzana/nzi. Interestingly, smaller sites also appear to be laid out on an 80-100 m diameter (50 m radius), in anticipation of family growth?

Table 10.2 Composition of households at Vumba House- houses granary hold sets A 5 6 B 2 3 C 2 3 D 2 3 E 1 2 F 1 2 G 1 1 H 1 1 Libazhe 8 15 21

Figure 10.7 is an interpretation of the Vumba settlement, showing the two levels of granary platform clustering. These are placed around the houses, forming sub-arcs in the main arc. The houses, in turn, are placed in two rows around the two kraals.

granaries 31 21 14 14 10 8 4 5 1 108

est. storage capacity 3 52.1m 36.2 23.7 18.3 14.1 13.5 7.1 6.4 2.0 173.4

men women . 1 5 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 1 1 1 1? 1? . 7 14

Seniority then is also expressed spatially: 1. the most senior household is in the middle of the arc, east and opposite the entrance to the settlement, which is west, and was probably built first. 2. at the next level seniority is expressed as proximity to this main household. 3. the location to the left of the main household, facing the front, is more senior than the right. 8 Note also that what is probably the cattle kraal is located to the left and the goats' kraal to the right from this perspective.

At the centre of the settlement and in front of the kraals, is an empty space which was the likely yard or libazhe where the men met, equivalent to the khuta or court of a chief such as Meng'we. A single granary is often associated with a libazhe or khuta from which visitors and destitutes are fed or beer brewed for visitors and at Vumba this may be granary no. 108 (cf. Figure 10.3) in the center of the site. This grain comes from zhunde or tribute labour on the senior man's field. This area also forms the entrance to the settlement, on the west side, and the libazhe (or khuta) and kraals form the men's domain.

Household F may have been placed where it is, due to lack of space in the arc. It could have belonged to a married couple. We can only guess at the function of groups G and H, possibly as one or more bachelors or one or more single women.

The projected locations of additional houses (open circles) suggest that there had probably been 12 houses and 17 granary sets in the main settlement; this may correspond to five polygamous households, 5 husbands and twelve wives, so that husbands had a granary set, but not a separate house (which they may have today).7

The double row of houses, as suggested by the location of structures 5 and 7 behind structure 3 may be significant as serving different functions. These structures are smaller. The collapsed wall was not removed from structure 5, so that there is not a complete record of features and artifacts left inside. Today there are sleeping houses versus kitchens, but both structure 3 and structure 5 have an extensive baked floor outside, west, of the house, suggesting that cooking took place outside both structures.

Household A has the largest number of houses and granaries and the greatest storage capacity and is, therefore, likely the most senior household, the man with the most wives, in this case five (or this could include his widowed mother, aunt, sister or older daughter). Households B through D all have two houses and three granary sets, but they have a decreasing number of granaries and storage capacity (Table 10.2).

Oppositions between men and women are expressed spatially by the placement of their activity areas and the elements which most represent them, namely cattle in the centre and front, which is the west, while granaries, grinding stones, pots are on the periphery and in the back, generally the east. Between the men's and women's domains are the houses, built jointly by the men (woodwork) and women (dhaka and thatch), where men and women live together. The layout of these features is similar to the Central Cattle Pattern. It shows the diametric and concentric oppositions of male pastoralism and female agriculture, senior versus junior, public versus private.

We assume that the older the man, the more wives and children he has and the older his children, so the greater the available labour for working the lands, and therefore the greater the agricultural yield, requiring a greater number of granaries and a greater total storage capacity. If this reasoning is correct, then the next senior household, after household A, is B, then C, then D, then E (Figure 10.7, Table 10.2).

Werbner (1989:64-69) showed that modern Kalanga perceive of these opposing domains even in their ritual practices (cf. the Meng'we residence). According to

7

It is, of course, possible that household A was really two households, one with two houses and three granary sets, the other with three houses and three granary sets or a number of other alternatives. This may change the number of households, but not the number of adults with a set of granaries. The division as presented is closest to the 6 clusters of the K-means analysis, however.

8

This is the reverse of the recent Meng'we extended family, with the older of the younger brothers to the right.

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CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN and foreign economies,9 but within Kalanga society these products were exchanged as gifts in return for obligations and services, redistributed to the subjects in return for their tribute to the chief and Mambo.

Werbner modern Kalanga perceive a west-east axis, the west is the front and the public domain, where are also the livestock pens. Here are the major resources for longterm investment and exchange relations such as bridewealth transactions. (Note, however, that a bride was given a hoe as wedding gift). In the east, the back, is the domestic domain where the granaries (subsistence resource) and kitchens are, where resources are used that are mainly for distribution and consumption and at most some short-term investment. Grain is grown for family subsistence, not as cash crop. However, beer brewed from the grain may be sold; such beer is brewed in the rear, but sold in the public domain. Beyond the domestic domain is the area where ash and waste is thrown. This is perceived of as the back and the wild and alien place. Across this east-west axis is the north-south axis denoting opposition according to seniority of wives or houses, juniors to the right and seniors to the left. Cattle also feature ritually in exchange between the living and dead members of the family. An ancestral shrine, when present, is in the front and serves family members even from distant homesteads. Cattle are sacrificed here and the offering is moved from west across the homestead to the midden in the back. Rites of demonic spirit possession, essentially a domestic healing ritual, proceed in the opposite direction, the women hosts who go into trance perform as lions, who come from the alien wilderness in the back and move through a process of rites westwards, eventually to return to the east. Interestingly, the lion hosts wear trade beads and cotton cloth. Werbner interprets such imported luxuries as symbolic of the threat of commodity relations, the penetration of capitalism into an essentially gift economy and the creation of a yearning to own luxuries as a threat to the domestic requirements of providing of food and other basic necessities. During the ritual these outside threats are neutralized by turning them into gifts in return for ritual services. Finally, in the relationship between people and Mwali (God), the hwosana priest acts as a gobetween and carries ash from the community (hot waste, impurity) to the shrine (for Kalanga in Botswana this shrine is in the east and up in a cave in a hill) and returns with cool soil from Mwali, symbol of land and fertility and purity. Fascinating.

Central Cattle Pattern or not? Although the layout at Vumba is classic Central Cattle Pattern, we have seen in the previous chapter that Vumba, with its 108 granary platforms, is unusually large, and that only 20% of the commoner sites had livestock kraals. We can not conclude, therefore, that the Central Cattle Pattern was the cognitive model that dominated Butua peasant society. Granary platforms, instead, seem the dominant features on these sites. Did, therefore, their view of the world centre around crops instead of cattle? First of all, the C.C.P. model's applicability is not because of analogy with recent Zulu and Tswana settlement layout, but rather a historical connection with earlier Zhizo and Leopard's Kopje sites, where large central cattle kraals were surrounded by houses and grain houses. These were from a wetter period (900-1300) when in the whole region sites were dominated by central cattle kraals. Vumba is dated to the 15th century. Could it be that cattle were still central at the beginning of the Butua period, but that they and the C.C.P. gradually were replaced over time by an emphasis on agriculture? Table 9.4 shows that the Phoenix 28 site still had a kraal large enough for 54 cattle in the 17th century. The position of the granaries did not change over the course of the Butua period. They remained at the back, behind the houses, hence the role of women and agriculture does not seem to have changed. Just because these features have been well preserved, does not mean that they were also dominant during the occupation of the sites. Mupane 36 (Figure 10.9) is also dated to the 15th century and its layout is similar to Vumba, although the kraal was only big enough for two goats and only a few granary sets occupy, in comparison, only a wedge of the residential circle. Some slag found in association with an arc of stones on the west side of the site, suggests a male activity area and may have been at a libazhe or khuta. Its position to the west is as expected compared to the Vumba model.

At Vumba we have shown that the spatial relations of the physical elements of the cosmology of today's Kalanga already were present 500 years ago, and keeping in mind that changes are likely to have occurred, this justifies the use of modern Kalanga ethnography to gain insights into the past. The rituals involving the trade goods of glass beads and cotton cloth, already major imports on the east coast in the 15th century, may have evolved over the centuries to counter the threat to the status quo and, although this ritual may not yet have existed in that form during the 15th century, the introduction of imports, even on a small scale may already have caused tension. We must probably see long distance trade as a sale and purchase of non-domestic products between the Kalanga

The 17th-century site of Phoenix 19 (Figure 10.10) also is west facing and the few granary sets are spread out over an arc, behind the houses, as expected. A lightly ashy area in the centre may have been a small kraal. A thick ashy feature to the east with a good density of 9

Although much of the wealth of the Mutapa and probably also of the Mambo was acquired through the Portuguese 'curva', an annual gift or tax.

