British Series (The Critical Period 1763-1765) [I]

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COLLECTIONS OF THE

ILLINOIS STATE HISTORICAL

LIBRARY EDITED BY

CLARENCE WALWORTH ALVORD UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS

VOLUME X

ILLINOIS

STATE HISTORICAL LIBRARY

BOARD OF TRUSTEES EvARTS BouTELL Greene, President

Charles Henry Rammele„^ip,

Otto Leopold Schmidt,

Jessie

Palmer Weber,

Vice-President

Secretary

Librarian

I I

I I

ADVISORY COMMISSION EvARTs Boutell Greexe James Alton James

I

Andrew Cunningham McLaughlin

I

William Augustus Meese

f •

i. i

* Edward Carleton Page Charles Henry Railj^ielkamp Clarence Walworth Alvord, ex

officio

BRITISH SERIES VOLUME

I

THE CRITICAL PERIOD 1763-1765

I

1 ;

'-^

VIEW OF KASKASKIA From a photograph by M.

t\

Fragstein in possession of the

Illinois State Historical

Library

COLLECTIONS OF THE ILLINOIS STATE HISTORICAL LIBRARY VOLUME X

BRITISH SERIES,

II

VOLUME

I.

THE CRITICAL PERIOD 1763-1765

Edited with Introduction and Notes by

CLARENCE WALWORTH ALVORD University of Illinois

and

CLARENCE EDWIN CARTER Miami University

Q17.3 Published bv the Trustees of the

ILLINOIS STATE HISTORICAL LIBRARY )l^

iO

iSPRINGFIP:LD. ILLINOIS 1915

i

Copyright, 1915

BY

The

Iixinois State Historical Library

1568016

Ct)f taftfsrSf prrsa R. R. I>ONNF.Lr.FY A ?ONS COMPANY

CHICAGO

^

PREFACE After several years of labor the manuscripts of British

have been collected from over two dozen depositobeen edited, and are now a part of the growing have ries, Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library. Only two Illinois

volumes are ready for distribution at this time, but the other three or four will appear in a few months. The general introduction to the series is printed in this first volume

and a reading whole

As

of

it

volumes

in the previous

these volumes will have will

an idea

will give

of the character of the

series.

its

of the Collections^ each of

o^ti index, but the last volume

contain a general index of the whole work.

volume,

also, will

bibliography as

is

volumes

is

of the

necessary.

In the

last

documents and such a As has been the custom, each

be printed the

list

of

divided into chapters for the purpose of

breaking up that monotony so characteristic of such collec-

The

tions of

documents as

ment

chronological except in those cases where

is

impossible or

when

these.

usual order of arrangeit

was

the grouping of documents illustrating

same point seemed obviously desirable. The special introduction to each volume will be a study in some phase of Illinois history that is illustrated by the series. Every effort has been made to secure trustworthy transcripts for publication. Only in a few cases have copies been the

taken from printed volumes without careful collation with the original.

When

this

former has been the case, the usual

reason has been our failure to find a trace of the original.

g

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

iv

Those who have made themselves responsible

for the

correctness of the copies from the larger archives are: Kaskaskia MSS Johnson MSS. Pennsylvania Historical Society American Philosophical Society

Office force

:...... .

.

.

.

Peter Nelson Miss Sarah Cresson

Morrison Miss E. V. Lamberton Miss Caroline Sherman Miss Isabella Grossmann Dr. Louise P. Kellogg Abbe A. Gossehn Abbe L. St. George Lindsay ]Miss Ella

Ridg^vvay Library

Library of Congress Harvard College Library Wisconsin Historical Society Laval University Archiepiscopal Archives of Quebec

.... .

.

.

.

Lansdowne MSS Dartmouth MSS. and from other London archives

B. F. Stevens and

Archives in Paris

Waldo Leland

The in the

Hubert Hall

Brown

destruction of the Sir William Johnson manuscripts

Albany

fire

has been a serious loss to the

series.

we were in possession of two sets of transcripts which has made it possible for us to print the most imFortunately

In the preparation of a previous work,

portant documents.

Mr. Carter had made many incomplete copies and these had been supplemented by copies of others made for the

The former

IlUnois State Historical Library.

made without thought therefore, not in such

of

future

form as

is

copies were

pubHcation,

and

demanded by the standard

In the course of editorial work

of these volumes.

are,

many

other documents of the Johnson manuscripts have been

noted that should be here printed, but the that impossible.

Many

of these

fire

has

made

manuscripts of Johnson

upon which corrections had been made. We have reproduced the final form of the draft, only occasionally

are drafts

noting the changes.

The names of these this

of all

who have

assisted us in the preparation

volumes are too numerous to mention and we take There arc,

opportunity to express our thanks to them.

PREFACE

V

however, some whose assistance has been of such a character that a more definite expression of our appreciation seems to

be called

for.

The

custodians of archives and historical

manuscripts have been universally generous in granting us the use of their material and have placed us under the greatest obligations.

For

we w^ish to express our Most Honorable the ]Mar-

this assistance

appreciation in particular to the

quess of Lansdowne; the Right Honorable the Earl of Dart-

mouth; Dr. I. Mines Hays, librarian and secretary of the American Philosophical Society; Dr. John W. Jordan, secretary of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania; Dr.

Thomas

L.

Montgomery,

state librarian of Pennsylvania;

Luther R. Kelker, custodian of public records at Harrisburg; Caroline Mcllvaine, librarian of the Society; Miss Lottie

II

M. Bausman,

Chicago Historical

librarian of Lancaster

County Historical Society; J. Bunford Samuel, librarian Ridgway Library; Dr. Reuben Gold Thwaites, the

of the

late superintendent of the

Wisconsin Historical Society;

Mr. Cyrus H. McCorm^ick; Herbert Putnam, librarian of Library of Congress; Dr. Worthington C. Ford, secretary of the Massachusetts Historical Society; and Wilham C. Lane, librarian of Harvard College Library. Our gratitude must also be expressed to the following, who have assisted us in our search for manuscripts: The Right Honorable Lord Edmund Fitzmaurice, Professor Charles H. Ambler, Dr. Charles H. Lincoln, Mr. W. V. Byars, Mr. James A. Holden, Abbe L. St. George Lindsay, and Air. Earl G. Swem. We are also under special obligations to the Morgan family, who have been of the greatest assistance in our search The following have boon for letters from their ancestor. Marietta, Ohio; Woodbridge, most helpful: Miss Maria P. the late Professor M. H. Morgan, Cambridge, Massachu-

Abbe A.

Gosselin,

L

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

vi

setts;

Edward

Mrs.

S.

M.

Thatcher, Nordhoff, California; jMorgan, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania;

the late Colonel A.

S.

and Miss Julia

Harding, Pittsburgh.

]\I.

From Dr. Arthur

G. Doughty, dominion

archivist.

Dr. J. Franklin Jameson and ]\Ir. Waldo G. Leland of the Carnegie Institution, and Dr. George Parker Winship of the Carter Bro^\m Librar}% we have received ad\'ice and assistance in such measure that we can never repay them. At the same time we wish to give our thanks to the trustees of the Illinois State Historical Library for their

uniform

courtesy and generosity.

Something more than thanks is also due to the firm of B. F. Stevens and Brown of London, for their constant care and promptness in filling our numerous orders for transcripts.

To

the office force of the editor of the Illinois His-

due in large measure any perfection Miss Mary G. Doherty and Miss Lydia M. Brauer in particular have shown the greatest care in collating, proof reading, and indexing; and their enthusiasm and zeal have been such that the editors feel that the honor of accomplishing the task of editing should be in a large measure theirs. torical Collections

these volumes

is

may

show.

Clarence W. Alvord Urbana, Illinois January

7,

1915

TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE

List of Illustrations

xi

List of Abbreviations

xiii

.

Bkliisil iLLiiiOis, i'j6$-i'/yS (General Introduction)

I

The British Occupation of the

I

1765 (Special Introduction)

1 I

| r

Chapter

.

.

xvii

Illinois Country, 1763xxLx

Organization of the Western Territory,

I.

March,

.

1763, to

December

7,

1763

i

Description of the Illinois country; distribution of troops; letters

from Jenkins; the conspiracy of Pontiac; the lords of trade seek

in-

formation; plans for the formation of settlements on the Mississippi; Sir William Johnson's views

erty;

De

Chapter >l

The

on the Indian trade; Cahokia church prop-

ViUiers writes about the Indian war.

II.

.....

Banishment of the Jesuits

62

decree against the Jesuits; the history of the banishment; the

services of the Jesuits; their devotion to duty; the auction of their

property at Kaskaskia; Jean Bte. Bauvais makes a purchase.

Chapter

The Proposed Colony

III.

The opportunity

of

of Charlotina

Great Britain; the French

settlers

.

.

134

may move

across the ^Mississippi; need of protecting the boundaries; boundaries

proposed for the old colonies; boundaries of Charlotina; advantages of the situation; the products of the country;

how

secure settlers; the

Indians should be treated kindly and be educated.

Cil\pter IV.

The

Journ.\l of M. Dabb.adie,

The French do everything

i

763-1 764

to assist the British; talks with Indians;

the care of the posts; news from the Illinois; doubt as to the concession to Spain; British ofiicers in

the conduct of

New

Orleans; the expedition to the Illinois;

M. Pittman. vii

162

m3

CONTENTS

viii

Major Loftus Atteiipts to Reach the December 5, 1763, to April 9, 1764

Chapter V. Illinois,

The

.

.

.

205

British ask for cannon; description of the Illinois; ofndal census

figures; British decide to

go up the ^Mississippi; letters from

De

Villiers;

Loftus' preparations; George Croghan visits London; assistance

by the

French; the Indian attack; Loftus sends an account to Gage.

Accounts from the

Chapter VI. to June Gage Loftus;

29,

Illinois, April 14, 1764,

1764

240

reports to Hahfax;

De

Villiers

sends news of Pontiac; he warns

Gage asks about the navigation of the Ohio; the news of the Loftus reaches the East; Croghan tells the lords of trade about

failure of

the West; proposal to plant a colony; Pittman's mission.

The Regulation

Chapter VII.

to September

10, 1764,

of Int)l\n Affairs, July

30, 1764

Plan for imperial control of Indian

........

affairs; list of

273

Indian tribes; Gage

Ange and Dabbadie talk Dabbadie writes the minister; close of Pontiac's conspiracy; difficulties in Louisiana; Pittman talks to some Illinois voyageurs; Dabbadie writes to Gage; Pittman dissuaded from going to the Illinois; Johnson writes of his treaty with the Indians. makes

further plans to occupy the Illinois; St.

to the Indians;

Chapter VIII.

Letters abojt the Indians, October

November

1764, TO Johnson

criticises

8,

1764

9,

321

the lords of trade's plan; estimate of the value of

the fur trade; Captain Morris sent to the Illinois; Pontiac protects

him; Gage

criticises

Bradstreet for making a treaty; the duplicity of the

bateaux on the Ohio; Pontiac receives a from the French; Gage reports to Lord Halifax.

Shawnee; material

Chapter IX. 1764, TO

for

Close of the Indian War, November

January

16,

9,

1765

353

Captain Morris' expedition; Gage writes Bouquet;

Ange; Bouquet thinks force alone

means

letter

letters

will quiet the Indians;

from

St.

ways and

of reaching the Illinois; peace with the Indians; criticisms of

Bradstreet; Samuel

Croghan

to

Wharton

writes Benjamin Franklin; an officer

and

be sent down the Ohio; suspicions of French perfidy; Game's

proclamation to the schedule of prices.

Illinois

people; regulations lor the fur trade;

CONTENTS Chapter X.

British

Illinois Country,

Messengers January

13,

Are

ix

Sent

to

the

1765, to Febru.ary 24,

405

1765

De la

Gauterais and Sinnott are sent; Fraser and Croghan prepare for

Galloway writes Franklin; the Indian situation; prepaexpedition up the ^Mississippi; the death of Dabbadie; Aubry sends his reports; a letter from St. Ange; Lieutenant Ross at Fort de Chartres; the Shawnee and Illinois Indians tell their thoughts. their journey;

ration for a

Chapter XI.

new

The

First

Illinois Country,

Aubry

British

February

describes conditions;

25,

Agents

Reach the

1765, to July, 1765

.

455

the British have abandoned plan of

going up the Mississippi; the perplexity of St. Ange; Major Farmar's difhculties;

John Ross and others go

to the Illinois

by

land; St. xAnge

describes a council with the Indians; the dangerous position of Ross;

Crawford

tells of

the expedition; Alexander Fraser reaches the Illinois;

the letters of Fraser; Pontiac protects the Englishman; Johnson defends

himself to the lords of trade.

Appentddc a.

Country Index

Early Preparations to Occupy the Illinois 531

541

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS View of Kaskaskia

Frontispiece

Title-Page of Expediency of Securing our American Colonies

'

134

Portrait of Sir William Johnson

221

Portrait of General Thomas Gage

300

Photograph of Trade License

401

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS A.A.jQ.

=Archi episcopal Archives, Quebec

A. C.

= Attested

Copy

= Autograph Document = Autograph Document Signed A.D.S. = Autograph Letter Signed A.L.S. A.N.,C. = Archives Nationales, Ministere des Colonies Add. MSS. = Additional Manuscripts = British Museum B.M. B.T.P.,P.G. = Board of Trade Papers, Plantations General A.D.

C.

CO. D.H.N.Y. D.S.

E. E.S.

= Copy = Colonial Office = Documentary History of New York = Document Signed = Extract = Extract Signed

f•

==

H.C.L.

Folio

I.FI.C.

= Harvard College Library = Illinois Historical Collections

K. MSS.

=Kaskaskia Manuscripts

L.S.

P.R.O.

= Letter Signed = Massachusetts Historical Society = New York Public Library = Pennsylvania Colonial Records = Historical Society of Pennsylvania = Public Record Office

I

=With

M.H.S. N. Y.P.L. P.C.R. P. U.S.

1

italics:

editorial explanations within

documents

or translations I

I

=With roman: words

supplied by editor in documents or translations; letters sup{)licd, the omission of which in the original was indicated by a tilde.

i

BRITISH ILLINOIS,

1763-1778

General Introduction

BRITISH ILLINOIS, 1763-1778

f

Little has

I

been kno\\Ti until recent years of the events

i-

vrhich took place in the territory of the present state of

r

Illinois

during the period

when

the British flag

In the histories of

the banks of the Mississippi River.

the state the period or two,

is

waved upon

usually dismissed ^^dth a paragraph

and even these are misleading or

incorrect.

The

present series of five or six volumes, which will include most

known

of the light

on

sources of the British occupation, will shed

this obscure period

and

will

make

possible the cor-

rect interpretation of events.

The documents, although covering only a few will

years,

be found of great significance not only for the history of

whole West but also for the proper interpretation of American history. The Illinois country was one of the centers of activities in the West, a veritable Mecca for fur traders and land speculators, and the state's territory

is

and

of the

therefore very representative of the region as a whole;

and

for this reason the policy

towards the West that was

formulated or pursued by the British ministry studied in the history of Illinois. acter of lUinois history that has

clude in the collection

which

will give

may

be

It is this typical char-

made

many documents

it

necessary to in-

of general character

a more correct understanding of particular

events.

That success of the British in the French and Indian War, which placed them in undisputed possession of a vast territory in

America, brought with

it

grave responsibilities

-I

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

xviii

and created problems sidered.

in colonial policy never before con-

Unfortunately the conditions in British poHtics

were not favorable for the development of a constructive policy for this broad domain, since factional strife and the stubborn determination of George III to break the power of the old aristocracy brought into being new ministries in rapid succession, so that no time was given to any particular

ministry to learn the conditions in the the

many complex problems

West and

connected with

its

to solve

develop-

ment.

A

careful examination of the following

documents

will

prove, however, that certain very definite lines of develop-

ment were planned and certain decisions looking toward a steady movement of the settlements westward were reached. In general

it

may

be said that the successive ministries of

the mother country were in favor of moderate expansion.

In

reality,

however, there were only three definite acts

taken which affected the West, although there were

many

These three were the proclamation of October 7, 1763, the running of the Indian boundary line, and the Quebec act of 1774.^ The first was issued hurriedly for the purpose of quieting the Indians and proliibited plans proposed.

"for the present''

all

settlement west of the mountains;

but a careful analysis of the document proves that, when it

was

was the plan of the ministry to open up the the upper Ohio as soon as the Indians could be

issued,

region of

it

pacified.^

On

account of the changes in the ministry no immediate

steps were taken to complete this policy; but in 1767 this

AH

these vdW be printed with their accompanyinj^ documents in the followincj may be found by consultin;^ the indexes in the several volumes or else the general index at the end of the last volume. For the proclamation see post, 1:39. *

volumes, and

'For a full discussion see Alvord, "Genesis Michigan Historical Collections, 36:20 ctseq.

of the Proclamation of 1763." ia

i

t!

BRITISH ILLINOIS,

1763-1778

xix

omission was called to the attention of Lord Shelbume, at the time secretary of state for the southern department, '

under

whom

colonial affairs were conducted

and he imme-

diately sent orders to the superintendents of Indian affairs to complete the

boundary Hne.

This was finally accom-

pHshed by a succession of Indian treaties^ under the ad-

Lord Hillsborough. The third act was passed by the British parHament in 1774 for the purpose of organizing the government of the

ministration of

province of Quebec.

On

account of the disturbances caused

by the frontiersmen and the land speculators Northwest, and on account of the lack of any

ment

of the various

French communities

in the

ci\'il

Old

govern-

of the region, the

between the Ohio and the Mississippi rivers

territory lying I

I

:

was added to the northernmost pro\ince. It was expected that the authorization of French law throughout the territory would prevent further attempts to make settlements of EngHsh-speaking Americans north of the Ohio River, and that the latter would turn their speculative enterprises toward the Old Southwest. Besides these definite acts concerning the West that were actually taken

by the British government,

there were several

plans which were considered but not put into operation. After the proclamation of 1763, the board of trade, which

was the principal ad\isor>" body for the colonies, drew up an elaborate and costly plan for the management of the Indian trade.^

This was

made

operative

by the two super-

intendents of Indian affairs, although without proper authorization.

The

was abandoned

was so great that the plan and the control of the trade placed

cost entailed

in 1768

* Farrand, "The Indian Boundary Line," in American Historical Raii-V), 10:782; Alvord, "The Hritish Ministry and the Treaty of Fort Stanwix,"' in Wisconsin Historical Society, Proceedings, 1908, pp. 1O5-183.

'Printed

post, 273.

\

BRITISH ILLINOIS,

1763-1778

xix

omission was called to the attention of Lord Shelbume, at the time secretary of state for the southern department,

whom

were conducted and he immediately sent orders to the superintendents of Indian affairs This was finally accomto complete the boundary line. under

plished

colonial affairs

by a

succession of Indian treaties^ under the ad-

Lord Hillsborough. The third act was passed by the British parliament in 1774 for the purpose of organizing the government of the

ministration of

province of Quebec.

On

account of the disturbances caused

by the frontiersmen and the land speculators Northwest, and on account of the lack of any

ment

of the various

French communities

in the

ci\'il

Old

govern-

of the region, the

between the Ohio and the Mississippi rivers

territory lying

was added to the northernmost pro\ince. It was expected that the authorization of French law throughout the territory would prevent further attempts to make settlements of EngKsh-speaking Americans north of the Ohio River, and that the latter would turn their speculative enterprises toward the Old Southwest. Besides these definite acts concerning the West that were actually taken

by the British government,

there were several

plans which were considered but not put into operation. After the proclamation of 1763, the board of trade, which

was the principal ad\dsor>" body for the colonies, drew up an elaborate and costly plan for the management of the Indian trade.^

This was

made

operative by the two super-

intendents of Indian affairs, although without proper authorization.

The

was abandoned

was so great that the plan and the control of the trade placed

cost entailed

in 1768

* Farrand, "The Indian Boundary Line," in American Historical RrJi'v. 10:782; Alvord, "The British Ministry and the Treaty of Fort Stanuix," ia Wisconsin Historical Society, Proceedings, 1908, pp. 1O5-1S3.

•Printed

post, 273.

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

XX in the

power

During the years

of the colonies.

many

1

764-1 768,

were written about the plan, and in these the course of public opinion concerning this attempt to imperialize the West may be easily followed.

however,

Two

letters

ministerial plans for the

The

West

will

be found par-

Lord Barrington's plan of May, 1766, which was ultraconservative and was draV/n up for the purpose of preventing permanently all settlement west of the Appalachian JMountains and of making it possible to concentrate all the British troops in the East, where ticularly illuminating.

first is

they could be maintained at a

less expense.

This plan was,

however, not even acted upon by the ministry. printed, it

is

later plans of

believed, for the first time.

Lord Shelburne, who was

It

is

here

Concerning the

in favor of the rapid

expansion of the settlements westward, there will be found in the following pages

of his plan

many documents.

In the

final draft

he proposed the immediate founding of three from the great lakes

colonies along the INIississippi River

to the Gulf of Mexico; but political events in the

mother

country prevented him from putting his plan into operation,

and the

western America passed into the hands Lord Hillsborough. Other phases of the imperial side of the government in the West will be also well illustrated. The maintenance of a British army with a commanding general in America brought about an imperialization of the military system and affected the development of the West in no uncertain manner. The many letters from General Gage to the ministry at home and to other persons will be found of particuhir interest to historians of the colonial era, and the changing plans for the West may be followed in the distribution of affairs of

of the reactionary

the troops in successive years.

Besides the military system there

is

the Indian depart-

BRITISH ILLINOIS,

1763-1778

xxi

ment, that must be reckoned a most important factor in the West. The northern superintendent naturally played the

more important

His corre-

role in the Illinois country.

spondence wdth his subordinates has been printed in

when found, and

I

I I I I

I

I ^

|i

in

it

full,

the principal events in the Ilhnois

may be

followed.

trol the

Indian trade by appointing deputies and commis-

and by

saries

illustrated.

Sir

Wilham Johnson's attempts

issuing regulations for the trade

Also, his relation with the traders

to con-

is

fully

and land

speculators will be found to be fuU of interest.

Although these documents interesting,

still

of general character are

most

the historians of IlHnois will turn more

eagerly to those documents which deal

more

directly with

the territory which has become in the course of time our

own state. These documents fall into many classes and were written by numerous men who actually Hved in the territory or else

had business

interests there.

The first important business firm to send to the Illinois country of Philadelphia,

a representative

was Baynton, Wharton, and ^Morgan to conduct on a large scale

who planned

the fur trade and other business activities in the region.

How

large their plans were

may

be learned from a

of one of the firm, in w^hich he states that they

three hundred

boatmen engaged

letter

had over

in carrying their goods

on the Ohio River. All sides of their business activities can be studied. There have been preserved their contracts with the workmen, contracts for hauhng their goods from Philadelphia to Pittsburgh, letters to their partner or representative in Kaskaskia,

and

his replies,

letters

to Sir

William Johnson, bills rendered to many people, and accounts of various kinds. This firm was not long left to

monopolize

this trade.

Another Philadelphia

Franks and Company, sent

firm, that of

their representative, William

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

xxii

Murray, to Kaskaskia, and many letters from him have been discovered and printed. The letters from the military men stationed in this region are also very numerous. Until the latter part of 1765 the French were in control, and the commandants, De Villiers and St. Ange, made long reports of the happenAfter Captain Stirhng manings in the Ilhnois country. aged to occupy Fort de Chartres there was an almost continuous stream of letters passing to the East, whence many were forwarded to London. These were reports to General Gage for the most part, but among them are several letters of a more intimate and familiar character, such as that by Lieutenant Eidington to an unknowm friend. Trade and land speculation have been the twin motives that have led to the settlement of the West. The first to find their way across the mountains were the traders seeking their profit in the exchange with the Indians of goods for furs; but close on their footsteps came the land speculators, who often engrossed the most fertile valleys before the advent of the more slowly mo\dng settlers. Great glory has been accorded in our local and general histories to the first men to find their way through the pathless wilderness or to hew out with their axes clearings for their homes and little attention has been accorded the enterprising speculators who conceived large plans of colonization and were so ;

frequently responsible for the sending of both the scout and settler.

as

In the annals of the West the names of such

men

Samuel Wharton, Phineas Lyman, George Morgan,

William Murray, Richard Henderson, and George Washington, land speculators

so

all,

should occupy a conspicuous

men, who did the West, will appear the following documents.

The names of the first four much for the development of

place.

frequently in

of these

!

I

I

BRITISH ILLINOIS,

1763-1778

xxiii

It is possible that the first plan for the erection of a

colony in the country, but

Illinois

it is

country was conceived in the mother

certain that the

first

concrete plan which

came near to its fulfilment was formed in Philadelphia. Very many documents concerning this enterprise have been discovered in various depositories, so that

be followed from

for

its

its

may

history

inception to the final failure.

At the same time two other companies were petitioning colonies part of whose territory would fall within the

boundaries of the present state of

Company

is

composed

of \^irginians,

Illinois.

The

Mississippi

the oldest of the colonizing companies and was

among whom were some

of the

most

notable citizens of the Old Dominion, but they were never successful in obtaining

much

influence with

members

of the

and seem never to have had much chance The second company was of accomplishing their purpose. represented by General Phineas Lyman of Connecticut and included in it the members of the older Hazard Company. General Lyman enjoyed the confidence of Lord Shelburne, and his plan, like that of the Philadelphians, became part of that nobleman's policy for the development of the West. Both were abandoned with the appointment of Lord Hillsborough to the office of secretary of state for the colonies, and the running of the Indian boundary line was expected to stop all colonizing enterprises in the far West for the British ministry

present.

This expectation was not realized, however, speculators found hope in the legal opinion of Lord

and Lord Chancellor Yorke that the Indian sovereign nations, could grant

titles

for

the

Camden

tribes,

being

to land that British

law courts would be obliged to uphold.

Following the

West

announcement

of this opinion several enterprises in tlic

were started.

The best known was that of Richard Hcndcr-

xxiv

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

son in Kentucky; but the

country was also the scene

Illinois

The IlKnois Land Company work of the firm of Franks and Company of Philadelphia, and their representative in the West, William Murray, purchased two large tracts of land north and south of of another land speculation.

was the

Kaskaskia

village.

In order to interest the

men

of Virginia

had charter claims to the region, the Wabash Land Company was formed by Alurray, and the governor of Virginia, Lord Dunmore, was made a charter member. Murray was an interesting correspondent and gave his partners fuU accounts of his operain the scheme, since that colony

tions.

Most of the series of letters so far considered were written by English-speaking men who had business interests in the Illinois country or were sent there by the government,

many documents which will illusFrench people in the various villages

but there will be printed trate the life of the

along the Mississippi River.

The

collection

of

French

manuscripts of these villages that have been recently found

have not yielded such abundant illustration from the French sources as has been the case for the later Virginia period; but still some very important documents, and many less important, have been fortunately preserved and throw light

on the intimate life of the French people under the British flag. These \\\\\ be supplemented by the pubhcation of the letters exchanged between the priests, Father Meurin and Father Gibault, with their superiors at Quebec, where the archives are rich in Illinois material.

ments concerning the be noted in

The

last

Also the docu-

sale of the Jesuit property should

this connection.

volumes

will

be richer in material of French

origin than the earlier ones. Here documents that belong to the attempt

will

be found those

of the

French people

8

BRITISH ILLINOIS,

:

I

Gage two representatives whose

counted among

xxv

government, for which purpose they sent

to obtain a civil

to General

17 63-177

efforts

must be

those influences that determined the British

ministry to include the Old Northwest in the province of j

Quebec. Finally, there

is

to be mentioned the correspondence of

Philippe de Rocheblave, the

Many

of the Illinois.

last acting British

commandant

of his letters telling of the conditions

and dangers of his position have been preserved in the

pubHc record office of London, and with 'numerous documents of the same period tell the story of the last days of Rocheblave saw^ clearly the conditions in British Illmois. the French villages which would make easy their occupation by American troops; he knew also about the advancing company of "Long Knives'' under George Rogers Clark and made his preparations for defense; but the American sympathizers in Kaskaskia had performed their work of proselyting among the Illinois French too well for him to overcome it; opposition to Clark was impossible, and Rocheblave was made a prisoner at the post where his superiors had stationed him.

Thus ends the story that story^ will be found

of British Illinois.

no

less interesting

As a romance than that of the

more familiar period of the Virginian occupation. In truth, this earlier period seems to be more varied in its character, for the story carries us from Kaskaskia to Philadelphia and New York, and thence to London, with ever-changing scene; and in our journeyings there pass before our eyes Indians, trappers, traders, land speculators, British soldiers, politicians,

and

courtiers in typical dress

his special interest in those

country that rivers of the

lie

and mood.

Each has

far-away prairies of the Illinois

so temptingly along the banks of the groat

West, the Ohio and the Mississippi.

Here

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

XXVI

in these

volumes

is

printed the story of

how

these

men

spec-

ulated and dreamed of what they could do with these level

lands of sunshine and rain; and here, too, failure.

in the Illinois country

pared the

come

is

the story of their

Their immediate purposes were not accomphshed

way

by these men, but their efforts preand their successors have

in the wilderness

to enjoy the fruits of their labor.

11

THE BRITISH OCCUPATION OF THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1765 I

Special Introduction

OCCUPATION OF THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1765

TIIE BRITISH

The French colony

in the lUinois country

had been

originally estabhshed to form a connecting Knk between the colonies in Louisiana on the south and Canada on the

had recognized the strategic value of such an estabhshment from both a commercial and a Even before any settlements had been inilitar}^ viewpoint. made on the lower Mississippi, in 1680, he and his associates had attempted the formation of a colony on the Illinois River, near the present site of Peoria.^ This was a failure. The end of the century, however, saw the beginning of a more successful and permanent colony, when Catholic missionaries from Quebec established missions at Cahokia and Kaskaskia, near the home of the Illinois Indians. French hunters and fur traders soon followed, and during the first

La

north.

Salle himself

two decades of the eighteenth century a considerable number of families emigrated of the settlement

from Canada. was thus assured.

The permanency

In the early period of the history of the settlement

it

v.'as

looked upon as a part of the French province of Quebec.

In

717,

1

called,

however, the

was annexed

Illinois

country, as

it

had come

to the province of Louisiana.^

to

The

be

Illi-

country now entered upon a period of prosperity, many new enterprises being undertaken, notably the opening of

nois

lead mines.

Shortly after

Pierre Boisbriant *

Parkman, La

its

annexation to Louisiana,

was commissioned

to

govern the country,

Salle and the Discovery of the Great West, 312. Archives nationales, Archives du mimsttire des colonics, A22:40.

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

XXX

and among

his instructions

was an order

to erect a fort as

protection against possible encroachments from the

Enghsh

and Spanish. About 1720 Fort de Chartres was completed and became thereafter the seat of government during the French regime.^ In 1721 Louisiana was divided into nine districts, one of which was knowm as the Illinois district,^ extending east and west of the Mississippi River between the lines, approximately, of the Arkansas River on the south and. the fortieth parallel on the north. ^ This division left the French settlement at Ouiatanon to the Quebec government while Post Vincennes on the lower Wabash fell in the Louisiana jurisdiction.

In

1

73 1 Louisiana, which

of the

The

Company

Illinois

^'

had hitherto been in the hands became a royal pro\ince.

of the Indies,

district'^

remained in

this status until the

Seven Years War, when that portion of the diseast of the Mississippi River was ceded to England as

close of the trict

a part of Canada.

With the exception

of Detroit the Illinois country con-

tained the most considerable French population in the Old

At the end of the French period the population was centered in a number of \allages scattered along the Mississippi River from near the mouth of the Kaskaskia River northward seventy-five miles to Cahokia. The \illage of Kaskaskia, at the extreme south, was the largest to\\'n of Northwest.

the group, w^th eighty houses, five hundred whites, and

about an equal number of Negroes. Some seventeen miles north was Prairie du Rocher with a population of one * After 1748 the French government spent a large sum of money on the rebuilding of the fort and it was regarded as the most imposing edifice of its kind in the West. For description see posl, v. 2, consult index.

* Regulations for the Government of the Archives nationales. District. Archives du ministere dcs colonics, H4.?:io;v Winsor. Narrative and Critinil History of America, 5:43; Pownall, Administration of the Colonics, 19^.

*Ibid.

n

OCCUPATION OF THE ILLINOIS,

1763-1765

xxxi

hundred French and as many slaves. A short distance northwest of Prairie du Rocher, on the bank of the jMississipstood Fort de Chartres, surrounded

pi,

by a

little village,

Nouvelle Chartres, where some forty families were settled. St. Philippe, five

miles north of Fort de Chartres, contained

twelve or fifteen families, and forty-five miles farther north stood Cahokia with three hundred

Frenchmen and eighty

Negroes.^

By

the treaty of Paris, ratified in February, 1763, the

to the lUinois country passed, as. already suggested, to

title

Great Britain.^

Preparations were at once

made

for the

On

change of sovereignty.

the fifteenth of July, 1763, Governor Dabbadie of Louisiana sent dispatches from New

Orleans to the Illinois country advising

commandant

the

Neyon de

Villiers,

at Fort de Chartres, of the cession of that

country to Great Britain, and ordering that preparations be

made for the evacuation forces in

At the same time, by commander in chief of the British

of the post.^

order of General Amherst,

America, boats wxre prepared at Fort Pitt for the

men Wabash

purpose of transporting a company of four hundred

do\Mi the Ohio River to reheve the posts on the and Mississippi rivers.^ Other details were at the same lime being w^orked out for the expedition.^ Detachments of British troops *

had taken possession of practically every other

Pittman, State of the European Settlements on the Mississippi (Ilodder See other estimates of the population, post, 4, 209, 218.

ed.),

84~93-

' Treaty of Paris, Shortt and Dout^hty, sec. vii. Constitutional History of Canada, lysg-iygi, p. 86,

Documents Relating

' Journal de M"" Dabbadie Commissaire General de la Marine, Louisianne, post, 163.

to the

Ordonnaf

a

La

Bouquet to Gage, May 27, 1764, post, 252; Bouquet to Amherst, February Amherst to Bouquet, May 2t„ 1763, post, 533. 'Bouquet to Amherst, March 17, 1763, post, 532. These preparations were " I have ix'in^ made apparently without any defmite instructions from England. di-Drived myself of the Pleasure of wrilin^ to you sooner, in expectation of hcini^ able to acquaint you with the Dis[)o.^itions made for taking i'osses.-^ion of our ^\ Department." Bouquet to Governor Sharpe, of Maryland, May 21, 1763, post, 533. *

'^» '7^>3, post, 531;

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

xxxii

post in the West as early as 1760.

The occupation

of forts

Niagara, Venango, Sandusky, Miami, Detroit, Ouiatanon, Joseph, ^lichillimackinac, and others in the interior

St.

seemed to indicate almost complete British dominion. But the French garrison at Fort de Chartres waited almost three years for the appearance of the British officials; for soon after the announcement of the treaty of cession, the chain of Indian tribes stretching from the fringe of the eastern settlements to the Mississippi River rose in rebeUion.

This wholly unexpected movement had to be reckoned with before the relief of the Illinois posts could be undertaken.

No

attempt

is

made

in this survey to rewrite the histor}^

Parkman's scholarly and graphic the Indian revolt^ makes any other treatment

of Pontiac's conspiracy.

portrayal of

ob\dously unnecessary.

A

brief statement,

causes and general course of the conflict

is

however, of the essential for

an

understanding of the chief topic under consideration.

Of the two had remained

chief Indian families in the north, the Iroquois

partially neutral during the recent war, while

Canada and between the

the Algonkin nations, hving in

Ohio and Mississippi French cause. conflict appears, ing.

From

rivers,

had

rallied to the

support of the

Their position in the various stages of the however, to have been more or

less vacillat-

1754, the year of Washington's defeat at Fort

Necessity, to 1758 they fought side by side with the French. They ravaged the frontier settlements of Virginia and Pennsylvania and pushed back the frontier line almost to the eastern settlements. Then from 1758 to about 1761 the Indians were relatively quiet. With the English appearing in stronger force,

with the French

line of defense evidently

weakening, and with the practical disappearance of the British settlers, *

making further

Parkman, Conspiracy

oj Pontiac, passim.

raids

inconvenient,

the

OCCUPATION OF THE ILLINOIS,

1763-1765

xxxiii

Indians retired to their villages and awaited developments.

So long as the conflict between the British and the French appeared indecisive the Indian nations formed a balance of power, as

it

were, between them.^

During

this

time Great

Britain and France vied with each other to conciliate the savages and to win their good will. As soon, however, as it became evident that the British forces were displacing the

French at the western posts, thus assuring British dominion, the Indian suspicions were heightened

lowed.

The

and open hostility folpower of France

British belief that since the

was crushed there would be no further motive for the Indian nations to resume hostilities appears to have been based upon misinformation. By the close of the war then, although the greater portion of the French had sworn fealty to the British crown, the

hoped

for submission of their former

allies was exceedingly doubtful. The cause of their disinclination to accept the change of sovereignty was compounded of several elements. To the

Indian

Delawares and other nations in the upper Ohio Valley the

permanent establishment of the British west of the Meghenies appeared dangerous. Had they not been driven from their original

The Indians

homes

east of the mountains

by the same race ?

well understood that the establishment of

good for their This, augmented by the formal announcement of the of sovereignty to Great Britain, was in reaUty the

British garrisons in their midst presaged little future.

transfer

basis of their

extreme bitterness.

Any evidences

of haughti-

on the part of the invaders would only increase the resentment and transform it into open hostility. Such proofs were early available. The good will of the ness or neglect

Indian might be

won

or lost through the

* Croghan to lords of trade, Pontiac, 1:193.

June

8,

management

of

1764, post, isv, Parkm.in, Conspiracy of

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

xxxiv

The

the fur trade.

control of this branch of

one of the chief elements

in the rivalry

commerce

^vas

between France and

Great Britain in Canada and the Ohio Valley prior to the French and Indian War. Under the French regime the western Indians and their trade had been success than

had the

tribes living

managed with

greater

under British influence.

had been due largely to her policy of The centralization, combined with the genial character of the French fur trader and the influence of the missionary. The British, on the contrary, had managed their commercial success of France

relations with the Indians through the agency of the dif-

ferent colonies, wdthout a semblance of union or cooperation,

each colony competing for the

lion's share of the trade.

Despite this loose management the British nevertheless

made considerable headway,

the prosecution of the trade.

break of

hostilities

traders

had

prior to the war, in

In the decade before the out-

they had established trading posts in

the Miami country and were operating as far west as the Wabash River.^ Apparently they were being received \\'ith some favor by the Indians. The superior quality of the

English goods, together with the sale of rum, tended to over-

come

some degree the prejudices bred by the frequent As time went on, however, and the British army appeared at the to

examples of arrogance on the part of the trader.

posts, the trade

of the coarsest

seems to have

stamp

fallen into the

hands of men

— men who did not hesitate to cheat

and insult their Indian customers at every opportunity. Whether they were more dishonest than their French rivals

may

of course be fairly questioned; the fact remains that

they failed to conceal their unscrupulousncss behind the blandishments so commonly showered upon the Indians

by the French. ^

The

Hanna, The Wilderness

British traders offered Trail,

i

:

passim.

on the whole

t

J

1

OCCUPATION OF THE ILLINOIS, a most unfavorable example of

1763-1765

xxxv

the character of their

nation.*

remained in the western wilderness traders and hunters who fre-

I\Ioreover, there

many French and renegade

quently fabricated insidious stories as to British designs

and unwarrantably filled the savage minds with hope of succor from the king of France.^ Furthermore, many of the French inhabitants had since 1763 emigrated beyond the Mississippi, because, as the Indians thought, they feared to live

under EngHsh

rule.^

More important still was

economy

the pohcy

by Amherst in Januar}% 1763, Colonel Bouquet, commanding on the Pennsylvania border, observed that discontent was produced among the Indians by the suppression of presents.* To this communication of repression

and

of

General Amherst.

the

commander

[)articular

sum

In a

it

letter to

in chief replied:

'^As to appropriating a

to be laid out yearly to the warriors in

presents, &c., that I

think

in expenses inaugurated

can by no means agree

to;

necessary to give them any presents

Bribes, for

punished."^

Bouquet:

if

nor can I

by way

of

they do not behave properly they are to be

In February of the same year he again wrote to

"As you

are thoroughly acquainted with

my

sentiments regarding the treatment of the Indians in general,

you

will of

course order Cap. Ecuyer not to give those

are able to provide for their famihes loiter *

away

their time in idleness

Johnson to lords of trade,

^7; Parkman, Conspiracy

AV^:;

any encouragement

about the

York Colonial Documents,

of Fontiac,

i

who

Fort.''^

to

Com-

7 q2o, 955, 960, 064, 182; Pownall, Administration 0/ the Colo-

:

:

«iVj, i: 188;

Kingsford, History of Canada, 5:121 ct scq. 11, 1763, AVcC York Colonial Documents, 7:532; Townall, Administration of the Colonies, i 187-190.

'Johnson to Amherst, July

:

'Johnson to Governor Golden, December 24, 1763, Johnson MSS., 8: 60; Parkman, Conspiracy of Fontiac, i:i8i n. i; W'lnsor, Mississippi Basin, 4^. *

Parkman, Conspiracy of Fontiac,

*

Ibid.

*ibid.

i

:

181 n.

i.

4i

xxxvi

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

months later Colonel Bouquet suggested that ^'the dread of EngUsh Power is in my opinion the only motive capable of Alaking a SoHd Impression upon their minds and they must be con\inced by their ovm Eyes that it is not out of necessity, but out of and I regard for them that we offer them our alHance doubt whether we Shall ever root out the French Interest in that Country till we make our appearance in it with a Force sufficient to make ourselves respectable and awe meriting on the Indian policy a few

—

both the French

&

the Savage.''^

Whether the Indian question would have had any other issue than open conflict had the Indian department rather than the army attempted its solution is problematical. Certainly the Indian superintendents and agents, understanding the Indian character and the various aspects of the question imcomparably better than the military officials, held \iews in striking contrast to these officials. The correspondence of Sir Wilham Johnson, John Stuart, and George Croghan is filled with intimations that the policy of Amherst and his subordinates was sure to lead to disaster. ^'I greatly fear,'^ says Johnson,

''

the Indians have been in General considered

as too inconsiderable for

some time

past,

and

I

most heartily

we may have no occasion to attribute any future Hostilities to such a way of thinking, which must produce wish

and disregard on our sides, and discontent and Revenge on theirs, the consequence of which will be a recomneglect

mencement

of Hostilities."^

''If,"

he observed again, ''we

conquer their prejudices by our generosity they their Jealousys,

& we may

rest in security,

cheaper than any other plan, *

* '

& more

will lay aside

this is

much

certain of success."

Bouquet to Gage, November 30, 1764, post, 366. Johnson to lords of trade, September 25, 1763, post, 31. Johnson to lords of trade, August 30, 1764, post, 307.

^

OCCUPATION OF THE ILLINOIS, Although the savages were ripe the

1763-1765

for revolt

movement appeared almost simultaneous,

xxxm'i

and although it is

doubtful

whether the ramifications of the rebellion would have been so far reaching and proved so formidable had it not been for the unifying

work

of Pontiac, the great chief of the Ottawa.^

Pontiac was not only the principal chief of the Ottawa but

head of the Chippewa and Potawatomi. 'He had long exerted a despotic sway over these nations, and his powerful influence had been extended among ail the western Indians. Although he shared with his fellow savages their bitter resentment against the British on account of their arrogance and alleged parsimony, he appears to have been impelled to action by patriotism and ambition as well. also the virtual

He wished

to reestabhsh completely the old regime.

The

would mean the restoration of the Indian's happiness. His hunting grounds would be preserved. A permanent Indian confederacy comprehendreturn of French ascendency

ing all branches of the race, with himself at its head, well

have been in his mind.

At any

may

rate Pontiac clearly

understood that the Indians disunited could avail Httle against the advance of the British; that the latter could not

be checked without aid from the Indians' former alHes; and he confidently beheved that, by reuniting, the French and Indians could drive the British into the sea. In order to accomplish this purpose French power in the West must be

and the Indian nations united into one great confederacy. During the years 1761 and 1762 he developed the plot and in 1762 he dispatched his emissaries to all the rehabilitated

Indian nations.

tended to

all

The

the lower Alississippi, *

ramifications of the conspiracy ex-

the Algonkin tribes, to some of the nations on

and even

to a portion of the Six

Na-

Sec note on Pontiac, post, 241. For discussion of Pontiac's charActor see of Pontiac, 1:193, 194.

Parkman, Conspiracy

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

xxxviii

The

aim was the destruction of the British garrisons on the frontier, after which the British settlements beyond the mountains were to be attacked. The assault on the outposts, beginning in May, 1763, was sudden and overwhelming; Detroit, Fort Pitt, and Niagara alone tions.

original

held out, the remainder of the posts falling without serious

attempts at defense.

In the meantime the British ministry was attempting to formulate some plan whereby the Indian nations might be peacefully reconciled.

News of the outbreak of the war reached

and the discussion of plans for checking it without resort to arms was at once entered upon. Throughout the summer and autumn of 1763 the proposed poHcy was under discussion, and in October there was issued as a result the royal proclamation of 1763, aimed specifically at the pacification of the Indians by reserving to them for the present all the lands west of the Alleghenies and by laying down some general regulations for the administration of England

in August, 1763,

the Indian trade.^

few months

Had

this

proclamation been issued a

and had its contents been communicated by the officials of the Indian department this devastating war might have been averted or at least confined within narrower limits. Under the circumstances, however, peaceful pacification was impossible. The occupation of the Illinois countr}^ was now something something more than a formal more than a mere formality earlier

to the Indians

—

transfer of sovereignty from France to Great Britain in accord-

ance wdth the terms of the treaty of Paris.

Its

occupation

was at once involved with the crushing of the Indian confederacy and the reoccupation of the posts that had fallen into the hands of Pontiac and his confederates. It was obvious that these results must be attained before the occupation of *

Post, 39.

i

.

OCCUPATION OF THE ILLINOIS,

1763-1765

xxxix

Fort de Chartres would be practicable from the east. The participation in the rebellion of the Shawnee and Delaware tribes of the

upper Ohio River region precluded for a time, however,

the possibility of reaching the jMississippi posts Oliio River without a much larger force than in chief had in the service in the East. The

over, wxre already avoiding the

by w^ay of the commander

the

colonies,

more-

call for additional troops.^

Thomas Gage, who succeeded Sir Jeffery Amcommander in chief of the British army in America

General herst as

November, 1763, was convinced that the early occupation on the Mississippi w^as essential, since it would in a measure cut off the communication between the French and the Indian nations dwelling in that vicinity. The Indians, finding themselves thus inclosed, would be more easily subdued.- It w^as expected, therefore, that an expeditionary force w^ould move up the Mississippi River from IMobile, which had recently been occupied as a part of in

of the posts

The Mississippi River had been declared open to the French and British alike by the Louisiana ceded to the Enghsh.^

treaty of Paris, and it was expected that the consent of the French government of Louisiana could be secured for the use

which remained under French Little opposition might be expected from the southern Indians toward whom a somew^hat more liberal policy had been pursued. Presents to the value of four or five of that portion of the river

control.

thousand pounds had been sent to Charleston in 1763 for distribution among the southern nations which would tend to counteract

any

possible intrigues that might be carried

on by the French traders from *

Orleans."

It

was not

Beer, British Colonial Policy, 263.

Report from Robertson, March 8, 1764, post, 220. Houquet to Gage, December i, 1763, post, 536; Gage to Bouquet, December 1763, H.iM., Add. xMSS., 21638. * Winsor, Mississippi Basin, 433. *

'

22,

New

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

xl'

believed, moreover, that Pontiac's influence

would extend

so far southward.

As has already been suggested, Governor Dabbadie of Louisiana had, soon after the announcement of the treaty of peace, transmitted orders to all the French commandants in the ceded territory to evacuate the posts. A few months later Major Robert Farmar, commanding the British forces at Mobile, in British West Florida, and Lieutenant Colonel Robertson, quartermaster general for America, who had been sent to Mobile to investigate conditions in Florida and the ceded portions of Louisiana,^ were negotiating with the

French officials for assistance in reaching the isolated posts on the upper and lower Mississippi. The French appear to have offered every facility within their power, even agreeing to leave a portion of the armaments at the posts, although the right of the British to

was based on a disputed

demand

possession of the artillery

interpretation of the treaty,- to

allow the British to outfit their expeditionary force at

and

Orleans,^

New

to cooperate in conciliating the Indians in the

—

all these facts would seem and conciUatory spirit. Ha\ing been advised that the most convenient period

lower Mississippi Valley*

to

indicate a generous

of

the year for a successful ascent of the river began about

January

20,^ it

was determined

to

have a force

in readi-

* Farmar to the secretary at war, January 24, 1764, printed in Rowland, Mississippi Provincial Archives: English Dominion i: 8. ^

Kerlerec to Farmar, October 2, 1763. post, 36; Robertson to Dabbadie, December 5, 1763, post, 205; Dabbadie to Robertson, December 7, 1763, post, 5S; Dabbadie to the minister of marine and colonics, January 10, 1764, post, lo-j. 2

'

Dabbadie's journal,

post,

167-169; Report from Robertson.

March

8.

1764,

post, 217; Details of what happened in Louisiana at the lime of the occupation of the Illinois, post, 226; Gage to Halifax, April 14, 1764, post, 240; Xcyon dc Villiers

to Loftus, April 20, 1764, post, 244. *

37;

Dabbadie's journal, post, 173, 175; Kerlercc to Farmar, October 2, 1763, post, Villiers to Dabbadie. December i, 1763, post, 50; Dabb.idie to minof marine and colonics, January 15, 17O4. post, 214: Aul)ry to the minister,

Neyon de

ister

January 15, 1764, post, 214; Details of what happened ' Report from Robertson, March 8, 1764, post, 217.

in Louisiana, posl^ 225.

\

\

OCCUPATION OF THE ILLINOIS, ncss at

New

1763-1765

!

xli

Orleans to take advantage of the opening of

Accordingly an officer of the commissary sent to New Orleans in advance to assemble was department the necessary equipment in the way of boats and pro\isions.^ Major Arthur Loftus, with a detachment of three hundred and fifty men from the Twenty-second Regiment, which had occupied Mobile in the autumn of 1763, embarked a few weeks later for the French capital. The commander, with a number of ofiScers and a portion of the expeditionary force, arrived at New Orleans on the twenty-second of January, 1765,^ and on the following day Loftus and some of his associates were entertained at dinner by Governor Dabbadie.^ On this occasion, observes Dabbadie in his journal, "I told him how much I desired that he go to this post, since it was daily of more interest to the king to evacuthat season.

ate it."

