British Methodist Hymnody: Theology, Heritage, and Experience (Routledge Methodist Studies Series) [1 ed.] 9781472469298, 1472469291

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British Methodist Hymnody

Hymnody is widely recognised as a central tenet of Methodism’s theological, doctrinal, spiritual, and liturgical identity. Theologically and doctrinally, the content of the hymns has traditionally been a primary vehicle for expressing Methodism’s emphasis on salvation for all, social holiness, and personal commitment, while particular hymns and the communal act of participating in hymn singing have been key elements in the spiritual lives of Methodists. An important contribution to the history of Methodism, British Methodist Hymnody argues that the significance of hymnody in British Methodism is best understood as a combination of its official status, spiritual expression, popular appeal, and practical application. Seeking to consider what, when, how, and why Methodists sing, British Methodist Hymnody examines the history, perception, and practice of hymnody from Methodism’s small-scale eighteenth-century origins to its place as a worldwide denomination today. Martin V. Clarke is a Lecturer in Music at The Open University. He has research interests in the relationships between music and theology, hymnody, Methodist history, and British music of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. He is currently a Co-Investigator on the AHRC-funded project ‘Listening and British cultures: listeners’ responses to music in Britain, c. 1700–2018’. He was an invited participant at the Yale ISM Consultation on Music and Theology in 2013 and has twice been the recipient of Visiting Fellowships at Bridwell Library, Southern Methodist University.

Routledge Methodist Studies Series Series Editor: William Gibson Director of the Oxford Centre for Methodism and Church History, Oxford Brookes University, UK Methodism remains one of the largest denominations in the USA and is growing in South America, Africa and Asia (especially in Korea and China). This series spans Methodist history and theology, exploring its success as a movement historically and in its global expansion. Books in the series will look particularly at features within Methodism which attract wide interest, including: the unique position of the Wesleys; the prominent role of women and minorities in Methodism; the interaction between Methodism and politics; the ‘Methodist conscience’ and its motivation for temperance and pacifist movements; the wide range of Pentecostal, holiness and evangelical movements; and the interaction of Methodism with different cultures. Titles in the series: The Ashgate Research Companion to World Methodism Edited by William Gibson, Peter Forsaith and Martin Wellings Methodists and their Missionary Societies 1760–1900 John Pritchard John Wesley’s Pneumatology Joseph W. Cunningham The Narrative of the Good Death The Evangelical Deathbed in Victorian England Mary Riso Methodists and their Missionary Societies 1900–1996 John Pritchard Methodism in Australia Edited by Glen O’Brien and Hilary M. Carey British Methodist Hymnody Theology, Heritage, and Experience Martin V. Clarke

British Methodist Hymnody Theology, Heritage, and Experience

Martin V. Clarke

First published 2018 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2018 Martin V. Clarke The right of Martin V. Clarke to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Clarke, Martin (Martin V.), author. Title: British Methodist hymnody: theology, heritage, and experience / Martin V. Clarke. Description: New York : Routledge, 2017. | Series: Routledge Methodist studies series | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2016058078| ISBN 9781472469298 (hardback : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781315570181 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Methodist Church—Great Britain—Hymns— History and criticism. | Hymns, English—Great Britain—History and criticism. | Methodist Church—Doctrines. Classification: LCC BV415.A1 C63 2017 | DDC 264/.075023--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016058078 ISBN: 978-1-4724-6929-8 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-57018-1 (ebk) Typeset in Bembo by HWA Text and Data Management, London

For Alison Didst thou not make us one, That we might one remain, Together travel on, And share our joy and pain, ’Till all thy utmost goodness prove, And rise renewed in perfect love? From Charles Wesley, ‘Thou God of truth and love’, Hymns and Sacred Poems (1749)

Contents

List of musical examples List of tables Acknowledgements Introduction

viii ix x 1

1 Authorised hymnody: hymnals as expressions of doctrine and theology

12

2 An ecumenical hymnody

36

3 An evangelical hymnody

61

4 Methodism’s literary repertoire: form, language, editing, and theological expression

88

5 Musical repertoire

111

6 Methodist hymnody in practice

139

7 The influence of Methodist hymnody beyond British Methodism

164

8 Hymnody and Methodist identity

181

Index

205

Musical examples

AMSTERDAM, from Sacred Harmony HERRNHUTH, from The Foundery Collection J.B. Dykes, HOLLINGSIDE CANNON, from The Foundery Collection SLOW GERMAN, from The Foundery Collection J.F. Lampe, HYMN XI, bars 9–19, from Hymns on the Great Festivals and Other Occasions 5.4 ST MICHAEL, bars 1–11, from Harmonia Sacra 5.5 FOR SUNDAY, from Harmonia Sacra 5.6 W. Arnold, JOSIAH, bars 1–8 5.7 I. Howarth, EFFINGHAM, bars 5–12, © Ian Howarth, reproduced with permission 5.8 J. Battishill, HYMN XI, bars 1–8 5.9 J.F. Bridge, HANDSWORTH 5.10 T. Campbell, SAGINA, bars 25–32, from The Methodist Hymn Book (1904) 5.11 G.C. Martin, HOLY FAITH, bars 17–24, from The Methodist Hymn Book (1904)

2.1 2.2 2.3 5.1 5.2 5.3

41 42 49 115 115 117 118 118 121 124 127 129 130 130

Tables

1.1 1.2 2.1 2.2 2.3 4.1 4.2 4.3 7.1

Table of contents of A Collection of Hymns for the Use of the People called Methodists (1780) Comparison of Parts III and IV of the 1780 Collection with ‘The Christian Life’ section of The Methodist Hymn Book (1933) Influence of the 1780 Collection and supplement on The Primitive Methodist Hymnal and United Methodist Free Church Hymnal Influence of Hymns Ancient and Modern (1875, supplement 1889) on Methodist hymnals in the late nineteenth century Copyright dates of worship songs in Singing the Faith Most frequently used metres in Charles Wesley’s hymns in Short Hymns and Singing the Faith Most popular names and titles in sections containing hymns of adoration Most popular names and titles in sections containing hymns on personal holiness Number of hymns by Charles Wesley in Hymns Ancient and Modern and The English Hymnal series

16 25 45 46 54 89 95 96 168

Acknowledgements

In writing this book, I owe a debt of gratitude to many individuals and institutions. My love of hymnody was cultivated first at Wesley Methodist Church, Caerphilly, where I was influenced by the Rev. William H. Jones and my first organ teacher, the late Leonard Starr, and later at Elvet Methodist Church, Durham, especially during the tenure of the late Rev. Neil Dixon. My doctoral supervisor, Professor Bennett Zon, helped me to shape and develop this interest in an academic context, and was particularly influential in encouraging me to pursue an interdisciplinary approach. He was instrumental in encouraging me to write this book, reading and commenting on early drafts of the proposal and two chapters, and I remain grateful for his continued support, encouragement, and advocacy. My colleagues in the Music Department at The Open University have provided a rich scholarly community for the sharing of ideas, as well as much mutual support. A visiting fellowship at Bridwell Library, Southern Methodist University, in 2015 provided access to many important sources, and essential study time. As well as Bennett Zon, Anne Harrison, Professor C. Michael Hawn, and the Rev. Ian Howarth have all willingly read drafts of sections of the book. I am especially grateful to Professor J.R. Watson, who has read and commented on each chapter, for his hymnological insights and suggestions for stylistic improvements. I supplied Sidney Head with a series of photographs, knowing that he would be able to transform them into a suitable artwork for the front cover; the resulting montage demonstrates his artistic vision and skill, for which I am most thankful. I am also grateful to the editorial and production staff who have brought about the publication of this book, first at Ashgate, and subsequently at Routledge, where Jack Boothroyd has been most efficient and helpful. My greatest thanks, however, go to my family. My parents supported me through my studies and continue to provide much encouragement. My children, though they will not know it yet, have provided inspiration, as well as being an important reminder of life beyond work. Finally, my wife, Alison, to whom this book is dedicated, has been an invaluable source of moral and practical support and encouragement throughout the whole process.

Introduction

Hymnody is widely recognised as a central tenet of Methodism’s theological, doctrinal, spiritual, and liturgical identity. Theologically and doctrinally, the textual content of the hymns has traditionally been a primary vehicle for expressing Methodism’s emphasis on salvation for all, social holiness, and personal commitment, while particular hymns and the communal act of participating in hymn singing have been key elements in the spiritual lives of many Methodists. The shape of Methodist worship and many other meetings has often been strongly informed by the number, position, and type of hymns used within it. Methodists are commonly stereotyped as ‘a singing people’, and hymnody has long been regarded popularly within Methodism as central to denominational identity. The Faith of a Methodist, written by long-time Secretary of the Methodist Conference, Eric Baker, provides a striking example of the influence of hymnody on Methodism’s self-understanding and expression of its own identity. In the final chapter of this book, written for a Methodist audience, Baker takes Charles Wesley’s short hymn ‘Jesus, the first and last’ as the basis for an examination of the meaning of the book’s title. He works through the hymn couplet by couplet, before concluding that ‘it sums up better than anything else I know what I believe to be the Faith of a Methodist’ (1958, p. 112). Of the small group to whom the name Methodist was first applied, John and Charles Wesley emerged and have remained as the most recognised founding figures and early leaders. John Wesley, especially through his organisational command, extensive itinerant ministry, and substantial literary output, is often described as the founder of Methodism, and his influence in his lifetime and subsequently has not been matched by another individual (Rack, 2002; Maddox and Vickers, 2010; Waller, 2003). Though principally remembered for his hymns, Charles Wesley was also a prominent preacher and leader in early Methodism, although his itinerancy was not on the same scale as John’s (Lloyd, 2007; Newport and Campbell, 2007). Theological dispute characterised early Methodism, and while the Wesley brothers’ brand of evangelical Arminianism, with its emphasis on the offer of salvation made freely to all, ultimately prevailed as the definitive position of mainstream Methodism, the Calvinistic strain of Methodism, emphasising salvation of the elect, nonetheless has a significant heritage. Its most prominent eighteenth-century proponent was George

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Whitefield, and while there was considerable interaction between Whitefield and the Wesleys, the two branches have subsequently maintained separate existences (Hammond and Jones, 2016). Even where there was basic theological agreement, disputes over practice, conduct, and emphasis were commonplace in early Methodism. The death of John Wesley in 1791 was an important factor in the emergence of several breakaway groups over the following decades, each of which sought to emphasise itself as authentically Methodist. While the original body, subsequently known as Wesleyan Methodism, remained numerically dominant, other groups, especially the Primitive Methodists, exerted a profound influence on the overall nature of British Methodism. Following the era of the Wesleys, much of this second phase of Methodist history is characterised simultaneously by overall numerical growth, and local, regional, and national separations that caused significant divisions. Work towards unity was a feature of early twentieth-century Methodism, culminating in the Deed of Union and creation of The Methodist Church of Great Britain in 1932. This formal union is a logical point for the start of the third era in British Methodist history, one that has been marked by a gradual decline in membership and attendance (Methodist Church, 2014), broadly in keeping with general trends in religious observance, exploration of ecumenical opportunities, and frequent attempts to re-examine the nature of Methodism and its priorities (Methodist Church, n.d.a). The figure of Charles Wesley looms large over any discussion of Methodist hymnody, and accordingly his work features prominently throughout this book. His biblical and theological literacy, command of language, and ability to convey ideas in a way that creates a lasting personal impression combined to create some of the most powerful and enduring texts in the whole of English-language hymnody, and it is thus unsurprising that his verse has been the subject of much critical attention. Here, the significance of his hymns is evaluated according to their relationship to a range of other factors, including musical setting, ecumenical exchange of hymns, and the impact of the cultural concerns of different eras. Through this, their importance is affirmed, but fresh perspectives on it are offered, and they are situated in the broader context of British Methodism’s repertoire and practice. Charles Wesley naturally features prominently in general works on hymnody, and has also been the subject of numerous specific studies. These have tended to confine themselves to literary and theological analysis and criticism, and provide considerable insights that are beyond the scope of this book (Watson, 1997; Kimbrough, Jr., 2013). Studies of the broader significance of hymnody in Methodism have typically focused on specific hymnals (Berger, 1995; Pratt, 2004), and there are also valuable studies of the Wesley brothers and music (Routley, 1968; Young, 1995). Recent hymnal companions, though primarily concerned with providing brief historical and biographical notes on hymns, authors, and composers, have contained important historical surveys of congregational hymnody and Methodism’s place within it (Watson and Trickett, 1988; Young, 1993). Hymnody also features prominently in many historical

Introduction

3

studies of Methodism, though again, the focus tends to be theological, or, where practice is discussed, coverage is necessarily limited by both historical period and the scope of the study (Hempton, 2005; Mack, 2008). This book acknowledges and interrogates the central place of hymnody in Methodism, arguing that its significance is best understood as a combination of its capacity for theological expression, its heritage within Methodism, and the experience of hymns through liturgical and devotional practice. These three aspects draw on the official status of Methodist hymnals, relationships between the hymnody of Methodism and other Christian traditions, its literary and musical qualities and practices, and the different uses of hymnody throughout Methodism’s history. Considered individually, each of these areas makes an important contribution to hymnody’s centrality in Methodism, but it is their interrelationship in the three areas of theology, heritage, and experience that is crucial in explaining the high regard it has always been afforded by both Methodism at large and individual Methodists. Chapter 1 explores the concept of authorised hymnody from its eighteenthcentury roots through to its application in twenty-first-century Methodism. Through analyses of both hymnal contents and structures, it details the ways in which authorised hymnals have been used to express and explain Methodist doctrine and theology, and how specific emphases stemming from these have been handled by compilers and editors throughout the history of Methodism. Chapter 2 situates Methodist hymnody in the broader context of congregational song by examining three distinct ecumenical influences, each of which has had a significant impact on Methodism’s repertoire of hymns. The eighteenth-century influence of Moravianism is examined in relation to both practice and textual and musical borrowing. Discussion of the influence of nineteenth-century Anglican hymnody, in particular Hymns Ancient and Modern, similarly focuses on both textual and musical borrowings. Finally, the textual and musical influence of the worship-song genre on late twentieth- and twenty-first-century Methodism highlights a significant shift in the stylistic diversity of Methodist hymnody. Chapter 3 focuses on different ways in which Methodism has used hymnody as an evangelical tool; John Wesley’s advocacy of fully participative congregational song, and the prominent use of hymns by Primitive Methodist evangelists provide two historically situated examples. A case study of the use of hymnody in British Methodist missionary work in the Caribbean, by contrast, affords an opportunity to examine shifting attitudes across time to the relationships between hymnody, culture, and evangelism, leading to an exploration of the impact of global hymnody on British Methodism since the late twentieth century. Finally, a brief examination of Methodism’s attempts to engage children through hymnody traces connections with its broader attitudes to the role of hymns and hymn singing. Chapters 4 and 5 take a thematic approach to Methodism’s literary and musical repertoire respectively. The significance of form, language, and editing are examined in relation to their impact on hymn texts as expressions of doctrine and theology. Musically, themes of tradition and innovation, influences of art and popular musical styles, and the tension between centralised and localised preferences provide a

4

Introduction

framework for connecting a series of specific examples. Chapter 6 moves on from musical repertoire to consider the musical practices associated with Methodism, through varied case studies and an exploration of the relationship between music and liturgical space in Methodism since 1932. Chapter 7 balances the consideration of influences on Methodist hymnody discussed in Chapter 2 by exploring key ways in which Methodist hymnody has influenced the repertoire and practice of other Christian traditions. Chapter 8 returns to the three overarching themes of the book, theological expression, heritage, and experience, to evaluate the significance afforded to hymnody in articulations of Methodist identity. Although this book explores Methodist hymnody thematically rather than chronologically, the tripartite historical framework outlined above provides a useful way of situating the examples and case studies that follow. In order to provide a parallel to this structure in terms of Methodist hymnody, the remainder of this introduction presents a chronological overview of selected Methodist hymnals, many of which are referred to in the chapters that follow.

Methodism and its hymnals The publishing of hymnals has been a regular and frequent activity in British Methodism from the earliest days of the movement through to the beginning of the twenty-first century. In the time of the Wesleys, collections of different sizes served a variety of liturgical and devotional purposes. During Methodism’s long nineteenth century, each of its branches published at least one, and often several, hymnals for its followers, typically balancing their common Methodist roots with material that reflected their specific emphasis. Following Methodist union in 1932, the late nineteenth-century trend of producing large-scale hymnals has continued, although the rate of production has slowed somewhat. In addition to the centrally-produced hymnals, there has also been a plethora of unofficial volumes, often locally produced and circulated, which makes any attempt to compile a definitive list of widely used hymnals futile (Pratt and Watson, n.d.; Watson, 2013). The annotated lists below focus mainly on the centrally-produced hymnals. As Chapters 5 and 6 in particular make clear, this is not to diminish the influence or importance of locally-produced collections and practices, but is merely an attempt to detail some key reference points for the discussions that follow in those and other chapters. The Wesleyan era The now customary format of a single volume containing individually paired texts and tunes did not fully emerge until the nineteenth century, although eighteenth-century Methodism gradually moved towards this model. The Wesleys published many text-only collections of hymns, as well as several volumes of tunes, which were cross-referenced to some of the text-only publications. The majority of their publications were dominated by Charles Wesley’s hymn texts (Duke Divinity School, n.d.).

Introduction

5

Text-only collections John Wesley’s first venture in hymnal publishing came during his time in Georgia, with the production of A Collection of Psalms and Hymns (1737). He also published a volume with the same title but different contents on his return to Britain (Wesley, J., 1738), and subsequent volumes in 1741 and 1743. The first volume of Hymns and Sacred Poems (Wesley and Wesley, 1739) was the first publication to include texts by Charles Wesley, and further volumes with the same title appeared throughout the following decade (for example, Wesley and Wesley, 1740, 1742). These were the first larger-scale hymnals associated with the fledgling Methodist movement. From 1741 onwards, a lengthy series of publications with a specific focus were published; their topics were variously theological, such as Hymns on God’s Everlasting Love (Wesley, C., 1741), liturgical, such as Hymns for the Nativity of our Lord (Wesley, C., 1745), inspired by contemporary events, or aimed at specific purposes, such as Hymns for the use of Families (Wesley, C., 1767). Hymns on the Lord’s Supper (1745) was a substantial collection of sacramental hymns (Stevick, 2004), while Short Hymns on Select Passages of the Holy Scriptures (Wesley, C., 1762) contains remarkable breadth and variety. Two general collections, Hymns and Spiritual Songs intended for the use of Real Christians of all Denominations (Wesley, J., 1753), and Hymns for those to whom Christ is all in all (Wesley, J., 1761) drew heavily on previously published material. John Wesley came to realise that the former, containing 132 hymns, was too small, and, in 1780, the hymnal that exerted the most enduring influence on Methodism was published: A Collection of Hymns for the use of the People called Methodists (Wesley, J., 1780; hereafter the 1780 Collection). It contained 525 hymns. Collections of tunes Methodism’s first foray into hymn-tune publication came with A Collection of Tunes, Set to Music, As They are commonly Sung at the Foundery (Wesley, J., 1742; Temperley, 2006, source code #CTSF). Containing just forty-two unharmonised tunes, its size limited its effectiveness, and it was also hampered by editorial and printing defects. The tunes were cross-referenced to texts in the first three volumes of Hymns and Sacred Poems. John Frederick Lampe’s Hymns on the Great Festivals and Other Occasions (1746) was the first publication to contain original musical settings of Charles Wesley’s hymn texts (Temperley, 2006, source code #HGFOO 1). Harmonia Sacra (Butts, 1754; revised 1767, 1768, 1785, 1819), edited by Thomas Butts, an associate of the Wesleys, was the first substantial collection of tunes associated with Methodism, with 162 tunes in its first edition (Temperley, 2006, source codes ButtTHS a to ButtTHS e). Butts’ collection heavily influenced John Wesley’s Select Hymns: with Tunes Annext; Designed chiefly for the Use of the People called Methodists (1761; revised 1765; Temperley, 2006, *TS Wes a and *TS Wes b) and Sacred Harmony: a choice Collection of Psalms and Hymns set to Music in two or three parts for the Voice, Harpsichord and Organ (Wesley, J., 1781; revised 1790; Temperley, 2006, #SHCCPH a and

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#SHCCPH b). The former again printed tunes without harmonisation, and the latter retained almost exactly the same selection of tunes, but provided bass lines and occasional second parts to harmonise the melodies. Both were smaller than Harmonia Sacra, but still contained over a hundred tunes each.

Methodism’s long nineteenth century Many of the different branches of nineteenth-century Methodism drew heavily on the 1780 Collection in their own hymnals, either supplementing it with their own material, or incorporating much of its contents into their own books in other ways. Wesleyan Methodism New editions of the 1780 Collection were published in 1797 and 1800, followed by a substantial supplement in 1831, taking the total number of hymns to 769. Further revision followed in the 1870s with the publication of Wesley’s Hymns with a New Supplement (Wesleyan Conference, 1876), which contained 1008 hymns and eighteen graces. An edition with tunes was published in 1877; the Wesleyan Connexion had previously been content for local societies to use one of a variety of tune collections published to complement the earlier editions and supplement. Methodist New Connexion Soon after its foundation in 1797, the Methodist New Connexion published a supplemented edition of the 1780 Collection, primarily adding sacramental hymns. This was closely followed by A Collection of Hymns for the use of The Methodist New Connexion (Methodist New Connexion, 1825), which was also designed as a supplement to the 1780 Collection, and contained 276 hymns. Subsequent new hymnals were published in 1835 and 1863, the latter, Hymns for Divine Worship (Methodist New Connexion, 1863), had an associated tune book. United Methodist Free Churches and predecessor bodies The Wesleyan Methodist Association and the Wesleyan Reformers amalgamated in 1857 to form the United Methodist Free Churches. Both bodies had previously produced supplements to the 1780 Collection, in 1830 and 1853, respectively. A new joint supplement was issued in 1860, and later published separately as Miscellaneous Hymns (1861). A large-scale hymnal, The United Methodist Free Church Hymnal followed (1889), and an edition with tunes was published in 1893. Bible Christians Originating in 1815 as the Arminian Bible Christians, this group’s first hymnal was a supplemented edition of the 1780 Collection, A Collection of Hymns for the Use of the People called Arminian Bible Christians (1825). Subsequent revisions were published

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under the title A Collection of Hymns for the Use of the People called Bible Christians (1889); this edition was a more substantial revision, containing one thousand hymns. Primitive Methodism Hugh Bourne, one of the founders of Primitive Methodism, published its first hymnal, A General Collection of Hymns and Spiritual Songs, for Prayer Meetings, Revivals, &c, in 1809. Several subsequent editions appeared from 1816–21, in which Camp Meetings replaced Prayer Meetings in the title (Bourne, 1821). Large Hymn Book, for the Use of the Primitive Methodists (Bourne, 1829) was a more wideranging hymnal, and was subsequently often bound together with the earlier collection. John Flesher’s The Primitive Methodist Hymn Book (1854) responded to the growth of Primitive Methodism. The Primitive Methodist Hymnal, containing over one thousand hymns, followed in 1887, with a tunes edition in 1889, and was supplemented in 1912 (Booth, 1889). Throughout this period, a series of hymnals focussing specifically on revival and missionary activity were also published. The Methodist Hymn Book (1904) This hymnal was published jointly by the Wesleyan Conference and the Methodist New Connexion, with the Wesleyan Reform Union and the Methodist Church of Australasia also participating in its compilation (Wesleyan Conference, 1904). The committee was formed in 1901. It contains 981 hymns, multiple Anglican chant settings of the Venite and Te Deum, as well as chants for other ancient hymns and canticles, and thirty-nine supplemental tunes. In 1907, the Methodist New Connexion, the Bible Christians, and the United Methodist Free Churches merged to form the United Methodist Church.1 No new hymnal was issued, but the most recent volumes from each of the uniting bodies remained in use.

Post-1932 Hymnals Three authorised hymnals have been published during this period, along with one supplementary volume. As the above lists indicate, the fifty-year gap between the first two of these authorised hymnals is atypical. The Methodist Hymn Book (1933) Following the merger of the Wesleyan, Primitive, and United Methodist churches to found The Methodist Church of Great Britain in 1932, a new hymnal for the re-united church was published the following year. Preparatory work had begun in 1929, with a formally constituted committee appointed in 1930. Though not part of the unification process, representatives of the Wesleyan Reform Union also contributed to its preparation, while, as in 1904, there was also correspondence from an Australian committee. It contains 984

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hymns, five musical settings of Amens, a selection of fifty verses without music, thirty-two additional tunes, and seventy-eight ancient hymns, canticles, and psalms, mostly set to Anglican chant (Methodist Church, 1933). Hymns and Songs (1969) The longevity of the 1933 hymnal meant that a substantial tranche of twentiethcentury hymnody, including the emerging diversification of genres and musical styles, were not formally represented in Methodism for many years. The Methodist Conference of 1965 sought to remedy this by approving the preparation of this supplementary volume. It contains ninety-nine hymns and songs, five canticles and psalms in a variety of musical styles, and twenty-six alternative tunes for texts published in the 1933 hymnal (Methodist Church, 1969). Hymns and Psalms (1983) This hymnal has its origins in the Methodist Conference of 1979, where the church’s Faith and Order Committee was charged with the responsibility of enlisting the support of other denominations to produce an ecumenical hymn book that would also supersede The Methodist Hymn Book (1933). Following debates about its content and the need to ensure adequate representation of Charles Wesley’s hymns, it was originally published with the subtitle A Methodist and Ecumenical Hymn Book. In addition to a majority of Methodist members, the committee responsible for the hymnal included representatives of the United Reformed Church, the Congregational Federation, the Churches of Christ, the Wesleyan Reform Union, the Baptist Union of Great Britain, and the Church of England. It contains 823 hymns, and sixty-six canticles and psalms set to Anglican chant (Methodist Church, 1983). Singing the Faith (2011)2 The Methodist Conference of 2004 approved a proposal from the Methodist Publishing House to establish a committee to prepare a supplement to Hymns and Psalms. The proposal sought to recognise the proliferation of hymns in a variety of genres written since 1983, and their widespread use in Methodist worship. The committee proposed a resolution to the 2007 conference that instead of a supplement, a complete new hymnal should be produced, noting that many churches already used a variety of commercially published or locally compiled collections to supplement Hymns and Psalms, and arguing that only a new authorised hymnal would truly reflect and respect the diversity of material used by Methodist congregations. This proposal was accepted, the committee enlarged, and the book was published in 2011 in partnership with Hymns Ancient and Modern Ltd., following the closure of Methodist Publishing House. It contains 791 hymns, and forty-nine canticles and psalms without

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9

musical settings (Methodist Church, 2011). It is complemented by a website (Methodist Church, n.d.b).

Notes 1 This should not be confused with the United Methodist Church formed in the USA in 1968 by the merger of the Methodist Church (USA) and the Evangelical United Brethren Church. 2 The present author served on the committee from 2004–11.

Bibliography Baker, E. (1958) The Faith of a Methodist, London: Epworth Press. Berger, T. (1995) Theology in Hymns? A Study of the Relationship of Doxology and Theology according to A Collection of Hymns for the Use of the People called Methodists (1780) (trans. T.E. Kimbrough), Nashville, TN: Kingswood Books. Bible Christians (1825) A Collection of Hymns for the Use of the People called Arminian Bible Christians, Stoke-Damarel: S. Thorne. Bible Christians (1889) A Collection of Hymns for the Use of the People called Bible Christians, London: Bible Christian Book Room. Booth, G. ed. (1889) Primitive Methodist Hymnal with Accompanying Tunes, London: Edwin Dalton. Bourne, H. ed. (1821) A Collection of Hymns for Camp Meetings, Revivals etc. for the Use of the Primitive Methodists, Bemersley: J. Bourne. Bourne, H. ed. (1829) Large Hymn Book for the Use of the Primitive Methodists, Bemersley: J. Bourne. Butts, T. ed. (1754) Harmonia-Sacra, or A Choice Collection of Psalm and Hymn Tunes, London: Thomas Butts. Duke Divinity School (n.d.) Charles Wesley’s Published Verse [Online]. Available at https:// divinity.duke.edu/initiatives/cswt/charles-published-verse (Accessed 30 August 2016). Flesher, J. ed. (1854) The Primitive Methodist Hymn Book, London: T. Holliday. Hammond, G. and Jones, D.C. eds. (2016) George Whitefield: Life, Context, and Legacy, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hempton, D. (2005) Methodism: Empire of the Spirit, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Kimbrough, Jr., S.T. (2012) The Lyrical Theology of Charles Wesley: A Reader, Expanded ed., Eugene, OR: Cascade Books. Lampe, J.F. (1746) Hymns on the Great Festivals, and Other Occasions, London: M. Cooper. Lloyd, G. (2007) Charles Wesley and the Struggle for Methodist Identity, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Mack, P. (2008) Heart Religion in the British Enlightenment: Gender and Emotion in Early Methodism, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Maddox, R.L. and Vickers, J.E. eds. (2010) The Cambridge Companion to John Wesley, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Methodist Church (1933) The Methodist Hymn Book with Tunes, London: Methodist Conference Office. Methodist Church (1969) Hymns and Songs, London: Methodist Publishing House. Methodist Church (1983) Hymns and Psalms: A Methodist and Ecumenical Hymn Book, Peterborough: Methodist Publishing House.

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Introduction

Methodist Church (2011) Singing the Faith: Music Edition, London: Hymns Ancient and Modern. Methodist Church (2014) Statistics for Mission [Online]. Available at http://www. methodist.org.uk/mission/statistics-for-mission (Accessed 30 August 2016). Methodist Church (n.d.a) Vision and Values [Online]. Available at http://www.methodist. org.uk/who-we-are/vision-values (Accessed 30 August 2016). Methodist Church (n.d.b) Singing the Faith Plus [Online]. Available at http:// singingthefaithplus.org.uk/ (Accessed 30 August 2016). Methodist New Connexion (1825) A Collection of Hymns for the Use of the People called Methodists to which is added nearly Two Hundred Sacramental and other Hymns, 12th ed., Hanley: T. Allbut. Methodist New Connexion (1863) Hymns for Divine Worship, London: William Cooke. Newport, K.G.C. and Campbell, T.A. eds. (2007) Charles Wesley: Life, Literature and Legacy, Peterborough: Epworth. Pratt, A. (2004) O for a Thousand Tongues: The 1933 Methodist Hymn Book in Context, Peterborough: Epworth. Pratt, A. and Watson, J.R. (n.d.) ‘Methodist hymnody, British’, The Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology [Online]. Available at http://www.hymnology.co.uk/m/methodisthymnody,-british (Accessed 30 August 2016). Rack, H. (2002) Reasonable Enthusiast: John Wesley and the Rise of Methodism, London: Epworth Press. Routley, E. (1968) The Musical Wesleys, London: Herbert Jenkins. Stevick, D.B. (2004) The Altar’s Fire: Charles Wesley’s Hymns on the Lord’s Supper, 1745, Introduction and Exposition, Peterborough: Epworth. Temperley, N. (2006) The Hymn Tune Index [Online]. Available at http://hymntune. library.uiuc.edu/default.asp (Accessed 30 August 2016). United Methodist Free Churches (1861) Hymn Book of the United Methodist Free Churches Comprising the Collection of Hymns by the Rev. John Wesley, AM with Miscellaneous Hymns suited for Occasional Services, London: United Methodist Free Churches Book Room. United Methodist Free Churches (1889) The United Methodist Free Church Hymnal, London: United Methodist Free Churches Book Room. Waller, R. (2003) John Wesley: A Personal Portrait, London: SPCK. Watson, J.R. (1997) The English Hymn: A Critical and Historical Study, Oxford: Clarendon Press. Watson, J.R. (2013) ‘Music, Hymnody and the Culture of Methodist in Britain’, in Gibson, W., Forsaith, P., and Wellings, M. (eds.) The Ashgate Research Companion to World Methodism, Farnham: Ashgate, pp. 233–50. Watson, R. and Trickett, K. eds. (1988) Companion to Hymns and Psalms, Peterborough: Methodist Publishing House. Wesley, C. (1741) Hymns on God’s Everlasting Love; To Which is Added the Cry of a Reprobate and the Horrible Decree, Bristol: Farley. Wesley, C. (1745) Hymns for the Nativity of our Lord, London: [Strahan]. Wesley, C. (1762) Short Hymns on Select Passages of the Holy Scriptures, 2 vols., Bristol: Farley. Wesley, C. (1767) Hymns for the Use of Families, Bristol: Pine. Wesley, J. ed. (1737) A Collection of Psalms and Hymns, Charlestown, GA: Lewis Timothy. Wesley, J. ed. (1738) A Collection of Psalms and Hymns, London: Bowyer.