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Figure 10.9 Mupane 36 site

artifacts, charcoal and Cenchrus grass may have been a midden and/or a kraal. Another midden is to the northeast in the same position as at Vumba. The similarities prevail. At just over 20% presence of kraals and many of those only for small stock, we can, of course no longer attribute a central role to cattle. However, the diametric and concentric oppositions seen at Vumba between men and women, pastoralism and agriculture, senior and juniors, public and private, clean and dirt, continue to be visible in the settlement layout.

Figure 10.10 Phoenix 19 site

Tube's (1991) description of a "traditional" Kalanga marriage makes mention of cattle, goats and money as bride price, not hoes. Store-bought hoes, which have replaced the mpangula, may not hold as much symbolic value after the introduction of plows, and the 20thcentury form of malobola may reflect an increased ownership of livestock and the introduction of money and may not have been as practiced at the time of Vumba. More research is needed in the role of hoes in marriage transactions in the past.

Rather than the Central Cattle Pattern, we can consider the Vumba layout with the granary sets as a model for Butua peasant villages, with smaller sites displaying only part of this more complete pattern. We can call this the Peasant Pattern. Further research may assign a more dominant role to the women and the granaries, but there is no evidence in Kalanga oral history or in modern Kalanga ethnography for a dominant role of women in society; it remained patrilineal, patrilocal, patriarchal. Women do, however, play an important role as domestic spirit mediums, hence healers of domestic conflict, and as liaison with other families (Werbner 1989). It is possible that men's role switched from mainly pastoralism to hunting and mining, of which the evidence is not readily visible in the settlement layout, as these activities mainly took place away from the village.

Mention must be made of the practicality of the Peasant Pattern. Prevailing winds from the east make a west orientation of entrances and palisaded kitchen yards practical. Similarly, a west, down-wind location for the livestock kraals and a north location for the midden spares the villagers from pungent odours. That this became accepted as a view of the world, is indicated by Kalanga explaining this as being part of the cosmos, where everything faces west: the sun, moon and stars go west, the wind goes west and Kalanga moved west (Matikiti Meng'we, Historic Text Jackalasi II, 1984). Shrines to the ancestors are also in the west, front yard (Werbner 1989:64; see also the Meng'we residence layout, Figure 10.8), and even wild demonic spirits, although associated with the wilderness to the east, move west during rituals. The burial at Tonota SP was laid out with the head to the west, while the Matanga burials had a dominant west or north orientation (Table 9.5).

It is well known that part of the marriage transaction in recent Kalanga traditional marriage was in the form of hoes, 54 cm long pointed leaf-shaped mpangula. In Tlou and Campbell (1997:130) these big hoes are called "marriage hoes" and it is stated that a number of these were given as part of the bride price "to replace, to some extent, the agricultural work the bride would have performed in her own home." This suggests that cattle were replaced by hoes. However, my understanding is that a hoe was given to the bride for her to use in plowing, not to her family to compensate for their loss.

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CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN Of the 192 decorated pieces 97 % had been painted either with graphite11 (77.6 %), red hematite (15.5 %) or polychrome (3.9 %); 28 had horizontal bands of graphite and 3 horizontal bands of red hematite.

Artifact assemblage Let us now look at the artifacts that were retrieved from the site and how they can further increase our understanding of the life of farming communities in the Butua state.

Textured decoration was present on 20 of the decorated pieces (Figures 10.13, 10.14); this consisted predominantly of incised or grooved horizontal lines (8 of which in combination with colour) or simple bands of slanted lines, although hatched triangles and cross hatching were also present, as was the use of bangle impressions and a rare combstamping. The textured decoration occurs on the body of the vessels (n=13) or in the neck and shoulder area (n=7), not on the rim or upper neck. It is possible that the jars of which only the rim and neck could be reconstructed, had been decorated on the body. Three sherds can tentatively be classified as polychrome band-and-panel ware and a further 4 have horizontal bands in the two colours, 3 of which with a groove or incision separating the bands. ________________

Pottery The pottery was very fragmentary. After rejoining, the 16,983 g of pottery formed 3420 potsherds and of these only 14 rimsherds were large enough to determine the stance and a general shape, and of only 8 of these could the rim diameter be measured; only 4 vessels were complete enough to give an indication of volume (Figures 10.11, 10.12). Shapes are of short-necked globular pots, pots with weakly recurved necks and open- to subspherical bowls. Typical rim shapes are rolled over outward (beaded rims) or with simple rounded lips. An additional fragment could be identified as a cup or small sub-spherical bowl. One of these vessels (7 %) had heavy burn marks to indicate use in cooking.

10

As decorations in this assemblage are only in the upper part of the pots, most potsherds from a decorated pot will be undecorated. This does, therefore, not mean that 5.6% of the pots were decorated, the 7% decoration of the reconstructed pots (Figure 10.11) may be a better indication, although from a small sample. The 5.6% is useful in comparing assemblages. 11 graphite or mica-schist, both grey lustrous sheens

Only one of these vessels was decorated, a bowl with a band of red hematite on the lip, which extended for 0.7 cm on the inside of the vessel. Of the pot fragments 5.6% were decorated10 (a further 2.4 % showed traces of possible colour decoration).

Figure 10.11 Pottery typology of Vumba

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BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA

Figure 10.12 Pots from Vumba

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CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN

Figure 10.13 Textured decorations on Vumba pottery

Figure 10.14 Polychrome and monochrome examples of pottery at Vumba. Classification refers to Figure 10.13.

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BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA Other clay objects Four fragments of spindle whorls were found (Figure 10.15), made from old potsherds ground into circular disks about 5 cm in diameter and a biconical hole drilled into the centre. Five other ground potsherd fragments may also be parts of spindle whorls. One of these was decorated, since a potsherd with graphite on the outside had been used. They would have acted as flywheels for the spindle, hence their circular disc shape and weight, and the central hole is where the spindle would have been inserted. It is possible that cotton was grown; it occurs wild in the northeast of Botswana, but is rare. In the 19th century Kalanga men did the spinning and weaving of cloth and dyed it into black machila cloth, which was worn by both men and women as a simple wrap (Mauch 1969:233; 1971:60). One of the spindle whorl fragments was found associated with structure 3, one with structure 6, and the others came from the midden.

Figure 10.16 Soapstone pipe bowl from Vumba (side and bottom view)

dolerite stones were used as upper grinding stones. Dolerite naturally erodes into heavy fist-size balls, making these favourite for use as upper grinding stones. One of the lower and one of the upper grinding stones had red stains, suggesting the grinding of red hematite. The other grinding stones may have been used for grinding ground nuts, pigments, tobacco, herbs and medicines.

A clay figurine fragment was found among the collapsed wall of structure 3.

A small dolerite stone, ground to a sphere, is similar to stones used today to burnish pottery. Soapstone had been carved into a pipe bowl (Figure 10.16) and left in structure 1 next to a patch of burnt clay (hearth?). A chunk and four flake tools of chert and quartz (one a borer) were in the midden and a sidescraper in house 4. These may have been used in hide preparation, sewing of skins and drilling holes in shell beads. There is no indication that they are not part of the Butua period occupation. The continued use of flaked stone tools by farming communities well into the Later Iron Age indicates that iron was not always available nor even the most suitable for certain tasks.

Figure 10.15 Spindle whorl fragments and clay figurine from Vumba

Stone artifacts There were many grinding stones (upper and lower) near the granaries. A total of 19 grinding stones were recorded in a systematic survey of the area of household D, to give an idea of the density of such stones. Ten others were recorded in the excavated areas. Of this sample 11 were lower grinding stones of which two were of granite, 1 of schist and 4 of dolerite (3 unidentified). One rock outcrop associated with structure 3 also had a ground surface. The ground surfaces were flat or shallow, none like the saddle-querns, which are more characteristic for grinding maize, which was not introduced until the 16th century and then eaten generally on the cob rather than ground (Ellert 1993:122-125). Sorghum and millet were probably stamped in wooden mortars with wooden pestles as they are today and these would not have been preserved. 17

There were seven micaceous stones probably to be ground for their sparkles, some of which was included in pottery clay. Metal artifacts Two small pieces of slag suggest smithing. However, three similar items, one with some clay adhering, were associated with burnt house walls and may have been produced from the burning of the iron rich hut clay.12 The evidence for smithing must be considered inconclusive. Some iron objects were, however, excavated (Fig. 10.17). 12

Note that these were small, not the big lumps as found at Old Tati Ruin.