On

the seventh of February the ship conveying

convoy dropped anchor near New Orleans, and the troops disembarked and encamped below the town.* During the next few weeks the British were the remainder of the

engaged with the details of outfitting their expedition. During this time, also, the governor of the province, as he busily

observes in his journal, employed "all the facilities which

depend upon I

stopped

all

me the

nien for them."

to hasten the departure of their bateaux.

work

of the king in order to procure

Moreover, he "warned

ants of the French posts located

all

the

on the Mississippi

departure of these troops, and ordered that

all

work-

commandof the

assistance of

which they might have need be given" and that the commandants "neglect nothing to quiet the Indians." In order, '

Farmar

to the secretary at war,

Pfcr.incial Archives: '

English Dominion,

Dabbadie's journal,

i

:

24, 1764.

Rowland, Mississippi

8.

post, 168.

*f^i

.

| •

r i

'-

;

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

xlii

furthermore, arise

to

on the part

avoid misunderstandings "which might of the inhabitants of the river refusing

and suppKes that they he ordered a French officer to accompany them

to furnish the troops the provisions

would need

"

as far as Pointe Coupee.^

^

Detailed information respecting

the navigation of the Mississippi, the location and strength of the posts,

was

and the number and disposition

of the Indians

likewise outlined for the British ofiicials.^

On February three hundred

27 the expedition, including four officers,

and twenty men,

thirty

women, and seventeen

A

detachment of sixty men was to be left at Fort Massac on the Ohio River and the remainder were to occupy Kaskaskia and Fort de Chartres.'* The convoy reached Pointe Coupee on March 15 mthout incident except for numerous desertions.^

children, departed for the Illinois country.^

Here the French conductor left the expedition.^ Five days later the flotilla was attacked at Roche a Davion or Fort Adams, as it was later known by the British, by a band of Indians composed of Tunica, Choctaw, Ofogoula, and After a sharp fight resulting in the loss of

Avoyelles.^

men

composing the vanguard, Loftus ordered a retreat and the expedition was abandoned. Depleted by desertion, sickness, and death the party retraced several

its

way

in the boats

over the two hundred and forty mile route to

New

Orleans and thence to Pensacola.^ ^

Details of what happened in Louisiana, post, 227.

2

RemarksbyAubry (?],^05/,

i;

Report from Robertson, March

8,

iy6^, post, 2ij.

Dabbadie's journal, post, 173; Details of what happened in Louisiana, 227; Loftus to Gage, April 9, 1764, post, 237. * Report from Robertson, ]\ Larch 8, 1764, post, 220. '

^

Details of

what happened 22g

'

229;Loftusto Gage, April 9, 176^,

Ibid., post,

post,

in Louisiana, post, 228.

^ Ibid., post,

post, 237.

'Details of what happened in Louisiana, post, 231; Loftus to Gage. April 0, Sec also Johnstone to I'ownall, February iq, 1765 (/>c).^/, 437) 1764, post, 238. relative to Loftus' failure to establish himself at Point Iberville in the course of his retreat.

^

I !•

1

P \ •;

;

I ['

}'

\

\

OCCUPATION OF THE ILLINOIS,

1763-1765

xliii

Major Loftus placed the blame for the failure of his cxT>edition upon Governor Dabbadie and other French The facts which have already olhcials at New Orleans.-^ l.H'cn

cited,

however, and the e\idence found in the docu-

ments included in the present volume would seem to indicate that on the whole his accusations against the governor were without foundation.

There

justification for the suspicion of

trigues

may have

been some

Loftus that unofficial in-

were at work, for the French in general were not in

sN'mpathy with the attempt as the success of the English

would mean the cessation of the lucrative trade between

Xcw

Orleans and the Illinois country.

They were no doubt

delighted at the discomfiture of the British officer. Ixi

It

may

observed also that the French advocacy of peace and good

numerous Indian conferences and parleys was prob-

will at

commandants of the furnishing the Indians with some arms and anmaunition.* This was done ostensibly to aid them in their hunting and was probably justified by conditions, but apparently no assurance was required that these would not be turned ably neutralized

by the

action of the

jxists in

against the British.^

The

failure,

however, to heed the warnings of the French

bad disposition of a number of tribes in the immediate vicinity of the Mississippi, whom Pontiac had

Oihcials of the

recently visited

and

enlisted in his cause, ^

must be empha-

Loftus had been assured that unless he carried

^'uk.^.

presents to the Indians he

up the

river.^

The poHcy

would be unable to proceed far advance agents with

of sending

Loftus to Gage, April 9, 1764, post, 238. N'eyon de Villiers to Dabbadie, March 13, 1764. post, 224; St. Angc to DabI "AMe. July 15, 1764, post, 290; St. Angc to Dabbadie, August 12, 1764, post, 293. '

,.*

St.

Angc

to Dabbadie,

August

12, 1764, post, 293.

* *^'^'>'''" ^e Villiers to Dabbadie, April 20. 1764. post, 242; Ncyon dc Villiers to J loftus, April 20, i-j(ij[, post, 244; Dabbadie to Farmar, 16, 1764,^05/, 246. I

May

*

Gage

to Halifax, April 14, 1764, post, 240.

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

xliv

convoys of presents for the natives was successful the folwhen the Illinois posts were finally reached

lowing year

from the intrigues

but no such poKcy was adopted at

east,

No

time.^

action

was taken

on the part

of irresponsible

Dabbadie's

indeed such machinations were carried on.

advice was not heeded, but his prophecy was

General Gage, in his

official

this

any possible French traders, if

to counteract

fulfilled.

correspondence relative to a

second expedition, implied that he did not think sufficient care

had been exercised

the belief that

if

to insure success,

Loftus would

make use mouth

precautions" he might reach the little

of the '^necessary of the

Ohio with

interruption.^

As soon

New

and expressed

as

news

of the collapse of the expedition

reached

York, General Gage immediately dispatched orders

to Loftus to equip his regiment for another

Major Fannar, the commandant

way by assembling British

and by

trial

and

to

at Mobile, to prepare the

the chiefs of the tribes hostile to the

flattering speeches

and presents

to gain their

complete approval of the British plan to ascend the Mississippi.

He was

threats

and

authorized,

if

make use of Choctaw and Chicka-

necessary, to

of the assistance of the

saw nations, who were now ready to espouse the British cause against the northern Indians. Then Farmar was instructed to occupy the post at Natchez, which would serve as a basis for further operations and would tend to sever the former easy communication between the French and the Indian nations residing east of the Mississippi River.

In order to avoid the necessity of passing the

French capital at

New

Orleans,

Gage further directed

* Gage to Halifax, April 14, 1764, post, 240. *Gage to Bouquet, May 21, 1764, post, 248; Gage to Halifax. May 21, 1764, post, 248; Gage to Ilaldimand, May 27, 1764, post, 250; Gage to Halifax, July 13,

1764, post, 282.

OCCUPATION OF THE ILLINOIS, the opening,

if

1763-1765

xlv

practicable, of the Iberville River to navi-

gation.^

Surveys of the Iberville were at once begun by Captain

Campbell; and in June, 1764, Lieutenant Philip Pittman \ isitcd the governor of Louisiana bearing a request from I'armar that assistance be given

him

in his proposed mission

an endeavor to discover the dis|K)sition of the savages of the upper Mississippi Valley, r^ittman's plan was to accompany one of the numerous j^arties of French traders to the Illinois. He arrived at to the IlHnois country in

New .\

Orleans, however, too late to accomplish his project.^

second attempt was

made

later in the

summer,^ but

it,

was abandoned. As matters stood in the spring and summer of 1764 therefore it appeared that the immediate occupation of the Illinois was impossible. In the north the Indian war was still raging, although the backbone of the conspiracy was evidently breaking. In the campaign of 1763 Colonel Henry Bouquet had raised the siege of Fort Pitt, but had been unable to carry the war to a decisive conclusion in the enemy's country. In the spring and summer of 1 764 Colonel liradstreet was advancing wdth a detachment along the .southern shore of Lake Erie, penetrating as far west as Detroit, whence companies were sent to reoccupy the posts in the upper lake region. Bradstreet's terms, however, loo,

were so easy that the Indians were apparently not in the least

awed by the proximity of his army.* This is well by the treatment accorded Captain Thomas

illustrated

Cage to Halifax, May 21, 1764, post, 249. Farmar to Dabbadie, June 12, 1764, post, 264; Dabbadie's journal, June 13, post, 189; Dabbadie to Farmar, June 22, 1764, post, 266; Dabbadie's journal, J7y4, July 18, 1764, post, 193; Dabbadie to the minister, June 29, 1764, post, 272; Gage *

I" llahf.ix, *

*

November 9, 1764, post, 351. I>abbadie's journal, August, 1764, post, 194.

Johnson to lords of trade, December

26, 1764, post, 389.

xlvi

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

Morris, one of Bradstreet's

officers,

who had been detached

from the regiment for the purpose of going to Fort de Chartres to announce the submission of the Indians in the region touched

by the EngHsh

forces

and

to administer the

Accompanied by two French Canadians, some servants, and a number of friendly Indians, jMorris advanced but a few days' march into the Miami country when he was stopped by Indians of that region, was made a prisoner, maltreated, and threatened with the stake. Pontiac himself was present on this occasion. It was during his inter\dew with Morris that the latter was informed of the repulse of Loftus, of the oath of allegiance to the inhabitants.^

New

journey of Pontiac's

own

French support, and

of the determination of the Indians to

resist

the British to the

emissaries to

last.

Orleans to seek

Pontiac's hope of meeting

and repeUing the British advance from the east had been strengthened by the news of Loftus' defeat. It gave him renewed hope that he might be able to rally again the western and northern Indians, and, with French assistIn ance, block permanently the advance of the British. spite of the rumor of the defeat of his allies by Bouquet and Bradstreet and the report that preparations were being made by his \dctorious enemy to advance against him, Pontiac determined to make a supreme effort. By a series of

visits

among

the tribes dwelling in the Illinois

country, on the Wabash, and in the

Miami

country, he

succeeded in arousing in them the instinct of self-preservation, in firing the hearts of

all

and

the faltering Indians,

1 Gage to Halifax, October 12, 1764, post, 343. The oric;inal journal kept by Morris during this journey is reprinted in Thwaites, Early Wcsltrn Trairls, i :oSSee also account by Henry C. Van Schaack, "Captain Thomas Morris in 328. lor the Illinois Country," in ifai^aziKC of A vicrican Ilisiory, 7 pt. 2, pp. 470-470. other secondary accounts see Parkraan, Conspiracy of Pontiac, 2:198-208, and Kingsford, History of Canada, 5 8. :

:

:

1

1

OCCUPATION OF THE ILLINOIS

1763-1765

xl\ii

winning the promise of their cooperation in his plan of

in

(icfense.^

,

Such hopes were futile. Dviring the same summer Bou(juet had descended upon the Shawnee and Delaware Indians j)ursuing I

them

as far wTst as the

Muskingum

hey were finally brought to terms.

A

River, w^here

series of treaties

were dictated in the Ohio and lake regions, in w^hich the Iiidians tiic

crow^n.^ Thus was completely broken,

promised allegiance to the British

eastern portion of the rebellion

and it only remained to bring the Indians in the Illinois and Wabash regions to a realization of the ultimate hope-

Such a task was not, however, to Whether resort was to be had to dij)!omacy or force it might require months and perhaps years to attain this end. "The surest way no Doubt" declared Gage "to take Possession of the Illinois or any other Post, is to go with a Body of Troops able to force a Compliance. But wt have no Number of Troops Sufficient lo do this with. You have seen what the Pro\dnces will do, or rather what they wiU not do, when the Enemy is at their Doors. What can be expected from them, do YOU think, to carry on operations at Such a Distance?"^ It was determined then to attempt to negotiate directly v.ilh Pontiac and the western nations w^ho remained loyal to his cause."* Such a plan had been suggested by Sir WilHam Jabkidie, July 15, 1764, post, 290. ?.

l^

* Houquet to Gage, November 30, 1764, post, 365; Gage to Bouquet, December i-M, post, 371. Ga^c to Bouquet, December 20, 1764, post, 377. •G.ige to Johnson, June 24, 1764, post, 269; Gage to Halifax, July 13, 1764,

••]

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

xlviii

"it will be necessary to send a proper person to the Indians of the ]Mississippi to treat with them, assure

them

of our

have a fair trade, & to back the whole with a present." The northwestern Indians, he suggested further, "w^ould never have suffered us to take possession of Detroit but from the precaution I took in sending Mr. Croghan to prepare them for it.'^^ Reference has already been made to the unavailing efforts of Lieutenant Pittman and Captain Morris, whose plans w^ere in line with Johnson's suggestion. In November, pacific disposition, that they shall

Major Farmar

1764,

notified the secretary at w^ar of his

having "sent forward Ofiicers to assemble the different Tribes of Indians, with proper Instructions, to gain them

over by every Art and Invention to our Interest,

.

.

/'^

command of Lieutenant John Ross and accompanied by Hugh Crawford, a noted The

first

expedition, under the

Indian trader, set out from Mobile on December

2.^

In-

stead of following the Mississippi they worked their

way

northward through the great Choctaw and Chickasaw nations to the Ohio, crossing the

ceding

by

Kentucky

region, thus pre-

several years the advent of Daniel Boone and

From

his followers into this territory.

Tennessee and Ohio

rivers

Ross and

his

the junction of the

party descended to

the Mississippi and proceeded thence to the Illinois villages,

reaching there February 18,

These were the first into the former French

1765.'*

Englishmen to penetrate thus far territory, with the exception of prisoners, since the treaty of cession two years before. *

Johnson to Gage, June

*

Post, 364.

9,

1764, post, 263.

•Declaration of Hugh Crawford, July August 10, 1765, post, 2:70. *

Ross to Farmar,

May

July 22, 1765, ^05/, 483-

22, 1765, post, 4S3;

25, ijCs, post, 481;

Declaration of

Gage

to Halifax,

Hugh Crawford,

OCCUPATION OF THE ILLINOIS,

1763-1765

xHx

During these two years the Illinois country presented an anomalous situation. The French officials were governing, the

in

king.

name

of Louis

XV,

a country belonging to another

Although the commandant, Neyon de VilHers, had

under orders since 1763 to surrender the place to represc-ntatives of its rightful owner, the prospect of such capituiK'cn

lation

seemed more and more remote.

altogether enviable.

He was

His position was not

constantly surrounded by

crowds of begging, thieving savages, and was dihgently j>€titioned

by Pontiac and

his emissaries for the

active

support of the French against the English intruders. No evidence appears to indicate his acquiescence with any of This statement cannot be extended, the Indians^ plans.

however, to include the position of the French inhabitants.

The commandant's neutral position was often jeopardized by the fact that a considerable portion of the French traders was secretly and sometimes openly supporting the Indian

Convoys of goods were constantly plying between Orleans and Illinois, more than ever before, and a highly profitable trade was developed.-^ It was clear that v.'ith the appearance of the British this commercial monopoly cause.

New

On June 15, 1764, De Villiers' embarrassment was relieved by his evacuation of Fort de Chartres, evidently at the request of Governor Dabbadie.^ He had would disappear.

shortly before indignantly refused to IK)sals of

the Indians, and

countenance the pro-

had begged them

arms and make peace with the English.^

men was Ange, who was forty

St. *

* *

*

left

to lay

A

at the post, under the

called

down

their

detachment

command

of

of St.

from Post Vincenncs on the Wabash.* his companions

Ange received Lieutenant Ross and

Sec Dahbadie's journal and correspondence wilh officials in Dahbadie's journal, July 2, 1764. post, 189.

Illinois,

/>t?5/,

I

1O2-205.

Ange to Dabbadie, July 15, 1764, post, 289. Dahbadie's journal, July 2, 1764, post, 189.

St.

!i

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

1

cordially^

and did

to treat with

all

in his

power to influence the savages

the British

Indians was held in April.

envoys.-

A

council with the

Representatives of the

iNIis-

and Osage nations from the west side of the IMissiswere in attendance as well as the chiefs of the Illinois Nothing, however, was accomplished, for the tribes.^ souri

sippi

Indians had nothing but expressions of hatred and defiance for the EngHsh.^

The

became so companions were

attitude of the savages

violent that the British officer

and

his

compelled to leave the country about the middle of April, going directly to

New

Orleans.^

In the meantime Major Farmar, in conjunction with Governor Johnstone of West Florida and John Stuart, superintendent of Indian affairs for the southern depart-

ment, was assembling another party, which was to proceed

up the Mississippi River in an endeavor "to Negotiate, a Thorough Reconciliation, and Firm Peace, with the Arkanzas, and the Several Tribes of Indians, at Illinois, to Prevent their Obstructing the Passage of

His Majesty's Troops, un-

Command,

to take Possession of that

der Major Farmar's

Country; and to Induce them, and the French Inhabitants, in their Power to his Assistance."^ Captain whose knowledge of Indian affairs was highly esteemed by Stuart, was chosen to lead the party. With him was associated deputy Indian agent Sinnott. The

to Contribute

de

all

la Gauterais,

party set out e\idently in the spring of 1765.^ •

Ross to Farmar,

^

Ibid.;

•

St.

May

25, 1765, post, 482.

Gordon to Johnson, August 10, 1765, post, 2:68. Angc to Dabbadie, April 7, 1765, />05/, 471; Ross to Farmar,

May

25, 1765,

post, 482.

*Ibid. •

Ihid.

•

Stuart to

February

De

la Gauterais,

January

13, 1765, post, 405;

Ilaldimand to Gage,

25, 1768, post, 410.

'On May 13 they were within thirty leagues of Fort de CharUes. Pownall, August 24, 1765, post, 2:78.

vStuart to

M

OCCUPATION OF THE ILLINOIS,

1763-1765

U

Farmar was thus paving the way for his proposed military expedition up the Mississippi, a similar program was being enacted in the East. Throughout the winter of WTiile

1

764-1 765 preparations were

made

to send a

detachment of

troops do^\Ti the Ohio from Fort Pitt to reheve Fort de Chartres.

To

way for the troops two agents were Wilham Johnson appointed his deputy,

blaze the

sent in advance.

Sir

George Croghan, for the delicate and dangerous task of going among the Indians of the western country to assure them of the conciHatory attitude of the British, to

better facihties for trade

promise them

than they had hitherto enjoyed,

and to accompany the promise with substantial presents.^ The second agent, who was to work in conjunction with Croghan, was Lieutenant Fraser, of the regular army, whose

was to carry letters from General Gage to the French commandant at Fort de Chartres and a proclamation to the inhabitants of the country\^ Fraser and Croghan departed from Carhsle, Pennsylvania, January 24, 1 765, followed a few days later by the usual convoy of presents.^ During the journey to Fort Pitt the wagons were attacked by the 'Tax ton boys," a band of Pennsylvania particular mission

frontiersmen,

who

did not appreciate the significance of

movement and were incensed

the

able goods to the savages.

A

at the idea of giving valu-

large part of the presents

destined for the western Indians were destroyed, together

with some valuable stores which certain Philadelphia mer-

chants were for^varding to Fort Pitt for the puq^ose of open9, 1764, post, 263; Johnson to lords of trade, December 394; Bouquet to Gage, January 5, 17O5, post, 397. ' Gage to Bouquet, December 24, 1764, post, 3S7; Gage to Bouquet, December 30. ^764, post, 395; Gage to Johnson, February 2. 1765. post, 427. This (li.^t int. lion »* not usually made. Writers have usually inferred that Fraser accc^nipanicd Croghan in an unofficial capacity. See, however, Winsor, Mississippi Basin, 456. f^»;g in Opening of the Mississippi, 310, places Frascr's journey one year prior to Croghan's. *

Johnson to Gage, June

2^» 1764, post,

•

Galloway to Franklin, January

23, 1765, post, 419.

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

lii

ing

up the western trade

as soon as the pacification of the

Croghan found

Indians was accomphshed.^

necessars',

it

therefore, to tarry at Fort Pitt to replenish his supply of

presents as well as to await the opening of spring.

Another matter, however, intervened which compelled him to postpone his departure for more than two months. A temporary defection had arisen among the Shawnee and Delaware Indians.^ They had failed to fulfill some of the obligations imposed upon them by Bouquet in the pre\dous summer, and there was some fear lest they might not permit Croghan to pass through their country. His influence was such, however, that in an assembly of the tribes at Fort Pitt he not only received their consent to a safe passage, but some

number volunteered to accompany him.^ In the meantime Lieutenant Fraser decided

of their

to proceed

without waiting for the termination of Croghan 's negotiations with the Indians at Fort Pitt,

instructed

him

inasmuch as Gage had

to be in the Illinois country early in April.''

He therefore left Fort Pitt on March 23, accompanied by AlaiFrenchman, who had taken the oath of allegiance to Great Britain, Andrew Montour, the noted interpreter, and a number of Shawnee and Seneca Indians.^ The party reached sonville, a

Fort de Chartres in the latter part of April, shortly after the departure of Lieutenant Ross.

Fraser found

many

of the

Indians in destitution and some inclined toward peace.

The

savages as a whole, however, instigated by the traders and

encouraged by secret presents, would not

was thrown into prison and *

'

listen to

his life threatened,

him.

He

and was

Johnson to lords of trade, May 24, 1765, post, 50Q. Johnson to lords of trade, January 16, 1765, in Nciv York Colonial Documents,

7:694. * Cro;,'han's journal, post, 2:13; Johnson to Burton, June 6. 1765, post, 518. Johnson had expected Croghan to meet Pontiac at Fort Pitt, but in this he was ';intcd. Johnson to l^ and for the

that

scant supply of pro\isions he carried.

Farmar had planned

It appears

to start early in the spring of 1765,

and he alleged that Johnstone questioned

his right to take

from the store and insisted upon all the officers and men taking passes from himself, and in many other ways delayed the departure of the force for many weeks. pro\'isions

Thus

and negotiating, were in possession of the last of the French posts in the West. During this period the time and thought of the foremost Indian and military officials had been centered upon the attainment of this object. In these three years of suspense ten different efforts and plans had been made to penetrate to these far-western posts. Now that after nearly three years of fighting

British forces

was accomplished a still larger problem confronted government which will be that of administration the theme of the succeeding volumes of this series. the task

—

the

^

Stirling to

—

Gage, October

18, 1765, post, 2:107.

See discussion in Carter, The Illinois Country, 45, n. 74 and 75. ' Farmar to Gage, December 16, ig, 1765, post, v. 2: 131; Johnson to the lords of trade, March 22, 1766, post, v. 2:193; Gage to Conway, March 28, 1766, post, '

Ihid.

V. 2:198. *

Farmar

to Gage,

March

11, 1765, post, 466.

DOCUMENTS March, 1763-July, 1765

CHAPTER

I

ORGANIZATION OF THE \\TE5TERN TERRITORY, MARCH, 1763-

DECEMBER

7,

1763

— —

—

Distribution of Troops Description or the Illinois Country The Conspiracy of Pontiac Letters from Jenkins The Plans for the Foril^tion Lords of Tr.\de Seek Information OF Settlements on the Mississippi Sir William Johnson's V'lEws ON THE Indian Tr-ade Cahokia Church Property De Villiers Writes about the Indlan War.

—

—

—

—

—

Aubry's Account of the Illinois Country, 1763^ [Dartmouth MSS., 510

— C]

The Settlements of Illinois is in the Fortieth Degree of Latitude, new Orleans by water, and 350 by Land. The i^*

500 Leagues from

of Feb[rua]ry2 is the latest that

water being then high, easier

make

one should leave new Orleans, the

the passage up the Mississippi

much

than in the summer; and the Country being then Drowned

any attempt from the Enemy more difficult. The Commanding Officer should take care to Encamp

renders

possible

on the west side the River, as

'tis

as

much as Enemy

natural to exjDect the

on the other side, especially

if they have any design to attackt or Ambuscade him with a large Body, the want of conveniences making it difficult for them to Cross the River. There's not much to be feared from the Indians when you are upon

* The original author of this paper was M. Aiibry, last actint; governor of rvnch Louisiana. The identification is proved by the fact that the author speaks ['I his building Fort ^Massac and of his journey with four hundred troops to Venango. * he paper was evidently drav.-n up for the use of Major Loftus when he attempted ^J tK.cupy the Illinois country in 1764, and certain remarks were added to the

r

tr-insbtion.

It is the original of appendix ii of the Historical Account of Bouquet's trpcdition against the Ohio Indians in 1764. This appendix is a paper "written l>y an Officer well acquainted with the places he describes." The publisher of uqurCs Expedition, however, has changed the papier somewhat and has evidently / '^U'n^k'd that the original author should remain anonymous. Robertson's devnpiicn, printed later {post, 21S), is evidently drawn from the same paper. * \\ here the original writer has indicated the omission of letters by a line above -i^.ibbreviation, the omitted letters are su[)plied in brackets; in other cases the Aviated word is printed in these volumes as written. '

i

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

2

your Guard,

when you

they Generally attack on the

first

break of Day, or

are Embarking.

It is necessary that the

Commanding

Officer should send to the

Inhabitants to acquaint them wdth his arrival, and to desire them to send loo of their most Allert people with a few Illinois Indians, to

meet him with fresh pro\isions &c promising them proper paym.ent for the same.

This being the Indians hunting Season, and those that are at War with the English being very distant from the IlHnois, makes any Interuption from

them

less to

be suspected.

The Settlements of the Loups and Chaouanons are near Pitsburg, which is near 500 Leagues from the IlHnois. The Herons & Outowawis that are at Detroit, are near 250 Leagues by Land from it.

The Miamis near

200 Leagues, and the Pouxs, Mascoutins, and

Ouiatanous (on the Ouabache) are near 160 Leagues by Land.^

But

as news flys swift amongst the Indians 'twould be proper to

desire the

Commanding

Officer at Illinois to acquaint

with their designs that you

The all

may

you

if

possible

take your measures accordingly.

greatest danger will be near the Ohio, as the Chiraquis-

the Nations that are at

War with you

therefore the utmost diligence

The Ohio empties

itself

is

and

can come down that River

required for fear of a Surprise.

into the Mississippi 35 Leagues from the

IlHnois.

These

were all united in that opposition to the advance of the British showed itself in the war known as the Conspiracy of Pontiac. a. The Loups is the name given by the French to the Delawares, who at this time were settled in the Ohio Valley with their center near the Muskingum River. b. The Chaouanons are the Shawnee, formerly divided into two bands, one in South Carolina and the other in Tennessee on the Cumberland River, but at this date united on the upper waters of the Ohio River. c. The Huron (Heron of the text) is the name of a confederacy of Indian tribes who lived formerly in what is now the province of Ontario, but had settled by this ^

tribes

settlements, that

date in the vicinity of Detroit. d. Part of the Ottawa (Outowawis of the text) had also moved from Ontario to the region between the lower Lake Michigan and Lake Erie. e. The Miami had by this date been forced by other Indian tribes to limit their settlements to what is now northern Indiana. /. The Potawatomi or Pouxs Uved at this time along the southern shore of Lake Michigan and were pressing u[)on the Miami's hunting grounds. g. The Mascoutens were at this time practically absorbed i)y the Rickapoo and were dwelling on the Fox River, Wisconsin, but their hunting grounds extended to the southward. h. The Ouiatanon or Wea were, as the above account states, on the Wabash. Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico, passim. '

The Cherokee.

i

ILLINOIS COUNTRY,

1763

3

The Fort Massiac^ or Assension is on the Left side the River Ohio 13 Leagues from the Mississippi, which I bult in 1757, it is It is a Picqueted Fort also Two Leagues from the Chiraquis River.^ with four Bastions and eight pieces of Cannon, and Contains about 'tis but four days passage by Land from this place to and is very necessary to be possessed by us as it keeps up Illinois, the Communication between that and Pitsburg. The Fort of Vincennes is the last Post in the Department of Louisiana, it is situated on the Ouabache 60 Leagues above its entrance into the Ohio, and from the entrance of the Ouabache into

100 men,

is 60 Leagues more. It is a small Piqueted be about Twenty Married Soldiers and some few The Land is very fertile and produces plenty of Corn

the Ohio to the ^lississippi Fort, in

which

Inhabitants.

and Tobacco. but one

about 155 Leagues from the Illinois by water, in Six days by Land. The Indians that live place are called Peauguichia,^ they are about 6 Warriors

is

It

is

may march

near this

Tho' we

may

may

it

not have

—

men enough

very interesting to us to do

it,

to

occupy

this

as the Passage to

Post at present,

Canada

lies

it

up the

Ouabache. It is

60 Leagues from Vincennes to Ouiatanous, and 60 more up

the River

Ouabache

to Miamis,

and from thence a Carrying place

Fort Massac has enjoyed a greater reputation in the traditions that have up around its abandoned earthworks than can be derived from its actual hi-tory. It was first built by M. Aubry in 1757 as he states above. The occasion for the erection of the fort was a report that the British were on the point of descending the Tennessee River for the purpose of attacking the French posts on the Mississippi. In order to be prepared for this threatened attack, which was never made, M. de Macarty, commandant in the Illinois, sent Aubry with one hundred and fifty French, one hundred savages, and three cannon to build a fori on tl»c Ohio, Aubry set out from Fort de Chartres, !May 10, 1757, and constructed a I'Tt which he called Fort Ascension as a memorial of the day on which the first &t' good, they make Indian Sugar. There is Mines of Lead, Quarrys of Stone, and plenty of Salt.

very well, and

[Endorsed:]

all

the European Fruits Suceed to a Wonder.

Discription of

The

Illinois.

Distribution of Troops, 1763 [P.R.O., CO., 323.16, f. 169 C]

—

Plan of Forts

&

Garrisons proposed for the Security of North

America, and the Estabhshment of

The Number

of Regiments,

Commerce

— Their Stations &

^-ith the

Indians.

what ^Manner the be Kept up, by Detachments in

Garrisons necessary in each Fort, is to from the Said Regiments.^ N. B. This Plan is formed upon a Supposition that the Regiments

Ten Companies of Seventy Five Men to each Company, Nova Scotia, where a lowxr Establishment is proposed and

will consist of

Except at

*ThisisSt. Philippe.

The

was described by Captain Pittman, who saw it in 1765, called the fort is a small house standing in the center of the nothing from the other houses except in being one of the poorest; «l was formerly enclosed with high paUisades, but these were torn down and burnt. Indeed a fort at this place could be of but little use.'' Pittman, Mississippi S

J

Hahfax.

Lunenburg Fort Cumberland^ Annapohs Royal

Scotia.

River

St.

John's Fort.

Fort Johnston.^

Keowee. 7*^

Regiment

S*

CaroUna.

Augusta.'

SavanaI. Frederica ica.

8*^

/ Fort

Regiment Pensacola.

.1 1> in ^ Georgia, .

J

Conde.*

tst. Marks.*^ Bay

*

Situated at the head of the

'

Situated just south of Charleston.

'

Situated at present

*

Situated at present site of Mobile.

*

Situated in East F lorida, near Apalachee Bay.

of

site of Auj^usta,

Fundy. Georgia.

°

I

)

-lli

-I

DISTRIBUTION OF TROOPS, Grand

Out

Stations. r

r

built 9*^

where

Reg*

Ohio River..}

of the

Ditto at the

the Iber\dlle

Companies,

Posts.

Fort to be built at the

Mouth

Fort to be

1763

Mouth

of the

River Yasons.

D° where

Mississippi

the Iberville

}

joyns the Sea.

The 3 Independant Companies of South Carolina

&

the 2

St.

\ J

joyns the *"

2.

f 3 Foot.

Augustin

2.

Troops of George

Horse.

Horse Rangers. In forming the foregoing Project for a Military Establishment in

North America the View has been I'* To keep His Majesty's New Subjects in Canada & Louisiana in due Subjection. 2ndiy 'Pq retain the Inhabitants of our antient Provinces in a State of Constitutional 3*^

To

Dependance upon Great

Britain.

create a proper Respect for us

&

establish necessary

among the Indians. 4*^ To prevent any Encroachments of the French and ^thiy 'Pq protect Our Own & to Annoy the Colonies and disturb the Commerce of our Enemies in a future War. Of. QuebeCy Montreal, Trots Riviers and Frontenac. The Force

Authority

proposed for these Places

is

and controul the Canadians the River

St Laurence

no more than barely

&

sufficient to

their Antient Indian Allies

&

watch

to secure

that Great Inlet to the Heart of North

America. Detroit, Missillimackinac, Niagara & should doubtless be put in a respectable

Oswego.

These

Forts

on Account of their Commanding the Navigation of the Lakes, and

the

Streights,

Trade

Fort at Ontario.

&

as well

which unite them, as because they lay amongst

Numerous Tribes lor

Condition,

of Indians

who

are constantly resorting to

other Purposes:, to which

Oswego

is

may

them

be added that the

the only one known, on the Eastern side of Lake

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

8

Croivn Point.

This Fort

is

necessary for maintaining the

Commu-

and Canada by way of Lake Champlin, [sic] when the Ice renders that by the River St. Lar -ence impracticable, it may also be useful! in guarding against any Disobedience or Disaffection amongst the Inhabitants of the Maritime nication between Great Britain

Provinces,

who

already begin to entertain

ions, concerning their Relation to

Some extraordinary Opintheir Mother

and Dependance on

Country. Fort

du Quesne.

As

this

Fort

is

Situated upon the Principal

Passage from Canada to Louisiana on the Banks of the Ohio, & near the Confluence of several large Rivers, which take their Rise not far

from the Frontiers

of Virginia

&

Some Force in it. The Fort proposed Fort.

Pensilvania,

it

may

be proper

to continue Ilinois

to be built at the

Mouth

of the

IHnois River, would secure the Inlet from Louisiana to the Lakes,

command with

the

the Mississippi, facilitate a Commercial Correspondence distant

Western

Savages,

&

guard

against

their

Myamis would be a convenient Post, between the Ihnois Fort and Detroit the Head Quarters. Nova Scotia. The Fortifications at HaUfax, should, it is conIncensions.

The Fort

at

Town, the Harbour of the Naval Yard there and the Fort of Beau Sejour or Cumberland, ought to be maintained & Strengthened, as it lies on the Peninsula at the Head of the Bay of Fundi & is near the Gulf of St. Laurence, and the Island of St. John, to each of which its Garrison might have some regard; Some Naval Force too should Constantly ceived be forthwith compleated for the Safety of the

be Stationed at this Province to keep the French Fishing Vessels in & prevent Smugling. And possibly it may be requisite to

Order

keep a few Troops at Canso or Louisbourg. South Carolina^ etc. The Motives for the Distribution of the

Regiment there are that Fort Johnston commanding the Port Charles

Town may

of

be in possession of His Majesty's Troops; that

Keowee & Augusta, two Material advanced Posts towards the Creek Cherokee Indians, may be sufficiently secured. That the Civil Power in Georgia, where it has not been long introduced may be properly supported; and that due Attention may be given to the Fortifications & Artillery at Frederica, the Harbour of St. Simons, and the Great Inland Passage between the Islands on the Coast of

&

DISTRIBUTION OF TROOPS, Georgia

&

1763

g

the Continent, through which, Commodities from the

French Islands used to be smuggled into the Southern Colonies. The Importance of Pensacola Pcnsacola, Fort Gonde, etc.

is

evident from the Excellency of the Harbour, lying near the Course of

Homeward bound Commerce, and from Its Central Our Acquisitions on the Bay of Mexico.

the Spanish

Position with respect to

Circumstances which render a

New

it

Fort Conde

Province.

the fitter Situation for the Capital of is

likewise a Post of Consequence, as

there are large Tribes of Savages in its

Neighbourhood,

mands the River Mobile, which stretches far into upon the Branches of which lie the Forts of Tombegbi

&

as

it

com-

their Countr\^,

& Albana,

that

Forts, should

it is

are proposed to be demolished.

On

our Frontier, towards Louisiana, four

thought, immediately be constructed, the

new

first

Mouth

at the

of the

& the Cherokee Encroachments on that

River Ohio, which would not only serve to guard that River but also the Mississippi, and prevent side.

The Second where

The Third in the

all

the River Iberville joins the Mississippi.

These Forts

at the Entrance of the said River from the Sea.

Vicinage of

New Orleans

should be strong, regular

garrisoned, as they are to preser^^e the

the Mississippi

&

the Sea,

&

& sufficiently

Communication open between Our Chief Security against

to constitute

the French in Louisiana.

The last Fort proposed to be erected is at the Mouth of the River Yasou, which runs through the country of the Chickesaws. These brave Indians may be made extremely serviceable to Us hereafter; They have a

Our Protection asbeingOurAntient Allies, Steady Enemies to the French, who have long aimed at their Extirpation, & frequently reduced them to the last Extremities in Times of War for Want of Supplies, as the Creeks & Cherokees who lay between them & Us, were not their Friends. This Friends

&

right to

irreconcileable

fort, besides its being a convenient Post, in other Respects, will also guard the Mississippi. In order securely to establish Colonies & avoid Contests in refer-

ence to Territorial Limits, perhaps the best general Rule would be to erect Forts early, at the

Entrance of our Dominions

instead of building

in the interior Parts,

as

&

them

we have often done. effectually

The former

guards against

&

Settle inward,

and Settling Outwards,

affords Protection to the Settlers

Encroachments,

the

latter

tempts

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

lO

Neighbouring Powers to Encroach & exposes the Colonies to every kind of Insult.i

Florida.

composed

The Fort

at St.

of excellent Materials

Augustin

is

& ought by all

as in a future War, with Spain,

it '^dll

extremely

defensible,

Cleans, to be kept up,

greatly Secure the Frontier

any Hostile Attempt from the Havana; The Three Independant Companies of South CaroHna & the Two Troops of Horse Rangers, now on Foot in Georgia, seem to be a very proper garrison against

for

it.

The

latter are particularly necessary to scour the Peninsula

which there are still lurking some of the Yamosee Indians, Our old & inveterate Enemies. The Spaniards had always Two or Three Troops of Horse there, for the like Purposes; From the extraordinary IManner in which the in

Augustine Privateers infested Our Coasts, and distressed Our Trade,

War, and from the Use which we may make upon such another Occasion, in protecting Our own

in the Course of the last

of that Place,

Commerce, and annoying that of the French, (which from the Shallowness of the Mississippi, must always be Carried on in Small \'essels) we may estimate the Value of the Harbour of St. Augustine, and conceive the Propriety

&

Expediency

of continuing a Capital Settlement

there.

As the Provinces on the Continent of North America are accidentally divided into two Departments by the Interposition of the Proprietary

Governments of Pensylvania & Maryland, it is proposed that there be a MiUtary Commander in Chief appointed for and residing in each Department, who may direct & controul the Commanding oflScers at the several Posts, and be themselves accountable to His Majesty & His Ministers, with whom alone they should correspond. Without some such Arrangement, Considering the Nature & Extent of that Country the Correspondence & Communication, between the

may

Several Parts of this Military System, will be subject to

many

Inter-

ruptions and very great Difhculties.

The

foregoing Sketch of a Military Establishment for America

*This is one of the earliest statements, by an ofTicial. in favor of the rapid expansion of the settlements westward, and the princii)le here stated is that advocated by the radical expansionists. More moderate expansionists favored a plan of gradual extension of the settlements westward, whereby the clol

Artillery, i Serg*, 2 gunners,

Govemm*

Matrosses from the ^

&

4

Mont-

of

real.

Townshend's J detaching 5 Comp''^^ to Crown Point Abercromby's \ & Ticonderoga.

Montreal its

Second Lieut, i Corp^, Matrosses &

Roy»

detaching

Artillery.

Bomb^*", 3 Gunners, 9

Ikfx^ndcncies I

Drummer

Comply

the

r

Ticonderoga.

\ [

N. B.

from

Corps in Quebec Government.

K-ndencies

k

15

etc.

Companies

Compleat

Five Trois Rivieres

1763

7

i

WilKam Augustus &

to Fort

Men

i i

as above to Trois Rivieres.

One Company from the Corps

in Montreal.

Roy^ Artillery^, i Second Lieut, 2 Gunners & 7 Matrosses

i

Corp^,

Bom^^,

i

Orders have been already sent for fixing the above according

to the

New

tion of the

Establishm';

&

the following

Rest of the Troops, which

will

is

the intended Disposi-

be settled as soon as the

Service will permit.

Where Stationed.

O^wc^o, West

Regiment or Corps

& East End

Oneida Lake, Fort ^Unwix, Fort Edward &

•^

I

*^rt

George.

Moncktons. Royal Artillery,

among tachm*'

the

Four

From

the

i

Company Company

Point to Forts George

&

divided

Posts;

First

at

&

De-

Crown

Edward.

L* Gen' Tho« Murray's

Roy' ^^'^^^dTSi, ^' men discovered and made by William Pitt during the Seven Years War. He was bora Januar\' 29, 1717, and was the second son of Jeffrey Amherst of Riverhead, Kent. In 1 73 1 he entered the army and was rapidly promoted. In 1758 he was sent with the rank of major general to America by William Pitt. As a reward for the capture of the strong post of Louisburg he was made commander in chief of the forces in America, which position he held until the end of the war. In 17O0 he received the additional otiice of governor general of British North America, and the next year was made Knight of the Bath. In handling the dehcate Indian situation, Amherst, who despised the natives, was not successful and aroused the enmity of Sir William Johnson, superintendent of Indians in the northern district. The outbreak of Pontiac's conspiracy seemed to justify John^^on, and Amherst was recalled to England by a ministry that was opposed to William Pitt. Ho acted with the opposition until the formation of the Chatham ministry in 1766 and like many followers of that ministry was gradually drawn into the service of the court, fn^m whose hands he received furtlier honors. He died .August 3, 1707. Dicliotury of National Biography; Gentleman s Magazine, 67:800 (.September, 1797).

LORDS OF TRADE TO JOHNSON, AUGUST 'Endorsed:] Kvjrccs in

Plan[tation]s General.

North America.

W™

Sir

Johnson Bar* Agent

for

1763

17

Disposition of His ^Majesty's

August. 1763.

R.

7.

Lords of Trade to Johnson,^ August [P.R.O., CO., 5-1130, f. 215 — C]

Ih.-trict

5,

No.

5,

11.

17632

Indian Affairs in the Northern

of America.

His Majesty ha\ing been pleased, upon

Our Report

to

him

of

the Arrangements necessary to be taken in consequence of the Ces-

made

sions

to His Majesty in America

tl Peace, to direct,

•;x)nd

with

Us

by the

late definitive

Treaty

that the Agents for Indian Affairs should corre-

in all matters regarding their Departments,

>huuld transmit all such Informations as

we should

and

require from them,

William Johnson was bom in Ireland in 1715. Under the patronage of Admiral Sir Peter Warren, he came to America in 173S to take charge of ^.» uncle's estates in the Mohawk Valley. Here he embarked in trade with the I.' -ans and in speculation in land. He soon gained great influence over the Ir.'iuois through his honesty and justice. At the time, the Indian aaairs in New ^^'rfc^v,'cre in charge of commissioners li\'ing at .Albany who were themselves enI i'zd in trade and were generally disliked by the Iroquois. During King George's *^ir. Governor George Chnton gave to Johnson the commissioner's powers over the lt.l:3n:i.^ At the close of the war the old commission was revived. In 1755 when i** I>riiish government sent General Braddock to command the military forces in Ar>rr:(.a, it was determined to place the Indian affairs also under imperial control, *.rj Johnson was appointed "sole superintendent of the affairs of the -six united ^i'- ;ns. their alUes and dependents." He v/as also made commander of the provin-•-i.Tccs in the expedition against Cro^m Point and was successful in defeating '^ 1 rcnch, for which he vras honored with a baronetcy. In 1756 his office of » ..•'r^ntendent was extended to include the other northern Indians, and this '/'.^ ^- l^cld for the rest of his life. It was acknowledged by all contemporaries Ut Jr^hnson was most successful in the handling of the Indian situation. On the *" ^r his adWce was favorably received by the British ministries. He tried hard TAHize the department of Indian affairs on an independent basis, and make it ^•-."^"^^tJ but jealousies in America and England defeated his purpose. He t!,^\ '^^^ ^any of the schemes for the colonization of the West, and occasionally i;„,7r ^^'^-^ foster ^^ his personal plans. Pie Uved at Johnson Hall, in the village VV 1^1* in baronial style extending boundless hospitality to both Inchans and "•'"'-*^Jl' ,-. ' 'r^rrvr ^^^ ^° "'^^^ '*' ^'^'^^' ^^^^'^'^'^oiiary of Nationd Biography: Stone, Life ^'^ Johnson.) A very large number of his letters are printed in the *"•Documents. Several volumes of the Johnson manuu*"\yf-^'^'""^ State Library were destroyed by fire, and many others damaged. '•'Tnents, when by their industry they

receive their Conveyances, without

given them to

make

their

become enabled to do so. And though attempts to settle in this way, have sometimes miscarried, in the hands of Gentlemen possessed of afluent fortunes because of that indolence

& inattention frequently

in such Circumstances especially

pect of immediate

&

when not

excited

The

considerable Profit.

present adventurers being of good families

&

attending Persons

by the near

pros-

greater part of the

considerable influence

where they live, though possessed of but moderate fortunes, are induced from the goodness of the soil and Climate of the Country upon the Mississippi to believe that by a proper applica-

in the Countries

tion of their money and industry, they ^^*ill require as well a present advantage as a provision for their prosperity; which being joined by

the pleasing prospect of pubUc utility;

all their affairs will

be con-

ducted with that spirited assiduity, which in matters of danger Difficulty,

can only insure success.

The

truth of this

is

5:

evident from

a determined resolution in several of the Members to be themselves among the first settlers. The Memoriahsts must humbly submit it to Your Majesties great Wisdom whether the remote situation of tliis Country' from the Colonies already settled,

may

not render

it

expedient to protect the

Infant Settlement from the insults of the Savages.

might effectually be obtained,

if

Which

protection

your Majesty were graciously pleased

to order a small Fort to be garrisoned at the confluence of Cherokee

THE MISSISSIPPI COMPANY, SEPTEMBER River ^^^th Ohio; as

it

would interpose between the

9,

1763

27

first Settlers,

&

the CniCAZAW and Chattaes Indians the only powerful Nations in Which is probable, [sic] might by a small garrison, be that quarter.

amity with British Subjects. Especially the former of these Nations, whose faith and friendship have ever remained firm and unaltered. At the same time a Garrison placed at the junction of Ohio with Mississippi might contribute [>owerfully to check the French settlers on the West side of the latter River, if they should be disposed to encroach on the Dominions of your Majesty, in that part where they appear to have been inclinable to take footing on account of its communication with the Northwestern lakes; & the conveniences wherewith in time of War they can harass and disturb your Majesties Colonies already settled. It is humbly conceived from the mild and friendly disposition of the Southern Indians that the Settlement of the Country proposed, may be obtained more safely & speedily by begining such Settlem' in their Neighborhood than further North, where the fierce and warlike Irocois, with their six nations ever accustomed to War and sheding of blood, would certainly obstruct, if not absolutely prevent the Settlement for many Years to come, while the southern Settlem^^ begun in safety and advancing in security, will soon become much too f)owerful to be prevented in their progress, by the enmity of the N'orthern or any other Indians. At the same time that by conducting influenced to continue in their ancient

a trade useful to the Indians effectually

on the borders of Mississippi they will prevent the success of that cruel poUcy, which has ever

directed the their

French even in time of Peace, to prevail with the Indians Neighbours to lay waste the frontiers of your Majesties Colonies

thereby to prevent their increase. In consideration of the reasons here afforded, the jMemorialists

humbly submit this their ^^lemorial to your Majesty's Wisdom. Rf.solvtd that W"" Lee Esq'' be appointed Treasurer to the

n^'Ost

Company and

that he give Bond with Security, in the Penalty of One thousand pounds current Money to the Company for the just and ^^ithfuU

performance of his Oflice of Treasurer. Rksolvt.d that the annual general meeting of the

Company

shall

held at StafTord Court House in Virginia on the first day of October " the same should not happen on Sunday; if it should then the mcet-

I'C

"'R to be

on the day following.

I

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

28

Resol\td that the following members to wit, The Honble Presly Thornton, Thomas Ludwell Lee, Richard Henry Lee, Francis Lightfoot Lee, Henry Fitzhugh, John Augustine Washington, William Booth, William Brokenbrough, Richard Parker Esquires & Doctor William Flood be appointed a Committee of the Company who are

meet at Westmoreland Court house in Virginia twice a year (that is to say) on the loth day of May and the loth day of Nov*", if not Sunday if it sho^ happen to be on Sunday, then the meeting to be on the next day & likewise they are to meet as much oftener as the Affairs of the Company require; and the said Committee to have such Powers as they, by the general Articles of Agreement, are vested to

with.

Resol\td

that the said Committee do with all possible diligence memorial after the same shall be fairly transcribed, to transmit the Tho^ Comming Esq'^ of London to be by him laid before the King; that they invite Mr. Cumming to be one of the Company, and desire him to procure Subscribers to the Scheme, not exceeding nine of such influence and fortune as may be Ukely to promote its success; That the Committee request Mr. Comming, that if he sho^ not choose to

be one of the Affairs into the

Company or to solUcit their Grant, Hands of such an Agent or Sollicitor

to put

all their

as in his opinion

may

be most likely by his Interest and Dihgence to Succeed; That Mr. Cumming on finding the Ministry disposed to Comply with the Company's memorial give the most early intelligence thereof to the Committee, in order that a meeting of the Company may be had to raise

such a

Sum

of

Money

as

may

be sufficient to obtain Letters

Patent from the Crown, that in the meantime he proceed as far as the nature of the thing will admit in issuing out the said Letters

Patent; That he inform the Committee, the expence that will accrue

on the said Issuing of such Letters Patent. Resolved that the Sum of One hundred and twenty-two Pounds Sterhng be forthwith paid by the Company in the hands of the Treasurer to be by him disposed of according to the direction of the Committee. Each member being allowed to pay his proportion in so much Current Money of Virginia as will amount to his Sterling proportion.