Introduction

11

Wesley, J. ed. (1742 [2011]) A Collection of Tunes, Set to Music, As they are commonly Sung at the Foundery, Kimbrough, Jr., S.T. and Young, C.R. (eds.), Madison, NJ: Charles Wesley Society. Wesley, J. ed. (1761) Hymns for those to whom Christ is all in all, London. Wesley, J. ed. (1761) Select Hymns with Tunes Annext: Designed Chiefly for the use of the People called Methodists, London. Wesley, J. ed. (1780 [1983]) A Collection of Hymns for the Use of the People called Methodists, Hildebrandt, F. and Beckerlegge, O.A. (eds.), Oxford: Clarendon Press. Wesley, J. ed. (1781) Sacred Harmony, or a choice Collection of Psalms and Hymns, Set to Music in two and three parts for the Voice, Harpsichord & Organ, London. Wesley. J. ed. (1753) Hymns and Spiritual Songs intended for the use of Real Christians of all Denominations, London. Wesley, J. and Wesley, C. (1739) Hymns and Sacred Poems, London: Strahan. Wesley, J. and Wesley, C. (1740) Hymns and Sacred Poems, London: Strahan. Wesley, J. and Wesley, C. (1742) Hymns and Sacred Poems, Bristol: Farley. Wesleyan Conference (1876) Wesley’s Hymns and New Supplement, London: Wesleyan Conference Office. Wesleyan Conference (1904) The Methodist Hymn Book with Tunes, London: Wesleyan Conference Office. Young, C.R. (1993) Companion to The United Methodist Hymnal, Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Young, C.R. (1995) Music of the Heart: John and Charles Wesley on Music and Musicians, An Anthology, Carol Stream, IL: Hope Publishing.

1

Authorised hymnody Hymnals as expressions of doctrine and theology

Words from the prefaces of two of Methodism’s most significant and enduring hymnals, A Collection of Hymns for the use of the People called Methodists (1780) and The Methodist Hymn Book (1933) have long been used to explain the importance of both the hymnal and hymn singing to Methodists. Introducing and commending the 1780 Collection to the Methodist people, John Wesley described it as ‘a little body of experimental and practical divinity’ (1780, p. 74). The compilers of the Methodist Hymn Book boldly began their preface with the simple statement that ‘Methodism was born in song’ (Methodist Church, 1933, p. iii). Wesley’s description concludes a paragraph in which he sets out the practical merits of the Collection in terms of its size and breadth of content, and, more significantly, its spiritual merit: ‘The hymns are not carelessly jumbled together but carefully ranged under proper headings, according to the experience of real Christians’ (Wesley, 1780, p. 74). The hymnal is thus established as being more than a utilitarian religious songbook; it is a theologically-conceived manual for Christian living. Forasmuch as the actual contents of the 1780 Collection exerted a long-lasting influence on Methodism, the conceptual understanding of the hymnal as a statement of doctrine and theology and as a companion to the Christian life has been even more enduring; the preface to British Methodism’s most recent hymnal, Singing the Faith (2011), states that its compilers ‘endeavoured to produce a rich collection for worship which expresses the core beliefs of the Christian faith and reflects distinctive Methodist emphases’ while also envisaging ‘that the hymnbook will be used to enrich private devotion as well as public worship’ (Bircumshaw and Brophy, 2011, p. viii). The succinct phrase used by the compilers of the 1933 hymnal expresses not only Methodism’s self-understanding of hymnody’s place in its life-blood, but also its awareness of its heritage of song. In their very first words, the compilers are explicitly recalling this heritage in order implicitly to place their own work in a context of historical continuity. The preface’s opening paragraph goes on to place Charles Wesley’s hymns at the centre of Methodism’s corpus of hymnody, describing him as its ‘characteristic poet’ and ‘the poet of the Evangelical faith’ (Methodist Church, 1933, p. iii). The paragraph concludes with a remark that underlines the continuation of the theological conceptualisation of hymnody observed in the 1780 Collection as well as the awareness of heritage:

Authorised hymnody 13 ‘In consequence Methodism has always been able to sing its creed’ (Methodist Church, 1933, p. iii). This chapter assesses Methodism’s authorised hymnody; first, the concept of authorised hymnals will be explored, before an examination of how aspects of doctrine and theology have been articulated by the shape and structure of the hymnals authorised throughout Methodism’s history, noting how these reflect both changes and developments within Methodism and also broader religious and cultural influences.

The concept of authorised hymnody and hymnals Although the Wesley brothers published a range of hymnals during the eighteenth century, the 1780 Collection is commonly regarded as Methodism’s first authorised hymnal (Young, 1993, pp. 94–5). John Wesley’s preface gives credence to this assumption: ‘For many years I have been importuned to publish such a Hymn Book as might be used in all our Congregations throughout Great Britain and Ireland. ... Such a Hymn Book you have now before you’ (Wesley, 1780, p. 73). Interestingly, although authorised hymnody became associated with authentic expressions of Methodist doctrinal and theological standards, Wesley’s preface indicates that its origins were more pragmatic. He claims that while he initially resisted the urge to publish a single, authorised hymnal, due to the rich variety of volumes he and Charles had already published, he was finally persuaded to do so because many Methodists could not afford to purchase numerous books, and even those who had found themselves overwhelmed and confused by the volume of hymns available to them. Out of this practical need came the opportunity to compile a collection that ‘is large enough contain all the important truths of our most holy religion, whether speculative or practical; yea, to illustrate them all, and to prove them both by Scripture and reason. And this is done in a regular order’ (Wesley, 1780, pp. 73–4). As Wesley’s preface makes clear, the 1780 Collection was by no means the first hymn book widely used within Methodism, and its relationship with its predecessors is worthy of consideration. Leaver posits that throughout the Wesleys’ lifetimes, there were two strands of hymnals within Methodism, which were designed for different purposes: ‘one reflecting the concerns of the weekly meetings of the Methodist societies, the other reflecting the structure and content of the Anglican Book of Common Prayer’ (2010, p. 41). The various editions of the Collection of Psalms and Hymns were structured according to the liturgical needs of the early Methodists, whose pattern of worship was still closely bound up with the Church of England; the main collection had sections for Sundays, Wednesdays and Fridays, and Saturdays, and it was regularly supplemented with smaller volumes specific to the various seasons and events of the liturgical calendar. On the other hand, the various volumes titled Hymns and Sacred Poems placed greater emphasis on personal devotion and holiness. Leaver argues that the 1780 Collection follows in the second, more personal, category, designed for societal rather than liturgical

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use, and points to John and Charles Wesley’s decision to append A Collection of Psalms and Hymns for the Lord’s Day (1784), which belongs in the first category, to The Sunday Service of the Methodists in North America as evidence. He concludes that ‘as far as the Wesley brothers were concerned there were two types of hymn collection required for Methodists: Psalms and Hymns (with their occasional supplements) for corporate worship, and Hymns for the People Called Methodists for personal and society use’ (Leaver, 2010, p. 50). Leaver’s persuasive argument raises some interesting questions about the subsequent history of Methodism’s authorised hymnody, which largely drew on the 1780 Collection for inspiration. Yet, on the evidence of Wesley’s own preface, this was not an unjustified approach, for he seems to present it in succession to ‘the various Hymn Books which my Brother and I have published within these forty years last past’ (Wesley, 1780, p. 73). The editors of The Works of John Wesley accord the 1780 Collection considerable historical weight, claiming that ‘where other traditions refer to the Articles and Confessions of Faith, Methodists (while accepting the historic creeds) find their doctrines expressed in three sets of biblical expositions: Sermons [on Several Occasions], [Explanatory] Notes [on the New Testament], Hymns’ (Wesley, 1780, p. 1). They go on to describe the 1780 Collection as ‘a primer of theology for the Methodist people and a manual both for public worship and private devotion’ (Wesley, 1780, p. 1). While Leaver makes no reference to Wesley’s preface in his argument, neither do the editors of the Works substantiate their claim about the Collection’s intended liturgical use. They do, however, refer to the various earlier collections issued by the Wesleys, and note how these served different purposes. In accounting for the later publication of A Collection of Psalms and Hymns for the Lord’s Day and the two versions of Wesley’s A Pocket Hymnbook, for the use of Christians of all denominations (1785; 1787), they point to particular pragmatic needs, describing the 1780 Collection as a ‘definitive volume’, which ‘should logically have been the last publication prepared by Wesley for his congregations’ (Wesley, 1780, p. 28). Why, then, has the 1780 Collection been accorded its unique status as the first authorised hymnal of British Methodism? Its structure will be analysed in detail later in this chapter, but even a brief glance at the headings of its five main parts, ‘Containing Introductory Hymns’, ‘Convincing’, ‘[For Mourners and Backsliders]’, ‘For Believers’, and ‘For the Society’ shows that it was not driven by liturgical principles, but was instead shaped by the needs of the Methodist Societies and their individual members. Manning’s description of the structure is apt: ‘Wesley arranged his hymn-book as a spiritual biography of the sort of person whom he called in the Preface a real Christian’ (1942, p. 11). Its status and renown is widely reflected in subsequent Methodist hymnals; through the nineteenth century, many of the emergent Methodist denominations republished it together with their own supplements, while the prefaces of the three authorised hymnals published since Methodist Union in 1932 each quote Wesley’s own preface, claiming their place in the line that it begun. Hempton argues that it is an embodiment of early Methodism:

Authorised hymnody 15 If one were to choose one single artefact of eighteenth-century Methodism to lock in a canister for posterity that would somehow capture its essence, one defensible choice would be the 1780 Collection of Hymns for the Use of the People called Methodists. For a movement that has attracted far more abuse than praise from scholars, the Collection of Hymns has commanded almost universal admiration. … The point is that well before the 1780 Collection of Hymns Methodism was a movement distinguished by its devotion to sacred songs. (Hempton, 2009, p. 76) Its significance seems to lie in the second part of the title: ‘for the use of the People called Methodists’. Unlike those collections that preceded it, this book is specifically designated for the Methodist movement; it is designed to meet the spiritual needs of Methodists both individually and collectively. The closest Wesley had previously come to such a title was the publication of Select Hymns: with Tunes Annext; Designed chiefly for the Use of the People called Methodists (1761), but the principal driving force here was musical. The earlier collections issued by Wesley were therefore offered to all who thought of themselves as real Christians or Methodists, whatever their confessional or theological position might be (Arminian, Calvinist, or Moravian, within or without the Anglican Church), wherever people met together in societies for spiritual edification. Wesley, of course, thought that his Arminian Methodism within Anglicanism was the authentic Christian position, but others were free to use his collections of hymns if they so chose. (Leaver, 2010, pp. 45–6) Now, though, in 1780, Wesley provides a collection that, both in name and in his description of its purpose in the preface, is definitively Methodist. The precise meaning of this, and its significance for the subsequent development of authorised hymnody in Methodism, requires detailed consideration of the Collection’s structure and its relationship with eighteenth-century Methodism’s societal organisation.

Experimental and practical divinity in the structure of the 1780 Collection Wesley’s aphorism is crucial to understanding the structure he devised for the Collection. This was a book to be used regularly and frequently by ordinary Methodist people throughout the Connexion. It was meant to challenge, inspire, admonish, encourage, and sustain them through the joys and frustrations of their lives as Christian people in eighteenth-century Britain. Its practicality is grounded in its emphasis on Christian experience. Through the richness of Charles Wesley’s scriptural allusions, coupled with theological insights reflecting the Wesleys’ own experiences and those of other Christians, it sought to provide

Table 1.1 Table of contents of A Collection of Hymns for the Use of the People called Methodists (1780) Part/Section

Title

Hymns

Part I

Containing Introductory Hymns

Section I

Exhorting Sinners to return to God

1–11

Section II

Describing:

1. The Pleasantness of Religion

12–21

2. The Goodness of God

22–40

3. Death

41–53

4. Judgment

54–66

5. Heaven

67–79

6. Hell

80

Section III

Praying for a Blessing

81–90

Part II

Convincing

Section I

Describing Formal Religion

91–94

Section II

[Describing] Inward Religion

95–98

Section I

Praying for Repentance

99–107

Section II

For Mourners convinced of Sin

108–167

Section III

For Persons convinced of Backsliding

168–181

Section IV

For Backsliders recovered

182–188

Part IV

For Believers

Section I

Rejoicing

189–264

Section II

Fighting

265–290

Section III

Praying

291–304

Section IV

Watching

305–320

Section V

Working

321–328

Section VI

Suffering

329–339

Section VII

Seeking for full redemption

340–417

Section VIII

Saved

418–440

Section IX

Interceding for the world

441–477

Part V

For the Society

Section I

Meeting

478–487

Section II

Giving thanks

488–500

Section III

Praying

501–532

Section IV

Parting

533–540

Part III

Authorised hymnody 17 a practical model for Christian life by interpreting its common experiences in the light of Methodist doctrine. This is clearly reflected in its structure, shown in Table 1.1, which has five principal parts, each split into sections and sometimes further sub-categories, helping to point the reader to hymns that will speak to their present circumstances. The structure reflects theological principles that characterised Wesley’s ministry and the way in which Methodism functioned, but it is not an attempt at a systematic theology for Methodism. Wesley’s primary concerns were the propagation of the Gospel and the salvation of sinners, and this hymn book in its structure and contents, as with much of his published work, bears witness to these, rather than being intended as a comprehensive theological system or method: Wesley understood theology to be intimately related to Christian living and the proclamation of Christian faith. Theology is acutalized in authentic living and true proclamation. He had little interest in theology for its own sake. Rather, theology was for the purpose of transforming personal life and social relations. This was his “practical divinity”. (Langford, 1998a, p. 35)1 Taken as a whole, the contents list reflects central aspects of orthodox Christian belief, such as the separation of God and humans caused by human sinfulness, the nature of God, the four last things, and, at greatest length, the need for humans to repent of their sins and seek salvation. This reflects both Wesley’s theological background and the particular emphasis he placed on the need for salvation: ‘Wesley faithfully held to the substance of received orthodox teaching about God, Jesus Christ, the Holy Spirit, the Trinity, the created and fallen nature of human beings, justification by grace through faith, and the means of grace. ... Wesley’s primary concern throughout his development was with human salvation’ (Langford, 1998a, p. 38). Wesley’s emphasis on salvation was closely coupled with Methodism’s strong commitment to evangelism; the whole structure of the Collection traces the development from unwashed sinner to fully committed Christian, participating in Methodist societal life and pursuing their quest for personal holiness, which is typical of Methodism’s attitude to evangelism: ‘The outlook was conversionist. There was a desire that everyone should have assurance and a testimony to pass on to others’ (Randall, 2013, p. 305). Further evidence of this evangelical intent and the practical ethos of the hymnal may be observed in the nature of the headings Wesley uses; they are expressed in simple, direct language that makes the purpose of each section clear and helps to point the reader towards salvation. This simplicity and directness accords with Wesley’s general approach to preaching: ‘The message itself was simple and consisted of repentance, new birth, justification, the joy of salvation and the pursuit of sanctification’ (Waller, 2003, p. 74). The need for repentance was a central tenet of the Methodist message; the designation of Part III to this sole topic attests to this, and by including

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some eighty-nine hymns across the four sections in this part of the Collection, Wesley provides ample resource for people to understand and accept this for themselves. This was a central theme in terms of Wesley’s understanding of salvation, which is mirrored by its central place in the hymnal: ‘Thus, the indispensable praeparatio evangelica … is entire repentance. This involves not just sorrow, but surrender; capitulation to the divine acceptance is mandatory. … Here, once more, Wesley’s experimental divinity is concerned primarily with a sinner’s experience’ (Cushman, 1989, p. 39). Although attempting to set out the process in a table of contents inevitably gives the impression of linear progress, aspects of Parts III and IV give some indication that the path may not be so simple; rather than being a simple linear process, the elements in Wesley’s approach to salvation are inter-dependent; Munsey Turner compares them to ‘the instruments of a quartet, the melodies of which support and interpenetrate one another’ (2002, p. 76). As well as providing hymns to help people realise the need for repentance, Part III emphasises that even those who have previously repented are not immune to sin, but, more positively, neither are they beyond the reach of God’s grace when they lapse. The call to ‘backsliders’ was a notable feature of Wesley’s ministry; indeed, one of his published sermons is a direct attempt to re-engage them, entitled ‘A Call to Backsliders’. Notable too in Part III are the pairings of sections; followers who are seeking repentance, or who have come to acknowledge themselves as backsliders are accompanied beyond these stages towards becoming or re-becoming believers. In Part IV, the sections make plain the challenges as well as the joys of Christian living, again emphasising that a linear understanding of the process of salvation is unhelpfully simplistic. Especially notable here is the longest section, containing hymns for ‘Believers seeking for full redemption’. This title is a clear reflection of Wesley’s attitude to sanctification, which was a distinctive feature of his evangelical message. The pursuit of personal holiness, or Christian perfection, made available and attainable through God’s sanctifying grace, was a distinctive aspect of Wesley’s theological vision; arguably a ‘contender for the central idea of Methodism is a strong belief in the achievability of personal and social holiness on earth as in heaven’ (Hempton, 2009, p. 72). The attainment of entire sanctification, or full and instinctive love of God and neighbour, could, in Wesley’s view, be either gradual or instantaneous. The length and title of this section of the Collection suggests that Wesley was providing succour and challenge for those on a gradual path towards it, following justification. It was not a doctrine that he preached to the general public; this message was for those who had already made significant steps in the faith: ‘One of Wesley’s most characteristic descriptions of those who have attained Christian Perfection was that they are now adult – or mature – Christians. From this developmental language we can sense that his basic conception of “perfection” in the Christian life was dynamic in nature’ (Maddox, 1994, p. 187). The length of the section is also testament to the magnitude of this doctrine; in including more hymns under this heading than in any other section aimed at believers, Wesley makes it plain that pursuit of this goal is highly desirable, but also that it is a doctrine that requires careful

Authorised hymnody 19 explanation and sustained encouragement. Its significance is reflected in its origins and character: Holiness is a gift of grace, not an achievement; it is the active work of the Holy Spirit to which the human spirit is called to respond, evoking love as the dominating motive of life. The fruition of sanctification is the conformity to the mind of Christ; always, for Wesley, the Holy Spirit reinforces our life in Christ. (Langford, 1998b, pp. 35–6) Thus in Methodism’s first authorised hymnal, a strong sense of the movement’s doctrinal emphases is to be found, but, more significantly, the centrality of the hymnal in shaping and guiding the lives of individual Methodists and the Societies they belonged to is established as the guiding principle. The importance of authorised hymnody is firmly established; as tools for worship, prayer, evangelism, encouragement, and sustenance, hymns had a place at the heart of Methodism’s existence, and as such, it was vital that they were valid and vital expressions of its beliefs and practices.

The legacy of the 1780 Collection: liturgical and theological concerns in nineteenth-century supplements, revisions, and new hymnals Methodism’s fragmented existence in the nineteenth century led to the publication of a plethora of hymnals, as each new organisation brought out its own volume for the use of its followers. As time went on, these were supplemented, revised, and in some cases replaced with completely new collections, further increasing the number of hymnals associated with Methodist organisations. Despite this, the 1780 Collection continued to exert a strong influence, with many of the new groups choosing to either supplement it or to integrate new material into the same overarching structure.2 In part, this was due to a reverence for John Wesley’s selection and Charles Wesley’s hymns, as will be discussed below, which accorded it a stature that none of these subsequent collections even attempted to aspire to. However, part of the reason for its continued popularity was that it continued to articulate Methodist emphases and concerns: In theological terms there was very little difference between most of the groups ... For the most part ... the different Methodist groups had very similar patterns of organisation and discipline, similar styles of worship and similar theological emphases. What separated these groups was not theology but arguments over who should be in control. (Watson, K., 2013, p. 39) Later in the nineteenth century, entirely new hymnals emerged; their approaches tended to move further away from Wesley’s scheme, although its

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Authorised hymnody

influence can still be noted in different ways; some specific headings are retained even after the basic structure has been superseded, new headings often owe a clear debt to those used by Wesley, and in many cases, his concern to guide and sustain the believer through Christian life is maintained, albeit alongside other considerations. Additions and alterations to Wesley’s ordering of the 1780 Collection fall into four categories: liturgical, doctrinal, cultural, and denomination-specific interests. Each of these marks a development of the concept of authorised hymnody, which, in turn, shaped the structure and content of later authorised hymnals. The reasons for these developments lie partly in the aims of the 1780 Collection and their limitations, and partly in the circumstances Methodism found itself in the first half of the nineteenth century. As noted earlier, Wesley’s hymnal focused on the personal and societal needs and concerns of early Methodism, rather than providing material for liturgical worship or expressing the whole gamut of orthodox Christian doctrine. Hymns on such topics were found within eighteenth-century Methodism, chiefly in the Collection of Psalms and Hymns and other smaller volumes, such as those on seasonal themes. As Methodism steadily moved further away from its roots as a revivalist movement within the Church of England, its greater independence brought with it a need for fuller liturgical and sacramental provision, and the need to articulate its adherence to orthodox Christian doctrine in its own terms. The initial liturgical provisions were fairly simple; of the fifteen sections in the Methodist New Connexion’s supplement of 1810, three are clearly liturgical: ‘Praise’ (twenty hymns), ‘Public Worship’ (forty hymns), and ‘Lord’s Day’ (eight hymns). A common set of ‘Additional Hymns’ appears in supplements published in the 1830s by the Wesleyan Conference and the Bible Christians; they include sections headed ‘On Divine Worship’ and ‘On the Lord’s Supper.’ Although liturgical and sacramental hymns had not initially found a place in Wesley’s authorised hymnal, they nonetheless have strong Wesleyan precedents, reflecting a tradition that was ‘both evangelistic and eucharistic’ (Stevick, 2004, p. 7). John and Charles held a high view of the sacraments; Hymns on the Lord’s Supper (1745) contained 166 hymns, the vast majority of which are attributed to Charles Wesley. A second Wesleyan supplement (1889) contains more extensive liturgical provision; one whole section is headed ‘Christian Ordinances and Institutions,’ which includes sub-sections on Baptism, The Lord’s Supper, and Methodism’s distinctive Covenant Service. Liturgical provision also extended to seasonal hymnody; headings referring to different stages in Jesus’ life ensure a ready provision of hymnody for Christmas, Passiontide, Eastertide and the Ascension, while Pentecost is similarly catered for with sections devoted to the Holy Spirit. Once again, such provision had precedence within the Methodist tradition; through the 1740s, the Wesley brothers had published a series of short collections of hymns dealing with different times in Jesus’ life and the associated liturgical seasons. Two hymnals from the second half of the nineteenth century are good examples of the shift towards authorised hymnals being used as expressions

Authorised hymnody 21 of core, orthodox doctrines, although this trend germinated in the earlier supplements to Wesley’s Collection. In its very title, Hymns for Divine Worship, (1863) priority is given to the book’s liturgical function, and its structure, as with that of The United Methodist Free Church Hymnal (1889), is a clear statement of belief. Both clearly affirm the doctrine of the Holy Trinity; within the ‘First Division’ of the former is a long section of 141 hymns headed ‘Adoration and Thanksgiving’, which is further divided into sections on each person of the Trinity. The latter takes a simpler approach, apportioning its first three sections to ‘God the Father’, ‘The Lord Jesus Christ’, and ‘The Holy Spirit’ and following these with eleven hymns under the heading ‘The Holy Trinity’. The further subdivision of these categories strengthens the theological character of these hymnals; both are thorough in their exploration of the attributes and activities of each person of the Trinity, with sub-headings such as ‘God the Father: His Nature and Perfections’, ‘The Lord Jesus Christ: His Divinity and Glory’, and ‘The Holy Spirit: His Regenerating and Sanctifying Grace’. The language is also overtly theological; Christmas hymns come under ‘Incarnation’ in Methodist Free Church Hymns, while hymns on the passion of Christ come under ‘Atonement’ in Hymns for Divine Worship. In both language and structure, these volumes are examples of a shift in the emphasis of authorised hymnody compared to Wesley’s Collection; evangelism and discipleship, those initial priorities of authorised hymnody, still have a place, but they are forced to share space with expressions of orthodox doctrine, which represents a clear broadening of the terms of authorised hymnody. The authorised hymnal is no longer simply a manual to encourage and sustain believers; it also functions as a marker of Methodism’s identity as theologically orthodox denomination. Authorised hymnals of the nineteenth century also reflect something of the cultural and social contexts in which Methodism operated. The use of hymnody in relation to several of these, such as overseas mission and the opening of new places of worship, both very important in the nineteenth century, will be explored in detail in later chapters, but it is important to note here that authorised hymnody continued to respond to Methodism’s broader circumstances. Hymns for Divine Worship and Methodist Free Church Hymns include categories related to the building and dedication of chapels, while activities and causes such as missionary work and the promotion of temperance are also highlighted. These sections highlight once again the understanding that hymnody has a role in articulating Methodism’s aims, beliefs, and practices. Hymns were held to contain important messages for Methodism’s followers, and the reflection of contemporary themes in the structure of the hymnal indicates that the authorisation of hymnody was a present concern; it was not sufficient to rely solely on the hymns and hymnals authorised by previous generations, for new social and cultural conditions prevailed, and new hymns to guide Methodists’ attitudes and responses to these were necessary. Theological distinctions between the different Methodist groups tended to be minimal, with division tending to be concerned more with questions of

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authority: ‘Methodists divide more typically over polity rather than doctrine’ (Richey, 2013, p. 265). Distinctions therefore were not always especially apparent in the hymnals of the different groups, although in some instances, the particular nature of a group’s outlook and practice, which was often the cause of separation, can be identified in their attitude to hymnody. One of the most distinctive and long-lasting of the breakaway Methodist groups of the nineteenth century was Primitive Methodism. Unashamedly revivalist and strongly influenced by American evangelical practices, hymnody occupied a central place in their worship and, significantly, their proselytising work. One of their leaders, Hugh Bourne, was responsible for their early hymnals; the first, General Collection of Hymns for Camp Meetings, Revivals, &c (Bourne, 1821), reflects the nature of their religious practices and emphases; there is no overall structure in the volume, but hymns are individually titled. This volume was commonly bound together with the Large Hymn Book, for the Use of The Primitive Methodists (Bourne, 1829), which was directed more at regular acts of worship and other societal meetings. Bourne adopts a modified and somewhat simplified form of Wesley’s 1780 table of contents; many of the headings from Wesley’s first three sections are present, but the carefully structured fourth and fifth are largely omitted. However, Bourne’s alterations to Wesley’s scheme include a lengthy section of over a hundred hymns, titled ‘On the Prayer and Fight of Faith,’ and thirty-one hymns under the heading ‘On the Spread of the Gospel’. Both categories are clear indications of Primitive Methodism’s emphases and the directness of the language it used to communicate with its followers; the first of these sections replaces Wesley’s intricate fourth part; faith is now portrayed more simply and robustly: believers will need to fight and pray to sustain it. Similar traits are also evident in The Primitive Methodist Hymn Book (Flesher, 1854), but there is also a degree of similarity with the hymnals of other Methodist groups at this time, with an initial Trinitarian structure before considering human concerns.

Twentieth-century trends The early twentieth century saw an increased focus on rapprochement within Methodism, following its fissiparous nineteenth-century existence. Although mergers had occurred in the nineteenth century, such as the formation of the United Methodist Free Churches in 1857, momentum was increased in the early twentieth century, driven by a desire to ‘begin a full-scale consolidation of Methodist resources and prepare for a thorough modernization of its institutional practices’ (Davis, 2013, p. 57). An Ecumenical Methodist Conference met for the first time in 1881, and mergers took place between Methodist denominations in many countries in the years that followed. In Britain, several smaller organisations were consolidated into the United Methodist Church in 1907, which became one of three bodies that united to form the Methodist Church of Great Britain in 1932, ‘a reunion that was accompanied by expectations for renewed growth and influence in England’ (Davis, 2013, p. 58). This drive for

Authorised hymnody 23 ecumenical cooperation and unity is reflected in the three main Methodist hymnals published during the twentieth century, The Methodist Hymn Book (1904), The Methodist Hymn Book (1933), and Hymns and Psalms (1983). The latter two were published under the auspices of the Methodist Church of Great Britain, and although the first pre-dates the foundation of this body, it nonetheless is an example of Methodist ecumenism in practice. The 1904 hymnal was published by both the Wesleyan and Methodist New Connexion publishing offices and the Wesleyan Reform Union had also collaborated in its production. In its structure, it is the last Methodist hymnal to retain a substantial number of the headings used in Wesley’s 1780 Collection, albeit placed within a doctrinal and liturgical framework of the type that emerged during the nineteenth century. The second and third parts, headed respectively ‘The Gospel Call’ and ‘The Christian Life’ follow the corresponding parts of Wesley’s scheme almost exactly. However, in the section on ‘The Christian Life’, Wesley’s headings are prefaced by more overtly theological language, for which their plainer, more direct language provides clarification; for example: ‘Consecration and Holiness: For Believers Seeking Full Redemption’. The prominence of Wesleyan language in this hymnal’s scheme and the compilers’ claim that it is a ‘lineal descendant’ of the 1780 Collection represents an attempt to emphasise the common heritage and concerns of the various groups involved in its production; Wesley’s original aims of propagating the gospel and sustaining the lives of the Methodist people are shown to remain paramount in Methodist thought and practice at the turn of the twentieth century. Considerable attention is also given to the church’s ministry, evidenced in a substantial fourth part titled ‘The Church’, containing some 178 hymns. It seems to emphasise two positions: first, that Methodism is part of the universal church, shown in the sections headed ‘Privileges and Security of Christ’s Church’ and ‘The Church Militant and Triumphant’, both of which clearly claim for Methodism a place in a united community of believers both on earth and in heaven, and also in the provision of sacramental hymnody. Second, there is recognition of distinctive Methodist liturgical practices, most notably in the section headed ‘Lovefeast, Covenant Service, Recognition of New Members’. Lovefeasts were derived from contact with the Moravians in the eighteenth century and had continued to be a part of Methodist liturgical practice, although somewhat marginalised during the nineteenth century (Watson, K., 2013, p. 37). The Covenant Service, instituted by John Wesley and owing much to earlier Puritan practices ‘is generally regarded as distinctively Methodist’ and forms ‘a treasured part of [Methodism’s] devotional life’ (Dixon, 2003, p. 116). Practised annually, it involves individual and collective rededication to Christian life and service, grounded in ‘God’s utter dependability, faithfulness and love’ (Dixon, 2003, p. 120). Other Methodist distinctives appear in the final part of the book, headed ‘Special Occasions’. Here, hymns for ‘Opening and Closing of the Year’ are given their own section, reflecting the historical practice of the Watch Night service on New Year’s Eve, while there is also a section of hymns on ‘Christian Philanthropy and Temperance’. While temperance has commonly been

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associated with Methodism, the degrees to which the various Methodist bodies subscribed to it varied considerably; by 1904, both the Wesleyan Methodists and Methodist New Connexion took positive steps to promote temperance, although neither advocated total abstinence (Woodruff Tait, 2013, p. 374). Its connection here with philanthropy bears witness to the argument that ‘Methodists, from Wesley onward and worldwide, have always been concerned that society, and not just individuals within it, be changed’ (Woodruff Tait, 2013, p. 385). That both spiritual and worldly aspects of Methodism are represented within this authorised hymnal is further reflection of the high status hymnody has historically held, its significance in both guiding the lives and attitudes of individual Methodists, and its role in affirming the official positions on such issues taken by its governing bodies. That the formation of the Methodist Church of Great Britain from the merger of the Wesleyan, Primitive, and United Methodist Churches in 1932 was followed by the launch of a new hymnal the following year testifies both to the central role of hymnody in each of the uniting bodies and also to its central place in establishing Methodist identity. What Methodists sang was understood as crucial to their existence, so the formation of a new, united church required the publication of a new, united hymnal: ‘It was intended as a unifying force for the new church: if all parts of the church could be made to sing the same hymns, then Methodist union might become a reality, a true union of the spirit as well as an administrative and financial necessity’ (Watson, J.R., 2013, p. 245). It was therefore important that the volume was ecumenical in its structure and content, reflecting something of the distinctive practices of the uniting bodies as well as principles that were held to be core to all expressions of Methodism. Unlike the 1904 hymnal, this was not done by direct recourse to the influential structure of Wesley’s 1780 Collection, although its preface was reprinted in full. First and foremost, it seeks to establish commonality not only among Methodists, but with the whole of Christian orthodoxy by following a Trinitarian scheme, before turning to ‘The Christian Life’ and ‘The Church’. In this regard, it follows the 1904 hymnal’s broad structure fairly closely, which Pratt cites as but one instance of a bias towards the Wesleyan strand of Methodism (2004, p. 82).3 He emphasises that the book is focused on the needs of Methodism’s worshipping communities: ‘The contents follow the outline of a traditional preaching service. God is adored, Jesus is worshipped, his life and work is described, the Holy Spirit is invoked, the gospel is proclaimed and the people respond’ (2004, p. 80). In summarising the structural options open to the compilers, Pratt claims that Wesley’s model has been ‘abandoned’ (2004, p. 80), but while it is true that the direct use of language from that model is no longer found, traces of its approach of guiding the Christian through different stages of life are nonetheless apparent. Direct comparison of the third and fourth parts of Wesley’s structure with the 1933 volume’s section on ‘The Christian Life’ reveals underlying similarities but important differences in outlook (Table 1.2). Common themes are clearly apparent, reflecting unchanging aspects of Christian life, particularly the need for repentance, the importance of faith, and