141

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN green and dark rose were also present. They are similar to the group II beads at Khami (Robinson 1969:145). A royal blue glass flake, maximum dimension 2.1 cm (hence likely bottle glass), showed edge damage as if the sharp edge had been used as a tool. Flora Three fragments of carbonized morula nut came from the lowest level of the midden and one from among the dhaka of structure 1. Morula (Sclerocaria caffra) trees have abundant fruit about 3 cm in diameter, which has a juicy outer flesh which is high in vitamin C and is also made into marula wine. The kernel contains nuts that are high in protein and fats. The faunal assemblage

Figure 10.17 Iron objects from Vumba

All bone fragments over 5 mm were collected. After rejoining, this assemblage consisted of 1232 fragments, weighing a total of 2,404 g. Of this, 700 fragments, weighing 1,802 g, came from the midden; average weight per fragment = 2.57 g. The remainder, 532 fragments weighed 602 g, an average of 1.13 g/fragment. This is as expected, with a higher density of bone (680 g/m3) and larger fragments cleaned up and thrown in the midden, and smaller pieces escaping removal (density outside the midden = 83g/m3).

Number 132 is a rectangular tang end and probably came from a hoe or axe, whereas the tang end with the round profile may have been from a spear, knife or arrow. The triangular blade object is similar to a Shona knife used for cutting tattoo marks (Bourdillon 1976:177b). Four fragments of iron bangles were made of 1 to 1.25 mm thick wire which was twisted around a fiber core 2 to 4 mm in diameter. In one piece the fibers were preserved, 25 to 30 of them in a bundle. They are likely grass stems. Number 430 had a fancy twist and may in fact be two wires twisted around each other.

As this is a small, single component site with a communal midden, the fauna was analyzed as one sample.

Shell artifacts Six beads of land snail (Achatina sp.) and four of ostrich eggshell were collected. One of the ostrich beads had no hole in it yet and two others had rough edges still, suggesting that they were unfinished and that bead manufacture was done on site rather than that beads were acquired through trade. A further 8 fragments of ostrich eggshell, 49 fragments of Achatina shell and 16 fragments of mussel shell may similarly be waste or raw materials for bead manufacture. The large Achatina landsnail may have occurred naturally on site. Freshwater mussels (Spathopsis wahlbergy (Appelton 1996:38)) occur now only rarely in the seasonal rivers in the Northeast District. They may be a further indication of more permanent water bodies during a wetter climate.13

Faunal identification and aging was done by Ina Plug of the Transvaal Museum. Of the 1232 fragments a total of 432 (35%) could be classified to basic skeletal portion (rib, longbone, skull fragment, etc.) and 97 (7.9%) were identifiable to taxon. The identified fragments (NISP) and the minimum number of individuals (MNI) they represent are summarized in Table 10.3,14 while Table 10.4 lists the age of domesticates. This gives an estimate of 54.6 % domesticates, 36.1 % game and 9.3 % other (domestic/game and selfintroduced)15on the basis of number of fragments. Converting this into meat contribution, I used 50 % of adult live weight per MNI, except for 10% for tortoise, following Thorp's (1995:56) analysis of the faunal assemblage from Khami. This recognizes that 1 fish bone represents a very small contribution to the diet compared to one eland bone. This estimates that the sample of identified bones reflects a diet of 71.4 % game and 28.6 % domesticates.

Imports Seventeen glass beads came via the east coast trade network. They were mostly small oblates (2.5-5 mm in diameter), predominantly translucent to opaque cerulean blue and royal/cobalt blue, although red, black, light 13

I had never seen them in the rivers in 20 years, but one was found in the Tati River in Francistown recently after unusually good rains had formed permanent pools. Such mussel shells are commonly found on sites, sometimes whole with a ground edge, and Kalanga potters today use them to scrape clay pots smooth before firing (one said she got her kgopa from the Shashe Dam; another from Nata; but they would not sell them to the museum, obviously rare objects).

14

Achatina snails are not included as, even though they are edible, there is no record of them having been eaten by Kalanga or Shona, and they may occur naturally on the site. 15 although mice may also have been eaten

142

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA Table 10.3. Identified faunal fragments from Vumba16 NISP GAME Fish Tortoise Varanus sp. (monitor lizard) Guinea-fowl sized bird Hare Sylvicapra grimmia (duiker) Tragelaphus spekei (sitatunga) Aepyceros melampus (impala) Oryx gazella (gemsbok) Equus burchelli (zebra) Taurotragus oryx (eland) Bovid I Bovid II non-domestic Bovid III non-domestic Sub-total all game

1 1 1 1 2 5 1 5 1 3 1 5 2 6 35

DOMESTICATES Gallus domesticus (chicken) Capra hircus (goat) Ovicaprine (sheep or goat)

2 5 26

Bos taurus (cattle) Sub-total domesticates

20 53

OTHERS Small rodent Bovid II Bovid III Sub-total others TOTAL ALL FAUNA

%

MNI

%

1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 y.ad. 1 ad. 1 1

36.1

54.6

4 2 3 9

9.3

97

100.0

12

meat weight per animal kg

Total meat weight kg

0.01 0.10 (1.00?) 0.75 1.07 8 46 24 100 180 280 ~10 ~49 ~178

0.01 0.10 1.00 0.75 1.07 16 46 24 100 180 280

54.5

2 1 1 ad. 3 juv 2 juv 9 40.9 1

649 1.00

2

14.5-18

78

90

180 260

%

71.4

28.6

4.5 ~49 ~178

22

100.0

909

100.0

Table 10.4 Age of domesticates CATTLE 15-18 mos. 18-30 mos.

tooth growth dp3 medium wear dp3 heavy wear; 2dp4 due for replacement

M.N.I. 1 1

GOATS/SHEEP Juvenile: dp3 light wear 2 dp4 right medium wear Adult: I1 medium wear,I4 light wear,P2+P4 heavy wear

1 2 1

16

No M.N.I. for unspecified Bovids II-III are given, as these may be bones from the bovids that were identified. The meat proportion of wild versus domestic animals may have been greater in reality, therefore. Following Thorp (1995:5-6) meat estimates are based on 50% of adult live weight, except 10% for tortoise. Live weight figures were taken from Thorp (1995:6) for comparison with her faunal analysis of the Khami site, supplemented by data from Dorst & Dandelot (1976). Figures for the weight of the fragments (game vs. domesticates) are not available.

example in Reitz and Wing (1999, esp. pp.191-238). They conclude that there is no one "magical formula." Indeed, so many factors of deposition, taphonomic processes and data recovery influence the results that these can only be considered estimates. It is useful to consider NISP as the maximum number of individuals, compared to MNI as the minimum, with the actual number of individuals in the sample somewhere in between and not knowable (Klein and Cruz-Uribe in Reitz and Wing 1999:202). In further comparison in this study I will use NISP, as this is now commonly used in southern African comparative studies. Personally, calculations of meat contributions make much more sense

The difference between the percentages game versus domesticates based on NISP and those based on meat contribution using MNI can be due to: 1. the problems inherent in NISP and MNI 2. not including bones in MNI that have only been identified to Bovid size classes, as they may belong to the same skeletons identified to genus and species.17 These problems have been discussed in detail, for 17

Bovid I is the size of a duiker, Bovid II can be a goat/sheep or an impala or sitatunga, for example, Bovid III is the size of a cow or gemsbok.

143

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN to me, as a hare only provides about 1 kg of meat, which is eaten by a small family unit in a day or two, compared to 280 kg of eland meat, which could probably have provided meat for the entire Vumba community for a month if dried. This is, of course, assuming that the hare did not burrow into the midden and die there, and assuming the eland bone was not scavenged from a lion kill and brought in purely for its marrow. There are many possible scenarios. If, however, we assume that each game animal represents a hunting or snaring episode, then comparing sites using NISP and/or MNI can tell us something of different procurement strategies, while meat contribution gives a better indication of diet.

monitor lizard clubbed and tortoise collected. The fishing method is not known. The rodent may have lived on site. Eland, zebra, impala and duiker are quite at home in mophane woodland and gemsbok could also occur in such an environment, although it is more commonly associated with dry plains (Smithers 1971:238-9). This latter is in stark contrast to the sitatunga, which is an aquatic antelope and occurs presently strictly in the swampy northern Okavango and Linyanti-Chobe (Smithers 1971:224) and further north, but is absent from the rest of southern Africa (Dorst and Dandelot 1976:219). They are known to have occurred as far south as the Boteti and Lake Xau in the south of the Makgadikgadi Pans in the 19th century, before lake Xau dried up (Smithers 1983). Sitatunga was also found at the site of Bosutswe during the Toutswe period, an earlier wet phase (Plug 1996:92-93); Bosutswe is southeast of the Makgadikgadi Pans and about equidistant from the pans as Vumba is. Certainly the sitatunga bones are independent confirmation of considerably wetter climates during the Toutswe-Leopard's Kopje period and the Khami phase of the Butua period, compared to today. There are no major rivers near Bosutswe and the sitatunga at that site must have come from the Makgadikgadi Pans - Lake Xau - Boteti area. In the Northeast the Tati and Shashe rivers may have had permanent water with suitable reed beds at the time and it is possible that the sitatunga had been hunted locally – this would then indicate much wetter conditions than today. The alternative that the gemsbok and the sitatunga may have been obtained on long distance hunting expeditions or through regional trade with the SowaKhoe is less likely, as in such a case it would have been more practical to have brought in the spoils of such hunts as dried meat rather than fresh-on-the-bone over more than 100 km.