Resolved

that the Committee inform M*"

Cumming

that

if

he

chooses to undertake the Sollicitation of their Affairs tliey present

THE MISSISSIPPI COMPANY, SEPTEMBER

9,

1763

29

him with an hundred Guineas as an earnest of their present and future good Will. Resol\^ed that altho' the original Articles of Agreement, do declare

Company

shall be had at one particular happen that the Circumstances of Affairs render it necessary that a general Meeting should be more frequently held, the Committee shall have power to summon the said general meeting (by advertising it tw^ce in the Virginia and Maryland Gazettes as often as shall be requisete, and a Majority of such general Meeting so mett shall have full and ample Power to determine all matters relative to the Company and their determinations to be binding on the whole Company and that it shall be a never failing Rule of the Company, whenever a contrariety of opinion shall arise concerning the Sum of ^loney to be raised and different Sums shall be proposed, that the least Sum mentioned shall first be put to the question, and rise from thence to the next greatest Sum, until the highest Sum proposed has been put, & that which has the brgest Number of Votes shall be the Sum to be raised on the Company.

that a general

Meeting

of the

time and place annually; yet

Resolvted that

if

the

if it

shall

Company

shall

be so fortunate as to succeed

and a Grant be obtained for the Lands they request, that in that Case when it shall be determined by a general meeting that a division of the Lands shall be made, such division shall for the sake of fairness and impartiaUty, be effected in the following manner; The whole Quantity of Land shall be di\'ided into

in their Solicitations,

as

many

in

the

equal Lots or Parcels, as there shall be

Members

or shares

Company, and the Lots

so dixided shall be Numbered, and as many correspondent Numbers being prepared, each member or a ^l.-Hitute by him appointed (provided he make such appointment 1*1 1 welve Months after the Di\ision shall be agreed on, and Notice thereof conveyed to him, by the Treasuror for the time being, but if fuil to make such Appointment then the Majority of the general i-crting shall appoint a Person to Act for such Absentee) shall draw if' drastic action in France was a lawsuit growing out of an unsuccessful financial speculation on the part of Father Lavalette, Jesuit superior in Martinique. The debt thus incurred was repudiated by Lorenzo Ricci, the general of the sociciv. During the course of the suit the constitutions of the Jesuits were made public and aroused so much indignation that, before the government took, its final action in expelling the order, several of the parlements confiscated its property and reduced the members to a condition of secular clerks. The news of these acts reached Nc>v Orleans in 1762 but no proceedings were begun against the Jesuits until after the treaty of peace and the arrival of M. Dabbadie the following year. The Jesuits were then cited before the superior council and condemned. Lavisse and Kambaud, Histoire generate dii quatre siecle d nos jojirs, 7:8:3; Ettcyclopcedid BritJ'inica, art., "Jesuits." For further information on sale of Jesuit property at K.a---

kaskia see *

The

by the

p(Ji7,

125, 129, 132.

translation

is

taken from Thwaites, Jesuit Relations, with some changes

editors.

6a

BANISHMENT OF THE JESUITS, JULY arret porte centre

1763

9,

Vous voudriez

eux dans cette colonic.

63

savoir les

Je suis au de tout ce qui pent y avoir

motifs de cet arret et tout ce qui a suivi son execution.

de Taffaire qui vous interesse et meme J'ai demeure pres de trente ans a la Louisiane, et

fait

quclque rapport. je

n'en suis parti qu'au

commencement de

cette annee.

Je suis per-

suade que votre curiosite n'a point d'autres motifs que votre amour pour la religion

attentif

et la verite.

Dans

le recit

que

je vais

vous

faire, je serais

a ne rien dire qui s'ecarte tant soit peu de ces deux

Au mois de

regies.

juin 1763 les Jesuites de la Nouvelle-Orleans, capitale

de la Louisiane, etaient encore entre la crainte et I'esperance au sujet de leur sort a venir.

Des

I'annee precedente

avaient

ils

\'u leurs

cnnemis repandre avec un air de triomphe des copies manuscrites de

donne par

Turret

le

Parlement de Paris,

le

personnes respectables les avaient rassures.

6 aout 1761. lis

Mais des

attendaient beaucoup

de ra\is donne en leur faveur, et surtout de la priere adressee au Roi par les eveques de France. tciiir

a I'arrivee

ordres

du vaisseau

Ils

surent enfin a quoi

devaient s'en

ils

qui, avec la nouvelle de la paix, portait des

pour leur destruction. [Translation]

them in that colony. You wish to know of the reasons for this decree, and what followed its execution. I am familiar vdth the affair that interests you and likewise with all that can in any way relate thereto. I lived for almost thirty years in Louisiana and de-

against

parted thence only at the beginning of this year.

I

am

persuaded

that your curiosity has

no other motives than your love for religion and for truth. In the recital which I am about to give you I shall be careful to say nothing which will depart in the least from these two rules. In the n:dly

But people 6, 1761. They were expecting a

passed by the parlement of Paris, August

^vurthy of respect

learned

^fiich brought,

and above all from by the bishops of France. They

in their favor,

what they were to expect at the arrival of the ship with the news of peace, orders for their destruction.

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIOXS

64 Sur

le

vaisseau etait venu

M.

d'Albadie, commissaire general do

marine, et ordonnateur a la Louisiane, et avec

lui iM.

de

l.i

la Freniere.

procureur general du conseil superieur de cette colonic; tous deux

nouvellement pourvus de leur charge.

]M. le commissaire ne tarda

pas a declarer au superieur des Jesuites ce qui se preparait contre eux. Je crois, lui dit-il, que M. ordre qui vous regarde. assez,

mais

les Jesuites

le

procureur general est charge de quelque

A

qui aurait

pu

I'entendre c'etait en dire

trop rassures voulurent bien croire que inalgrc

i'exemple de tant de Parlements de France, on ne ferait rien contre la Louisiane; et, dans un moment si critique, ils ne prirent pas moindre precaution pour mettre leur biens a I'abri.

eux a la

On commenga

a proceder.

II

grande entreprise pour ce tribunal. les

juges qui

le

ordonne que

fut

au conseil pour

Jesuites serait apporte

II

de?

C'etait une

aurait fallu au moins que tous

composaient eussent etudie Mais* surtout

et le droit ecclesiastique.

I'lnstitut

etre examine.

il

la theologie, le droit civil,

aurait fallu qu'ils entendi.-

sent la langue dans laquelle I'institut est compose.

Or, ce ne sont

point ces genres de science qu'on exige dans les juges des colonies.

[Translation]

There came upon the ship M. Dabbadie, commissary general and ordonnateur of Louisiana, and %A'ith him M. de la Freniere, procurator general of the superior council of this colony both newly appointed to their positions. The commissary did not delay to notify the superior of the Jesuits what was bremng against them. "I beheve," he said to him, "that the procurator general is charged with some order that concerns you." This was a sufficient warninj. for anyone who could understand him; but the Jesuits, too confident. were disposed to believe that in spite of the example of so many

—

parlemettts of

ana; and at a

France nothing would be done against them

moment

in Louisi-

so critical they did not take the slightest pre-

caution about protecting their property.

Proceedings were begun.

It

was decreed that the

constitution

of the Jesuits should be brought to the council to be examined.

was a great undertaking

for this tribunal.

All the judges

who

I'

com-

posed it ought at least to have studied theolog\' and ciWl and ecclesi'i^tical law. But aljove all they ought to understand the lanquaize i"

which the constitution

is

written.

Now

this is

not the kind

oi

BANISHMENT OF THE JESUITS, JULY Pour

les

nommer, on nc va pas chercher

mais on prend parmi

dans

cites

les

65

des universites,

on trouve dans ces conseils d'anciens Les plus officiers de troupes.

des medecins, des

pardesmagasin, instruits sont

1763

habitants ceux qui montrent quelques capaAinsi,

les affaires.

les eleves

9,

ordinairement

les eleves

des bureaux de la marine; ce

que jusqu'ici on a le plus souvent choisis, au moins a la Louispour les faire presidents des conseils: dignite attachee a la

sont eux iana,

charge d'intendant ou de commissaire ordonnateur. Voila ce qui

donne

droit de dire

que

c'etait

N'ouvelle-Orleans une grande entreprise de

pour

le conseil

de la

vouloir prononcer

sur

rinstitut des Jesuites.

A

la verite,

est juste

il

de supposer que

M.

de la Freniere, in-

des sa jeunesse dans la langue latine, avait encore etudie

struit

droit civil

pendant

le

le

long sejour qu'il avait fait en France; mais sa

capacite ne pouvait pas se

communiquer aux juges qui devaient produ moins au

noncer sur son requisitoire; on pouvait leur reprocher, t

res-grand

nombre

d'entre eux, qu'ils ignoraient le langage de I'ecrit

rlont ils allaient juger.

C'etait la

un grand defaut de competance:

[Translation]

knowledge that

is

required from judges of colonies.

In selecting them,

made for scholars of universities, but those among the inhabitants who show some capacity for business are chosen. Accord^•arch

ingly,

^nd

is

not

one finds in these councils former gards-magasin, physicians,

officers of troops.

the pupils of the •xrcn

Those who are best educated are usually it is they who, up to the present, have

naval bureaus;

most often chosen, at least in Louisiana, as presidents of the an honor attached to the ofiace of intenda?ii or commissaire"

councils,

colonie.

etaient encore vivants au moins de juin de cette

n^a pas mendie leurs suffrages; on n'a pas

meme

annee 1764: en prevenu ces messieurs

sur ce qu'on va citer de leur part.

Le premier temoin

sera done

M.

de Bienville, aujourd'hui

capitair.v

des vaisseaux du Roi, depuis vingt-deux ans retire a Paris; on doit

comme

regarder

le

fondateur de

qui en 1698 accompagna ofl&cier

de

M.

d'Iber\'ille,

son

marine decou\Tit I'entree du

la

de

la colonie

la Louisiane, c'cst

lorsque cet

frere,

iSIississipi,

que

:•.•

lui

illu>tr'j

L

de

le sieur

fameux aventurier, avait manquee. jNI. de Bien\'ille fui laisse alors sur les bords de ce fleuve pour y commencer un etabli^.-Lment; c'est lui qui pendant 44 ans a gouverne cette colonie, a quelq-j-. intervalles pres; c'est lui qui Ta mise a peu pres en I'etat oii elle >< Salle, ce

-

trouve aujourd'hui, en batissant la Nouvelle-Orleans et

Mobile, et en formant

les autres

postes qu'on voit a

le fort

de

i..

la LouisivirA-.

[Trmislation]

have even been able to scrutinize these Jesuits very

Now,

closely.

the Jesuits await with confidence the testimony that can be render

concerning them upon the points in question here;

still

more, they

to cite, as witnesses of their conduct, three governors of Louisiana,

a vicar-general of the bishopric of Quebec

for this

same

still

begged

A..

li\ing in this

for their

The

first

witness will be, then, ISL de Bien\-ille,

the royal ships,

who twenty-two

be regarded as the founder

ar.

colony.

month of June of this year, 1764; no one commendation, no one has even informed these tlemen concerning what they were going to be quoted.

were

now

h...ii'^r-*

captain

years ago retired to Paris.

of the colony of Louisiana; it

:

cl.irc

He

(

was he

mu-' v.

ho

M. d'Iberville, when that illustri' -^ naval officer discovered the mouth of the Mississippi which Sieur M. de Bienville v...la Salle, that famous adventurer, had missed.

in 1698

accompanied

his brother,

>

then

left

upon the shores

was he who governed it is

1'

this colony for forty-four years, with the exiM*"

lion of a few intervals;

which

of this river to begin a settlement there;

it

was he who put

today by building

New

it

nearly in the condition

Orleans and the fort of

M Ces deux villages, ceiui des Cascakias et celui de Sainte-Gene\deve faisaient le deuxieme et le troisieme etablissements des Jesuites aux pays des Illinois; il n'es* pas besoin de faire remarquer que pour remplir seulement une partie des exercices qui viennent d'etre indiques, il fallait des soins, du courage et de la Constance. ticulier;

ce qui n'est arrive que depuis

habitants du lieu ont bati un presbytere.

A

quatre-vingts lieues des Illinois etait

le

poste

nomme

de Vin-

[Translation]

frequent, because he thought that he ought then to yield himself still more to the good will of his new parishioners and to their needs. However, in order to go to this new church he must cross the ^lissi?sippi which, in this place, is three-eighths of a league wide. He

sometimes had to trust himself to a slave who alone guided the it if

was necessary,

cano^.*'

danger of perishirin the middle of the river they should have been overtaken by in short, to expose himself to the

.i

violent storm.

None

of all these inconveniences ever prevented

pastor of Kaskaskia from going to Ste. Genevieve

him

thither,

and he was always charged with

were found to place at

Ste.

when

charity

this care until

tin'

caiit J

mean?

Genevieve a special pastor which occurrtU

only a few years ago

when the inhabitants

These two

that of Kaskaskia and that of Ste. GenevieM,

made

\-illages,

of the place built a rector."-

the second and the third establishment of the Jesuits in

Illinois country.

There

is

no need to

call

attention to the fact

l"'"

th.it

to accomplish only a part of the work, which has just been indicatc^i-

and constancy were necessary. At eighty leagues from the Illinois was the post

care, courage,

called Vincenr.i?

BANISHMENT OF THE JESUITS, JULY cenncs ou de Saint-Ange, du

nom

des

officiers

qui

9,

1763

79

y out commande.

Cc poste est sur la riviere de Ouabache, qui, environ soixante-dix licues plus bas, se decharge, avec TOhio qu'il a joint, dans le Missisy avait en dernier lieu dans ce village au moins soixante maisons compter les sauvages ^liamis qui etaient tout proche. encore la une matiere suffisante de soin et d'occupation a ctait C hquelle lesjesuites ne se sont point refuses; c'est ce que Ton doit juger M Ton considere que ce poste se peuplait tous les jours; que la plupart de ses nouveaux habitants, voyageurs depuis longtemps, etaient peu habitues aux devoirs de chretien, et que pour etablir parmi eux quelque turme de vie, il fallait beaucoup d'instructions et d'exhortations parOr, la preuve que les Jesuites s acquittaient liculieres et publiques. (ie leur devoir a cet egard, ce sont les plaintes que les paroissiens fai!viient d'eux; car ils pretendaient que ieurs cures allaient au dela du sipi

;

il

de Franjais, sans

devoir, et qu'ils prenaient trop

de ce qu'a dit Jcsuites

le

aux Alibamons

^ais etaient etablis

de

C'est justement

soin.

conseil de la Louisiane. et

aux Chactas?

pres des sauvages;

le

Mais que

le

contraire

faisaient les

Aux Alibamons,

les

Fran-

missionnaire faisait aupres

[Translation]

Ange from the names of the officers who commanded there. This post is upon the river Wabash which, about seventy leagues lower down, together with the Ohio which it has joined, discharges its writers into the Mississippi. There were in this village at least

or St.

houses of French people without counting the Miami savages who were quite near. There too was sufficient cause for care and ^cupation which the Jesuits did not refuse a conclusion which must be reached if one considers that this post was every day increasJ-ixty

—

'f;^

—

population; that the greater part of its new inhabitants, ha\-ing been voyageurs, were little accustomed to the duties of Christians;

in

I'^i'g

^nd that, to establish i^^tructions •^'•w,

^"J^

among them some manner of living, many and exhortations, private and public, were necessary.

the proof that the Jesuits acquitted themselves of their duty in

respect

is

proved by the complaints that the parishioners made went beyond

igainst them; for these people claimed that their pastors Ihcir

duty, and assumed too much care. This is precisely the opposite what the council of Louisiana stated. But what did the Jesuits do for the AUbamu and the Choctaw? For the Alibamu the French

*^'»

:

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

8o

d'eux le devoir de cure; en cette qualite le P. Leroi les avait enga:;e> a ne plus traiter d'eaux-de-vie aux sauvages; la promesse en avait etc faite publiquement: il est vrai qu'une resolution si utile et si ncccssaire pour la religion, pour I'interet meme temporel des sauvages e-

des Franjais, n'a pas dure longtemps, I'ancienne coutume a ete bientOt I'esperance d'un gain sordide a prevalu sur la plus juste

retablie:

Mais

raison.

les

personnes sages n'ont point oublie

que

le ser\ice

ic

missionnaire avait rendu.

Et que

faisait-il

pour

les

sauvages?

II

demeurait avec

eux,

toujours pret a leur enseigner la doctrine chretienne des qu'il plaisait

Dieu d'ouvrir

leur coeur; en attendant

et Famitie des Franjais; et

il

il

les entretenait

dans

a

Talliancc

y reussissait d'autant mieux que ces peuau milieu d"cu\

ples voyaient bien, par sa conduite, qu'il n'etait point

pour par

f aire

la

il

une fortune.

devenait

utile,

Ce desinteressement on ose

le dire,

meme

etablissait son credit

:

c t

necessaire a la colonic.

C'est dans la nation des Chactas surtout que les missionnaire^

ont rendu ce service essentiel:

ceux qui connaissent

la

Louisiur.c

[Translation]

were established near the savages; the missionary discharged th: duties of pastor toward them. In this capacity Father Le Roy hapledged them not to trade any more brandy to the savages,

promise being made by them publicly. so useful

and

so necessary to religion

ests of the savages

and

th.t

It is true that that resoht.

and even

to the temporal

of the French, did not last long, the old

intt.:-

cu-to::-.

being soon re-established; the hope of sordid gain prevailed over

th-:

But sensible people have not forgottt.:. the service that the missionary had rendered. And what did he do for the savages? He lived with them, alv^.} ready to teach them the Christian doctrine as soon as it pleased to open their hearts; meanwhile, he kept them in alliance and Ifk: ship with the French, and he succeeded in this all the better bee these people saw clearly by his conduct that he was not in their

most, righteous arguments.

keep up their good will by promising to indemnify them. What ^^•rv'ices did the Jesuits not render also when every year they went *Uh the governors to the fort at Mobile, where the Choctaw assembled ^r the distribution of presents? To do that usefully and judiciously, the French,

< f

t.'ic

and

of

presents brought to

•

*^

was necessary for the governor to

'••Jduals of the nation, ^"'^t

important.

"-^^lonary ''^^^ly,

who

Now

know

at least the principal in-

and among them the most who could give them these

lived with them,

who kept

and who, to learn what was going on

in ii?

friendly

and the

ideas,

not the

if

touch with the most the tliirty villages of

BANISHMENT OF THE JESUITS, JULY du y avait d'amener

ce poste; ses confreres avaient juge qu'il aurait

malgre

lot;

peu d'esperance

le

qu'il

1763

9,

83

le

quitter plus

les

sauvages du

Pere etudia longtemps leur langue, ii travailla i corriger les moeurs des Frangais sans tirer presqu'aucun fruit de son travail; il suivait cependant les uns et les autres dans leurs divers lieu

au christianisme;

naire

duquel

debordements

occasionnes par les

t'tablissements :..roche

le

le

du

iMississipi,

Malgre tant de degouts,

poste est situe.

le

mission-

ne se rebutait point de voir ses efforts rendus inutiles par la il prit patience jusqu'a

conduite de ceux qui devaient les soutenir,

Taccident qu'on plus

h

va

Dans le fort des Arkansas, il ne se trouvait ou Ton put dire la messe, excepte

decrire.

de chapelle, plus d'appartement

ou

salle

le

commandant

«^fulement parce

que

c'etait

prenait ses repas, lieu peu decent, non-

une

salle

a manger, mais par

cnnduite et la licence des discours de ceux qui

dans

ce qui etait

sur I'autel

messe: les

le fort

entrait

la,

la

mauvaise

y frequentaient; tout

jusqu'aux volailles: une poule volant

qui y etait demeure apres la fin de la spectateurs n'en furent pas emus; un de ceux qui devaient

renversa

le calice

[Translation]

Father Carette ouj»ht to of

have

had

left this post; his

left it sooner.

brethren had decided that he

In spite of the

little

hope that there was

leading the savages of the place to Christianity, the father studied

•heir

language a long time, and labored to correct the morals of the

any fruit from his toil. He nevertheless French and the savages in their various changes of

irench, but reaped hardly •

Oilowed both the

'^cation,

occasioned by the overflowing of the Mississippi near wliich

^:c post

is

r'-'.i*^sionary '•>•

Notwithstanding so

situated.

was not discouraged

the conduct of those

many

annoyances, the

at seeing his efforts rendered useless

who ought

to

have sustained them.

He

con-

liuued in patience, until the event

which we are about to describe. ^^ the fort of the Arkansas there was no longer any chapel, no longer ^'•y room wherein one could say mass, except the room where the

con-

was an office sufficient ta monastery of Ursu.ir'

is

endowments they are charged with the education

girls

maintained at the expense of the king, and

many inmates

besides.

It is

known

that the

oJ

t!.'""

Ursiii;: "

are

bound by

their constitution to instruct also in their school

from outside, and

in their

house they received

many young

i:-

ladit? --

BANISHMENT OF THE JESUITS, JULY de dehors, et dans leur maison

fillcs

selles I'ctait

Or

pensionnaires.

le

1763

85

recevaient plusieurs demoi-

superieur des Jesuites, depuis trente ans,

aussi de cette maison, et ne

tous les sendees necessaires,

elles

9,

il

pouvant

seul suffire

faillait qu'il se fit

pour y rendre

aider par quelqu'un de

ses confreres.

Enfin les Jesuites avaient sur leurs habitations cent \ingt ou cent trente esclaves; le soin

de

les instruire et

de

les

gouverner ne devait-il

pas donner assez d'occupation a quelques-ims de ces missionn aires?

quatorze families suffisent pour I'erection d'une paroisse.

Que

si

Ton demande a present quel

fruit les Jesuites

de laLouisiane

ont recueiUi dans leurs missions, on pourrait repondre que les mis-

doivent leur travail, et que c'est Dieu qui donne

s-ionnaires

quand les

lui plait;

il

que

les

les fruits

missions les plus laborieuses ont paru sou vent

plus ingrates; ainsi dans le Canada, les missionnaires qui se sont

devoues a Tinstruction des Outouas, des Poutouatamis, des Sauteurs, des

Outagamis ou Renards, et des Miamis, n'y ont produit presque ils n'en ont pas ete moins reveres

aucun fruit sensible; et cependant,

comme des ou\Tiers vraiment apostoliques;

tel etait I'opinion

que feu

[Translation\

Now

boarders.

the superior of the Jesuits had been for thirty years

5uix;rior also of this

house, and not being able alone to render

needed there,

services

it

was necessary that he should be

all

assisted

the

by

one of his brethren.

had upon their estates a hundred and twenty hundred and thirty slaves. Ought not the care of instructing and governing these give some of these missionaries enough to do? Finally the Jesuits

or a

fourteen families suffice for the formation of a parish.

But

if it

be now asked what

palhcred from their missions,

owe their labor, and that hjm.

it is

fruit the Jesuits of

Louisiana have

we might answer that the missionaries God who gives the fruit when it pleases

Moreover, the most laborious missions have often appeared the

i^iost sterile;

thus in Canada the missionaries

to the instruction of the

who devoted

themselves

Ottawa, the Potawatomi, the Chippewa, the

and the Miami produced scarcely any perceptible they have not been less revered as truly apostolic Such was the opinion that the late Mgr. de Ponthriand,

^-'utagami or Foxes, '''uit

there.

l^'Xirers.

hi^liop of

And yet,

Quebec, had of one of these missionaries. Father Chardon,

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

86

Mgr

de Ponbriand, eveque de Quebec, avait de Tun de ces missicnChardon, durant un tres-grand nombre d'annees qu'il

naires, le P.

avait passees a la baie avec les Outaganiis et d'autres sauvages.

Ce

Pere n'avait xu aucun succes apparent de son travail; retire a Quebec,

dans son extreme xieillesse, le prelat daigna I'honorer de sa \"isite lorsqu'il fut pres de mourir, et lui demanda sa benediction. L'humble missionnaire se jeta aux pieds de son eveque pour lui demander

la

Mgr

de

sienne, et I'ayant obtenue,

Ponbriand exigeait de

Cependant

les

travaille sans

lui.

dans

fruits;

quand

que

missionnaires de la Louisiane n'ont pas absolument

sont les vertus qu'on

surtout

fut oblige de consentir a ce

il

y

les missions,

les fruits les

plus precieux

pratique; la principale sans doute est la charite,

elle atteint le

degre eminent; quand

elle

engage un

ministre de Jesus-Christ a donner sa \de pour ses freres; or, c'est a

quoi sont pan,'enus plusieurs Jesuites morts a la Louisiane, dans I'exercice actuel

Ainsi,

de leur ministere.

en 1729,

le

P.

du Poisson,

vant au fort des Natchez

le

jour

etabli chez les Arcansas, se trou-

meme qu'ils avaient pris pour

egorger

[Translation]

during a very great number of years that he spent at the bay with the

Foxes and other savages. result

from

his

This father did not see any apparent

work; having retired to Quebec in his extreme old age

the prelate deigned to honor

him vdxh a

when he was almost The humble missionan."

\isit

dying and asked him for his benediction.

threw himself at the feet of his bishop to ask him for obtained

it,

his,

and

haN-ing

he was obHged to consent to what ^Igr. de Pontbriand

asked from him.

However, the missionaries without

result.

of Louisiana

virtues that are practiced there. is

have not labored absolutely

In the missions the most precious fruits are the

charity, especially

when

it

The

principal one of these doubtless

attains that eminent degree at which

it

pledges a minister of Jesus Christ to give his hte for his brethren; now, this is to

what

several Jesuits,

who

died in Louisiana, have

come

in the

actual exercise of their ministry.

Thus, in 1729, Father du Poisson, established among the Quapaw, being present at the fort of the Natchez on the very day which tliev

had chosen

for slaughtering the French,

was included

in the general

BAiXISHMEXT OF THE JESUITS, JULY

1763

9,

8;

On peut bien le5 Fran^-ais, il fut enveloppe dans le massacre general. comparer cette conspiration aux Vepres siciliennes; les Fran^ais etablis dans ce poste traitaient avec la derniere insolence cette nation dcs Natchez, la plus utile a la colonie et la plus devouee. Elle voulut le P. du Poisson avait ete prie de rester un jour pour quelque du ministere qui se presentait, en I'absence du cure; il y coDsentit et fut la \ictime de son devouement et de sa charite.

se

venger:

fonction

Un mois apres, les Yasous, autre nation sauvage, etant la meme conspiration, tuerent aussi les Frangais habitues

entres

aupres

dans

d'eux; le P. Souel, leur missionnaire, ne fut pas epargne;

aime du negre qui le/servait, que ce fidele esclave se lant defendre

pour sipi

ou venger son maitre.

Vers

le

meme

les affaires

pour y dire

de la mission; la

il

s'arreta

il

messe; une troupe de ces

etait

si

tuer en vou-

temps,

le P.

du pays des sur les bords du

descendait avec plusieurs voyageurs

treleau

fit

d'Ou-

Illinois,

Missis-

memes Yasous,

qui

au meme lieu avec d'autres sauvages Icurs allies, ils observerent le temps ou les P'rangais et le Pere surtout, ctaient occupes du saint sacrifice; ils firent une decharge de leurs fusils avaient tue le P. Souel, arriva

{Translation]

This conspiracy

ma«isacre.

Vespers.

may

The French established

insolence this nation of the

well be

compared

to the Sicilian

at that post treated with the utmost

Natchez, the most useful and the most

devoted to the colony; and they undertook to avenge themselves. ^ather

du Poisson had been requested to remain one day for some function which presented itself in the absence of the he consented to do it, and was the victim of his devotion and

niinisterial I»astor;

his charity.

One month afterward, the Yazoo, another savage nation, having same conspiracy, also slew the French who Hved near tK"

already destroyed a large part of

The savage youth, irritated at seeing half of away from them, tried to make amends for thtir loss at the expense of Father du Jaunay, and the old men of the nation had difl&culty in pacifying them. Behold to what trials the Jesuit But it missionaries in Canada and Louisiana have been exposed.

endangered his own. their prey snatched

is

these which

for

such

trials

may be counted as most must

precious fruits of their missions,

of necessity be expected

by

all

those

who

establish

themselves in the midst of barbarians, especially when they jouriu'V

upon the Mississippi.

Since the revolt of the Natchez in 17 20, thcri

BANISHMENT OF THE JESUITS, JULY

1763

9,

91

chaque annee y a ete marquee par la mort quelques Fran^ais; et il est vrai que les precautions qu'il faudrait prendre durant ce voyage qui est de trois mois,

exactes pour ecarter

pour arriver aux

le

danger;

or,

Illinois,

depuis

ne peuvent etre assez

la triste

epoque de 1729, on

peut compter au moins vingt-six a \dngt-sept voyages faits par

les

au reste on a joint ici les Missions de la Louisiane a celles du Canada, parceque, anciennement, ces missions etaient unies, et qu'encore aujourd'hui on y pratique les memes exercices et on y court les memes risques. Que si quelqu'un persistait a demander aux Jesuites de la Louisiaiie de ces fruits qu'on desire et qu'on attend dans les missions, les voici. Dans les trois paroisses frangaises du pays des Illinois, on pourrait compter un assez grand nombre de veri tables chretiens; c'etaient ceux qui resistaient aux mauvais exemples et aux mauvaises maximes que Jesuites sur le Mississipi;

le

progres; on

les

la

commence a repandre a

voisinage des autres colonies avait

Louisiane; mais

aux

Illinois

du moins,

y voyait beaucoup de

foule des ivrognes,

les

la

missionnaires en arretaient

personnes. tres-sobres, malgre

parmi ceux qui pervertissaient

les

sauvages par

[Translation]

no longer any safety in ascending that river. Almost every year is marked by the death of some Frenchmen; and it is true that the preis

—

must be taken during that voyage which, to reach months cannot be sufficiently careful to avert the danger. Now, since the melancholy period of 1729, one can count at least twenty-six or twenty-seven voyages made by the Jesuits upon the Mississippi. Moreover, the missions of Louisiana

cautions which

—

the Illinois, occupies three

have been mentioned here ^\^th those of Canada, because formerly these missions

were united, and because today the same functions are

exercised there,

still

But

if

any one

and the same

risks are run.

persist in asking the Jesuits of Louisiana for those

results that are desired

and expected from these missions,

see

what

they are: in the three French parishes of the country- of the Illinois

We could count a quite large number of true Christians.

wbo

resisted the evil

It

was they

examples and immoral maxims which the prox-

imity of other colonies

had begun to spread

the Illinois, at least, the missionaries

Many thoroughly temperate

in Louisiana;

but among

checked the progress of these.

people were seen there, in spite of the

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

92

I'eau-de-vie qu'ils leur fournissaient.

II

y en avait

plusieurs autres

qui aimaient mieux se priverdes provisions les plus necessaires que

de

faire

un commerce

si

On

pernicieux.

voyait,

il

est \Tai, des percs

de famille qui negligeaient beaucoup le soin de leurs enfants et de leurs esclaves, mais on en voyait aussi beaucoup d'autres qui leur donnaient par eux-memes ou qui leu^ procuraient necessaires, et qui savaient les contenir

dans

des Chretiens qui semblaient avoir oublie

les

I'abstinence, de la

d'entendre

la

communion, de

les instructions

devoir:

France a qui Ton

sait

les

il

y

la confession, et I'obligation

sacrements.

bon gre de

avait

preceptes du jeune de

messe; mais d'autres en grand nombre etaient

a ces devoirs et frequentaient recueillir

le

meme

tres-fideles

Combien de cures en quand ils peuvent

leur travail,

des fruits pareils.

Quant a la mission des sauvages Illinois, la parole de Dieu n'y a pas ete non plus annoncee sans fruits. Malgre I'inconstance de ce peuple, la religion qu'on y avait etablie depuis longtemps a ete conserv^ee

jusqu'a

superstition qu'on

present, la

etait presque aneantie; les infideles

meme

appelle

jonglerie

y

etaient zeles pour faire

[Translationl

crowd of drunkards among those who were perverting the savage? by the brandy which they furnished to them. There were many others who preferred to deprive themselves of the most necessan.' provisions rather than to engage in so pernicious a traffic. There were, it is true, some heads of famiUes who greatly neglected the care of their children and of their slaves; but there were also many others who themselves gave to these, or procured for them, the necessaryinstructions, and who knew how to keep them within the bounds of duty. There were Christians who seemed to have forgotten the precepts of fasting and abstinence, of communion and confession, and even the obHgation to attend mass; but others, in great numbers, were very faithful to these duties and frequented the sacraments. How many pastors there are in France with whose work people are content

when they can gather like fruits! As for the mission of the IlUnois announced

savages, the

there, also, without result.

this people, the religion that

word

of

God was

not

Despite the inconstancy

was long ago established there has

of

btvn

preserved up to the present, the superstition called jugglery having

BANISHMENT OF THE JESUITS, JULY

9,

1763

93

comjugement

baptiser leur enfants; plusieurs neophytes juges dignes de la

munion ne des honoraient

point, par leur conduite,

qu'on avait fait d'eux; plusieurs resistaient a la passion ces peuples

le si

forte

que

ont pour reau-de-\'ie, et se retenaient exactement dans

meme quand ils pouvaient boire sans qu'il Combien d'autres fruits n'auraient pas ete {jroduits dans cette mission, si Ton avait voulu serieusement arreter le commerce de Feau-de-vie, qui, dans ce pays, est la mine de ll religion. II est \Tai que ce commerce etait prohibe par le loi de rfiglise et par les ordonnances du Roi; mais plusieurs de ceux les

bornes de temperance,

en coutat

leur

rien.

qui faisaient publier ces dernieres defenses et qui devaient tenir la

main a leur observation, etaient

les

premiers a distribuer la boisson

dcfendue.

Le premier grief marque dans I'arret du conseil de la Louisiane qui condamne les Jesuites, est celui-ci: Qu'ils 71^ ont pas eu soin de leurs missions. Par tout ce qui vient d'etre dit. Ton a pu voir si cette imputation est bien fondee.

Le deuxieme

grief:

Que

les Jesuites

de cette colonic n'ont eu soin

[Translation]

been almost destroyed.

Even the

iheir children

many

nion, did

baptized;

unbelievers were zealous in ha\^ng

neophytes, judged worthy of

commu-

not dishonor by their conduct the opinion that had been

formed of them; and

many resisted

the passion, so strong

among

these

and kept themselves within the bounds of temperance even when they could drink without any cost to themselves. How much other fruit would not have been produced in this mission if sorious effort had been made to stop the traffic in brandy which, in this country, is the ruin of rehgion! It is true that this commerce ^as proliibited by the law of the church and by the orders of the king; i>ut several of those who made pubUc the latter prohibitions and who ^^'-ght to have enforced their observance, were the first to distribute trilx^s,

^'ic

for brandy,

forbidden liquor.

The

first complaint noted in the decree of the council of Louisiana *nich condenms the Jesuits is this: tliat they have not taken care of ^^ir missions. By all that has just been said, the reader has been

to ascertain whether this imputation was well founded. ihc second grievance: that the Jesuits of this colony have only

*iijlc

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

94

que d'etendre leurs habitations. Mais en repondant au premier grief, meme temps repondu au deuxieme? Car si les Jesuites

n'a-t-on pas en

ont eu soin de leurs missions,

comme on

I'a fait voir, ils

ont done eu

Mais peut-etre

d'autre soin que celui de leurs habitations.

a-t-on

voulu dire qu'il ne convient pas a des missionnaires de posseder de

grandes habitations, parce que c'est une distraction au ministere spirituel, il

on veut bien I'avouer; mais pour

eviter cet embarrass,

aurait done fallu pourvoir d'ailleurs a leur subsistance, aux

frais

de leurs voyages, a la construction et a I'entretien de leurs maisons

de leurs chapelles; or par leur fondation,

et

les Jesuites recevaient

peut-etre chacun une pension de huit cents li\Tes (celui qui ecrit cette

pas bien assure de cet article) et pour batir et entretenir maisons et six chapelles, ils avaient regu quinze mille li\Tes, une fois payees, par un engagement hasarde, il est vrai, mais dont ils lettre n'est

;

six

n'etaient plus libres de se delivrer.

Ou

auraient-ils

fonds pour ces depenses, pour leur nourriture

ment, lorsque dans payaient plus

les

done trouve

meme

des

et leur habille-

besoins de I'Etat, les tresoriers de la colonic ne

les dettes les

plus privilegiees?

Lorsqu'un aune

d'

[Translation]

taken care to extend their >tates.

But

in answering the first com-

plaint has not the second one been answered at the if

same time?

For

the Jesuits have taken care of their missions, as has been proved.

they have in consequence had other cares than those of their

But perhaps some one has chosen to say that

it is

estate-^.

not becoming

for

missionaries to possess great estates, because these are a distraction to the spiritual ministry. this

embarrassment

it

This

may

be readily granted; but to

avo»«i

would, then, have become necessarv^ to

pr^^

vide othervvise for their subsistence, for the expenses of their journeys. for

the construction and maintenance of their houses and

chapels.

Now

from

their

endowment

each one a pension of eight hundred is

not quite sure on

and

six chapels,

this point)

;

and

their

the Jesuits received, pcrha'p^-

livrcs (he

to build

who

writes this Ki^^'

and maintain

they had received fifteen thousand

sLx hourlicd:

^^

Arechi Kiecouegane tchichi ki canta manghi

'There were three Jesuit missions in the

—

finally

// is because

Illinois: one was for the Indians, one and one at Stc. (Icncvieve. father Sebastian Louis Meurin was born in Cham[) it^nc. r 707. and cnlcrod the I .^^rder in 1729. Comint; to mada in 1741. he was sent the ncvt year to J,"^'^'^ .'*• Illinois. He remained th(;re after the banishment and died in Prairie du ^hcr in 1777. Thwaitcs, Jesuit Relations, 70:310; post, general index. .

'^r

Ihc French village of Kaskaskia,

C."

I

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

I04

ichichi ki canta

comprirent

le

manghi;

c'est

que nous querellons

sens de cette reponse,

ils

Men fort

savaient en

efiet,

lieu qu'ils soient etablis, les Jesuites se croient obliges

combattre

le vice, et

qu'en

le

combattant

ils

la folie.

11$

qu'en quelque

par leur etat

a

font des ennemis.

Les sauvages Chretiens proposerent ensuite de deputer les prinM. Neyon, commandant, et a M. Bobe, commissaire sub-delegue du pays, pour demander qu'au moins le P. Meurin. leur missionnaire, fut conserve dans sa mission, les deux Jesuites leur dirent nettement de n'en rien faire, parce que cette demarche serai meprisee et sans effet, comme ayant ete suggeree. lis voulurent done demander qu'au moins on conservat la chapelle et la maison du missionnaire, afin que le plus instruit d'entre eux put assembler les enfants et leur repeter les prieres, et que tous les Dimanches et fetes, appelat les priants, c'est-a-dire les Chretiens, au son de la cloche, pour satisfaire du mieux qu'il serait possible aux devoirs de la rehgion; il> firent en eflfet cette demarche et ils obtinrent ce qu'ils demandaient. Cependant le Procureur du Roi se relacha un peu de sa rigueur: cipaux d'entre eux a

il

[Translation]

condemn their follies.''^ They comprehended the meanui,: of this answer indeed, they knew that the Jesuits, in whatever place they may be established, consider themselves bound by their profession to combat vice; and that, in fighting it, they make enemic-

we

sternly

—

for themselves.

The de

Christian savages proposed to send their chief

Villiers,

commandant, and

to

M.

the country, to ask that at least Father Meurin,

kept in his mission.

The two

Jesuits told

of the kind, because this proceeding

as having been suggested. the chapel and the house

men

to M-

Bobe, subdeputy-commissar)-

them

their missionar}-,

plainly to do

would be scoffed at and

They wished,

i

U

notlii:-'

inetTectu.iI

then, to ask that at

Ic^''

of the missionary be preser\'ed, in order

th..t

the best instructed person among them might assemble the y'-'and repeat the prayers to them; and that every Sunday and feast " he might summon those who prayed that is to say, the Christian? < by the ringing of the bell, to fulfill as well as possible the dutit? \\religion. They did, in fact, make such a request, and obtained

chilf'^»-"

—

•

they asked.

Meanwhile, the procurator of the king relaxed a

little

in

^'

BANISHMENT OF THE vers le

meme temps

il

regut en

conimissaire, qui le priait de

JESUITS, JULY

9,

1763

un seul jour quatre lettres de M. Bobe, moderer son zele, et consentit que les

Us y

Jesuites se reunissent chez leurs confreres cures des Frangais.

etaient fort a I'etroit

105

dans une maison batie pour un honune

on que chacun put en tirer son matelas etendirent sur le plancher dans la maison du seul:

avait cuvert leurs chambres, afin et ses

couvertures qu'ils

Cette maniere de prendre leur repos, laquelle dura pres d'un

cure.

mois, les prepara

car on ne

sissipi,

On permit

au voyage

qu'ils

devaient faire bientot sur

campe guere autrement

le ^lis-

sur les bords de ce fleuve.

aux Jesuites de prendre leurs hardes et leurs livres que Enfin on poun,njt a la subsistance de ces Peres, jusqu'au temps ou ils devaient s'embarquer pour descendre a la Nouvelle-Orleans. On leur abandonna la plus grande partie des vi\Tes qui se trouvaient dans leur maison, et cette provision fut en eflet suffisante pour le temps qu'ils passerent encore aux Illinois. On en vint enfin a faire I'inventaire il fallait du temps pour ramasser et mettre en ordre les meubles d'une grande maison et d'une aussi

I'arret leur

avait laisses.

;

[Tra?islation]

about the same time that he received in a single day four from M. Bobe, the commissary, who begged him to moderate

severity, letters

his zeal

and allow the

Jesuits to live together with their brethren,

the pastors of the French.

They were

closely

crowded

there, in a

house that was built for only one man. Their rooms had been opened in

order that each one might be able to take out his mattress

and

which they spread upon the floor in the house of the pastor. This way of taking their rest, which lasted nearly a month, prepared them for the voyage which they were soon to make upon the ^lisblankets,

upon the banks of that river one encamps in hardly other The Jesuits were also permitted to take their clothes and their books, which the decree had left to them. At last, the support of these fathers was pro\ided for until the time when they should emhark to go do\\Ti to New Orleans. The greater part of the food that ^as found in their house was given up to them and this provision siisippi, for

fashion.

'^'^s,

in fact, sufficient for the rest of the

time that they passed in

^he Illinois.

came to making the inventory. Time was necessary and put in order the furniture of a large house, the chattels

Finally, it ^0 collect

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

io6

habitation considerables, et les bois; d'ailieurs

bestiaux disperses dans les campagnes

les

y avait raison pour ne pas

il

vacations etaient longues, plus

se presser:

plus

les

valaient a ceux qui s'y trouvaient

elles

employes.

Durant

du pays raisonnaient nouvelle de la condamnation

cette longue execution, les gens

ce qui se passait sous leurs yeux; la

Jesuites avait fait gemir les sauvages. fais

dans la consternation, on

la

sur

des

Elle jeta la plupart des Fran-

comme une

regarda

calami te pubiique;

des paroissiens justement attaches a leur pasteur se voyaient sur point de cesseur.

le

perdre, sans qu'on eut

On

pense a

ne tarda pas a presenter au

habitants une requete adressee au pays, pour obtenir que frangais,

meme

du moins

fut conserve; et

longtemps, peu apres

qu'on y repondit,

les

il

comme

partit

nom

commandant le

lui

donner un

de presque tous

et

le

sucles

au commissaire du

P. Aubert,^ cure des Cascakias

la

response parut differee trop

une seconde requete.^

En

attendant

habitants les plus senses demandaient de quel

[Translation] of

an important

Besides, there

estate,

and the

was reason

for

cattle scattered in the fields

and woods.

not hurrying too much; the longer the

who were employed in that task. During this long execution, the people of the country were reasoning upon what was taking place before their eyes. The news of the condemnation of the Jesuits had made the savages groan; it threw most of the French people into consternation and was regarded as delays the better they paid those

a public calamity.

Parishioners justly attached to their pastor

saw themselves upon the point

of losing

him without even a thou.^ht There was no delay in

being given to providing a successor to him.

name of nearly all the inhabitants, a petition adcommandant and the commissary of the country', in

presenting, in the

dressed to the

order to secure the retention of at least Father Aubert,^ the pastor of

French Kaskaskia; and as the answer seemed to be deferred too little while afterward a second petition was sent.- Whi.e

long a time, a

waiting for an answer to this, the

more

intelligent of the inhabitants

asked by what right the government had taken possession of the pro;>Father Jean Bte. Auhcrt was born in the province of Lyons. March i. i;-*'

entered the Jesuit order in 173Q, arrived in Louisiana, 1754, and returned France after the banishment. Thwaitcs, Jesuit Keldlions, 71 179. :

'These have not been found.

l

I

BANISHMENT OF THE JESUITS, JULY droit

on

s'etait

empare des biens des

On demandait

ctaient exceptes du

habitants des

Illinois,

benefice

de paix a

la

107

on avait

couronne

les Jesuites

accorde indistinctement a

tous

les

d'avoir dix-huit mois pour opter ou de demeurer

Surtout on etait indigne de

la

des vases sacres, d'une chapelle appartenant aux Hurons du

que

detroit,

le traite

encore par quelle raison

dans ce pays, ou de se retirer ailleurs? saisie faite

1763

Jesuites, et quel pouvoir

sur leur personne, dans un pays cede par

d'Angleterre?

9,

le

P. Saleneuve, missionnaire de

apportes au pays des Illinois

quand

cette nation, avait

deux ans et demi Autre sujet d'etonnement: ce Pere venu du detroit, et

auparavant.

il

s'y etait ref ugie

venu du poste de Saint- Joseph, n'etaient pas de la c'etait Textreme disette qui les avait obliges de se retirer au pays des Illinois; ils n'y etaient restes que par le defaut des occasions necessaires pour retourner a leur poste. Le P. le

P. de la Morinie,

Louisiane,

mais du Canada;

Salleneuve n'avait point d'emploi dans la mission des Illinois, et le P.

de la Morinie ne s'etait charge de I'eglise de Sainte-Gene\*ieve, que

par

le

conseil

motif d'un zele qui ne se refuse a rien;

de la Nouvelle-Orleans ne devait ni

les

il

etait \isible

que

le

connaitre ni penser a

[Translation]

and what power

v.as also

it had over their persons in a by the treaty of peace to the crown of England. It asked by what reason the Jesuits were excepted from the

privilege

granted without distinction to

crty of the Jesuits,

country ceded

all

the inhabitants of the

months to choose either to remain in this country- or to go elsewhere. Above all, they were indignant at the H'izure made of the sacred vessels of a chapel belonging to the Hurons Detroit, which Father Salleneuve, missionary to that nation, had brought to the Illinois country when he had taken refuge there, two ^nd a half years before. There was another cause for astonishment: this father who had come from Detroit and Father de la Morinie from liie Post St. Joseph, did not belong to Louisiana but to Canada. It ^as extreme want that had obliged them to withdraw to the country the Illinois, and they had remained there only for lack of the Illinois

of having eighteen

them to the French. The commandant of Fori ^^

the savages,

some months

in

nia:.;

forty-five (ia>^

BANISHMENT OF THE

JESUITS, JULY

9,

1763

113

M. dc Volsey qui, en qualite de comtous gens de grand appctit. mandant, reglait la marche, avait soin tous les soirs apres qu'on etait debarque, d'entrer dans les bois pour y chasser. La peine qu'il se donnait ne fut point inutile: seurs,

il

accompagne de quelques autres chas-

tua des ours et des boeufs sauvages, qui furent

le

supplement

de la proxision trop mediocre.

M. de Volsey eut une autre

attention: dans cette saison d'hiver,

il

un temps considerable pour embarquer et debarquer un si grand nombre d'esclaves, vieillards, femmes et enfants; il fallait le soir, en sortant du bateau, grimper sur les bords du fleuve, eleves, escarpes et glissants, en danger de tomber dans le Mississipi, et de s'y noyer. Apres avoir gagne le haut du rivage, il fallait aller chercher dans les \ms dont ce fleuve est borde partout, un lieu convenable pour y cam{xt; souvent on ne le trouvait qu'apres avoir defriche la place tout hc'rissee de halliers, de ronces, et de squine; il fallait encore faire une provision de bois suffisante pour allumer et pour entretenir sept a huit grands feux pendant la nuit; enfin il fallait travailler a se mettre fa 11 ait

[Translation]

Chartres then sent p«>>jd

appetites.

ant, directed

them

M.

to

New

de Volsey

the journey

Orleans; they

— who,

all

were people with

in the capacity of

command-

— was careful every evening after landing

The trouble that he took was not accompanied by some other hunters, he killed some bears Ar.(i vN-ild cattle which supplemented the too moderate pro\dsions. M. de Volsey had another care. In this winter season, consideriUe time was necessary to embark and disembark so great a number go into the woods to hunt.

to

fruitless;

«"ooo livres, by M. Laclede at 39,000 livres, by Jussiaume'* at 40,000 livres, and by Jean Baptiste Bauvais at 40,100 livres. And ^ter having waited until noon struck and not finding anyone to bid purchaser

*0n the Bauvais family see Alvord, Kaskaskia Records (/. H. C, 5), 414 n. and also the introduction of Alvord, Cahokia Records {I. H. C, 2). Later the acting commandant in the Illinois for Great Britain. Numerous *^tt--rs from him will be found in the later volumes of this series. Consult index. a.

This is Pierre Laclede Liguest, the founder of St. Louis. country only three days before the date of this sale.

«-jnoi.s '.'

^itssoiiri,

2:3

He had arrived

in the

See Houck, History

e/ scq.

Jussiaume dit St. Pierre. According to a public sale in the Kaskaskia ^'^ ^^ '^*^ ^^^ Theresc Turpin, one of the heirs of Louis Turpin. deceased. As « mV '/^ ^'cn from the following document Jussiaume bou'.:ht the Jesuit property ^\ "ch he later sold to Jean Baptiste Bauvais. The reason for this transfer or for iK-culiarityof the two documents has not been discovered. The names "Sequin" Laderoute" apj>car in the index of Alvord, Kaskaskia Records (/. //. C, 5). \f -

^

'

_

^

.

'

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

128

demande

auroit

acte de son enchere a luy octroyee

Comme

dernier

encherisseur, et de luy adjuger la d*^ Maison, Batimens, Terrain, et

dependances, Cequi substitut de

M. Le

Luy a

ete accorde et adjuge par

procureur general du

Buxiere greffier en Cette Jurisdiction,

Du

Roy

M.

Laissard

en presence du

s*"

La

de Jean B*^ her\aeux

et

Illinois, pour la d*^ somme de quarante mille Jean Bap*« Beauvais a presentement Bailie et paye Comptant a Mon d* s'" Laissard, ainsi qu'il Le Reconnoit et dont il est Content, en Tient quitte Le d* Jean B*^ Beauvais et Tous autres, dont quittance, et avons signe les d^ jour et an, signe a La

armurier

Roy, aux

Cent Livres que

le d*

Minute des presentes, hervieux, La Buxiere, Laissard,

et

Robinet

huissier.

Pour Copie Conforme a depose a la

N"^

L'original,

Remis a M. Laissard pour signe

[Endorsed:]

2

etre

Orleans a sa Requisition.