Authorised hymnody 25 Table 1.2 Comparison of Parts III and IV of the 1780 Collection with ‘The Christian Life’ section of The Methodist Hymn Book (1933) 1780 Collection

1933 Methodist Hymn Book

Part III

The Christian Life:

Praying for Repentance

Repentance and Forgiveness

For Mourners convinced of Sin

Faith and Regeneration

For Persons convinced of Backsliding

Dedication

For Backsliders recovered

Joy and Thanksgiving

Part IV: For Believers:

Love and Communion

Rejoicing

Temptation and Conflict

Fighting

Trustfulness and Peace

Praying

Prayer

Watching

Christian Holiness

Working

Service and Influence

Suffering

Pilgrimage, Guidance, Perseverance

Seeking for full redemption Saved Interceding for the World

the recognition of times of challenge as well as times of joy, but the ways in which they are expressed are notably different. In the 1780 Collection, Wesley’s use of the present participle to enumerate the Christian’s different states of being engenders a strong sense of activity, which is entirely absent from the 1933 hymnal, whose titles are static, detached descriptions. Pratt notes a shift of emphasis in the purpose of the hymnal from the handbook for an evangelical movement to a resource for the whole life of a church, already observed in relation to the nineteenth-century hymnals discussed earlier (2004, p. 80). While this undoubtedly accounts for the greater breadth of subject matter in hymnals such as the Methodist Hymn Book, it does not explain the change from activity to passivity where thematic material clearly correlates. This may, in part, be explained by a gradual diminishing of directly conversionist evangelical activity and a change in theological attitudes, which had begun in the nineteenth century: ‘In its nineteenth-century heyday Methodism lost evangelically minded adherents to revival and holiness movements; in the twentieth century cultural and theological change transformed Methodist denominations into broad churches where conservative evangelicals might find a place among a spectrum of opinions’ (Wellings, 2013, p. 324). Scholarly and cultural developments, including tools for interpreting the Bible, the Christian Endeavour movement,

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and the emergence of prominent Methodist biblical scholars meant that ‘the theological centre of gravity shifted to a liberal evangelical position’ (Wellings, 2013, p. 321). Thus the Christian is likely to have the same experiences as outlined in Wesley’s scheme, and there are still hymns that address these, but overall, the change in language indicates a less prescriptive approach. As with earlier hymnals, this volume was also a product of its times in a broader sense. The legacy of the First World War is most obviously apparent in the sub-section headed ‘World Peace and Brotherhood’, but Pratt also argues that it shaped the contents of the larger section of which this is a part, titled ‘National and Social Life’ (2004, pp. 62–6). Attempts were also made to address specific constituencies within the church, notably children and families. Pratt argues that the dedicated section of hymns ‘For Children’ was heavily influenced by items that were currently popular rather than theological suitability (2004, p. 138), while J.R. Watson describes the selection of hymns in this section as misguided (2013, p. 247). The dominant theme in accounting for the 1933 Methodist Hymn Book’s longevity and popularity is the strong correlation between its structure and the shape of Methodist liturgy. Arguably, this book is the only authorised hymnal to come close to emulating the achievements of Wesley’s 1780 Collection; it was not superseded until exactly fifty years after its publication, though it was supplemented by Hymns and Songs in 1969, and it became an integral part of Methodist life; ‘The 1933 MHB had been a rock of stability in a world of change. But it was also a register of Methodist culture’ (Watson, J.R., 2013, p. 247). In part it gained its authority from its direct appeal back to the 1780 Collection; the reiteration of Wesley’s seminal preface transcended the intervening period of division and relied on the status of the movement’s founder to appeal again to the Methodist people. At once, its structure, and with it the nature of authorised hymnals, represents a marked contrast with Wesley’s model, but also an underlying similarity. Wesley’s volume was a practical handbook for an evangelical movement and its individual followers, and did not need to address corporate liturgical concerns or seasonal themes, whereas the 1933 hymnal is aimed squarely at supplying hymnody for the liturgical worship of a newlyunited denomination. These two disparate approaches are connected by a sense of fulfilling a present need in a clear and comprehensive manner. Wesley provided for the believer’s path from conviction of sin to personal sanctification, while the editors of the Methodist Hymn Book (1933) included ample resources for the prevailing form of Methodist liturgy, the preaching service, in which the expounding of the Scriptures took central place. Also, both volumes can be seen as the culmination of particular processes in the development of Methodist hymnody; Wesley’s work draws on the many collections, both large and small, that he and his brother published throughout the earlier part of the eighteenth century, and the 1780 Collection is a distillation of his thoughts on the Christian experience. The compilers of early nineteenth-century supplements and replacements were often caught between attempting to remain faithful to Wesley’s legacy and meeting the different demands of their new denominations,

Authorised hymnody 27 while later nineteenth-century books, though more comprehensive in scope, were inevitably restricted by their association with one particular branch of Methodism. The compilers of the 1933 Methodist Hymn Book had a newly-united audience, a wealth of earlier resources to draw upon, and a sufficient historical distance from Wesley to forge a strong identity for their hymnal. The 1933 hymnal’s successor, Hymns and Psalms (Methodist Church, 1983) emerged from a complex and often contentious process begun in 1979 and, like its twentieth-century predecessors, reflected contemporary ecumenical concerns as well as particular Methodist emphases. Initially conceived as a genuinely ecumenical hymnal, initiated by the Methodist Church, but with the involvement of the United Reformed Church, the Churches of Christ, the Wesleyan Reform Union, the Congregational Federation, the Church of England, and the Baptist Church, it aimed to be a ‘widely-acceptable ecumenical hymn book, which would bring together the Methodist traditions in their descent from the Wesleys, Congregationalist hymnody from Isaac Watts, Scottish psalmody new and old, the finest Anglican hymns, and the most distinctive and individual contributions from other denominations’ (Watson and Trickett, 1988, p. 1). In part, the strong attachment of many Methodists to the previous book undermined this intention, and contributed to a rather different outcome. The Methodist Conference of 1980 resolved that the collection must include at least two hundred hymns by Charles Wesley, and that the title should include the word ‘Methodist’; neither condition was wholly met as there were finally only 156 hymns attributed to Charles Wesley, and ‘Methodist’ appeared only in the book’s subtitle: Hymns and Psalms: A Methodist and Ecumenical Hymn Book.4 Such a move would have been a major departure in terms of Methodism’s authorised hymnody, but the prescriptive, though seemingly arbitrary figure of Charles Wesley’s hymns imposed by the 1980 Conference is also unique, and while it might reflect Wesley’s traditional dominance in Methodist hymnals, it seems to point more to a desire to protect Methodism’s identity and heritage than any doctrinal or devotional imperative.5 The structure of Hymns and Psalms is arguably more overtly theological than any previous Methodist hymnal. It has three principal parts: ‘God’s Nature’, ‘God’s World’, and ‘God’s People’, which is a marked contrast from earlier schemes. This is particularly noticeable in relation to the location of hymns describing different aspects of Christian experience; from being the principal guiding factor in 1780, they gradually came to occupy a place following after hymns that expressed fundamental aspects of doctrine and which provided for common liturgical practices. Here, they are placed in the third part of the book and spread between sections headed ‘The Worshipping People’ and ‘The Christian Life’. Within the former section are also found hymns with clear liturgical functions, such as those on Baptism and the Lord’s Supper, while the range of experiences seen in earlier schemes are condensed to just five subsections in the latter, though there is a distinctively Methodist emphasis in the sub-section headed ‘Growth in Grace and Holiness’, clearly harking back to Wesley’s section of hymns ‘For Believers Seeking Full Redemption’.6

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The first of the three parts, ‘God’s Nature’, is the most overtly theological; within it, there is a section for each person of the Trinity, whose headings make a clear theological statement about the nature of God and the unity of the Trinity: ‘The Eternal Father’, ‘The Eternal Word’, and ‘The Eternal Spirit’. The second of these sections is the most substantial, containing just over two hundred hymns split into thirteen sub-sections. The use of names and titles in these sub-sections is particularly noteworthy: Christ is the most prevalent, with seven instances, while Word, Messiah, and Jesus are each used once. Word, as in the title of the section as a whole, is used in a clearly Johannine sense; the Word is both eternal and has an eternal glory (the Bible, John 1: 1–18). Messiah is similarly used in a way that reflects biblical precedent by referring to the fulfilment of Old Testament prophecy; Advent hymns are found under the heading ‘The Promise of the Messiah’. The predominant use of Christ as both name and title instead of Jesus appears intentional and shows theological intent to emphasise His divinity, thus using the structure of this authorised hymnal to make a Christological statement. The only use of ‘Jesus’ is for a sub-section on ‘The Praises of Jesus’, which again has clear biblical echoes (Philippians 2: 9–11) and suggests a more evangelical emphasis. The second part of the book, ‘God’s World’ is a new category for authorised hymnody, and deals with both ‘The Natural World’ and ‘The Social Order’. The former, in particular, reflects a growing concern for environmental and ecological matters, and an attempt to articulate a theological response to them in terms of humanity’s place as part of the whole of God’s creation. Coupled with sub-sections on ‘Healing’ and ‘Justice and Peace’ in the second section of this part of the hymnal, there is a clear attempt to pursue characteristically Methodist concern for and commitment to social justice in a contemporary context, yet J.R. Watson argues that ‘while containing hand-wringing hymns on the human condition, [these sections] never quite succeeded in capturing the poetic energy that expressed the original Methodist concern for the poor and outcast in the hymns of Charles Wesley’ (2013, p. 248). Overall, a number of traits common to authorised hymnals can be observed; theological and liturgical concerns dominate, but sections focussing on aspects of personal discipleship are still present, while there is also a renewed effort to ensure that authorised hymnody speaks to contemporary issues in a relevant way. Notable developments are the overall tripartite structure, which moves away from an essentially two-fold approach that had prevailed from the nineteenth century onwards; as well as the typical foci of doctrinal-liturgical and personal and corporate discipleship, the insertion of ‘God’s World’ as a dominant theme in its own right may be seen as a reflection of the church’s perception that it needed to articulate clearly its understanding of contemporary concerns, perhaps in response to the challenges of an increasingly secular society. The greater emphasis on using the structure to articulate theological principles may be connected with the hymnal’s genesis; the committee responsible for its production were appointed by Methodism’s Faith and Order Committee, a body responsible for guiding the Methodist Church on matters of doctrine and theology.

Authorised hymnody 29 British Methodism’s most recent authorised hymnal, Singing the Faith (Methodist Church, 2011), has a title that, unlike its predecessors, is conceptual rather than merely descriptive of its contents or purpose. It has a tripartite structure that is partly ordered on Trinitarian lines, while the headings of the three principal parts emphasise God’s eternity and activity: ‘God’s Eternal Goodness’, which focuses primarily on God the Father, but also containing hymns on the Trinity, ‘God’s Redeeming Work’, dealing with the life, character, and praises of Jesus, and ‘God’s Enduring Purposes’, which includes hymns on the Holy Spirit but also on a whole range of other topics relating to the church and Christian living. Although underpinned by this central aspect of orthodox Christian doctrine, the details of the structure, and in particular the second part, make more direct reference to the liturgical calendar than its twentieth-century forbears. The Methodist Hymn Book (1933) had split its section on ‘The Lord Jesus Christ’ into six sub-sections, of which three have obvious but unstated calendrical significance, while Hymns and Psalms has thirteen sections under the heading ‘The Eternal Word’, of which seven have obvious but again unstated seasonal associations.7 Singing the Faith’s approach combines this method of referring to specific aspects of Christ’s life recorded in Scripture with direct use of seasonal names in the first four of its sections under the heading ‘God’s Redeeming Work’: ‘The Promised Christ: Advent’, ‘The Incarnate Christ: Christmas’, ‘The Revealed Christ: Epiphany, Presentation and Baptism’, and ‘The Faithful Christ: Lent and Temptation’.8 These overt references to the liturgical calendar, absent from earlier hymnals, reflect a growing awareness of and adherence to its seasons within Methodism, also evident in The Methodist Worship Book (Methodist Church, 1999), which provided Methodism with seasonal Eucharistic liturgies for the first time.9 Although Singing the Faith did not set out with the same ecumenical intentions as its predecessor, this increased focus on the liturgical calendar shows an inherent ecumenical influence, as does the inclusion of a dedicated section of ‘Liturgical Settings’, which both reflects existing practices within Methodism such as singing parts of the Ordinary of the Eucharist and seeks to encourage them further. The second part of the hymnal also shows a shift from Hymns and Psalms’ richly theological language in terms of naming the second and third persons of the Trinity. Here, only ‘Christ’, ‘Jesus Christ’, and ‘Holy Spirit’ are used, giving primacy to immediate accessibility rather than theological subtlety. The third part of the hymnal has several distinctively Methodist elements: first, the use of hymnody as a guide through Christian life is maintained across four sections leading from ‘Repentance and Forgiveness’ to ‘Growth in Grace and Holiness’. Second, section thirty-four, headed ‘Calling and Commissioning’, is a reflection of Methodism’s long standing recognition and encouragement of lay ministry as well as ordained, and third, the use of the word ‘Calling’ echoes a major initiative launched by the Methodist Church at the beginning of the twenty-first century, ‘Our Calling’, which encouraged Methodist congregations and individuals to focus their Christian lives and activities around four areas of priority, Worship, Learning and Caring, Service, and Evangelism (Methodist Church, n.d.). Initiatives such as this, and others more recent, such as ‘Deepening Discipleship’, can also be

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seen as influential in the terms of the simpler, more direct language noted in the titles of the second part of the book. These focus on individual engagement and encouragement and are marked by the use of clear, direct language, to which Singing the Faith, at least in part, seems to subscribe.

The boundaries of authorised hymnody Forasmuch as the practice of authorisation affirms hymns both individually and collectively as being in accordance with Methodist doctrine, it also excludes other hymns. The status of hymns not included in authorised collections is not clearly defined, and merits further consideration. First, however, it is important to understand that while the selection of hymns changes in each successive authorised hymnal, authorisation is regarded as a cumulative process; once authorised, hymns remain so, whether or not they are included in the current authorised hymnal. In itself, this is indicative of the different, and sometimes competing, aspects of authorisation. While Methodism’s doctrine has been developed and shaped by successive generations, its essence remains unchanged. Therefore, it seems obvious that, for example, Charles Wesley’s hymn of exhortation ‘O all that pass by, to Jesus draw near’ is as much in accord with twenty-first-century Methodist doctrine concerning the need for salvation as it was in the eighteenth century. That it does not appear in Singing the Faith is thus not a doctrinal decision, but one concerning the nature of ‘experimental and practical’ hymnody for contemporary Methodism. Similarly, the exclusion of a hymn from the historical corpus of authorised hymnody may not mean that it is contrary to Methodist doctrine. Authorised hymnals are not intended to be exhaustive, and there are many reasons why doctrinally suitable hymns may have been omitted, including aesthetics, popularity, or because it was surplus to requirements in terms of its subject matter. Methodist congregations are thus not exclusively bound to the authorised hymnal; hymns from other sources may be used in Methodist worship, but cannot be regarded as officially representative of Methodist doctrine. However, the deliberate omission of certain hymns or hymns on specific subjects on doctrinal grounds has been an element of the authorisation process throughout Methodist history. While John Wesley does not address the issue directly in the preface to the 1780 Collection, one of the series of rhetorical questions he asks about the book can be interpreted in this way: ‘In what other publication of this kind have you … So strong cautions against the most plausible errors, particularly those that are now most prevalent?’ (1780, p. 74). While it may refer to human sins, it might just as easily be applicable to anything that Wesley considered as false doctrine, such as the Calvinist tenet of predestination. What is clear from the contents of the Collection is that it presents a robust defence of Wesley’s brand of evangelical Arminianism, which stood in marked opposition to Calvinism, which itself found poetic expression in George Whitefield’s Hymns for Social Worship (1753) and other hymnals of Calvinistic Methodism.

Authorised hymnody 31 Wesley’s phrase ‘those that are now most prevalent’ is noteworthy; while the challenge posed by Calvinist Methodists such as Whitefield and others in the Countess of Huntingdon’s Connexion was an pressing matter in the eighteenth century, it became less acute as Wesleyan Methodism and its descendants became more firmly established as ecclesiastical bodies. While Calvinism has always remained contrary to Wesleyan Methodist doctrine, other challenges may have exercised the minds of later hymnal compilers. For instance, while developments in late nineteenth-century Anglican hymnody exerted a profound influence on Methodism, as will be shown in Chapter 2, the prominent place of Anglo-Catholic authors and theologians in this work would also have brought potential doctrinal conflicts for Methodists. For all its musical appeal, which was embraced by Methodism, Marian hymns would have been regarded as unsuitable given Methodism’s evangelical Protestant heritage. The authorisation of some of nineteenth-century Anglicanism’s hymnody responds to its aesthetic appeal in a way that shepherds Methodists away from other apparently less desirable parts of it. The influence of the charismatic worship song on Singing the Faith, also discussed in Chapter 2, brought the issue of Calvinist hymnody back to the forefront of the authorisation process. Notable writers in this genre, such as Stuart Townend, whose work has gained widespread popularity, draw on a Calvinist heritage, which, in some texts, is overtly stated. Once again, by authorising a number of items from this genre, Methodism sought to ensure that its doctrinal standards were upheld in spite of the challenges posed by the popularity of the worship song. The gap between the authorised hymnals of 1983 and 2011 may, however, have meant that songs contrary to Methodism’s doctrine had established themselves at a local level, as it was during this period that the genre expanded rapidly. Methodism’s continued attempts to ensure that its authorised hymnals reflect its doctrines accurately and thus enable the faithful to avoid hymns that are contrary to it, though they may be popular, can be seen as furthering Wesley’s notion of the authorised hymnal as an expression of ‘experimental and practical’ Christianity. If the authorised hymnal is to serve its purpose in reflecting and guiding the religious experience of Methodist people, then its doctrinal content is of the utmost importance. It must give those who read and sing from it a clear, consistent insight into Methodism’s understanding of God, the church, and the world, and encourage their own spiritual development in accordance with this.

Summary The hymnals studied in this chapter show how Methodism’s concept of authorised hymnody, while an influential and constant presence, has not been unchanging. In many ways, the changes observed mirror fundamental changes in Methodism’s existence at large, from its origins as an evangelical renewal movement within the Church of England through its independent but fractured existence in multiple bodies throughout the nineteenth century and the first part

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of the twentieth century, to its present place as a single denominational body engaged in an ongoing process of ecumenical dialogue and collaboration with a range of other denominations. Perhaps the most profound change has been the move away from Wesley’s model centred only on the Christian experience to a type of structure that retains elements of this, but puts fundamental statements of orthodox doctrine and practical liturgical needs at the forefront. There are, however, two ways in which continuity and commonality can be seen throughout these hymnals, despite these practical differences of approach and focus. First, the ways in which authorised hymnody has been made to respond to the more general changes affecting Methodism have repeatedly affirmed it as a relevant, living concept, responding to current situations and concerns while preserving fundamental principles of Christian orthodoxy. Many of the following chapters will show how a very broad range of areas of Methodist life both individually and collectively have both informed Methodist hymnody and been strengthened, guided and emboldened by it. The regular renewal of Methodism’s authorised hymnody has played an important role in this, helping to ensure that new generations of Methodists, seeking to live, work, and worship in different contexts, have hymnals that both reflect the unchanging beliefs that underpin Methodism but that respond to their physical, emotional, and intellectual realities. Second, as outlined above, the case for regarding Wesley’s 1780 Collection as Methodism’s first authorised hymnal is far from clear cut. Robin Leaver’s detailed categorisation of two strands of Methodist hymnals in the eighteenth century make clear that the concerns that became apparent in later generations, seeking to unite doctrine, liturgy, and discipleship in single volumes, were also addressed by John Wesley, albeit with a different method of publication. In this regard, we might helpfully view both strands of eighteenth-century Methodist hymnals, one of which was brought to a rich culmination in the 1780 Collection, as the progenitors of later authorised hymnals. This approach emphasises that authorised hymnody is both inward and outward looking, concerned with the requirements of a worshipping people, but simultaneously reaching out to encourage personal commitment by proclaiming a message of salvation freely offered to all.

Notes 1 Recent scholarship has questioned whether a uniquely Wesleyan theology can be defined, and in so doing has moved towards rejecting attempts to systematise Wesley’s theological work. See, for example, Abraham’s essay ‘The End of Wesleyan Theology’, in which he advocates that rather than attempting to portray Wesley as a theologian in the Reformation tradition, he should, rather, be seen as a ‘Father in God’, who ‘helped people find God in conversion, became a model for them of the spiritual life, and provided a network of resources to nourish genuine holiness’ (2005, p. 22). The 1780 Collection clearly fits into this analysis. 2 While in most cases the compilers followed Wesley’s lead in categorising the additional hymns under descriptive headings, The Hymn Book of the United Free

Authorised hymnody 33

3 4 5

6 7

8 9

Methodist Churches (1861) made no attempt to add to Wesley’s categorisation; all but six of the 287 additional hymns are simply placed under the heading ‘Miscellaneous Hymns’, while the remainder are listed as ‘Doxologies’, a liturgical rather than experiential category. Pratt also notes how the make-up of the committee responsible for its direction was dominated by Wesleyans, under the leadership of Wesleyan Minister F. Luke Wiseman (2004, pp. 25–26). By the time of a third reprinting in 1995, this subtitle was omitted. J.R. Watson, a member of the main committee for Hymns and Psalms notes that the proposal for a new hymn book met with fierce opposition and suggests that these provisos were vital in ensuring that the production of the book was approved by the Methodist Conference (2014). The five sections under the heading ‘The Christian Life’ are: ‘Faith and Confidence’, ‘Conversion and Commitment’, ‘Suffering and Conflict’, ‘Growth in Grace and Holiness’, and ‘Fellowship’. The Methodist Hymn Book (1933) includes sub-sections on ‘His Incarnation’, ‘His Sufferings and Death’, and ‘His Resurrection and Ascension’, while Hymns and Psalms has ‘The Promise of the Messiah’, ‘Christ’s Birth’, ‘The Epiphany’, ‘Christ’s Baptism and Temptation’, ‘The Transfiguration’, ‘Christ’s Passion and Cross’, and ‘The Resurrection and the Ascension’. This pattern is not maintained thereafter; for instance, section seventeen is titled ‘Jesus Christ: Risen and Ascended’, when ‘The Risen and Ascended Christ: Eastertide’ would have preserved the pattern of earlier entries. The Methodist Worship Book contains British Methodism’s authorised liturgies. In his detailed companion to it, Dixon notes the increased awareness and marking of liturgical seasons within Methodism: ‘One of the achievements of The Methodist Service Book [1975]... was the way in which it made Methodists more aware than they had previously been of the onward march of the Christian year’ and ‘The changing moods of the Christian year can be represented visually by the use of liturgical colours, which are now much more widely employed in Methodism than was once the case’ (2003, pp. 188, 190).

Bibliography Abraham, W.J. (2005) ‘The End of Wesleyan Theology’, Wesleyan Theological Journal, vol. 40, no. 1, pp. 7–25. Bircumshaw, B. and Brophy, P. (2011) ‘Preface’, in Methodist Church Singing the Faith: Music Edition, London: Hymns Ancient and Modern, pp. vii–ix. Bourne, H. ed. (1821) A Collection of Hymns for Camp Meetings, Revivals etc. for the Use of the Primitive Methodists, Bemersley: J. Bourne. Bourne, H. ed. (1829) Large Hymn Book for the Use of the Primitive Methodists, Bemersley: J. Bourne. Church of England (1662) The Book of Common Prayer, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (this edition 1968). Cushman, R.E. (1989) John Wesley’s Experimental Divinity: Studies in Methodist Doctrinal Standards, Nashville, TN: Kingswood Books. Davis, M.L. (2013) ‘Methodism: Consolidation and Reunion, 1865–1939’, in Gibson, W., Forsaith, P., and Wellings, M. (eds) The Ashgate Research Companion to World Methodism, Farnham: Ashgate, pp. 51–64. Dixon, N. (2003) Wonder, Love and Praise: A Companion to The Methodist Worship Book, Peterborough: Epworth.

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Flesher, J. ed. (1854) The Primitive Methodist Hymn Book, London: T. Holliday. Hempton, D. (2009) ‘The People Called Methodists: Transitions in Britain and North America’, in Abraham, W.J. and Kirby, J.E. (eds) The Oxford Handbook of Methodist Studies, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 67–83. Langford, T.A. (1998a) ‘John Wesley and Theological Method’, in Maddox, R.L. (ed.) Rethinking Wesley’s Theology for Contemporary Methodism, Nashville, TN: Kingswood Books, pp. 35–48. Langford, T.A. (1998b) Practical Divinity, Volume 1: Theology in the Wesleyan Tradition, Revised ed., Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Leaver, R.A. (2010) ‘Psalms and Hymns and Hymns and Sacred Poems: Two Strands of Wesleyan Hymn Collections’, in Temperley, N. and Banfied, S. (eds) Music and the Wesleys, Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, pp. 41–51. Maddox, R.L. (1994) Responsible Grace: John Wesley’s Practical Theology, Nashville, TN: Kingswood Books. Manning, B.L. (1942) The Hymns of Wesley and Watts, London: Epworth Press. Methodist Church (1933) The Methodist Hymn Book with Tunes, London: Methodist Conference Office. Methodist Church (1983) Hymns and Psalms: A Methodist and Ecumenical Hymn Book, Peterborough: Methodist Publishing House. Methodist Church (1999) The Methodist Worship Book, Peterborough: Methodist Publishing House. Methodist Church (2011) Singing the Faith: Music Edition, London: Hymns Ancient and Modern. Methodist Church (n.d.a) Vision and Values [Online]. Available at http://www.methodist. org.uk/who-we-are/vision-values (Accessed 30 August 2016). Methodist Church (n.d.b) Deepening Discipleship [Online]. Available at http://methodist. org.uk/deepening-discipleship (Accessed 30 August 2016). Methodist New Connexion (1863) Hymns for Divine Worship, London: William Cooke. Munsey Turner, J. (2002) John Wesley: The Evangelical Revival and the Rise of Methodism in England, Peterborough: Epworth Press. Pratt, A. (2004) O for a Thousand Tongues: The 1933 Methodist Hymn Book in Context, Peterborough: Epworth. Randall, I.M. (2013) ‘Methodist Spirituality’, in Gibson, W., Forsaith, P., and Wellings, M. (eds) The Ashgate Research Companion to World Methodism, Farnham: Ashgate, pp. 289–306. Richey, R.E. (2013) ‘Episkopé and Connexionalism: Ecclesiology and Church Government in Methodism’, in Gibson, W., Forsaith, P., and Wellings, M. (eds) The Ashgate Research Companion to World Methodism, Farnham: Ashgate, pp. 251–68. Stevick, D.B. (2004) The Altar’s Fire: Charles Wesley’s Hymns on the Lord’s Supper, 1745, Introduction and Exposition, Peterborough: Epworth. The Bible: New Revised Standard Version (1989), Oxford: Oxford University Press. United Methodist Free Churches (1889) The United Methodist Free Church Hymnal, London: United Methodist Free Churches Book Room. Waller, R. (2003) John Wesley: A Personal Portrait, London: SPCK. Watson, J.R. (2013) ‘Music, Hymnody and the Culture of Methodist in Britain’, in Gibson, W., Forsaith, P., and Wellings, M. (eds) The Ashgate Research Companion to World Methodism, Farnham: Ashgate, pp. 233–50. Watson, J.R. (2014), Unpublished interview conducted by Martin V. Clarke, 30 September.

Authorised hymnody 35 Watson, K. (2013) ‘The Price of Respectability: Methodism in Britain and the United States, 1791–1865’, in Gibson, W., Forsaith, P., and Wellings, M. (eds) The Ashgate Research Companion to World Methodism, Farnham: Ashgate, pp. 33–50. Watson, R. and Trickett, K. eds (1988) Companion to Hymns and Psalms, Peterborough: Methodist Publishing House. Wellings, M. (2013) ‘Methodist and the Evangelical Tradition’, in Gibson, W., Forsaith, P., and Wellings, M. (eds) The Ashgate Research Companion to World Methodism, Farnham: Ashgate, pp. 307–24. Wesley, J. ed. (1761) Select Hymns with Tunes Annext: Designed Chiefly for the use of the People called Methodists, London. Wesley, J. ed. (1780) A Collection of Hymns for the Use of the People called Methodists, Hildebrandt, F. and Beckerlegge, O.A. (eds), Oxford: Clarendon Press (7th edn). Wesley, J. ed. (1785 [1983]) A Pocket Hymnbook, for the Use of Christians of all Denominations, London: J. Paramore. Wesley, J. ed. (1787) A Pocket Hymnbook, for the use of Christians of all denominations, London: J. Paramore. Wesley, J. and Wesley, C. (1745) Hymns on the Lord’s Supper, Bristol: Farley. Wesley, J. and Wesley, C. (1784) A Collection of Psalms and Hymns for the Lord’s Day, London: Strahan. Wesleyan Conference (1904) The Methodist Hymn Book with Tunes, London: Wesleyan Conference Office. Whitefield, G. ed. (1753) Hymns for Social Worship, London: William Strahan. Woodruff Tait, J.L. (2013) ‘The Methodist Conscience: Slavery, Temperance and Pacifism’, in Gibson, W., Forsaith, P., and Wellings, M. (eds) The Ashgate Research Companion to World Methodism, Farnham: Ashgate, pp. 365–86. Young, C.R. (1993) Companion to The United Methodist Hymnal, Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press.

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It is a paradox that although hymnody and hymnals are often regarded as significant indicators of denominational or ecclesiological identity, hymns have always transcended denominational boundaries. This is particularly important in understanding Methodist hymnody, for while a strong emphasis on congregational hymn singing is commonly held as one of Methodism’s defining features, Methodist hymnody has long benefited from and contributed to rich and diverse ecumenical cooperation. Even though the origins of the modern ecumenical movement are typically traced to the World Missionary Conference held in Edinburgh in 1910, the sharing of texts and music has a much longer history. From its earliest to most recent hymnals, texts and music from other Christian traditions have formed an integral part of Methodism’s repertoire of hymnody. At the same time, Methodism’s ecumenical relationships have charted a somewhat turbulent course. Hostility from the Established Church in the eighteenth century, Methodism’s own fissiparous existence in the postWesley era, and a series of complex and challenging negotiations with other denominations in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries have meant that while Methodism has long espoused a commitment to ecumenism, practical realities have frequently been complicated and sometimes unproductive. Even in the field of hymnody, there has been contention; as noted in Chapter 1, the full title of the 1983 authorised hymnal was Hymns and Psalms: A Methodist and Ecumenical Hymn Book. The insistence of the Methodist Conference (1980) that the title must include ‘Methodist’ was the cause of this convoluted result. Watson suggests that the sub-title reflects ‘the ecumenical mood of the time’ (n.d.a). Ultimately, the insistence on ‘Methodist’ in the title caused the formal withdrawal of the United Reformed Church from the project. Despite this backdrop of inter-denominational tension, hymnody’s rich ecumenical reciprocity is unsurprising. While certain hymns have, thanks to their theological emphases or use of particular imagery, had a restricted circulation, others have crossed denominational, theological, and liturgical boundaries. In part, this reflects the purpose of hymnody and its lineal descent from the psalms and other biblical hymns. Generations of writers have used hymn texts to convey universal aspects of Christian discipleship, including praise, penitence, thanksgiving, and commitment, as well as to re-tell and interpret biblical stories.