The difference in percentage game versus domesticates at Vumba using NISP (36.1 % versus 54.6 %) as compared to meat contribution (71.4 % versus 28.6 %) may suggest that domesticates were consumed in their entirety on site, resulting in more bones for each animal ending up in the deposits, whereas not all of the bones of the hunted animals may have been brought to the site. Jim Denbow (pers. comm. 2001) had noted the current practice of transporting leg joints by pushing a carrying stick between the bone and lower tendon. It is possible that legs of large game were carried by that method and the rest brought in as strips of dried meat, depending on how far the kill was from the village. Of the identified wild bovid and equid species in the Vumba assemblage, there are 10 leg bones, 10 foot and ankle bones, 2 scapulae and 6 tooth and mandible fragments and 1 pelvis fragment, i.e. 20 of the 29 bones are from legs, and the scapula may have been left attached to a forelimb, but this may also be a reflection of preservation and identifiability. Of the domesticates comparison of NISP gives an estimate of 37.7 % cattle, 58.5 % goat and/or sheep and 3.8 % chicken. Converting MNI into meat contribution, this would represent 69.2 % beef, 30 % goat or lamb and 0.8 % chicken. This suggests that goats or sheep were slaughtered more frequently, yet still cattle provided more of the meat consumed. Chicken provides a very small proportion of livestock, but its presence is important as this is the first report of domestic chicken from the Khami period, although they may be present in other assemblages, but identified only as 'guinea-fowl sized bird'. Ina Plug has also identified chicken from the Leopard's Kopje component at Selolwe and the Taukome (early Toutswe) component at Bosutswe, showing that these had been introduced by about the 9th century (Plug 1996).

The sitatunga bone was a left scapula blade fragment from which the scapula block had been chopped away from the glenoid, i.e. a shoulder cut, and the gemsbok bone was a left distal humerus with shallow cut marks. It is quite likely that the hunters carried in left forelimbs with attached shoulder, which was only detached on site. Discussion and conclusions Although we found no evidence for gold mining at Vumba, its location within 2 km of prehistoric gold mines, during a time when we know gold was likely mined in the area (gold wire at Domboshaba Ruin), is suggestive.

The cattle slaughtered at Vumba were older juveniles and of the ovicaprines 75% were juveniles. This suggests that, in general, breeding stock (adults) were not slaughtered, but neither did they wait for the animals to have obtained their maximum size.

The soil in the village is too shallow to plow, but good soils would have existed nearby and good pasture is available throughout the region. The location of the village is optimal if both agricultural soils and gold mining were the deciding factors. If only agricultural soil was a factor, the village would more likely have been situated on deeper soils so that it was

Most of the meat came from game, of which eland, zebra, gemsbok, impala, sitatunga and duiker would probably have been hunted, hare and guineas snared, 144

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA occurs in association with hematite schist, which would have been a source of red ochre. Iron can also occur as small outcrops of ferrous sulphide in quartz reefs and dolerite dykes (Litherland 1975:124-5). More massive iron occurrences are the Maitengwe banded ironstone about 45 km northwest (not yet explored for archaeological sites, but said to have little surface outcropping) and at the Mupanipani range and Old Tati, 80 to 110 km to the southeast, where we have found some indications of iron mining and smelting, but certainly not on the grand scale as found at the Tswapong Hills 225 km to the south.

immediately adjacent to the lands, as is preferred today. However, the shallow soil next to the hill may have provided a drier location than further out on the plain and the hill would have acted as windbreak. The village was occupied during 1427-(1456)-1521, 1576-1627 and had probably housed an extended family of an estimated 7 men and 14 women, a total population estimated at 21 adults and 21 children = 42 individuals.18 They lived in houses with walls of closely spaced vertical poles which were plastered with dhaka-clay, mainly on the interior. These were 2-3 m in diameter and house 3 may have had an adjoining palisaded yard. Some houses had moulded ring hearths, others informal fires inside and/or outside. Floors were earthen or at most a thin smearing of dhaka. There was no evidence of interior benches or ledges of dhaka.

There is no evidence for smelting in the village and no conclusive evidence for smithing. Village blacksmiths told me that in the recent past most men knew how to repair their implements, but not how to smelt iron from rock. Iron may have been traded as mpangula (hoes) and wire, the manufacture of which would likely have been specialist skills. Ready-made bangles would not likely be obtained through trade as they were custom-fitted on the person's ankle or wrist by the blacksmith (Photo from the National Archives of Zimbabwe in Ellert 1984:4). Either the client went to the smith or the smith came to the village. Hoes were the largest iron objects. As they wore out, they would be modified to become axes and then adzes, etc.

There were 108 stone granary platforms of the star or spaced-ring-with-central-stone type and ranged from 0.60 to 2.15 m in diameter. These had had a dhaka superstructure. The granaries represent a crop storage capacity of about 173 m3 and the two kraals suggest that the family owned about 10 cattle and 10 goats/sheep, which were penned up communally. They also had chickens. This suggests that they were primarily agriculturalists, who also owned livestock. However, most of the meat diet came from wild animals (71 %). The domestic animals most frequently slaughtered were juvenile goats/sheep. There was also one communal rubbish midden.

Graphite, used in decorating pottery, may have come from Bushman Mines 75 km to the west (Van Waarden 2002) or it may be mica-schist found at Tonota 85 km to the south (Van Waarden 2003b). The source of red ochre, also for pottery decoration and for possibly personal adornment, as mentioned, may have been about 2 km to the north.

Table 10.5 is a summary of the features and artifacts found and the activities they represent. Analysis of the sources of the materials used shows that most came from a catchment zone within 10 km, daily walking distance. This would have included all the major economic activities: agriculture, pastoralism and even mining, and indicate essentially a subsistence farming way of life. Cattle and gold may have been involved in a tributeredistribute relationship with the chief, but there is no concrete evidence for this. The only resource of which there seems to have been an abundance are agricultural crops. Surplus grain may have been traded or given as tribute.

Cotton was spun on site. Cotton was already spun during the Zimbabwe period and spindle whorls were even found at Mapungubwe and Ingombe Ilede, certainly since the 13th century, although so far not at Woolandale sites. Whether cotton was purposely grown, or picked from semi-wild bushes is not clear. Spinning also implies weaving. In historic times both were male activities and a low horizontal loom made of sticks and rope were used (Ellert 1984:87-89; Huffman 1971), which would have left no evidence.

The nearest ironstone is shown on geological maps to occur near Somerset Mine about 2 km north of Vumba, but I do not know of any iron mine features there. It

A stone borer and sidescraper may indicate skin preparation for clothing, mats and blankets and drilling of shell beads.

18

Unfinished beads at Vumba indicate on-site manufacture from both ostrich eggshell and shell of large landsnails.

The population of Botswana in 1981 (Parsons, 1988: 12) consisted of: 0-15 yrs 50% 15-65 45% > 65 5% Although in the past the life expectancy may not have been so old due to lack of modern medicine, the shape of the population pyramid was probably quite similar. The estimated number of children seems on the low side, since most of the 12 women would each have had 6 to 10 children in her life, I would have thought. Around the age of 15 an individual may have been married and had a house and a granary set. Among the Shona young men of about 17 own a granary (Gelfand 1971:64).

Glass beads and the unusual glass flake were imports from the east coast trade, most likely from the Arabs, as this trade only came to be dominated by the Portuguese after 1530 (Mudenge 1988:55). Despite conservative tastes, there were changes over the centuries. The earlier glass bead assemblages from Great Zimbabwe and the Leopard's Kopje levels at Khami are noted for their canesnapped cylinders of transparent blue-green glass, which 145

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN are absent in the Khami ruins strata. Instead, the cylindrical beads were reheated to round the ends, often to oblates, and transparent glass is absent after 1456. The beads were either minute (p>0.500 There is a greater than 50% probability that the difference between the skeletal parts at Vumba and Selolwe is due to chance.

Probing further, Table 12.11 lists the identified game bones on the entire platform. Upper legs are present in roughly the right proportion to lower legs and hind leg bones are present as well as front leg bones, and so are left as well as right limbs. Again ankle and foot bones form a large proportion, but they also occur more numerously in the full skeleton and generally preserve well, are small and easily overlooked in cleaning up and are relatively easier to identify.