La Buxiere

N'®

Feb^ 1767 N° 16 52 g Copy of the sale of part of the by Auction, purchased by Jean Baptist

Jesuits Effects at the llinois

[Translation]

and as everyone was leaving, the said Jean Baptiste Bauvais demanded a deed of his bid, which was given him as the last bidder, and to him was knocked down the said house, buildings, land, and dependencies which were accorded and adjudged him by M. Laissard, higher,

deputy for the king's attorney general, in the presence of clerk in this province,

and

in the presence of

M. Labuxiere,

Jean Baptiste Hervieux,

Illinois, for the said sum of 40,100 livres, which the said Jean Baptiste Bauvais then delivered and paid in cash

armorer of the king in the to

M.

Laissard,

is

a receipt.

and is satisfied with it. ^L and of all others for which this the said day and year, and we have

who acknowledges

Jean Baptiste Bauvais

We

is

released of

have signed,

it,

it

signed in the records of these presents: Hervieux, Labuxiere, Laissard,

and Robinet, huissier. A copy conforming to the original given to M. Laissard to be filed

at

New

Orleans at his request. signed

[Endorsed:]

February

2,

1767.

No.

16. 529.

part of the Jesuits' effects at the Illinois

Labuxiere, notary

Copy

of the sale of

by auction, purchased by

SALE OF JESUIT PROPERTY, NOVEMBER Beavais consisting of Houses and other Buildings in said

Beauvais Letter to Gen* Gage of

1763 129

6,

— transmitted

g^^ Feb'"^ 1767.

[Translation]

Jean Baptiste Bauvais consisting of houses and other buildings; trans-

Gage

mitted in said Bauvais' letter to General

February

of

Sale of Jesuit Property at Kaskaskia, November [K.MSS A.C.I

9, 1767.

6,

1763

—

L'an mil sept cent soixante trois avant midy

En

En datte du Neuf les

le

sixieme jour de

Novembre

vertu de larrest du Conseil superieur de la louisianne juillet dernier

Cy devant soy

Rendu au

profit de

Sa majestie contre

disant jesuistes portant permission de saisir et

vendre les Biens apartenants a leur mission et a la requete de

M®

Etienne marafret Laissard substitut du procureur general du roy du

demeurant a

Conseil superieur de la Nouvelle Orleans,

Chartre ou

Royal

En

il

a Elu son domicile jay

la juridiction des islinois

moy

la

Nouvelle

jean louis Robinet huissier

demeurant a

la

Nouvelle Chartre

me suis expres transporte avec mes deux temoins avec moy a la principale porte Entree Et sortie de

soussigne

expres

menes

lEglise

inraissiale

du bourg de de

paroissiale le

monde

jaurois lu publie

mis et

Caskakias a

[sic]

sortant

lissue

de

En grand nombre

affiche, Crie

la

de

grande messe la dite Eglise

a haute Et inteligible voix Et Cri

[Translation]

Before noon of

November

6, in

superior council of Louisiana, his

pursuance of the decree of the

dated July 9

last,

issued in favor of

majesty against the late self-styled Jesuits, bearing permission

to seize

and

ftquest of

M.

^'

COLONY OF CHARLOTINA

141

they neither would nor did fall from, nor consent to relinquish their [18] till reduced to the lowest state of distress

encroachments, beaten in

all

quarters of the world,

trade and credit sunk; they were

—

their Fleets destroyed,

upon the very brink

—

their

of national

and incapable any longer to avoid impending destruction.

ruin,

What,

therefore, our vigilant enterprising Rivals (fas est et ab

found a very promising means for obtaining so great a and laboured with assiduity and perseverance to make good, notwithstanding the opposition they might rationally expect from us, of whose just Rights the execution of this their darling plan was a most manifest Invasion; let not us neglect nor delay to execute, while we can do it -^^thout opposition and thereby secure to ourselves the full and undisturbed possession of our own indisputable property, that is of so great importance and value: Which if we had done about 12 or 14 years ago, when the designs of our Enemies were by that time pretty evident, the late bloody war, in all probabiUty, might have been prevented, [19] and our national debt between forty and fifty hoste doceri) prize,

;

miUions Sterling

less

than

it

now

is.

It would be tedious to mention

all

the advantages, obvious to

every one, that would accrue to us, and to our whole American

Dominions, from the proposed settlements.

Besides these already

hinted, others will appear from comparing the country in general

with our present Colonies, and observing extent, properties

A

Colony

is

its

vast superiority in

and productions.

profitable, according as its land

is

so good, that,

a part of the labour of the inhabitants bestowed on it

by

its cultivation,

yields the necessaries of life suflBcient for their sustenance;

and by

the rest of their labour, produces staple commodities in such quantity

and of such value, as bring from the Mother-country, in the way of commerce and traffick, all manufactures necessary for the proper accomodation of the Colonists, and for the gradual and more extensive improvement of the Colony, as the number of people increases.

So that Fruitfulness of Land is the principal property of a Colony, and that wherein [20] its usefulness chiefly consists: Because (Mines are supposed to be out of the question here) in proportion to the

quantity of the necessaries of

life,

with the number and value of

commodities that it produces, will be the number of people encouraged to go to it; the cheapness of labour; the small share of staple

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

142 it

needful for the maintenance of the inhabitants; and, consequently,

bestowed on staple commodities. hath also a healthful Climate and of so much greater value must it be accounted, and extensive BoundSy merits proportionably greater care and encouragement from the Mother-country. A Colony having these properties, if duly sup-

more

the

of

it

If, besides fertility of soil, it

—

ported in

and

its

will, like

infant state,

a dutiful

must soon

child, return

flourish

and become strong;

manifold the favours of the

kindly parent, to the great convenience and advantage of both.

But a Colony, whose inhabitants are obliged, from the barrenand coldness of the winters, or whatever other cause, to bestow all or rnost of their labour on having the necessaries of life, can scarcely be supposed to avail the mothercountry: Because the people, for their own subsistence, must of necessity apply themselves to Farming and Manufactures, and thereby, instead of benefiting, must interfere with her in many branches ness of the country, [21] the length

of trade.

Without

depreciating our former Colonies, or detracting in the from their real worth, it must, however, be acknowledged, that most of them are rather of the last, than of the first mentioned kind least

that, excepting the

Furs which we purchase from the natives,

all

our

northern Colonies produce very Httle staple, and but of small value for Britain y SLTid

that

all of

them, except some lands on the south

parts of Carolina^ scarcely produce

any but Tobacco.

The

lands

very best of them, for several miles from the sea, are low, marshy, hot, and therefore unhealthy; and their [22] soil, from the of the

is shallow, light, and soon worn Beyond these mountains to the 0/u'o, particularly upon the back of our most southerly Colonies, the lands are said to be of a more deep, strong and fertile soil: But these have never yet been occupied by our people, nor could be, on account of the encroachments of the French, and the cruelty exercised by them and

Sea to the Apalachian mountains,

out with culture.

the natives in their interest, against our Planters, for a

good many

years past.

So

however valuable these our Colonies are (and that they is certain) yet they may be made infinitely more so Britain as a trading nation, conjoined with, and by a proper imthat,

are of great value, to

provement of our new accquisition.

For,

if

the Settlements here

COLONY OF CHARLOTINA

143

proposed were made, our old Colonies would see it their interest, to extend their Plantations, each within their respective limits, to the Missisippi and

Oliioj as far as

the Forks.

This they would be en-

couraged to do, from the motives of gain, safety, undisturbed possession, the prospect of [23] improving their lands at pleasure and to the best purposes, with the convenience of Navigation, whether for Export

by the rivers that run from the Apalachian mountains by the Ohio itself, and the Missisippi. Thus the old Colonies and the new one proposed, might be joined before many years, to their unspeakable mutual help and interest. Besides this and other advantages, arising from its contiguity to or Import,

into the Ohio,

our other Colonies, this extensive pleasant country, of which very little

hitherto hath ever been opened, could not be expected to wear

out by culture; and

improvement,

it

is

of so

would

deep and rich a

yield,

not only

all

soil,

that,

upon proper

things necessary for the

maintenance of the inhabitants, tho' several millions in number, but produce staple commodities for the Mother-country, in far greater plenty

Continent [24]

we

The

shore, tho'

and

variety,

and

of far

more

value, than all of that

ever were possessed of before.

south part of

by

far the

it,

for

about 30 or 40 miles from the Sea-

most barren

of all the country,

is

stored

-^"ith

plenty of the finest Pines, Cedar, C\TDress, ever-green Oaks,

ct-'c.

which large navies might be built at small expence.

Care and pains in draining the swamps and clearing the ground in that low part of the country, as the French do in New-Orleans, would render it far more healthy, and fit to produce immense quantities of Rice, and

of

other valuable productions.

From of

and the

soil

exceeding

a rich black mould, three feet deep in the

fertile,

hills,

the lands being

and much deeper

the bottoms, with a strong clayey foundation; producing provisions

and esculent

plants, with little or

almost without culture.

The

account written

and

all

no care or labour, and air

over the whole

[25] renders the climate extremely healthful.

we have from a

in

kinds of

lands are dry, hilly, and in some parts

mountainous, which greatly refreshes and cools the country,

we

thence to the Forks, about 8 or 900 miles, the country,

are told, is healthful,

1

his

history of that country lately publislicd,

by a Frenchynan, who resided a good many years there. He 'The air is perfectly good there; the blood is pure; the

says further,

—

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

144

people are healthy; subject to few diseases in the \igour of Ufe, and

without decrepitude in old age; which they carry to a farther length People live to a long and agreeable old age in than in France. Louisiana,

if

When

they are but sober and temperate."^

the French,

who have been in possession of this country upwards of half a century, own and publish this, we may believe the acknowledgment: And the rather, as some of our own people, who had been sent by the Government of Virginia about 20 years ago, after going down the

—

Ohio and Missisippi to New Orleans, reported, 'that they saw more good land on the Missisippi, than they judged to be in all the English Colonies so far as they were inhabited. '^ Thus vv^e have sufl&cient evidence, that this is a fertile, [26] healthy fine country in general, and what claims our highest attention to occupy and secure.

But still,— that part

of the

Country upon the Missisippi, from the

Ohio to the Illinois river, seems to be the most

fertile, healthful,

and encouraging of all, and the most necessary place to us for a Colony, of any in North-America; being as it were intended by nature, and adapted by its convenient situation in the very heart and centre of the country, to be the key of all the inland parts, and to command the whole of that vast continent. So very pleasant and dehghtful did the country upon the north-west of the Ohio appear to the French, that they called this the Fair River. Such is the mildness inviting

of the air,

consequently healthfulness of that climate, such the

fruitfulness of the

many

out the whole country,

pleasant extensive valHes interspersed thro'-

among

the numerous rivers whereby

watered; in short so agreeable and charming a country

abounding in both the necessaries and French usually called

it,

[27]

pleasures of

a Terrestrial Paradise.

The

is

life,

it

is

this, so

that the

better sort of

both sexes, from Catiada and other parts, chused to and end their days here, as the most pleasant desirable place they had in that Continent. Here they formed a settlement and built some forts, to check our southern Colonies, and secure their own interest in that important place, which they acknowledge, as they their people, of

reside

*

Du

Pratz, Hisloire de la Louisiane,

i

:

141.

*This refers probably to the expedition made in 1741 by John Howard and John Peter Sallcy under commission of the governor of Virginia. The exact quotation is not to be found in the "Brief Account of the Travels of Mr. John Peter Salley," in Darlington, Christopher Gist's Journals, 253 et seq.

COLONY OF CHARLOTINA

145

may, is one of the most considerable posts in all Louisiana. also, that this country is very good and fertile: acknowledge They (m. Colony of Louisiana, of which they reckoned whole of the That in which, with the greatest ease, they country part) this is the this a grain: that turning the earth in Hke Rye, other Wheat, and grow justly

—

the slightest manner,

is

sufficient culture to

make

it

produce as

much

as can be reasonably desired; that Tobacco thrives there: that all plants transported thither from France, succeed well; as do also the fruits:

That there are Mines

that in the

great numbers,

and very

rich.

and Iron there: And Mines are said to be in What place more encouraging for a

of Silver, Lead,

country north of the

Illi- [2^] nois,

new Colony!

make up a volume, to mention, at any tolerable length, known of this whole Country, with their it is more than probable, there are advantages. And and

It would

the productions, already uses

many, especially

have not yet

of the vegetable kind, that

the notice of Europeans.

It

fallen

under

would be both tedious and superfluous

enumerate the many sorts of Grain, Fruits, Roots, Plants, Beasts and Fowl, wild and tame. Fishes, b'c. which are there in the greatest to

variety

As

and abundance. Productions for Comynerce:

to

—Hemp,

Flax, Silk, Cotton,

Cochineal, Oil, Raisins, Currants, Almonds, Oranges, Citrons, Walnuts, Chesnuts, Prunes, Potash, Tndigo, Rice,

Tar, Rosin, Saltpetre, Sweet-gum, besides

Wax,

Copper, Iron, Pitch,

Sasafras, Salsaparilla, ^c.

innumerable materials for ^ledicine and Dyeing, might

be had from thence, and in great plen- [29] ty.

all

In short, of the nu-

merous articles of Commerce from this large, fruitful Country, these which by nature are, w4th these that, if transported thither from other places of similar Climate

produced, value, as, to

—may

and

Soil,

by

artificial

culture might be

supposed of such variety, quantity and when purchased with our manufactures, would enable us justly be

keep in our pockets some millions of our Treasure, which, for

these very sides

Commodities, we yearly give out to other Nations; be-

immense profits that we might draw from foreign parts, for such of these Commodities as would exceed our home Consumption. *s for instance, we pay, as it is acknowledged we do, near two millions Sterling yearly to other Nations, for these two necessary articles of utmp and Flax^ which may be raised in this Country, and that in

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

146

what vast profits would arise from the whole And, besides our own sa\'ings and actual profits, what Resources of treasure, which hitherto we have furnished [30] our Enemies with, would thereby be cut off? The writer of the above mentioned History says of this Country, "That whatever way one walks from the Sea-coast for 500 leagues northwards, he Is there cannot proceed 100 steps without meeting with a Vine."^ expect, that Wine, then, to and the other reason, produces good not of the Grape, which we purchase from Enemies with great sums of money, might, by proper cultivation and care, be had from thence; perhaps sufficient, before many years, to answer the most, if not the whole, of our home consumpt? From what hath been observed of this Country, comparatively with our Colonies so far yet settled, it plainly appears to have ver>' the greatest plenty;

of the above List?

—

much the preference in

extent, fruitfulness, as also in quantity, variety,

and value of Productions, and in every other respect, except nearness

But making the Settlements here proposed, would entireremove this objection, if any should think it one: Be- [21] cause, hereby would be secured to us, the navigation of the Rivers in these inland parts of the Country, particularly the Ohio and Missisippi. This is of the utmost importance to us, and what the very Being of our American Colonies depends upon; and which, if these Settlements shall be neglected a few years, the French will leave no means unattempted to wrest from us. In which event, all the Lands to the north-west of the Apalachian mountains would be useless to Britain, and might be given up at once; and the rest also would fall of course, unless the pervidious Invaders should again be driven out, at the expence of several millions of our Treasure, and the Blood of many of our innocent Countrymen. Besides what hath been said from the topic of securing against to the Sea. ly

French encroachments, another consideration seems equally to claim our attention.

Of the two most usual means and Trade, the French have of

Nation, Conquest

the utmost

by the first, to raise themselves and But (thank God) have come off entirely disappointed.

of their might,

humble us:

of aggrandizing a late, to

attempted,

[^,2]

Their boundless Ambition, which would be satisfied with no less than the whole of North-America, hath tended doubly to their *

Du

Pratz, Ilisloire de la Louisiaue, 2:15.

own

loss.

COLONY OF CHARLOTINA

147

For, in the first place,—while, intoxicated with the views of Conquest and Territory, they disposed of what people they had in that

Continent, sparsely, throughout these extensive Countries which

they called Louisiana and Canada, and in the inland parts upon the

back of our Colonies, in order to facilitate their encroaching Designs; they neglected the Improvement of the whole, at least of the very best

Lands

Again, in the course of the War,

in all their Colonies.

which their continued insufferable Usurpations and repeated Insults had rendered unavoidable, so great were their Losses not\^'iths tan ding their formidable

confederacy

—and such our success, by

-^-ith

the mightiest Powers of Europe,

the remarkable assistance of the

Armies, maintaining the justice of our Cause; that Invaders, besides renouncing cede

all

their

and improved at

God

of

these boasting

Usurpations, were obliged

to us imme^ise territory, which, othen\ise,

possessed

[2,^]

to

they might have

their pleasure.

If disappointment of their hopes with respect to AmericanEmpire,

and Territor>% shall cure them and make them discontinue their old usurping practice; a superiority in Trade will be the next object of their incurable ambition, and what they will strain every and their

late great loss of ?vlen. Ships

some years

for

of their usual itch of war,

make good. Upon comparing

nerve to

tinent, there in this, for

circumstances, ours and theirs, in that Conseems to be more reason to apprehend their Rivalship

some years

at least, than in war. Besides the Island

and

Fort of New-Orleans, they are yet possessed of vast territory on the west of the Missisippi; the South part of which, from that river to

mountains of New-Mexico westward, and from the Sea to about sL\ Degrees northward, we are told, is one entire level [34] champaign Country, as large as both Fra?ice and Spain together; exceeding fruit-

and alone sufficient to supply the World with the productions of ^orth America; being fertile in every thing, both in Land and Metals; ful;

and watered by several large na\'igable rivers that spread over the whole country. Upon supposition, then, of the Canadians and other Ffench subjects in that Continent, their settling in the most con-

that fine extensive Country, it may be expected they by cultivating it with care and diligence, endeavour to obtain by Improvement of Trade, that advantage and superiority, which they could not by their Martial Ejjorts.

^t'nient parts of ^\nl, ^"^^

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

148

From three

the fruitfulness of these fresh virgin lands, and two or

months more

of

summer season

in

Louisiana than in our old

Colonies, which, so far as hitherto occupied, are

now much worn

can in one year make two or three crops of Tobacco, for instance, upon the same ground, as easily as we can make one, and in far greater plenty too, according to the supe- [35] rior fertility of out, they

And

soil.

the Tobacco they used to

if

value as they give out, they is

capable

we have

aheady done

But

same

some years,

in that article,

hitherto kept entire to ourselves, as they have

in that of the Sugar.

while

of people that of the

in this countr>% is of such

the improvement that country

as effectually outdo us, after

of,

the only one

may by

make

we have

ten or twelve times,

if

not more, the number

they yet have, in that Continent, and a country

latitude

and nature with

theirs; it is in

much

our power, and

should be our endeavour, both to secure this valuable acquisition against Encroachments; and, to prevent our Rivals, as

advantages:

by a proper timeous improvement

much

as

we

Both which necessary ends,

of

it,

can, of superior co77Wtercial it is

presumed, the proposed

settlements would answer.

In this argument from Trade,

it is supposed that the French vdW conform [sic] to treaty. But their speedy endeavours to restore their oMarine; the freedoms they are said to be already u- [36] sing at Newfoundland', the present insurrection of the Indians (of which afterwards) no question excited by French Jesuits and Priests; seem to indicate, that they are rather disposed to continue their former turbulent practices, than to maintain peace and good neighbourhood. This makes it still more necessary for us, to be upon our guard. We are told in the public News-Papers, 20th July last, 'that according to advices from Fra7ice, they were doing all in their power to establish their Colonies in America upon a firm foundation, and expected 60 or 70,000 Inhabitants from Canada to settle at Xru,'Orleans and on the west side of the Missisippi.'' No question this is their design, and what they ^^^ll spare no pains to effectuate.

be

pacific,

and behave

strictly

for the reasons before hinted, the Canadians, or greater part of them, shall go thither, as is most likely, they will be of more use, both If,

for

themselves and their Mother-country (in point of national profit,

tho'

perhaps not so well answering the late project of Usurpation

[37]

COLONY OF CHARLOTINA

149

and Conquest) in Louisiana, than in the cold regions of Canada. But as the French will see to avail themselves the best way they can of this last return they are to expect from that place, they will take care to dispose of them in such a manner, and in such places, as shall contribute most to their future Designs: And what these shall be, time wUl discover.

Suspicions and suppositions are indeed no arguments; but, so deserve notice. And is it not natural to think, a

far as probable,

number

and other French from the others from France, will settle on that river, opposite to the country betwLxt the Ohio and Illinois? The famous Silver-mines of Marameg] the Lead-mines and Salt-pits betwixt that place and the Forks the acknowledged Fruitfulness and Worth of that part of their country, ^c. maybe justly reckoned such powerful motives (really, or in pretence, the same thing to us) that one can scarce help thinking, they will not let [2,^] that place be long unoccupied. But if we take this motive also, the considerable

east-side of the

of these Canadia7ts,

Missisippi, with

many

;

strongest of their

into consideration,

all,

viz.

to execute,

—

of seizing the country

a Design,

—

tho', according to

by an attempt on the Ohio, the grand object of

usual way, absolutely disowned

till

discovered

ambitious views, and cause of the late war; this makes the mat-

their

more

ter still

serious

and

interesting to us.

For

is it

not rational

they would carefully erect Forts; secure the country to the

to expect,

utmost of their power; cultivate a constant trade and correspondence

when

strong, spirit up against us, the numerous nation of and other Indian tribes, their old acquaintance; whose firm alUance and friendship ever since they knew these parts, they acknowledge and boast of? In this event, and if we shall be so careless (infatuated would be a more proper term) as to neglect settling this important place: Let any one who reflects on the usual hehaviour of that nation, and their continued course of encroachments

with, and,

the Illinois

in

that part of the [39] world for about thirty years past, figure to

nimself, 'X)urs,

— what we might expect from such

whom no

venience

came

treaty ever bound,

in competition:

part,

restless, perfidious, nci.^h-

when

their interest

and con-

Especially as such neglect on our

would encourage them, by the most probable views of success ^nd impunity, again to grasp at the valuable and long coveted prize ^^

^"^^

or th

America.

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

ISO

—

head If we will advert to these two facts mentioned in the News-papers loth Oct. That Freiidwieji are seen

Once more upon

among

:

this

the warring parties of the Indians]

and that

large quantities of

various sorts of goods of French manufacture, are conveyed from France, in vessels sent

upon pretence

among the Indians and

of the fishery, to

be distributed

natives in the Gulph of St. Lawrence and

other parts of that coast;

it

appears pretty evident, whence these

our present disturbances by the natives, have originally proceeded, and by whose influence they are maintained.

To

[40]

raise

up the Lidians against

us,

and

in these

very parts,

one of the best cards they can now play, and very artfully contrived to serve a double end, both very much favouring the Design

is

they seem already to have in view. For, such a war, they well knov/, must draw our attention and forces to those more barren northerly regions, and make us neglect the far more fertile and valuable countries upon the Missis ippi and Ohio; while, in the mean time, alluring by great encouragements, their late subjects from Canada and other parts, they are losing no time to settle New Orleans, and Loiiisiana to Which done, their numbers increased, their the best advantage. country secured, and the Indians on that side also wheedled over and depraved by the contagion of their pernicious influence; as much mischief may be expected from them in some future period, and that perhaps not remote, as at any time before; if not timeously, and by suitable measures on our part, prevented. [41] Thus far of the expediency, advantage, and necessity of settling the country upon the Missisippi, and particularly of planting a new Colony at the Forks. As to the third question: No doubt there is difficulty as to the numbers of people requisite for the proposed Settlements. But the

—

—

—

—

difiiculty,

numbers

it

is

hoped,

parts of the British

ployed,

is

for beginning a

—

is

evident:

not insurmountable.

new

That considerable

Settlement, might be had from several

Dominions, where they are not so usefully emAnd that encouraging terms, with other views

—

would engage many to go accordingly, is equally certain. Were these settlements once begun in earnest, their numbers, tho' fewer at first than what might be wished, would soon increase. The prospect of gain in a country so far preferable in every respect, would engage spare hands from the northern Colonies, to settle cither at the

of gain,

COLONY OF CHARLOTINA Forks, or in other places betwixt that

151

and the Sea, where found most

necessary and convenient. [42]

The

St. Aiiguslin

harbours from Georgia to

A^riV Orleans, particularly at

and Pensacola; the towns already

built,

and the con-

venience of carrying on trade along that whole coast; the improve-

ments and cultivation of lands already made in these parts by the French and Spaniards; will contribute much to the speedy settlement, and peopling of East and West Florida; still more so, if a considerable

number of the old inhabitants shall continue in their habitations. The Colonies of Georgia and the Carolinas, from the motives of interest and safety, will, no doubt, take care to extend their settlements, within All this may be their respective bounds, towards the Missisippi. done with no charge to the mother-country. Towards settling the new Colony proposed, which seems to be

more material, and therefore to claim greater notice; it were to be wished, the Government would give good encouragement. For, in proportion to this, undeniably, would be the number of adventurers at first; their fu- [43] ture increase of people, whether by incomers, or in the usual

way

of population; and, consequently, their prosperity,

wealth, usefulness, b'c.

be given,

WTiat encouragement in particular should

—these who are proper judges

mine, according to the importance Besides,

some present advance,

in such matters,

and public

as

is

usual, for helping the

planters to a stock of cattle, furniture, utensils, saries,

rules

would deter-

utility of the design.

—a favourable easy tenure of lands

;

new

and other neces-

a set of well contrived good

with respect to their constitution, polity, oeconomy and order;

and a sufficient number of able approven b'c. would be of the utmost consequence to their future welfare and prosperity. But more particularly: Of our Soldiers and Sailors lately dismissed without provision or encouraging prospect of business, many, tis to be feared, will rather become beggars, loose idle vagrants, or

wise prudent Governors,

Clergymen and teachers,

—

even worse, than re-apply themselves to labour, after [44] so many years disuetude. Immediately upon the conclusion of the peace,

^arce any one thing seemed to have a preferable claim to the attention of the Government, than these two; providing for those brave ^iuest

— so much Glory and Con— and settling some of the

by whose intrepidity and valour had been obtained to the Nation;

'allows

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

152

most important parts of the fine Country acquir'd. It is indeed hard The to say, in which of these two the neglect was most surprising. inseparable connection, and numerous advantages of both, are Justice, Gratitude, and Humanity, required the one; Inand Necessity, the other. But as it is not yet too late, numbers of these our Countrymen, who so highly merit the thanks of the Nation, might be sent thither, and supplied with lands, upon the condition of military service when wanted, as a reward of their extraordinary bravery and the duty they faithfully did their King and Country during the late war. These would be most suitable for a new Colony, and this as ad- [45] vantageous a disposal of them, both for themselves and the publick, as any other yet proposed. Men of the several necessary Crafts also, such as Masons, Carpenters, Joiners, Bricklayers, c^c. would be requisite: And according to what history we have of that Country, a company of Miners, at least after a few years, might turn out to very good account. It is undeniable in fact, whatever may be the cause Again, or causes, that there are in many parts of Britain and Ireland, great numbers of Housholders, such as reduced Farmers, Cottagers, and others, in very low circumstances; who, by all their labour and industry, can scarcely scrape together a sorry subsistence for themselves and needy families. These, bred up to no mechanical employment, and ha\ang no prospect at home but continued poverty, would, many of them, it is to be supposed, embrace with chearfuhiess an

obvious. terest

—

opportunity of going to settle in a Country, where

[46] their

labour

would yield them plenty and affluence.

others,

would

—

It may be supposed, there are many throughout and Ireland pining in Jails, unable to do good to themselves or

Lastly J Britain

while in that sorry situation. it

fined for

Besides the publick-good,

not be an act of humanity, to send thither

Debt, whose characters are otherways

fair

all

that are con-

and unblemished!

would the act of Royal mercy, soon expected, be one whit tarnished, by annexing to the liberation of such, a condition of being removed from a Country where they could expect nothing but straitened circumstances and disregard, to where they might have, not only a comfortable Subsistence, but probably of wealth and opulence in a few years?

To

strengthen their hands, and as a mutual security and help

COLONY OF CHARLOTINA

153

both to this and the adjacent Settlements, the Colonies of Virginia and Pensylvania, but chiefly the first, might, upon recommendation from the Government, and no doubt, would, [47J upon the prospect of Interest, send people, according to their owti plan and design about 20 years ago, to settle in the Lands adjoining the South-east of the Ohio and other parts of the Bound above-proposed; who might extend J

their Plantations South-east within their respective Limits, while the,

new Colony extended

theirs along the

Ohio and Missisippi, as their

people should increase.

As a Colony in this important place would be of incomparably more advantage to the Mother-country, as well as to the other Colonies, than Nova Scotia, to settle which, the Nation, for some years past, hath been at considerable charges; to neglect such a

what expences might be would be an imprudent, ill-judged parsimony. A competent sum bestowed upon it, and properly applied, under the direction of Gentlemen of probity, appointed for that purpose, like the seed sown on good ground, would soon produce an valuable purpose, therefore, on account of

necessary to effectuate

it,

hundred-fold. [48]

For

we should not grudge sending thither a The extent our new acquisition; the danger that we have

the same reason,

few thousands of people, of the sorts before named.

and worth

of this

reason to apprehend from restless insidious Neighbours, in case of neglecting

it;

with the expediency and advantage of securing that

Country, particularly, where the necessary;

and

in all

new Colony

appearance but for

is

07tce.

make this number besides num-

proposed,

For, such a

being fixed there as encouraging terms would procure,

Country could not fail yearly to allure ground to occupy at pleasure, and the necessaries of life in great abundance, and produced by little labour; would marry in their early years: Whereby, together with the hcalthfulness of the Climate, they could not, humanly speaking, but increase and multiply as much as any Colony could be expected. And it is observed, that in our American Colonies the number of Inhabitants is doubled in 25 [49] years, exclusiv^e of Incomers. According to which

bers of strangers that so fine a thither,

having most

calculation, Britain,

number

fertile

one Century hence, would have sixteen times the

of Subjects in

America that are there at present, besides

Strangers, with their proportional increase.

all

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

154

and money being bestowed and necessaty design, which can neither be neglected nor delayed with safety, it is not likely there would be any demand of this nature afterwards. For, these places being thus secured, our Colonies, enjoying peace and quiet, would so prosper and multiply, that they would be able to repel any force or injury' attempted by whatever assailants on that Continent, without putting the Mother-country to the great trouble and charges of sending jNloreover, in prothither Armies, Artillery, b'c. as in the last War. portion to the increase of people, and improvement of lands in these parts, would be the demand for British Goods, to the great encouragement of our [50] Manufactures, the increase of trade and navigation,

Some

upon

and

assistance therefore of people

this one, urgent, useful

of the national revenue.

The new

Colony, and the

Bound above proposed,

ascertaining

and the other Colonies, could be no injury to them. They would have more land besides than they could fully For which reason, proposing to settle settle in a great many years. that country, by extending the limits of our old Colonies that way, or by two or more new ones at first, instead of answering, would, it is to be feared, entirely defeat the excellent ends proposed. For it is notour[ious] fact, that not only a carelessness in general, but" a jealousy of one another's prosperity prevails among our Colonies. As a proof of this, the greatest dangers lately hanging over all their heads, was for several years insufficient to make them enter into any association, or to unite them in any public measure for their common safety. Nor is it to be expected, that they would, in this case, do any thing the limits betwLxt

it

—

—

jointly or to purpose, for the effectual security of that country,

build [51] forts in proper time,

if

at

all,

But a considerable body of people settled

there, in

one com-

munity, having one Governor, one law, one council, and one interest;

nor

needful for that end.

common

gathering additional strength by the yearly accession of

above reasons, would flock to it, whether from from whatever Protestant Countries; would in proper time become so powerful, as fully to answer all the salutaryends already named. Afterwards, when become populous, strong. and its limits extended, it might, as has been done with some of our

strangers, that, for the

the other Colonies, or

Colonies formerly, be divided into reasons of state should require.

two or more, as convenience or

COLONY OF CHARLOTINA

155

— ^That

in a Colony so remote from the sea, there consumpt of British goods, rendered dear by is frivolous. For comthe necessary charges of land-carriage,' mon sense and experience dictate, that the trade of every country must be in pro- [52] portion to the quantity and value of its staple

The

objection,

would be

little

commodities:

or no

—

And that,

if

the productions of a country find their

way

out of it, the manufactures of the country to which they go, will cerWe are assured by those who are well tainly find their way into it.

acquainted with that country, such as the ingenious

Dr

Franklyn,

and from the that goods may be conveyed most inland parts of it, by great navigable rivers and fresh-water lakes communicating one with another, very small portages here and there excepted. Much more now must that be the case, when the navigation of the Missisippi is free to us, and the whole country, -^ith the rivers and lakes on the east of it, are our own. Such additional charges, therefore, must be inconsiderable. If it shall be alledged, as an objection, 'That some or all of the places proposed to be settled, are the property of the hidians, It is answered, Supposing the fact, what then? So was once that whole Continent. Nothing is known to [53] hinder our purchasing from the natives, as hitherto, whatever lands we have occasion in boats or canoes, to

—

'

—

—

and that at an easy rate. But the objection is not fact. For whatever lands the French possessed on the east of the Missisippi, for,

Xew

Orleans,

property, as

any part

except

is

now by

much our right and And besides the extensive

treaty, as

of that Continent.

on the east of the Missisippi from the sea northwards, they had Forts and settlements nigh the Forks, where the new Colony is country,'

proposed.

maps

Further

it

may

of that country, that

be observed, both from the history and from the Illinois river to the sea, scarce

any of the InAian tribes have their habitation within a great miles of the Missisippi;

which, in this case,

is

many

a ver>' favourable

encouraging circumstance. I TOM [From] the recommencement of hostilities upon our back Settlements by the hidians, Some may perhaps object, 'That a number

—

^i

our people, though considerable,

when settled at a distance from Ine parts occupied of our other Colonies, yet might [54] be in danger,

^forc they gathered i>y

the Natives,

sufficient strength, of being perpetually harassed

whom

the French would not

fail

to instigate.'

—

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

156

The objection is as much against extending our old Colonies as settling amounts plainly to this, That we must attempt 2l new one; and neither the one nor the other, without the permission and good leave But of the French and l7idians: which is absurd and ridiculous. so far from being if a new Colony where proposed, is necessary at all,

—

—

ought to be much rather hastened, on account of the present Indian insurrections. This being self-evident, to say any thing in support of it, would be altogether idle. delayed,

it

That the French Jesuits and Priests are concerned in these disis fully confirmed by accounts from these parts. This hath been their usual practice, even in times of profound peace. turbances,

But whether these incendiaries are, in the French nation, we cannot as yet

this,

by authority from

Though, more than probable, permission at least, from some leading

from the public accounts already noticed, they have instructions, or

acting

[55] positively say: it is

Persons of that faithless Court, which countenanced proceedings of

same nature, immediately

the

But be

this as it will,

after the treaty of Aix-la-chapelle.

— Shall Britain,

v;h.osQ

troops carried victory

wherever they advanced their Standards in that Country during the late

war, and drove the armies of both French and Natives before

by any such thing as an Indian war, from and securing these acquisitions that have cost the Nation so much. Ought we not rather, \\dthout loss of time, to send a respectable body of regular forces, with express orders to the several Colonies to join them with sufficient numbers of Provincials, that these insurrections may be quelled by force, if other means shall them, be intimidated settling

prove ineffectual?

But we

and other accounts, Some, [56] in the frontiers of our Colonies, where generally the most worthless persons are to be found, remote from the notice and restraint of Government, had, we are told, lately possessed themselves of Lands belonging to that

some

are sorry to hear, from the publick

of our

own

people are not blameless.

the natives, without purchase or treaty.

This encroachment, not-

withstanding the repeated Remonstrances of the Natives

and the

Proclamations of the Governour of the adjacent Colony, could not but highly irritate the original proprietors against our people; espe-

Many

cially,

at so critical a time.

intent

upon Gain, right or wrong,

sell

of

our Colony-traders also,

them

spirituous Liquors;

and

COLONY OF CHARLOTINA

157

making them drunk, cheat, defraud and over-reach them in Is it any wonder then, that these poor Indians when exasperated to the highest degree by such injustice and bad usage, endeavour by what methods they can, to do themselves justice, and after

bargains.

maintain their natural rights?

Thus

it is

that a parcel of Sharpers, the scandal and disgrace of

our Colonies, observing neither law nor equity, occasion general mischief.

For,

by

[57]

these their shameful low practices, they

provoke the Indians, who, if discreetly used, would keep treaties as strictly as we do; but when exasperated by such glaring injustice, are of all men the most revengeful and cruel.

The French, who neglect no means of securing their interest and power wherever they have footing, are careful to gain the affection of these hidians: And, according to their superior dexterity in address and civiUty of usage, they are more successful than we, in procuring and retaining their friendship. They are at the utmost pains, by religious and matrimonial ties, and by whatever methods their art and cunning can suggest, to engage them firmly to their interest: Whereby they manage them to their own mind, and find great account in so doing.

How

highly imprudent and impolitick, therefore, it is, thus to and provoke these natives, may be known from the melancholy accounts from these parts, for some months past. These unjustifiable pro- [58] ceedings afford very plausible arguments to the French Jesuits and Priests, who, like Satan, whose creatures they are, love to fish in muddy waters, and are ever rambling in these parts, to create jealousies and suspicions; widen breaches however occainjure

—

sioned; inflame the revengeful spirits of these cruel savages,

they

still

whom

abuse; and in short, to persuade them, that our design

is,

and take possession of the whole country: A notion, with which they seem to have been strongly impressed of late; but by whom, is no mystery. to expel all the natives,

But, to get free of a vexatious, fatiguing, inconvenient Indian war, however or by whomsoever raised, it is to be wished, some effectual method were taken to compromise the present differences by a fair and equitable treaty; to prevent our people, particularly the Colonytraders,

from abusing and injuring them;

to deal fairly,

and as much

as possible, maintain a strict inviolable friendship with them; to

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

158

execute the laws impartially against those [59] that happen to injure them; and, chiefly, to search out, with rewards for discovery, and

make public examples of, these plagues of society, disturbers of mankind, and constant source of mischief to us in these parts, whatever Jesuits, Monks, Priests, o'c. can be apprehended any where throughout the whole country eastward from the Mis sis ip pi

and

Ibenille.

What might be the most effectual way of managing so as to

have

—

lasting peace

these Indians,

and good neighbourhood with them

in time

a very material consideration. Some are of opinion, that, on account of their insufferable repeated treachery, and the infinite mischief they have done us for many years past; not only war, but extirpatioji of some of the most unruly of these tribes, is

coming,

is

necessary.

Others,

— that

we ought

to keep

muskets and powder

from them altogether.

But both

these are liable to objections.

of the country; the large

woods,

incumbrances throughout almost

For, the

immense extent

mountains and other the whole of it; the Indian

rivers, lakes, [60]

on war, in small parties, by stolen marches, unexpected attacks upon our sparse defenceless Plantations, and suddenly retreating thro' woods impassable by our people; cannot but render a u^ar with them most difficult to us, and extirpation next to impossible. Nor would this method, tho' easy and actually practiced, be found to answer the end. For, w^hile any of these tribes remained, the out-parts of our Settlements w^ould still be ex-posed to their cruelty and fury, and in danger of being perpetually harassed. Neither could we, in many years, people the territories of any of these Nations that might be thus extirpated. Besides, That of extirpation, however agreeable and common to the cruel Spaniards, is a method by which, it is hoped, the humane generous Britons will never chuse

method

of carrying

—

to extend their dominions.

WiTHOLDiNG gun-powder and fire-arms from them, would ceroccasion heavy complaints, and exasperate them exceedingly. The French too, would not [61] only improve such refusal, tainly

and represent

it

as a strong argument, to incense the whole tribes

from them the necessary instruments of their game, food, trade, and war; but would find ways and means, while against us, as keeping

they have

any

interest in that Continent, to furnish

them with these

m\

COLONY OF CHARLOTINA much

implements, as

to their

own advantage

159

in trade

and other ways,

as to our loss.

But

tho* these,

and other such

forcible measures,

may

be im-

proper for gaining over people of so cruel revengeful tempers, as they are in their present Pagan state; yet there are certainly some methods, if carefully pursued, would be found effectual. Besides justice in dealing, and discreet fair usage, we ought, principally, to endeavour cmilizing them. The most effectual way of accompKshing this, would be, using all due pains to teach them our

which,

language,

—and,

—

chiefly, to instill into

true Religion: [62]

shame and

The

Which we have

them the

principles of the

hitherto neglected, equally to our

loss.

Spaniards make more useful subjects and friends in South-

America and elsewhere, by their missionaries than by their soldiers; and more faithful too: For, of all obligations, these from Religion J

must be the most firm and

One

reason,

among

lasting.

why

others,

the natives shew more favour,

and are more firmly attached to the French than to us, is manifestly this: Because many of them, by the indefatigable diligence of their Priests, are proselyted to the Catholic faith.

The impious freedoms, indeed, gross absurties [sic] and blasphemous most sacred

whereby the French endeavour and work up their indignation against us, are shocking, and altogether unworthy the Christian name. Besides their common maxim, of keeping no faith or promises made to those differing from them in religion, they are at great pains to make these Natives believe the most absurd stories and [63] falsehoods, the very naming of which would be disagreeable to Christian ears: Such as, that our Saviour was a Frenchman, and the English those that crucified him, b'c. By these, and other scandalous abuses, which scarcely any other Nation on earth would dare to attempt, instead of teaching them Divine Truth, they debauch and deprave them make them still more faithless, treacherous and cruel; extinguish any notions of morality that the light of Nature furnishes; and in short render them seven-fold more the children of the Devil than before. But still, this makes the duty more necessary, of endeavouring to ^ree these our poor abused fellow-creatures and neighbours from the

prostitution of the to engage

them

truths,

to their interest,

—

;

»atal

impositions of these arch-deceivers, who, from base selfish views.

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

i6o

thus defy the

Arm

scruple to pervert

and ruin the

of

Omnipotence, prostitute Religion, make no

and mislead by the grossest

souls of

many

lies

upon

all

occasions,

thousands.

[64] Not to mention the Honour of our Nation, King, Church and Government, and other motives yet more noble; this, even from poHt-

ical considerations,

The

claims our sincere regard.

national ad-

vantages that would acrue to us from thence, cannot be told. the light of the Gospel planted

among

the ferocity of their tempers be removed; their Lives and polished;

and the Souls

of

many

By

these poor Heathens, would

saved.

Manners

Instead of Jealousies,

Hatred, Diffidence, Insurrections, and Hostilities, they would love

and reverence us as

their spiritual Deliverers,

and Guides: would

be fond to imitate us in polite fashions and ci\dlized manners would use apparel; build and live in towns and villages; cultivate lands; :

and, thro' time, study Arts and Sciences. idle

wanderers, they would

make a

Finally, instead of being

great addition of ver^' useful

Subjects to the British Empire.

Then might we expect, with much more reason

than in the present

neighbourhood with them: Ju- [65] stice in dealings; a closQ lasting friendship; mutual affection and confidence; and their chearful ready assistance when wanted. situation, peaceable

The most effectual way of obtaining and securing these advantages by them, is, to instruct them carefully in the Knowledge of the true God; the immortality of the Soul a future State of rewards and punishments; the nature, usefulness and necessity of Truth, Justice, Uprightness and other moral Virtues, wdth the turpitude and danger

—

;

of their contrary Vices, o^c.

This would be the most glorious Conquest we ever made in A merica and a suitable return of gratitude to our God, who of late gave us so many Victories there, and such large Dominions. In case of attempting this worthy Design (and would to God it were attempted) we never had such promising views of Success as ;

now.

For,

supposing the present differences with

the

Natives

accommodated, and peace restored, 'tis hoped we [66] shall take care not to be any more pestered with the French Jcsuites, t'c. in these

— Again, how favourable

for such a design is it, that a Prince eminent Goodness, and possessed of all the amiable \'irtucs, now fills the British Throne! A Prince, who would rejoice to be the

parts.

of such

—

flfii

COLONY OF CHARLOTINA

i6i

Instrument of sending the Light of God's Word to so many thouhuman species, sunk in the woeful darkness of Heathenish

sands of the

Ignorance, or abused

by nominal

—whose principal aim

Christians, but falsely so called:

God whom he serves, and the good of Mankind whom he loves: A Prince, against whom the wanton opposition of selfish designing Men, must be as wicked and odious, as his disinterested truly patriotick Views and endeavours for the weKare and happiness of all his Subjects, are remarkable: A

A

Prince,

is,

the Glory of

—

Prince, as well qualified as disposed to bring us to the ^^ra of the

and FeUcity that Britain ever enjoyed; if, turning and [67] abusing the greatest Mercies, and most distinguished privileges that any Nation on earth ^^q do not, peevishly, and with unparalleled is favoured with, perversity, provoke Heaven to withdraw the numerous Blessings now highest Glory

precious Liberty into Licentiousness,

in our offer.

To

conclude:

— Seeing

the late war, which was chearfully gone

by the whole Nation; prosecuted by Measures as v-isely concerted as vigorously executed; maintained by a steady firmness, and at vast expence; is at length happily terminated by a peace, the most advantageous to us of any ever made betwLxt the two Nations, and

into

—

which,

if

but as carefully improved, as its improvement is easy, may more glorious, powerful and wealthy, than in any

render Britain

former period:

It is hoped, that those in power, particularly the

Lords of Trade and Plantations, vnH join our most excellent, amiable, virtuous,

and truly worthy Sovereign, and use

all

proper methods,

timeously and effectually to accompHsh a matter of such importance

and general concern: that the [68] now extensive British Dominions, by the blessing of the Most High, who has done such great and marvellous things for us, may henceforth flourish and prosper, under the mild, auspicious and happy Reign of His Majesty and of his Royal Descendents, as the Guardians of Liberty, and Defenders of the true Religion in these our Realms,

Dominions

shall

till

be no more.

FINIS

earthly

Kingdoms and

CHAPTER

IV

THE JOURNAL OF M. DABBADIE,

1

763-1 764

—

The French Do Everything to Assist the British Talks with Indians The Care of the Posts News from the Illinois Doubt as to the Concession to Spain British Officers in New Orleans The Expedition to the Illinois The Cont>uct of M.

— —

—

—

—

—

Pittman.

Journal of Dabbadie, 1763—1764^ [A.N.,

C, C^A43: 249-282

— C]

Journal de M*" Dabbadie Commissaire General de la Marine,

Ordonnat^ a La Louisianne

[juillet,

il

amve

ici

differens Chefs des

nations Sauvages

1763]

Vis

Je .

^^'^

Pendant

,

1

Sauvages, les

houmas,

les

r

Courant de ce

le

j

j-xr

^^^ ^^^^^ ^^' differentes nations les Bilaxis, les

chetimachas,

Chactas, Les arkan^as, et les Natches, toutes ces

[Translation]

Journal of

M. Dabbadie, commissary

general of the marine

and

ordonnateur of Louisiana.

[July, 1763]

_ There

I arrive here different

rK:^fo «* Chiefs of !, the

*•

„ savage nations

^1

saw during the course 1

•

r

r

of this

the chiefs of several savage ^ nations: the Biloxi, the Chitimacha, the

Choctaw, the Quapaw, and the

the

month

i

Natchez —

all

these

Huma, nations,

Extracts of this very interesting journal are printed in De Villiers du Terrace's Louisiane franqaise, 177 et seq., but upon comparison with the original, his transcript proved very faulty and there air[)oarcd to be many editorial moditkations. The journal is most imf)ortant for the history of the whole Mississippi Valley, but it is impossible to publish in this place more than those extracts which concern the Illinois country. The only insertions are the dates in brackets, which have been taken from omitted portions. \

162

JOURNAL OF DABBADIE, AUGUST,

1763

163

nations amies et attachees aux frangois venoient a la nouvelle Orleans

Couroient Parmi

Sur la Cession d'une on aux Espagnols.^ Je fis Passer a La jMobile un batteau J»envois a la Mobile pour Tremsporter ici L art"® ordres frette Pour Commencer L'Evacuation dans les Postes Pour L'Evacua- et TEnlevement de L'artillerie. ^^^ Les ordres furent donnes dans les differens Postes Pour qu'on Si disposat a L'Evacuation, nos p""^ depeches pour les islinois Partirent le 15 par le Na^° La Jeanne qui des arkanfois devoit aller a pied aux ilinois.^ S'eclercir des Bruits qui

La

partie do

Loiiisianne

aux Anglois

elles

et disoit

Aoust 1763.

Le Nouvelle des

2 de ce mois nous aprimes par les .,. , , j^. -i i lettres des liinois tons les details des

ilinois

,

.

,

,

mouvemens des Sauvages Contre les anglois qui les ont attaque au detour M"^ de Neyon envoy a a ce sujet une grande Relation

et defes

[Translation] friends of,

and attached

the French,

to,

informed concerning the rumors current

came to New Orleans to be among them of the cession

of part of Louisiana to the English, and, it is said, to the Spaniards.^

I sent to Mobile a chartered bateau send to Mobile to have trans- ^^ commence the evacuation and to ported here the artillery; orders ^, ^ ^.,, remove^ the artillery. Orders ^vere to the posts to be evacuated given in the different posts that I

,

preparations be

made

Our first dispatches for by the na""^ [A La Jeanne; the Illinois by foot."

for the evacuation.

the Illinois were sent on the fifteenth

who

will

go from the Arkansas to

August, 1763 The second of

this month has brouizht ^^ r ^1 thn "II us by letters from the Ilhnois all the

_

News from

the Illinois

details of the

1

movements

1

of the savages against the English.

have attacked and defeated them by trickery. long account of this to

M. de

M.

de

They

Villicrs sent a

Kerlercc which he promised me.

It

was

was not ready to take over Louisiana immediately, its ccs-^ion by France was kept secret for some time, l>en Dabbadie remained in (loul)t until September 9, 1764. See post, 198. Villiers du Tcrrage, Louisiane jrau^aisc, 150. *

'

Since Spain

Translation very doubtful.

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

i64

de Kerlerec qu'il m'a Promis Le Bruit Etoit Commun id que cette relation etoit exageree qu'on vouloit Se faire Valoir et Prolonger son Sejour dans le poste. 11 partit dans les i" Jours de ce mois dep^ d'un Convoy Pour les ^.^^ Battcaux qui Portoient avec Le

M'

a

P^

Duplicata de Nos

depeches nos

Seconds et differens approvisionnem[ent] qu'on jugea necessaire aux ilinois. M"" de Cabaret Cap"° des n"^ comp^^ destine a remplacer

aux

.

va Command^ v.a oi de Cabaret M' uc

partit en

aux Arkansas

Le 8

Le

Arkang-as ...

jYi

Moncherveau

S'

-n c j Terns Pour Se rendre

* meme

n^

o j a Sa destination. .•

.•

a

je fis

M' Le Gouvemeur

L'intention de le

representation

les

Cour etant devacuer

les

Suivantes.