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While hymns have articulated overt theological positions, notably in the work of Charles Wesley, they have largely served a doxological rather than a pedagogical function, which has eased the process of sharing between denominations and traditions. Musically, the common desire to enable congregational participation has resulted in the sharing of successful melodies. While some musical forms have stronger associations with particular Christian traditions, such as plainsong and Catholicism, music from the common practice era has been widely shared and adapted by different Christian traditions. Furthermore, strong associations of text and tune, an increasingly common facet from the nineteenth century onwards, serve to make particular hymns more memorable, which may in turn facilitate their widespread use. While directly Methodist sources and labour have been central in shaping Methodist hymnody, this chapter contends that three principal ecumenical encounters have also had a profound influence on it at different times in Methodism’s history. In the eighteenth century, contact between the early Methodists and Moravians led to the proliferation of German hymns, both texts in translation and tunes, in Methodism, as well as prompting an awareness of the rich potential of hymnody as an evangelical and pedagogical tool. While Methodism’s characteristic use of hymnody was to exert an influence on nineteenth-century Anglicanism, in the latter part of that century, the direction of influence was reversed; to differing extents, all branches of Methodism reacted to developments in Anglican hymnody, most notably the publication of successive editions of Hymns Ancient and Modern. This influence of Anglican hymnody on Methodism has endured since that time, which is clearly shown in successive authorised hymnals. Most recently, Methodism’s hymnody has been shaped significantly by trends in worship music and repertoire from the charismatic movement, which have often developed outside traditional denominational structures, and from across the Anglophone world. This is reflected in Singing the Faith, the first authorised British Methodist hymnal to include a substantial selection of this repertoire, which sought to represent the contemporary diversity of practice and repertoire around the Connexion.1 Other ecumenical encounters have also had an impact on Methodist hymnody, notably Anglican metrical psalmody in Methodism’s earliest days, popular American revival hymnody on certain factions in nineteenth-century Methodism, and the congregational music of distinctive religious communities such as the Iona Community and Taizé Community in twenty-first-century Methodism. However, while these have introduced particular strands of repertoire and, in some cases, different models of congregational song, they have been less pervasive than the three principal encounters identified. While metrical psalmody lent early Methodism a body of tunes, a number of which have become a core part of Methodist repertoire, early Methodism’s musical practices extended beyond those of contemporary Anglicanism, rather than adopting its patterns. American revival hymnody was largely associated with Primitive Methodism’s revivalist activities, and though a significant aspect of Methodist history, which will be covered elsewhere, these hymns did not permeate into other branches of

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Methodism so noticeably, and even within Primitive Methodism, their presence in authorised hymnals was never particularly strong. Hymnody from the Iona Community, while prevalent in Singing the Faith, generally follows established patterns of congregational singing, albeit with different thematic emphases, while despite its popularity, only a relatively restricted number of chants from the Taizé Community have gained widespread use within Methodism.

Methodists and Moravians in the eighteenth century Notable among the collections of texts and tunes overseen by John Wesley in the eighteenth century is the inclusion of a substantial body of hymns translated from German and the use of many Germanic melodies. Their presence owes much to the close relationship between the fledgling Methodist movement and Moravian missionaries in America and later in London. As well as the numerical significance of these hymns, Moravian attitudes to hymnody were also to exert a profound influence on Methodism, resulting in the incorporation of hymnody into its evangelical method and every aspect of its societal life. Wesley’s initial contact with the Moravians occurred during his voyage to America in 1735–1736 and he cooperated with them during his time there and for some years after his return to Britain. Wesley embarked on this journey with a keen interest in ‘primitive Christianity’, heavily influenced by his reading of the Church Fathers, and contact with the Moravians reinforced and broadened his views on this matter: ‘The Moravians, however, provided another model of primitive Christianity, closer to the apostolic age than the Fathers, and the two versions of ‘primitive’ Christianity jostled uneasily together in Wesley’s mind’ (Rack, 2002, p. 114). In particular, their highly ordered societal organisation and emphasis on communal discipleship were to inform Wesley’s work in structuring Methodism. Their devotional practices were also influential, especially the prominent place given to communal hymn singing. His journal records an oft-cited experience of the powerful effect of their singing during the stormy voyage to America: At noon our third storm began. At four it was more violent than before. At seven I went to the Germans. I had long before observed the great seriousness of their behaviour... In the midst of the psalm wherewith their service began, the sea broke over, split the mainsail in pieces, covered the ship, and poured in between the decks, as if the great deep had already swallowed us up. A terrible screaming began among the English. The Germans calmly sang on. I asked one of them afterward, “Were you not afraid?” He answered, “I thank God, no.” I asked, “But were not your women and children afraid?” He replied, mildly, “No; our women and children are not afraid to die”. (Wesley, 1735–38, pp. 142–3) While hymn singing was part of the Moravians’ regular acts of worship, it was also central to other communal gatherings. The Liebesmahl (Lovefeast)

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involved the singing of hymns and anthems around a communal meal, while the Singstunde, a regular gathering exploring a particular theme through song, shows in its very name the importance of singing to the Moravians: ‘Singstunden were held several evenings a week to learn new music and share in the joy of singing in worship together’ (Kroeger and Reed Knouse, n.d.). Describing ‘that most characteristic of Moravian services’ in Zinzendorf ’s renewed Moravian community at Herrnhut, Reed Knouse explains that The brother or sister presiding at the service would select individual stanzas from various hymns so that a particular Christian truth could be developed as the singing progressed; the congregation, whose members possessed an unusual command of the hymnal, would join in, singing by heart, before the end of the first line of each stanza. (Reed Knouse, n.d.) The congregation’s familiarity with the hymns is a crucial element in understanding the impact of Moravian hymnody on Wesley. While textual translations and musical borrowings undoubtedly had an impact, particularly in terms of the types of imagery and the expansion of the metrical range they brought, the link between the memorability of hymns and their usefulness in conveying particular aspects of Christian belief was the most profound and pervasive aspect that Wesley learned from Moravian hymnody. This aspect of Moravian influence shows itself in two principal ways: the nature and structure of the hymnals published by the Wesleys, and the role of hymnody in Methodist life. The structure of the 1780 Collection, discussed in Chapter 1, reflects an understanding of hymnody as a powerful tool in accompanying believers on their Christian pilgrimage; Hempton notes that the hymns in the Collection concentrate on ‘the Christian life as a pilgrimage, a journey from earthly despair to heavenly blessing. They are filled with personal pronouns, active verbs, and intense struggles. They aim to persuade, to convince, and to plead. They are more winning than threatening, more appealing than damning’ (2005, p. 70). This evangelical emphasis was a means of engendering religious devotion by appealing directly to the experience of followers and would-be converts: ‘The Wesley hymns, in particular, not only taught the liturgical year with lyrics for the great Christian feasts, but also gave voice to the evangelical experience and theology of revival’ (Wallace, Jr., 2010, p. 92). Furthermore, specific collections issued by the Wesleys during the eighteenth century reflected a clear understanding of hymnody’s pedagogical potential; collections such as Hymns on God’s Everlasting Love and Short Hymns on Select Passages of the Holy Scriptures were outlets for hymns by Charles Wesley in which Methodism’s evangelical Arminianism was forcefully and memorably expressed, such as ‘Father, whose everlasting love’. In terms of Moravian influence, the crucial point is the widespread use of hymns in Methodist meetings; in addition to society meetings, hymns were sung at all types of gathering, ‘including bands, classes, love feasts, watch-nights, prayer meetings, covenant services, outdoor preaching services, and camp meetings’

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(Hempton, 2005, p. 71). Wesley had a high regard for the usefulness of hymns within worship; in Chapman’s words, they were ‘an integral part of it with a specific liturgical function’ (2006, p. 291). The success of hymnody in communicating with followers is evidenced in the accounts of early Methodist lives: Hymns were not only sung on public occasions, they were sung privately or memorized. Wherever one looks in Methodist archives, from the recorded experiences of itinerant preachers to the diaries of the Methodist faithful, hymns were used for expression, consolation, anticipation, and interpretation. Methodists absorbed their faith through the words of their hymns and sacred verse. (Hempton, 2005, p. 71) While a goodly number of the hymn texts and tunes introduced to Methodism from Moravianism have endured from the eighteenth century into the twenty-first, it is the less quantifiable absorption of hymns into the lifeblood of Methodists and Methodism individually and collectively that arguably shows the influence of Moravian hymnody most strongly. Developed and manipulated by the Wesleys, their colleagues and successors, the Moravian understanding that hymnody could be used to ‘build communal identity, mark the rhythms of daily life, remind members that every hour of life is sacred and a part of the liturgy, and attract outsiders’ (Kroeger and Reed Knouse, n.d.) played a crucial part in hymnody becoming regarded as intrinsic to Methodism. German hymn tunes in eighteenth-century Methodism Sixteen of the forty-one tunes printed in Wesley’s The Foundery Collection (1742) are of German origin.2 Of these, two had been widely printed in English hymnals since the sixteenth century, but all the others first appeared in English publications in the eighteenth century; nine of these had not appeared in print in England prior to their inclusion in The Foundery Collection, while the remaining five had had very limited circulation since first appearing in the 1720s in volumes prepared by John Christian Jacobi (1720, 1722).3 All five of these tunes appear in different versions than in the earlier publications. Combined with some of the editorial faults that characterise the collection more generally, this suggests that these tunes were not copied from Jacobi’s publications. As with most of the collection, it is most likely that they were transcribed from memory, based on popular practice. These tunes add considerable metrical variety to the collection; among the sixteen tunes, twelve distinct metres are found, together with doubled versions and different extensions of some of these. Notably, ten of the German tunes are in metres other than the basic SM, CM, or LM forms or their doubles.4 This variety considerably increases the scope for setting texts to music and it is notable that some of the metres represented by these German tunes were used frequently by Charles Wesley, including for some of his most enduring hymns.5 Particularly notable is the length of both lines, often with eight or more

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syllables, and verses, often of eight or more lines; these spacious metres allowed a skilled poet and theologian like Wesley room to elaborate ideas, introduce contrasts within verses, and develop hymn texts as pedagogical tools. The melodic, rhythmic, and harmonic characteristics of the tunes are also factors that would have made them appealing to Wesley and his followers. AMSTERDAM is one of the German-origin tunes to have had its first English publication in The Foundery Collection (Temperley, 2006a, tune code 1648).6 In terms of its suitability for congregational use, its AABA’ structure, regular phrasing, and melodic and rhythmic construction are all significant factors, which combine to make it a memorable and assertive hymn tune. Melodically, the bold tonic-dominant-tonic opening followed by stepwise movement gives the principal phrase a strong profile, while the opening of the B phrase has a declamatory quality that provides a clear contrast. Melodic decoration is minimal, also helpful for congregational singing. Harmonically, the alternation of simple tonic and dominant chords, movement in parallel thirds with the melody, and use of pedal points combine to create a sense of insistent momentum. HERRNHUTH, also first introduced to British hymnody in The Foundery Collection, demonstrates similar qualities. It is also notable as one of the few tunes in this volume to be presented without error (Temperley, 2006a, tune code 1654).7 Though it is less forthright than AMSTERDAM, it too has a straightforward structure with a strong, repeated motif, and largely syllabic text setting. Differences from English metrical psalm tunes are less accentuated here, but


























 














  
   




 












 



  




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An ecumenical hymnody

 
      






  

      

  

               





 

     



   

     





           









Musical example 2.2 HERRNHUTH, from The Foundery Collection

the melody commends itself to congregational use in its own right. The clearly defined contours and the sense of momentum towards the climax in the final quarter assist its vitality in performance. Their suitability for congregational singing and strong melodic profiles provide purely musical reasons for the assimilation of these and other German tunes into British Methodism under John Wesley’s guidance; ‘it was the sublime achievement of the Moravians that they introduced him, and through him thousands of his followers, to the beauty, the dignity, the reverence, the fitness of the German chorale, and to the personal and intimate song of the great Pietists’ (Towlson, 1957, p. 195). The particular influence of the Moravians, and the Pietist tradition of which they were part is important here. Though the common British understanding of ‘chorale’ refers to melodies from Luther’s time onwards, the type of German melody favoured by Wesley was largely drawn from more recent repertoire, which was specifically associated with Pietism: One of the things the Pietist movement in Germany promoted was a simpler, more lively form of melody, that contrasted with the slow-moving traditional chorales. The new tunes had begun to appear in the later 17th century and these characteristic melodies are found in the extremely influential Pietist hymnal, Johann Anastasius Freylinghausen’s Geist-reiches Gesang-Buch (Halle, 1704) and Neues Geist-reiches Gesang-Buch (Halle, 1714), both parts being issued together in 1741. These melodies approximated more closely to strophic arias rather than to traditional chorale melodies, but were a significant development in the German chorale tradition in the 18th century, affecting mainstream Lutheranism as well as the Pietist movement within it… (Leaver, n.d.)8 The coupling of metrical usefulness and musical quality meant these tunes quickly became an important part of Methodist repertoire; from their introduction in The Foundery Collection they maintained a prominent place in Sacred Melody and Sacred Harmony, and several have endured through many subsequent Methodist hymnals.

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John Wesley’s translations of German hymns In addition to musical borrowing, John Wesley learned German in order to converse with Moravian missionaries on their shared voyage to America in 1735–1736, and to translate some of their hymns into English. During his time in America (1736–1737) and in the period after his return to Britain in early 1738, he translated thirty-three German hymns, mostly learned from the Moravians. Wesley’s translations resulted in a number of powerful and enduring hymn texts, but his method was rather liberal; he frequently altered texts by removing and amending verses and manipulating their order. Nonetheless, Andrews describes him as a ‘pioneer in his knowledge of German hymns’ (n.d.). For Andrews, Wesley’s strong editorial hand does not diminish the achievement, as he recognises that his ultimate goal in translating hymns was not slavish linguistic faithfulness but a desire to share the rich, emotionally powerful German texts with his own followers for the strengthening of their own faith: Wesley’s genius lay in paraphrase, abridgement and amendment rather than in close reproduction of the German originals. Many German hymns are rather long for British congregational use, but Wesley shortened them without losing the core of their meaning. He changed metres and forms, but transmuted the spirit of the German into English poetry, providing texts that convey the ideals of personal devotion and spiritual piety. (Andrews, n.d.)9 Wesley translated J.A. Rothe’s ‘Ich habe nun den Grund gefunden’ as ‘Now I have found the ground wherein’. Rothe’s hymn had ten verses, of which Wesley translated six; it makes repeated and memorable use of the word ‘Barmherzigkeit’ (‘mercy’). Wesley maintains this emphasis, managing to include the word ‘mercy’ in the final pair of lines of each of his six verses. He also uses the syllabic difference between ‘Barmherzigkeit’ and ‘mercy’ to his advantage; at the end of verse four, Rothe has ‘weil Christi Blut beständig schreit: / “Barmherzigkeit! Barmherzigkeit!”’, which Wesley translates as ‘While Jesu’s blood, through earth and skies, / ‘Mercy, free, boundless mercy’, cries!’ In so doing, he conveys his evangelical Arminian theology, with its emphasis on the universal offer of God’s grace, while also situating the highly personal language of the text in a broader, potentially limitless context. Wesley’s high regard for this hymn is shown in his positioning of it at the start of the section headed ‘For believers, rejoicing’ in the 1780 Collection. It exemplifies the rich source material he had found and his desire to assimilate it within Methodism. Its bold, rhetorical use of ‘mercy’ points beyond this single example to that wider aspect of Moravian influence on Methodist hymnody, the role of hymnody in communicating essential aspects of faith and doctrine.

Anglican influences on Methodist hymnody As already noted, Methodism was indebted to the Anglican tradition of metrical psalmody for many of its earliest hymn tunes, while John Wesley also included

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hymns drawn from Anglican writers in his hymnals, often editing or amending them himself. However, these borrowings do not represent a significant ecumenical encounter; as Church of England priests, the Wesleys would have been familiar with this tradition, and their adoption of some Anglican repertoire is uncontroversial and unsurprising at a time when the practice of congregational hymnody was not widespread. By the second half of the nineteenth century, however, the situation was rather different; Methodism had long since broken its ties with the Church of England and had itself split into various groups, each with different emphases and positions, sometimes subtle, sometimes more pronounced. At the same time, the use of hymnody with the Church of England was beginning to flourish and become widespread. In this context, the adoption of a substantial body of Anglican hymn texts and tunes by all the branches of Methodism is an ecumenical encounter that warrants closer attention. The reasons for the proliferation of Anglican hymnody are varied and complex, reflecting broader trends and interests in liturgy and church history, but among them is the influence of Methodism. Despite the more entrenched separation, there remained much interest in Methodism among Anglicans, including recognition that Methodism’s prolific use of hymnody was a key factor in its evangelical method and numerical successes. Temperley cites William Vincent’s view that ‘for one who has been drawn from the Established Church by preaching, ten have been induced by music’ (1790, cited in Temperley, 2006b, p. 213), and goes on to note several efforts by prominent clergymen, including Beilby Porteus, Bishop of London, to promote congregational hymnody in Anglican worship. Anglican evangelicals, some of whom also participated in Methodist societies, were among those who first sought to give hymnody a more prominent position in Church of England liturgies: ‘For them the contrast between the vigor of the Methodist society meetings and the often noted dryness of the parish liturgy could not be ignored any longer. Hymns, in their opinion, would not only alleviate the deficiencies of metrical psalms but would enliven the liturgy’ (McCort, 1998, p. 50). Though it was not used as extensively as in Methodist meetings, congregational song had not been absent from Anglican liturgy; the singing of metrical psalms before and after the sermon was commonplace, while Temperley notes that some parish churches had an unbroken tradition of singing a hymn during the distribution of communion, which had its roots in the Sarum rite (Temperley, 1979).10 Metrical psalmody, which had been strongly influenced by continental practices, relied upon Sternhold and Hopkins’ The Whole Booke of Psalmes (1562) and Tate and Brady’s A New Version of the Psalms of David, Fitted to the Tunes Used in Churches (1696), while the publications of Henry Playford, including The Divine Companion (1701), which contained several hymns, were also important (Temperley 2006b). In the nineteenth century, Christian Psalmody (1833) compiled by Edward Bickersteth, a prominent clergyman and founder member of the Evangelical Alliance, was popular among evangelicals; despite its title, it contained many hymns among its seven hundred items.11 The other major influence on Anglican hymnody in the middle part of the nineteenth century was Tractarianism, and

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especially the work of John Mason Neale and Thomas Helmore in promoting the revival of ancient hymns through translations of texts and editing of plainsong melodies respectively. However, the most significant development, and that which directly influenced Methodism most profoundly, was the publication of Hymns Ancient and Modern (Monk, 1860), and its subsequent enlargement in 1868 and second edition in 1875, itself supplemented in 1889. Its editors sought to avoid it being a partisan book and drew on the various recent developments in Anglican hymnody: ‘This book, it has been said, was remarkable for its eclecticism, bringing together examples of plainsong, metrical psalmody, chorale and old church-tune. To this mixture were added new tunes of a distinguished type by such “modern” composers as J.B. Dykes, F.A. Gore Ouseley, and W.H. Monk’ (Gray, 2005, p. 6). Its impact was both wide ranging and long lasting; successive editions have been widely used throughout the Church of England and each new version has a strong sense of belonging to a rich heritage. Its early sales were phenomenal, numbering over four and a half million copies by 1868, and it was widely used by Anglicans throughout the Anglophone world. The Ancient and Modern series exerted a clear influence on the three substantial hymnals of late nineteenth-century Methodism: the Wesleyans’ supplement to the 1780 Collection (1877), the Primitive Methodist Hymnal (1889), and The United Methodist Free Church Hymnal (1889). Even though the latter two publications had moved on from the earlier trend of supplementing the 1780 Collection with material specific to that particular Methodist group, Wesley’s definitive work remained the strongest influence on them, meaning that all branches of Methodism still shared a common core of hymnody. Table 2.1 shows its influence clearly, and also reveals a strong correlation between the hymns in its supplement and the two later hymnals. In the absence of written records on the compilation and editorial processes, establishing the precise degree of influence of one hymnal on another is impossible; however, the success that Ancient and Modern enjoyed and the level Table 2.1 Influence of the 1780 Collection and supplement on The Primitive Methodist Hymnal and United Methodist Free Church Hymnal Primitive Methodist Hymnal (1889)

United Methodist Free Church Hymnal (1889)

Number

% of destination

Number

% of source

% of destination

% of source

Hymns from 1780

205

38

19.5

271

50.3

27.6

Hymns from 1877 Supplement to 1780

183

37.6

17.4

166

34.1

16.9

Total

388

37.8

36.9

437

42.6

44.5

n/a

59

Hymns from 1889 Supplement to A&M 1875

Total

12.5

n/a

12.5

12.1

n/a

12.1

119

26

93

15.3

8.5

19.7

11.3 (17.9)

2.5 (3.9)

8.8 (14)

% of destination†

109

34

75

Number*

14

11.1

15.9

% of source

†Bracketed figures in these columns indicate the percentage of the destination excluding material found in the 1780 Collection and its 1877 supplement.

11.1 (20.8)

3.5 (7.1)

7.6 (13.7)

% of destination†

United Methodist Free Church Hymnal (1889)

* Figures in these columns exclude hymns found in the 1780 Collection and its 1877 supplement on the assumption that these would have been regarded as more significant sources than Hymns Ancient and Modern by other Methodist compilers.

59

Hymns from A&M 1875

% of source

Number*

% of destination

Number

% of source

Primitive Methodist Hymnal (1889)

Supplement to 1780 Collection (1877)

Table 2.2 Influence of Hymns Ancient and Modern (1875, supplement 1889) on Methodist hymnals in the late nineteenth century

An ecumenical hymnody

47

of correlation between its revised and enlarged edition (Monk, 1875) and the Methodist hymnals published soon after give a strong suggestion that the compilers of the latter were influenced by it, as shown in Table 2.2. Even if direct influence cannot be proven, these figures show a noticeable degree of correlation between Ancient and Modern and Methodist hymnals, especially among the hymns in the latter that were not taken from earlier Methodist sources. Some firm evidence of Ancient and Modern’s influence can be found among the copyright acknowledgements in the various Methodist hymnals. Concerning texts, the preface to Wesley’s Hymns with Supplement lists the Rev. Sir H.W. Baker among those who have granted permission for hymns to be included, while the list of obligations in the ‘Preface to the Edition with Tunes’ also includes ‘the late Rev. Sir Henry W. Baker, Bart., and the Proprietors of “Hymns Ancient and Modern”’ (Wesleyan Conference, 1877, p. vii). The Primitive Methodist Hymnal is helpfully more specific; as well as simply listing the proprietors of Ancient and Modern among the copyright holders of texts in its general preface, the list concerning copyright holders of tunes has the names of twenty-nine tunes after the acknowledgement of ‘the proprietors of Hymns Ancient and Modern, through the Rev. W. Pulling’ (Booth, 1889, p. vii). Baker and the proprietors are also acknowledged in Methodist Free Church Hymns, though only five specific tunes are listed. More generally, these lists contain the names of many Anglican clergymen and musicians, variously including J.M. Neale, J.B. Dykes, E. Bickersteth, and others representing a wide cross section of churchmanship and theology. Thus it is clear that while Charles Wesley remained the dominant author in Methodist hymnals, Methodists now had direct access to a broader range of hymnody, including a significant corpus of recently published material from Anglican sources. Texts included translations of ancient Christian hymns by authors such as St Ambrose, St John of Damascus, and St Bernard of Clairvaux, variously translated by J.M. Neale, E. Caswall, and others such as John Chandler. These were hymns that had been introduced to the Church of England within the previous few decades and had clearly gained sufficient familiarity to warrant their dissemination among Methodists. While the Oxford Movement was central in introducing these hymns to English-speaking congregations, Ancient and Modern’s broad approach was crucial to the wider success of these hymns. It placed these translations alongside the work of Isaac Watts, Charles Wesley, and other writers from non-conformist or evangelical backgrounds, including translations of German reformation hymns by Frances Elizabeth Cox and Catherine Winkworth. Watson argues that ‘In its structure it re-connected the singing of hymns to the Book of Common Prayer. In this way it could be said that the Oxford Movement, and the ideas of the beauty of holiness that it fostered in architecture and ritual, permanently affected the course of English hymnody’ (Watson, n.d.c). The breadth of Ancient and Modern is important in understanding its impact on Methodism; avowedly Anglo-Catholic sources such as The Hymnal Noted (Neale, 1851) struck a deliberately partisan note in their advocacy of ancient

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An ecumenical hymnody

hymnody, deploring more recent trends in congregational hymnody, among which Methodism’s contribution would surely have been counted. Ancient and Modern’s ability to mediate these hymns is the significant factor here; as well as its own immediate influence on Methodism it brought a wide range of historical and contemporary traditions of hymnody to the repertoire of the various branches of Methodism. Musically, the Victorian hymn tune so characteristic of Ancient and Modern was also widely adopted in Methodism. Compositions by J.B. Dykes, E.J. Hopkins, Arthur Sullivan, H.J. Gauntlett, and others are set to a wide variety of texts, including established Methodist hymns as well as those newly introduced from Ancient and Modern. The role of musical editors is important here, and further highlights ecumenical influences. The musical editing of the Wesleyans’ 1877 collection, which included altering the set tunes of many items in its first part as well as the supplement, was undertaken by three prominent church musicians, H.J. Gauntlett, variously organist of Congregational and Anglican churches in London, George Cooper, Assistant Organist at St Paul’s Cathedral, and E.J. Hopkins, organist of the Temple Church among other roles. The selection of tunes, however, rested with a specially appointed committee, and the ‘Preface to the Edition with Tunes’ explicitly states that ‘In acknowledging the very important influence exercised on the work by Mr. Hopkins, it is due to him to state that he is not responsible for the selection of tunes or their appropriation to the hymns’ (Wesleyan Conference, 1877, p. [vi]).12 The Primitive Methodists’ musical editor was the noted choir trainer and conductor Henry Coward, but they too appointed a committee to select tunes, although ‘These, together with a large number of original tunes, were placed in the hands of the Editor for final selection’ (Booth, 1889, p. [v]). The United Methodist Free Churches used W. Battison Haynes, Professor of Music at the Royal Academy and organist at the Chapel Royal, Savoy, who also provided eight original tunes for the hymnal (Ellis, 2007, p. 4). In this case too, the preface indicates that the choice of tunes was made by a committee, the members of which are named. That Methodism turned to these editors, largely prominent figures in Anglican church music, rather than drawing from within the denomination suggests a high regard for the musical capabilities of these men and the tradition they represented. Dykes’ tune HOLLINGSIDE is paired with Charles Wesley’s ‘Jesu, Lover of my soul’ in both the Wesleyan and Primitive hymnals, having first been associated with it in the 1861 edition of Ancient and Modern. It is characteristic of a type of tune that embraced new harmonic models in a marked departure from earlier practice; harmonic progression was no longer a mere subsidiary to the melodic profile of a hymn tune, but a full partner that contributed much to musical idiom by heightening its emotional impact. Melodically, HOLLINGSIDE is fairly simple and the opening harmony is similarly straightforward. However, when the opening melodic phrase is repeated in lines three and seven, Dykes supplies an affecting reharmonisation that increases tension before resolving it in lines four and eight, as befits the text (Musical Example 2.3).

An ecumenical hymnody



     
  

  

      





  
     

  


       

      

 

  

         
         





       
        

  



         

   





        



    

 

 

        







   

49

     

 

    

              







       

   

     

  



  

    









    

      

         

   



    

       

   





   





Musical example 2.3 J.B. Dykes, HOLLINGSIDE

Given the background of the musical editors and the widespread success of Ancient and Modern, it is unsurprising that the Methodist hymnals of the late nineteenth century reflected contemporary taste. At least two of the editors, Gauntlett and Hopkins, were widely-published composers of hymn tunes in their own right. Thus while Methodism formally pursued an existence much more separated from the Church of England than had been the case in the eighteenth century, by the end of the nineteenth century, the musical repertoire of its official hymnals bore the strong imprint of Anglicanism. The widespread use of Victorian tunes in these Methodist hymnals, sometimes supplanting earlier melodies associated with particular texts, is a prominent aspect of Methodist hymnody’s ecumenical encounter with Anglican

50

An ecumenical hymnody

hymnody in this period. It is a lasting legacy too, for it was in this period that the individual association between text and tune became increasingly prominent, resulting in many pairings that have proved virtually inseparable in subsequent hymnals.13 The Methodist Hymn Book (1904), itself an ecumenical collaboration within Methodism, was published in the same year as the next edition of Ancient and Modern. Following the earlier hymnals, the musical editor was once again an Anglican organist, now of an even higher calibre than his predecessors: Sir Frederick Bridge, organist of Westminster Abbey and King Edward Professor of Music, University of London. The ‘Preface to the Edition with Tunes’ gives a detailed account of the workings of the Tune-Book Committee and the editor’s role, as established at the outset of the project: The following instruction indicates the principles concerning the production of the volume: The selection of tunes to be included shall, in the first instance, be made by the Committee, the tunes chosen being submitted to the Editor for criticism or alternative suggestion; the final decision, however, will rest with the Committee. For the harmonies and musical interpretation generally the Editor will be responsible. (Wesleyan Conference, 1904, p. viii) It goes on to pay tribute to Bridge’s work in effusive terms: To its Musical Editor the Committee would express its deep sense of obligation. Sir Frederick Bridge has cheerfully placed his extensive knowledge of Church Psalmody at the service of the Committee; he has entered with sympathy into the spirit of Methodist hymnology and worship, giving special attention to the Wesley hymns; and in all the work he has shown the liveliest interest. (Wesleyan Conference, 1904, p. ix) However, specific mention is made of a selection of ‘Old Methodist Tunes’ included as an appendix, due to a revival of interest, with the clear statement that ‘For these [the Committee] must assume entire responsibility, though in connexion with them Sir Frederick Bridge has offered valuable suggestions’ (1904, p. ix). Lest there might be a suggestion that too much influence was exerted by a non-Methodist musician, the preface goes on to record that The Committee is indebted to organists and choirmasters of our own Church in all parts of the country, and to other students of sacred music, including many of the most distinguished musicians of the day, for valuable suggestions and assistance, which have in various ways lightened the anxieties of a difficult task. (Wesleyan Conference, 1904, p. ix)

An ecumenical hymnody

51

The influence of Ancient and Modern (1875) with its 1889 supplement can again be seen in this volume. Of the 208 hymns that had not appeared in any of the three major late nineteenth-century Methodist hymnals, fifty-two are included in Ancient and Modern, representing 5.3 per cent of the collection as a whole and exactly a quarter of the material not drawn from the book’s immediate Methodist predecessors. The decision to include a selection of ‘Old Methodist Tunes’ as an appendix is revealing in terms of attitudes and musical preferences; the committee’s acceptance of full responsibility for these serves to distance Bridge from them, perhaps suggesting that they were not to his musical taste. Furthermore, placing them in an appendix rather than the main body of the hymnal may be indicative of Bridge’s influence and also that other types of tune, including those of the Victorian era, were thought more suitable or aesthetically appealing by the committee. The eight composers whose tunes are used most widely in the book all wrote in a musical idiom that was recognisably Victorian: Barnby, Bridge, Dykes, Gauntlett, Mann, Smart, Stainer, and Sullivan. This shows a continuation of the trend observed in the late nineteenth-century hymnals for a repertoire of text and music that increasingly drew on hymnody popularised in the Church of England to supplement Methodism’s eighteenthcentury heritage. The Methodist Hymn Book (1933) departed from its predecessors by not having a designated musical editor. Once again, a committee had been appointed to decide on suitable tunes for inclusion and, as the work neared completion, ‘the Committee invited as its Musical Adviser Dr. Maurice L. Wostenholm, whose musical ability, intimate acquaintance with Methodist Psalmody and sympathy with its spirit peculiarly fitted him for the position’ (Methodist Church, 1933, p. xiii). At this time, he was organist at Birmingham Methodist Central Hall; ill health forced his retirement in 1931–1932 (Watson and Trickett, 1988, pp. 563–4). Dr George F. Brockless, then organist of St Barnabas, Kensington, but later organist at Methodist Central Hall, Westminster, succeeded him as Musical Advisor, the committee noting that he ‘likewise has had wide experience of Methodist service’ (Methodist Church, 1933, p. xiii; Watson and Trickett, 1988, p. 509). Both men contributed original tunes to the collection. In terms of content, the 1933 hymnal was dominated by Wesleyan hymns; the other uniting bodies had a smaller representation (Pratt, 2004, pp. 49–52). In terms of the hymn texts it includes, Pratt argues that the volume is essentially Victorian, with tension in some sections between these older values and the legacy of the First World War (2004, pp. 55–62). Musically speaking, the legacy of the Victorian era is also strong. The Victorian composers whose work featured prominently in the 1904 hymnal are also among the best represented in this later book; in having musical advisors who were both less prolific and of more modest musical stature than many of their predecessors, there may have been an inclination to look back for musical inspiration. Young notes the influence of the English Hymnal (1906) on the selection of tunes (2010, p. 105); under the musical editorship of Ralph Vaughan Williams, it was notable for the inclusion of a substantial number of hymns set to plainsong melodies and used far fewer Victorian tunes than Ancient

52

An ecumenical hymnody

and Modern. Its influence on the 1933 Methodist Hymn Book may be discerned in two comments in the ‘Preface to the Edition with Tunes’: [The committee] has gladly availed itself also of the rich store of tunes of somewhat different idiom, by eminent modern composers, written specifically for congregational use, which have a special attraction for the younger generation. For the same reason it has included several modal melodies based on the old ecclesiastical scales… (Methodist Church, 1933, p. xii) Hymns and Psalms (1983) and Singing the Faith (2011) both include numerous texts and tunes that indicate the enduring legacy of Ancient and Modern and Victorian Anglican hymnody more broadly on Methodism. Though successively reduced in number, this merely reflects a broader trend of replacing a portion of older hymns with newer material, which is a fundamental part of the rationale for a new hymnal. The retention of many hymns from this era reflects their widespread and enduring popularity; hymns such as ‘Praise, my soul, the King of Heaven’, set to John Goss’ eponymous tune, or Heber’s ‘Holy, holy, holy’ set to Dykes’ NICAEA, among many others, are now firmly established as a core part of Methodism’s hymnody and could no more easily be removed than classic texts by Charles Wesley and their familiar musical settings. What began as an ecumenical encounter, and may well have been consciously recognised as such by late nineteenth-century Methodists, has now become part of Methodism’s own tradition. Unlike the earlier encounter with the Moravians, the longevity of this encounter is demonstrated in terms of repertoire. There may have been a degree of inevitability about this encounter; as the Church of England, larger than Methodism and with a rich history of involving professional, high-calibre musicians in its life, embraced congregational hymnody wholesale in the nineteenth century, its industrious production and dissemination of texts, tunes and hymnals is unsurprising. The impact of such forceful developments could scarcely have been avoided within Methodism, and its legacy is testament to the broader significance of this period in the history of English-language hymnody.