B. Comparison of body parts of domesticates (except chicken) at Vumba and Selolwe (Khami-phase) Vumba Selolwe NISP % NISP % Head 19 37.3 30 28.6 Body 9 17.7 18 17.1 Legs 8 15.7 20 19.1 Feet and ankles 15 29.4 37 35.2 Total 51 100.0 105 100.0 Chi-square = 1.38, d.f.=3 0.750>p>0.500 There is a greater than 50% probability that the difference between the skeletal parts at Vumba and Selolwe is due to chance.

Essentially there is no clear pattern, except that legs, ankles and feet predominate as they also do at Vumba and this is probably due to the method of bringing meat and bones from kill sites. According to the recent ethnographic information on division of meat, legs, ankles and feet would go to men; ankles, feet and head to elders, front legs to elder men, in keeping with a chief's status. We can not be sure that the ethnographic model also applied in the past, and if there were any specific rules of tribute, these are muddled by the chief's likely other roles as father and elder brother, and by bones eaten by his visitors. Visitors would likely have been his advisors and been mostly older men, but a wife may have contributed the vertebrae and pelvic bones to the sample.

14

I am indebted to Ina Plug of the Transvaal Museum in Pretoria for her study of these two faunal assemblages.

204

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA Table 12.10 Bones (NISP) found in house 1 at floor level (marked *) and among wall dhaka inside house 1. Head

Vertebrae Ribs

Scapula Pelvis

Sylvicapra -duiker Aepyceros -impala Connochaetes -wildebeest Equus -zebra Bovid III n.d.

Upper Lower legs legs 1 radius l prox

NID

Total 1 1

1 ilium frag.

Bovid I Lepus -hare

2 x 1st phalanx 3rd phalanx l 1st phalanx dis

3

1st phalanx dis metapodial dis metatarsal sh metacarpal prox

3

8 2 metapodials 1 astragalus 1 astragalus l 2nd phalanx metacarpal prox

12 8

1

1 2

1 ulna r 1 radius r prox

Total game Bos taurus-cattle

Capra -goat Ovicaprines -goat/sheep

Longbones Ankle and feet unspecified

1 1 acetabulum r

1M2l 1M2r 1 mandible l

Total domestic 3 Equid/Bov III Bovid III 1* Bovid II NID 4

1 2 2 1*+4

1 1 3*+6

Total

10

11

8

3 1 radius prox

1 radius l prox

1

1 ilium l

1 ulna sh

5

2

3

6*+33 3

1 11

14 1 4 4 68

12

103

6

6

39

14

Notes: NID= not identifiable; l=left, r=right, prox=proximal,dis=distal, sh= shaft, frag= fragment; n.d.=non-domestic; M=molar 2=second upper

Table 12.11 Identified game bones on the platform at Selolwe Head Sylvicapra - duiker Aepyceros - impala Connochaetes - wildebeest Equus burchell - zebra

Vertebrae Ribs Scapula Pelvis

Upper legs

1 ischium frag

Lower legs

Longbones Ankle and feet unspecified

1 radius l prox metapodial dis 1st phalanx dis 2 x 1st phalanx 3rd phalanx l 1st phalanx dis 2x1st phalanx dis 1st phalanx prox 2nd phalanx metatars./carp.II/IV metatarsal prox sesamoid prox 1st phalanx dis

M3 lower

femur prox humerus r

Alcelaphine - hartebeest Phacochoerus - warthog Bovid III n.d.

occipital

Bovid I

mandible r

1

Sub-total large game Lepus - hare Varanus monitor lizard Tortoise

4

1

Total game

5

radius dis

3 5

11

1

radius l sh humerus dis

acetabulum 0

0

3

3

scapula pelvis r l

1

radius prox tibia dis

tibia r dis tibia r 7

Total 2

1 ilium

occipital

NID other

0

1st phalanx dis 2 metapodial dis metatarsal sh 3rd phalanx prox 1st phalanx prox metatarsal l prox metacarpal prox calcaneum corp. 23

11

7 0

1 ulna r 1 radius r prox

41 4

1

1

1

0

1

4

3

9

0

23

Notes: ID= not identifiable; l=left, r=right, prox=proximal,dis=distal, sh= shaft, frag= fragment; n.d.=non-domestic; M=molar 3=third; metatars.=metatarsal; metacarp.=metacarpal

205

1

1

1

47

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN It is clear that the feet did not go to the herdsman as among the Venda, but were even eaten by the chief. If the rules given by the Kalanga informants applied also 400 to 500 years earlier and the feet and ankles were given to the chief, along with the right front leg (Figure 12.13), then the meat distribution at Vumba suggests that this meat was not always sent as tribute to the chief (Table 12.9), but some of the feet and legs remained in the village and may possibly have been cooked for the senior man/men of the extended family instead. The only difference suggested by the faunal samples between the meat cuts eaten by a chief versus a farmer is that the chief ate more beef than game, whereas a farmer probably ate more game meat (Table 11.3 and 10.3).

the easiest to carry pieces and marrow in the bones; the rest may have been brought in as boneless strips of dried meat. This is called the 'Schlepp' effect (see Gautier & Van Waarden 1981). In contrast, domesticates were slaughtered at the settlement and the bones are representative of the entire skeleton. There is no significant difference between the portions of game left at Selolwe versus Vumba. The bones found in House 1, identified as the "Audience Chamber", or on the platform as a whole, show no obvious body parts that could indicate tribute rules, rules of division of meat or chiefly preference, except a reflection of the general practice of bringing mainly leg joints of game in on the bone. More beef relative to game was consumed a the chief's residence than at the farmers village, however.

Conclusions There was a significant difference in the meat cuts of game animals versus domestic animals eaten at Selolwe. At both Vumba and Selolwe game was mostly brought in as leg joints (including ankles and feet): 69% and 77.9% respectively in contrast to domesticates, where leg joints contributed 45.1% and 54.3% (Table 12.9). This indicates simply that not the entire kill was brought in, but generally the leg joints which provided the best meat,

The faunal assemblage at Khami Thorp (1995:50-61) extended an excavation by Robinson in a midden below the Mambo's palace at Khami Ruins, on the east side near the women's or servants' entrance and the bones are likely from the meat eaten in the palace (Figure 12.4 marked "middens E23"; Table 12.12-14).

Table 12.12. Identified faunal fragments from the midden below the Hill Ruin of Khami [based on Thorp 1984: Tables 5.2, 5.5 and 2.2; 1995: Tables 5.2-5.5] EDIBLE SPECIES Chelonia (tortoise) Francolin-sized bird Guinea-fowl-sized bird Lagomorpha (hare) Pedetis capensis (springhare) Rattus rattus (black rat) Procaviidae indet. (hyrax) Orycteropus afer (ant bear) Potamochoerus porcus (bushpig) Raphicerus campestris (steenbok) Oreotragus oreotragus (klipspringer) Sylvicapra grimmia (duiker) Equus burchelli (zebra) Sub-total all edible game Ovis aries/Capra hircus (sheep/goat)

NISP 3 12 23 139 11 40 66 4 1

9.8

MNI 2 3 4 15 1 7 13 1 1 3 2 5 1 59

90.2 100.0

12ad 3 juv 39ad 27juv 81 139

171 1 471 351

Bos taurus (cattle)

3967

Sub-total all domesticates SUB-TOTAL EDIBLE SPECIES

4318 4789

OTHER Aves indet. Rodentia indet.

%

1 32

%

Meat weight* per animal 0.10 kg 0.50 0.75 1.07 1.62 0.33 1.65 27.90 28.62 5.34 5.95 7.85 179.75

41.7 18 14 249 90 58.27 100.0

1 7

RITUAL/CEREMONIAL SPECIES Canis sp. (jackal) 4 1 Lycaon pictus (wild dog) 2 1 Herpestes sanguineus (slender mongoose) 2 1 Genetta sp. (genet) 4 3 Viverra civetta (civet) 2 1 Crocuta crocuta/Hyaena brunnea (hyaena) 2 1 Acinonyx jubatus (cheetah) 2 1 Felis libyca (wild cat) 3 1 Felis serval (serval) 1 1 Panthera leo (lion) 4 1 Panthera pardus (leopard) 12 2 * Meat weight based on 50% live body weight (except 10% for tortoise) as given in Thorp 1984: Table 2.2

206

Total meat weight 0.20 kg 1.50 3.00 16.05 1.62 2.31 21.45 27.90 28.62 16.02 11.90 39.25 179.75 350 216 42 9711 2430 12399 12749

% meat

2.8 2.0 95.2 97.2 100.0

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA Table 12.13 Age of domesticates based on tooth eruption [Thorp 1984: Tables 2.1, 5.6 and 5.7; 1995: Tables 5.6, 5.7] CATTLE 1-15 mos. 15-18 mos. 18-30 mos. 30-mature old Total

juvenile

MNI 5 2 20 30 9 66

GOATS/SHEEP Under 3 mos. 3-10 mos. 10-16 mos. 16-30 mos. 30-60 mos. over 60 mos. Total