Postes d'en diminuer

les

garnison et de les reduire a Tabsolu representation Pour diminuer la ^ necessaire , ^ ^

., i

.

^ Par

,

,

,,-r.,

,

,

lEtat de , Reviie qui m avoit ete envoye des ilinois qu'il restoit dans ce Poste 196 hommes de garnison que dans le plus fort de la guerre il n'y avoit jamais eu que 100 hommes .

gamison des Postes

observe

,

,

.

,

.

[Translation]

rumor here that

current

wished to

^ Departtire

this

account was exaggerated and that he

make himself of value and

to prolong his sojourn in the post.

There of a

convoy for the

^^ month

Illinois

set out r five

on the ^

i

dupUcates of our seconds,

days of

first

this

i. j ^t. bateaux which carried the ^

•

•

dispatches, our

first

and the supplies of various kinds, which are judged necessary

for the Dlinois.

M. „ ^ M.de Cabaret goes as command^

,

ant to the

at the

On tions. -.

Arkansas

same time to reach the eighth I

made

j

.

..•

j

1

his destination.

to the governor the following representa-

Since the intention of the court was to evacuate the posts, ,

Representations to diminish the garrisons at the posts

to diminish the garrisons, ^ ^ u *

^,

,

^^^^^ ^^ '^'^^^

and

to reduce

.

1

'^

1

absolutely nccessar>',

I observed from the condition of the had been sent to me from the Illinois that there remained post one hundred and ninety-six men in garrison, where in the

review that in that

de Cabaret, captain of the new

-mcompames, destmed ^to replace iAL Moncherveau at the Arkansas set out

JOURNAL OF DABBADIE, AUGUST,

1763

165

mon observation et j'Ecrivis avec M' Le Gouvemeur une lettre Commune Pour Renvoyer ici 06 hommes et des officiers a proportions, mais M' de Kerlerec en donnant cet ordre voulut y ajouter la restriction de laisser M^ de Neyon ie ^laitre de gamison au plus on eut Egard a

de garder Cet exedent de troupes en cas qu'il Ie Jugeat necessaire attendu les mouvemens des Sauvages, comme je n'Etois Pas aussi

Persuade que lui que ces mouvemens exigeassent une garnison aussi nombreuse je trouve la restriction tres inutile il etoit bien plus aventageux de songer a diminuer les depenses Excessives de ce poste. je fis la meme Observation au sujet des Natches dont la gamison etoit de 36 hommes, on decida que cette , . j •. v Je demande L'Evacuation des gamison seroit reduite a 15 hommes . .

.

.

.

,

.

Jj

seulement, j'etois d'avis qu'on Evacuat Ce poste dont les Batimens Licites tombent entierement en ruine et Ceux des fortifications ne sont Pas beaucoup meilleurs, en prenant ce parti on Craignoit quelques impertinances de la part des chic.

qui pourroient Bruler

[sic]

qu'auroient

Pu

le reste

faire les anglois

de Ces ouvrages et

reproches

les

a Ce Sujet, jaquiessai a ces raisons on

[Translation]

war there were never more than one hundred men at the Regard was paid to my observations and I wrote, with the

height of

most.

governor, a

common

letter

with orders to send back here ninety-sLx

men and officers in proportion; but M. de desired that there be

added to

Villiers to retain this excess of

it

Kerlerec in gi\ing this order

M.

the restriction permitting

troops in case he judged

on account of the movements of the savages.

de

necessary

it

Since I was not so

persuaded as he that these movements demand the maintenance of such a garrison, I think the restriction

much more advantageous expenses of this post.

I

is

very useless.

would be

It

to consider the restriction of the excessive

made

the same observation on the subject

of the Natchez, the garrison of which I j^

demand .

the evacuation of the

,

^1

•

^

•

was tmrty-six men.

Ti.

It

j

that this garrison be reduced to

men

only.

I

was

which are not much

there are feared

1

1

lit

teen

of the opinion that they should evacuate this post,

the lawful buildings of which are entirely fallen in ruins fortifications of

•

was decided

better.

If this

some impertinences on the part

and the followed

advice

is

of the

Chickasaw

1

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

66

au

S'en tint

en Consequence

p®' avis les ordres furent donnes,

je fis

monter deux batteaux aux Natches qui devoient Tremsporter L'arf'® du fort et les autres Effets du Roy a La pointe Coupee, on devoit Seulement reserver au fort 2 pieces de Canons. Le senau le Bilbao ayant decharge

les Effets

du Roy

il

Pas de L'Envoyer a La Mobile. nouveaux Arrengemens.

sort

[sic]

permetant

tirant d'eau ne

Je decide de

garder

le

ici

Jusqu'a de

Janvier 1764.

es

°

le detail

...

Le

1.

Commande Par

1

des Lettres de

j'ai

Contant frete Pour

Roy

re^u de arrive

Sur

la

un Batteau des

arriva

il

M' de Neyon

au sujet des anglois.^ sur les No"^^ que le

5

le S'"

les dispositions

Cour Par

ici le

[blmik in

ilinois

Girardeau, voir

le V^"^

MS.]

des Sauvages

Particulier le x^""^

pour

faire

[Translation]

who might burn the rest of these works, and the consequent reproach which the English might make. I consented for these reasons. The first opinion was maintained, and orders were sent. Consequently two bateaux to the Natchez to transport the artillery from the and the other property of the king to Pointe Coupee. Only two pieces of cannon are to be kept at the fort. When the vessel Bilbao unloaded the king's goods, it drew too much water to send it

I sent fort

to

Mobile

;

so I kept

it

here until the

new arrangements.

January, 1764

News from the

On Illinois

the

from the

fifth,

Girardot: see the details in the letters of positions of the

there arrived a bateau

Illinois

M.

commanded by AL de de

Villiers

on the

dis-

savages towards the English.^

In consequence of the news which I have received from the court by the special vessel, Lc Contant, chartered for the king, arriving ^

Printed ante, 49.

JOURNAL OF DABBADIE, JANUARY,

1764

167

publier la paix, je pris des arrengemens en Consequence et je fixe

jour au 8 de

Ce

le

mois.

Arrivee d'un Batteau anglois au

^

Le 18 un Batteau anglois de la Mobile arnva au ^ Bayou avec 10 nommes et 3. .

,

officiers

je

en permis TEntree,

leur

Le Batteau que Le Commandant Anglois qui monte aux ilinois avoit destine a porter la garnison des Natches devoit etre tremsporte Par terre du Bayou dans le Mississipi, je ne voulu pas pas paroitre y refuser

mon agrement Par

I'impossibilite de L'Entreprise, le

Sera oblige de sen retourner

Comme

il

Batteau

est venu.

Le 20 je permis a L'Officier anglois qui ... ,. Les anglois expedient une vol^ est ici pour disposer les aprets des 1, n ture pour la Bahse ^• a n ^'ir Batteaux du Convoy d Expedier ,

,

une

Voiture Pour

Troupes aux

qu'ils

Plutot informe de L'arrivee des

la Balise afin d'etre

attendent Par L'Embouchure du Mississipi Pour aller

ilinois.

[Translation]

December, instructing me to have the peace made arrangements and selected the eighth of this month

here the [blank in published, I

MS.]

of

for the day.

On

the eighteenth, an English bateau j *r -.i -«t from Mobile arrived at the t_ bayou with ^ ten men and three officers. I permitted them to enter. The bateau which the English commandant, who is going to ascend to the Illinois, had selected to carry the garrison for the Natchez must be transported by land from the bayou to the Mississippi. I do not wish to appear to refuse my consent to this arrangement, but on account of the impossibility of the undertaking, the bateau will be obliged to return the way it came.

Arrival of

an English bateau at

e

be better informed about the arrival of the troops the Illinois Mississippi.

and arc expected

to

come by way

of

in order to

who are to ^o to the mouth of the

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

i68

Nouvelle de I'arivee des anglois

a

-

„ Balise ,.

la

Le 23 ^ Pour

...

.

.

amve

.

.

ici

fleuve

le

•

rr

^

anglois

Loft as

ilinois ISI^

commander dans

destine a -n,

4.

•'

un Batiment

gamison des

partie de la

commander aux

Loff' qui doit ilinois

•

la Balise revient

dans qui amenoit id une

Batteau qui avoit Ete expedie ^ td v ayant tirouve

le 1

ce Poste et /-.

-

^

j

Plusieurs autres oinciers prontant de ^

Cette Occasion pour monter a

la ville,

en mettant Pied a terre ils vienrent ches moy, Le lendemain 24 je leur donne a Diner, apres dine je fis Passer M' Loftus dans mon Loftus Dolsay et Pitinan autre officier Cabinet en presence de

M"

anglois je lui

Par M^ Aubry les Lettres de De Neyon et tout Ce qu'il me

et interpreter

lire

fis

M*^

Communique au commandant ^larque de particuHer sur tout ce c" -nqui a rapport aux Sauvaores illmois „ Sauvages jj x^ uennn je lui dis combien je desu-ois qu vi il se rendit dans ce Poste qu'il etoit tous les jours plus interessent d'Evacuer Pour les interets du Roy, je Saisiray, toute les facilites qui dependront de moy pour accelerer I'Expedition de leur Bat-

je

tout ce que je Sgai des anglois *^

.

•

.

-

•

^

•

•

•

[Translation]

On News

of the arrival of the

Eng-

f v X xt- r> 1lish at the Balise vessel

the twenty-third the bateau which

-or ^ j had been .^+4.1, sent to the Balise returned ,. after finding m the nver an English 1

,

^

.

which was bringing here a part of the garrison for the

command

Illinois.

and several other officers who have profited by this occasion to ascend to the town came to my house upon their arrival. On the ,, The officer who is to command 4.V4. c ^ux

M.

Loftus, sent to

at that post,

4.

.

^-

-„.

.

.

next day, -^* the twenty^ fourth, I p;ave r, ^

,

in the Illmois arrives here

>

them a

dinner.

After the dinner, I

had M. Loftus come to my office; in the presence of MM. Loftus, Dolsay, and Pittman, another English officer, I had read to him and interpreted by M. Aubry the letters of M. de Villiers, containing all the information he has given savages; finally I told

me

particularly in regard to the Illinois

him how much since

I

communicate

commandant savages

to the English

all I

know

of the

I desired that

it

was daily

^^ evacuate ^

.,,

,,

it .,

of

he go to this post,

more importance

for the king's interests, .... . ,• u j j

1 will use all the facilities which

upon me

depend

to hasten the departure of

JOURNAL OF DABBADIE, JANUARY, teau, je

fis

cesser tous les

Travaux du Roy pour

1764

169

leur procurer plus

d'ou\Tiers.

Le 26

destine le S' de

je

E^edition pour

les

Lagrand Cour pour

aller servir

aux

arkangas sous les ordres de M'' De ^^^^^^^ ^ j^ pj^^^ ^^ ^^, ^^ ^^^^^^

Arkansas

fis expedier un batteau aux arkangas et y Porter divers approvisionnem[ens]

qui doit revenir continuer ses Ser\dces, je

pour

aller

Pour Le Poste.

Le 30 Jexpedie un Batteau Pour les ' j j mj ilinois dont je donne le Commandement au S' Dolsay, il monta avec Lui un demi b^" commande Par le S' Lefevre. J'adresse des ordres a M^ de Neyon sur L'Evacuation des Postes qu'il commande, j'ai Duplicata de mes Lettres Par ^. x j t ^ remis dans ce ^ Batteau Le duplicata de mes depeches pour etre envoyes

les ilinois pour Expedition *^ ^

•

4.

.

-

*^

•

/->

1

,

-

des Arkansas par Terre aux ilinois.

[Translation] their bateaux.

I stopped all

more workmen

for

On

work

for the king in order to procure

them.

the twenty-sixth I sent

M.

de la Grandcour to the Ar-

kansas to serve imder the orders of

„

Expedition for the Arkansas

Buetet

who

is

-»tj/^u M. de Cabaret4.'m

tth-j M. de

1

place of

going to return to continue his ser\aces.

a bateau to the Arkansas to carry there various

I sent

provisions for

the post.

_

The

i^xpedition to the Illinois

tit

M. Dolsay. M. Lefebvre. to

•,

,.

thirtieth I sent a ^i

commandj

bateau to the r

l-

1

which

t

1 gave There goes up with him a half-bateau commanded by

Imnois, the

I sent orders to

l^uphcates of my letters sent via the Arkansas

AL

de

Villiers

of

concerning the evacua-

tion of the post which he commands, ^ .1 c ^ ^^"^ ^" ^^^ bateau the duphcatcs of

.-.ii.

my by land from the Arkansas to the

ji-.

dispatches wliich were to be sent Illinois.

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

I70

fevrier 1764 7 les anglois me demanderent ,. ,,,-, \t -.r^ -n iline Voif^^ pour la Balise d Expedier ^ ,, pour Sgavoir des no^^^ d un Bngantin qui etant moiiille troupe a L'Entree du fleuve avoit ete de charge gros vent, voiture le rencontra a 15 Lieiies Par Cette Large le au jette p^'" Batiment egalement un charge de troupes etoit fleuve. dans le devant la no^^^ Orleans jour-la je le fis amarer sur la Ce remonte Rive droite du fleuve au dessus de ,,.„ mouvemens d'un second Transr^ ^

Le

Les anglois demandent d'En^ .. voyer a la Balise

i

,

.

,

.

anglois discipline,

qui

ce

•

pre\Tiis

Pour

qu'il

se preparent Poiir le voyage

Du les

le

^

Commandant

donna ordre avec

a ete Execute,

ils

S'occupent

de leur voyage aux

des dispositions ils

.

-r^

1

je

la Ville,

la plus Exacte

,,

.,.

14 hier et aujourd'huy etoit descendu des voitures des

nouvelles que

M'apprend

M'

ilinois

de Neyon sont Tres inquietantes

[Translation]

February, 1764

The English demand permission d

t

B

th

t

On

the seventh the

..

^

,

Enghsh demanded ,

^^.1

-r.T

permission to send a boat to the Bahse

li

in order to obtain

news

of a brigantine

loaded with troops which had, in casting anchor in the entrance of

by a great wind.

the river, been driven into the open sea will

meet

up the river. has arrived this day before

it fifteen

with troops,

fast

Movements

of a

A first

leagues

second trans-

^

,

New Orleans.

^,

lish

I

had

loaded

it

.,,

*.!

village.

commandant to give orders They are busy with

the strictest discipline, which he has done.

_ They prepare

On

preparations for the

voyage

for

the

for

the

voyage to the

.,.,.

the fourteenth, yesterday,

boats from the Illinois.

make

bank of the river j t? ^ I warned the Eng-

to the right

above the

This boat

vessel, likewise

and today, there descended some

The news which M. de

Villicrs

sends

mc

is

JOURNAL OF DABBADIE, FEBRUARY, Pour

1764

les sauvages •I'^.i

lui,

le

171

\'isitent

souvent Par detachem*tj de 20 et^.j de 30 il faut leur donner quelque chose, ou Courir les risques de leur menaces, Nouvelles des

les

ilinois

Sauvages ont

leurs [blank in

.-r,

tire le siege

du

fort

du

gamison au detroit

est

Du .

satisfait

dans

me

marque.^

27 les anglois qui disposoient •

depuis

i

le

•

mois

les ilinois

Tres

retirer

les anglois, leur

de 400 horames suiv^ ce qu'on

Depart des anglois pour les ....

ete

pour Se

detroit

J/5.],maison en augurePas mieux pour

j^r d*'^

ici

r>

i

Convois pour

leurs

Sont partis aujourdhuy,

de Leur Exactitude a Contenir leurs troupes,

j'ai

il

ne

Pas passe ici la moindre petite chose qui m'ait donne lieu de m'en plaindre quoy que j'usse lieu d'Etre Tranquille Sur les entreprises que les anglois avoient Pu Tenter ici, lorsqu'ils ont ete rassembles dans leur Batteau Sur la Rive droite du fleuve j'ai fait doubler la garde pendant la nuit aux Postes Sur la levee du fleuve, J'avois aporte L'CEconomie de L'habitation du Roy Pour m'informer Par un Signal S'est

[Translatiofi]

very disquieting to him:

News from

the Illinois

Detroit

four hundred

the savages

him m companies ofr twenty and thirty, and it is necessary that he give them something or run the risk of their threats. The savages have \sithdra\\Ti from the siege of Fort Detroit and have retired to their [blank in MS.\ but one should not augur better things for the English from that. The garrison at is

^ Departure

•^-

•

are visitmg

men

i

according to

•

•

•

my

information.^

The twenty-seventh, of the English for the

,

,

•

have been preparing

jjj^^.

the

Illinois since last

the EngUsh, ^.u

who

•

their

convoys

tor

month, departed

have been very well satisfied with their care to restrain their troops. There has not happened here the least Uttle thing that has given me cause to complain. Although I might have had reason to be tranquil about the undertakings that the En^Ush could have today.

I

attempted here, when they were quartered in their bateaux on the right

bank

*The

have the guard redoubled on the river stationed the steward of the royal house

of the river, I did

levee during the night, letter

from De

and

Villiers

I

has not been found.

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

172

de deux Coups de fusils du moindre r ru laire, mouvement qu ils auroient t> on faisoit bon quart a Bord de la flute

Precaution centre leur entre-

le

Salomon ou

il

y

avoit Plusieurs

ces precautions ont ete

,.,

.

•

Canons charges a

heureusement

inutiles,

mais

•

4.

mitraille, toutes

elles etoient

neces-

pendant leur Sejour ici, il leur est deserte 20 hommes, on compte qu'avent Leur arrivee a la Pointe Coupee le nombre en sera plus considerable, ces gens sont Effrayes des difficultes du Trajet et des craintes des sauvages quelques officiers ne sont Pas plus rassures; Pour eviter les discutions et terminer les differens qui Pourroient survenir du Passage de ce Convoy d'ici a la pointe Coupee, j'ai ' ^. Je destine un off®*^ pour les -n c^r r ' ' destme le s'r Baurang er * ^ on^'^ reforme et accompagn^"^ a la pointe coupee interprete de la Langue angloise Pour les accompagner jusqu'a la Pointe Coupee et m'informer de tout Ce qui ce Passera pendant cette Routte. J'ai fait au Major Loffeteur qui Commande ce Convoy toutes les representations que je devois saires.

Quelque exacte qu'est ete

la discipline des anglois

,

1

4.

[Translation]

'.

me by a signal r ^^ ^ gunshots of the least move^^° undertakings ment that they might make. Watch was kept on the transport Salomon where there were several cannon so that he could inform

Precautions concerning their

.

^

^^

loaded with grape shot.

,

^

j_

All these precautions were happily useless,

but they were necessary.

In spite of the severe discipline maintained by the EngUsh during their sojourn here, twenty men have deserted. expected that before they arrive at Pointe Coupee, the

number

These people are frightened at the difficulties of the passage and are afraid of the savages; some of the officers are not much more reassured. In order to avoid dij05culties, and to . put an end to the disputes ^

will

be considerably greater.

.

send an oflScer to accompany them to Pointe Coupee

1

,

.

,

1

•

.,

^^'^^ "^^^ ^^^^' ^^'^^ ^^^ P^^'^^^ of this convoy from here to Pomte Coupee, I have sent M. Baurans, oflficer on half pay and interpreter of the Enghsh language, to accompany them as far as Pointe Coupee, and to inform memorialized care that

1

i

•

1

It is

\

me

of all that takes place during this journey.

Major Loftus who commands

he should exercise in restraining his

I

convoy upon the troops from molesting

this

JOURNAL OF DABBADIE, FEBRUARY, habitations

les

j'en ai

173

sur Son Exactitude a contenir ses gens pendant la Routte

lui faire

Sur

1764

prevenu

les

le

long du fleuve.

Commandans

il

ma

promis d'y avoir Egard

des Postes frang:ois Par ou

il

doit

Passer suivant L'Etat qu'on m'en a ines representations sur la dis... ., J u •

i.

cipline quils doivent

,

,

,,

donne,

ils

'

observer

.,.

^ ^ montent aux

,

.

ilinois

dans onze

Batteaux avec 360 hommes compris 17 20 femmes et 28 enfants et quelques Domestiques ce qui fait en tout a peu pres 420 a 430 Personnes, on Specule ici pour et Contre Sur leur Voyage le plus grand nombre pensent quils ne Parviendront pas

Qj^fers

aux

autant Par la difficulte du ^j t -n m ^^ P^^ "^^ Precaution quils ont Prises et Lembaras de leur Bateaux,

Differens sentimens sur la

ReussitedeCe Voyage que par

les

ilinois •

1

c^^^"'"'

oppositions de

La Part

des Sauvages.

Du 29 je Tcgus une deputation des Sauvages Pascagolas ils massurerent de Leur attachement aux frangois et me dirent que si les anglois les inquietoient ils me demanderent a Deputation des Pascagolas

_,

^

.,

•

r

•

Passer bur Les possessions frangoises,

mais qu'ils allerent rester ou

ils

etoient

Pour voir tout Ce qui

se passe-

[Translation]

He

the inhabitants along the river.

take care of that.

My representations concerning the discipline that they ought to

me

has promised

^,

^^'

observe

^

.

^^^^

^^^ 2^""^°

^P

in eleven boats with

and sixty men, besides seventeen

three hundred

of this

opinions on the result ^,.

as the route, the

^,

,

.,,

^^"^^ ^^^^

journey

in regard

The greatest number

to their journey.

.

•

women, twenty-eight hundred and twenty to

and some serv^ants, in all, some four hundred and thirty persons. There is speculation here

„ Various

th-

^1

^^ ^^^ Illmois

officers, thirty

children,

four

that he will

commandants in the French posts by which they must pass according to ^^^ ^^^ ^f ^^^^ that has been given to

I warned the

^

, ,,

.

,,,.

.

™^ ^°^ ^^"^'^ ^^ ^^^ Ilhnois,

much on account

of the difficulty of

few precautions which they have taken, and the impedi-

ment due to their boats as from the opposition of the savages. T^nrv * X. , ^ AJeputation of the Pascagoula ,

,

On ,

the ,

,.

twenty-ninth

deputation

They assured me >f

of their

the English disturbed

/

of

^

received

I ,

Pascagoula

^

a

,.

Indians.

attachment to the French and told me that

them they would ask me

for permission to

174

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

roit qu'ils

Seroient Exats a m'en informer,

Tranquiles et a regarder les anglois qui N'auroient attente

je les

comme nos

Pas Lieu de S'en plaindre, cependant

se passoit quelque chose qui tandit

il

nous unit

ils

Exhortai a Vivres

freres je les aussurai

contra

si

a Troubler

mon

La paix

qui

m'en donner a\ds Sur Le Champ Je Les Leurs fis delivrer deux presens qui Leurs

feroient bien de

renvoye Con tans et je etoient dus.

Je regus des nouvelles des arkangas, ^• cr r^ -u -o ie S' Cabaret me marque qu ime PartxC

„

N"® des arkangas Leur paix

i

avec les osages

>

*.

,

des

r.

^

Sauvages des

^ Osages

y

etoient

venu aporter un Calumet de pais et un Colier de porcelaine demandant la Paix avec les frangois et les arkangas, ramenant meme pour la sincerite de Leur demande plusieurs chevreux [sic] qu'ils Leurs avoient voles Le S*" Cabaret apres Leurs avoir reproche qu'ils avoient Souvent fait de Pareilles Promesses qu'ils N'avoient Pas tenues, Sur les W^^ assurances qu'ils donnoient de Se la Paix, et leur

donna quelques

mieux conduire

les

refut bien

petites choses, Suivant le

fit

Raport de

]

i i

[Translation]

French possessions, but that they were going to remain where they were in order to see what would take place, conceming which they would be prompt in informing me. I exhorted them to live peacefully and to look upon the English as our brothers. cross over to the

I

assured

trary to

them that there would be no cause

to complain.

If con-

my expectations, however, there should take place some event

that

might disturb the peace that united

give

me

information immediately.

us,

they would do well to

them away content and

I sent

had given to them two presents that were due to them. __

News from the Arkansas; peace with the Osage

their

I received news from the Arkansas. ^ ^r r^ ^. c x^i. ^-

laBalise

Le 25 a 2 heures apres midi les Bateaux j ^^ convoy anglois mirent en derive Pour Se rendre a la Balise, le command' ,

t

•

•

•

x.

[Translation] of

French manufacture,

tafia,

sugar,

and

coffee into

Mobile and

Pensacola.

There

is

entered today and moored at the levee a French boat, Le

Vainqueur, Captain Collet, which comes from Return of the English convoy

Havana with ballast. On

the twenty-second the English convoy 1,, t^i-ji_ had been attacked by touched here. It

^^iju

,

Roche a Davion. Here is the account^ which has been me: for this occurrence see my letter no. 10. In order to prevent the news being carried too quickly to ^lobile, and so avoid a revolution among the savages that it might cause, I had all the boats stopped at the Bayou St. Jean, and to avoid the inconveniences which had occurred on their first journey both from indi\dduals who stole cattle and other things and also from those who went to trade on board the vessels, I issued an ordinance prohibiting sales without a mesthe savages at

given to

senger's permission. T.

iJeparture of the English foj ^jjg

Balise

On convoy

the

twenty-fifth at

,

to go to the Balise. *Sce

post, 225,

and

two

p.m. the

r .1 tr bateaux of the English convoy cast ,

also, post, 237.

1

i.

.-r

off

The commander,

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

178

m'en prev-int et me pria de donner ordre qu'on remit a Ce Bateaux et il me demanda d'y laisser une garde de lo hommes et un officier pour en avoir soin j'y consenti, ils devoient embarquer leur troupes dans un Brigantin anglois qui Se trouvoit a La Balise, il envoya chercher leur Batteaux par je donne a ce sujet .. Ordres que ^ ' Batiment garde r^^. \m ^ Cote -n Pour le mener a la Mobile, cette operation ne me paroit pas aise, la Suite nous en apprendra le Succes, Je pemiis a un detachement anglois de 20 hommes et de 20 off" de passer par le Bayou s* jean pour se rendre a La ^Mobile, M"^ Loftus poste Ses

.

,,

me

il

,

Je pennets §. un detachement A passer -.0^, par «o, le to Bayou jia^r... de afin qu'ils prissent les

i

-i

revint que les petites nations ^ itLac -n ^ Pontchartram

o-i.

'

ent

les

•

i

Situees sur le

attaquer j'en previns

j

devoi-

les off"'

precautions necessaires a cet Effet, je leur

fis

meme Preter pour cela deux Pierriers des magasins du Roy ils Partirent du Bayou Le 30 de mars Je destine le ^ , Previns qu'iIs devoient .

,

.

.

Je les

j o-n -nBatteaudu n= Bresilher pour les accom.^

r,

toe attaques Par les Sauvages

i

pagner jusqu'a

Le 30

je ref us

la passe

une deputation des sauvages houmas et

a Christiane. [blajik

in MS.]

[Translation]

and prayed me to give orders that his bateaux be sent back to this post, and he demanded permission to leave a guard of ten men and an officer to have charge of them. I consented to this. They are going to embark the troops on an English brigantine which is at the Balise. He is going to ^ ^ Orders that I gave on this subj r *ii, i. c send for these bateaux by means of to guard vessel to tow them a coast Mobile. This operation does not appear easy to me. The outcome

M.

Loftus, sent

me

notice

4.

.

_ I

.

the bavou

via the little

Bayou

St.

«.

4.

Jean to go to Mobile. It occurred to me that the on Lake Pontchartrain might attack them, and I

tribes situated

warned the I

inform us of its success. I per..^1 ^• -u j r? -u ^f ot detachment mitted an Enghsh pass twenty ofhcers to twenty men and

will

permit a detachment to go via

officers that

they should take the necessary precautions.

.

warned them that they might be attacked by the savages

I lent .

[?]

8^^'*

for this t^u

^^"^ bayou March

^^^"^^^^

the bateau of the merchant

them

,

Bresillier to

purpose two royal 4.

'^^

4.

^^^

30.

I

u

^i ^>' '^'^^ °^

sent

accompany them as

the

far as

JOURNAL OF DABBADIE,

AdARCH, 1764

au dessus de

petites Nations Voisines

Deputation Sauvage

j^

vu

ment, qu'ils avoient

^,„, ^^^^^^^^

les anglois

.^

179

^^ sommaire-

j^^^^

qui avoient remonte

Le

Mississipi

grand Empereur leur avoit donne Qu'ils leurs auroit donne La main et que cela me faisoit plaisir parceque La paix Les avoit ^ ,* ., Ce que je dis aux Sauvages au rendu nos amis, que j avois vu avec „ .\ Sujet des anglois -vx peme que les Nations au dessus de La pointe Coupee avoient fait Coup Sur eux, qu'ils avoient Ete ingrats pour

aller

Prendre possession des terres que

le

.

,

.

de

ma

parole,

que

je

le

•

-,

Leurs avois

fait dire

grands Empereurs avoient voulu que

Pour

.

.

,

La

,

,

d'Etre Tranquiles, que terre fut

regardassent

les

Blanche partout

bonheur des hommes Rouges et des Blancs, et enfin

dis Lorsqu'ils

-r

Leurs

je

veroient les anglois qu'ils fussent Tranquiles et quils les

Comme

nos amis.

Le 31

Anivee d'un Batteau du Cap

J'appris L'arrivee du Batteau ^^^^.^^ p^^^. ^^ p^^^

^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^^^

au Prince Le 15 de fevrier, je rien appris d'interressant Par cette occasion,

Le

Cap""®

me

dit avoir

Trouve

les anglois le

28 au detour des

[Translation]

Pass Christian.

On

the thirtieth I received a deputation of

and

Indians Indian deputation

them

briefly that

sippi to

_^

What

,.

New ^ Orleans.

,

they had seen the English

who went up

little

u

t ^ I told

,

t-t

nations above

Huma

MS.]

in

[blank

the ^lissis-

take possession of the territory which the great emperor had

given to them; that they had given I told

the savages on the

subject of the English

j

j ^1 j ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ pleased me for peace had rendered them ^,

^^

^^^^

1

•

..

^^^'^ ^^"^'

^1

•

t

had seen with pain that the nations above Pointe Coupee had made an attack upon them; that they had shown ingrati-

our friends; that I

tude at great

my talk; that I had sent word to them to be peaceful; that the

emperors desired that the land be everywhere white for the

welfare of the red

men and

of the white.

Finally I told

them that

when they should see the English, they should be peaceful, and regard them as our friends.

...

Amval

On of a

bateau of Captain

tarn Fastion,

which had

set

the .

thirty-first ^,

learned of the

I r

r

,-

u rCaparnval of the bateau La Liberie, ,

f

,

.

out from Port au Prince February

15.

I

%H

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

i8o

Playes mines

ils

Petites journees.

du 25 Pour la Balise ils y vont a MS.] mourut AP Pradel ancien off^'"

etoient en derive

Le

[blank in

reforme de cette Colonie, Je

N"® des anglois et

,

fis

com-

mander pour son r> Convoy 50 nommes

4 off" pour Porter

La

i

Brunette.

Avril 1764

Le 4

epu a on venir voir, je

ma

parolle,

fait

Sur

fis

je regus un depute du Chef des Tonikas qui me fesoit demander a me repondre au chef que j'etois fache qu'il eut rejette

que je lui avois fait dire d'Etre Tranquille et de recevoir les anglois nos amis avec amitie, Le Depute me repondit a cela que C'etoit vray, mais que les Anglois avoient un mauvais Coeur et qua la pointe Coupee ils les avoient entendu parler avec mepris des Sauvages ce qui les avoit determine a fraper mais qu'ils ne L'avoient Pas les

Terres francoises.

je repondis

au depute que Je donnerois

[Translation]

The

heard nothing interesting on this occasion.

captain informed

me

had found the EngUsh on the twenty-eighth rounding the Playes Mines. They weighed anchor on the twenty- fifth for the Balise. They are making short dav's News of the English r^ ^i. rz./ l ^^ro^^' a journeys. On the [blank tn MS.] died M. Pradel, formerly officer on half pay in this colony. I commissioned for his convoy fifty men and four officers to carry his pall. that he

.

•

April, 1764

r.

.

,.

,

Deputation of the Tunica

come and see me. angered that he had rejected mission to

On .1

the fourth I received a deputy from

^

•

i

•

r

the iunica chief,

j j who demanded i

1

per-

an answer to the chief that I was my talk, that I had told him to be peaceful and to receive the English, our friends, with kindness. The deputy answered that this was true, but that the English had bad hearts and that at Pointe

I sent

Coupee they had heard them speak with scorn of the and that this had decided the latter to strike a blow, but that they had not done this on French territory. I answered the deputy

savages,

h:H'*

JOURNAL OF DABBADIE, APRIL, mes ordres au chef de je le jugerois

Coupee pour

la pointe

a propos, qu'il Leur dit que

1764

i8i

les faire

dessendre lorsque

mon Coeur

Seignoit de Leurs

Sotises.

Arrivee des Pacanas et Tunicas

arriverent

ici

sions, je n'ai

ay

fait

Pour

Pu

Le 6 Les Sauvages Pacanas et Tunicas ,. j t -\r i-i etablis aux en\Trons de La Mobile .

,

,

me demander

des Etablissemens Sur nos posses-

encore descider ou je

Etablir au Colapisse a 3

les placerois

ou

lieiies d'ici

ils

en attendant

je les

Camperont jusqua

ou jessayrai de les placer aux En\'irons de La Ri\dere composent en tout 80 Personnes. Le 10 La flute Le Salomon demara pour Depart du Salomon -n v ^^ denver a la Balise partit dj> ou elle Pour f ranee Le 15 avril 1764. Le 15 les Sauvages Tunikas et Pacanas Partirent dans deux voitures que je Leurs fis fournir pour Etablissement des Pacanas et ^^^YtT S'EtabUr a La fourche des chetis, Tunikas a la fourche des chetis ., *^^ rr^ ^ ^ j j j ^ J ai ete Tres contant de la douceur des Timicas, mais les Pacanas ^'\T0gne5 cet autone,

Rouge

ils

,

.

i

.

1

.

[Translation]

that I

my

would give

down when I judged

orders to the chief at Pointe Coupee to

come

my

heart

it fitting,

and that he should

tell

them

was bleeding for their -wickedness.

On Arrival of the

Pacana and Tunica

Mobile, arrived here to

the sixth the Pacana and Tunica j ^i t r savages, estabhshed the environs of ..

demand

of

me

i

1

m •

•

establishments on our posses-

sions.

I have not been able as yet to decide where I should place

them.

Meanwhile, I have established them at Acolapissa, three from here, where they -^ill camp until autumn, at which

leagues

time I shall try to find

They number -^

^ Departure of the 5a/omon it

them places

in the en\drons of

Red

River.

in all eighty persons. ,

On

the tenth the transport boat Salo^n-x i.*.Lr)i1

*.

7non cast oil to return to the Balise, where

departs for France, April 15, 1764.

On the fifteenth the Tunica and Establishment of the Pacana p^^.,^^ 3^,.^ departed in two boats, and the Tunica at the forks of t r i j i r i '^'^^^^ ^ furnished them, to cstabhsh the Chetimaches ,

•

,

•

u

themselves at the fork of the Chcti-

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

i82

m'ont Cause bien de L'Embaras voyes mes reflexions au ministre Sur L'Emigration de ces Sauvages. Le 17 je regus line deputation de 7 chactas qui vinrent m'assurer

fiefes

de Leur attachement Pour les francois ^ -n v quoy que je n y compte Pas beaucoup

des Chactas Deputation ^ je les

.

regus bien et les Carressai de

present

comme

Le 18

,

meme

et je leur

donne un petit

cest la maniere.

La Balise du Na^ particulier Le

j'appris I'arrivee a

^Nlissoury

charge de Marchandises de Traite pour cette Colonic il etoit Parti de Bord^ Le [blank in MS.] arriva a arrivee du Na^® Le Missoury -d r t rt; irc la Balise Le [blank tn MS.\ apres avoir 1

Relache 4 jours a

s*

lettres particulieres

Domingue

r.

je rejus

•

1

par cette Occasion differentes

mais pas une interressente du ministre,

les bruits

de la Cession de Cette Colonic a L'Espagne, ce renouvellement avoit asses de vraisemblancc.

Le 19 j'Expcdie un Convoy Pour

les ilinois

il

compose de 4

etoit

[Translat{o7t]

maches. I have been very content with the gentleness of the Tunica, but the drunken Pacana have caused me much embarrass-

ment: see

my

to the minister

reflections

upon the emigration

of

these savages.

On Deputation of the Choctaw assure

me

r^u

r

*.

tation 01 seven Choctaw,

u who came

*

to

of their devotion to the French, although I do not count

much upon them a

the seventeenth, I received a depu-

4.-

.

it.

little

I received

present, as

is

them kindly and caressed them;

gave

customary.

On Anival of the ship *^ Le Missouri

I

.

the eighteenth I learned of the ar-

,^^,

rival at the

-r*,.

r

.1

•

.

Bahse of the pnvate

v-

ship,

Le Missourij loaded with merchandise of trade for this colony. It set out from Bordeaux the [blank in MS.]; arrived at the Balise, the [blank in

MS.]

after haxing delayed four

days at Santo Domingo.

received on this occasion several private letters, but

one from the ministry. this

Rumors

I

no interesting

of the cession of this colony to Spain

renewal has sufficient probability.

On

the nineteenth I sent a

convoy to the

Illinois.

It

was com-

JOURNAL OF DABBADIE, APRIL, Expedition d'un Convoy Pour

1764

183

Batteaux et d'une Pirogue armee et .^ p^^ j^^ ParticuUers et Par

les ilinois.

les

Traiteurs des

ilinois, j'y fis

charger

quelques approNdsionnemens pour le Compte du Roy. J'ai donne le Commendement de Ce Convoy au S*" La Sourdraye Cap^® de ^lilice avec ordre de le bien garder contre les attaques des Sauvages, et

de Contenir Son

monde dans

la plus

grande Subordination a ses

ordres.

•

,

honneurs que je

1

•

lui

« ns

M^ de Macarty^

Le 20

Mort de M^ de Macarty

et les J rendre

ancien Lieut*^ de j ns donner pour son ^ . convoy funebre toutes les Troupes de la ^ Roy mourut, -r,

•

le

i:

Gamison, environ 80 hommes et on lui tira 3 Coups de Canon, Lorsque Le Corps sortit de La maison, on nomma 4 off^ Pour porter la Brunette. quoy que ces honneurs ne fussent Pas dus a M"" De jMacarty je lui a fait rendre Par Consideration pour Sa memoire et Pour Sa famille.

[Translation^

^ The sending of a jjj.

convoy to the

.

posed of four bateaux and one pirogue, ,, ^.,..1 ,1, armed and loaded by private individ,

.

and

had some command of this convoy to M. de la Soudraye, captain of militia, giWng him orders to guard it well from the attacks of the savages, and to uals

Illinois traders.

provisions for the account of the king placed on board.

I

I gave

keep his people in the greatest subordination to nis orders.

On the twentieth M. de Macartv,^ Death of M. de Macarty and the ^q.^^, lieutenant, died. I ordered out honors which I ordered paid r £ r n ^ for his funeral a convoy of all the troops j^j^ ,

•

i

1.1

men, and body left the house. Four officers were named to carry the pall. Although these honors were not due to M. de Macarty, I have had them rendered out of consideration for his memory and his family. of the garrison, about eighty

a cannon

was

fired three times

when

the

*This is M. de Macarty Mactique, commandnnt at Fort de Chartrcs until ^760, He was born in 1706, sent as captain to Louisiana in 1731, where he ro-e to the rank of major. Bienville wrote of him: "He is of good condu t, attentive to discipline, is

attached to the service, and does well."

^^'

perceptible.

The bateaux Expedition for the Illinois cessively

,

,

.

...

destined for the ,

.

Illinois,

sent by private parties, ^et out suc-

from here to reassemble at Pointe Coupee.

I

gave the

H:f^1

JOURNAL OF DABBADIE, SEPTEMBER,

1764

197

d'ici pour Se rassembler tous a la pointe Commendement de Ce Convoys au S"" Dervds donne Le Coupee, Je Pour affaires ses Particulieres, il Etoit Illinois aux monte est qui compose de 7 Batteaux et d'une Pirogue et d'un Batteau destine Pour les arkeng:as, il y avbit dans Ce Convoy 113 Personnes engages ou passagers et 19 Negres, le dernier Batteau Expedie partit de la N^'^

tirent

Successivem[ent]

Orleans le 24 de

Ce

mois.

[septembre, 1764]

Le general gages Nouvelles du ^ ^ ^

refus des nouvelles du general

5. je

gage en reponse a

j-^Expedition L jt-r

^rr de ^M"^ i

Loftus Sur le Mississipi, le general Se plaint Sur les raports qu'on lui a fait de la poudre que L'on donne aux Sauvages, mes deffences a Ce Sujet ont ete reiterees et on S'est Conforme a mes ordres, mais les Traiteurs fran^iois et anglois Portent malgre ces defenses de la poudre

aux Sauvages, Je ne crois cependant pas que les Sauvages en ayent eu une aussi grande quantite que Le dit le general gage, il me Parle [Translation]

convoy to M. Dervis who has gone to the Illinois on account of his private business. It v/as composed of seven bateaux, one pirogue, and a bateau destined for the Arkansas. There were in this convoy one hundred and thirteen engages or passengers, and nineteen Negroes. The last bateau sent set out from New Orleans on the twenty-fourth of this month.

command

of this

[September, 1764]

On the fifth, /> ^ General Gage

„ News from General Gage tion

1

on the Mississippi of

cerning the reports that

M.

Loftus.

The

My

^

i-

i^i

general complains con-

prohibition in this matter has

been repeated, and the people have obeyed English trxiders, in spite of to the savages.

j

had been made to him about the powder that

has been given to the savages.

it

I received news from •

in regard to the expedi-

my prohibition

Moreover

such a great quantity of

it

I

my orders, but French in regard to

powder,

and

carry-

do not believe that the savages have

as General

Gage

says.

He

speaks to

me

m

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

igS

d'une Seconde Tentative Sur

p™

tout ce qui dependra de

le

moy

Mississipy Je feray comme dans la sans repondre du Succes dont on ne

Pourra bien augurer que Sur les nouvelles qu'on rece\Ta des dispositions des Sauvages des Illinois. Le 9 Par le Depart du Na""® L'angelique Nouvelles de france par la Voye /-^ n^-cn r^ ^^P Ejariele aUant au Cap je rendois de s* Domingue Compte au Ministre de Ce qui Ce •

passoit

ici

i

•

.

•

,

ma Correspondance/ Na^ La Medee venant du Cap

a L'occasion des Anglois, voyes

meme Jour par

I'arrivee

a Balise du

le

je

reyus des paquets du Ministre Contenant des ordres pour la Cession

de cette Colonie aux Espagnols.

on presumoit

qu'ils

devoient etre

que je devois partir pour . ^ ^ j rfrance dans le Courant de Ce mois les Ordres du Ministre Sont du 13 de May

arrives et

Ordre Pour

la

Cession de la

,

^ Colonic aux T, Espagnols .

,

,

mal Combine

et C'est assurement

•

i

i

Aucune Connoissance

et N'avoir

de la Navigation et du Local de Cette Colonie que de penser que

les

[Translation]

of a second attempt

by the

previous attempt,

that depends on

all

for the success, concerning

Mississippi;

me

and

I shall do, as in the

without being responsible

which one can

foretell

about the disposition of the savages of the

only from news

Illinois,

which

will be

received.

News

of

France via Santo Do-

^^

On ,•

the ninth on the departure of the

snip

t r^•t--i Ljanele Ltj A7igelique, Captam a

com-

manding, en route to the cape, I rendered an account to the minister of what had taken place here in regard to the EngUsh: see my correspondence.^ On the same day by the arrival at the BaHse of the ship La Medee coming from the cape, I received packets from the minister containing orders for the cession of this colony to Spain.

^

,

,

It

was presumed that they [the Spanish] ought to have arrived and that I ought to set out

Order for the cession

of the

r

^°'

colony to the Spanish

-r-

month. are dated

May

13;

and

it is

j

•

xi

r

France during the course of

The

orders of

the

^u-

this

minister

assuredly badly planned and shows no

knowledge of navigation and the location of this colony to assume that if the Spaniards were to arrive according to this plan only on ^

See post, 308.

m

JOURNAL OF DABBADIE, OCTOBER,

1764

199

Suivant Cette Datte que le 13 Aoust. Postes et je fus en Etat de partir en 7^™

I>pai:nols n'ayant pii arriver

jus

evacuer

fait

les

Le N'ouvelles ,^ou*ciic

des

Illinois

y

L,ihips Consideration whether it would not be good policy at this time while we certainly have it in 'our power to secure all the Advantages we have got there by making a purchase of the Indians inhabiting the Country along the Mi-^sisippi

our Frontiers; as the west side of the Missisippi

CROGHAN TO THE LORDS OF TRADE

261

from the IMouth of the Ohio up to the Sourses of the River lUenoies, and there plant a respectable Colony in order to secure our Frontiers,

and prevent the French from any Attempts to Rival us in the Fur Trade w'ith the Natives, by drawing the Ohio and Lake Indians over the Missisippi, which they have already attempted by the last Accounts we have from Detroit;^ From planting this new Colony many

Kingdom, as well as to his it would Extend Trade and Commerce -^-ith the farthermost Nations of Western Indians hitherto unknown to us, which would Enable the trading people in the Colonies to import more of the IManufactories of this Kingdom, than they have heretofore done, which is an object of the greatest Consequence to a trading people; it would Extend his Majesty's Settlements in America, and make his Subjects appear more formidable in the Eyes of the Indians which is now become absolutely necessary in order to preserve the peace between them and us, it would Cut off all Connections between the French and those Nations settled over that large Tract of Country on this side of the Missisippi and give us the absolute Dominion over all the upper Lakes Huron, Mitchigan & Superior, and bid wou'd

great advantages

arise to this

Majesty's Subjects in North America;

fair for

giving an everlasting peace to His Majesty's Southern Col-

onies;

Besides from this Colony in a very few Years

We

shou'd be

able to supply with provisions of every kind the several posts or marts

that

may be

Erected for Trade with the Natives on

much

easier terms

than they have or can be supplied from any of our Colonies. present far

it

may be

from the Sea

Nation, which

will

may

be attended with too great an Expence to the

The fertility of the Country now known to us, which is sufficient

be easily Answered;

and the fineness of the CHmate to

At

objected that the Establishing such a Colony so

is

Encourage industrious people to

settle it in a

very Httle time with-

out any Expence to the Nation or hindrance to the growth of the present Colonies,

Undertake

and

I

dare say people enough will be found that

will

it.

Your Lordships may be Surprized that after the Conquest of all Canada, and as soon as a peace took place between England and * After Croghan returned from England he was sent to the Illinoi;? country by William Johnson, when the plan for a colony in this rcrrion probably look more definite form, for shortly after his return, he with Sir William Johnson and several merchants of Philadelphia formed a com[)any for the cxpl(;itatioii of the region. For the letters concerning this project see the general index.

Sir

vm

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

262

France, and the Natives convinced that his Majesty's Arms have been victorious over the French, that they (the Indians) should attempt what they have done last summer, and render it absolutely

make Boundaries with them

necessary to

in order to preserve the

peace between them and his Majesty's Subjects. From my knowledge of their Customs, Manners and Dispositions, I

know them

to be a

proud

&

haughty people, who from

their great

love of Liberty, which they have long Enjoyed, they Entertain flatter

&

own Importance summer we must be

themselves with the highest Notions of their

and Dignity, and from

their

Conduct

this last

Convinced they don't look at Consequences tho' of ever so dangerous a Nature, in which light, their attackhig our Outposts must be look't

on by every body, for tho' they have great advantages of us from the manner of their Carrying on war on the unprepared, and the Situation of their Country making it so difficult for us to gain Access into it; Yet certainly were it thought to be the Interest of the British Nation to Engage in a war -with them, we shou'd in the End be able to subdue them and Reduce them to a State of Servitude. As I mentioned before in this Letter, to Your Lordships the light in v.hich they now Consider the English in North America since the Reduction of Canada, with some Breaches of Faith on our side, and mistaken Notions in not thinking

it

worth our whiles to Cultivate

their Friendship, will I

hope appear ob\dous to your Lordsliips that there

a Necessity to

is

fix a Boundary %\ith them and Estabhsh a Colony on the Missisippi and Illinois to make them fear and Love us on which their own happiness depends. To treat Indians with propriety and address is perhaps of all Tasks the most difficult, and allowances must be made to those who are strangers to their Customs and Manners should they

not Succeed in Acquiring their good Opinion;

They

are to be Gov-

To Acquire the first, it requires a long Acquaintance with their Singularities, and study of their Dispositions,

erned only by Love and Fear; to

know how

to flatter their

which only can

Vanity so as to gain their Confidence

Love and

Affection, which undoubtedly Honour, and our own Interest demand from us, and when this is done, there is no way to make them happy but by fear, for if we suffer them to Entertain too high Notions of their own Importance fix

their

naturally lead

them

Justice,

'it will

to think

we

are influenced by

Dread

of their

power, and so beget their Contempt, then their Expectations would

^i

JOHNSON TO GAGE, JUNE

9,

1764

263

be exorbitant and their Insolence beyond sufferance, which would be always productive of the worst Consequences to the prosperity and

Welfare of his Majesty's Subjects and Interest in North America.

Your Lordships that nothing but sincere and a View to Endeavour at remo\dng Misrepresentations of the Natives and their little

I beg leave to assure

Zeal for his Majesty's Service

&

Prejudices

Consequence to the prosperity of his Majesty's Colonies in America, could have induced me to take up so much of Your Lordships time at present I

by

offering those Subjects to

am My

Lords

"^ith great

your Lordships Consideration.

Esteem Your Lordships most humble

servant

Geo: Croghan Plan[tation]s General Letter from M' George Croghan Board Tvithout Date containing his Sentiments of the proper methods to be used for giving a lasting Peace to His Majestys Colonies in North America. Read June 8. 1764. R 54. [Endorsed:]

—

to the

Johnson to Gage, June [Johnson MSS., 9:111

9,

1764^

— Draftl

Johnson Hall, June 9th 1764. Major Loftus, tho' I think it was lucky the Tonicas &c attacked him before he could advance further up the River where he must unavoidably have been overpowered. The necessity of gratifying them \\ith favours or pajdng some Tribute for the Possession of Ilinois, as well as our more northern I

am

sorry for the obstruction given to

possessions P.S.

is

very

clear.

In order to

.

.

.

facilitate the

Establishment of the

Ilinois it

be necessary to send a proper person to the Indians of the Mississippi to treat with them, assure them of our pacific disposition,

\vill

that they shall have a fair trade,

&

to

back the whole with a present.