Worship songs: Methodism and the Charismatic Movement Authorised Methodist hymnals from Wesley’s 1780 Collection to Hymns and Psalms are heavily dominated by content that, though stylistically varied, is essentially generically uniform. Whether a text by Charles Wesley set to a German melody in the eighteenth century, a Victorian text and tune originating in Ancient and Modern, or a twentieth-century combination such as Hugh Sherlock’s ‘Lord, thy church on earth is seeking’ set to Cyril V. Taylor’s ABBOT’S LEIGH, the basic textual and musical structures and mode of performance recognisably fall into the category of traditional hymnody. In part, Singing the Faith continues this pattern, with many items of this type, both old and new. However, it also contains a substantial body of material of a different genre, commonly referred

An ecumenical hymnody

53

to as the worship song, which is most usually associated with and representative of evangelical and charismatic Christianity. This material accounts for approximately one-fifth of the items in the hymnal.14 Ward articulates the difference between these genres in terms of their primary purposes: Hymns were used to create a group feeling and bond a congregation together… Hymns are also important in worship because they signal points of transition… As well as having a liturgical function, hymns have also been seen as important in the theological education of the worshipper… Charismatic worship songs function in worship in an altogether different manner to hymns or the older style of spiritual song. The charismatic worship song is not primarily a means to teach doctrine. Neither is it a way to create a flow or to punctuate worship. While singing in charismatic worship may generate a feeling of togetherness, the songs are not primarily meant as a means to generate this feeling. The contemporary worship song occupies a particular space in charismatic spirituality: it is the means to a personal encounter with God. (Ward, 2005, pp. 198–9) While Singing the Faith is the first authorised Methodist hymnal to include material of this type, this merely reflects recognition of an ecumenical encounter that had been established and developed over several decades. Non-denominational hymnals such as the Songs of Fellowship and Mission Praise series, in which worship songs have always been highly represented, have been widely used in Methodism since the 1980s, either to supplement or replace the authorised hymnal. That worship songs appeared in an authorised hymnal only after the genre had become familiar to many Methodists highlights another important difference between Methodism’s traditional model of hymnody and that of the charismatic movement. Authorised hymnals, as discussed in Chapter 1, are the result of a lengthy process of scrutiny, revision, and refinement, and are intended to last for a generation. Worship songs, meanwhile, tend to be more transitory; Ward refers to Gunstone, an early commentator on charismatic worship, summarising that ‘So quickly do songs come into fashion and out again that worship groups and congregations have a repertoire which changes every year’ (2005, p. 170). He argues that this reflects the ways in which worship songs are disseminated: ‘A media generated and transmitted religious culture is one that is affected by the pace of change and communication, which is characteristic of contemporary culture’ (2005, p. 171). Hymns and Songs, the 1969 supplement to the Methodist Hymn Book (1933) was indicative of early developments in this direction; its compilers noted that ‘The book is published at a time when lively discussions on hymnody are going on within the churches, and a great many items of an experimental nature are being written for Christians to sing… For this reason a section entitled Songs has been included. This contains a representative selection of words and music which can be used in worship, but which are not immediately identifiable as

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An ecumenical hymnody

hymns’ (Methodist Church, 1969, p. [v]). No explanation is given of the basis on which the distinction between hymns and songs was made. Several of the twenty-five songs reflect a folk-like idiom, typified in the work of Sydney Carter, while others are in a style popularised by the Youth Praise song book (Baughen, 1966), which tended towards superficiality, leading Ward to comment that ‘The musical style of these songs is in tension with what could be seen as the gravity of the encounter with Jesus, the Son of God’ (2005, pp. 122–3). Tellingly, only six of the twenty-five songs in Hymns and Songs were retained in Methodism’s next authorised hymnal, Hymns and Psalms. The worship song genre represented in Singing the Faith differs markedly from these early experiments in terms of textual and musical characteristics, and modes of transmission and participation. Essentially, in contrast to stanza-based hymns in which the congregation is accompanied by a keyboard instrument, they usually have a verse-refrain structure and are intended to be led by a worship band, including lead singers, with whom the congregation is invited to join in. The copyright dates of the worship songs in Singing the Faith provide some insight into the uptake of this genre in Methodism. Table 2.3 shows these dates by decade. It is important to recognise that some aspects of this data reflect the broader development of the genre; as already noted, it thrives on new repertoire regularly being introduced, so the volume of material copyrighted in the decade before the publication of Singing the Faith is unsurprising. Furthermore, while Ward traces the origins of the genre to the 1960s, the style and emphasis of much of the early material has subsequently fallen out of favour, so the small amount of material from these decades is also predictable. However, the very similar number of songs from the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s points to some interesting aspects of Methodism’s adoption of worship songs and some similarities and contrasts between the denomination and the charismatic movement in which the genre originates. To some extent, Methodism appears to have kept pace with new repertoire of this type. Songs are typically disseminated through live festivals and commercial recordings, and some festivals publish annual songbooks, allowing material to Table 2.3 Copyright dates of worship songs in Singing the Faith Decade

Number of worship songs

Percentage of total number of worship songs (162)

1960s

5

3.1

1970s

13

8.0

1980s

40

24.7

1990s

48

29.6

2000s

41

25.3

No date recorded

15

9.3

An ecumenical hymnody

55

be quickly taken up by local churches. New editions of larger collections such as Songs of Fellowship appear every few years, containing a substantial selection of recent material. The inclusion of twenty-first-century material in Singing the Faith indicates that some of the more recent charismatic repertoire had become known in Methodism, although the inclusion of material from near the end of the decade inevitably involved a degree of speculation regarding popularity. Despite this, the roughly equal numbers of items from the previous two decades suggests that newer material is being added alongside older worship songs rather than supplanting them. Material from the 1980s, in particular songs from Graham Kendrick’s Make Way Music label, gained widespread popularity and has been widely used in churches ever since. This is partly explained by their origins; many of the songs were written for outdoor marches of Christian witness and therefore have strident melodies and rhythms that promote participation and assist their memorability. They transfer easily to use in church buildings and can be accompanied effectively by a single keyboard instrument, although other instruments are often used too. By contrast, more recent worship songs, conceived for performance on a festival stage, arguably require considerable familiarity with the style, access to an instrumental line-up including lead guitar, bass guitar, keyboard, and drum kit, and one or more lead singers to be communicated effectively. While some Methodist congregations have such musical resources and experience available to them, many others do not; the latter therefore are more likely to re-use the earlier type of worship song rather than continually introduce new material. The presence of so many worship songs in an authorised Methodist hymnal and the resulting greater generic variety raises interesting questions about the musical content of Methodist hymnody. From the perspective of Methodism’s ecumenical encounter with charismatic worship songs a number of scenarios are possible. Those congregations with prior access to hymnals such as Mission Praise or Songs of Fellowship had already embraced this encounter, and may therefore have been little affected by the inclusion of such songs in Singing the Faith. For congregations less familiar with the genre prior to Singing the Faith, the hymnal may have widened the impact of this ecumenical encounter, but for some congregations, perhaps lacking suitable musical resources, or otherwise resistant to worship songs, the effect of the encounter may be perceived differently. Rather than opening new repertoire to these congregations, the inclusion of worship songs in Singing the Faith necessitated a reduction in the number of hymns compared with Hymns and Psalms, and may therefore have had the effect of reducing their corpus of hymnody. This ecumenical encounter has brought a particular tension with it. Many high-profile authors and composers of worship songs are affiliated to churches and organisations whose theology and doctrine is in the Calvinist tradition, with its strong emphasis on predestination. Methodism’s evangelical Arminianism, which emphasises that God’s redemptive grace is universally offered, stands in opposition to Calvinism. Songs with lyrics that reflect overtly Calvinist doctrine are therefore contrary to Methodism’s official doctrine and deemed unsuitable

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An ecumenical hymnody

for inclusion in an authorised Methodist hymnal. However, the widespread use of non-denominational hymnals within Methodism, coupled with the gap between the authorised hymnals of 1983 and 2011, a period of intense activity in worship song composition, meant that some widely popular songs were taken up by Methodist congregations despite their theological content being opposed to Methodist doctrine. Notable omissions on grounds of doctrine from Singing the Faith include Stuart Townend and Keith Getty’s songs ‘How deep the Father’s love for us’ and ‘O Church, arise’.15 These examples reveal much about popular attitudes to hymnody; both are characterised by strong, eminently congregational melodies that blend the characteristics of worship songs and traditional hymn tunes, and have powerful lyrics with vivid imagery. The combination of text and music espouse a confident Christianity with a distinctly modern feel. That these songs have been used within Methodism suggests that these elements are, for some people at least, more prominent considerations than theological content. The content of Singing the Faith and the continued prominence of nondenominational collections suggests that this ecumenical encounter has shaped and will continue to shape Methodist worship. It raises important questions about the liturgical patterns used within Methodism, considered in Chapter 6, as well as the understanding of hymnody and its place in constructing and articulating Methodist identity.

Summary While the first two of these three ecumenical encounters have proved to be lasting influences on Methodism’s hymnody, the effect of charismatic worship songs is more difficult to determine as this in an ongoing trend. Nonetheless, changes in the generation between Hymns and Psalms and Singing the Faith indicate that this is a genre that will continue to be part of Methodist worship for the foreseeable future; in a religious climate where non-denominational Christian festivals are flourishing and denominational membership is falling, many Methodists are bound to look outwards for musical inspiration for worship. The weight of these ecumenical encounters in terms of repertoire and practice has been and continues to be considerable. The impact of the first two is such that they are regarded as integral to Methodist hymnody; AMSTERDAM is very much a ‘traditional’ Methodist tune, firmly wedded to particular texts by Charles Wesley, while hymns that originated in nineteenth-century Anglicanism continue to be well represented in Methodist hymnals. For an increasing number of Methodist congregations, worship songs have come to be thought of in the same way. Although hymnody has been crucial in forging Methodism’s identity both formally and informally, and specific hymns have played a prominent part in the religious experiences of countless Methodists, the corpus of hymns and songs sung by the Methodist people from the eighteenth century through to the present has never been restricted to words and music emerging from within the denomination. Rather, repertoires and practices from other Christian

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traditions have been borrowed, adapted, and incorporated into Methodism’s hymnody in such a way that the peculiar affinity between Methodist worship and congregational singing has been preserved intact over nearly three centuries.

Notes 1 The terminology associated with this repertoire is contentious; while the term worship song is widely used to denote difference in style and structure from traditional stanzaform hymns, the boundaries between the two are highly subjective. 2 One of these, LEIPSICK, appears twice. 3 Watson describes Jacobi’s second collection as ‘an interesting indicator of an 18thcentury interest in German hymnody, following Lyra Davidica (1708), and preceding the Moravian books of the 1730s and 1740s, and the translations of John Wesley’ (n.d.b). 4 The numerical pattern simply lists the syllables in each line, with no indication of stress patterns. The principal named metres are Short Metre (SM) = 6.6.8.6; Common Metre (CM) = 8.6.8.6; and Long Metre (LM) = 8.8.8.8. Double forms are eight lines long, repeating the four-line patterns (DSM, DCM, and DLM, respectively). See Temperley (n.d.a). 5 Among the most familiar of Wesley’s hymns in these metres are ‘Rejoice, the Lord is King’, ‘Let earth and heaven combine’, ‘Let earth and heaven agree’, ‘Thou God of truth and love’ (all 6.6.6.88), ‘Jesu, lover of my soul’, ‘Come, and let us sweetly join...’ (7.7.7.7.D), ‘Where shall my wondering soul begin’ and ‘And can it be...’ (88.88.88.). He was most prolific in this last metre (Baker, 1964, p. 70). 6 It remains in current use in Methodism, appearing twice in Singing the Faith. 7 It was renamed SAVANNAH in Wesley’s later collections, following the example of Butts ([1754]); this name is still associated with it in modern hymnals, including Hymns and Psalms. 8 On the influence of Freylinghausen’s work, see Young (1995, pp. 22, 58–59). 9 For a detailed discussion of the linguistic challenge of translating hymns, see Wells and Watson (n.d.). Wells notes a number of linguistic problems in Wesley’s translation of Paul Gerhardt’s ‘Befiehl du deine Wege’ as ‘Commit thou all thy griefs’. 10 Temperley also notes that ‘The other area in which the sacramental hymn was preserved was in the Methodist revival, which began as a strict high-church movement within the Church of England’ (Temperley, 1979, p. 97). 11 An enlarged second edition, containing more than nine hundred items, was issued in 1841. For a discussion of the volume’s significance in advocating hymnody among evangelicals, see Clarke (2012). 12 It is further noted that while some harmonies have been ‘carefully revised’, some have been left unaltered ‘on the ground of their general use’ (1877, p. [vi]). 13 This is reflected in the more conspicuous presence of information on composers of tunes at this time; Temperley notes that ‘In the 19th century the increasing attention to the composer as part of the complete “entity” of the hymn is marked by the inclusion of indexes of composers or tune names, sometimes (as in some early printings of A&M) even taking precedence over the authors of the words’ (n.d.b). 14 Categorisation of hymns and songs is inevitably subjective; my own survey classed 162 items as songs out of the 790 items with musical settings, representing 20.5 per cent. Items specifically intended for children and items from non-western traditions were not counted, although many of them are generically closer to worship songs than hymns. 15 While it is difficult to accurately measure their popularity within Methodism, on the basis of their familiarity both were considered for inclusion in Singing the Faith and subsequently rejected. For lyrics, see Townend (n.d.a; n.d.b).

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Bibliography Andrews, J.S. (n.d.) ‘John Wesley as translator’ in ‘John Wesley’, The Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology [Online]. Available at http://www.hymnology.co.uk/j/john-wesley (Accessed 30 August 2016). Baker, F. (1964) Charles Wesley’s Verse: An Introduction, London: Epworth Press. Baughen, M.A. ed. (1966) Youth Praise: A New Collection of Christian Hymns, Songs, Choruses and Spirituals, London: Falcon Books. Bickersteth, E. (1833) Christian Psalmody: A Collection of Above 700 Psalms, Hymns and Spiritual Songs: Selected and Arranged for Public, Social, Family and Private Worship, London: L.B. Seeley & Sons. Booth, G. ed. (1889) Primitive Methodist Hymnal with Accompanying Tunes, London: Edwin Dalton. Butts, Thomas ([1754]) Harmonia-Sacra, or A Choice Collection of Psalm and Hymn Tunes, London: Thomas Butts. Chapman, D.M. (2006) Born in Song: Methodist Worship in Britain, Warrington: Church in the Market Place Publications. Clarke, M.V. (2012) ‘“Meet and Right it is to Sing”: Nineteenth-Century Hymnals and the Reasons for Singing’, in Clarke, M.V. (ed.) Music and Theology in Nineteenth-century Britain, Farnham: Ashgate, pp. 21–36. Ellis, M. ed. (2007) ‘Preface’, By Babylon’s Stream: Organ Music of the English Romantic School, London: Stainer and Bell. Gray, D. (2005) ‘The Birth and Background of The English Hymnal’, in Luff, A. (ed.) Strengthen for Service: 100 Years of The English Hymnal 1906–2006, Norwich: Canterbury Press. Hempton, D. (2005) Methodism: Empire of the Spirit, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Jacobi, J.C. (1720) A Collection of Divine Hymns, Translated from the High Dutch, London: J. Young, W. Smith, and M. Nutt. Jacobi, J.C. (1722) Psalmodia Germanica; or a Specimen of Divine Hymns, Translated from the High Dutch. Together with their Proper Tunes and Thorough Bass, London: J. Young, M. Smith, and W. Smith. Kroeger, K. and Reed Knouse. N. (n.d.) ‘Moravian Church’, Grove Music Online [Online], Oxford: Oxford University Press. Available at http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com. libezproxy.open.ac.uk/subscriber/article/grove/music/A2250274 (accessed 30 August 2016). Leaver, R.A. (n.d.) ‘Chorale’, The Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology [Online]. Available at http://www.hymnology.co.uk/c/chorale (Accessed 30 August 2016). McCort, T.K. (1998) The Matter and Manner of Praise: The Controversial Evolution of Hymnody in the Church of England 1760–1820, Lanham, MD: The Scarecrow Press. Methodist Church (1933) The Methodist Hymn Book with Tunes, London: Methodist Conference Office. Methodist Church (1969) Hymns and Songs, London: Methodist Publishing House. Monk, W.H. ed. (1860) Hymns Ancient and Modern, London: Novello. Monk, W.H. ed. (1875) Hymns Ancient and Modern: Revised and Enlarged Edition, London: W. Clowes and Sons. Neale, J.M. and (1851) The Hymnal Noted, London: Novello. Playford, H. ed. (1701) The Divine Companion: Being a Collection of New and Easie Hymns and Anthems, London: William Pearson.

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Pratt, A. (2004) O for a Thousand Tongues: The 1933 Methodist Hymn Book in Context, Peterborough: Epworth. Rack, H. (2002) Reasonable Enthusiast: John Wesley and the Rise of Methodism, London: Epworth Press. Reed Knouse. N. (n.d.) ‘Moravians, music of the’, Grove Music Online [Online], Oxford: Oxford University Press. Available at http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com. libezproxy.open.ac.uk/subscriber/article/grove/music/19095, (Accessed 30 August 2016). Sternold, T. and Hopkins, I. eds (1562) The Whole Booke of Psalmes, Collected into Englysh Metre, London: John Day. Tate, N. and Brady, N. (1696) A New Version of the Psalms of David, Fitted to the Tunes Used in Churches, London: M. Clark for the Company of Stationers. Temperley, N. (1979) ‘The Anglican Communion Hymn: 2. The Communion Hymn: A Continuous Tradition’, The Hymn, vol. 30, pp. 93–101. Temperley, N. (2006a) The Hymn Tune Index [Online]. Available at http://hymntune. library.uiuc.edu/default.asp (Accessed 30 August 2016). Temperley, N. (2006b) The Music of the English Parish Church, Volume 1, Second ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Temperley, N. (n.d.a.) ‘Meters (Metres) of hymns’, The Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology [Online]. Available at http://www.hymnology.co.uk/m/meters-(metres)-of-hymns (Accessed 31 August 2016). Temperley, N. (n.d.b) ‘Composers of hymn tunes’, The Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology [Online]. Available at http://www.hymnology.co.uk/c/composers-of-hymn-tunes (Accessed 30 August 2016). Towlson, C.W. (1957) Moravian and Methodist: Relationships and Influences in the Eighteenth Century, London: Epworth Press. Townend, S. (n.d.a) How Deep the Father’s Love for Us [Online]. Available at http://www. stuarttownend.co.uk/song/how-deep-the-fathers-love-for-us/ (Accessed 30 August 2016). Townend, S. (n.d.b) O Church, Arise [Online]. Available at http://www.stuarttownend. co.uk/song/o-church-arise/ (Accessed 30 August 2016). United Methodist Free Churches (1889) The United Methodist Free Church Hymnal, London: United Methodist Free Churches Book Room. Wallace Jr., C.I. (2010) ‘Wesley as revivalist/renewal leader’, in Maddox R.L. and Vickers J.E. (eds) The Cambridge Companion to John Wesley, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 81–97. Ward, P. (2005) Selling Worship: How What We sing Has Changed the Church, Milton Keynes: Paternoster Press. Watson, J.R. (n.d.a) ‘Hymns and Psalms’, The Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology [Online]. Available at http://www.hymnology.co.uk/h/hymns-and-psalms (Accessed 30 August 2016). Watson, J.R. (n.d.b) ‘Psalmodia Germanica’, The Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology [Online]. Available at http://www.hymnology.co.uk/p/psalmodia-germanica (Accessed 30 August 2016). Watson, J.R. (n.d.c) ‘Oxford Movement’, The Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology [Online]. Available at http://www.hymnology.co.uk/o/oxford-movement (Accessed 30 August 2016). Watson, R. and Trickett, K. eds (1988) Companion to Hymns and Psalms, Peterborough: Methodist Publishing House.

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Wells, M. and Watson, J.R. (n.d.) ‘Translation of hymns’, The Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology [Online]. Available at http://www.hymnology.co.uk/t/translation-ofhymns (Accessed 30 August 2016). Wesley, J. (1735–38 [1988]) The Works of John Wesley, Vol. 18: Journal and Diaries I: 1735–38, Ward, W.R. and Heitzenrater, R.P. (eds), Nashville, TN: Abingdon. Wesley, J. ed. (1742 [2011]) A Collection of Tunes, Set to Music, As They Are Commonly Sung at the Foundery, Kimbrough, Jr., S.T. and Young, C.R. (eds), Madison, NJ: Charles Wesley Society. Wesleyan Conference (1877) Wesley’s Hymns and New Supplement: Edition with Tunes, London: Wesleyan Conference Office. Wesleyan Conference (1904) The Methodist Hymn Book with Tunes, London: Wesleyan Conference Office. Young, C.R. (1995) Music of the Heart: John and Charles Wesley on Music and Musicians, An Anthology, Carol Stream, IL: Hope Publishing. Young, C.R. (2010) ‘The Musical Settings of Charles Wesley’s Hymns (1742 to 2008)’, in Temperley, N. and Banfield, S. (eds) Music and the Wesleys, Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, pp. 103–18.

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The Methodist Church of Great Britain’s statement on Methodist doctrine in its Constitutional Practice and Discipline makes clear that Methodism defines itself as an evangelical Christian denomination: The Methodist Church claims and cherishes its place in the Holy Catholic Church which is the Body of Christ. It rejoices in the inheritance of the apostolic faith and loyally accepts the fundamental principles of the historic creeds and of the Protestant Reformation. It ever remembers that in the providence of God Methodism was raised up to spread scriptural holiness through the land by the proclamation of the evangelical faith and declares its unfaltering resolve to be true to its divinely appointed mission. (Methodist Church, 2016, p. 213) Charles Wesley’s hymns are frequently cited as Methodism’s most characteristic expression of its evangelical doctrines, although this is but one aspect of their rich interpretation of scripture, theology, and Christian experience. The evangelical doctrines they espouse must be understood in the context of the hymns as texts for public use; that is, at least sometimes, as the means of evangelism as well a description of doctrinal characteristics and beliefs. This chapter, therefore, is not primarily concerned with the evangelical doctrinal expression found in the hymns of Methodism, but instead with their practical application. This is explored through three distinct case studies; first, John Wesley’s writings on the use of hymnody and music more broadly provide an instructive insight into the close connection between the hymns of early Methodism and the evangelical principles on which the movement was founded. Second, Primitive Methodism’s emergence as the second-largest Methodist group in the nineteenth century was, at least in part, characterised by its focus on evangelism and revival. Its thoroughgoing integration of hymn singing in its evangelistic practice is illustrated both through examination of its hymnals and accounts of its work at local level. Finally, British Methodism’s substantial engagement in overseas missionary work was a direct expression of its evangelical foundation. Hymnody played a significant part in this work, as an overview of missionary activity in the Caribbean reveals, and its legacy continues to affect contemporary expressions of Methodism around the world today.

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The legacy of Methodism’s missionary work has also had a profound impact on contemporary British Methodism. As the nature and underlying theology of engagement with the worldwide church has changed in the post-colonial era, so too have ideas about the relationships between the patterns, styles, and content of worship and the cultural values they reflect. Partly in response to its own increasing cultural and ethnic diversity, and partly in an attempt to engage in more reciprocal relations with international partner churches, British Methodism, like other denominations, has sought to embrace a small but growing corpus of hymnody that originates in other cultures. Following the three case studies, the chapter reflects on these developments in recent British Methodist hymnals. It then concludes with a brief examination of British Methodism’s attitudes towards children’s hymnody. This explores how hymns have been used to teach children the basic precepts of Christianity, and to encourage their participation in the life of the church.

John Wesley and the eighteenth century Music is among the many topics that John Wesley addresses in his writings, and, as is common throughout his writing and editing, he views the topic through a pragmatic lens, considering its usefulness in furthering the spiritual growth and discipline of the early Methodists. Though he is reported to have had some musical ability and was acquainted with several professional musicians, his writings sometimes exhibit musical inconsistencies and an uncertain grasp of contemporary musical scholarship. Nonetheless, they are of considerable value in understanding how Wesley saw music as an evangelical tool, and also allow for a careful assessment of the influence of his theoretical ideas and personal taste on the musical repertoire he authorised for use. Wesley’s writings on music are found in three principal sources: the famous ‘Directions for Singing’ (1761, p. [110]) appended to Select Hymns with Tunes Annext, the essay ‘Thoughts on the Power of Music’ in The Arminian Magazine (1781, pp. 103–7), and various shorter remarks recorded in the minutes of the annual Methodist Conference and in his own journal. Wesley’s ‘Directions for Singing’ is his first substantial piece of writing on music, and, as its title indicates, it focus is distinctly practical. Though Wesley provides brief explanatory comments on each direction, the essential point of each is clearly stated first:

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

That this part of Divine Worship may be the more acceptable to God, as well as the more profitable to yourself and others, be careful to observe the following directions. Learn these Tunes before you learn any others Sing them exactly as they are printed here, without altering or mending them at all Sing All Sing lustily and with good courage Sing modestly Sing in Time Above all sing spiritually

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Though none of the directions is explicit in setting out the evangelical possibilities of music, they nonetheless speak of a more general understanding of how music can strengthen and enliven faith (Clarke, 2009). The third direction illustrates this clearly, as Wesley continues ‘See that you join with the congregation as frequently as you can. Let not a slight degree of weakness or weariness hinder you. If it is a cross to you, take it up and you will find a blessing’ (1761, p. [110]). In using singing as a way to encourage regular attendance and active participation, Wesley tacitly emphasises its powerful effects and its central place in articulating Methodism’s fundamental beliefs. As the final direction shows, all things are subordinated to the worship of God, which is embodied through song. Wesley makes no distinction between attendance at an act of worship and participation in singing; attendance brings the expectation of singing, and through the experience of singing and attention to the content of the hymns, faith is learned, developed, and shared. The final sentence explaining the fourth direction also stresses the connection between singing and a robust faith: ‘Be no more afraid of your voice now, nor more ashamed of its being heard, than when you sung the songs of Satan’ (1761, p. [110]). That singing is identified as an activity common to the saved and unsaved is significant, as it shows that it is not the mere act of singing that is important, but the context in which it is undertaken. Lusty and courageous singing of suitable repertoire, that is, the hymns Wesley included in the very hymnal to which his words are appended, is as definitive a way of proclaiming religious conviction as singing ‘the songs of Satan’ is of demonstrating sinfulness through whatever iniquitous activities are associated with those songs. The type of confident singing Wesley advocates serves as a rebuttal of sinful action, simultaneously reminding the believer of their Christian duty and exhorting the unbeliever to repent. The next direction acts as a precaution against such enthusiastic singing becoming tainted by pride, once again underscoring the essential bond between the authentic, God-centred singing of hymns and the faith they express. The final direction makes clear the purity required in truly Christian singing: Have an eye to God in every word you sing. Aim at pleasing him more than yourself, or any other creature. In order to this attend strictly to the sense of what you sing, and see that your Heart is not carried away with the sound, but offered to God continually; so shall your singing be such as the Lord will approve of here, and reward when he cometh in the clouds of heaven. (Wesley, 1761, p. [110]) Wesley clearly believes that the proper use of singing, as should result from following these guidelines, will gain divine approval and reward. For Wesley, then, good musical practices and repertoire are not merely beneficial aesthetically or even organisationally, but manifest genuine Christian faith. Participating in such singing is therefore imperative for those who call themselves Methodist, and thus inherently evangelical as a means of bringing people to a true and lively faith.

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Wesley’s essay ‘Thoughts on the Power of Music’ is his sole attempt to engage with contemporary musical scholarship; in it, he enters into debates concerning ancient and modern music, the relationship between melody and harmony, and the affective power of music. In all of these, his ultimate concern remains the use of music in worship. Wesley admires the qualities of ancient Greek music, specifically its focus on melody, which he claims to have observed in folios shown to him by the music theorist Johann Christoph Pepusch. He is highly critical of counterpoint, but makes no clear distinction between this and the more general term harmony, both of which attract his disapproval: The ancient composers studied Melody alone; the due arrangement of single notes: and it was by Melody alone, that they wrought such wonderful effects. And as this Music was directly calculated to move the passions, so they designed it for this very end. But the modern composers study Harmony, which in the present sense of the word is quite another thing namely, a contrast of various Notes, opposite to, and yet blended with each other, wherein they, “Now high, now low, pursue the resonant fugue”. (Wesley, 1781, pp. 104–5) Wesley’s writing is broadly in keeping with general themes in contemporary music scholarship, but shows an inexact understanding of both technical terms and concepts. The themes he addresses are similar to those found in the work of other commentators, such as Rousseau, James Harris, and Charles Avison. Wesley’s journal for 22 October 1768 records that he had read Avison’s Essay on Musical Expression, and as early as 1748 he had met with Pepusch; beyond these encounters, however, the extent of his exposure to musical scholarship is unclear. As Wesley continues, he criticises modern composers for their lack of attention to arousing the passions through their music, arguing that instead they are focussed on providing music that is pleasant but superficial. His greatest criticism is reserved for contrapuntal text setting, especially within sacred music: ‘Let any impartial and unprejudiced person say whether there can be a more direct mockery of God’ (1781, p. 106). He goes on to conclude that where modern music has achieved similar effects to those ascribed to ancient music, it is when it has been melody-driven, such as in Scottish or Irish folk music, or in vocal solos. He concludes by advocating a return to the principles of ancient music: ‘if ever we should return to the simplicity and melody of the ancients, then the effects of our music will be as surprising as any that were wrought by theirs; yea, perhaps they will be as much greater as modern instruments are more excellent than those of the ancients’ (1781, p. 107). As with the ‘Directions for Singing’, the evangelical possibilities of music are not explicitly stated in this essay, but once again seem to lie behind Wesley’s arguments. Despite his somewhat confused understanding of ancient and modern music, it is clear that he believes firmly that music has significant affective properties, which certain styles of composition are best able to elicit. His digression from more general considerations into the specific problems of

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contrapuntal sacred choral music makes clear that he considers music’s role in the worship of God to be one of its most profound and significant functions. Although he comments on the negative effect of contrapuntal sacred choral music only in relation to God, his primary concern in the essay is to argue that melody-orientated music has a uniquely powerful ability to arouse human passions. Used in conjunction with texts on sacred subjects, melody-driven music will, by Wesley’s reckoning, direct human passions to the consideration of the divine; as such, it has obvious potential for evangelism and spiritual formation: ‘He found, as Luther and Watts had before him, that putting emotional words into the very mouths of the people was the most effective way of promulgating new religious principles’ (Temperley, 2010, p. 25). Wesley’s interest in musical expression and its connection with human passions is neither arbitrary nor detached; rather, it is influenced by his religious zeal, and seeks to enable the furtherance of his aims. The briefer references to music in Wesley’s published journal tend to be reactions to events he has witnessed or things he has read. His reaction to reading Avison’s essay was to make a connection between the ancient music and contemporary Methodist practice, and to summarise Avison’s argument that music’s primary purpose was to affect the passions, which could be achieved principally through melody. Here, the link between Methodist musical repertoire and its affective religious function emerges more overtly than in the later essay (Young, 1995, p. 84). Conference directions on music are of a pragmatic nature, advising preachers on suitable musical styles and condemning unsuitable practices, such as the singing of complex choral music by a small portion of the gathered community. In the minutes of the 1786 conference, he outlawed the use of anthems, ‘because they cannot “be properly called joint worship”’ (Wesley, 1786, cited in Young, 1995, p. 98). Participation by singing is again shown to be crucial to Wesley’s understanding of worship, and, by extension, the way in which the truths of Christianity could be shared, received, and internalised. While it is clear that Wesley’s writings on music were informed by his evangelical outlook, the reality of the relationship between his views and the repertoire he approved for use across the Methodist Connexion is complicated. Though the first two collections of music he oversaw were published in melodyonly format and the third, with the exception of some set-piece anthems, in a simple harmonised form, conforming to his advocacy of straightforward music for full participation, the actual selection of certain tunes counteracts this aim. Perhaps most extremely in the case of tunes by the opera composer John Frederick Lampe, discussed in Chapter 5, but also in other selections, Wesley’s preference for sophisticated art music can be regarded as an inhibiting factor. Temperley argues that Wesley’s personal musical preferences undermined the instruction ‘Sing All’ in the ‘Directions for Singing’: ‘He did not see that if he wanted to appeal to the poor, the unlettered, the laborers and the mill workers, sophisticated songs with graces like those of Handel, Lampe, or Arne were not going to do the trick’ (2010, p. 17). Temperley’s remarks highlight

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not only the cultural differences between Wesley and many of the members of the early Methodist Societies around the country, but also between some of those societies. Lampe’s own association with Methodism is an example of the movement’s association with London’s theatrical community in the 1740s, among whom the graceful style of music composed by Lampe and favoured by Wesley would surely have been more readily received. The seeds of tensions between centralised and localised practice and repertoire are found here in Wesley’s attempts to impose a uniform musical repertoire across eighteenthcentury Methodism. The variety of musical repertoire and practice that has characterised Methodism since Wesley’s time expresses both a narrow disjuncture with Wesley, in terms of popular repertoire, but also a more deeprooted continuity of his essential conviction of music’s evangelical effectiveness.