% 7.6 3.0 30.3 45.5 13.6 100.00

1 0 2 2 8 2 15

40.98 59.1

20.00 80.00 _____ 100.00

Table 12.14 Worked bone [based on Thorp 1984: 75, 80, 85, Table 5.8] Midden excavations by Robinson and Thorp Guinea-fowl-sized bird 1 femur Kinixyx belliana (tortoise) 1 humerus Tortoise 1 humerus left 1 humerus right Genetta sp. (genet) 1 humerus right Pedetes capensis (springhare) 1 metapodial Lagomorpha indet. (hare) 5? metapodial Procaviidae indet. (hyrax) 1 humerus Bovidae size I 1 Unidentified 3 1 1 1 14 1

tibia

Worked bone associated with room Cb1 (some Bovidae size 1) 19 Canis sp. (jackal) 41 metapodials (at least 2 individuals)

proximal

distal end shaft shaft, small shaft, small shaft, small fragment shaft, very small distal end shaft fragments

Here only 2.8% of the meat came from game, but 97.2% from domestic animals. Even the NISP figures are overwhelmingly domesticates.

perforated perforated proximal end perforated both ends perforated both ends perforated both ends perforated distal end perforated distal end polish, possibly from rubbing in necklace 1 chopped, 1 smoothened end perforated and polished both sides polished one end perforated one end and decorated with carved raised band incised decoration polished either end perforated cut to tubes perforated one end

likely be used by a ng'anga. I have seen both a chief and a ng'anga with a leopard skin (also Thorp 1995:58,61; Thorp 1984). Table 12.14 lists the worked bone from this midden and from room Cb1. Perforated bones are strung into a necklet and worn by a ng'anga, or individual perforated bones are given to patients as protective charms (Thorp 1995:60; Van Waarden 1987:119 and various informants).

Although the zebra is represented only by a foot bone, it is indicated as contributing the most game meat. The low NISP for this species may be due to the 'Schlepp' effect also in evidence at Selolwe and Vumba. Nonetheless full meat weight has been calculated as the rest of the zebra's meat may have been brought in as dried meat. Rat may have been eaten or it may just have lived and died in the midden.

This midden, therefore, likely contained bones from meat consumed by the Chibundule Mambos and their entourage, councillors and visitors, as well as from animals used by the diviner Hambani and his successors in rituals and preparation of ritual paraphernalia, and probably animals sacrificed to the ancestral spirits of the Mambos.

Ant bear may have been eaten, but its nocturnal nature has ritual significance and its claws are also worn by dzing'anga. Other ritual species are listed separately as these would not have been eaten. All of these are fur bearing carnivores, whose furs would have been suitable for blankets or cloaks. Lion may have been specifically reserved for the Mambo, whereas hyaena is generally associated with witches and it and wild dog would more

66 cattle are represented, which provided 95.2% of the total meat weight, compared to 15 goats/sheep, which provided only 2% of the total meat weight.

207

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN Comparing the contribution of game versus domesticates at the three sites Table 12.15 compares the three assemblages: commoners at Vumba, district chief at Selolwe and Mambo at Khami. There are problems with both comparisons of fragment counts and meat weight. In the fragment count (NISP) small animals can contribute a great number of bones but make only a small meat contribution. Total meat weights are based on MNI counts, which means that one bone, if a duplicate, can make a difference of an entire animal in weight. In the Vumba and Selolwe samples the Bovid II and III and Equid-Bovid categories are not included in the meat weights and this may also distort the results. The MNI numbers for Selolwe and Vumba are, therefore, very small and do not lend themselves to statistical tests.

Looking at meat weights, not only is there a steady increase in consumption of domestic animals compared to game from the peasants to the local chief to the Mambo, there is also a steady increase in cattle versus small stock, showing that cattle were more valued than goats and sheep. Most likely there was also a steady increase in the amount of meat in the diet.

It is clear, however, in both cases (NISP and meat weight based on MNI), that there is a dramatic increase in beef consumption at the Mambo's palace. This may indicate a lack of game in the areas around the capital, as the estimated 7000-11000 population over 200 years would have hunted them out. It could also be the result of more rituals, ceremonies and festive occasions the more important the leader and his ancestral spirits and the more wives he marries, the more official visitors he receives, etc.

Looking at domesticates, although cattle contribute more meat to the diet at all three sites, NISP suggests that more goats and sheep were slaughtered at Vumba than cattle and about equal numbers of small stock to cattle at Selolwe, whereas cattle were overwhelmingly more numerous than ovicaprines at Khami.

Game procurement strategies - comparing the three sites. Whereas meat weight gives a comparative figure for diet, i.e. domesticates versus game meat, beef versus goat/mutton, NISP may give a better indication of numbers of animals consumed and so give a better idea of types of game and livestock slaughtered.

Comparison of procurement of game at the three sites is also quite revealing (Table 12.16). The majority of game bones in the midden by the Khami Hill Ruin are small and very small animals: duiker, steenbok, klipspringer, springhare, many hares and dassies, game birds. Large and medium-sized animals are barely present. This suggests that large and medium-sized animals had probably been hunted out around the capital and were also not brought in as meat on the bone from farther.

Tribute or gifts of fresh butchered game meat would not have been very practical if it had to be brought in from some distance, unless it had been brought as dried meat. Live domestic animals can, on the other hand, be trekked in from the far reaches of the state.

Table 12.15. Comparison of game and domesticates on elite and commoner sites (cf. Tables 10.3, 11.3 and 12.11)) Total samples of identified specimens (NISP) domesticates n % Khami Hill Ruin 4318 90.9 Selolwe Ruin 105 36.8 Vumba 53 54.6

game n 432 105 35

% 9.1 36.8 36.1

Game versus domesticates: meat weight domesticates kg % Khami Hill Ruin 12399 97.3 Selolwe Ruin 800 56.8 Vumba 260 28.6

game kg 350 609 649

% 2.7 43.2 71.4

domestic or game n % 0 0 75 26.3 9 9.3

Total n 4750 285 97

Total kg 12749 1409 909

Domesticates NISP Khami Hill Ruin Selolwe Ruin Vumba

cattle n 3967 57 20

% 91.9 54.3 37.7

ovicaprines n % 351 8.1 48 45.7 31 58.5

chickens n % 0 0 0 0 2 3.8

Total n 4318 105 53

cattle kg 12141 678 180

% 97.9 84.7 69.2

ovicaprines kg % 258 2.1 122 15.3 78 30.0

chickens kg % 0 0 0 0 2 0.8

Total kg 12399 800 260

Domesticates meat weight Khami Hill Ruin Selolwe Ruin Vumba

208

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA Table 12.16 Comparison of game size categories (NISP)

Large (100-1000 kg) Bovid III and IV Medium (30-100 kg) Bovid II

Vumba n % 11 31.4

Selolwe n % 57 54.3

Khami . n % 1 0.2

8

22.9

14

13.3

5

1.1

10

28.6

16

15.2

171

39.6

Very small (0.5-5 kg)

5

14.3

18

17.1

254

58.8

Tiny (human introduced)

1

2.9

0

0

1

0.2

35

100.0

105

100.0

Small (5-30 kg) Bovid I

Total

432 100.0

There is no evidence either of organized hunts. Smaller animals may still have occurred among rocky kopjes in the vicinity and were shot with bow and arrow, speared (springhare) and snared, the kind of procurement one would do in passing, and these would be considered tasty snacks compared to the overwhelming amount of beef consumed. Game meat was not brought in as tribute, at least not with bones on it. The figures for Selolwe and Vumba stand in stark contrast. More than half of all the bones identified for Selolwe come from large animals over 100 kg and this does not include the 37 Bovid III and 14 Equid/Bovid III bones, which could be from large game, but also possibly from cattle. The large animals at Selolwe are zebra, wildebeest and hartebeest, all of which may have occurred on the wooded plain around the site. The zebra may have been killed nearby as all four limbs, head and scapulae are present, whereas wildebeest (head and feet) and hartebeest (a phalanx) may have been brought in part from farther afield. These animals would probably have been hunted by a group of men rather than an individual hunter or chased into a game trap. They represent organized hunts. Medium-sized animals: Bovid II, impala, warthog are also hunted in small groups. Small animals, such as duiker, steenbok, klipspringer, Bovid I can easily be brought down by a single hunter with bow and arrow, while very small animals such as hares and birds can be brought down by throwing a club or snaring - a single hunter. This suggests then that there is good evidence for group hunting at Selolwe and some at