The Western Indians would never have of Detroit

prepare

but from the precaution

them

for

I

suffered us to take possession

took in sending Mr. Croghan to

it.

*'The original from which this extract was taken was completely destroyer! by fire at Albany. This extract, Hkc some others in the volume, was made by Mr. Carter before the disaster took place.

the

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

264

Farmar^ to Dabbadie, June [A.N, C, 0^^44:85-87

autre Lettre de

12,

1764

— A.C.]

M. Farmar a M. Dabbadie.

Du

12. juin 1764.

MONS^, Par I'empressement que votre Excellence a toujours montre les orders de sa M. T. C. dans la prise de possession de la Loiiisianne par les anglois, sans faire mention de votre politesse et bonnes fa^ions pour tous nos officiers qui ont toujours accompagne a remplir

demander votre va vous voir possible pour monter

I'execution de ses intentions, je suis encourage de vous

assistance accoutumee et protection pour ]M Pittman- qui

avec cette Lettre, et qui a mes ordres,

s'il

est

[Translation]

Another

letter of

M. Farmar

to

M. Dabbadie.

June

12,

1764

Sir:

By

the ardor which your excellency has always shown in carr}ing

out the orders of his very Christian majesty concerning the taking possession of Louisiana

by

the English, without

mentioning the

and graciousness shown to all our officers which has always accompanied the execution of his intentions, I am encouraged to demand your customary assistance and protection for M. Pittman,^ who will present you with this letter and has my orders to ascend to politeness

* Robert Farmar was the British officer who took over Mobile from the French and comjmanded that place for a number of years. Although charges of embe^izlement were made against him by Governor Johnstone, with whom F"armar was conFarmar tinually in dispute, he was acquitted on ail accounts by a court martial. was sent by General Gage in 1765 and relieved Captain Stirlinj^ of the comr.iand He remained in the Illinois until 1767. The documents printed in the lUinois. Farmar seems to have retired from military here give an account of his command. service in 1768, and made his home in Mobile where he married, and became an important citizen. The date of his death is given as 1780. Rowland, Mississippi Provincial Archives: English Dominion, 1:7 n. i; Hamilton, Colonial Mobile,

passim. ' Philip Pittman was a conspicuous figure in the West for several years after More information concerning his western the close of the French and Inthan War. He activities is to be found in these volumes than has ever been collected before. is best known for his The Present State of the F.iiropran Settlements on the Mississippi, For a sketch of his life sec the ecUlion by F. H. Hxider. 'published in London, 1770. For other information of l^ittman's attempt to reach the Illinois see ante, 1S9; post^

265.

DABBADIE TO FARMAR, JUNE aux

ilinois,

22, 1764

265

tant pour voir la situation du pais que pour decouvrir la

disposition des sauvages. faire

a moins que vous ne

et en

meme

sens ties bien que cela ne peut pas se

je le

metties sous la protection de votre Convoi

recommander a

terns le

I'oflGLcier

Commandant

dans

la, et

la Ri\iere.

J^ai I'honn' etc*

Pour Copies

signe

Rob^ FARiiAR.

D.ajbbadie [Translation]

the Illinois,

if it is

possible, for the purpose

situation of the country

and

both of looking over the

of discovering the disposition of the

I feel very certain that this cannot be done unless

savages.

you

put him under the protection of your convoy, and at the same time

recommend him

to the protection of the officer

and on the river. I have the honor,

signed

etc.

Dabbadie to Farmar, June [A.N.,

Copie de

M.

there

Robert Farmar.

Dabbadie

True copy

pour sa

commanding

la Lettre

22,

1764

C, €".^44:90— A.Cl

de 'M Dabbadie a

M. Farmar, Commandant

B^"^ a la Mobile.

A LA N^^^ Orleans

le 22.

juin 1764.

MoNs'^,

M. Pittman me

remit hier la Lettre que votre Excellence m'a

Fait rhonneur de m'ecrire.^ sur tous les secours qui

vous pouves compter avec juste raison

dependront de moi pour procurer a cet

officier

[Translation]

Copy for his

of the letter of

M. Dabbadie

to

M. Farmar, commandant

Britarmic majesty at Mobile.

New

Orleans, June

22,

1764

Sir:

M. Pittman handed me n^e the

assistance that

the letter which your excellency has done

You may count with just reason on all the may depend upon me to procure for this officer all

honor towTite me.^

^See preceding document.

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

266 les

moyens de

se rendre

aux

ilinois;

mais

il

est arrive trop tard pour

Bateaux destines pour ce Poste etoient partis d'ici depuis douze jours, et un quatrieme depuis trois jours seulement. J'aurois envoye un Expres pour Faire arreter ce dernier s'il eut ete possible que M. Pittman se fut embarque dans I'instant, mais quoiqu'il fut a la Nouvelle Orleans, ses Domestiques et son bagage avoient ete obliges de rester au bas de la Ri\iere s* Jean faute d'Eau pour y entrer, il auroit falu envoyer chercher le tout avec profiter de la derniere occasion; trois

de petites Pirogues, et cette operation auroit cause un retardem* de

deux jours au moins, il en auroit falu deux autres a jM. Pittman pour joindre le Bateau qui etant extremement charge n'auroit pu le recevoir avec ses Domestiques, les vi\Tes qui leur etoient necessaires pour un trajet de trois mois, et son bagage, sans mettre a terre une partie de sa

Cargaison.

votre Excellence jugera aisement quelle

peine, quel embarras, et

meme

causes au proprietaire

du Bateau; mais

diflScultes

s'il

quelle depense ces

mouvemens auroient

j'aurois aisement leve ces

ne s'en fut pas presente une autre,

que ce Bateau au moins, n'auroit

c'est

parti huit jours apres les autres, et retarde de quatre

[Translation]

means for journe>dng to the Illinois; but he arrived too late to profit by the last occasion; three bateaux destined for that post set out from here twelve days ago, and the fourth only three days ago. I would have sent an ex-press to stop this last, if it had been possible for M. Pittman to embark immediately; but although he was at Xew Orleans, he had been obHged to leave his servants and his baggage the

St. Jean on account of the lack of water to enter would have been necessary to send for these with small pirogues, and this work would have caused a delay of two days at least; there would have been needed two others for M. Pittman to join the bateau which, since it was heavily loaded, would not have been able to receive him with his servants," the suppUes which were necessary for a voyage of three months, and his baggage without

below the river there.

It

putting on land a part of

its

cargo.

what embarrassment and even what

Your

excellency will easily judge

ex-pense these

movements would

have caused the proprietors of the bateau; but I would easily have removed these difTiculties if another had not been presented: it was that this bateau having set out eight days after the others and being

DABBADIE TO FARMAR, JUNE jamais

pu

les joindre et qu'il n'etoit

22, 1764

267

pas prudent d'exposer cet

officier

a monter avec un seul Bateau par les accidens qui peuvent arriver dans un trajet aussi long et aussi difficile que celui d'ici aux ilinois. je compte que dans le courant du mois prochain il y en aura plusieurs qui monteront

aux Arkansas; M, Pittman pourra en

peut se rendre de la aux ilinois par Terre; occasions directes pour ce Poste,

il

y en aura a

profiler, et

on

veut preferer quelques

la

Fin de

juillet

ou dans

Votre Excellence peut compter que

premiers jours d'Aout.

les

s'il

je

monter cet officier aux ilinois le plus promptement et le plus surement qu'il sera possible, cette derniere convention demande bien des precautions en cas de rencontre de quelques Sauvages vos ennemis, mais je Ferai tout cequi dependra de moi pour qu'il n 'arrive aucun evenement Facheux a ce sujet. n'epargnerai rien pour Faire

J'ai rhonn"" etc^

signe

Pour Copie [Efidorsed:]

Dabbadie.

Dabbadie Joint a la lettre de ^I. Dabbadie

du

29.

Juin 1764

[Translation]

and would not have been prudent to expose this officer to the accidents which might happen in ascending 'snth a single bateau during a journey so long and so difficult as that from here to the IlUnois. I expect that in the course of the next month there vdW be several who will ascend to the Arkansas; iM. Pittman can profit by these, and it is possible to go from there to the Illinois by land. If he prefers to await some opportunity to go direct to that post, there will be such at the end of July or the first days of August. Your excellency can depend upon it that I shall spare no means to assist this officer to ascend to the Bhnois in the most prompt and safe manner possible. delayed four days would never have been able to join the rest, that it

demands many precautions in case of meeting some savages, your enemies but I shall do everything that depends upon

This latter obligation

;

nie to see that there

I

docs not happen any unhappy event in this matter.

have the honor,

etc.

signed

Dabbadie

"

Tr-uc

copy

[Endorsed:]

Dabbadie Joined to the letter of

M. Dabbadie

of

June

29, 1764

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

268

Gage to Johnson, June [H.C.L.,

24,

New Dear

1764

Gage Letter Book]

York, June

24*^ 1764

Sir,

and hope the Garrisons till you get to Oswego, where they may spare a greater Number to escort you to Niagara and that you may be furnished there, with such a Number as you shall require. It is very proper that you should have a sufficient Guard with you, as well for Protection, as to make an Appearance amongst the Indians. As I beared nothing to the contr?.ry, I concluded there were a s^jmcient Number of oil Cloaths to answer your Purpose in the stores; and I am sorry that I was not acquainted in Time of that Defect that I might have ordered some to be made. What you observe about the Savages is certainly very just, they do not give the true Reasons for the Commission of their Acts of I

will

have just received your's of the

9*^ Ins*

be able to give you an Escort from Post to Post

Hostility.

I

am glad

those of Detroit are so well disposed.

I expect

the Government will soon give some Directions about the Indian

Trade, in which Matter they should

now be

well informed.

And

also

convinced of the Necessity of ha\ing Meetings with the Indians as heretofore practised. They expect it, and I must say that some of them deserve that Attention from us. What you represent relating to the Precautions the

Gov"

should take in Granting their Passes for

undoubtedly worthy the strongest RecommenThe Misfortune is that they are fearfull of doing any thing

the Indian trade, dation.

is

by an Act of Assembly. I shall write to them as soon becomes proper to grant a Liberty to Trade. But till you have been at Niagara it will not be possible to ascertain the Natioiis we may Trade with in Safety. And I agree with you that it is better to unless backed as

let

it

the Indians feel a

them.

want of Trade, as long as it can be avoided with you mention are certainly proper for the Trade nor should any Traders go an>•^vhe^e but to the

All the Posts

to be carried on at;

Posts fixed upon for their Trade.

intended Regulations from to those of

Home.

you mention, or there

Canada,

From

tho' it's too

will

I believe this will

be part of the

Michillimakinak must be added be complaints from the Merchants

much Exposed

to be insulted.

the Acc*^ I have had from the Southward, thcv think

it

11

$

GAGE TO JOHNSON, JUNE practicable

269

2^, 176/,

by other Pleasures than were taken before to move up and I hope it will, when the Preparations are made,

the Mississipi,

be tried again.

I expect

iSI'

Stewart will be there, to send Belts to

the Cherokees at the ^louth of the Ohio,

From thence

to the Ilinois

is

who may be

of great Ser\'ice.

M' Stewart has a He tells me that a Body of

the greatest Danger.

good deal of Influence with those Indians.

them are gone out, against the Shawnese & Delawares. I have all Means how it would be possible to get a proper Person to the Ilinois to talk to, and make Friends of the Savages in those Parts. It can neither be down the Ohio, or up the Mississipi as IMatters now If we make a firm Peace with all the Indians of Detroit, stand. Miamis and the Ouabache, and they are realy sincere; it may be effected by their iMeans; and some of the best of them might be employed on such an errand. You \y\\\ See soon if such a thing could be thought of

brought about.

Unless the Indians of that District are joined by the

Northern Tribes; they might be frightened into a Consent

if

they

were found obstinate, for they are not a warUke People, and I was

mformed were reconciled to our taking Possession of their Country, till spirited up against us by some Deputys from the Shawnese & Delawares. those \illains have procured Ammunition there, which they have lately shewn as they do not want, by Firing for sLx Hours against Fort Din-Kiddie in Virginia, they have done a great deal of Mischief there,

& in

Pensylvania,

Your Medals are finished, & I only wait a good Opportunity to send them to you. I think I mentioned before to Col° Bradstreet to furnish you such a guard as you shall require at Niagara, but shall do it again by this opportunity. I am with great Regard, Dear Sir, Your most obedient, humble servant, Tho^ Gage

I

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

270

Dabbadie to the Minister, June

1764

29,

[A.N,C.,C"A44: 74-77 -L.S.]

A LA

Orleans

N^"-^

29 juin 1764.

le

MONSEIGNEUR, j'ai

eu I'honneur de vous rendre compte^ par

avril d^'

N°

que

39.

le

Commandant

ma

Lettre du i"

pu monter aux

Loftus n'ayant

avoit pris le parti de s'en retourner a Pensacole par la Balise dans un Brigantin anglois avec une partie de ses Troupes. Ce meme Brigantin est revenu quelque tems apres a la Balise avec une Fregate ilinois

de 40. Canons, pour y prendre I'autre partie des Troupes laquelle a ete embarquee dans ces Batimens et est partie le 30. avril dernier; mais comme il ne leur a pas ete possible d'emmener tous les Bateaux de leur Convoi, Balise avec

un

ils

ont pris et

officier

le parti

10.

6. au Poste de la y sont encore. Les

d'en laisser

hommes

qui

pu parvenir aux ilinois, j'ai permis a quelques partiaux Traiteurs d'y monter. Le premier Convoi de 4. Bateaux, est parti le 19. avTil, le second de 3. Bateaux le 11. du present mois. j'ai profite de ces occasions pour envoyer quelques, petits anglois n'ayant culiers et

[Translation]

New

Orleans, June

1764

29,

Sir:

I

have had the honor

no. 39, that the Illinois,

of informing you^

Commandant

had decided

by

my letter

of April

i,

Loftus, after his failure to ascend to the

to return to Pensacola via the Balise in an

English brigantine with part of his troops.

This same brigantine

returned some time after with a frigate of forty cannon to take from there the rest of the troops

who were embarked

the thirtieth of April last; but as

away

all

it

in boats

and

set out

has not been possible to

carrv*

the boats of the convoy, they decided to leave six of them at

the post of the Balise with an officer and ten

men who

Since the English have not been able to reach the

are

still

Illinois, I

permitted several individuals and traders to ascend thither.

there.

have

The

convoy of four bateaux set out April 19, the second of three bateaux on the eleventh of the present month. I prolittcd by thc^e

first

*The account Dabbadie

sent the minister

is

printed, ante, 22$.

DABBADIE TO THE MINISTER, JUNE

29, 1764

271

approv-isionnemens dans nos Postes ces Bateaux seront d'ailleurs tres nccessaires

a oM. de Neyon pour sui\Te

les

arrangemens

qu'il doit

prendre pour descendre a la Nouvelle Orleans avec la plus grande partie de

la

garnison, et quelques habitans^ j'ai eu Thonneur de vous prevenir,

Monseigneur, qu'il seroit seulement reserve 40. hommes de Troupes pour la garde de ce Poste, sous le commandement de M. de s* Ange.

un Extrait et une Copie des Lettres que j'ai replies de 13. mars et 20. avril d".^ tranquile dans les autres Postes que nous avons sur le

je joins ici

M. de

Neyon des

Tout

est

Mississipi.

[Endorsed:]

Colonies.

N°

65.

[Translation]

occasions to send a small

amount

of pro\dsions to our posts.

bateaux will besides be very necessary to

M.

needful arrangements for descending to

New

Orleans with the great-

part of the garrison and some inhabitants.^

est

informing you,

to

guard that post under the I join herewith

received from All

is

M.

de

I

have had the honor

that there would be reserved only forty troops

of

sir,

These

de Villiers to carry out the

command

of ^I. de St. Ange.

an extract and a copy Villiers

of letters

which I have

dated March 13 and April 20

last.^

tranquil in our other possessions on the Alississippi.

Dabbadie De

had waited through the winter of 1 763-1 764 for the British to had made all preparations. On December I, 1763 {ante, 53), he wrote Dabbadie that he had recalled the garrison from Peoria and Fort Massac, leaving at the latter place only fifteen men and an oflicer. The cannon were transported to Ste. Genevieve. By April 20 {ante, 243), he had *

Villiers

take over the fort, for which event he

from his superior orders to evacuate the country without waiting for the Conseciuently he summoned St. Ange \\ith his garrison from Vincennes and the few men remaining at Fort Massac, and he prepared for his departure. On June 15 all was ready. He left St. Ange with forty men at Fort de Chartres to await the British, and he himself set forth on the voyage down the Mississippi. In his convoy there were twenty-one bateaux and seven pirogues, which were manned l>y six ofhccrs and sixty-three men. Some of the inhabitants who wished to escape received British.

from the British rule left the Illinois at this time. Orleans on July 2. Ante, 189. *

Printed aw/e, 224,

and

242.

De

Villiers arrived at

New

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

272

Dabbadie to the Minister, June [A.N.,

[Ministerial notation:] M*"

M

C, 03.\44:89

—

1764

29,

L.S.]

Dabbadie Le Duplicata

est extrait

a[ccaron]

A LA N^^^ Orleans, le 29. juin 1764 LIONSEIGNEUR, J ai rhonneur de vous informer que le Commandant de la Mobile vient d'envoyer ici le s. Pittman ingenieur anglois qui se propose de monter seul aux ilinois. il n'est pas arrive a tems pour profiter des demiers Bateaux qui sont partis pour ce Poste. J'ai assure ce commandant comme vous le verres par la Copie^ ci-jointe de ma Lettre, que je donnerai avec plaisir a M. Pittman tous les secours qui dependront de moi pour le faire rendre promptement et surement aux ilinois; mais j'insiste sur cette demiere condition qui pourroit avoir des suites facheuses

si

cet officier etoit rencontre dans

un Bateau

frangois par quelques partis sauvages ennemis des anglois.

Je suis avec un profond respect, Monseigneur, Votre tres humble

Dabbadie

et tres obeissant serviteur.

[Endorsed:] Colonies N*^ 67 affaires angloises. [Translation]

[Ministerial notaton:]

M.

M. Dabbadie.

The

duplicate

is

an extract.

Accaron.

New

Orle.^ns, June 29, 1764

Sir:

have the honor to inform you that the commandant of Mobile M. Pittman, an English engineer who is purposing to ascend alone to the Illinois. He did not arrive in time to profit by the last bateau that set out for that post. I have assured this comI

has just sent here

mandant, as you will give

will see

by the copy^

with pleasure to

M. Pittman

my

of all

letter here joined, that I

the assistance that depends

upon me to make a prompt and safe journey to the Illinois, but I insist upon this last condition, which might have unfortunate consequences if this ofBccr should be met in a French bateau by some parties of savages, enemies of the English.

I

am

with profound respect,

obedient servant, [Endorsed:] Colonies *

Printed ante, 265.

No. 67

sir,

your very humble and vcr>' DabD;U)IE

English

affairs.

CHAPTER

VII

THE REGULATION OF INDIAN AFFAIRS, JULY lo— SEPTEMBER 30, 1764

—

List of Indian Plan for Imperial Control of Indian Affairs Gage Makes Further Plans to Occupy the Illinois Tribes Dabbadie St. Ange and Dabbadie Talk to the Indians Close of Pontiac's Conspiracy DifWrites the Minister Pittman Talks to some Illinois Voyficulties IN Louisiana Dabbadie Writes to Gage Pittman Dissuaded AGEURS from Going to the Illinois Johnson W^rites of his Treaty with the Indians.

—

—

—

—

— —

—

—

Plan for Imperial Control of Indian Affairs, July [P.R.O., CO., 5.65, f. 683—A.D.] Plan for the Future Management of Indian I"*

That the Trade

—

10, 1764^

Affairs.^

& Commerce with the several Tribes of Indians

North America, under the Protection of His Majesty shall be free all His Majesty's subjects, under the several Regulations restrictions hereafter mentioned, so as not to interfere with the Charter to the Hudson's Bay Company.

in

& &

open to

New York Colonial Documents, 7:637; Shortt and Doughty, ConDocuments, 433. 'The proclamation of October 7, 1763, provided for the later publication of nJes for the control of the Indian trade. The board of trade delayed taking the subject up until late spring, 1764, at which time men familiar with the Indian trade v.'ere consulted. Probably the greatest influence came from Sir William Johnson whose agent, George Croghan, was present in London for the purpose of laying before the board of trade his su{>erior's opinions. The most imporLmt reform desired by Johnson was the creation of a department independent of the miUtary and with sufficient number of employees to supervise carefully the Indian traders. The above plan embodies most of Johnson's ideas. On account of the propos^il to raise a tax from the fur trade it would have been necessary for parliament to act U{X)n this plan. This was never done. The superintendents of Indians were instructed, however, to put the plan into operation as far as possible. This, John Sluart of the southern department immediately did, but Johnson delayed till 1766. (Ccneral index.) It was soon perceived that the cost of this establishment would be fnormous so that proposals were made to change the orcjanization which was fmally pune in 1768 by placing the control of the trade in the hands of the colonics (general •iHlex).^ Before the plan was abandoned it was submitted to various persons ''>r their opinion. Johnson's criticisms are printed, post, 321; Jackson's, pat, )iqx\" or other Ci^il Magistrate

all

but to

assistance in his

power whenever thereunto required.

That the said Commissaries shall keep exact & regular by way of Journal of all their Transactions proceedings & of all Occurrences in their respective Departments & shall by every opportunity Communicate such Transactions & Occurrences to the Agent or Superintendant in their respective District, which Agent or Superintendant shall regularly by every opportunity correspond ^ith the Commissioner for Trade & Plantations. 22^^^ That the Agent or Superintendant to be appointed for each 21^*

accounts

the Commissaries residing at the Posts or within Country within each District shall take an Oath before the Governor or chief Judge of any of the Colonies within their respective Districts for the due Execution of their respective Trusts and they & all other Subordinate officers employed in the affairs of the Indians shall be forbid under proper penalties to carry on any Trade vrith them either upon their account or in Trust for others, or to make any purchase of, or accept any grants of Lands from the Indians. 23^ That for the better Regulation of the Trade with the said Indians, conformable to their o\\'n requests, and to prevent those irauds & abuses, which have been so long and so loudly complained ^i in the manner of carrying on such Trade, all Trade with the Indians District, as also

the Indian

each District be carried on under the Direction & Inspection of the Agents or Superintendants & other subordinate officers to be ap»n

pouited for that purpose, as has been already mentioned.

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

278

That

24*^

persons intending to trade -^dth the Indians, shall

all

take out Licences for that purpose, under the hand or seal of the Gov-

Commander in Chief of the Colony from which they intend such Trade, for every of which Licences, no more shall be on to carry or taken than two Shillings. demanded

ernor or

25*^

That

persons taking out Licences shall enter into

all

Bond

to His Majesty, His Heirs & Successors in the Sum of [blajik in MS.] with one surety in the sum of [blank in MS.] for the due Observance of the regulations prescribed for the Indian Trade.

That every person

26*^

surety

"vsilling, if

willing to give such security,

required to take an oath, that he

property to double the value of the

sum he

is

&

finding a

possess'd of

stands Security

for, shall

Time

of taking

be intitled to a Licence.

That every such Licensed Trader shall,

27*^

at the

out the Licence, declare the Post or Truckhouse at which, or the Tribe of Indians \vith which he intends to trade, which shall be specified in the Licence itself.

That no Licence be granted

28*^

to continue longer than for

one year.

That no Person trade under such Licence but the Person it, his Servants or Agents, whose Names are to be inserted in the ISIargents, and in case any of the Servants or Agents named in such Licence shall die, or be discharged, the same shall be notified to the Governor by whom the Licence was granted or to the Com29*^

named

in

missary of the Post or in the Tribe where such Trader carryes on

Trade, to the end that the

Name

or

Names

of

any other Servants or

Agents employed by the said Trader in the place of those dead or discharged

may

in like

Manner be

inserted in the

Margent

of the

Licence. 30*^*

That

all

Licences be entered in the Secretary's office or other

proper office of Record in each Colony where they are taken out, for for

which Entry no more shall be demanded or taken than sixpence each Licence, & all persons to have free Liberty to inspect such

Entry, paying a Fee of Sixpence for the same. 31^* That Persons trading with the Indians without a Licence and without giving the Security above required, or trading at any

do

forfeit

also

pay a

other posts or places than those expressed in their licences, all

the goods they shall be found then trading with

and

PLAN FOR CONTROL OF INDIAN AFFAIRS

279

& Successors; and MS.] aMonths Imprisonment. 32''** That all Traders immediately upon their Arrival at the Posts or Truckhouses in the Northern District, or in the Tribes in the Southern District, for which Licences have been taken out and before any goods are sold to or bartered w'ith the Indians do produce Fine of [blank in MS.] to His ^Majesty, His Heirs

suffer [blank in

such Licences to the Commissaries appointed for the Direction or Inspection of the Trade at such Posts or Truckhouses or in such Tribes.

Trade with the Indians shall be carried on by Tariffs from Time to Time by the Commissaries the Several Posts or Truckhouses or in the Countries belonging 7,7,^

That

at

all

&

be settled

to

established

to the several Tribes, in concert with the Traders

34*^

That the Commissaries appointed

&

to direct

Indians,

&

inspect the

Trade at each Truckhouse in the Northern District shall be impower'd to fix & proscribe certain Limits round each Post or Truckhouse, -within

which Limits

all

Trade with the Indians may be com-

modiously carried on in the most publick Manner. 35**^

That

all

Traders have free Liberty to erect Huts

houses within such Limits or in such Order

&

missary shall, with the concurrence of the officer Post, direct

36*^

Ware-

commanding

at such

& appoint.

That no Trader

have any dealings with the by the Commissary or other

shall traffick or

Indians, without the Limits prescribed chief officer

&

[Manner as the Com-

appointed for the Inspection

&

Direction of the Trade.

That each Truckhouse or Post of Trade in the northern District be fortified & garrison'd; and that all Traders have free Liberty to retire into such Garrison with their Effects, whenever any disturbance shall arise, or the Commissary at such Post, shall 37*^

represent 38*^

with

it

to be necessary.

That no Trader

Rum

shall sell or otherwise

or other spirituous Liquors,

supply the Indians

Swan Shot

or riffled BarrelFd

Guns.

That in Trade with the Indians, no credit shall be given them goods in Value beyond the Sum of fifty shillings, and no debt beyond that Sum shall be recoverable by Law or Equity. 39**^

for

40*^ That all Disputes concerning Weights & Measures, in the buying or selling goods shall be decided by Standard weights &

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

28o

measures to be kept in each Post or Truckhouse in the Northern and in each Town in the Southern District.

District, 4ist

That no private person, Society, Corporation or Colony be capable of acquiring any Property in Lands belonging to the Indians either

by purchasing

of or grant or

Conveyance from the said Indians,

excepting only where the Lands lye within the Limits of any Colony, the Soil of which has been vested in proprietors or Corporations by

grants from the Cro^\Ti; in which case such proprietaries or Corporations only shall be capable of acquiring such Property

by purchase

or grant from the Indians. 42°^

That proper measures be taken with the consent

currence of the Indians to ascertain

&

define the precise

& con& exact

&

Limits of the Lands, which it may be proper to reserve where no settlement whatever shall be allowed. 43^"^ That no purchase of Lands belonging to the Indians, whether in the Name & for the use of the Crown, or in the name & for the use of proprietaries of Colonies, be made but at some general meeting at which the Principal Chiefs of each Tribe, claiming a property in

boundary to

them

&

such Lands, are present,

& all

Tracts so purchased, shall be regularly

by a Sworn Surveyor, in the presence & with the assistance a person deputied by the Indians to attend such survey; and the

sur\'eyed of

said Surv^eyo/ shall

the Limits, which of

make an

Map

shall

accurate

Map

of such Tract, describing

be entered upon Record with the Deed

Conveyance from the Indians.^ It is estimated that the

annual expence of supporting the Estab-

lishment propos'd in the foregoing Plan, providing presents for the Indians, and other contingent Expences, may amount to about Twenty Thousand Pounds; and it is propos'd to defray this Expence by a Duty upon the Indian Trade, either collected upon the Exportation of Skins & Furs (Beavers excepted) from the Colonies, or payable by the Traders at the posts & places of Trade as shall upon further examination and the fullest Information be found most practicable & least Burthensome to the Trade. * Section 42 provadcs for a boundary line between those lands open to settlement and the Indian hunting grounds; and section 4^ taken in connection with section 10, provides for the gradual expansion of the settlements bcyund the boundary line by the purcha-^c of territory from the Indians in an orderly manner under the oversight of an imperial ofticer. The document is (Irawn up by those men who were in favor of a slow and gradual westward expansion of the coloaics.

PLAN FOR CONTROL OF INDIAN AFFAIRS

281

A. List of Indian Tribes in the Northern District of

Mohocks

North America.^

Ottawas.

Oneidas

Chipe weighs [Chippewa] or

Tuscaroras

Missisagais.

Onondagas.

Me>Tiomenys. [Meiiominee] Folsavoins. [Menominee] Puans. [Winnebago]

Cayugas Senecas

Oswegachys

Sakis.

Nanticokes.

Foxes

[Missisauga]

[Sauk]

Twightwees

Conoys. Tuteeves.

[Miami]

Kickapous.

[Tutelo]

Mascoutens.

Saponeys.

Caghnawagas. Canassadagas.

Arundacks.

Piankashaws.

Waweaghtonos.

[Oka]

[Adirondack]

Algonkins.

Abenaquis.

Illinois.

[Abnaki]

Skaghquanoghronos

Sioux.

Micmacs.

[Xipissing]

Hurons.

Nor\\idgewalk5.

Shawanese.

Arsseguntecooks.

Delawares.

Wiandots.

[Wea]

Keskeskias.

[Norridgewock]

[Arosaguntacook]

[Huron]

Powtewatamis.

Penobscots.

[Potawatomi]

St. Johns.

[San Juan]

B. List of Indian Tribes in the Southern District of

Attucapas.

Cherokees.

North America.

[Attacapa]

Creeks

Baijuglas.

Chickesaws.

Tunicas

Chactaws

Peluches

Catawbas

Osugulas.

[Ofogoiila]

Querphas.

[Qua paw]

Beluxis.

[Biloxi]

[Apalachee]

Humas Plan Bundle A.

[Endorsed:] 10.

of the future

management

of Indian afTairs.

No

* For fhe location of any of the tribes in these lists consult the Ilandhook ofllic A mcrican Indians published by the bureau of elhnoloj^y. The ac(:e[)tc(l name has boon placed in brackets after the names that not be otherwise easily reeogniied.

wouM

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

282

Gage to Halifax, July [P.R.O.,

CO.,

S.83,

f.

13,

1764

333 -A.L.S.]

New York July

13*^, 1764.

My Lord, I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of Your Lordship's Letter of the 12*^ of May, together with a copy of your Letter of same date to Governor Johnstone, a Letter, and Copy of the same to AP Stewart,^ and a copy of the additional Instructions, to Governors Johnstone and Grant. Your Lordship's Letter to jNP Stewart shall be forwarded by the first Opportunity for Florida, where I expect He now is; having received a Letter from Him to inform me, that He was on the point of embarking for S* Augustine; on his intended Visit to all the Settlethe

ments in the Floridas, agreeable to my Request in that Respect; which your Lordship ^ill have received Advice in my Letter of the

of

13*^ of April last.

in a Situation to

If

He

to the Fort of Apalachi. Affairs

resides at Pensacola or Mobile;

He

will

be

all

the Indian Affairs from the Mississipi,

By

the latest Acc^^ from Carolina our

Superintend

with the Creeks were hkely to take a favorable Turn, and the

Disposition

and Sentiments

of

the Cherokees were as favorable

Those Indians had delivered up a Renegade Creek, who after committing a Murder in Carolina, had taken Refuge amongst them; and readily complied with our Desire of sending Partys, against the Shawnese and Delawares. In my letter of the 21®* of May ,2 Your Lordship was informed of Major Loftus's return from the Mississipi, of the resolution taken, to make another attempt up that river, and the means proposed, to faciUtate the success of it. I find by letters from Mobile that the same methods have been suggested there, with the hopes to accompHsh our Ends, if they were pursued. I therefore sent from hence a few weeks ago, a reinforcement of men and supplys necessary for towards us as could be ^^ished.

the undertaking, hoping

out from Mobile, by the

Major Loftus may be in a condition to set month of August. He is provided with the

best information that could be procured, of the several Tribes his

Route, and there

is

use of the necessary precautions, get *

The superintendent

*

Printed ante, 248.

on

reason to believe, that he may, with making

up

to the

mouth

of Indians of the southern district.

of the Ohio,

GAGE TO HALIFAX, JULY with

little

The

interruption.

thence to the Ilinois, but

from the Cherokees; to with them,

it is

283

greatest danger seems to be, from

hoped, that he

whom

may there

M"" Stewart,

desired to send proper

is

1764

13,

who has

Tokens by the

find assistance

great influence

^Major, that

may

be of use, either in defending him, if there should be occasion, or by treating in his behalf, with the Savages of the Ihnois; who were well reconciled to our possessing their Country*,

till

spirited

up against

us by the Delawares, and by Pondiac.

Neither the Indians of the

who

are the most contiguous to

Ilinois,

assist

or those of the Ouabache,

them, are esteemed warlike Nations; the Delawares, Shawnese,

and Pondiac's Tribes, are at a great distance; and will for some time home. There are therefore hopes, that by sending Deputys to the Ilinois, and making a proper use of the friendship of the Cherokees and of the Chikesaws, that Major Loftus may be enabled to obtain their consent, to his taking a quiet possession of the Country. I have wTote to Mons^ D'Abbadie to desire his Assistance in this undertaking; and it is certain that the French may contribute find emplo^Tnent at

by

greatly to our success, or

turbance and opposition.

secret endeavors create as

much

dis-

WilHam Johnson and Colonel Brad-

Sir

to, to try if Messages from us, could from the side of Detroit, which I apprehend may be done, if peace shall be concluded with all the Savages in that District. Every measure has teen taken that was thought could be in any shape useful towards compleating this work happily, and without comeing to blows: tho' it must be confessed, that the operations are delicate, and that they require caution, skill, and Artful management. But it behoves us to tr>' all means to gain a peaceable posses-

street

have likewise been applied

be sent to the

Ilinois

sion of the Ilinois as early as

the Indians with their obstinacy

and be

whom we

and

retire

we can;

are

from

now

as

it is

easy to foresee, that

if

at variance, should continue in

their Habitations to the

Westward,

in a situation to unite their forces with the Indians of that

form such a Confederacy against us, as will require to take possession of that Country by Force, than we shall be able to collect: and the enormous expcnce of an expedition at so great a distance, is too obvious. We have just had District,

they

a greater

Body of Troops

will

experience of the backwardness of the Provinces to give assisstance, in driving the

enemy from

their doors;

and

it's

to be feared, that

they will be less inclined to favor any cntcrprize at such a distance

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

284

see no immediate advantage to their remust confess to Your Lordship, that I have

from them, wherein they spective provinces.

I

been some time apprehensive of such a Confederacy, as the Savages have showTi us, that they understood their pohtical interest extreamly well, and it is certainly for their interest to have a door open to treat and trade -vvith another power. The Ilinois only remains to them for those uses; the

they

will see

moment we

are in possession of that Country,,

themselves surrounded by our Forts, and that they

must depend upon the EngUsh Louisianne

is

alone,

soon ceded to Spain,

for all their Supplys.

affairs

may

If

turn more to our

advantage. Mons'" D'Abbadie exclaims loudly against ]Major Loftus's accusation of his stirring up the Savages against him, and takes great pains to clear himself of the imputation, offering as a proof

Detachment

of his sincerity to procure a safe passage to a 34*^ Reg*,

of the

which was ordered up to the Natches.

Colonel Bradstreet should by this time have got over the Carr\-ing Place of Niagara, where he has been joined by a considerable

number

William Johnson is also set out for Niagara, to conclude a formal peace, with such Nations, as shall send their Deputys

of Indians.

Sir

By

thither for that purpose.

Messessagas

had

sent

their

the latest Acc*^

Deputys and

from thence, the up some

delivered

Prisoners.

The Delawares and Sha^nese to time, into Pensylvania

and

this last Province, to within a

continue their incursions from time

Virginia,

they have penetrated into

few miles of Winchester, murdering

and captivating a great many of the Inhabitants. The Levies of Pensylvania have gone on slowly, but it is expected that their Forces will be compleated, and assembled at Carlisle by the end of this month. I

am

with the greatest Regard, Respect, and Esteem,

Your Lordship's,

T^Iost

Obedient, and

My

Lord,

Most humble Servant, Tho' Gage

Right Hon^^^ Earl of Halifax.

New York July 13*^ 1764. Major Gen' Gage. R Informing of the measures taken towards procuring quiet Possession of the Illinois. The Difficulties attending it Account [Endorsed:]

August

17*^

—

of Indian Affairs.

Bundle

B

N'^

6

DABBADIE TO TUNICA, JULY

I4,

1764

Address of Dabbadie to the Tunica Indl\ns, July [A.N., C, F3 25:22i — A.C.]

285 14,

1764

M. Dabbadie Directeur general Commandant Roi a la Loiiisianne, aux Chefs et guerriers Sauvages Tonikas assembles, en presence de M" les oflSciers, et de M. Pittman ingenieur anglois destine pour les ilinois. Copie du discours de

pour

le

M. Desmazellieres de vous aurois vous vu plustot, mais vous aves rougi la terre, envoyer id; je Pouret mon Coeur a saigne, parceque vous aves rejette ma parole. sur nos amis les anglois qui ne vous fesoient quoi aves vous Frape Mes

enfans, J'ai dit a votre pere

qui alloient aux ilinois prendre possession des Terres que le

rien, et

grand Empereur leur a donnees.

Reponse du N® Perruquier chef

Mon les

pere, les anglois ont toujours gate les chemins dans toutes

nations,

ils

mourir quand

leur ont

j'ai

Feroient mourir,

defendu, mais mourir, je n'ai

il

donne a boire des Liqueurs qui

sgu qu'ils venoient sur nos Terres

vaut mieux

les tuer.

je sgai bien

les

ont fait

j'ai dit ils

que tu

me

nous

I'avois

comme j'avois dans mon Coeur qu'ils nous Feroient pu m'empecher de Fraper sur eux. S'ils avoient mis [Translation]

Copy mandant

of the speech of

M. Dabbadie,

warriors assembled, in the presence of

English engineer

who

"My children, you here.

director general

and com-

Tunica Indian chiefs and the officers and M. Pittman, an

for the king in Louisiana, to the

I

I should

is

sent to the Illinois:

have told your father, M. Desmazellieres, to send have seen you sooner, but you have reddened the

land, and my heart has bled because you rejected my word. Why did you attack our friends, the English, who were doing nothing to you and

who were going to the Illinois to take possession great emperor had given them?'* Reply

of the native

[?]

that

all

made them

They gave them

the nations.

die.

When

I

learned they were

coming to our lands I said they would make us die; them.

which the

Perruquier, a chief: "Father, the English

have always ruined the roads in liquors to drink

of the lands

it is

better to

kill

you had forbidden me to do it, but as I had it in my heart that they would cause us to die, I could not keep from atI

know

well

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

286

a Terre avec leurs Guerriers nous ils

ont bien

Enfin,

fait.

honteux, chaties-moi

si

mon

les

aurions tues; mais

pere, je viens a toi

ils

ont Fui, et

comme un

enfant

tu veux, mais aye pitie de nous.

M. Dabbadie Mes

enfans, je vous porte tou jours dans

ne suives pas mes Conseils, et que vous

mon Coeur, mais si vous ma parole, ne comptes

rejetties

plus sur mes bienfaits, je vous repete que Tintention des grands Empereurs est que les Chemins soient blancs par toute la Terre pour le bonheur des hommes rouges et des blancs. Si les guerriers anglois n'ont pas repondu a votre attaque, c'est parceque leur Chef de la Mobile leur avoit ordonne de ne pas repandre le Sang des hommes rouges, et ils ont mieux aime descendre que de monter par Force. Perruquier,

Puisque tu I'ordonnes,

pere, nous resterons tranquiles, et

ne soient pas ingrats de nous, nous donnent quelque chose.

les anglois

qu'ils

peuvent venir,

mon qu'ils

et

M. Dabbadie je suis

mon

bien aise de vous voir dans ces dispositions, vous soulages

Coeur, mais

Faut garder

il

la

parole que vous

me

donnes.

[Translation]

tacking them.

have

come

killed

to

If

they had landed with their warriors, we should

them, but they

fled

you as an ashamed

and they did

child; punish

Finally, father, I

well.

me

if

you

v,-ish

but have

pity on us."

M. Dabbadie: "My children,

I

keep you always in

my

heart, but

my word, do not you do not follow my advice, and if you count longer on my kindness. I repeat that the intention of the great reject

if

emperors

is

that the roads remain white throughout the land for the

happiness of the red

man and the

did not meet your attack

them not

it is

white man.

to shed the blood of the red men,

scend rather than go up by

If

the English warriors

because their chief at Mobile had ordered

and they preferred

to de-

force.'* it, father, we shall remain peaceful; Let them not be ungrateful to us and

Perruquier: ''Since you order

and the English let

may

come.

them give us something." "I am glad to see you in this mood; you lighten my you must keep the promise you have given mc. You

M. Dabbadie: heart; but

GAGE TO BRADSTREET, JULY

287

mon ami, je lui serre la main; meme partout ou ils vous rencontretranquiles, ils pourvoiront comme nous a vos

vous voyes ce chef anglois; Ics anglois vous en feront de ront, et si

1764

15,

vous etes

c'est

besoins.

Je soussigne interprete des nations Sauvages, certifie avoir interci dessus et des autres parts en presence

prete ce jourd'hui le discours

M"

de

les ofFiciers

des Troupes de cette Colonie, et de

M. Pittman

ingenieur anglois.

A LA N^^"^ Orleans,

le 14. juillet

1764.

Lavillebeuve.

signe

Pour Copie. [Endorsed:]

Dabbadie

Joint a la lettre de

M. D'Abbadie du

9.

aoust 1764

[Translation] see

this

English

He

chief.

is

my

friend.

I

shake his

hand.

The English will do the same to you everyw'here they meet you; and if you are peaceful they will provide for your wants as we have." I,

the undersigned interpreter of the Indian nations, certify to

having interpreted today the above speech and other parts, in the presence of the officers of the troops of this colony and in the presence of

M. Pittman, an English

New

Orleans, July

engineer.

1764

14,

signed

True copy [Etidarsed:]

Lavillebeitv^

Dabbadie Joined to

M. Dabbadie's

letter of

August

9,

1764

Gage to Bradstreet, [H.C.L.,

July 15, 1764 Gage Letter Book]

New York

July

15**',

1764

Dear Sir, The Receipt of your Letter from Oswego gave me great Pleasure, as we had heared here you was cxtreamly ill. As you mention

am to hope that you arc recovered. you find your Indians as hearty in our Cause as they are great in Numbers, you will draw great & material service out of them; you nothing concerning your Health, I If

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

288

certainly Judge very Right that their Beha\iour now, is of great Concern to the Nation and you will soon have opportunity to prove their Intentions. Sir William Johnson conceives great Hopes from their Willingness to act offensively against the Enemy; and I am to hope that you will find, they answer his Expectations. You have read IMajor Glad\\in's Dispatches of the 7^^ & of the 11*^ of June; so need not repeat what He says in them. The ottawas leaving Detroit w^th some others, has not the aspect of Peace, and it is pretty plain from many acct^ that they have all been supplied with Ammunition from the Ilinois; and that they will endeavor to keep that Door open, as long as they can. one severe Blow on any of the Enemy Tribes, may startle them, & make them change their Resolutions, which do not seem at present to be pacifick. that Rascal Pondiac is at the Bottom of the whole. I before mentioned to you Ilinois,

They

were well disposed to receive us, before Pondiac inflamed

Them

the use

it

might be

of,

He went

against us.

to get

some Deputys over to the

thither the Beginning of April with that Intent,

A Letter from Mons"^ de Neyon the Commandant 14*^ of that

From

Month, mentions

of the Ilinois of the

^

the slowness of the Resolves of Pensylvania, and the tardi-

ness of their Levies,

on your

his being there,

side, before

you

will

have near done everything to be done

Colonel Bouquet begins his Operations.

He

proposes according to his present Calculation, to set out from Fort Pitt the Beginning of October.

situation to go

x\nd

up the Sandusky, as

if

you are at that Time in a you can, and entrench

far as

be a very good Divertion in his Favor. He fixes the October for your making that Movement. As you vdU. have paid a visit to that spot, probably before this gets to you, you will be a Judge how far it will be of use to Him. He proposes to go into the midst there; it will

first of

Delawares and Shawnese, and to pierce to the lowermost Castle, you will of Course keep to yourself. I will take up no more of your Time, than to tell you that I pray most heartily for your Success; as it behoves us very much to put a happy end to all our of the

But

this,

Broils this Campain, for I fear that the Provinces are in such a Temper, as they will refuse all further Requisitions for Troops. I am, 'with great Regard, Dear Sir, Your most obedient, humble servant, Tho" Gage *

See ante, 242.

ANGE TO DABBADIE, JULY

ST,

St.

Ange^ to Dabbadie, July

15,

15,

1764

289

1764

[A.N.,C.,F325:223-E.S.l Extrait de la Lettre de

M.

de S* Ange

Commandant aux

a M. Dabbadie Directeur general Command' a

ilinois

du

la Loiiisianne,

15.

1764.

juillet

Le

du passe

26.

les

Chefs ^liamis Kikapous, mascoutins, ouya-

tanons et Peanguichias

arriverent

ici

avec leur bande;

ils

com-

mencerent par m'assurer de leur Fidelite et de leur attachement pour la

nation franjoise, et

me

prierent avec instances d'avoir pitie d'eux,

qu'ils etoient denues de tout generalement, et qu'ils ne trouvoient

comme autrefois, et que si je n'avois Femmes et leurs enfans moureroient tous. j'ai Monsieur, de ce moment pour leur Faire sentir que c'est la

point ches eux leur necessaire pitie

d'eux leurs

profite,

aux anglois qui

guerre qu'ils ont declaree

que

mite, et

Neyon

les

y

s'ils

les reduisoit

a cette extre-

M. de

avoient voulu mettre bas les armes lorsque

in\'ita, ils

auroient tous leurs secours, tant de la part de [Translation]

Extract of the letter from Illinois,

to

M. Dabbadie,

M.

de

St.

director general,

Ange, commandant

commandant

in the

in Louisiana,

July 15, 1764.

The twenty-sixth

of the past

month

the chiefs of the Miami,

Kickapoo, Mascoutens, Wea, and Piankashaw arrived here with their band.

They commenced by

assuring

me

of their fidelity

attachment to the French nation, and they beseeched

and

of their

me

to have

upon them, saying that they were entirely destitute and did not fmd at their home those necessities as formerly, and that if I did not

pity

and children would all die. I took advantage, make them feel that it is the war that they have declared against the English which has reduced them to this extremity; and that if they had wished to lay down their arms when M. de Villiers invited them, they would have had as much help from pity them, their \\'ives

sir,

of that opportunity to

* Louis St. Ange de Bellerive. born in 1701, was the son of a military officer in Canada. He spent most of his Ufe in the West, and became commander of Post ^incennes in 1736, leaving there in 1764 to take command of Fort de Charires, ^hich'he delivered to the British, October 14, 1765. St. Ange then reming niost to Lake

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

292

St.

Ange to Dabbadie, August [A.N.,

Copie de

la Lettre

M. Dabbadie

de

C, C13A44

M.

de

s*

:

131

— A.C]

12,

1764

Ange Commandant aux

Directeur general, Command** pour

le

Roi a

ilinois,

a

la Louisi-

anne, du 12 aout 1764

Monsieur, Depuis

du

la

demiere que

15. juillet dernier, les

Kaos, sont arrives

du meme mois. ils

ici

La

j'ai

eu I'honneur de vous

ecrire

en datte

Missouris que je vous marquois etre aux

avec Femmes, enfans, armes et bagages,

le 17.

crainte qu'ils ont des grands Ozages^ avec lesquels

sont en guerre, Tassaut qu'ils ont deja souffert d'un de leurs partis

au nombre de 300. hommes,

et les

menaces

reiterees qu'ils leur ont

de venir en plus grand nombre, les ont determines a se refugier ici, et a me prier de leur faire accorder la paix; c'est a quoi fait faire

deja travaille,

j'ai

il

me

a de certain, c'est que

reste a scavoir

si je

je n'omettrai rien

a meme de calmer cette nation et de la

reussirai;

mais ce

de ce qui pourra

faire vivre

me

qu'il

y

mettre

en bonne intelligence

[Translation]

Copy

of letter

from M. de

St.

Ange, commandant at the

Illinois,

M. Dabbadie, director general, commandant for the king Louisiana, August 12, 1764. to

in

Sir:

Since the last that I had the honor to write to you, dated July 15 last, the Missouri,

whom

I informed

you were at Cahokia, have

arrived here the seventeenth of the same children, arms,

whom

and baggage.

month with

their wives,

Their fear of the Great Osage

^

with

they are at war, the assault which they have already suffered

numbering three hundred men, and the which the Great Osage have made of coming in larger numbers have caused them to decide to take refuge here and to pray me to obtain for them peace. I have already been at work at this, aiid it remains to be seen if I shall succeed; but what is certain from one of

their parties

reiterated threats

is

that I shall omit nothing that will enable

and make

it live

in

me

good understanding with

to pacify that nation all

the nations of the

*Thc Great Osage were the most important division of the 0?aj:e Indian's and were located at this time on the Osage River. They were generally at war with the Illinois Indians. American Indians, art. "Osage."

ANGE TO DABBADIE, AUGUST

ST.

12, 176 J^

293

avec toutes celles du Missouris; je viens de

a leur

village,

les determiner a retoumer pour eviter une plus grande depense, et rendre la tran-

a nos habitans. Quelque economie que je puisse mettre en usage, il est impossible que je ne fasse point de depense; toutes les nations \'iennent me quillite

representer Fetat de leur situation et de leur misere et les secourir. il

je

ne puis

me

faut en outre les nourrir lorsqu'elles sont

de 150., 200., 250, et

meme

Nomme

ici, la

prient de

plus part venant

300. lieues avec seulement

Poudre dans leurs Cornes, pour chasser

Le

me

refuser a leur donner quelque chose;

le

un peu de

long de la route.