Primitive Methodism A desire for innovative and unconventional forms of evangelism lay at the heart of the foundation of the Primitive Methodist Connexion in 1810, exemplified by the Camp Meeting held at Mow Cop in 1807, which ultimately led to the separation from the Wesleyan Methodists. As with eighteenth-century Methodism, song played a central role in the activities of the newly-formed Connexion, but distinctive repertoire and practice emerged alongside some shared aspects. As with the other Methodist offshoots that emerged in the nineteenth century, there were not fundamental theological or doctrinal differences between the Primitives and Wesleyans. Instead, conflicting views about methods and practice, ecclesiastical structures and leadership, and the interpretation of Methodism’s eighteenthcentury heritage defined the difference between the two organisations. Although tensions undoubtedly existed between the two groups both officially and at a more localised level, there was a clear sense in which both acknowledged that they belonged to the same Methodist family, with reports of local events, such as a mission in Cranswick, Yorkshire in 1860, sometimes hinting at close collaboration: ‘One night twelve persons were converted at the Wesleyan chapel and eight at our own’ (Woodcock, 1889, p. 106). Examination of the prefaces to Primitive Methodist hymnals, in which its leaders underlined their appreciation of hymn singing as an evangelical tool, emphasises the denomination’s pragmatic concern for effective engagement with potential converts. The distinctive parts of Primitive Methodism’s repertoire of hymns convey a similar pragmatism in their very direct, uncomplicated language, in which deeper theological reflection is often sacrificed in favour of emotive imagery and persuasive rhetoric. Accounts of Primitive Methodist hymn singing in practice affirm the close connection between song and evangelism, creating a strong sense that hymnody was an assumed part of any Primitive Methodist activity. Hugh Bourne’s 1824 preface to A Collection of Hymns for Camp Meetings, Revivals &c. traces a brief history of open-air worship, establishing clear biblical precedents in both Old and New Testaments. Although setting religious

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practice in the context of the scriptures may seem an obvious thing for a religious organisation to do, its particular significance should not be overlooked here. The very practice of outdoor camp meetings was controversial even within Methodism, so by drawing parallels with the actions of Old Testament figures and the ministry of Jesus, Bourne makes a clear attempt to legitimise the practice in the context of early nineteenth-century religious life. They came into British Methodism through the influence of the American evangelist Lorenzo Dow, with whom Bourne was acquainted; the first Camp Meeting at Mow Cop was held in 1807. Bourne goes on to describe the success of camp meetings in America, noting that ‘It is believed that as many souls have been brought to God in America, by means of Camp Meetings, as by all other means put together’ (1848 p.ii). Thus he seeks to prove that not only is this practice an effective evangelical method, but also an authentic expression of worship. Furthermore, this effort at legitimising may be taken to extend to the contents of the hymnal, for its hymns are intended as a vital ingredient of the outdoor meetings and the effects they sought to achieve. After outlining the early history of the Camp Meeting in America and Britain, Bourne concludes his preface by commenting that ‘It is a striking coincidence, that the thought which led to these meetings should, without any communication, arise in two nations at nearly the same time’ (1848, p. ii). Although he does not speculate further on the cause of this coincidence, the context strongly suggests that the reader is supposed to infer that it was an act of divine providence, thus further validating the continuance of this practice, which the hymnal seeks to assist. Bourne covers similar themes, but at considerably greater length, in his Large Hymn Book, for the use of Primitive Methodists (1829), where he also adds guidance on the ordering of different types of services. Despite the variety of approaches for different services, hymn singing is a constant and prominent feature. Indeed, it is noteworthy that Bourne uses the hymnal preface to give general guidance on worship. Bourne was also active as a hymn-writer, and several of his texts are closely associated with camp meetings, including ‘Camp meetings with success are crowned’ and the better-known ‘Hark! The gospel news is sounding’, on which, as with many other hymns, he collaborated with William Sanders (Watson, n.d.a). In his extensive preface to The Primitive Methodist Hymn Book, compiler John Flesher sets out the volume’s evangelical credentials (1853). He does this first by explaining the sources of the hymns it contains. Notable among these is a set of scrapbooks maintained by his wife, in which she had pasted numerous hymns cut from the pages of British and American religious newspapers and periodicals (Flesher, 1853, p. iii). That this unusual source is described carefully and prominently on the first page of the preface indicates not only Flesher’s personal debt to his wife, but also implies that the hymns from her scrapbooks have a spiritual authenticity, having commended themselves to this devout Primitive Methodist lady. Before they are even printed in Flesher’s hymnal, they can claim to be hymns of Primitive Methodist experience, treasured and preserved.1 The Primitive Methodist Revival Hymn Book (Harland, 1861) drew on Bourne’s earlier work and, as its title indicates, followed in the same tradition of providing

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hymns specifically for evangelical activity. Its short preface, written by compiler William Harland, is more overt than either Bourne’s or Flesher’s in making the connection between hymn singing and evangelism. Harland begins by noting that ‘singing of praises to God … has been much blessed by the Holy Spirit to the enlightening of many benighted minds, [and] to the conviction, conversion, and sanctification of many more’ (1861, p. [iii]). He goes on to suggest that by omitting some of Primitive Methodism’s older hymns, Flesher’s hymnal was limited in its evangelical effectiveness. He offers this volume ‘to supply a lack [of hymns] for processionings, camp meetings, prayer meetings, &c’ (1861, p. [iii]). He concludes by expressing the hope that the use of these hymns from Primitive Methodism’s past will bring about effects at least as great once again, but sounds a note of caution that this result cannot be guaranteed. By the time of The Primitive Methodist Hymnal (Booth, 1889), the preface strongly indicates that it was compiled with the needs of congregations and devoted individuals in mind, as well as an overt evangelical purpose. This may indicate an acknowledgement of the earlier separation between a standard hymnal, such as Flesher’s, and one designed specifically for evangelism, such as Harland’s, and an attempt to reconcile the two aims. The content of the hymnals also emphasises evangelism; while this is most apparent in those smaller hymnals designed specifically for the purpose, the larger collections too contain some of the same hymns that seek to convict and convert the unsaved. In Bourne’s 1824 hymnal, each hymn is given a title, many of which amply demonstrate the collection’s focus, such as ‘Invitation’, ‘Zion’s Volunteers’, and ‘Revival’. Hymn nine, ‘Come, ye sinners, poor and needy’, is one of several titled ‘Invitation’ and is characteristic of much of the hymnal in its language, imagery, and structure. Written by Joseph Hart, a Calvinist critic of Wesley, in 1759, it was overlooked by the Wesleys, but included in other publications associated with Methodism. The first verse sets out the essential premise of the whole hymn in direct and simple language: Come, ye sinners, poor and needy, weak and wounded, sick and sore; Jesus ready stands to save you, full of pity, love and power. The version published by Bourne includes a refrain, a common feature of hymns in this hymnal. It is even more direct than the verse in imploring the sinner to make a commitment to Christ, and does so in a way that emphasises the joy of doing so rather than the consequences of remaining unsaved: Turn to the Lord, and seek salvation, Sound the praise of his dear name; Glory, honour, and salvation, Christ the Lord is come to reign.

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Later verses reinforce the call of the first verse and also describe the ways in which the offer of salvation is made through Jesus’ life, ministry, and death. It seeks to make its impression by the regular juxtaposing of the poor state of the sinful individual and the change that turning to Christ can bring about. It does not dwell at length on the nature of sin and the need for repentance, but focuses instead on proclaiming the joyful news of salvation. Hawn notes the enduring popularity of this hymn in the USA, where it has been widely used at the end of services as an altar call to those seeking salvation (n.d.a). Although the version widely adopted in the USA has a different refrain, ‘I will arise and go unto Jesus…’, it is significant that it shares this characteristic with Bourne’s version. Whether by issuing a command, as in Bourne’s version, or providing a means of expressing assent in the American version, the refrain gives the hymn a sense of persistence in communicating its evangelical message. Watson describes how the Primitive Methodists ‘required a hymnbook that reflected the ecstatic experience of gospel grace in their camp meetings’ (2013, p. 240); the strong preference for refrains is important in this regard, as they offer an easily memorable text, which can increase in intensity with each repetition, and thus allow the singers to express their emotional reaction without inhibition or the constant need to focus on new words. Driven by evangelical zeal, the structure and content of hymns such as ‘Come, ye sinners, poor and needy’ combined to prioritise experiential religious engagement. Accounts of Primitive Methodist evangelical work frequently include reference to the role singing played in it and the effects it had. The ministry of singing evangelists will be considered in Chapter 6, but a general example, from Staithes in North Yorkshire, illustrates how song was a key part of Primitive Methodism’s engagement with those it encountered: Mr. Latimer says he heard old Robert Verrill say when they first heard that the “Ranters” were coming, the young men turned out of the village to meet them, not knowing whether they were men or something else. But the fine nature of those fishermen responded to the hearty singing and preaching of the missionaries, and a transformation took place in the village. (Patterson, 1909, pp. 37–8) The use of song in outdoor evangelism clearly piqued curiosity and was an effective means of communicating not only the evangelical message of the hymns, but also the unity and confidence of the singers. The attitude to hymnody that examples such as this embody is encapsulated by Woodcock in his summary of hymn singing among Primitive Methodists on the Yorkshire Wolds: ‘A verse may find him whom a sermon flies, and a lively hymn has often prepared and solemnized, for higher and better thoughts, man who would have been with difficulty reached by any other means’ (Woodcock, 1889, p. 177). Attitude, repertoire and practice in Primitive Methodism all emphasised hymnody’s evangelical potential, and forasmuch as some of the denomination’s hymnals prioritised the needs of stable worshipping communities, as well as

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embracing fashionable ecumenical hymns, the distinctive evangelical repertoire remained popular. The story recounted by Woodcock of Mrs Knaggs provides a colourful example of the attachment to these evangelical hymns. In his description of her reaction to the omission of ‘Christ he sits on Zion’s hill’, the opening hymn of Bourne’s collection for camp meetings, from Flesher’s hymnal, the memorability and spiritual and emotional intensity of such hymns is highlighted: When the new hymn book was issued (1853), minus the above hymn, Mrs. Knaggs said, with an air of disappointment, ‘Where is Jesus now? He used to sit on “Zion’s hill,” bless Him, but where is He now? I know where He is. He lives still yonder’, pointing upwards, ‘and here, in my heart. Yes, bless Him, they may take Him out of the hymn book, but they can’t take Him out of my heart, nor shift Him from His throne on high’. (Woodcock, 1889, p. 128) The denomination’s commitment to hymnody as an evangelical tool continued into the twentieth century, with its final hymnal publication prior to Methodist Union in 1932 being The Mission Hymnal for use in Evangelistic Services (c.1923). Although the hymnal that marked Methodist Union, The Methodist Hymn Book (1933) was dominated by Wesleyan influences, the evangelistic aspect of Primitive Methodist hymnody was not entirely lost either in text or music; Watson points to the inclusion of ‘Hark! The gospel news is sounding’ as an example (2013, p. 246).

British Methodist missionary work in the Caribbean In common with other British denominations, Methodism has put considerable energy into overseas missionary work. Beginning in the eighteenth century and with considerable expansion in the nineteenth century, Methodist missionaries were stationed across the globe. The Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society (WMMS) was formed in 1818, although the first overseas Methodist society had been established in Antigua as early as 1759. Other Methodist denominations founded their own organisations dedicated to missionary work, and following Methodist Union in 1932, the Methodist Missionary Society (MMS) existed until 1973, when it became the Methodist Church Overseas Division.2 Hymnody played a significant role in Methodist missionary activity in many ways. Among British Methodists, hymns on missionary themes were used to garner support, both prayerful and monetary, for missionary work. In the mission field, hymns were put to a variety of uses that aligned closely with the multiple motivations of the broader missionary endeavour. This section focuses on British Methodist missionary work in the Caribbean, not least because of the significance of that location in Methodist missionary history, but also because of the enduring influence of British Methodist hymnody in English-speaking parts of the region.

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Initial work in Antigua was developed under the influence of Nathaniel Gilbert; as Pritchard notes, in common with many later developments, ‘it was a private initiative, not a conscious act of the Methodist Conference, which founded the first Methodist society overseas’ (2013, p. 6). The work of Thomas Coke, a close associate of John Wesley and an ordained Anglican priest, was instrumental in spreading Methodist work throughout the region. Hymn singing was clearly part of his religious practice, as shown in a brief comment describing part of a sea journey with missionary colleagues: ‘Captain Sundis being a man who sincerely fears God, we had full liberty to sing and pray as often as we pleased, and he never neglected to join us’ (Coke, 1816, p. 101). Methodist membership in the region increased rapidly in the early decades of the nineteenth century, peaking at fifty-seven thousand in the 1840s (Pritchard 2013, pp. 162–74). Evidence for the use of hymnody is found within the official reports from the area published annually by the WMMS, and in the autobiographical and travel writing of missionaries. References to hymnody and music-making more generally tend to fall into three principal categories, concerning education, worship, and local cultural practices. The descriptions provide insights into both the repertoire that was used in these circumstances, and, in some cases, the characteristics of its performance. In keeping with accounts of British Methodist hymn singing, it is clear that it was one of the most affective and distinctive aspects of the movement. Simultaneously, the descriptions allow hymnody to be situated as part of the broader relationship between missionary work and colonial enterprise. Changes in the status of Caribbean Methodism in relation to British Methodism, as well as shifting attitudes towards missionary work and engagement with the worldwide church in the post-colonial era, are also apparent in later references to hymnody in the region. Hymnody and education As well as creating societies and building chapels for religious gatherings, a key aspect of Methodist missionary work in the Caribbean involved founding schools in each of the circuits or districts that were established by the missionaries. Despite a substantial increase in expenditure on education in the early part of the nineteenth century, Pritchard argues that the twenty-four new schools opened by the Wesleyans were ‘no more than a drop in the Caribbean bucket’ (2013, p. 162). Plantation owners had typically shown little interest in the education of their slaves, which meant that efforts by both state and church were limited in their effectiveness. However, the commitment to education was taken seriously by the missionaries, as shown in the separate reports on each school filed to the WMMS in addition to the general report from each society. These reports detailed the progress of the children attending the school, commenting on a variety of intellectual, behavioural and social aspects, and with a clear vein of religious instruction running through the narratives. Alongside the Bible, hymns played an important part in the curriculum, combining work on literacy and language with spiritual development:

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The perceived religious benefit is explicitly stated in the report from St Martin’s in the same year, ‘Several have made improvements in the first rudiments of Christianity, in learning passages of Scripture, Watts’s Hymns and Songs’ (Wesleyan-Methodist Missionary Society, 1824, p. xcix). A contemporary report from St Kitts, meanwhile, illustrates the link between hymnody and literacy, as well as indicating the value attached to the hymnal: ‘I had the pleasure yesterday morning, (Sept. 14,) to reward two of our schoolgirls for repeating the Gospel by St. John. Each received a copy of the British Hymn-book. Many more will soon obtain similar prizes’ (Wesleyan-Methodist Missionary Society, 1824, pp. xcviii–xcix). Hymnody remained a part of education programmes run by missionaries when their focus moved away from more general educational and literary aims. Ross Fowkes, a twentieth-century missionary to St Vincent, recounts the annual summer Bible Schools held for a time on that island: ‘There were Bible studies in the morning, recreation in the afternoon, and a joyful Gospel sing-song each evening’ (Fowkes, n.d.). Though apparently an informal element of the event, the description of ‘Gospel’ singing nonetheless indicates that it was connected with the school’s central purpose of Christian education. From Methodism’s foundation, education played a prominent part in its engagement with local communities in Britain and across the world. A concern to raise general educational standards went hand in hand with evangelical intent. This partnership, argues Heitzenrater, is central to understanding John and Charles Wesley’s attitudes to education, and its influence may also be discerned in educational work in the mission fields: ‘For them, knowledge is not a purely intellectual attribute but rather a channel of self-understanding, which is crucial for salvation’ (2001, p. 290).3 In the context of missionary work, moreover, Hempton argues that schools were ‘the chief device of Christianizing native populations’ (2005, p. 157). It is in keeping with both this aspect of the schools’ work and Methodism’s general approach to evangelism that hymnody was to the fore. It also demonstrates the Anglo-centric culture promoted in missionary education, and is thus tainted by the criticism this approach has attracted, discussed hereafter. Hymnody, mission, and local culture Recent scholarship on eighteenth- and nineteenth-century missionary activity has highlighted a general trend among missionaries to promulgate their own

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cultural values while being unwilling to engage with local cultural practices and traditions. Bebbington argues that many Methodist missionaries, intent on saving souls from barbarous cultural practices, ‘lacked the sensitivity ideally required in cross-cultural mission’ (2009, p. 717; see also Smith, 2013, pp. 420–3). Indigenous music and dance were sometimes highlighted by missionaries as degenerate activities that they attempted, sometimes successfully, to persuade converts to abandon; missionary reports cited the cessation of such practices as evidence of successful work, typically linking them to an upturn in Christian religious observance. Some, as in a report from Antigua in 1822, point to a perceived general improvement in public conduct: ‘The last Christmas holidays, formerly times of great riot among the negroes, were remarkable for the order that prevailed; the dances were forsaken, and our places of worship were crowded’ (Wesleyan-Methodist Missionary Society, 1824, p. lxiii). Other reports, such as from Kingston in 1822, made a more direct comparison between old and new religious practices: ‘The heathenish practice of burying the dead with tom-tom beating, dancing, and sacrificing to deceased relatives, is becoming less frequent’ (Wesleyan-Methodist Missionary Society, 1824, p. lxix). Such accounts provide clear evidence of a missionary approach that Jagessar and Burns subject to postcolonial critique: The problem is that the Wesleys worked (understandably so) within the confines of a Blanco British mindset that contemplated a process that would lead to the enslaved Africans or native Americans becoming human by moving from what was termed their natural state to one of enlightenment: inculcating Christian virtues would result in this civilizing process. (Jagessar and Burns, 2011, p. 55) They cite Methodist missionary activity as a particular example of this approach because of the prevalence of hymnody in its work, going on to describe Charles Wesley’s hymns as emblematic of a spiritually superior attitude towards those they sought to convert, being ‘steeped with the notion of submission, meekness and docility, proposed as the way of Jesus’ (2011, p. 55). Though the attitudes of the Methodist missionaries, exemplified above, undoubtedly often drew implicitly on their own cultural context to denigrate local customs, the charges levelled against Charles Wesley’s hymns seem to rely on an inaccurate presupposition that they were principally composed to encourage the conversion of non-British audiences. The same hymns were, however, used in evangelical activity both in Britain and abroad, and the characteristics they sought to foster, including, but not limited to, those highlighted by Jagessar and Burns, were not meant to be exclusively for overseas converts. These hymns were, of course, often overtly evangelical, and the call to a different way of living must be understood in that context. To object to their textual content alone is also to deny the validity of hymnody as an evangelical tool. While the colonial context undoubtedly adds a further layer of meaning to such texts when used in overseas mission, this is more significant as a matter of practice than one of content. What Jagessar and

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Burns overlook, but which is arguably more significant in the imposition of the missionaries’ cultural values, is the musical practice of hymnody. Although missionaries tended not to record precise details of the hymn tunes used, their frequent denigration of local artistic expression and the absence of evidence to the contrary suggests that hymns were sung to the tunes that the missionaries associated with them back in Britain. Missionaries’ descriptions of the use of music in Caribbean Methodist worship through the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, discussed in more detail below, provide evidence for the widespread adoption of British musical practice, and, implicitly, repertoire. In adopting a tone of assumed cultural superiority of the type identified by Jagessar and Burns, many missionaries cite the singing of hymns specifically, and conduct in worship more generally, as indicators of perceived progress among the local population. Despite this, the manner of singing is often highlighted as particularly characteristic of the Caribbean people. Missionaries simultaneously viewed this positively as an expression of their religious fervour and as an indicator of a more primitive nature. An account by Henry Adams illustrates this clearly; his description of the congregation’s demeanour and participation in worship sets them up as a group other than that to which he belongs, and although he finds much to praise them for, his observations are deliberately measured against the presumed normative character of British Methodist worship: It is an inspiration to stand before a vast congregation of black people, to see them lift up their eager faces, hear their lusty voices in song, and to notice that as you preach the gospel to them they literally drink it in. It is a mistake, however, to suppose that they readily manifest great emotion. Perhaps their feelings are more under control than they were a generation or two ago, and there would be but little difference to be observed to-day between a real hearty English congregation and a West Indian one at a similar service. (Adams, [1908], p. 84) Much later in the twentieth century there was a gradual shift towards considering that indigenous styles of music might be both acceptable and desirable in worship. However, by this time the cultural preferences and practices inherited from missionaries had also become regarded as traditional in the context of Caribbean Methodism. The desire for new musical expressions for worship, carrying local authenticity, and the deep-felt attachment to established practices and repertoires are both apparent in a 1993 collection of articles on Caribbean Methodism, which also demonstrates the different attitudes towards these phenomena. Watty argues that the autonomous Methodist Church of the Caribbean and Americas had been stagnating, and offers a series of reasons for this; first among them is ‘the ingrained conservatism for which our church has become well known. Visions are difficult to realize when people are more yoked to the past than open to the future’ (1993, p. 31). Although Watty does not identify hymnody specifically, the longevity of The Methodist Hymn Book (1933) among congregations in English-

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speaking Caribbean countries makes it likely that this is at least part of the culture that he is critical of. Conversely, Parris, writing on ‘The Caribbean Presence in the USA’ looks with affection on the inherited tradition of hymnody, demonstrating the kind of spiritual significance often attributed to it: I still have a very special place in my heart for Caribbean Methodism, which nurtured me and led me in my spiritual journey. I miss the hymns from the British Methodist Hymnal, still being used in the Caribbean. My theology was formulated by those hymns, which speak of a faith grounded in experience. (Parris, 1993, p. 37) Both of these accounts attest to the powerful impact of the evangelical hymnody used by the missionaries; for some at the end of the twentieth century it still represented a touchstone of Methodist spirituality, yet for others, it was perceived as a stumbling block to the independent Methodist Church in the region in its attempts to encourage new generations of Caribbean Christians. Niles offers a different perspective, suggesting that the conservatism described by Watty is not a universal trait in Caribbean Methodism, as he describes a renewed interest in the Bible and ‘creativity in developing new forms of worship, in writing and singing songs that are indigenous to the area’ (1993, p. 44). Niles was not alone in advocating such musical expressions; ten years later, in an essay on ‘The Future of Methodism in Anguilla’, Richardson points to the emergence of music and dance reflecting youth culture, and advocates its continued use within worship, with certain qualifications: Contemporary expressions of dance and music are being introduced into worship by the youth. … Efforts must be made then to ensure that such talented people understand the principles and fundamentals of worship which can then be woven into their choreography and musical expressions of praise and thanksgiving. Accommodating such expressions in worship will continue to keep the church relevant to the children of each age, and signal that indeed all are welcome into the Kingdom of God. (Richardson, 2003, p. 56) Though separated by a decade, the views of Niles and Richardson are similar, indicating that more needed to be done to support new expressions of musical culture in worship. Although Richardson is less explicit than Niles that these emerging trends have their roots in Caribbean idioms, they nonetheless are drawn from popular culture at a local level, however that has been influenced, rather than reflecting an imposed culture in the manner of earlier missionary work. However, both imply that these new trends have not firmly established themselves. Although the reasons for this are not directly stated, descriptions of the type provided by Watty and Parris suggest that the strong attachment to British hymnody may be among them. Tellingly, in the volume containing Richardson’s essay, all the hymns

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cited are referenced to The Methodist Hymn Book (1933), showing that in the early twenty-first century, this remained the most familiar volume in Anguilla. There are many indications of the degree to which the type of hymnody introduced by missionaries has become a treasured part of Caribbean Methodist culture. In addition to individual testimonies like Parris’, above, historical accounts of Methodism in the region, such as Blackman’s Methodism: 200 years in Barbados (1988), place considerable emphasis on church music. The volume contains a brief description of each current Methodist Society in Barbados, included in which are the names of those who have held offices such as organist or choirmaster, together with their length of tenure. They are clearly regarded as important figures in Barbadian Methodism, both historically and at the time of the publication, as they are named alongside other office holders, including ministers, stewards, and Sunday School leaders. The description of the musicians at the Vauxhall Methodist Society are indicative of the detail Blackman provides, and the high regard he affords such figures: Lewin Jones is the present Superintendent of the Sunday School, Choirmaster, Society Steward and Class Leader. He is a member of the Wesley Singers and is well known throughout Barbados as a leader in Community Hymn Singing. His ability to inspire large numbers of Methodists and others to raise their untrained voices in songs of praise to God has become almost legendary. Lewin’s sister, Sybil, has been and is still the Organist of the Church. Her efforts complement those of her brother in ensuring that harmony is maintained in the singing of the Vauxhall worshippers. (Blackman, 1988, p. 118) The relationship between British Methodist hymnody and Caribbean culture is thus a complicated one, with competing claims and interpretations of tradition. The legacy of British hymnody introduced by missionaries is strong, especially in the longevity of the 1933 hymnal among English-speaking Caribbean Methodists. Although there is evidence, especially since the foundation of the autonomous Methodist Church of the Caribbean and the Americas (MCCA) in 1967, of local idioms being integrated into worship, claims of authenticity are also applied to the inherited tradition of hymnody. The claims of both were recognised in the landmark publication of the MCCA’s first official hymnal, Voices in Praise, in 2013. Discussed in more detail below, it sought to balance old and new, and inherited and indigenous hymnody to serve the church afresh in the twenty-first century. Hymnody in worship and devotion It is unsurprising that the British missionaries, well used to the prominent place of hymn singing in Methodist worship and evangelism in their own country, should have made prominent use of it among those to whom they ministered in the Caribbean. Accounts of worship services and private devotions are replete

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with references to singing, indicating how it became a central part of local religious expression. Many of these accounts also emphasise the more specific influence of the musical culture associated with British Wesleyan Methodist hymnody in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, as references to organs, choirs, and anthems abound. Bleby’s account of his missionary activity in Jamaica in the first half of the nineteenth century illustrates how the place of hymn singing, and even particular hymns, within distinctive Methodist practices had been adopted there: ‘It is the love-feast that is now to be held. One of the missionaries having entered the pulpit again, the hymn of joy and praise goes up to heaven; and voices both sweet and manly unite in singing, “Come and let us sweetly join…”’ (1854, p. 33).4 Beckett gives a more detailed account of worship at Freemanville, Antigua, in 1927–1928, describing a Harvest Festival service at which the choir performed an anthem, rehearsed and learned by memory from a single sol-fa edition over the course of many weeks: ‘the anthem MADE the harvest service at Freemanville that day. None of us minded that we had no organ. Our people know how to make a joyful noise unto the Lord’ (1966, p. 17). Other accounts, however, indicate that organs were present in Methodist chapels; Beckett himself records the loan of a portable organ to a society in Montserrat, meeting in a temporary venue following hurricane damage to the permanent chapel (1966, p. 42). Blackman’s accounts of organists in Barbados, cited above, traces office holders back to the late nineteenth century for some chapels (1988, pp. 80–1). The historical accounts by Caribbean writers such as Blackman demonstrate that it was not just the missionaries who regarded hymnody as important, but also the local membership. This is underscored in accounts of locally-led pastoral ministry and devotional practice; Beckett describes an occasion in St Kitts where one congregation member brought two blind members to a service and prompted them for the hymns, commenting that ‘In that act she had indeed been eyes to the blind, that they too might be able to share in the singing, and in the worship’ (1966, p. 76). Gaunt, a British Wesleyan Deaconess who served in Guyana from 1959–1968, recounts how her pastoral visits to housebound members often involved hymn singing: ‘Sometimes, a neighbour would join us and our little “shut-in” would feel part of the Church as we sang, read the Scriptures and prayed together and Christ was certainly with us’ (n.d.). Voices in Praise Described as ‘A Hymnal for the Caribbean and the Americas’, this 554-item collection was published under the authority of the MCCA Conference in 2013, but reflects a longstanding desire to integrate treasured hymnody from the 1933 British hymnal with indigenous hymnody and more recent repertoire from elsewhere. As such, it draws together a concern to maintain the strong association between hymnody and worship, and to consider the relationships between hymnody and local cultures. The opening remarks in the hymnal’s preface make this connection explicit:

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It goes on to describe the long gestation of the hymnal, tracing the desire for such a volume back to the 1970s; the prominence of the 1933 hymnal in the spiritual experience of many Caribbean Methodists is repeatedly noted, along with ecumenical ventures promoting indigenous hymnody, both of which ultimately exerted an influence on Voices in Praise. The preparation process involved a small committee carefully vetting the whole of the 1933 hymnal, assessing its hymns in terms of ‘their spirituality, popularity, and relevance to the Caribbean context’ (Mulrain, 2013, p. viii). The description of the contents of the new hymnal is revealing, implicitly paying tribute to the keenly felt legacy of the missionaries, while simultaneously asserting a confident Caribbean identity: Voices in Praise will certainly perpetuate the tradition of vibrant Methodist hymn singing, with a variety of features that characterise it as a helpful companion to worship and to the nurture and sustenance of the faith. It retains the majority of classics from the 1933 collection, while adding popular modern hymns from many cultures and introducing worship material emanating from the Caribbean and Latin American experience. (Mulrain, 2013, p. ix) Though predominantly an English-language hymnal, it reflects the diversity of cultures and languages within the countries covered by the MCCA by including hymns in several other languages, such as Jamaican Creole and the Netherlands Antilles’ Papiamento. Its representative status of Caribbean Methodist culture is forcefully expressed: ‘The new hymnbook consciously affirms the gifts and insights of the poets and composers who express in art form the faith and theological understanding they have received within their indigenous cultures’ (Mulrain, 2013, p. ix). Voices in Praise reflects both change and continuity with Caribbean Methodism. That hymnody is a core part of the MCCA’s attempts to honour its heritage and to affirm its Caribbean identity is characteristically Methodist. It reflects the legacy of the British Methodist missionaries to the region in using hymnody for evangelism, encouraging parents ‘to sing the hymns with their children so that succeeding generations will be singing the hymns of faith that have emerged out of their own culture, while at the same time being motivated to write and compose hymns that describe the faith experiences that they themselves have received’ (Mulrain, 2013, p. x).