Vumba 11 8 16 35

Robinson (1959:91-92) remarked that the midden below the Khami Hill Ruin was extensive and "the basal terrace walls of the buildings above overlie the upper extremity of this deposit." These basal platform walls may in fact have been built towards the end of the Hill Ruin occupation (Figure 12.4). The midden was c. 1.20 m thick and contained lenses of white ash "which were perhaps the result of fires made by people working or lounging on the surface of the ash heap. This may well have been a favourite meeting place, as it is well shaded from the afternoon sun, and pleasantly cool in hot weather." Could it be that, while lounging there people ate some hare, dassie or bird meat, i.e. it is possible that the game was not eaten by the royals up in the palace. Thorp (1995:60) suggests rather that the dassies and hares were brought in particularly to use their humeri in ng'anga necklets, i.e. for ritual paraphernalia, but all the body parts are present in the midden, including humeri. The midden also contained bones from a variety of carnivores and ant bear (Table 12.12; Thorp 1995:58-61), which may have been for ritual use. Cattle meat cuts at the Khami Hill midden Table 12.18 compares the Bovid III body parts found in the hill midden at Khami (Thorp 1995: Appendix H), which are likely to be all cattle, with the domesticate bones at Selolwe and Vumba. These figures show that all parts of the slaughtered cattle were consumed, although the percentage of leg bones at Khami is much smaller and the percentage of body parts much greater. This may be due to a greater identifiability of Bovid III bones to cattle at Khami.15 It is assumed that the cattle bones at this Khami midden were from animals consumed in the palace. Many of these cattle may have been slaughtered for ritual purposes.

Table 12.17 Comparison of game size, representing organized versus individual hunting, at Vumba and Selolwe (NISP) Large Medium Small-tiny Total

Vumba, although here medium and small animals are also well represented, but no evidence of group hunting from the Khami Hill Ruin midden. There is overwhelming evidence for small and very small animals in the Khami sample (98.2), whereas at Vumba they make up just under half of the game animals and at Selolwe just over a third. The difference at Khami is so overwhelming that no statistical test is necessary to show that it is obviously significant. Comparing Vumba and Selolwe in Table 12.17, a Chi-square test shows no statistically significant difference in the size of game in the sample of identified bones, however.

In an interview with the wife of chief Tibone Meng'we, Mme Muxange Tibone, at Maitengwe in 1984, she explained that meat from sacrificed cattle was only consumed in the royal compound and all the bones

Selolwe 57 14 34 105

15

At Vumba and especially at Selolwe certain bones were identified to non-domestic Bovid III: gemsbok at Vumba and wildebeest and hartebeest at Selolwe, so that body parts and cranial fragments identifiable to Bovid III could be either cattle or non-domestic. At Khami no non-domestic Bovidae were identified (zebra are Equidae) and body and head parts identifiable as Bovid III have been considered as probably cattle by Thorp.

X2= 5.66 df= 2 0.100>p>0.05 There is a 5-10% chance that the difference is due to sampling

209

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN Table 12.18 Comparison of body parts of domestic animals on elite and commoner sites

Head Body Legs Feet and ankles Total

Vumba* domesticates No. % 19 37.3 9 17.7 8 15.7 15 29.4 51 100.0

Selolwe domesticates No. % 30 28.6 18 17.1 20 19.1 37 35.2 105 100.0

Khami Hill Ruin** Bovid III = cattle No. % 1012 25.5 1450 36.6 393 9.9 1112 28.0 3967 100.0

Notes: * does not include chickens ** in addition, 4566 Bovid III size ribs were listed and of the 1748 unidentified cranial bones probably 86-89% would also have been Bovid III. These figures were not added as they had not been specified for Vumba and Selolwe

gathered together and burnt to ashes. The meat was not taken to other compounds and the bones were not scattered. As mentioned, Werbner (1989) indicated that at ancestral shrines of Kalanga lineages the bones of a sacrificed beast were gathered after the meal and placed in the river for the ancestors. The midden which Thorp excavated at Khami is less than 100 m from the Khami River (Figure 12.4: Robinson's excavation E23), so the bones were thrown near, but not in a river, nor were they burnt to ashes, suggesting either that they were not bones from sacrifices or that the practice of placing bones in the river was not carried out as literally as these days. In the case of chief Meng'we, his compound was at some distance from the Maitengwe River, which was beyond the border fence with Zimbabwe, so beyond reach, and burning the bones may have been chosen as an alternative there.

Commoners would have relied for their meat requirements and cravings on game meat instead. And game meat was mostly brought in as legs. The identified game bones suggest that half of the game brought to the district chief had been the result of organized communal hunting, whereas at Vumba this was about a third (Table 12.17). No clear rules could be discerned as to which part of an animal was set aside to be eaten by the chief. Herd management Much of Thorp's interesting study focused on comparisons of age classes of cattle in the faunal samples, in order to understand herd management strategies in the Late Iron Age. Her book (1995) is entitled Kings, commoners and cattle at Zimbabwe Tradition sites. Faunal samples for kings are the Khami Hill midden sample and a similar midden at the Great Zimbabwe hill. As commoner sites she uses sites Z1-Z5 at Great Zimbabwe and three provincial ruins. Z1 to Z4 are densely settled areas between the inner and outer perimeter walls, which were excavated by Huffman and are considered a commoner area by him. The approximately 30 houses in the excavated areas are so closely spaced that their roofs must have been touching, but they are made of solid dhaka like royal houses and about 99% of the faunal sample was cattle bones. If commoners, they were obviously still very privileged. They may have been court officials or even related to the royal family.16

Note that Thorp identified the MNI of cattle in the Khami faunal sample to be 39 adult beasts (Table 12.12). The Khami sample has a lower percentage of cranial bones than the Vumba and Selolwe samples and this might suggest that maybe horns of sacrificial cattle were placed on the 'flat rock' or bench at the khuta, as had been suggested by Rozvi oral traditions about the last Mambo's capital at Manyanga. Among the 1012 cattle or Bovid III skull remains are, however, 37 horn cores (Thorp 1995:114). It is unlikely, therefore, that this was the practice, or maybe they were also cleaned up and thrown in the same midden.

Z5 is an elite enclosure about 1 km north of the Great Zimbabwe royal enclosures. Provincial samples came from three elite Zimbabwe period sites of Harleigh Farm no. 1 Ruin, Manekweni and Umtali Altar. She, furthermore, supported her analysis with results from Mapungubwe and Zulu capital sites. In other words, her comparisons are between kings and lower elite, not peasants. However, there are two Zimbabwe period commoner sites with analyzed faunal samples: Chivowa Hill and Montevideo Ranch (from Sinclair 1984, quoted in Reid 1996).

If the Mambo made gifts of meat to subordinate chiefs or others, this was unlikely to have been as meat cuts from cattle slaughtered for the palace, but rather as live beasts. In conclusion, the more important a leader, the more ceremonies would have taken place at his residence, the more ritual cattle were slaughtered and the more beef consumed. That would be the simplest explanation for the difference in the faunal assemblages. As beef was more readily available in the diet of the elite, there was less need for game meat. In contrast, common folk would not have had many ritual occasions, although they may have eaten beef at the various ceremonies at the lineage elder's shrine; such a lineage elder was probably considered an elite because of his status and may have been a level 2 headman or level 3 district chief.

16

She refers to these as "peasant" sites. The term 'peasant' is inappropriate here, as this more correctly refers to farmers whose surplus supports a non-farming elite. The occupants of Z1 to Z4 were unlikely to have been farmers.

210

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA Table 12.19 Age composition of cattle assemblages 0-18 mos.

18-30 mos.

>30 mos.

Total MNI

Khami phase of Butua Khami Selolwe Vumba

10.6 % 25.0 50.0

30.3 % 25.0 50.0

45.5+13.6=59.1 % 50.0 0.0

Earlier elite assemblages with herds on site K2 (TS3) Mapungubwe (MK1) Mapungubwe (MST) Toutswe

16.8 17.3 20.6 26.1

43.0 44.2 41.2 52.2

30.8+9.3=40.1* 30.8+7.7=38.5 23.5+14.7=38.2 17.4+4.3=21.7

43.49 56.00 1.89 7.69 2.94

28.21 22.60 24.06 15.38 29.41

24.9+3.4=28.3 19.4+2.0=21.4 74.05 76.92 67.65

20.6 25.0

0 25.0

79.4+0=79.4 50.0+0=50.0

22.8

5.4

71.8

1000

30.8

17.1

52.1

2000

Zimbabwe period elite sites Great Zimbabwe Hill midden: (Thorp 1995) (Brain 1974) Z1 main midden Harleigh Farm Ruin Manekweni Ruin Zimbabwe period commoner sites Chivowa Montevideo Ranch Comparative samples Natural mortality age Simulated 40% slaughter of 18-30 mos.

* (30 mos.-mature) + (old) = >30 mos.

66 4 2

1145 815 teeth 212 26 34

Specified where figures available.