IMitamingue, chef a Mevaille de la Nation Pouteowa-

du passe, il m'a a reitere son m'a assure de la fidelite de ses gens il m'a informe d'une demarche qu'il a fait des Peorias ches une bande d'Ayavois qui est etablie sur le bord du ^lississipi, au sujet des insuites qu'ils ont faites aux Francois habitans aux Peorias, et des vols qu'ils leur ont fait en Chevaux et en Esclaves. il m'a assure que si tamis, de

s*

Joseph, est arrive

attachement pour

ici le 30.

les Fran^ais, et

cette nation continuoit ce brigandage, elle s'attireroit la haine

de

[Translation^

have just persuaded them to return to their \qllages in order to avoid a greater expense and to give peace to our inhabitants. WTiatever economy I may practice, it is impossible not to make some Missouri.

I

come

me

and misery them something. Furthermore it is necessary to support them when they are here, since the most part come one hundred and fifty, two hundred, two hundred and fifty, and even three hundred leagues with only a little expense;

all

and to pray

the nations

me

to

to assist them.

tell

of their situation

I cannot refuse to give

powder in their horns for the purpose of hunting along the route. A certain Mitamingue, chief a Mevaille [?] of the Potawatomi nation of St. Joseph, arrived here the thirtieth of the past month.

He

and assured me of the measure which he had taken with the Peoria at the camp of a band of Iowa, which is established on the bank of the Mississippi, on the occasion of the insults which they had oflered to the French inhabitants of Peoria and the reasserted his attachment to the French

fidelity of his

people.

thefts of horses

me

that

if

He

informed

me

of a

and slaves which they had committed. He assured would draw upon

this nation continued this brigandage it

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

294

celles qui sont attachees

aux Frangois,

il

m'a

dit les

conduite de ce Chef m'a ete confirmee par je I'ai regu et traite

le

en avoir menaces,

aux

frangois.

Nomme

Detailly.

et leur avoir fait rendre tout ce qu'ils avoient pris

avec tout ce que son attachement et sa

La

fidelite

engage a continuer de meme en toute occasion, je n'ai pas manque de lui dire, ainsi qu'aux autres nations, que Tattachement qu'ils avoient pour les Francois ne devoit pas les engager a conlui meritent; et I'ai

tinuer la guerre les

aux

anglois,

que leur pere vouloit

armes, afin de faire regner

la tranquilite, et

qu'ils

missent bas

que ce ne

seroit qu'en

prenant ce parti qu'ils prouveroient veritablement leur attachement,

mais

je les

trouve toujours dans

inflexibles sur ce point, et repetent

memes

ils

sont

dans toutes leurs harangues

qu'ils

les

resolutions,

ne renonceront jamais a voir leur premier Pere qui traites

avec douceur, et

conserver, que d'ailleurs

avec

les Anglois, ni les

deja eprouve

le

qu'ils ils

ne trouveront point

memes

les

a toujours

ne continuent cette guerre que pour les

le

memes avantages

bontes sous leur gouvernement, ayant

ton de maitre de leur part.

Les Peorias et Kaokias qui sont en

village pres de ce fort, con-

[Translatio7i] itself

me

the hatred of those

who

are attached to the French.

He

told

them and had forced them to return all The conduct of this chief that they had taken from the French. was confirmed by a man named Detailly. I received and treated him with all the honor that his attachment and his fidehty merited, and I have pledged him to continue the same on all occasions. I have not failed to tell him as well as the other that he had threatened

nations that the attachment that they have for the French should

not pledge them to continue the war against the English, that their

down their arms m order to make peace and that they would truly prove their attachment only in acting on this decision. But I find them always in the same resolution; they are inflexible on this point and repeat in all their harangues father wished that they lay reign,

that they will never renounce seeing their treated

first

father

protect him; that furthermore they will not find

who

has always

war only to the s;ime advantage

them with kindness and that they continue

this

with the English nor the same benefits under their p;ovcrnment, since they have already experienced the tone of the master from thcni.

The Peoria and

the Cahokia

who

are in a village near this fort

ST.

ANGE TO DABBADIE, AUGUST

12,

176 J^

295

tinuent toujours leurs insolences vis-a-\'i5 les Francois, et leur font des torts considerables par les eiileveraens de

Chevaux

qu'ils font fort

y a un mois qu'ils partirent pour la Chasse d'Ete, et emmenerent un grand nombre de chevaux dont plusieurs sont morts. ils \dennent d'arriver et m'ont fait demander a me parler; je leur ai refuse la porte du fort jusqu'a ce qu'ils ayent rendu les chevaux qu'ils souvent,

il

ont voles, et qu'ils se soient arranges avec les anglois qui y sont interesses,

ce

sont aussi accuses d'avoir regu dans leur chasse d'Ete un

ils

de

colier

que

je

la

part des anglois du Detroit, po^ar fraper sur nous; c'est Quoiqu'il en soit je ferai toujours les perquisi-

ne crois pas.

pour decouvrir

tions necessaires

chose lorsque je parlerai a cette

la

nation.

d'apprendre que

je viens

nombre de

60. sont

les

la belle Riviere,

Loups au

pour venir

me

Cette visite m'embarrasse beaucoup,

parler, et sgavoir des nouvelles.

vu

Chefs Chaouanons et

en route dans

circonstances presentes; j'aurai I'honneur de vous informer,

les

Monsieur, par

La

premiere occasion du sujet de leur demarche.

la

recolte est tres

mauvaise comme

j'ai

eu I'honneur de vous

le

[Translation]

always continue their insults to the French and commit considerable

harm by the

stealing of horses vrhich they

ago they set out for the

summer

do very

A month away a great

often.

chase and brought

number of horses of which several are dead. They have just arrived and demanded to speak to me. I refused to open the gate of the fort for them until they should return the horses which they have stolen and have made arrangements with the English who are interested therein. They summer hunt a

in

also

from the English at Detroit

a blow at

strike

accused of ha\-ing received during

are belt

us.

do not believe

I

the report, I shall always

to discover the truth of

make

this

this,

in order that

their

they

WTiatever there

is

the necessary inquiries in order

matter when

I

shall

speak to

this

nation. I

have

to the

just learned that the chiefs of the

number

Shawnee and the Mahican

on the Ohio to come to speak to me This visit embarrasses me much on account

of sixty are en route

and to learn the news.

of the present circumstances.

you,

sir,

I shall have the honor, of informing on the subject of their actions by the first occasion.

The harvest

is

very bad as

I

have had the honor

of informing you.

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

296

marquer; rinondation a ete ete perdus, ce qui causera

si grande, que beau coup de bleds ont une disette dans cette partie.

Le Fleuve continue toujours a degrader, surtout au dessous du de faf on que

fort,

Tout

le

\dllage court

beaucoup de

risque.

est bien tranquile de la part des frangois.

il

n'est rien

autre chose de nouveau. I'honneur, &c.

j'ai

Depuis

P. S.

signe

la presente ecrite les

Ayavois desquels

s"^

j'ai

Ange.

-

eu I'hon-

neur de vous parler, nous ont blesse un Frang:ois qui etoit en chasse sur le Mississipi a 35. lieues au dessus de ce fort,

que

les

ont

fait

il

paroit, ^lonsieur,

menaces que le Nomme Metamingue leur a faite ne leur aucune impression, ce qui me mettra dans le cas de m'opposer

au depart des Traiteurs qui se disposoient a aller dans cette partie, jusqu'a ce que j'aye pu informer les Sacs et les Renards de la conduite signe s^ Ange. de ces Coquins de sauvages. Pour Copie Dabbadie. Joint a la lettre de

[Endorsed:]

a

la lettre

M. Dabbadie du 30

7^^ 1764.

Joint

N° 87 [Translation]

The inundation has been which

river continues always to

below the All

is

fort, so

corn has been

lost

undermine the banks, especially

much

that the village runs

very quiet among the French.

risk.

There

is

no other news.

I

St.

Ange

Since writing the present the Iowa, concerning

whom

have the honor, P. S.

much

cause a scarcity in this country.

will

The

so great that

signed

etc.

I

have had the honor of writing you, have wounded a Frenchman who was hunting on the Mississippi thirty-five leagues above this fort. It appears, sir, that the threats that the

made

to

them have made no impression.

one named Metamingue

This fact has caused

oppose the departure of the traders who were this region until I

[Etidorsed:]

1764.

to

should be able to inform the Sauk and Foxes of the

conduct of these knavish savages.

True copy

me

preparing to go into

signed

St.

Ange

DabB/U)IE Joined to the letter of

Joined to the letter No. 87

M. Dabbadie, September

^o^

PITTMAN TO TRADERS, AUGUST

1764

12,

PiTTMAN Addresses the Illinois Traders, x\ugust [Lansdowne Papers, 131:121

297

12, 1764^

—C]

Copie du Discours tenu, a La Nouvelle Orleans, par Le Sieur Pittman, Officier Anglois, aux Voyageurs Francois des 12.

Aout

Ilinois.

le

1764.2

Messieurs,

La

Situation presente des Affaires m'a oblige de Vous donner

que Je vous fasse mes sinceres Remercimens de ce que Vous aves bien voulu condescendre a ma Priere. Je vais Vous faire part le plus succintement possible du Sujet qui m'a engage a vous voir, Vous Messieurs, qui aves Dessein de monter aux Ilinois pour y jouir de vos Possessions. cette Peine, permettes

M'etant ordonne par Le Commandant Anglois de La Louisianne me rendre, s'il est possible, aux Ilinois, Je me suis addresse a

de

Mo' D'Abbadie,

qui m'assure qu'il m'accorderoit toute la Facilite

qui dependroit de Lui, pour tissant,

en

meme

expose dans

le

me

rendre cette Entreprise aisee, m'aver-

Terns, des Dangers inevitables, auxquels Je serai

Cours d'un pareil Voyage, que comme

il

n'y avoit

M.

Pittman,

[Translation]

Copy English

of the discourse held at

officer,

New

Orleans by

to the French voyageurs of the Illinois, August 12, 1764."

Sirs:

The present

situation of affairs has compelled

trouble for you; permit

me

to return

having been willing to consent to

most

who

briefly the subject

my

me

to

make

sincere thanks to

my prayer.

I

am

going to

which has caused me to see you

this

you tell

— you,

for

you sirs,

are proposing to ascend to the Illinois in order to enjoy your

possessions there.

Having been ordered by the English commandant to go,

if

possible, to the Illinois, I addressed myself to

of Louisiana

^L Dabbadic

who assured me that he would accord me ever>' facility that depended upon him to render this enterprise easy; but he told me at the same time of the inevitable dangers to which I should be exposed in the course of such a journey, saying that as there were no French troops *

For further information see

'

On

ante, i8g,

the subject of this discourse, see post, 302, 309.

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

298

aucune Troupe Frangoise qui montat,

ne pouvoit repondre dcs

il

Avant que de renoncer a I'Execution de mes Ordres, J'ai cru, Messieurs, devoir Vous faire part combien ils vous concernent particulierement. Je ne Vous parlerai point de Accidens qui pourroient m'arriver.

malheureuse

la Situation

Etat d'Anarchie egalement que

&

oii se

trouve Votre Pais, qui est dans un

de Confusion, Vous

le

scaves aussi bien que moi,

la Certitude des Nouielles

que les Espagnols doizxnt

dans pen venir prendre Possession des Terres qui

d

la Louisianne.

a profiter de

la

C'est ce qui a determine

restent

FraiK^ois

premiere Occasion pour envoyer une Personne capable

de remplir ses Intentions, en tachant de trouver les

Sauvages aux

les

aux

Le Commandant Anglois

Ilinois,

&

moyens de calmer

de donner aux Habitans une juste Idee

des Anglois, qui doivent resider parmi Eux, commie de la Liberte

dont

les Sujets

de La Grande Bretagne jouissent,

&

de ses Loix, dont

rUnivers revere & admire la Justice. Ce Commandant m'a honnore de cette importante Commission, mais Je crains que Les Ilinois ne

du Bonheur de gouter

jouiront pas

Anglois jusques a ce que Les

&

que

la

Douceur du Gouvernement

la

Hommes rouges soient amenes a la Raison,

Na\dgation du Fleuve Mississipi

soit libre,

&

a

I'abri

de

leurs Molestations.

[Translation]

that were ascending he could not be responsible for the accidents that

could happen to me.

Before renouncing the execution of

my

orders,

I thought, sirs, that I ought to inform you how much they concerned you in particular. I shall not speak to you of the unhappy situation in which your country is; that it is in a state of anarchy and com'u.-ion you know as well as 1, 7ior shall I speak of the truth of the news that the Spaniards ivill come in a little while to take possession of the lands in

Louisiana which remain to the French.

commandant

to profit

by the

first

This has determined the English

occasion to send a person capable

of carrying out his intentions of finding in the Illinois,

who

and

are to reside

means

to pacify the savaizes

of giving the inhabitants a just idea of the Enzli^h

among them,

as well as of the liberty which the

and

of their laws, the justice of which

the universe reveres and admires.

This commandant has honored

subjects of Great Britain enjoy

mc will

with this important commission, but

I fear

that the Illinois pe(^plo

not enjoy the fortune of tasting this sweetness of the En'jli>h

government

until the red

men

tion of the river Mississippi

is

are brought to reason and the na\i~'^free

and protected from

their attacks.

PITTMAN TO TRADERS, AUGUST M.

J'attends journcUement I'Agent de S.

pour

12, 1764

299

Britannique,

nomme

des Sauvages, qui vient avec des Presens convenables

les Affaires

pour ceux etablis sur les Rives du Fleuve ^lississipi, aussi bien que pour ceux des Ilinois; mais J'apprehende qu'il neLui sera pas possible do les delivrer avant le Printems. Je ne vous park de ceci, que pour \'ous faire voir

combien Nous desirons faire sentir dans les Parties TAmenite de la Paix qu'il a plu au

de L'Amerique les plus eloignees

de rendre a L'Europe.

Cicl si

II

ne

me

reste qu'a scavoir, Messieurs,

en m'accordant Passage Vous voulez Vous engager a

me

des Insultes des Sauvages, auxquelles Je serai expose,

&

defendre

prendre

pour ma Surete. II n'y a que Vous, qui puissiez scavoir si Vous pouves me promettre ceci, sans Peril pour Vous. Comptes, que si Vous condescendes a ma Demande, Le toutcs les Precautions necessaires

Gouvernement Anglois Vous en sgaura gre, comme de la plus forte Preuve de votre Affection pour Lui, & que votre Zele sera recompense dc son Estime que meritent tous bons Sujets. Votre Reponse determinera ma Resolution de laquelle Je ne manquerai pas de Vous faire part.

Pour Copie.

Signe.

D'Abbadie. [Trans! at io7i]

I

am

daily awaiting the agent of his Britannic majesty,

charge of the affairs of the savages, suitable for those

but

see

how much we

I

who has

coming with presents ^Mississippi, as well

I learn that it will

him to deliver these before spring.

may

is

estabUshed on the banks of the

as for those in the Illinois;

you

who

be impossible for

speak to you of this only that

desire that the blessing of the peace that

Europe be felt in the parts of America There remains only to know, sirs, if, in granting me a passage, you are willing to promise to defend me from the insults of the savages to which I shall be ex-posed and to take all the precautions that are necessary for my safety. You are the only ones who can know whether you can promise this without peril to yourselves. If

it

has pleased

the

Heaven

to give to

most distant.

my demands, you may be sure that the English jjovern-

you consent to nicnt will take

it

as the strongest proof of your alTcction. and that

your zeal will be recompensed by the esteem that nicrit.

Your answer

will

determine

concerning which T shall not

True copy

Signed

fail

Dabbadie

my

all

good subjects

resolution in this matter,

to inform you.

ii

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

300

[Endorsed:]

Planf Gen^ Lieut: Pittman's Speech

(4)

New

Traders.

Orleans, Aug^* 12*^ 1764.

to

The

Ilinois

In Maj'" Gen^ Gage's,

of

In M'" SedgYvdck's Letter of 12 Dec"" 1764.

the 9*^ Nov"" 1764.

[Trayislatioti]

[Endorsed:]

New

to the Illinois traders,

November

General Gage's of

December

Lieutenant Pittman's speech

Plantations General.

(4)

Orleans, August 12, 1764. 9,

In

1764.

2^Ir.

In }^IajoF

Sedgwick's letter of

1764.

12,

Dabbadie to Gage, August [Lansdovme Papers, 131:121

A

LA Nou\TLLE

16,

—

1764

C.j

Orle.an's,

le 16.

Aout, 1764.

Monsieur, recu la Lettre, que Vous m/aves

Thonneur de m'ecrire le dois aux Sentimens de Concihation, & de bonne Amitie, que Vous me temoignes; Je n'aurois sui\i dans tous les Arrangemiens, que Je voulois prendre avec Mo'" Farmar, que ce qui me paroissoit le plus conforme a la saine PoUtique, & aux Intentions de Nos Monarques respectifs, & Je gemis bien sincerement du Trouble, que Les Sauvages Vous occasionnent dans la Partie du Nord. Nous n'avons cesse, ]SL de Kerlerec, mon Predecesseur, & Moi, de marquer aux Commandans Francois de J'ai

le 20.

Mars

dernier.

Postes situes sur

le

Je suis sensible,

Mississipi,

&

fait

comme

Je

surtout a ceux de Pais Ilinois, qu'ils

[Translation]

New

Orleans, August

16,

1764

Sir: I received the letter

March

20, last.

of concihation

followed in

all

I

am

which you did

me

and good friendship to which you the arrangements that I

made

what appeared to be most conformable to

Kerlerec,

my

me

\\\i\\

testify.

have

I

^L Farmar

political health

and

only

to the

lament very sincerely the ^^ de the North which the savages have caused you. predecessor, and I have not ceased from ordoriniz the

intentions of our respective monarchs. difhculties in

the honor to write

sensible, as I should be, of the sentiments

I

French commandants of the posts situated on the Mississippi, and

PORTRAIT OF GENERAL THOMAS GAGE From

illustration in

Harper's Monthly Magazine, loj: 641

w

^^J^

>^

.

ir:y

f /

I

4 ic Bradin 1764 was severely criticised by General Gaire and others {post, 34S. 3SS). street was early interested in land speculation, particularly in northern New York. He was also one of the prime movers in forming; a company of otnccrs who jKtit i'^ni-^i for a colony around Detroit. He died in 1774- EncydopCiiij. AmcrictjtuK .\mcrican Anticjuarian Society, Proceedings (new ser.), 19:105 ct scq.; Winsor, A'drru.'r.'tf and Crilical History, 6:698.

GAGE TO BRAD5TREET, OCTOBER

1764

15,

345

you have given Cap* Morris, ^\ith Letter to !Mons' St Ange, and Message to the Indians and Inhabitants of the lUnois Tvill in all probability produce the best Effects, and facilitate our Progress up structions

the IMississipi. I

hope the Vessel

her

will find

way

to IMissilimakinak, least the

Indians should put false Constructions on our returning from thence

The Inhabitants

a most \ile Sett, and At the same Time I observe by your Transactions with the Savages, that you have used an excellent to Detroit.

you do well to

rid us of

of that Post are

such Trash.

Pretext with them, for remo\-ing the scattered French from

all

the

other small Posts: which will be of infinite service.

The

Efforts that

would be made by the Traders to get

their

Goods

on Board the vessels and the Connivance of the ^Masters, I was sufficiently aware of. This Captain Egshaw should be tried and StirUng and

pubUckly disbanded.

iVIr

Trick to go forward.

I gave

me and if

you Notice

Company have

tried every

of the Application

made

to

they are gone without a Pass which they must, unless they

by the Laws The Goods should be

procured one from you, they are liable to a Prosecution of the Pro\ince,

As

all

Trade had been

forbid.

detained as long as possible, without Danger of Spoiling after the

Examined

affair is

into

and they are proved

guilty of the !Misde-

meanour.

You Judged very right in aboUshing the Paper to very

bad

of it in

Time,

effects. if it

the Instructions

Howard Vessel

Currency,

it

tended

Pernicious use would certainly have been

has not been done already, and I

am

made

to hope that

you have given L* Colonel Campbell, Captain you say that the but you Don't seem to have had Intelligence that

& Lieut Sinclair will be punctualy obeyed,

had

sailed,

she had passed the Barr which

is

the only Difficulty she will have to

encounter.

you had received my Letter, of the 16^^ of August, which I had got sooner to you, and am sorry you mistook my Instructions so far, as to do, what I have not Power to do myself, much less to give to other People. A Peremptory Condition of a Peace by way of a Preliminary, might have been exacted, to prevent an attack, and the rest referred to the King's Agent, whose Business it is to transact the King's Business with the Indians; and t'is expected too, that no Person should interfere in his Business. I must say that I can not I find

"wish

346

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

my Instructions, or my Letters; and Shawnese and Delawares are the last, -svith whom I should have employed you, to have any Transactions; as they were more immediately the object of Colonel Bouquet; who v;as in a situation not to be easily deceived by them as yourself; whom they might impose upon, and so it has turned out. They have negotiated with you on Lake Erie, and cut our Throats upon the Frontiers. With your Letters of Peace, I received others gi\'ing Accounts of Murder, and these Accounts continue to this Time. Had you only consulted Colonel Bouquet, before you agreed upon anything wdth them, (a Deference He was certainly entitled to, instead of an order to stop his March.) you would have been acquainted with the Treachery of those People, and not suffered yourself to be thus deceived. And you would have saved both Colonel Bouquet and myself from the Dilemma you brought us into. You concluded a Peace with People who were daily murdering us; It would have been Had not their Treachery been so xtry diflacult to know what to do. plain. The Lye they told you could instantly be discovered; had they sent to call in their Partys, as they told you. It must have been the Beginning of August; and they would have been gone from our Borders long before the End of the Month. Their meeting you at PrequTsle was likewise singular. They had no Business there, had they been employed to make- Peace. Their sole Business there, was to watch your Motions, and none other. Had they been sent by their Nations to make-Peace, they would not have been at Presqu-Isle and would have come better provided ^vith Beits and other Implements of Peace. You could not have been ignorant, that these were the only Nations who refused Peace, but continued the War with the greatest Inveteracy. They sent no Deputys to the Congress, only an insolent Message, and when a Body of Troops they thought was comeing to punish their Villany, they offer Peace; with no other Intent certainly, than to ward off the Blow, & continue their Murders with Impunity, and insult us with the Deceit. And indeed they seem to have too much Reason to desi)ise us, when they see we will make Peace upon any Terms. For they do not give us the least satisfaction we have not a Fort, or a Post in their Country, or likely to have any. I have find

what you mention,

either in

of all the Nations, the

had accounts of their Murck-rs to the i6*'' of Se[)tember from Fort-Pitt and the Papers from Philadelphia, which arrived here the 12'*" Inst

GAGE TO BOUQUET, OCTOBER

15, 1764

347

give Accounts that their Partys were murdering in Virginia.

I hope you have kept Hostages, or they TAill most assuredly detain all your People. I hope you will have heared from Col° Bouquet who ^ill have given you earlier Information, than I could possibly do. I am Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble servant

Tho' Gage

Gage to Bouquet, October [B.M., Add. MSS., 21.638,

f.

384

15, 1764^

— A.L.S.]

New-York

Octo' 15^^ 1764

Sir,

Your Letter of the 26*^ Ul^"" came to my Hands on the 12*^ Ins' and I received great Satisfaction in hearing that you had collected all your Force and Provisions at Fort Pitt without any Disappointment. The Delawar Indians "^ith whom you have had the Conference, were no Doubt sent, to watch your IMotions, and those Colonel Bradstreet treated Tsith at Presqu'Isle, were as surely detached on the same Errand, and no other. Nothing can be better than the Manner in which you have dealt with them, and the Message you sent to their Nations, and I think, unless they have seized Colonel Bradstreet 's Partys; which I always suspected they would, that you must have heared from Him very soon, after the Date of your Letter. He was to leave the Detroit on the 14*'^ Ul™** and it was imagined would reach Sandusky about the 17*^ where He expected to meet the Sha-^Tiese and Delawares with their Prisoners. He had made Peace with all the Ottawas &c* round the Detroit, sent a Detachment to IMissilimakinak. and sent Cap* Morris of the 17*^ Reg* to the Ilinois. This Gentleman passed the Miamie in no small Danger of Pondiac protected Him, who He represents as absolute, and had collected the Twigtwees, and all the Indians of the Ouabache, But on finding Peace was made, they all dispersed, and Pondiac was to meet Colonel Bradstreet, at Sandusky. If your Expresses went to that Place it's a Uttle odd that they saw nothing of any Indians, as they were to have been there with their Prisoners on the S*^ of

his Life

And

a further suspicion of their Designs to deceive us, without any Management. I imagined they might have sent in a few by Degrees, to keep us in Hopes of having the remainder, till the

September.

is

sprinted in Michigan Historical Collections, 19:277-

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

348

Season for Action was over, and then insult

us.

I suppose that

Colonel Bradstreet has kept Hostages. It gives

me great

Pleasure to find, you are in a Condition to reduce

the Savages to Reason, whether you receive Assistance from Colonel

Tho' I hope

Bradstreet or not. If

He may

be of some Ser\ice.

they deliver up to you the Promoters of the War, you

down

will bring

any other Place nearer the Frontiers; where they can be Safely Secured, till all matters are finaly and securely settled with their Nations, unless you see proper and very good Reasons, why some of them should suffer immediately; and in that Case, a Plattoon must be ordered to shoot them, without any Ceremony. You give very good Reasons for marching towards their Nations, but any orders which I can now send, must come too them'

to Philadelphia, or

late.

am

you for laying in Materials for Batteaux, whether them in the spring or not. Fort Massiac was to be relieved by the Mississipi. Fort-Vincennes was said to be I

we have

obliged to

occasion for

abandoned.

Tho' I think

it

has been contradicted.

If

we can

our Affairs well with the Savages, and make a good Peace, we

fix

shall

have frequent occasions, to go down the Ohio, and we must have a free na\ngation of that River.

Colonel Bradstreet never thought

and shews that Business of this head, should be left with those, who have had more Experience in our Indian Affairs. I observe in a Philadelphia Paper which was brought with your last Dispatches; that these Vilains had done recent Mischief, on the Borders of Virginia. I wish the Evidence against Hicks was a little more plain, there is of this;

nothing to prove

Him

a spy; but his

own

Confession extorted from

Him, by Threats of Death. I can't therefore, confirm the Sentence. Both He and his Brother have been in Arms. And you "^*ill endeavor to get what Proofs you can of this, that they may be tried as Traitors to their Country. But these Trials must be in the Country below by the Civil Magistrates, to whom they should be given up. The Mihtary may hang a spy in Time of War, but Rebels in Arms, are tried by the Civil Courts. At least I saw this practised in Scotland; both by General Hawley, and the Duke of Cumberland. M' Penn should be applied

to, for to

those Vilains, against

order the Attorney Gen' to prosecute

whom, any Proof can be brought.

you both your Court-Martials which

either of

I

all

return

your Judge- Advocates

GAGE TO JOHNSON, OCTOBER

26, 1764

349

M' Gould, Deputy-Judge Advocate Gen^ in England, You may respite the Execution of Joseph you find Room for ^lercy, and I will afterwards send you upon your informing me of it. I am with great Regard

may transmit

to

as always practised.

Thomas

if

a Pardon,

your most obedient, humble Servant

Sir,

Tho^ Gage

Colonel Bouquet. General Gage Oct' 15 1764

[Endorsed:]

Answered

Received the

Gage to Johnson, October [H.C.L.,

November

26,

1764

Gage Letter Book]

New- York Dear

4*^

15*^ (entered)

October 26^, 1764

Sir,

Captain Montgomery who arrived here a few Days Ago from Colonel Bradstreet in his

way

Indians.

who was

hither to inform

at Sandusky; tells

you

I therefore transmit

sufficiently

of the

me He

did not see you

Treachery and \Tllany of the

you the inclosed Papers which

will

acquaint you of the Secret Practises of the Senacas,

Shawnese, and Delawares; these Nations, as soon as Acquainted with

Captain Morris's going

off for

Peace concluded by the PresquTsle; their arrival

But by

the Ilinois, th'o immediately after the

at Niagara, and by the two last at have prevented our getting to the Mississipi. Till at the Miamie Fort, every thing was going smoothly on.^

their Contrivance

first

we

Hopes of settling Manner we wished the Indians

are disappointed in our

our Business at the Ilinois, in the

too with Colonel Bradstreet, refuse to attack the enemy, as

some

of the

Papers will shew you, th'o fully sensible of the Treachery of the

Shawnese and Delawares. Colonel Bradstreet's Parties were luckily saved by the Wiandots who told them at Sandusky, that they must go no further; that if they did, they would be certainly put to Death. These were the Partys who were to gather up our Prisoners, from

what Peace-Makers they were who negoColonel Bradstreet was apprized of Treason before He got my Letters, and made his Complaints

whence you

may

perceive

tiated with us at Presqu'Isle. .their ^

See ante, 343, post, 350, 353.

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIOXS

350 to

the Nations desiring their Assistance with some

all

Hopes

of

A

Part of the Chippewas was out against them with some white People; of whose Success, I am not very clear, one of the Success.

Papers inclosed, mentioning some of the Chiefs of these People consenting to send to you their Deputys, and to deUver up the Promoters

War, is nothing more, as I learn from Captain ^Montgomery, than a Piece of Deceit, shewing their Contempt of us, rather than any of the

thing

else.

An Onandaga and oneyda have been with Colonel Bouquet, to desire He would not advance; and that the Shawnese and Delawares would make Peace. He desired to see their Chiefs, whom He would treat with if they chose to Come to Him, properly authorized by their Nations. They have at length persuaded Him to go towards Tuscaroraas.

Pondiac has a Letter from the French to

tell

Fathers are not crushed, as the English would

Him, that

make

their

the Indians

and mention a large Fleet comeing into the Mississipi. I have just received Letters from Home, that a Spanish Gov'" & Lieut Gov' were nominated for New-Orleans, and have also a Letter from thence to inform me. That the Spaniards were soon expected, this therefore must be the Trick of some Villains, to prevent our getting to the Ilinois in order to keep the Trade in their Hands as long as possible. I am with great Regard Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble servant Tno' Gage believe,

Gage to Halifax, November [Lansdowne Papers, 131:121

9,

1764

— C-l

Extract of a Letter from Gen' Gage to the Earl of Halifax.

New York Nov"" In

my

Letter of the

13*''

9^^ 1764.

Oct' your Lordship was informed, that

Reg' had been sent by Col: Bradstrect to the Ilinois, with Letters to the French Commandants, & Messages to the Inhabitants & Indians of that District: & that He had Hopes, not%dthstanding the Difficulties He had met with, to be able to comploat

Capt Morris

of the 14^^

His Instructions.

That

Officer,

on

his Arrival at the

unfortunately found that the Shawnesse, Delawares

Fort of Miamie.

&

Scnccas, luui

GAGE TO HALIFAX, NOVEMBER

9, 1764-

351

taken Precautions to stop his Progress, and He, with the Indians who accompanied Him, after encountring great Dangers & Difficulties, at length got back to the Detroit. A Journal of Capt. ^Morris's Adventures in this Journey having been sent here, gives me an Opportunity to transmit your Lordship the inclosed Extract. I have likewise the

Honor

to transmit your Lordship, the

Copy

of a Letter

which I have received from Mo"^ D'Abbadie, Gov'' of New Orleans, together with the Copy of a Letter to Him from IMo' de St. Ange,

who has

relieved jMo'" de

Neyon

in the

Command

of the Ilinois, artd

a Speech of L* Pitman's to the IHnois Traders, before their Departure

from

New

Letter.^

Orleans; both which

came

inclosed in Mo"' D'Abbadie's

Lieut Pitman of the 15*^ Reg* went to Florida in the

& had been pitched upon as a proper Person Ilinois, by the Way of the Morris from the Side of the Detroit; & had been

Capacity of an Engineer, to

make

the same Attempt of going to the

Mississippi, as Capt some Time at New Orleans, to endeavour to accomplish this Design. I am sorry he has given Mo"^ D'Abbadie any Uneasiness in ha\ing assembled the IHnois Traders without his Knowledge, or that He should be picqued at M"" Pitman for assuring them, that the Colony of Louisiana would be ceded to the Cro\vn of Spain; it being a Circumstance very necessary for Our Interest, they should be acquainted with. The French Command^ have from the beginning treated this intended Cession as a vulgar Report only,- & have seemed under great Uneasiness, least it should gain Credit amongst the Indians. The Accounts of these affairs which Mo*^ d'Abbadie tells me I should receive from L* Pitman, did not arrive with his Dispatches.^ But Capt Lieut Campbell of the 34*^ Reg* who was at New Orleans, on the Subject of clearing the Ibbeville, & to precede the Troops for the Illinois with a Detachment for the Post of the Natches, gives me strong

Assurance in a Letter of the 20*^ Aug', that the Assistance afforded Services,

*

Having by

his

Captain Morris' journal

He

shall

be able thro'

him by Mo*" D'Abbadie, to Means entered into a Treaty is

effect

of

those

Peace

&

printed in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, 1:301

The other inclosurcs may be found ante, 2S0. 297, 300. ' The reason for the attitude of the French otncials towards the reported

et seq.

of Louisiana to Spain

was that they were not sure

it

had taken

place.

cession

See ante,

315-

'\Vc have been unable to find any account by Pittman. For other references attempt to go to the Illinois, sec ante, 30.% 308.

to Pittman's

352

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

Friendship with the Tonikas Mississippi.

He

&

other Tribes on the Borders of the

likewise says, that IMo*" d'Abbadie

L* Pitman's intended Voyage to the

Ilinois,

had represented

as dangerous and im-

prudent, in the present Situation of Affairs: which had been construed to proceed from the Advantage arising from the large Trade carried on betwixt that Place & New-Orleans, in which the Governor was suspected to have an Interest; But that this was only founded on Suspicion, & that some Circumstances spoke in Favour of his Caution. That the Achansas were so exasperated by the Influence of Pondiac, that they search all the French Convoys, for EngUshmen. & had put to Death a Deserter of the 22^ Reg*^ whom they had discovered amongst them; Three more Deserters had made their Escapes, & were just returned to New-Orleans. Capt. Campbell adds, that

the Spaniards were daily expected.

[Endorsed:]

Plant^ Gen^ Extract of Gen^ Gage's Letter to the Eari

of Halifax.

New York

of 12 Dec' 1764.

9*^ Nov'^ 1764.

In

M'

Sedg^vick's Letter

CHAPTER IX CLOSE OF THE INDI.\N WAR,

NOVEMBER

1764

9,

— JANUARY

1765

16,

—

—

Gage Weites Bouquet Letters PROM St. Ange Bouquet Thinks Force Alone Will Quiet the Indians Ways and JNIeans of Reaching the Illinois Peace with the Indians Criticisms of Br.adstreet Samuel Wharton Writes Benjamin Franklin An Officer and Croghan to be Sent Down the Ohio Suspicions of French Perfidy Gage 's Proclamation to the Illinois People Regulations for the Fur Trade Schedule of Prices.

Captain Morris' Expedition

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

Gage to Bouquet, November [B.M., Add. MSS., 21.638,

f.

388

9,

1764

— A.L.S.]

New York

November

9*^ 1764.

Sm, If will

you have had any Correspondence with Colonel Bradstreet, you

probably have beared that Cap* Morris was stopped in his Journey

towards the

llinois, at

the

Miamie

shawnese Delawares and senacas.

may expect

to hear that

you have

they have Attacked you But

if

Fort,

by the

From many

Intrigues of the

Circumstances, I

either attacked the

Enemy,

or that

contrary to Expectations, a sincere

Peace should have been brought about.

I

would recommend to your

Consideration, the Sending a proper Officer accompanied by some of

Shawnese and Delawares, to acquaint all the Savages of the is made, and to recommend it to those Nations, to enter into Alliance with Us; and likewise to proceed in the same Manner to the Ihnois, who will in the same way, send to the the

ouabache, that the Peace

The Officer should Ange the present Commander of the llinois, as well as the other Commandants, who are greatly to be SusI>ected; And if He finds. He can go down the River in safety, He may proceed to the Mobile, and acquaint the Officer Commanding there Arkansas, and other Tribes upon the Mississipi.^

watch the Motions of Mons""

*This proposal

S*^

finally succeeded,

as the later documents show.

index.

353

General

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

354

Him to be informed of. You will in this Case give the Officer Letters to Mon^ de S* Ange and ^lessages to the Inliabitants and Indians, who should have Promises of good Treatof every tiling necessary for

ment, Tho' the Inhabitants cautioned against inciting the Indians to

any Insurrection, or spiriting them up with idle Tales. The Enemy should also send to the Miamies, and Ottawas, to acquaint them of the Peace. I should be glad to know the situation you are in as to Pro\'isions, &c* If you make any new Demands, you wiU make your Requisition on IMess" Franks, and Barkly, but you will particularly Specify, that you agree on no Price, and that you do not make it under the Faith of any Agreement made in the year 1760, but on such Agreement as shall be Settled. The Quantity which was to be furnished by ^P Callendar, will I suppose be nearly consumed. I am, \^ith great Regard. Sir, Your most obedient, humble Servant, Tho' Gage General Stanwix observes that the

i^* Batt° has no Chapand begs you would look out for some Clergyman to officiate. That his Friend M^ Jackson is ver\' willing to pay a Deputy. Colonel Bouquet,

P:

S.

lain returned;

[Endorsed:] 26**"

General Gage Nov'

9*^

1764 Received at Fort Pitt the

(entered)

St.

Ange to Dabbadie, November [P.H.S., B.T.P., P.G., 25: pt. I, 291

Extrait de la Lettre de

a

M.

D'abbadie, du

La

9^

pabc que Mess""^

M. de

Novembre Ics

S' Ange,

9,

1764

— C]

Commandant aux

ilinois

1764.

anglois ont dit avoir faite avec les nations

Sauvages n'a pas ete aussi soHde et aussi generale

pouvoicnt

qu'ils

[Translation]

M. de St. Ange, commandant M. Dabbadie, November 9, 1764.

Extract of the letter from Illinois, to

The peace which

the English arc said to have

made with

in

the

the savage

nations has not been so strong and general as they believe

it.

Only

ST, le croire

ANGE TO DABBADIE, NOVEMBER un

d'escorter tous les,

detachemens que

les

frangois et des

du butin avoit promis appris par des

Bradstreet,

Commandant

1200. anglois et 300 Canadiens,

ou ayant eu quelque conference avec le Chef Pondiak,

S'etoient decides a retourner a leur premiere resolution, et avoient

assure ce les

j'ai

Sauvages que 500. hommes de ce parti avoient accom-

jusqu'au detroit ils

355

anglois pourroient mettre

dehors pour la partie du detroit; efiectivement,

M.

1764

parti seulement de ce qu'on appelle les cinq nations en

avoit accepte les propositions, et par Fappas

pagne

9,

meme

Chef

qu'ils mettroient tout

en oeuvre pour persuader

anglois de leur fidelite afin de les trahir lorsqu'il en seroit terns

—

je

une Lettre^ que m'a ecrit ce Commandant, laquelle vous apprendra a peu pres la demarche qu'il devoit faire. Cette Lettre m'a ete remise par des Sauvages envoyes expres ici. Le Capitaine Morris a ete arrete par Pondiak qui m'a fait dire qu'il me I'enverroit ce Printems. Cet officier etoit porteur d 'instructions que Pondiak a gardees. M. Bradstreet m'a ecrit de la Pointe aux Cedres pres de la Riviere

joins ici

[Translation]

have accepted the proposihave promised to escort to the territory of Detroit all the detachments that the Enghsh can raise. In fact, I have learned from the French and the savages that five hundred men of that territory have accompanied M. Bradstreet commanding twelve hundred English and three hundred Canadians as far as Detroit where, after having some conference with Chief Pontiac, they decided to return to their first resolution and assured this same chief that they would use every means to persuade the English of their fidelity in order to betray them when the time should come. I join herewith a letter^ which this commandant has written to me which will inform you somewhat better of the action which he is going to take. This letter was delivered to me by savages sent here a part of what tions,

is

called the Five Nations

and by the allurement

of booty,

express.

Captain Morris has been arrested by Pontiac who has informed me him to me this spring. This officer was carrying

that he would send

instructions which Pontiac has kept.

M. *

Bradstreet has written

Printed ante, 304.

me from

Pointe aux Cedres near the

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

356

des Miamis a i8 lieues du Detroit, j 'ignore ce qu'il sera devenu avec son annee, je n'en ai eu aucune nouvelle du depuis. Pondiak, bien loin do faire la paLx que cet Officier etoit charge de negocier avec toutes les nations, s'est lorsqu'il la lui

et est entre en fureur

irrite,

a proposee, et pour marquer qu'il n'en avoit jamais eu

11 a fait courir sur le champ, dans toutes les nations, un Colier au moins de 6. pieds de long, et 4 pouces de large, sur lequel sont marquees toutes les nations qui sont dans ses interets. jl invite dabord tous les hommes rouges a le secourir, et les menace ensuite de sa haine, ce de celle de tous les siens s'ils ne veulent pas s'y rendre il depeint les anglois comme les plus cruels ennemis aupres desquels il n'y a aucune surete pour les conventions qu'il pourroient faire en

idee,

ce qui regarderoit leur paLx, et qui diminuteroient leur ressentiment

meme de le satisfaire. Les Chaouanons que j'ai eu I'honneur de vous annoncer par ma Lettre du 12 aout d""' sont arrives ici le 27. du meme mois au nombre de 60. pour me demander leurs plus urgens besoins que je n'ai pu jusqu'au tems qu'ils seroient a

[Translation]

Maumee,

I do not know what had no news of it since. Pontiac, very far from making this peace which this officer was intrusted to negotiate with all the nations, has become irritated and became angry when it was proposed to him; and, in order to give notice that he had never had an idea of it, he has sent immediately to all the nations a belt at least six feet in length and four inches in width on which are indicated all the nations which are in his interHe invites, at first, all the red men to aid him and then he ests. threatens them with his hatred and that of all his people if they do not wish to join him. He pictures the English as the most cruel enemies around, from whom there is no security for the agreements which they may make in what regards peace with them, and who will river

will

eighteen leagues from Detroit.

become of his army.

I have

restrain their resentment until the time that they shall be able to satisfy

it.

The Shawnee, about whom you

in

my letter of August

the same

month

most urgent

to the

necessities

have had the honor

I

of reporting to

12 last, arrived here the twenty-seventh of

number which

I

of sixty to

demand from me

their

have not been able to give them,

in

ANGE TO DABBADIE, NOVEMBER

ST.

vu

leur donner,

9,

1764

357

circonstances et leurs dispositions a continuer la

les

guerre aux Anglois, je n'ai

pu cependant me

quelque chose, pour ne point

les

refuser a leur donner

buter contre nous je leur ai

fait

expliquer la parole que vous leur portes en reponse a celle qu'ils vous

avoient envoyee:

Le Chef de

lis

m'ont pani en etre

tres satisfaits.

cette nation a pris le parti d'aller

vous voir pour vous

exposer la triste situation oii elle se trouve reduite, sa resolution, son

attachement aux frangois, et enfin Tesperance qu'elle a d'etre secouriie il descend par ce Bateau avec sa femme. vous pouves sentir, Monsieur, dans quel embarras

par eux:

j'ai

ete avec

me faisoient des demandes qui

ne tendoient qu'a de grandes depenses, et contraires aux intentions du Roi et aux ordres que vous m'aves donnes a ce sujet. d'un autre cote la crainte de les buter contre nous en rejettant toutes leurs demandes, ces gens la qui tous les jours

qu'ils

n'accusent les frangois de les abandonner totalement, et qu

se li\Trent au desespoir, m'a fait passer de forts mauvais Leur sejour ici n'a pas laisse d'occasionner une grande depense pour leur subsistance seulement.

ensuite

ils

momens.

[Translation]

view of the circumstances and their disposition to continue the war I have not been able, however, to refuse to give them something so as not to arouse them against us. I have had explained to them the talk which you made them in answer to the one

with the English.

which they sent you;

The

they appear to

me

explain to

you the sad

lution, its

attachment to the French, and

of being aided

situation to

by them.

He

is

which

be very satisfied with it. go to see you in order to has been reduced, its reso-

to

chief of this nation has decided to it

finally the

hope which

it

has

descending with his wife by this

bateau.

You can

understand,

these people

sir, in

what embarrassment

I

have been with

who every day make demands upon me which tend

only to bring great expense and are contrary to the intention of the king subject.

and to the orders which you have given to me on this On the other hand the fear of arousing them against us by

rejecting all their

demands, the fear that they should accuse the

French of abandoning them totally, and give themselves

up

to despair has

finally that

they should

made me endure some very bad

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

3S8

Un

Chef Iroquois est venu ici il y a vingt cinq jours apres m'avoir propos communs des nations Sauvages, il m'a demande dcs secours, ce que je n'ai pu lui donner, n'etant ni endroit ni situation tenu

de

;

les

le faire.

est parti je

il

a pris

le parti

de descendre;

avec un frangois venu avec

lui

il

y a douze

jours qu'il

des Chaouanons.

ne sgaurois vous exprimer, Monsieur,

les

inquietudes que

suggerent les circonstances, jaurois a repondre a toutes

mc

les nations,

et je ne le puis faire Leur parler de paix, cela est tout, rien ne peut moins les contenter. Tous les jours il y a ici cinquante hommes rouges qu'il faut nourrir, ce qui ne reconnoissant plus que ce Poste ou ils

ont un Pere, et du quel

ils

croyent

tirer tous leurs besoins,

partent

le

plus souvent tres mecontens, et reviennent ensuite, persuades qu'on leur sera plus favorable.

Voila, Monsieur, dans quel etat je suis, les circonstances et vos

ordres ne permettent que de leur parler de paLx, ce qu'ils ne veulent

point entendre; et

le

manque

hors d'etat de donner aucune

total oii je suis de marchandises,

marque de bonte a

me met

ces malheureux.

[Translation]

Their sojourn here has occasioned a great expense

moments.

An

their subsistence only.

Iroquois chief

for

came here twenty-live

days ago; after having spoken the words common to savage nations. he demanded from me assistance T7hich I have not been able to gi\e him since I had neither the right nor was I in a situation to do so. He has decided to descend. Twelve days ago he set out with a Frenchman who had come with him from the Shawnee. I do not

know how

to express to you,

circumstances cause me.

unable to

I

make them speak

sir,

have to answer of peace; that

the anxieties which the

all

the nations, and

is all;

I

am

nothing can content

them less. Every day there are here fifty red men whom it is neccssar\know no other post than this where they have a father from whom they believe they should draw all their necessities; these set out usually very discontented and return again, persuaded that one will be more favorable to them. That is, sir, the condition in which I am; circumstances and your orders permit me only to speak to them of peace which they do not wish to hear, and my total want of merchandise makes it impo->i1 ha\ c ble for me to give any sign of favor to these unhappy people. to nourish since they

ST.

ANGE TO AUBRY, NOVEMBER

9,

1764

359

de vous prier, Monsieur, d'avoir egard a ma situane prend pas possession de ce pais-ci sous peu de terns, je serai accable ce Printems par tous les partisans de Pondiak qui augmentent tous les jours, voila ce qui regarde les Sauvages &c. J'ai I'honneur

tion si I'Anglois

-

signe

Extracts of Letters from the Illinois to

Plant^ Gen^

[Endorsed:]

Mons^ Dabbadie. Read L (2)

AP

In

E.

Ange

S'^

Stuart's Letter of 24 Jan[ua]ry 1765

[Tra7tslation]

the honor to pray you,

sir,

to give attention to

my

If the

situation.

English do not take possession of this country in a short time I shall

be overw^helmed ber

is

this spring

increasing every day.

by all the partisans of Pontiac whose numThat is all that concerns the savages, etc. signed

to

M. Dabbadie.

St.

Ange

Extracts of letters from the

[Endorsed:] Plantations General.

Illinois

E. In Mr. Stuart's letter of January 24, 1765. Read

L(2) St.

Ange to Aubry, November [P.H.S., B.T.P., P.G., 25!

Extrait de la lettre de

M. de

S*

9,

1764

:299—CI

Ange Commandant aux

M Aubry, Commandant des troupes a la N^"^ Orleans, du 9® Depuis fait

le

depart de

M. de Neyon,

les

Ilinois

9^"^

a

1764.

nations Sauvages n'ont rien

sur les anglois; les moteurs de la conspiration ont travaille seule-

ment a

grossir leur parti, a quoi

vous assurer que tous

les

ils

ont tres bien

Sauvages qui

reussi, car je puis

tiroient ordinairement leurs

secours d'ici et des Postes voisins sont tous rendus aux invitations qui [Tra7islatip7t]

Illinois to

M. de St. Ange, commandant at tlic M. Aubry, commandant of the troops at New Orleans,

November

9, 1764.

Extract of the letter from

Since the departure of M. de Villiers, the savage nations have done nothing against the English. The movers of the conspiracy have worked only to increase their party in which they have very well succeeded, for I can assure you that

draw

their assistance

all

the savages

who

ordinarily

from here and from the neighboring posts have

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

36o

lis travaillent continuelleur ont ete faites par Pondiak et les siens. lement a y interesser toutes les nations les plus reculees, et je crains

qu'ils reussiront tres parfaitement.

M.

Bradstreet

commandant de 1200 hommes

anglois, 300

Cana-

dians et 500 des Sauvages appelles cinq nations, etoit a la Pointe

aux Cedres pres de la Ri\'iere des Miamis pour aller au Detroit, vous verres par une Lettre de ce Commandant^ que j'ai I'honneur d'adresser a M. Dabbadie, qu'il envoyoit un Officier ici; mais Pondiak ne-l'a pas juge apropos, il I'a arrete prisonnier chez lui, et m'a fait dire Cet officier etoit charge de faire qu'il me I'ameneroit ce Printems. la paLx avec toutes les nations, et venoit pour les disposer a recevoir les anglois. C'est une chose dont elles ne veulent point entendre parler. elles ne demandent que la guerre et leuirs peres les francois, elles

sont resoliies de la faire jusqu'a ce qu'elles les ayent retrouves.

Un

Iroquois Chef est descendu il y a 12. jours pour aller voir M. Dabbadie; un Chef Chaouanon en fait autant par cette occasion, et vous scaures par eux leurs manoeuvres et leurs dispositions.

[Translation]

made them by Pontiac and his people. They are working continually to interest all the most distant nations and I feel that they will succeed very perfectly. M. Bradstreet, commandant of twelve hundred Englishmen, three hundred Canadians, and five hundred savages, called the Five Nations, was at Pointe aux Cedres near the Maumee River on his way to Detroit. You will see by a letter from this commandant^ which I have the honor of sending M. Dabbadie that he sent an officer here, but Pontiac did not judge it fitting; he made him a prisoner at his house and informed me that he would bring him to me this spring. This officer was instructed to make peace with all the nations and came in order to persuade them to receive the English. That is a subject which they do not wish to hear spoken of. They demand only war, and their fathers, the French. They are resolved to make war until they have found them again. An Iroquois chief descended twelve days ago to go and see M. Dabbadie. A Shawnee chief did the same on that occasion and you accepted the invitations which have been

will learn *

from them

Printed ante, 304.

their

maneuvers and

their disposition.