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Global hymnody in British Methodism The publication of Hymns and Songs in 1969 saw, for the first time in a British Methodist hymnal, evidence that cross-cultural encounters in hymnody could be a bi-directional process, borrowing material from other cultures as well as exporting Western hymnody. The two authorised hymnals subsequent to this supplementary collection, Hymns and Psalms and Singing the Faith, have both continued and expanded the work it began. The selection, categorisation, editing, and presentation of these hymns across the three hymnals represents some important points of continuity and change in terms of attitudes towards global hymnody in British Methodism and Western churches more generally. As Hawn points out, neither transcultural hymnody nor the phenomenon of global hymnody are new ideas: Though Christian song has been transmitted across language groups and cultures since the apostolic era, the first wave of global song in recent centuries was from Europe and North America during the missionary movement of the 19th and 20th centuries. Mission hymnody during this era became the global musical currency. Late in the 20th century, European and North American churches have become aware of music produced by Christians from non-western cultures. (Hawn, n.d.b)5 In terms of Methodist hymnody’s evangelical heritage, the adoption of global hymnody suggests a broadening of Methodism’s perspective in the post-colonial era, as it attempts to receive gifts of hymnody from its international partners as well as imparting its own hymnody to them. Such a move is indicative of a broader trend in Western Christianity towards a more inclusive understanding of Christian faith and experience.6 Kimbrough, Jr. explains the theological basis for this change: ‘At the heart of the Judeo-Christian heritage is the foundational belief that all people are God’s creation; hence, their languages, cultures, and cultural expressions are a vital part of the creative process’ (2006, p. 97). Learning from and sharing with Christians of other cultures has become a more favoured method of engagement; the perceived evangelical benefit is more likely to be in receiving or sharing rather than giving or imposing. This incorporation of global hymnody into Western Christianity also shows the influence of broader cultural shifts unconnected with religion, as summarised by Bohlman, ‘World music, regarded as exotic at the beginning of the [twentieth] century, is now a part of the everyday encounter, in other words, the world as it is omnipresent everywhere as opposed to the world as it lies beyond the possibility of omnipresent experience’ (2002, p. 24). Hymns and Songs contains four items that can be classed as global hymnody, all of which are placed in the ‘Songs’ category within the book. The volume’s preface identifies two types of material that comprise this section: experimental compositions likely to be ephemeral, and ‘sets of words which do not conform

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to the more usual patterns but which Christians who are responsive to new creative impulses ought to receive with sympathy’ (Methodist Church, 1969, p. [v]). The four global songs align more with the latter type, partly because they are not newly composed, and partly because of their structure, as they all have a higher degree of repetition than is typical for items in the collection categorised as hymns. Their cyclic structures can therefore be seen as part of the collection’s attempt to challenge British Methodism’s normative practice by encouraging the use of material that conveys its meaning in a different way from the linear textual structures of metrical hymnody. All four have English texts, of which one, ‘Jesus the Lord said’, is a translation from Urdu by Dermot Monahan. Two of the others are described as ‘Negro spiritual’, while the fourth, a setting of the Lord’s Prayer, is defined by its musical setting as a ‘West Indian Calypso’. Three of the musical settings are arrangements, two by musicians associated with Methodism, and the fourth has been harmonised by one of the same musicians. In addition to the main versions, an optional choral accompaniment is given for ‘Let us break bread together’ and an optional solo for a wind instrument for ‘Our Father’. The musical idiom of the arrangements is decidedly Westernised, albeit deliberately different from metrical hymn tunes; unison singing is standard, some accompaniments are for piano rather than organ, and harmonic features such as Cleall’s use of parallel chords in ‘Let us break bread together’ consciously aim at emphasising difference. Significantly, Blarr’s arrangement of ‘Our Father’ uses an almost constant dotted crotchet-quaver rhythm in the bass rather than any rhythmic pattern traditionally associated with the calypso. It is possible to see these arrangements as examples of Kimbrough, Jr’s observation that ‘it is easy to make a totally different piece of music out of a simple or complex song through arrangement and harmonization’ (2006, p. 105). The adoption of such repertoire also encourages a shift in the soundscape of worship through the use of instruments other than the organ, or unaccompanied singing, as well as a greater variety of musical structures. The small number of items in Hymns and Songs that permit such changes is perhaps indicative of the cultural challenge they presented, especially in comparison with the normative practice of organ accompaniment evidenced in the repertoire of the 1933 hymnal still in mainstream use at the time. The primary difference in Hymns and Psalms is the increase in number and geographical spread of global hymnody; twelve such hymns are included, drawn from four different continents. Textually and musically, however, the same editorial and selection principles remain; many texts are conspicuously different in content or structure from their Western counterparts, and all twelve musical settings are arrangements or harmonisations made by Western musicians, either unchanged from Hymns and Songs or in a very similar vein. There were also two other significant additions; Michael Perry’s ‘Calypso Carol’, the musical style of which imitated the Caribbean genre (Idle, n.d.), and a version of ‘Kum ba yah, my Lord’, believed to be of Gullah origin (Watson, n.d.b), both reflect an increasing openness to the musical idioms of other cultures. Singing the Faith retains some of the hymns and musical settings from both earlier volumes,

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while increasing the volume of global hymnody further. Many of the additions have been mediated through publications devoted to global hymnody from organisations like the Iona Community’s Wild Goose Resource Group. There are noticeable textual and musical differences; original languages are often presented, sometimes with performing translations but sometimes only with literal translations for information. While the work of musical editors and arrangers is still apparent, their approach is typically less intrusive. Distinctive features such as the bass drone in ‘Uyai mose/Come all you people’ and the rhythmic patterns of ‘Ewe, thina/We walk his way’, syncopated to Western ears, are preserved. The practice of arranging global hymns for inclusion in Western hymnals raises difficult questions about cultural value, requiring editors and arrangers to navigate a complicated path between respect for the originating culture and changes that will enable the receiving culture to engage positively with such repertoire. The increased presence of global hymnody in British Methodism and the shift in the type of arrangement favoured need to be considered in the light of broader attitudes within Western Christianity and society more generally. Bohlman’s observation about the prevalence of world music, cited above, and Methodism’s reliance on existing publications as sources for global hymns both suggest that there is some degree of passive acceptance of cross-cultural musical encounters among British congregations. An equality agenda is clearly at play in the increased space given to global hymnody, in an attempt to affirm that spiritual enrichment, sincere worship, and a deeper understanding of the Christian faith are not the sole preserve of any single culture’s hymnody. Advocates of global hymnody also argue that it promotes a clearer vision of the universal church, by challenging cultural assumptions about the relationship between liturgy and musical style. It is also commonly aligned to the church’s mission for social justice, as expressed by Hawn: ‘Cross-cultural music making raises our consciousness of those who have been invisible to us – listening to, learning from, and sharing in their prayers, and joining with them in common intercessory prayer for the world’ (2005, p. 104). Some commentators, however, have addressed the phenomenon of global hymnody more critically, generally with a focus on actual practice rather than intention. Marti argues that the challenges associated with realising music from an unfamiliar culture are often beyond the ability and experience of local church musicians, so that ‘Rather than embrace the complexity and nuance of global song as advocated by Hawn, Kimbrough, and others, my observations indicate that American churches polarize and essentialize music to represent a few stereotypical notions’ (2012, p. 49). The dominance of global hymns that utilise the diatonic scales common in Western music in Singing the Faith suggests that Marti’s argument is not unique to American churches. Furthermore, the rise of interest in global hymnody, roughly contemporary with the growth in popularity of bandled worship songs means that there is a danger of these two distinct repertoires being grouped together as the opposite of traditional organ-led metrical hymnody. Though not necessarily an intentional conflation, the result has sometimes been

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that musical arrangements, and consequently performance styles, are closely linked, which may mask the cultural origins of some global hymns. Others, such as Jagessar and Burns, argue that positivist constructions of global hymnody, sometimes espoused by hymnal compilers and church leaders, are in danger of being simplistic, failing to engage fully with post-colonial ideas and values. They pose challenging questions that do not allow musical practice to be divorced from broader perspectives: ‘How can the singing of a South African and Latin American liberation song speak to a still largely Blanco European audience whose nations thrive on cheap labour, global capital and continuing impoverishment of poorer countries and sections of people within its own border?’ (2011, pp. 63–4). However, it is arguably a rather limited perspective that demands the western churches’ use of global hymnody to be fully representative of its broader engagement with Christians from other parts of the world. Jagessar and Burns’ questions need not prevent the adoption of global hymnody; indeed, the use of such hymnody may provide a catalyst for consideration of the ethical and theological ramifications that they describe. At a practical level, there is inevitably a limit to the degree to which immersion in a markedly different musical culture can be achieved, even with sensitive musical leadership. British Methodism’s relationship with global hymnody in the twentyfirst century is difficult to establish. Driven by the same desires and concerns expressed by Kimbrough and Hawn, and in recognition of the popularity of ‘world music’, its coverage of global hymns has increased markedly. However, its purpose is undefined; as a recognition of the denomination’s ethnic and cultural diversity, the still small proportion can appear as little more than a token gesture. As a means for challenging the assumptions or culturally-embedded norms of congregations, the provision is hampered by a lack of instruction; the two brief paragraphs in the preface to the music edition of Singing the Faith are naturally unable to address the performance practice or cultural context of any individual hymns, for instance.7 Learning from the musical expressions of faith from other cultures, or using these to communicate the gospel message afresh both exemplify Methodism’s heritage of evangelical song and support its commitment to social justice. To achieve these laudable principles in local contexts, however, requires from worship leaders, musicians, and congregations an engagement with the hymns beyond that which their mere printing in a hymnal can achieve. The changing relationships between British Methodism and its global counterparts continues the denomination’s heritage of evangelical hymnody. Having long used hymnody as a means for evangelising peoples across the world, the Methodist Church of Great Britain, by its small but growing embrace of global hymnody, shows itself willing to learn from, or even be re-evangelised by, cultural expressions of Christian experience from around the world. Methodism’s tradition of evangelical hymnody stretches not only across time, as the examples of eighteenth-century Wesleyan Methodism and nineteenthcentury Primitive Methodism, described above, illustrate, but also, as seen in the hymnody of Caribbean Methodism, both in the era of the missionaries and in its contemporary expression, across places and cultures too.

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Children’s hymnody There is a long tradition of hymns and hymnals for children in British Protestantism, of which Isaac Watts’ Divine Songs Attempted in an Easy Language for the Use of Children (1715) is the best known, and was certainly both influential and enduring. Charles Wesley also wrote with children in mind in his collection Hymns for Children, and Others of Riper Years (1763), but this volume was rather less successful than Watts’. Clapp-Itnyre attributes this lack of success partly to the inferior quality of Wesley’s verses for children compared with his hymns for adults, and partly to the approach he took: He refrains from differentiating between an adult or child reader. As in his adult hymns, Wesley’s Hymns for Children engage weighty theological subjects, from praises to God (Hymn 1), to the “Creation and the Fall of Man” (2), to “the Redemption of Man” (3), all in the first three hymns. (Clapp-Itnyre, 2016, p. 61)8 She goes on to argue that Watts’ emphasis on children’s innocence was particularly influential in the first part of the nineteenth century, but that Wesley’s approach was more popular in the middle of the that century (2016, p. 62). Commenting on the children’s hymnals issued by most of Methodism’s nineteenth-century branches, Clapp-Itnyre observes a similar basic approach, despite evidence of the different perspectives of each group. Few books addressed children directly, typically focussing instead on expounding doctrine, apart from those aimed at very young children: ‘a common trait is that they all include a section on “Early Piety” (“Infant Classes” in the Free Methodist) because the overall content of their hymn books is not always so child-centered’ (2016, p. 78). Clapp-Itnyre’s first observation on music in relation to Methodist children’s hymnody concerns the Primitive Methodist Sabbath-School Hymn Book (1864), which included many strident tunes, often with refrains (2016, p. 78). This is also true of the later Methodist School Hymnal (1911), issued by the Wesleyan Methodists. However, the same basic distinction can be observed; the book is divided into two principal sections, ‘Primary Department and Infant School’ and ‘General’. The former contains 119 hymns, largely written with children very clearly in mind; its focus tends to be on either the basic practice of faith, seasonal material, or hymns directly associated with Sunday School activities. Musically, these are uniformly major in tonality, and typically characterised by simple harmonies, slow harmonic rhythm, and lively, syllabic melodies. The emphasis on learning the basic practice of the faith shows that the Methodist understanding of hymns as a means of developing Christian belief and commitment was also adapted for application in its work with children. The much larger second part of the hymnal, containing almost six hundred hymns, has some material that shares these characteristics, but also a great many hymns that can also be found in adult hymn books. Its thematic structure is also reminiscent of the theological character of collections such as The Methodist Hymn Book (1904). The Methodist Hymn Book

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(1933) included a dedicated section of children’s hymns, whereas both Hymns and Psalms and Singing the Faith sought to integrate material suitable for children in their general contents and structure. To a large extent, they attempted to draw on material widely used in schools, such as Sydney Carter’s ‘One more step along the world I go’ in Hymns and Psalms, or even specifically written for that purpose, such as several songs from Out of the Ark Music in Singing the Faith. This latter trend is a shift away from the earlier model favoured by Methodists, with its strong theologically didactic emphasis. Instead, it seeks to use culturally familiar material to encourage participation by children and to establish in their minds a connection between being in church and other aspects of their lives. Here, music’s ability to assist participation and integration in the life of the church is to the fore, again in keeping with Methodism’s attitude to it more generally.

Notes 1 Julian described this book as ‘the worst edited and most severely mutilated collection of hymns ever published’ (1892, p. 730). 2 Pritchard’s two-volume study Methodists and their Missionary Societies (2013, 2014) provides a detailed history of the formation and organisation of Methodism’s various missionary societies. For the inauguration of the WMMS, see especially Pritchard (2013) Chapter 3, and for the transformation from missionary society to the Overseas Division and later changes, see Pritchard (2014), Chapter 17. 3 Other branches of Methodism were also heavily committed to general education in Britain and abroad. Sunday schools frequently promoted general literacy alongside religious education. Arnold Bennett’s novel Clayhanger (1910) depicts this aspect of Primitive Methodism’s activity. 4 The hymn cited, by Charles Wesley, is commonly referred to as ‘The Love Feast Hymn’. 5 Terminology in this area is, as Hawn notes in his extensive overview, contentious, and affected by a range of political, historical, and cultural factors. The use of ‘global hymnody’ in this chapter aligns with Hawn’s definition of scope for his article, that is, ‘Christian songs originating beyond Euro-North American cultural contexts’ (n.d.b). 6 In the third quarter of the twentieth century, many Methodist Churches around the world became independent of former parent bodies such as the Methodist Church of Great Britain. 7 This approach is typical of British denominational hymnals that contain such repertoire. A more detailed, culturally specific approach can be observed in Agape (Hamilton and Jussila, 2003), a collection of global hymns centred on themes of justice and reconciliation (Clarke, n.d.). 8 ‘Gentle Jesus, meek and mild’ is the only example of Wesley’s writing for children that has been widely used.

Bibliography Adams, H. ([1908]) Methodism in the West Indies, London: Robert Culley. Bebbington, D.W. (2009) ‘Methodism and Culture’, in Abraham, W.J. and Kirby, J.E. (eds) The Oxford Handbook of Methodist Studies, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 712–29. Beckett, W.A. (1966) Cameos of the Caribbean, London: Cargate. Bennett, A. (1910) Clayhanger, London: Egmont.

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Blackman, F. (1988) Methodism: 200 years in Barbados, Bridgetown: Caribbean Contact. Bleby, H. (1854) Scenes in The Caribbean Sea: Being Sketches from a Missionary’s Note-Book, London: Hamilton, Adams, and Co. Bohlman, P.V. (2002) ‘World Music at the “End of History”’, Ethnomusicology, vol. 46, no. 1, pp. 1–32 [Online]. Available at http://www.jstor.org.libezproxy.open.ac.uk/ stable/852806 (accessed 31 August 2016). Booth, G. ed. (1889) Primitive Methodist Hymnal with Accompanying Tunes, London: Edwin Dalton. Bourne, H. ed. (1829) Large Hymn Book for the Use of the Primitive Methodists, Bemersley: J. Bourne. Bourne, H. ed. (1848) A Collection of Hymns for Camp Meetings, Revivals etc. for the Use of the Primitive Methodists, 6th ed., London: Thomas Holliday. Clapp-Itnyre, A. (2016) British Hymn Books for Children, 1800–1900: Re-Tuning the History of Childhood, Farnham: Ashgate. Clarke, M.V. (2009) ‘John Wesley’s “Directions for Singing”: Methodist Hymnody as an Expression of Methodist Beliefs in Thought and Practice’, Methodist History, vol. 47, no. 4, pp. 196–209. [Online]. Available at http://archives.gcah.org/xmlui/bitstream/ handle/10516/207/Methodist-History-07-2009-Clarke.pdf (Accessed 30 August 2016). Clarke, M.V. (n.d.) ‘Agape’, The Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology [Online]. Available at http://www.hymnology.co.uk/a/agape (Accessed 31 August 2016). Coke, T. (1816) Extracts of the Journals of the late Rev Thomas Coke, LLD; comprising Several Visits to North-America and the West-Indies; his tour through part of Ireland, and his nearly finished voyage to Bombay in the East-Indies; to which is prefixed A Life of the Doctor, Dublin: R. Napper. Flesher, J. ed. (1853) The Primitive Methodist Hymn Book, London: Primitive Methodist Book Room. Fowkes, R. (n.d.) Bicentenary Reflections [manuscript]. Methodist Missionary Society Collection, Box 1205, File 6. London: SOAS. Gaunt, E. (n.d.) Bicentenary Reflections [manuscript]. Methodist Missionary Society Collection, Box 1205, File 6. London: SOAS. Hamilton, M. and Jussila, P. (2003) Agape: Songs of Hope and Reconciliation, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Harland, W. ed. (1861) The Primitive Methodist Revival Hymn Book, London: Richard Davies. Hawn, C.M. (2005) ‘Reverse Missions: Global Singing for Local Congregations’, in Kroeker, C. (ed.) Music in Christian Worship: At the Service of the Liturgy, Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press pp. 98–111. Hawn, C.M. (n.d.a) History of Hymns: ‘Come, ye sinners, poor and needy’ [Online]. Available at http://www.umcdiscipleship.org/resources/history-of-hymns-come-ye-sinnerspoor-and-needy (Accessed 31 August 2016). Hawn, C.M. (n.d.b) ‘Global hymnody’, The Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology [Online]. Available at http://www.hymnology.co.uk/g/global-hymnody (Accessed 31 August 2016). Heitzenrater, R.P. (2001) ‘John Wesley and Education’, in Bunge, M.J. (ed.) The Child in Christian Thought, Grand Rapids, MI: W.B. Eerdmans, pp. 279–99. Hempton, D. (2005) Methodism: Empire of the Spirit, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Idle, C. (n.d.) ‘See him lying on a bed of straw’, The Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology [Online]. Available at http://www.hymnology.co.uk/s/see-him-lying-on-a-bed-ofstraw (Accessed 31 August 2016).

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Jagessar, M.N. and Burns, S. (2011) Christian Worship: Postcolonial Perspectives, Sheffield: Equinox. Julian, J. (1892) A Dictionary of Hymnology, London: John Murray. Kimbrough, Jr., S.T. (2006) ‘Global Song and Cultures’, in Kimbrough, Jr., S.T. (ed.) Music and Mission: Towards a Theology and Practice of Global Song, New York: United Methodist Church, pp. 97–110. Marti, G. (2012) Worship across the Racial Divide: Religious Music and the Multiracial Congregation, New York: Oxford University Press. Methodist Church (1969) Hymns and Songs, London: Methodist Publishing House. Methodist Church (1983) Hymns and Psalms: A Methodist and Ecumenical Hymn Book, Peterborough: Methodist Publishing House. Methodist Church (2011) Singing the Faith: Music Edition, London: Hymns Ancient and Modern. Methodist Church (2016) Constitutional Practice and Discipline, Volume 2 [Online]. Available at http://www.methodist.org.uk/media/1841903/conf-2016-cpd-vol-2.pdf (Accessed 30 August 2016). Mulrain, G. (2013) ‘Preface’, in Voices in Praise, St John’s: The Methodist Church in the Caribbean and the Americas, pp. vii–xi. Niles, H.C. (1993) ‘Signs of Hope in the MCCA’, in Rae, K.D. and Kirton, F.A. (eds) Sailing in Hope: Methodist Mission in the Caribbean, Cincinnati, OH: United Methodist Church, pp. 42–5. Parris, P. (1993) ‘The Caribbean Presence in the USA’, in Rae, K.D. and Kirton, F.A. (eds) Sailing in Hope: Methodist Mission in the Caribbean, Cincinnati, OH: United Methodist Church, pp. 36–8. Patterson, W.M. (1909) Northern Primitive Methodism: A Record of the Rise and Progress of the Circuits in the Old Sunderland District, London: E. Dalton. Pritchard, J. (2013) Methodists and their Missionary Societies: 1760–1900, Farnham: Ashgate. Pritchard, J. (2014) Methodists and their Missionary Societies: 1900–1996, Farnham: Ashgate. Richardson, L.K. (2003) ‘The Future of Methodism in Anguilla’, in Forker, W. (ed.) Born in Slavery: The Story of Methodism in Anguilla and its influence in the Caribbean, Edinburgh: Dunedin Academic Press, pp. 55–63. Smith, J.T. (2013) ‘Methodism and Education’, in Gibson, W., Forsaith, P., and Wellings, M. (eds) The Ashgate Research Companion to World Methodism, Farnham: Ashgate, pp. 407–30. Temperley, N. (2010) ‘John Wesley, Music, and the People Called Methodists’, in Temperley, N. and Banfield, S. (eds) Music and the Wesleys, Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, pp. 3–25. Watson, J.R. (2013) ‘Music, Hymnody and the Culture of Methodist in Britain’, in Gibson, W., Forsaith, P., and Wellings, M. (eds) The Ashgate Research Companion to World Methodism, Farnham: Ashgate, pp. 233–50. Watson, J.R. (n.d.a) ‘Hark! the gospel news is sounding’, The Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology [Online]. Available at http://www.hymnology.co.uk/h/hark!-the-gospelnews-is-sounding (Accessed 31 August 2016). Watson, J.R. (n.d.b) ‘Kum ba yah, my Lord’, The Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology [Online]. Available at http://www.hymnology.co.uk/k/kum-ba-yah,-my-lord (Accessed 31 August 2016). Watty, W.W. (1993) ‘The Reality of Autonomy’, in Rae, K.D. and Kirton, F.A. (eds) Sailing in Hope: Methodist Mission in the Caribbean, Cincinnati, OH: United Methodist Church, pp. 30–3.

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Wesley, J. (1761) ‘Directions for Singing’, Select Hymns with Tunes Annext, London, p. [110] [Online]. Available at https://archive.org/details/selecthymnswitht00wesl (Accessed 30 August 2016). Wesley, J. (1781) ‘Thoughts on the Power of Music’, The Arminian Magazine, vol. 4, no. 2, pp. 103–7. Wesleyan Methodist Church (1911) The Methodist School Hymnal, London: Wesleyan Methodist Sunday School Department. Wesleyan-Methodist Missionary Society (1824) Reports of the Wesleyan-Methodist Missionary Society, Volume II: 1821–24, London: T. Cordeux. Woodcock, H. (1889) Piety among the Peasantry: Being Sketches of Primitive Methodism on the Yorkshire Wolds, London: Joseph Toulson. Young, C.R. (1995) Music of the Heart: John and Charles Wesley on Music and Musicians, An Anthology, Carol Stream, IL: Hope Publishing.

4

Methodism’s literary repertoire Form, language, editing, and theological expression

The words of hymns are widely regarded as the most significant communicators of doctrine and theology, for the obvious reason of their semantic power. However, as the final chapter of this book will argue, the full significance of hymnody, in Methodism and more generally, is ultimately to be found in the combination of words and music in liturgical or devotional practice, and an awareness of the many contexts in which hymns are situated. Form, language, and editing are all important considerations in assessing Methodism’s literary repertoire and the ways in which literary aspects affect hymnody’s meaning, reception, and capacity for theological expression. Consideration of these aspects, rather than a primary focus on the words themselves permits a broader perspective of hymnody and literary form in Methodism. The metrical range of Charles Wesley’s hymns, the popularity of the refrain form, and the coexistence of the simplest and most complex hymnic forms in Singing the Faith are all examples of the ways in which form enables a variety of meanings to be communicated and received in different ways. The language used in hymns about God, the church, individuals, and the world throughout Methodism’s history reflects a diverse range of theological and cultural concerns and sensitivities that have exercised the church more widely. Throughout Methodism’s history, editors have had a significant impact on its hymnody; their work emphasises that hymn texts are not static objects. In his work, John Wesley set an editorial precedent for making changes that reflect doctrinal and cultural concerns, which both draw on particular theological values and have theological effects through their implementation.

Form Trends in the approach to metre, that is, the number of syllables per line and their stress patterns, and the overall structure of hymn texts, for example, strophic, or verse and refrain, have both affected Methodism’s hymnody. These trends are key expressions of the close relationship between hymnody and contemporaneous attitudes to worship and the nature of religious experience.

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Charles Wesley’s metrical range English-language metrical psalmody and hymnody prior to Wesley had been written in a variety of metres, with the iambic stress pattern dominating them. However, the nomenclature adopted for describing metres clearly indicates that a relatively small group of metres were the most widely used, as they were given names in addition to the usual numerical labelling system: Common Metre (CM), Short Metre (SM), and Long Metre (LM), together with their doubles (DCM, DSM, DLM). Charles Wesley utilised these metres extensively, as evidenced in Short Hymns on Select Passages of the Holy Scriptures, although he also made use of an enormous range of other metres (Kimbrough, Jr., n.d.). Baker’s analysis of metre in Charles Wesley’s verse lists one hundred basic metres, some with variants (1962, pp. 396–403). Wesley clearly favoured long stanza forms; even with regard to the most familiar metres, his use of DSM, DCM, and DLM far outweigh the single forms. While, in common with the hymnody of previous generations, he generally favoured iambic forms, he also wrote extensively in trochaic metres, again, typically with eight-line stanzas. Baker notes that ‘his favourite was an eight-lined stanza – eight sevens, cross-rhymed – in which he wrote over seven thousand lines’ (1964, p. 70). Comparison of the metrical analyses of Short Hymns on Select Passages of the Holy Scriptures and Singing the Faith reveals the enduring popularity of both his writing in the most traditional forms, especially CM and LM, but also, significantly, in more distinctive metres, especially 88 88 88. Table 4.1 lists the most popular metres of his hymns in both of these collections.1 Aside from demonstrating the breadth of Charles Wesley’s metrical range, and his most favoured metres, these analyses reveal some important points about Charles Wesley as hymn-writer and Methodism’s tradition of hymnody more broadly. They also offer a means of assessing the enduring popularity of some of his hymns within Methodism. They reveal that Methodist hymnody is rooted, in a very practical sense, in the older traditions of metrical psalmody and the hymns of Isaac Watts. Wesley’s innovations, both in terms of metrical range and the lyrical content of his hymns, were balanced by his frequent and extensive use of the traditional metres. As with the use of borrowed musical repertoire, Table 4.1 Most frequently used metres in Charles Wesley’s hymns in Short Hymns and Singing the Faith Rank

Short Hymns

Singing the Faith

Metre

Number

Metre

Number

1

DLM/ LM

449

CM/DCM

17

2

DCM/CM

396

88 88 88

13

3

8.8.8.8.88/88.88.88 340

LM

8

4

7.6.7.6.7.8.7.6

183

SM/DSM

7

5

88.6.88.6

165

76 76 77 76

5

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early Methodism embraced existing practice and sought to appropriate elements of it for its own purposes, as well as developing more distinctive forms. There is, of course, likely to be an element of pragmatism at play here; the most widely used metres were correspondingly those with the highest number of available tunes, thus enabling the quick adoption of any new material in these patterns. Charles Wesley’s use of these metres is further evidence of Methodism’s practical rootedness in the traditions of the Church of England. Alongside this is clear evidence of Wesley’s ingenuity, as well as evidence of the long-lasting appeal of his hymn texts that did not conform to the traditional metres. The stanza with six lines of eight syllables each features prominently in both analyses; several hymns with particular historical significance within Methodism utilise this metre, including the brothers’ conversion hymn, ‘Where shall my wondering soul begin?’, ‘And can it be that I should gain’, also written soon after their conversion experiences, and ‘Captain of Israel’s host, and guide’, traditionally sung at the conclusion of the annual Methodist Conference. What unites these texts, and all his other hymns in this metre in Singing the Faith, is the use of a new rhyme to form a couplet at the end of each stanza, typically following four cross-rhymed lines.2 The initial four lines resemble LM in their syllabic content and rhyme scheme; in that context they would be selfcontained, but here they lead to a more emphatic conclusion, defined by the more conspicuous and immediate final rhyme. Coupled with lines that often contain the emotional, personal, or theological high point of the stanza, or even the whole hymn, the final rhyming couplet acquires considerable power. This is demonstrated in stanza three of ‘And can it be’: ‘’Tis mercy all, immense and free; / for, O my God, it found out me!’ and the first stanza of the Passiontide hymn ‘O Love divine, what have you done!’: ‘the immortal God for me has died! / My Lord, my Love is crucified’.3 Numerical evidence suggests that this relationship between metre, rhyme, and content was an important consideration for Wesley. In conjunction with musical settings that accentuate this feature, it may also be a significant factor in the continuing popularity and spiritual significance Methodists have long attached to hymns in this metre, none more so than ‘And can it be’ (Clarke, 2016). The refrain and popular hymnody The 1933 Methodist Hymn Book contains fifty-two hymns with refrains, many of which were included in an authorised British Methodist hymnal for the first time, having been written in the latter part of the nineteenth century or the first part of the twentieth. Twenty-one of these hymns had previously been included in The Methodist School Hymnal (1911), which contained many more similar items. The single largest cluster of these hymns in the 1933 hymnal is in the section titled ‘The Gospel Call’, which contains nine out of the fifty-two. This is the most overtly evangelical section of the hymnal, and the inclusion of nine hymns with refrains within it indicates their roots in the Gospel hymnody of the USA. Of the six authors represented, four were closely associated with

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this movement in the nineteenth century: Fanny Crosby (Frances Jane van Alstyne), who contributed four of the hymns, Philip Bliss, Charles H. Gabriel, and Martha Matilda Stockton. This type of hymn has its origins in eighteenth- and early nineteenthcentury Methodism, both in Britain and the USA. The addition of a ‘Hallelujah’ refrain is evidenced in eighteenth-century Methodism, even though John Wesley objected to the practice. The Camp Meeting movement, which was a prominent feature of American Methodism in the early nineteenth century before spreading to Britain, made considerable use of music, including hymns sung in a call and response style, drawing on the earlier tradition of ‘Hallelujah’ refrains. These meetings became an important part of the Primitive Methodist denomination, and were noted for the intensity of religious experience they offered, to which singing made a significant contribution. Hulan comments on the use of this type of hymn, offering some insights that give clues to the later popularity of hymns with refrains: Songs designed to minimize textual complication and maximize audience participation have ever been useful in moving a large assembly from disorder to some unity of purpose. The camp-meeting choruses did this job, perhaps more a matter of crowd management than of worship. They were not meant to elicit the admiration of literary critics; nor did they aim to inform succeeding ages on the hopes and aspirations of the participants in an early camp meeting. (Hulan, n.d.) Three salient features emerge from Hulan’s description, all of which can be observed in the later repertoire under discussion here: simple, direct lyrics, a strong encouragement to participate, and a tendency towards generic subject matter. Crosby’s ‘To God be the glory, great things he hath done’, the most enduring of the nine refrain hymns in ‘The Gospel Call’ section of 1933, exemplifies these traits. Its three stanzas expound an uncomplicated account of substitutionary atonement, beginning with the universal significance of Jesus’ death, moving through its salvific efficacy for the individual to a vision of eschatological rapture. The refrain, however, is only loosely related to this narrative, instead being an extension of the sentiment of the hymn’s opening line: Praise the Lord! Praise the Lord! Let the earth hear his voice! Praise the Lord! Praise the Lord! Let the people rejoice! O come to the Father, through Jesus the Son; And give him the glory – great things he hath done! Its consistent use of imperatives, repetitive structure, and the calls to commitment and active participation in worship clearly emphasise its

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evangelical intent, and demand engagement from all those who hear it; this is not a hymn for passive listening. Coupled with the strident dotted rhythms, the high tessitura, and robust diatonic harmony of Doane’s musical setting, it is a hymn of decisive action, and it is easy to understand its enduring appeal. A favourite of evangelists from Ira D. Sankey to Billy Graham, its success lies in its vitality and directness. Textual features such as these, coupled with memorable and compelling melodies are clear indicators of the populist nature of these hymns. Though they were largely popularised after the publication of The Primitive Methodist Hymnal (Booth, 1889), they are clearly aligned with that tradition’s approach to evangelism and, more broadly, Methodism’s emphasis on personal salvation. Rather than the doctrinal and theological pedagogy of Charles Wesley’s hymns, this sub-genre offers concise, memorable, and repeatable statements of adoration (‘To God be the glory’), comfort (‘Great is thy faithfulness’), security (‘Blessed assurance, Jesus is mine’), courage (‘Will your anchor hold in the storms of life’), and encouragement (‘When we walk with the Lord’). Though the number of these hymns is lower in Hymns and Psalms and Singing the Faith than it was in the 1933 hymnal, their continued presence is indicative of a long-lasting appeal among at least some Methodists. Their frequent use of anapaestic (‘When we walk with the Lord’) and dactylic (‘Great is thy faithfulness’) feet, often coupled with triple time musical settings adds an air of energy, and suggests a lack of formality that may also have heightened their popular appeal. The vigorous appeal of the refrain has not always been embraced ecumenically, unlike the adoption of Charles Wesley’s hymns in other Christian traditions; for example, both the Church Hymnary, Third Edition (Church of Scotland, 1973) and the Anglican Hymn Book (1965) included ‘To God be the glory’ without its refrain; the former set it to a different tune, ST DENIO, while Watson observes that a notable feature of the latter book was that it ‘eschewed the use of refrains’ (n.d.a). In a Methodist context, however, their place is more assured, and they form part of a line of related forms evident throughout the history of the denomination’s authorised hymnals. As well as their obvious antecedent, the ‘Hallelujah’ refrain, there is also some similarity to Charles Wesley’s use of sixline metres, described above, and especially their nineteenth-century musical treatment, considered in Chapter 5. As noted, Wesley sometimes used the final two lines in such structures to encapsulate the essential message of the stanza or hymn, an effect that was increased by nineteenth-century musical settings, such as SAGINA for ‘And can it be’, that required final line or lines of the text to be repeated. Refrain hymns also point forward to the worship song genre, which has increased in popularity and presence within Methodism. Though their form has become more varied and complex, a simple verse-refrain format characterised early worship songs from Lafferty’s ‘Seek ye first the Kingdom of God’ (1974) through to and beyond Kendrick’s popular 1980s songs, such as ‘From heaven you came’ (‘The Servant King’) and ‘Lord, the light of your love is shining’ (‘Shine, Jesus, shine’).