[References: Thorp 1995, Reid 1996]

of Cenchrus ciliaris, but it is not much bigger than the kraal in the south clearing at Selolwe or the kraal at Vumba. East of it a small terraced platform on a low kopje was covered by thick ash layers (about 90 cm thick over an area 18 m in diameter), which had been sealed four times during its formation by thick dhaka floors, similar to the sealed midden layers of the main midden at Danang'ombe. Some potsherds, bone and beads were present in the ash. Many fragments of broken pot had been placed in rock clefts adjacent to the platform. The impression one gets is that cooking fires were continually burning and the ash left to accumulate into a mound. When this became too large, the ash was spread out and covered with a fresh dhaka floor. For some reason the ash was not thrown out (Robinson 1959: 89-91). It seems likely that this activity area was the kitchen in which the Mambo's food was cooked19 and the kraal was for slaughter animals or milk cows. I have also mentioned the Cenchrus south of platform B as a possible khuta kraal.

For Khami Thorp had no contemporaneous comparative sample. This is presented in this study, although admittedly there are so far only one lower elite and one peasant site for which the fauna is presented and the samples are small.17 Table 12.19 compares the age at death for the three Khami period sites with Zimbabwe period and Leopard's Kopje and Toutswe elite sites. Large dung deposits at Toutswe and K2 show that herds were kept on site, and that meat was also available from natural deaths and slaughter of old animals, in contrast to the Zimbabwe and Butua periods. Zimbabwe Tradition elite sites generally do not have cattle kraals in association and then only relatively small ones. No dung deposit is known in Great Zimbabwe, for example,18 an urban area housing an estimated 11,00018,000 people (Huffman 1986:323). At Khami there is a kraal feature northeast of the Cross Ruin in a natural enclosure near a 23m long decorated wall, where in Robinson's excavation (site IIIa) the top 42.5 cm is a manure deposit with the characteristic mineralized layer at the bottom (Robinson 1959:25-26). I do not have exact measurements for this feature, on which is a dense stand

In addition, Robinson (1959:17-20) suggested that walled enclosures within the no. 5 Vlei Ruin, no.7 Ruin, the no.8 Passage Ruin and the no.9 Precipice Ruin had been livestock pens. Huffman (1996:101) disputes this for the no.8 Ruin as there is no dung deposit. Hall and Neal (1904:221-222) describe the no.8 Ruin as having consisted of compartments that were filled in, but they excavated three of these compartments. These can only have been what Robinson subsequently described as stock enclosures (cf. the plans for the no.8 Ruin by Hall

17

I have an identified faunal sample for Bole Hill, possibly a level 2 site, but need to separate the Khami and Leopard's Kopje components. Three faunal samples are available from the Phoenix commoner sites, but these have not yet been identified. 18 Could the demand for fresh dung for the dhaka plaster for the dense urban housing have left no evidence of cattle kraals at the site? Fresh dung is mixed into the plaster to make it more smearable and to reduce cracking.

19

Huffman (1996:55) considers this a hut platform of the herdsman, but there are no hut remains

211

CATHARINA VAN WAARDEN calves were consumed in the royal palace and generally not by the lower elite. The emphasis in the lower elite samples is on adults rather than young animals.

and Neal (p.221-222) and Robinson (p.19). The same may have been the case with the no.5 Ruin. The enclosure on the north side of the no. 9 Precipice Ruin may be an extension that was not yet filled in to extend the main platform. I do not know if there was dung in this enclosure.

Reid points out that at an urban centre like Great Zimbabwe, with no herds on site, the challenge would have been to supply the king's followers with meat and that therein may have rested part of the king's power, his ability to feed his subjects. If he did so through having his subjects share in the ritual feasts at his palace, the bones would have been at the palace and not where the subjects lived. The Z1-4 middens show that cattle were also consumed there and ritual cattle slaughter is, therefore, unlikely to have been the only explanation of high beef consumption at the capital. The Z1 midden suggests that the urban elite were fed through cattle, which had reached full meat weight, the only sensible strategy and they would most likely all have been males, who would have been brought to the town to be slaughtered.

In other words, at Vumba, Selolwe and Khami are small cattle kraals of roughly the same size, but the increasing proportion of cattle bones indicates that there is an increasing consumption of beef, an increasing wealth in cattle, just not kept in the settlement. Maybe at all three sites the cattle kraal had the same function, to keep milk cows and beasts for slaughter and that in all three cases the herd was kept elsewhere. In the peasant village, the cattle kraal, if present, was still central to the settlement, yet beef was not often eaten. Instead meat was provided by game. Cattle were probably mainly kept for social and ritual purposes such as bride price, dedication to an ancestor, religious sacrifice, and as an indication of wealth, not for slaughter merely to provide food.

The overwhelming consumption of calves at the king's palace may have been one way to distinguish royalty from the lower elite. These would not have been from natural calf mortality, as the herd was not on site, but rather purposely brought in. Note that Brain's figures based on second and third molars is mainly of juveniles over one year (43.8%) and probably weaned. The 12.2% under one year of age may have been brought in with their mothers to provide milk. How far could yearlings have journeyed to the capital? There may have been herds kept nearby specifically to provide calf's meat and milk for royalty, and the slaughter bulls for the king's followers may have come from farther afield, possibly as tribute. The king would then have shown his authority by this exacting of cattle tribute and the allocation of their meat to his closest followers.

In the elite sites cattle kraals were no longer centrally located, nor of central importance, either absent or just a holding pen for a few animals, brought in for slaughter or as milk cows. At Khami there is no obvious kraal associated with the court (and hence we don't really know where the court was or even if there was a court; neither is there a large 'court midden'). At Danang'ombe an enclosure with dung was the only kraal and probably served both as kitchen kraal and court kraal (disputed cattle, fines, strays). It is 20-25 m in diameter and could have held 19-37 cattle. A stone enclosure at Naletale is in the same position. This means that the vast herds which the rulers are alleged to have owned according to the Portuguese (Chapter 7) were not kept at the Mambo's or chief's residence, not in the urban areas, but away, either at special cattle posts or dispersed as loan cattle or both.

At Harleigh Farm Ruin and Manekweni Ruin bulls were allowed to mature to full size before slaughter, which may suggest dispersed herds, where the problems of too large a herd causing overgrazing and too many competing bulls, could be overcome by segregation, if castration was not practiced, unlike at elite sites like Toutswe, etc., where large herds were kept on site, where bulls were slaughtered at 18-30 mos. (Reid 1996: 49).

Compared to natural deaths in present Shona herds kept for subsistence (Thorp 1995:Table 6.4; see Table 12.19 comparative sample) it is clear that at the Khami-phase sites there was selective slaughtering of juveniles, presumably non-essential males (although we have no information on sex of the animals). The age distributions at the Leopard's Kopje elite sites of K2 and Mapungubwe and at Toutswe are quite similar and show a slaughter pattern for 18-30 month olds in addition to consumption of natural deaths. Thorp presented figures for a model herd with simulated 40% slaughter of 18-30 month old males and concludes that this is statistically similar to the Zimbabwe urban and provincial elite sites.20 The low percentages of the 0-18 month category she explains as poor preservation of the young teeth, yet this is not so at the Great Zimbabwe hill midden. It suggests rather that

What then is the pattern at Khami? The lack of kraals in the town, except for the small one at the palace kitchen, means that all cattle were brought in on the hoof, specifically for slaughter; it would have been unlikely that meat of cattle that died of natural causes was carried in unless as dried meat. Furthermore, here too was a substantial population that needed to be fed, probably from the Mambo's herd. Only cattle could be used efficiently to fill such a need and here too an emphasis on fully grown males could be expected. Comparison of the Khami cattle age distribution with the 40% culling model is inconclusive as the figures are significantly different when the 0-18 mos. age group is included, but significantly similar when that group is left

20

although I do not understand why in the simulation this should also increase the under 18 month category

212

BUTUA AND THE END OF AN ERA 1-15 mos. 7.58% 15-18 mos. 3.03% 18-30 mos. 30.30% 30 mos.-mature 45.45% old 13.64% [Thorp 1995: Table 5.6]

Table 12.20 Comparison of observed deaths in the Khami sample with expected deaths from a herd subjected to simulated 40 % slaughter of 18-30 mos. Age group 0-18 mos. 18-30 mos. over 30 mos. Total

Observed* No. % 7 10.61 20 30.30 39 59.09 66 100.00

Expected %** No. 30.8 20.33 17.1 11.29 52.1 34.39 100.0 66.01

As expected, the emphasis is on older juveniles to adults, most likely excess males which were allowed to mature. The old animals would likely have been old cows. And again, the calves may have come with the mothers who supplied milk.

* from Thorp 1995:Table 5.6 ** from Thorp 1995:Table 6.6 (see Table 12.19)

Chi-square = 18.07 d.f. = 2 p