GAGE TO BOUQUET, NOVEMBER

11,

1764

361

Voila, Monsieur, tout ce qui S'est passe depuis le depart de

M.

vous voyes que les nations ne sont nuUement disposees paix avec les anglois, et que demeurant dans cette resolution

de Neyon. a

faire la

les anglois

auront bien de

la

peine a prendre possession de cette partie;

et moi ayant a repondre a tous ces malheureux les mains \aiides, je suis tres embarrasse ne pouvant leur faire entendre aucune raison, ni que je suis hors d'etat de les secourir par le manque total de marchandises, et que je ne le pens ni ne le dois vu les circonstances de la

paix. J'ai I'honn'^

[Endorsed:]

&c^

Plant^ Gen^ Extract of a Letter from the Illinois to

Mon' Aubray

— F.

M"^ Stuart's In Letter of 24 Janry 1764.

all

that has passed since the departure of

Read

L(2) [Translation]

That

is,

sir,

You

Villiers.

see that the nations are in

peace with the English; and that, the English

will

have much

if

M. de no way disposed to make

they continue in this resolution,

difficulty in taking possession of this

am obliged to be responsible for all these evils with empty hands. I am very much embarrassed because I cannot make them hear any reason, and because I am not in a condition to assist territory;

and I

them on account

of a total lack of merchandise,

and because

cannot

I

or should not do so on account of the circumstances of the peace. I have the honor, etc, [Endorsed:] to

Plantations General. Extract of a letter from the Illinois

M. Aubry.

Read

L

F.

Mr.

Stuart's; in letter of

January

24,

1764.

(2)

Gage to Bouquet, November [B.M., Add. MSS., 21.638,

f.

392

11,

1764

— A.L.S.l

New York

Nov'

ii***

1764.

Sir, I

am

this

Moment

favored with your Letter of the

from Tuscorawas which gives

21'* of

October,

me great Pleasure that you had succeedmuch Difficulty; and that you had so

ed so happily in a IMarch of so

good a Prospect

of bringing those obstinate Nations, at length to

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

362

Terms; and of shewing them so properly, that their Woods should not Secure them from our Resentment. No Place so proper to make Peace Tvith them as in the Center of their 0'\,\ti Tovrns, where they boasted they were not to be got at, and out of our Reach. ]\Iy former Letter of 21^* of October \\ill have given you more Latitude to accomodate Matters A^dth them, if it gets to you in Time. All this I shall reserve for Conversation when I have the Pleasure to see you.

I send herewith a Duplicate of a Letter^ Sent Post, as the Express

who

returns with this,

I need not explain the Consequence

it will

by

yesterday's

may make more

Haste.

be of to us the Possessing

of the Ilinois, and it must be done by the Assistance of the Shawnese and Delaw^ares, they should attend our People there, and assure them I know of no Tribes below of the Peace, and all v,ill go right and well. the Oliio, against us, except the Akansas. If we get a quiet Possession, and reconcile the Indians of the Ilinois to us, every thing below will by their Means, be soon quieted you will manage this as you think best, as Time and Circumstances will allow, either by sending an officer only or a Detachment to relieve the French, and send their Garrisons down to New-Orleans, which would Surprize them and I believe disappoint them there, to no small Degree. A Discreet Officer should be Sent on this Business. I wish you could learn what Time the Shawnese &c^ Sent to the Miamie to stop the English going to the Ilinois, It appears by Cap* Morris's Journal that they set out after

Him

just after the Peace \\ith Colonel Bradstreet; for they describe

the Englishman, and the Indians

who were with Him.

I wonder Col° Bradstreet did not answer you.

It looks as

if

your

Letters were not delivered.

Baron Munster has exchanged

Tvith

Major Wilkins,

so there

is

an

End of his Purchase; and I am sorry to acquaint Cap* Prevost, That The King is come to a Resolution to let no Officer Sell his Commission, who did not purchase it.

am

I

with great Regard,

[Endorsed:]

General

Sir,

Gage,

Your most obedient humble Servant, Tho' Gage

ii*^

(entered) *

This

is

the letter just preceding this.

Nov'

1764,

Received

the

2C>^^

GAGE TO JOHNSON, NOVEMBER Gage to Johnson, November {H.C.L.,

Gage Letter

I

363

1764

BcK)k]

New Dear

19,

1764

19,

York:

Nov

19*^

1764

Sir,

am

favored with your Letter of the

the Receipt of

it,

8*^ of

Nov' and was before

pretty well satisfied that the Senaca Nation, could

not in general, have had any Concern in the Belts sent to the TwigIt does not seem Ukely that Capt Morris's journey to the Ihnois could have been made knowTi to the Senaca Nation Time enough for them to have got before Him to the Miamie Fort. This and many other Things remain to be cleared up and I most sincerely ^\ish to hear that the Troops were returned from Sandusky, and that all was well on that side. You -^ill receive here^vith a Warrant for the Pay of your owti Appointments and that of your Officers. There is a mistake in the other Account, which occasions it to be sent back, in order to be rectified. You have in that Account, given Credit for a warrant made out in June, which is already settled, being a compleat Warrant with your Receipt to •Mr Mortier for the amount of it; and has therefore been sent Home. You received £5000, on Account in April. This was advanced you not by Warrant, but by an Order on ]Mr Mortier to advance you so much on Account, which sum He should deduct out of the first Warrant granted in your Name You desired it might not be deducted in the warrant of June; therefore must be deducted from the present one But this you need take no Notice of in your Account, as the present warrant must be made out for the whole sum for which you T^ill give your Receipt accordingly. Mr. Mortier will

twees; from the Circumstances of Time.

of

Course deduct the £5000, in the Payment of

for the said

sum advanced is cancelled.

sum goes Home to the made a Memorandum least I

may

Sir,

and then the order

Treasury' in one regular Warrant. of this in

not have explained

Regard, Dear

it,

And by this means,

my it

office

which

the whole

They have

I transmit to you,

clearly enough.

Your most obedient, humble

I

am

with great

servant,

Tiio'

Gage

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

364

Farmar to the Secret.^ry at War, November

24,

1764

[Rowland, Mississippi Provincial Archives, 1:124]

Snt I have the Honour to enclose you the Monthly returns of His Majesty's 22^ and 34*^ Regiments, to 24*''^ Novem' and at the same

time take the liberty of informing you, that I

am

endeavouring every

necessary step, to expedite the passage of the Troops up the Mississippi;

and to that purpose have sent forward

Officers to assemble

the different Tribes of Indians, v^ith proper Instructions, to gain

them over by every Art and Invention to our Interest, a measure I judged absolutely necessary, the prejudices of the Inhabitants all

up the Banks of the River, and Its adjacent parts, being so strongly and strangly implanted against us; for to attempt the possession of the Country by violent measures, in the first place, We are too Weak, not ha\'ing Men sufficient even to Row up the Boats with the Artillery and our necessary baggage; in the next place, the situation of the Savages is so very advantageous, that they must destroy a handfull of Soldiers where they are determined upon opposition, for w^hat can the most determined resolution, on our part, avail, when the moment, a few tired & fatigued Men quit their Oars, (in order to take to their Arms) They are hurried down a rapid River, at the rate of five miles in an hour, exposed to the fire of an Enemy at every turn, that you can neither see, nor discover; the loss and disadvantage of any party so circumstanced, is too ob\'ious to need any further representation; so that I hope at this time to answer the Expectations of

my

Master, by soothing and cajoUng methods occasionally inter-

threats, & softened by presents, than any force of Arms; have been obliged to make large draughts upon the Treasury, yet I trust in the end it will save a much greater expence, and that the success of the Expedition will meet with the approbation of

mixed with

And

my

tho' I

Country. I have the

obedient,

honour to be with the greatest respect

Sir

Your most

and most humble Servant

RoB^ Farmar MOBILLE 24*'' Nov' 1764 TiiE Right Honour.\ble Tiie Secretary at War 10'^ 24^^ Nov' 1764— Maj' Farmar— Rd [Endorsed:] Mobille: March.

BOUQUET TO GAGE, NOVEMBER Bouquet to Gage, November [B.M., Add. MSS., 21.653,

f.

327

80,

1764

365

30, 1764^

— Draft]

Fort Pitt

30*^

November 1764

Sir

The Army returned the 28*^ Instant to this Post where I have found Your Excellency's Letters of the i^* of October, 9*^ and 11*^ of November. The Royal Americans marched yesterday down the communication. All the Volunteers and the First Batt^ of the Pennsylvania Regiment have followed this day and to morrow the second Batt. marches likewise to Carlisle.

N. B.

All the Captives of which I enclose the List are Sent to

their different Provinces.

Fort Pitt the

is

Command

garrisoned

by Five Companies

of Captain William

of the 42^

Reg* under

Murray.

Fort Ligonier has a Company of the Same Corps under the of Captain Stewart.

Com-

mand

Fort Bedford another

Company commanded by Captain William

Grant.

Fort Cumberland half a

Company under

the

Command

of L*

Command

of L*

Mc our Alliance and Friendship, and deny their Consent, to our comcing bours of the Ouabache to join them.

his being hurt,

*

See ante,

xlvi, 343.

GAGE TO BOUQUET, DECEMBER into their Country^, us,

The

Affair

would be

the Provinces will do, or

Enemy

is

at their Doors.

379

settled so far, as to con\ance

But how or in what Manner You have seen what rather what they will not do, when the What can be expected from them, do you

that Nothing but Force will effect

that Force can be raised

20, 1764

is

it.

another Question.

Such a Distance? I should always Ohio to the jMississipi, in Case a large Body of Troops was to be employed, but that is not the present Plan. A Regiment is to move up the Mississipi, to endeavor to take a Peaceable Possession, and we are to do every thing in our Power, from every other Quarter, for the success of this Measure, upon this Account it was, I recommended to you in my last, the gaining of Pondiac From the Accounts we have hitherto had from the Ilinois; it seems that Pondiac with the Shawnese and Delawares, could put us in Possession of that Country, whenever they pleased, I must use every means to send to the Ilinois, which may be effected with safety, unless the shawnese have deceived us. The Question will then be short; either force your way, or give up all thoughts of it. and it is Time, that this Business, was brought to a Crisis. From your telling me, that you had sent a Mingoe Chief to the Lakes, I conclude that you have acquainted Lieu* Col^ Campbell Commanding at Detroit, of the Peace you had concluded, think, to carry on operations at

preferr the

agreeable to Colonel Bradstreet's Desire, in his Letter to you

Sandusky,

I

am certain you will

from

io every thing that you see possible

to be done, to forw^ard the Service in the shape, I have represented

to you: If the Akansa Nation could be gained, we have no Enerxiy from the Ohio to the Ibbe\ille. The Ilinois nation only, above the mouth of the ohio; and such allies as they can assemble. They have been spirited up against us, but never at War; and proper means it

used by those

who have animated them, may

possibly pacify them,

without more Trouble. If

Captain Barneslcy has been in want of Cash,

timely notice to supply Him. before this, that I

you

will

it

was

for

want

of

have been made acquainted

had ordered Colonel Robertson to meet Cap* Him at the same

Barneslcy, and see that Nothing was wanting; giving

further Credit of £10,000 Sterling. £7000, of which L* Cop Robertson carried to Cap* Barnesley, and on his Return told mc: that it was sufficient in the opinions of Cap* Barneslcy and M' Callar.der

Time a

to

pay every thing that was necessary

to be paid,

up the Country.

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

38o

That

for the

Remainder, the People would desire to be paid in Philais wanted you may perceive there is a good

In Case jNIore

delphia.

Sum yet in

M'" Nelson's Hands, which

ley sees occasion.

may

Captain

As

for the

Sums

give in a total of

it,

may be

drawn,

if

Cap* Barnes-

to be paid in Philadelphia.

as soon as

He

The

can give a tolerable

and a Credit sent there at any Time He chuses. that Virginia will pay their Militia, who turned out Volunteers and have done so much Ser\ace to their Country. If I write about this Affair, it will be considered in this alternative, that And in that Case, if the Province does not pay them, the King will. you may Judge what will be done in it. I must not give them the smallest Hopes that the King will pay them; and indeed if He does, the Pro\dnces \^ill never pay them hereafter, this is so well known at Home, that I have been told, that no such Example must be given. Guess at I

it;

am realy to hope,

They even begin to disapprove of feeding the Pro\'incials. The Method you have taken in \mting to Gov^^ Fauquiere and Sharpe \\\\\ hoped have the Weight which ought to be expected from it. apprehend that the Resolution which His Majesty has taken, in Respect of Sales & Purchases of Commissions; can affect you and Colonel Haldimand, more than the rest of the Army. No officers of your Rank can purchase any thing but Regiments. And that has never been allowed, tho' often attempted, since I came into the Service. In respect of Sellinf you are Hke\nse on the same Footing, \vith the rest, as well as in regard to an Exchange on half-Pay. I perceive you Judge, from what you have beared of Baron Munster's affair. The Baron played his Cards ill. and many things occurred, which I can't now explain, to Settle his Affair in the Manner you have beared. Colonel Haldimand puts affairs in the very worst Light. He was it's

to be

I don't

by the Second Councillor in the Province, as Col'' Burton was at Montreal by the Eldest Councillor. It's true, that He had been Gov' Murray's Secretary, but had also been a Captain in the Army, and was, and still is, Deputy Judge Advocate Gen' for North America. This was however an Error in Gov*" Murray's Proceeding, as there was to be no Lieu' Gov" of those Districts; and they were annulled soon after. In respect of Pay for the Time He served, Twenty shillings P' Day has been issued for a certain Time, for each of those Govcniments; which I have told Colonel Haldimand. That Matter I therefore suppose, must be settled betwixt Him and Colonel relieved

AUBRY TO STUART, DECEMBER Burton.

I should imagine they

of Contestation

He

would

20, 1764

easily settle it:

But

381 in

has nothing to do, but to state the whole

Case

Affair,

War, who would doubtless so Appointment bet\\ixt them both, They have had like\\ise in Proportion to the Times they have served. great Disputes about Command, which has obliged me to leave them as they were, by virtue of their former Commissions, which are not In a Packet or superseeded by Gov'^ Murray's Civil Commission two, I expect Colonel Burton will be appointed a Brigadier Gen^ upon the staff in North-America, and I can then give Colonel Haldimand Leave to come to York \Aithout thro%\ing Affairs into confusion. I am with great Regard Sir, Your most obedient, humble Serv^ant, Tho' Gage and transmit

it

to the Secretary at

regulate Matters, as to divide the

—

P: S: I hope there

-^ill

absence which you desire.

be no objection to grant you the Leave of If

you have had, or can obtain any good

Acc*% of the Communication by James River, to the

Canahwa

Mouth

of the

you would send it me. I have wrote to Gov^ Fauquiere, and told Him the advantages which would arise to his Province, from making that Communication a good one. I should be be [sic] glad

T:G: CoLOKEL Bouquet General Gage January 1765 (entered)

[Endorsed:] of

AuBRY TO

20^^

December

Stu.-vrt,^

December

[P.H.S., B.T.P., P. G., 25I

:

Received the

1764.

285

20,

4^^

1764

— CI

Monsieur fait

Monsieur Stuar [sic] M'a remis la lettre que vous M'avet [sic] L'Honneur de M'ecrire j'avois bein [sic] desire que les affaires [Translation]

Sir:

M.

Stuart has sent

honor to write.

I

me

the letter which you have done

greatly desired

that

me

the

the indispensable affairs

* The name of recipient is obtained from endorsement, posl, ,387. The letter it'iclf was evidently co{)icd by a British ollicer very unfamiliar with the Trench language. Aubry's language is always well expressed.

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

382

Indispensable qui vous ont arreste a Pensacola, eussent peut vous

permettre de venis

passer qu'elque

[sic]

[sic]

terns a la Xouvelle

Orleans vous connoissans de reputation j'aurais eu bien de faction de

Vous Voir

rapport Convoy des

ifi,

la Satis-

de pouvoir raisonner avec Vous par Monsieur Stuart que vous avez envoye

et

Illinois;

conjointement avec Monsieur Le Gouverneur Jonston, pour establir la paix

avec

les

Nations places sur

le

Misissippi, et qui est tres cap-

able d'executer une Commission aussy delicate, vous communiquera

ma

fagon de penser a ce Sujet.

Je vous adresse Monsieur la Copie exacte d'une Lettre que je viens de recevoir du Commandant des Illinois/ par les queiles vou5 verres que c'est

un Enteq^rise bien

d'y Monter je pou\Tois

[sic]

difficile et

hazardeuse aujourdhuy

presque vous assurer d'avance, que

vous n'avez rien a Craindre depuis la Nouvelle Orleans jusqu'aux les petites Nations qui vous ont frappe I'annee passee, N'y retourneront pas un Seconde, les reproches et les Menaces que Nous leurs avons fait a ce Sujet, jointes aux bonnes fagons que vous Natchez,

avez pour eux,

les

contiendront a I'avenir.

[Translation]

which have kept you at Pensacola could have permitted you to pass some time at New Orleans. Knowing you by reputation I would have had great satisfaction in seeing you here and of being able to confer with you in regard to the convoy at the Illinois. M. Stuart, whom you conjointly with Governor Johnstone sent to establish peace with the nations situated on the oMississippi and who is very capable of executing so delicate a commission, will communicate to you my thought on this subject. I send you, sir, the exact copy of a letter which I have just received from the commandant of the Illinois^ by which you will see that it is a very difficult and hazardous enterprise to ascend thither today. I could almost assure you in advance that you have nothing to fear in going from New Orleans to Natchez; the little nations which

attacked you last year

will

not attempt

proaches and threats which we have

it

a second time; the

made them on

to the good methods which you have used towards

them '

in the future.

Printed ante, 359.

re-

this subject joined

them

will control

AUBRY TO STUART, DECEMBER Les Arkansas Situes a deux Cent Lieues de

la

20, 176 J^

383

Nouvelle Orleans,

rammener Mais en prenant des Sages precaud'autre on en viendra a bout. Us ont une Guerre

seront plus difficiles a tions,

de Part et

presque Continuelle avec

les

Chickasaws, qui nous ont tues a ce poste

Nous avons Coup Selon la

depuis la paLx deux Officiers, et plusieurs de leur Sauvage, eu beaucoup de peine a les empescher d'aller ranger ce

Coutume des hommes vous sont

affides,

rouges, mais

comme ils Savent que

malgre tout ce que Nous pouvons leur

craindre qu'ils ne vous fissent quelques Choses

Montera,

si

Ses Sauvage dire,

quand

le

on ne penoit des sage precautions pour Tempecher,

pour quoi je pense, qu'il seroit apropos, pour Establir une munication dans la

il

paix ensamble.

le fleuve II

pour vous

&

libre

pour Nous de leur

est a

Convoy c'est

Com-

faire faire

n'y a plus de poste frangois n'y des Sauvages

on y compte plus de deux il n'y a que des ennemis a rencontrer Les Loups Cha^iiannon, Outa\uais et les autres Nations avec qui vous estes en guerre descendants frequentment par la depuis les Arkansas jusqu'aux

Illinois, et

cent lieux, c'est la ou est le plus grand danger,

riviere

Ohio dans

le Mississipi, et si elles

rencontret

[sic]

votre Con-

[Translation\

The Quapaw, will

be more

situated two hundred leagues from

difficult to

one will succeed. Chickasaw who have

sides

New

Orleans

by taking wise precautions on both They have war almost continuously with the

pacify but

killed at that post since the peace

two

of our

We

have had much difficulty in preventing them from going to revenge this blow according to the red men's custom; but as they know that these savages are allied to you it is to be feared that in spite of all which we can say to them they may do something to you when the convoy ascends, unless wise precautions are taken to prevent it. That is why I think it would be wise to establish a free communication in the river for both you and us in order that we together may force them to make peace. There is no longer any post either of the French or of the savages from the Arkansas up to the Illinois and the distance is more than two hundred There are only leagues. It is there where the greatest danger is. enemies to be met with. The Mahican, the Shawnee, the Ottawa, and other nations, with whom you are at war, descend frequently by ofhcers

and

the river

several of the savages.

Ohio into the Mississippi; and

if

they should meet your con-

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

384 voy, les

elles

vous feront eprouver un fascheux revers, qui peuvent

Meilleurs Troopes de

faire

Monde, centre des hommes qu'ons ne

point qui tirent a ^len-eille, ne se fatiguent jamais

&

voit

subsistent par-

tout; C'est avec la plus grande doleur jMonsieur, que je vols

le

Mau-

vaise disposition des Sauvages des pais d'en haut a Votre Escard,

besoins dans lequel

elles se

trouvent

les forcera

de

le

faire la paLx avec

vous avant peu de terns, c'est pourquoi il N'est pas prudent, de se presser dans une affaire aussi interessante, Des I'instant que Nous avons eu Nouvelle de

la paix, nous avons envoye des Ordres expres a tous les commandans de tous les postes tant des Illinois que de tout ceux qui sont places sur le iSIississippi d'en faire part aux Sauvages et de leurs dire qu'il N'y avoit plus de guerre, que les chemins estoient les Anglois commes Xos Arrangements que les Empereurs de France et D'Angleterre avoient fait pour resgler les Limites de leurs possessions avoient este concertes entre ces deux Monarques, pour le bonheur des hommes rouges et des hommes blancs, Aussitot que Nous avons este informes que votre intention etoit de vous rendre aux Illinois par le Mississippi Nous avons de Nouveau, Ordonne a tous

Blancs, qu'ils devoient regarder doresnavant

freres et

que

les

[Translation]

voy, they will cause you to experience an unfortunate reverse which

might happen to the best troops of the world fighting against men are not seen and shoot marvelously, who are never worn out and can live everywhere. It is with the greatest grief, sir, that I see the bad disposition of the savages of the upper country in regard to you. The need in which they find themselves will force them to make peace with you before long. That is why it is not prudent to

who

make

haste in an affair so interesting.

have had news

commandants

of the peace

we have

From

the

moment

that

sent express orders to

of all the posts, both of the Illinois

and

all

are situated on the Mississippi, to inform the savages of

all

we the

those which

and to tell was no longer war, that the roads were white and that they ought to regard, from now on, the English as brothers and that the arrangements which the emperors of France and England had made to regulate the Umits of their possessions had been concerted between these two monarchs for the welfare of the red men and the white men. As soon as we were informed that your intention

them that

there

it

AUBRY TO STUART, DECEMBER les

commandans de

ses Postes, d'en prevenir les

20, 1764

Sauvages

ne vous troublent point dans votre Navigation et

qu'ils

qu'ils

Vouloient que

les

afin qu'ils

vous laissent

passer tranquillement, attendue que c'estoit la Volonte des

de France et D'Angleterre et

385

Empereurs

hommes

rouges

S'y Conformassent.

Monsieur De Neyon L'Ancien Commandant des Illinois, avoit pour Vous avec Succes, Les Sauvages de cette partie consentoient a vous recevoir et il est certain que si vous eussiet [sic] pu y parvenir dans ce tems, vous en auriet pris possession tranquillement, Malheureusement le Chef Pondiac est arrive et en une Heure de tems, 11 a destruit tout L'ou\Tage que Monsieur de Neyon avoit eu bein [sic] de la Peine a faire en trois Mois. C'est le Boute-feu des toutes les Nations et c'est Lui qui les excite contre Vous. Vous connoisset Monsieur Les Sauvage, avec de la Patience, et du tems, on en vient a bout, par Moi je ne les connois que trop pour Mon Malheur, car j'ay este pris par eux, et ils M'ont bein Maltraite; vous N'avet point besoin de Conseils et vous saves Mieux que Moy 'oblige de vous reprece que vous avez a faire, mais Mon devoir traville

M

[Translation]

was to go to the

commandants

Illinois

by the

of these posts to

Mississippi,

we again ordered

warn the savages

of

it

all

the

in order that

they should not trouble you in your navigation and should permit you to pass peacefully, seeing that it was the wish of the emperors of France and England to which they wished that the red men conform. M. de Villiers, former commandant of the Illinois, has worked for us with success.

you; and

it is

The savages certain that,

if

of that territory

consented to receive

you had been able

to accomplish

it

at

you would have taken possession of it peacefully. Unfortunately Chief Pontiac arrived and in an hour's time destroyed all the work that M. de Villiers had had so much trouble in accomplishing in three months. He is the firebrand of all the nations and it is he who excites them against you. You know the savages, sir; with patience and time one succeeds with them. For myself I know too much of them for my own good, for I have been with them and they have mistreated me much. Vou have no need of advice and you know better than I what you have to do; but my duty compels me to bring to your attention that it would that time,

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

386

ne seroit'pas prudent dans une circonstance pareille de veut mieux aller Pied a Pied: Monsieur Stuart vous communiquera ce que jay eu L'honneur de lui dire a ce Sujet; la revolution que cette Colonie esprouve Z^robligera beintot de la quitter, tant que j'y resterai vous pou\^t [sic] estre certain, que je feray tout ce qui despendra de moy pour contribuer au bonheur senter; qu'il

brusquer

les affaires et qu'il

mon

reciproque des deux Nations; c'est L'Intention de

prince et

jc

m*y comformeray avec d'autant plus de Zele que personne Ne respecte et N'estime plus votre Nations

ment que une

que Moi,

et qui se desire bien sincere-

tres longue paLx subsiste entre

Nous.

J'ay l'honneur d'estre le respect, et la Consideration la plus grande. Monsieur Vostre tres humble et tres obeissans Ser^-itur

AuBRY

Signe

A LA NouvELLE P. S. Stuart,

ORLEANS 20 Deccmbre

Monsieur de cet Officier a

la

un

1764.

Gautraie va a Pensacole avec ^Monsieur grarid Connoissance des Sauvages, et des

pais d'en haut, et on pent S'en rapporter a ce qu'il dit.

\Translatio7i\

be prudent in such circumstances not to hasten the affair and that !M. Stuart will communicate it would be better to go foot by foot. to you what I have had th the Detroit the

not included. *

On

Officer entered into a

the Coll'" return to Sandosky he proposed pro-

Printed in Nr^v York Colonial Documents,

'Printed ante, 327.

7:

685.

JOHNSON TO THE LORDS OF TRADE

389

& Delawares,

but it is reported that it was found impracticable, & that the Indians appeared averse to it, but the fact is, that the Indians who were prevented from knocking the Impostors on the Head at L'ance aux f euilles, & greatly con-

ceeding against the Shawanese

Manner

cerned at the commanding Officer's

of treating with them,

had resolved not to Interest themselves any farther (so warmly) in the Issue of the Campaign, and therefore declared at Sandosky that they would readily march with the Army, but would not of themselves go in partys against an Enemy whom the Coll. had treated -with, and was not disposed to attack w^^ his Troops. The result of this Expedition is, that after loosing near one Half of the great Boats, the Troops are returned in a most shattered scituation, many have perished in the Woods, and above forty are now daily fed by the Senecas, 'till they become able to march, neither are all my Officers or Indians yet come in, haveing been turned adrift without any provision on Lake Erie, together vdth. several Hundred of the Troops. These are a few general Heads which can all be enlarged upon, & fully proved by the best Authority.

On

Hand

the other

&

Coll.

Bouquet under

the disadvantages of

all

hazardous Land March, with an

Army

Httle more than Other has penetrated into the Heart of the Country of the Delawares and Shawanese, obtained above 200 Enghsh Captives from amongst them, with 14 hostages for their comeing here, and

a tedious

half that of the

entering into a Peace before

me

due form &c*,

in

&

I daily expect

their Chiefs for that purpose.

Haveing

just run over

of the Expeditions,

it

some

of the

the State of the Indians at present,

have upon them. sent to

England

they really are,

In the

most material circumstances

remains that I should lay before your Lordships

&

the Effect these occurences will

For altho an Account

it is

& as

first place,

my Duty

they regard give

me

of the

Campaign has been

to describe the scituation of affairs as

my

Department.

leave to observe to your Lordships

how

our late Military operations are considered by the Friend Indians,

& what effect As of the

to the

they

will

have upon our Enemies.

first Coll.

Number

Bradstreet

made

I brought to Niagra,

100 Coghnawagaes

&

other

Judged highly necessary, and

Canada of

choice of 300 Indians out

in these

were comprised near

Indians, whose presence was

whose

fidelity I

can have uo doubt

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIOXS

390

from the verry good behaviour of these People since the reduction of Canada. I therefore earnestly wished that they might return Home prejudiced in favour of the English Conduct, & satisfied with the treatment they would receive, as it was the first time, they ever

had an opertunity of Joining His Majestys Troops, and I can afiirm no Men of any Denomination expressed a greater desire to go against the Shawanese & Delawares in particular, which were the Nations I had in an especial manner pointed out as our most inveterate Enemys, but to my infinite mortification, I find that not only these Coghnawagaes but all the rest of the Indians, My own Officers, & all

those of the Troops

whom I have since conversed with, are returned own

in the utmost Chagrin at their

What

the Campaign

ill

treatment,

report

all

my Department,

to the affairs of

Person an

they

office, I -^ilUngly

and

may

as I

&

the Transactions of

be in some degree foreign

was never

inclined to do any

suppress them, but I

am

convinced

I cannot do so, with regard to what relates to the Indian Interest,

without being guilty of a notorious neglect, & being accessary to any troubles which may hereafter proceed from the misconduct of one of the Armys, therefore I cannot avoid Expressing the great uneasiness of all our Indians at the late Transactions,

those Impostors sired to

know

they say that

who met the Army at L'Ance Aux Feuilles only deCommanding Officer whether he was comeing

of the

upon Peace or War

was Everry Whit as agreable as the former. To which he answer'd that He was glad they were so peaceably disposed, as he was himself of that Disposition,

&

to the Country, that the latter

then contrary to the inchnation of our Indians

whom

he never

made a Treaty with them, telling them after all was over general Terms that the Shawanese & Delawares were become his

consulted in

Friends.

proved by

That all

this

was the

the Indians

who understood

real proceeding at that place

who were

can bo

present, as well as Ind"^ Officers

the language of these Impostors,

and the Incon-

sistency thereof occasioned our Indians to resolve not to take upon

themselves any thing for the rest of the Campaign, as these were the People they flattered themselves they should have marched against

That haveing appointed a certain day for the Enemy to bring in thoir Prisoners &c* to Sandosky He proceeded to Detroit, & on his return from thence some time after he asscended Sandoskcy River whore lie encamped Waiting their Arrival, but suddenly on the report of an

JOHNSON TO THE LORDS OF TRADE

391

& retired ^vith the Utmost precipitation Lake lea\ing Indians behind who haveing waited till long

Enem>*s Approach decamped to the

after the

appointed time, retired,

&

joined the

Army

greatly dis-

gusted that he had slipped so good an opertunity of marching to the

which were not four Days March

plains

for

an Indian, nor above

six

Troops.

for the

That afterwards the Commanding Officer asked them to proceed Enemy, to which they answered, that it was verry, extraordinary for him to require them to proceed alone against a People that he had treated vdth contrary to their ad\'ice & was afraid to go ag^* himself, but that they would readily accompany him, & the Army, & then do Everry thing he desired, but that he laid aside the attempt. Altho had he only gone Two days March it would have against the

thrown the Enemy into the utmost confusion & greatly favoured Coll. Boquet as well as releived the Frontiers, who daily suffered from the Enemys Scalping Partys notwithstanding the Treaty. That aU this has been misrepresented, and put on another footing can be fully proved^ by those who understood the Words which really passed between the Coll. & the Indians. That a Treaty was huddled up \^'ith some of the Nations at Detroit, on which occasion not a syllable was mentioned concerning Subjection or Dominion. That

& Godfroy the two by Major Gladwin, as Principals in the late War, & solely confided in them & some other French Men, by one of whose means the boats were cast away, as by his advice the Army halted at an open beach when there was a fine river v^ithin two miles of them that the whole of the Transactions being in French were never explained to our Indians, neither did they know the

Commanding

Officer

pardonned Miny Chein

notorious Villains so often represented

anything that past from time to time, except of those languages with which they happened to be acquainted, that the Commanding Officer

had

likewise taken

about Detroit,

&

Lake

some French Inhabitants, Officers

Ounce

were set to

of pro\isions

upon him

&

lastly that

shift for

&

to grant several Tracts of

Erie, as well to

some

they the Indians with their

themselves on Lake Erie without an

destitute of every thing,

at Niagra for supplying them,

&

order

left

did

there for the good of the Service at his

of

it

my Officers.

Land

of the Officers, as to

These are a few

neither

was any

Commanding Officer own risque by the desire

the

of their general Subjects of

Compkiint,

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

392

Nations have sent me Messengers to acquaint me comeing here, and I leave your Lordships to judge, after \yhat has passed whether we can readily expect their Assistance on any future occasion, for besides that our errors (to give them no worse name) have made us look less in the Indians eyes than ever,

on v;hich the

six

that they are

all

they are greatly disgusted at the

111

treatment of their

alarmed at the specious Words of Subjection

&

o\vti

Dominion,

People,

&

aston-

ished at the granting of Lands within their Rights, which is-realy an

In a word it is e\ddently necessary that up to their Satisfaction, and not-withstanding the success of Coll. Bouquet will be much noticed by the Indians of Ohio, & have a good effect upon them, yet the Conduct of Affairs in

unaccountable Transaction. these Matters be cleared

the other Quarter will require the application of an Immediate

Remedy. it

Matters thus circumstanced with regard to Our Freinds, how Affairs stand between us and the Nations

remains to show,

who have been

at

War

with us, which I shall introduce with the

following Remarks.

Yours iordships before the

March

-will

please to observe that for

of Coll. Bradstreet's

Army,

many Months

Severall of the Western

Nations had expressed a Desire for Peace, & had ceased to commit Hostilities, that even Pondiac inclined that way but did not chuse to venture his Person by comeing in to any of the Posts. This was the State of Affairs

when

I treated ^^'ith the Indians at Niagra, in

which Number were 1500 of the Westeren Nations, a Number Infinitely more considerable than those who were treated with since at Detroit, many of whom were the same people, particularly the Hurons & Chippewaes, In the mean time it now appears from the verry best authority, and can be proved by the Oaths of several reputable persons Prisoners at the Illinois & amongst the Indians, as from the Acc"^ of the Indians themselves, that not only many French Traders but also French Officers^ came amongst the Indians as they said fully autliorised to assure them that the French King was determined to support them to the utmost, & not only in\-ited them to the Illinois where they were plentifully supi)licd with ammunition, & other necessary's but also sent several Canoes at different times up also

the ^

Illinois

River to the Miamis,

For the French side

and Dabbadic's

&

others, as well as

up the Ohio

to

of such statements as this, sec the introduction, ante, xxxiii,

journal, anlc^ 1O2, passim.

JOHXSON TO THE LORDS OF TRADE

393

and Delawares, as by Major Smalmans Ace" & several me by Coll. Bouquet, & one of my Oncers who Accompanied him will appear. That in an especial manner the French promoted the interest of Pondiac, whose Influence is now become so considerable as Genr^ Gage observes in a late letter the Shawanese

others (then Prisoners) transmitted

to

me

that

it

extends even to the

Mouth

of the Mississippi,

&

has

been the principal occasion of our not as yet gaining possession of the Illinois, which the French as well as Indians are interested in preventThis Pondiac is not included in the late Treaty at Detroit, & ing.

Head

number of Indians privately supported by whom, was about three Months ago in the Miamis Castle, at the Sioto Plains, Muskingum & several other places. The Westeren Indians who it seems ridicule the whole Expedition, as they must before this have heard of the Grants of the Lands in that Countn-, and the Assertion that they acknowledged themselves to is

at the

of a great

the French, an Officer of

be subjects &c* to

all

intents

&

purposes, their Jealousy will be

indamed to such a pitch by the Interested French on the one side, & the Influence of Pondiac on the other, that we have great reason to apprehend a Renewal of Hostilities, or at least that they & the TiL'i^htiees

\^-ill

strenuously oppose our possessing the

can never be accompHshed without their consent,

&

Illinois,

indeed

which

it is

not

wondered that they should be concerned at our occupying that Countr\', when we consider that the French (be their motive what it will) loaded them with favours, and continue to do so. Accompanied with all outward marks of Esteem, & an Address peculiarly adapted to their Manners, w^ infalHbly gains upon all Indians, who Judze by Externals only, & in all their Acquaintance with us upon the Frontiers have never found anything like it, but on the contrary, h^r^h treatment, Angrv' Words, and in short everry thing which can be thought of to inspire them with a dislike for our manners, & a Jealousy of our \-iews, I have seen so much of these matters, and I am so well con\"inced of the Utter aversion our People have for them in General, & of the imprudence with which they constantly express it, to be

that I absolutely despair of ever seeing Tranquility established until fully settled, so as I may have proper Perii.viS whose business it shall be to remove their {)reand whose Interest it becomes to obtain their esteem &

your Lordships Plan

is

to reside at the Posts, judices,

friendship.

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

394

The importance

of speedily possessing the Illinois

and thereby

secureing a considerable branch of Trade, as well as cutting off the

always be supplied, Channel by which our Enemys have been & a matter I have verry much at heart, and what I think may be effected this Winter by Land by IM' Croghan in case matters can be so far settled \dth the Shawanese, T\\ightwees & Pondiac as to engage the latter with some Cheifs of the before mentioned Nations to accompany him T\-ith a garrison, the Expence attending .this v.ill be large, but the end to be obtained is too considerable to be neI have accordingly recommended it to the consideration of glected, Genr^ Gage & shall, on the arrival of the Shawanese Delawares &c. here, do all in my power to pave the way for effecting it, I shall also make such a Peace with them as will be most to the Credit and Advantage of the Crown, & the security of the Trade & Frontiers, & tye them down to such conditions, as Indians vnll most probably -^i^-ill

is

observe.

The Expences

I

have been at by acting as a Military

Officer

without any allowance on that Head, the Losses I have sustained

by the

neglect of

my own

Concerns, as well with regard to business,

as to the several Tracts which I have paid large possessed,

&

the inconceivable trouble

&

Sums

Expence

I

for,

am

but never

involved in

my

Department have induced me at last to think of addressing a Memorial to His Majesty, and I flatter myself if your Lordships are satisfied with the zeal I have shewn in my office, that you will be pleased to honour me with your Interest on this occasion, which shall always be considered with the utmost gratitude, by My Lords Your Lordships most Devoted & Most Obedient

by

Humble Servant

W" JOIINSON' The Right Honr^^^ the Lords

of Trade

[Endorsed:] Plant' GenK Letter from S' William Johnson Supcrintendant of Indian Affairs, to the Board dated Dec*" 26. 1764, relative to the expeditions of Col'' Bradstreet & Bouquet, and the present state of Indian Affairs

ReC^ :March

20**^

1765

Read K2

PROCLAMATION OF GAGE, DECEMBER Gage to Bouquet, December [B.M., Add. MSS., 21638,

f.

30,

1764 395

30, 1764

404—A.L.S.]

New York

Dec"" 30*^ 1764

Sir,

Lieu* Fraser who served with you a volunteer has desired to be employed on the Service of the Ilinois, and I am to acquaint you that I have accepted his offer. He will set out with ]\P Croghan in two Days Time for Fort-Pitt, where I must beg you will send orders that They are supplied with Boats and as much Pro\dsions as they shall have occasion for and every other Assistance, the Commanding Officer of that Fort, can afford them in their Expedition. M' Mallett arrived here last Night, and I hear Colonel Reid is expected. I hope you find that the Affair relative to the Payment of the Waggons and Horses at Fort-Loudoun had met with no Interruption, but was settled in a regular ^Manner. I am with great Regard Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant ^-, ^ ^ Thos Gage ^ Colonel Bouquet. '

*

[Endorsed:]

General Gage 30^^ December 1764, Received the

4^^

January 1765 (entered)

Proclaaiation of Gage to the Inh.a.bit.\nts of the Illinois,

December

30, 1764^

[American State Papers; Public Lands,

By

2: 209]

His Excellency Thomas Gage, Major General of the King's

armies. Colonel of the 2 2d regiment, General

commanding

in chief all

the forces of His Majesty in North America, &c.

Whereas, by the peace concluded at Paris the loth

of

Februar\%

1763, the country of the Illinois has been ceded to His Britannic

Majesty, and the taking possession of the said country of the Illinois by the troops of His Majesty, though delayed, has been determined upon, we have found it good to make known to the inhabitants That his Majesty grants to the inhabitants of the Illinois the

—

Indiana, 80. Search for the orii^inal of this proclamaresult. Naturally it was expected to find it among There is the Kaskaskia MSS., but these for this period are few and unimportant. no copy of the prockimation in London as far as can he learned. Prohahly the copy in the American Stale Papers is from an ori:;inal found at Kaskaskia. This proclamation was carried to the Illinois by Stirling, sec post, 2:108. *

Printed also

tion has been

in Dillon,

made without

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIOXS

396

liberty of the Catholic religion, as

He

subjects in Canada.

it

has already been granted to

has consequently given the most precise

his

ar.d

end that his new Roman Catholic subjects of may exercise the worship of their religion according to the the Roman church, in the same manner as in Canada.

effective orders, to the

the Illinois rites of

That His Majesty, moreover, agrees that the French inhabitants, who have been subjects of the Most Christian King, m:iy retire in full safety and freedom wherever they please, even to Xew Orleans, or any other part of Louisiana, although it should happen or others

that the Spaniards take possession of

Majesty; and they of

may

it

His Majesty, and transport their

name

in the

sell their estates,

pro\dded

of

it

His Catholic

be to subjects

effects, as well as their persons,

without restraint, upon their emigration, under any pretence whatever, except in consequence of debts or of criminal process.

That those who choose of His

Majesty

shall

to retain their lands

and become

subjects

enjoy the same rights and privileges, the same

security for their persons

and

effects,

and the

liberty of trade, as the

old subjects of the King.

That they are commanded by these presents to take the oath of and obedience to His Majesty, in presence of the Sieur Sterling, captain of the Highland regiment, the bearer hereof, and furfidelity

nished

^;sith

our

full

powers for

this purpose.

That we recommend forcibly to the inhabitants to conduct themselves like good and faithful subjects, avoiding, by a wise and prudent demeanor,

all

That they

may

cause of complaint against them. act in concert with His Majesty's officers, so that his

all the posts, and order be means alone they will spare His Majesty the necessity of recurring to force of arms, and will find themselves saved from the scourge of a bloody war, and of all the evils which the march of an army into their country' would draw after it. We direct that these presents be read, published, and posted up,

troops

take peaceable possession of

kept in the country'.

By

this

in the usual places.

Done and

given at head-quarters,

New

York.

Signed with our

hand, sealed with our seal at arms, and countersigned by our secretary, this 30th

December, 1764.

Thomas Gage. By His ExcclKncy: G. Maturin.

BOUQUET TO GAGE, JANUARY Bouquet to Gage, [B.:M.,

Add. MSS.,

Januar>^

21. 637,

f.

5,

85^

5,

1765

397

1765

— C]

Pkllad"^ Jan 5^

5^ 1765

Sir I have the 20*^ 24*^

Honor

to

& 30*^ of Dec^

accknowledge Your Excellency Letters^ of the which I find at my Arrivali here, I answered

from Conegocheque that of the 7*^^. had sent to Wakatamihie was return 'd to Fort Pitt before I left it with fourteen Captives delivered by the Shawanese after the Departure of the Army. Another Party left with Sick Children amongst the Delaware is returned since having been very kindly treated by them, and there remains only in the Indian Country six Virginia Volunteers who went at their own Request to the Lower Shawanese To\\*n to bring some of their Relations from thence. The Communication from Fort Pitt being shut by the Snow I can have no Accompts from thence. No Body can be Answerable for the Conduct of Savages, but unless the French are uncommonly Active amongst the Shawanese I dont doubt from several Strong Circumstances but they will hold their the 22^ Instant

The Party

I

Terms.

You have been pleased

to State so Clearly the Case of take

possession of the lUionees Country, that

it

[sic]

admits of no doubt but the

Way of Negotiation is the only one admissable at

present as no Assist-

ance can be expected from the Provinces.

M'

Croghan

is

the

fittest

Business, in the favourable in his Letter to

attaching

me

Person in America to Transact that

Terms which

Sir

William Johnson appears

inclined to give to the Delaware, can not

them to our

Interest,

fail of

they can bring over the Shawanese

and with their Assistance all the Rest. M*" Croghan will be furnished at Fort Pitt \\-ith Batteaux Provisions &c* I will only observe that he will more easily succeed if the Deputies of the Delawares are returned with favourable Conditions of Peace and their Hostages and Prisoners are released before he go's to that Nation. I

am

glad that M*" Frazcr has ofTcred his Services.

have proposed to ^

You an

I

could not

Officer so well qualified for that Expedition.

Printed ante, 377, 387, 395.

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

398

As soon as I receive an Answer from Governor Fauquier ConcernPay of their Voluntiers I shall have the Honor to Answer that Part of Your letter. I can not give a Satisfactory Account of the Communication bv James River to the Mouth of the Kanahawa, I only know that it is a favourite Scheme in Virginia w^here it is represented as very Convenient, and they would I believe readily build and Garrison a Fort ing the

at the

Mouth

and Cover

of the

Kannahawa

to participate in the Indian Tra-ic

but they

their Frontier;

will

probably expect to be permit-

ted to settle that Part of the Country which

is

hitherto Contrary to

the Kings Proclamation; and would enlarge a Province which already

appears unwieldy.

Manuel to

Langlois, January MSS. - L.S.]

lo,

1765

[K.

Monsieur Et Amy M'Etant determine a rester a la N"^ Orleans, Et que j'ay lais-c une habitation, comme vous le sgavez; Je ne puis mieux la cedtr qu'a vous, en reconnoissance de Notre ancienne amitie; ainsi }c vous en fais par la presente un pur et entier abandon, Moy ci mon Epouse vous n'avez qu'en consequence de ce, si vous vouk.:, aller au Grefle retirer la procuration que j'avois faitte au s' Lachanse; Mais pour Eviter les frais, ma presente vous est plus que

Suljfisante

pour vous donner toutes

les seuretes

Necessaircs a

Mon Epouse tt ce sujet, attendre que les pieces y Sont jointes. famille vous assure de leur respects ainsi qu'a tout ce qui vous [Translation]

Sir and Friend: Ha\'ing decided to remain at house, as

you know,

New

recognition of our old friendship; so

and

entire

deed, I and

to go to the clerk to

enough to give you

my

wife.

and secure the

M. Lachanse; but all

Orleans and having

can do no better than give

I

by

this I

it

make you

to

a

left

you

in

a comii'tU-

Consequently, you have ov.W legal authorization

to avoid expense, this

will

I

had mavic

be more than

the security necessary, provided the article

MANUEL

TO LANGLOIS, JANUARY

Et ^loy qui

appartient

suis T^Ionsieur

Amy

Et

10,

17G5

399

Votre tres humble

et affectionne serviteur

Manuel De la

N""^ ORLEANS ce lo jan\ier 1765.

Enregistre au greffe a la page Cent quatre vingt dLx folio premier

au Kaskaskl\s Le

i^ juilliet

1783.

O. L. S.

P'^'^

L.\nglois, Greffier

Je moi pierre Langlois jai Cede tous mes pretention a M'^ Egaid des terres qui ma Ete Enbandonne par IVP Jean manuele Cy devant

&c Et avont

Explique

quante

Ii\Te

En

signe pour le pris et

somme

de trois Cent Cin-

marchandisse.

P'^ Langlois au Kaskaskias ce

8^ Janvier 1785.

John Edg.\r

copie livre ce 8^ Janvier 1785.

A

[Addressed:]

Kascacias

Monsieur Monsieur Pierre Langlois, Habitant aux

Illinois

•

[Translation]

are attached to

And

regard.

it.

My wife and family assure you and yours of their

I, sir

and

am Your

friend,

very humble and affec-

Manuel

tionate ser\'ant,

New

Orleans, January

Registered in the

10,

1765 the clerk on page one hundred ninety,

oflSce of

Kaskaskia, July

first folio.

1783

i,

O. L.

S.

Pierre Langlois

clerk

M. Edgar all my claims to the lands me by M. Jean Manuel, as explained above, for the price and sum of three hundred-fifty

Pierre Langlois, deed to

I,

which have been given to etc.,

and

livres in

I

have signed,

merchandise.

Pierre Langlois Kaskaskia, January 8, 1785 delivered, January 8, 1785

John Edgar

Copy

[Addressed:] Illinois.

To M.

Pierre

Langlois,

inhabitant

of

Kaskaskia,

ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIOXS

400

Orders for the Regulation of Trade, January [Johnson MSS., 10:91

— C]

Head Quarters New York

16^'^

i6,

1765

January 1765.

Orders

As the Indian Traders

will

be pro\ided with particular Passes by

The

their Respective Governors,

Commanding in the seven! make Them Comply vrith th-.*

Officers

Posts and Forts/ will Endeavor to

Conditions upon which their Passes shall be granted.

Care

to

ir.-

taken, on the Opening of the Trade that the Traders are guilty of no

Imposition upon the Indians.

WTien the Traders bring Spiritous Liquors to any Posts where they intend to Remain

& Trade,

of the Forts or

the said Liquors arc to

be taken into Store, marked with the Traders Names, and Receipts given

Them for

the Quantity put into Store,

And no

Spiritous Liqu^us

are to be allowed to be Sold to the Indians in the Posts or near them.

But when the Indians

shall

the Traders to have as

have finished

much

their Trade,

and going away,

of their Spirits out of Store as they

shrill

have Sold to such Indians, upon their Engaging to carry it at least Tw j Leagues from the Post, and their dehver it to the Indians. And in Order to prevent any Disputes concerning Liquors put into Store,

The

Stores are to be fastened with

by the Commissary

Two

Locks, and the

Key

of one

Commanding, the other by the Person whom the Traders shall fix upon for that purpose. The Officers Commanding at the Posts will at all Times inforrn Sir Wilham Johnson, of every thing which shall come to their Knowto be kept

or Officer

ledge relative to Indian Business which shall be worth His Notice.

Presents are not to be

made

to the Indians but

as shall render such Measures unavoidable.

And when

on Occasions it

so happens

and the Quantity delivered to be CertiacJ by the Commanding Officer, and Two other Officers next in Rank to the Commander, where so many shall be, as likewise by the Commissary if any such Person in the Post, And when there is a NccosMty to take up Liquors or other Goods from the Traders for these Pur[)0--)inl5.

5

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