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Complexity and simplicity: forms in Singing the Faith The most noticeable difference in content between Singing the Faith and its immediate predecessor, Hymns and Psalms, is the inclusion of a significant number of worship songs, at the inevitable expense of some traditional metrical hymnody. However, another genre of congregational song also appeared in an authorised Methodist hymnal for the first time: short songs or chants, typically consisting of a single stanza, often to be sung repeatedly. These were drawn principally from the Taizé Community and the Iona Community, including the latter’s work in disseminating songs from around the world. Within Singing the Faith, many but not all of them are found in the book’s penultimate section, which contains forty-two items under the heading ‘Liturgical Settings’. Worship songs, however, are spread throughout the hymnal, and this organisational difference reflects the differences in structure and the intended uses of these two genres. As noted above, early worship songs followed the verse-refrain pattern of many popular hymns of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, with which they also shared some textual characteristics, such as simple, direct language, particularly in their refrains. Differences were more evident in the musical language and mode of performance. Plenty of instances of this kind can be found in Singing the Faith, including those examples cited above, as well more recent cases, such as Latty’s ‘Though the fruit tree doesn’t blossom’ (2001). Other more recent examples of the genre, however, have tended towards more complex structures, eschewing the simple alternation of verse and refrain for a variety of forms, ranging from the relatively simple, such as Townend’s ‘All my days I will sing this song of gladness’ (1998; verse-verse-refrain-verse-refrain), to more complex patterns involving bridge passages and other irregular sections. Hughes’ ‘I’ve had questions without answers’ initially follows a conventional verse-refrain pattern before inserting a bridge passage instead of a third verse before the final refrain, for example. Other songs describe comparable additional parts as a ‘mid section’ and in some instances it is indicated that they are optional. The implications of these structures in terms of congregational participation, musical culture, and theological significance will feature in Chapter 6, as the practice of these songs is central to understanding their impact. However, the relationship between these structural devices and their content is also an important feature. Bridge sections are frequently comprised of short lines and phrases, simple utterances that relate to the broad nature of the whole song, but which step back from its more detailed content. Personal pronouns abound, and there is a clear sense in which these sections seem to be a time for the individual worshipper to reflect on, and perhaps respond to, the significance of the song’s message for them. Typically followed by a return to the refrain, they offer a momentary reflective space, encouraging greater intensity for the return of the refrain, itself still the emotional climax of the song. By contrast, the short chants and songs included in Singing the Faith operate on a deliberately minimalist basis, with short, simple texts typically set to easily

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memorised music. They are intended to be either repeated continuously or interspersed with spoken prayers, and the spiritual effect is generated from this simplicity and repetition. By removing either the expectation of linear progress through the stanzas of a traditional hymn, or the complex navigation through a worship song of the type described above, they attempt to free the worshipper’s mind to meditate on the meaning of the text through an intense focus on it. Those designed for continuous repetition often have a text that either quotes or closely paraphrases a Bible verse, such as ‘Be still and know that I am God’, or ‘Jesus, remember me when you come into your Kingdom’. Settings for prayers make use of traditional liturgical phrases, such as ‘Kyrie Eleison’. In the former case, the biblical texts are presented without any attempt at theological interpretation or explanation of personal significance, as might be the case in a hymn or worship song. Meaning is meant to emerge through the meditative, repetitive practice of singing the text, thus offering a significantly different and less didactic approach than other types of congregational song. The latter type encourages a different form of engagement with words that may be familiar, inviting a renewed focus on the meaning and implications of words that, when spoken, may have lost some of their impact through over familiarity. Singing these responses may also encourage greater cohesion through the use of rhythm in situations where spoken responses may lack clarity. The introduction of these two types of short song or chant to Methodism’s authorised hymnody represents a significant broadening of the denomination’s understanding of the potential of congregational song, arguably more so than the inclusion of worship songs. This is especially apparent in their textual content and structure, which impose neither interpretative meaning nor a linear progression of ideas. That Methodism has embraced them is evidence of its continued belief that musical participation offers a distinctive and effective means of engaging worshippers. A positivist understanding of their inclusion alongside forms of congregational song more typical of Methodism’s history suggests that the denomination is sufficiently secure in its understanding of its own heritage and identity to embrace radically different models from other Christian traditions in order to sustain and challenge the Methodist people. Another viewpoint, sometimes expressed in relation to both these short songs and the significant presence of worship songs is that Methodism’s heritage of hymnody, and the theological literacy that it encourages, has been diluted. That these contrasting views can be found in contemporary Methodism is, however, testament to the general membership’s continued engagement with and attachment to congregational song as a vital part of their spiritual practice.

Language Despite the holistic approach advocated earlier in this chapter, the semantic power of hymn texts must be acknowledged; it is the words of hymns that afford authors the greatest precision in articulating aspects of Christian belief and practice. Composers and compilers have the chance to interpret the meanings of

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the words in many different ways, which may or may not be consistent with the author’s intentions, but which are ultimately understood in relation to the text. As the final section of this chapter will show, editors too have a potentially powerful ability to shape a hymn’s meaning, through textual amendments, additions, and omissions. However, authors have the ability, through memorable words and phrases, to exert a particular influence on those who sing their hymns, and more especially, those for whom they take on a personal or collective significance, forming, shaping and sometimes challenging their understandings of God, the church, the Christian life, and the world. The names and titles for God in Methodist hymnody The structure of many Methodist hymnals indicates that the names and titles for God is a central theme of some hymns, reflecting hymnody’s prominent role in expressions of praise and adoration. Aside from those hymns that explicitly meditate upon these themes, the nature of hymnody more generally in articulating Christian experience means that hymns on a vast range of topics have cause to address or describe God and to reflect on aspects of God’s character. Authors have always used a wide variety of names for the individual persons of the Godhead and the Trinity as a whole, ranging from traditional biblicallyderived examples to more interpretative titles that are based on characteristics associated with God and used instead of direct names. The former category includes familiar names and titles such as Father, Son, Spirit, and Lord, while the latter mixes familiar attributes-as-names, such as Redeemer and Saviour, with less common examples such as Mystery and the Ineffable.4 The use of the name ‘God’ itself also varies; it is often used to refer to the whole Trinity, but equally widely used to refer individually to the first person thereof, or less frequently to Jesus or the Holy Spirit.5 Certain names and titles are well represented in all eras of congregational hymnody. These are drawn from the most commonplace names for God within the Christian tradition, and it is thus unsurprising that these feature prominently in Methodism’s hymnody throughout its history. Tables 4.2 and 4.3 show the results of a comparison of the names used within analogous sections of diverse Methodist hymnals. They reveal a remarkably consistent list of most-used Table 4.2 Most popular names and titles in sections containing hymns of adoration Wesley’s Hymns

Primitive Methodist Hymnal

Singing the Faith

God

God

God

Lord

Lord

Lord

Father

King

Jesus

[Holy] Spirit (Ghost)

Father

[Holy] Spirit

Son

Jesus

King

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Table 4.3 Most popular names and titles in sections containing hymns on personal holiness Wesley’s Hymns

Primitive Methodist Hymnal

Singing the Faith

God

Lord

God

Lord

Jesus

Lord

Jesus

God

Jesus

[Holy] Spirit (Ghost)

Saviour

[Holy] Spirit

Saviour

Father

Saviour

names and titles, both in sections that would be found within any hymnals, such as Praise and Adoration, and those sections that have a more distinctive Methodist emphasis, for example on personal holiness and spiritual growth. Alongside this consistency, there is a notable decline through time in the range of names and titles used, most obviously in the hymns on holiness, where twelve discrete names or titles are used across twenty-eight hymns in Singing the Faith compared to twenty-six across thirty hymns in The Primitive Methodist Hymnal. In part, this may reflect a desire to avoid obscure titles in order to promote accessibility, but it also points to a heavier reliance on a smaller group of well-established names and titles. In part, Methodism’s adoption of a substantial number of worship songs in Singing the Faith has emphasised this. The genre typically uses a narrow range of names and titles, which largely rely on the traditional names for the persons of the Trinity, and familiar titles such as Lord, King, and Saviour. This is indicative of its strong association with conservative Evangelical Christianity, which places a high premium on close adherence to scriptural language. As a result, hierarchical and patriarchal names and titles predominate in the genre’s lyrics, which is clear in much of the material from the 1980s and 1990s that Methodism has adopted in Singing the Faith. However, there are also patterns of change, reflecting theological responses to shifting values. In some cases, the impetus for change comes from biblical scholarship, such as in the virtual disappearance of ‘Jehovah’ from recent Methodist hymnals.6 This name is widely used in nineteenth-century hymnals, reflecting its long history in English-language bibles as a Latinized form of Yahweh, but as recent translations from the Revised Standard Version onwards have eschewed it, so its use in hymns has come to seem obsolete, typically leading to the removal or editing of hymns that contain it. While Methodism’s adoption of worship songs and their generally narrow range of names and titles indicates that the values they represent are held within the boundaries of Methodist belief, there are also several counterbalances to this trend observable in Singing the Faith, pointing to the theological breadth of contemporary Methodism. The inclusion of more recent songs by authors such as Beeching, Latty, and others are representative of shifts within that genre towards exploring the nature and mystery of God in a greater variety of ways.

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Latty’s ‘Giving it all to you’ uses no names or titles whatsoever, while her ‘Holy Spirit, breath of heaven’ avoids any titles or names derived from characteristics. By contrast, her ‘Jesus Christ – Perfect Love’ is an extended meditation on the significance of several of the traditional titles accorded to Jesus; it does not accept them uncritically, but probes the meaning of each and their relation to the life of the individual believer. Beeching consciously employs a wide range of names and titles in her songs, complementing the familiar with more unusual offerings, such as ‘God-Man’ in ‘O precious sight, my Saviour stands’. In parallel to the general omission of Jehovah, she introduces the name Yahweh in the song ‘Everlasting God’, overtly drawing on Christianity’s Jewish roots and demanding historical and biblical awareness of singers and readers. In contrast to the conservative theology that has traditionally dominated the worship song genre, several prominent twentieth- and twenty-first-century authors of metrical hymnody have deliberately embraced a range of new names and titles for God in their work, representative of a liberal theological current. One striking example in Singing the Faith is Alan Gaunt’s ‘God with us’, which deliberately uses ‘God’ for each person of the Trinity, before using a range of titles for each, including ‘Mother’ alongside ‘Father’. In other cases, such as Bernadette Farrell’s ‘Earth’s creator’, only the names God, Jesus, and Spirit are used, but each is amplified with an extensive series of challenging attributes that again move beyond traditional boundaries of gender and hierarchy. As will be explored below, this trend has also influenced attitudes to editing existing texts. The existence of both traditional and more experimental ways of addressing and describing God within contemporary Methodist hymnody is further evidence of the creative tensions that exist within the denomination’s approach to authorised hymnody. As Methodism holds within it those who subscribe to opposite ends of a conservative-liberal spectrum on this and many other theological matters, along with a great majority who occupy a complex and broad middle ground, so hymnody must respond if the concept of authorisation is to continue to be meaningful. The small number of examples discussed above also give further illustration of the futility of constructing a simple opposition between hymns and songs as representatives of tradition and modernity. Instead, they must been seen as coexisting in a contrapuntal web of hymnody that includes historic and contemporary, and conservative and liberal alongside a host of other binaries. The believer and the church in Methodist hymnody Within arguments that dichotomise metrical hymnody and worship songs, a critical stance towards the perceived individualism of the latter’s lyrics is often to be found. Accusations focus on their apparent emphasis on an individual, intimate relationship between believer and Jesus, at the expense of any consideration of the church as the Body of Christ, or the communities within which Christians live. As with other such arguments on both sides of this debate, it is ultimately difficult to sustain when the genre is examined more carefully, although evidence can be found to support it.

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A careful examination of Methodist hymnody undermines the simple polarising of hymns and songs according to their lyrical and thematic content, rendering such arguments futile. Methodism’s historic emphasis on hymnody as a pedagogical and evangelical tool, along with its more general concern to promote personal and social holiness and lead people to assurance of their personal salvation, has inevitably meant that hymns written in the first person have featured prominently in its hymnals. Furthermore, neither are anxieties about the appropriateness of such an emphasis new; concerns over the intimate language used by Charles Wesley, and also in Moravian hymnody, were already evident in the eighteenth century. Darsey argues that the omission of Charles Wesley’s ‘Jesu, lover of my soul’ from the 1780 Collection is evidence of John Wesley’s resistance to overly amatory language, citing his earlier comments about Moravian hymns and those drawn from the tradition of Christian mysticism as evidence. Summarising John’s apparent concern, he claims that ‘He believed that such familiarity with Christ tended to encourage an acceptance of Christ as human as opposed to divine and human, thus tending towards Arianism (though Charles Wesley was never accused of this)’ (1996, p. 18). That this hymn, and others by Charles Wesley that use highly personal if less amatory language, have remained popular within Methodism indicates hymnody’s strength in affirming individual religious commitment and faith, as does the flourishing of later examples sharing similar literary characteristics. In purely literary terms, it is therefore possible to trace a connection from these eighteenth-century texts through nineteenth-century examples popular in Methodism, such as ‘Just as I am’, and ‘It passeth knowledge’ to worship songs such as Bullock’s ‘Lord, I come to you’ included in Singing the Faith. Such similarities transcend the conventional labels of genre, yet it would be misleading to claim that linguistic and thematic consistency is widespread or that it overrides the palpable differences in the ways in which these examples, and the genres they represent, are perceived and experienced. This highlights the importance of considering hymns holistically, as performed and experienced combinations of words and music, as well as the valuable contribution of detailed literary analysis to this work. Alongside this focus on individual faith, Methodist hymnody has also consistently engaged with the communal nature of Christianity, through hymns that focus on the church as a community of believers in the world. Here too, language is an important consideration in understanding how hymnody relates to the church’s context at different periods of its existence. Foremost in these hymns, however, is an affirmation of Methodism’s place within the universal church; these are not hymns that are narrowly about Methodist practices or concerns, but instead they take a broader perspective. Ecumenical hymns such as ‘Christ is made the sure foundation’ and ‘The church’s one foundation’ have long been included in authorised Methodist hymnals; by sharing these and other similar hymns with Christians of other denominations, Methodism affirms its understanding of itself within the universal church. Methodism’s own contributions to hymnody on the nature and mission of the church also

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display this implicit understanding, from Charles Wesley’s ‘Head of thy church triumphant’ through to Pratt Green’s ‘What shall our greeting be’, with its overt focus on Christian unity through the proclamation that ‘Jesus is Lord!’ As well as hymns dealing with the church as the Body of Christ, hymns on the physical manifestation of the church in its buildings have also featured in Methodist hymnals. Changes in the language and focus of these hymns show the influence of fluctuations in Methodist membership and the ways in which the church as an institution has reacted to these both physically and theologically. In Wesley’s 1780 Collection, there is little attention given to this topic, which is unsurprising given Methodism’s societal organisation and the book’s focus on Christian experience rather than liturgical matters. Instead, there is a section ‘For the Society, Meeting’, which focuses more on community than the physical meeting place. By the late nineteenth century, hymns with a very specific focus on places of worship can be found; Wesley’s Hymns (1877) contains a small selection of hymns under the heading ‘Laying the Foundation of a Chapel’ and a hymn for ‘Opening a Chapel’, while similar themes are explored in The Primitive Methodist Hymnal’s section ‘Places of Worship’. The hymns emphasise that the buildings are intended to glorify God, frequently describing them as physical representations of the firm foundations of the faith of those singing the hymns. This reflects Methodism’s independence from the Church of England in the nineteenth century, and also its own fragmented history; as it moved from being a loose societal organisation to a series of ecclesiastical institutions, physical property became both an increasingly necessary and desirable feature of its identity and existence. Notable in Singing the Faith are several hymns that deliberately shift the focus away from the physical church building and back onto the community of believers. Shirley Erena Murray’s ‘Community of Christ’, Brian Wren’s ‘Come build the Church – not heaps of stone’, and Paul Wood and Ian Worsfold’s ‘Beyond these walls of worship’ all exhort the singers to consider their role as part of the church in the world around them. Although only the latter has its origins in Methodism, all three may be symptomatic of the widespread numerical decline in traditional denominational Christianity in the West, which in Methodism has resulted in the closure of many buildings in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. Hymns encouraging Christians to engage with the society in which they live are, of course, not a new phenomenon, but the conscious pairing of this theme with language that downplays the significance of church buildings seems redolent of an age in which institutionalised Christianity has faced significant challenges and self-examination over its assumed position in society. These hymns embody a tension between being designed for use within worship yet simultaneously challenging singers to focus their thoughts on their Christian ministry outside both the practice and place of worship. Once again, they demonstrate how Methodism turns to hymnody to attempt to make sense of its own existence, and the lives and priorities of its members. The language of Methodism’s hymnody is thus a crucial component in understanding the ways in which hymns relate to different periods of the

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movement’s history, and the vastly different social and cultural contexts in which it operates. However, it is again important to interpret the significance of this facet of Methodism’s hymnody in the broader context of the ways in which hymns have been and continue to be part of Methodist life and practice. Forasmuch as authors and compilers seek to reflect present realities in their work and through it to challenge congregations, it is the realisation of words and music in the context of worship or devotion that enables hymnody to influence the lives and beliefs of those who encounter and experience it.

Editing Changes to familiar religious texts seem to provoke particular controversy, both within and beyond the confines of the church. Within Methodism, this was most notable in the reaction to the decision to address a prayer in The Methodist Worship Book to ‘God our Father and our Mother’ (Methodist Church, 1999, p. 204). As well as being the cause of considerable debate within the church, the prayer also attracted the attention of the secular media, including national newspapers, radio, and television (Dixon, 2003, p. 16; Garner, 1999).7 Although more prone to regular revision than liturgical texts, amendments to hymns have seldom attracted similar levels of interest outside the church, but are keenly debated within it. Most recently, the editorial policies employed in Singing the Faith, explored below, attracted considerable debate both during the hymnal’s preparation and following its publication. The particular interest in textual revisions to hymns and liturgical texts more generally stems from their public nature and the circumstances of their use. They are intended for repeated communal recitation, which encourages familiarity, often causing texts to become embedded in collective memory. Changes to such familiar texts can therefore seem challenging, unsettling, and even confrontational. Revisions to hymn texts easily blur distinctions between cultural and doctrinal considerations both in the impetus for the changes and their reception. Editors and compilers may wish to alter hymn texts that reflect a theological position contrary to their own, but they may also be sensitive to broader cultural influences, such as language concerning gender or race, which may in turn be reinterpreted through a theological lens. In terms of reception, the disconcerting effect of encountering a change in a familiar text can easily provoke an instinctively hostile reaction, as a culturally accepted norm is upset. However, where editing has apparently caused a change in meaning, reactions may be more theologically based, either positively or negatively, depending on whether the change affirms or challenges the singer’s beliefs. The intensity of debate surrounding hymnal editorial policies and practices is paradoxical, as it reflects hymnody’s prominent place in the cultural memory and identity of religious communities such as Methodism, yet also relates to a genre in which revision is an inherent and long-established practice. Despite this, however, familiar versions of hymn texts acquire their own authenticity in the minds of those who sing them, so that changes to them are met with strong

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opinions, which may inadvertently overlook a potentially complex history of textual revision. Within Methodism, the peculiar significance attached to Charles Wesley’s hymns means that editorial decisions affecting them are often particularly sensitive. However, this masks their literary history, especially with regard to the extensive editing that took place in the eighteenth century. Methodism’s most prolific editor was John Wesley, whose editorial hand went far beyond selecting the hymns for various publications, and ranged from small emendations to rewriting of lines and stanzas written by his brother and many other authors. Theological editing was also a feature of eighteenth-century Methodism, particularly as popular hymns were shared between the Arminian and Calvinist branches of the movement. Largely, Calvinist editors such as Whitefield and Augustus Montague Toplady revised Charles Wesley’s work for their own congregations; Arnold notes that ‘it is instructive to note that [John] Wesley was so concerned to present a relatively uniform sense of Arminian/Methodist doctrine that he excluded doctrinally inconsistent hymns regardless of their overwhelming popularity – and he even wholeheartedly excluded extraordinarily popular hymn-writers’ (1995, p. 174). Doctrinal concern, of course, was not a major consideration for John in editing Charles’ verse, and there is often no obvious reason for some of his decisions: Why in fact Wesley chose one hymn rather than another it is usually impossible to say: he selected those that in his judgment best served his purpose, although another man might well have chosen differently among such riches. So also with the content of the individual hymns. Charles Wesley’s prolific output included numerous hymns with twenty verses or more. John Wesley frequently made two hymns out of one, excised verses, or conflated parts of two verses to make one, and again it is not always possible to assign a clear reason except the vagaries of personal taste. (Beckerlegge, 1983, in Wesley, 1780, p. 56) As the range of authors represented in authorised Methodist hymnals has expanded from the nineteenth century onwards, so new editorial decisions based on theological or doctrinal matters have had to be taken. Largely speaking, hymns espousing overt Calvinist doctrines have continued to be entirely omitted from Methodist hymnals.8 Changes tend to reflect other aspects of religious belief, sometimes reflecting differences between Protestantism and Catholicism, such as in Matthew Bridges’ ‘Crown him with many crowns’, which has a long and complex textual history. Methodist hymnals have typically omitted Bridges’ original stanza two, with its prominent Marian imagery (Watson and Trickett, 1988, pp. 173–4). In the case of ‘The church’s one foundation’, the editors of Hymns and Psalms took the decision to omit the original third stanza, with its references to church disunity, ‘By schisms rent asunder, / By heresies distrest’, which Watson and Trickett describe as ‘redolent of nineteenth-century religious controversy’ (1988, p. 306). The retention of this stanza in earlier Methodist

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hymnals is not without irony, as Methodism itself was regarded by some in the Church of England as a troublesome schismatic movement, and, in the nineteenth century especially, was afflicted by its own internal schisms.9 Its subsequent removal is indicative of the more consensual ecumenical spirit of the late twentieth century. The more common type of editing typically reflects editors’ desires to make hymns more appealing or accessible, through modernisation, abridgment, conflation, or re-wording for aesthetic effect. While the publication of any new hymnal customarily re-ignites debates on such matters, they too have a long, and in some cases, venerable, history. John Wesley’s alteration of Watts’ ‘Our God, our help in ages past’ to ‘O God, our help in ages past’ and George Whitfield’s of Charles Wesley’s ‘Hark, how all the welkin rings’ to ‘Hark! The herald-angels sing’ are undoubtedly two of the most significant examples of such editing, which underline Arnold’s argument that It is surely a unique paradox that the most well-known, popular, and longstanding hymns in English are, in pure textual terms, not as knowable as they might seem … the original, authoritative, or even at one time most widely-used form might be a curiously foreign-looking piece of work indeed, when set beside what has come to be known as that particular hymn. (Arnold, 1995, p. 193) A case study of Charles Wesley’s Easter hymn ‘Christ the Lord is risen today’ demonstrates the multiple layers of editing that are present within one familiar hymn, highlighting in particular how different religious traditions may regard markedly different versions of the same hymn as definitive, and also how competing principles and their theological bases can have a significant effect on a hymn text. ‘Christ the Lord is risen today’: a case study in editing Within Methodism, this is one of Charles Wesley’s best-known hymns, customarily used as the opening hymn on Easter Day, and also historically associated with celebrations of Holy Communion, due to its inclusion in the Second Order for Holy Communion in The Book of Offices (1936), a practice revived in The Methodist Worship Book (Dixon, 2003, p. 98). The version contained in Singing the Faith is markedly different from Charles Wesley’s original text, composed in 1739, but even the original version is not independent of external literary influences. The text is modelled on the anonymous ‘Jesus Christ is risen today’, published in Lyra Davidica (1708), and has long been set to the same tune, EASTER HYMN, which was also first published in Lyra Davidica. Within Methodism, Wesley’s text has come to be uniquely associated with the tune, but in the Church of England, the older text has persisted, and a variant form of Wesley’s hymn beginning ‘Love’s redeeming work is done’ is commonly used, set to a different tune, SAVANNAH, which does not feature the ‘Alleluia’ at the

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end of each line. This confirms Arnold’s claim that ‘what one person knows as a particular hymn might be very different from what another person knows as that hymn: so much depends on the time, place, congregation, hymnal, and other factors’ (1995, p. 207). Wesley’s original, published in Hymns and Sacred Poems, had eleven stanzas; Watson and Trickett note that ‘In the various versions of this great hymn there are many alterations and additions’ (1988, p. 140). Among those that have become part of the standard version of the hymn are the alteration of ‘Dying once he all doth save’ to ‘Once he died our souls to save’, published in the fourth and fifth editions of Hymns and Sacred Poems (Wesley, 1739), and the recasting of ‘Where’s thy victory, O grave?’ as ‘Where’s thy victory, boasting grave?’, which is derived from Isaac Watts, in the 1831 edition of the 1780 Collection (Watson and Trickett, 198, p. 140).10 Although the hymn began life with eleven stanzas, for most of its history in Methodism, it has been printed with just five or six stanzas. In many nineteenth-century hymnals and in the 1904 and 1933 volumes, stanzas one to five and eleven were included, but Hymns and Psalms reduced this to five stanzas, by conflating stanzas two and three of the original; this five stanza form has been retained in Singing the Faith. Both the length of the original and the publication of selected stanzas in hymnals are commonplace; Arnold points out that for reasons of practicality, ‘if one looks at virtually any widely used compilation one sees a generally accepted maximum length of 7 or 8 stanzas, with 4 to 6 being optimum’ (1995, p. 150).11 The rhythmic construction of EASTER HYMN means that the ‘Alleluia’ at the end of each line effectively doubles the length of the hymn, as the melismatic melody stretches the word over two bars, which is the same length as is used for the preceding line of text. This makes the editorial decision to reduce the hymn to just five or six stanzas all the more understandable. By retaining Wesley’s final stanza, Methodist editors have ensured that the hymn still reaches its climax, while the use of several of Wesley’s stanzas in their original order also allows the author’s train of thought to remain at least partially present. With the exception of the two lines already noted, the lines that were printed in Hymns and Psalms in 1983 were essentially the same as the corresponding lines in Wesley’s original in 1739, save for small revisions to punctuation. However, editorial policies concerning modernisation and gendered language have resulted in several word changes in Singing the Faith. Such policies were not new to Singing the Faith, as the long history of hymnal editing suggests, and indeed, Watson and Trickett note that the Texts Committee for Hymns and Psalms were specifically charged to ‘attend to the difficult problems of modernizing awkward or outdated language and – where possible – the removal of non-inclusive gender-based terms’ (1988, p. 4). Particularly with relation to historic Methodist hymns, such as those by Charles Wesley, these principles were applied with a very light touch. By contrast, the editors of Singing the Faith generally pursued a much more rigorous interpretation of similar policies, as well as explicitly stating that new texts should conform to these principles:

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In the case of ‘Christ the Lord is risen today’, the policy on modernisation is the main cause of changes. The changes affect only single words, as in all cases the replacement word has the same number of syllables as the original and does not affect the rhyme scheme; thus, for example, ‘Sing, ye heavens; thou earth, reply:’ has become ‘Sing, you heavens; let earth, [sic] reply:’. This example is essentially the same approach that was taken, albeit less frequently, by the editors of Hymns and Psalms. Elsewhere in Singing the Faith, however, more substantive changes are made to conform to this policy, such as in the final stanza of Pierpoint’s ‘For the beauty of the earth’, where ‘For each perfect gift of thine / to our race so freely given’ is altered to ‘For each perfect gift and sign / of your love so freely given’, indicating that adherence to the policy was prized more highly than the integrity of the original stanza. In other instances, however, similarly archaic words are preserved, both in cases where they are intrinsic to the hymn’s first line, such as ‘Thine be the glory’ and ‘Be thou my vision’, or where the hymn text as a whole was deemed so ‘iconic’ that changes would have been inappropriate, such as ‘And can it be that I should gain’, where ‘Amazing love! How can it be / that thou, my God, shouldst die for me?’ is retained. The degree to which such changes succeed in modernising texts such as ‘Christ the Lord is risen today’ is far from clear, and the motivations for making them are rather unfocussed. The removal of obscure or obsolete words is often regarded as a laudable aim, and in cases such as Grant’s use of ‘lays’ in ‘O worship the King, all glorious above’, an accessible replacement may indeed be desirable.12 However, in this instance, as elsewhere, the constraints of rhyming poetry do not allow for a simple substitution, but require two lines of the stanza to be substantially rewritten. Changes of this extent naturally run a greater risk of altering the original meaning, or produce a cumbersome result to avoid doing so. Other archaic words that have been widely replaced, such as thee, thy, and thine, are, by contrast, arguably less difficult to interpret, so altering these makes a stronger statement of the modernising principle. However, such changes overlook other fundamental aspects of these hymns. While Charles Wesley’s hymns are dominated by straightforward language, the meaning of which is still clear to twenty-first-century singers, at times, the formal construction of phrases is still at odds with contemporary English usage; it is hard to imagine a contemporary author writing ‘Thus to sing, and thus to love’, for instance. Furthermore, the musical setting is unmistakably a traditional hymn tune, and, to the musically-aware singer, idiomatic of the eighteenth century. To focus on the text alone neglects the critical role of music in the experience of singing hymns, and taking individual words as the starting point for the modernising process restricts this already narrow perspective yet further.

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The five stanzas of ‘Christ the Lord is risen today’ printed in Hymns and Psalms contained just one gender-specific term relating to humans; thus in Singing the Faith, the hymn’s second line becomes ‘All creation joins to say’ instead of ‘Sons of men and angels say’. This affirms and even increases the breadth of Wesley’s phrase, but results in the loss of a fine example of his subtle poetic skill. Coupled with the fourth line of the stanza, Wesley uses chiasmus to emphasise the unity of earth and heaven; ‘Sons of men and angels say’ is mirrored by ‘Sing, ye heavens; thou earth, reply’. This example illustrates the unresolvable conundrum; the removal of the gendered language makes the hymn more immediately accessible to all, yet removes one of the small features that may reward careful devotional reading of the text. Elsewhere, the combination of gendered language and rhyme result in more substantial changes, such as the final stanza of Charles Wesley’s ‘Father of everlasting grace’: Hymns and Psalms Till, added to that heavenly choir, We raise our songs of triumph higher, And praise thee in a bolder strain, Out-soar the first-born seraph’s flight, And sing, with all our friends in light, Thy everlasting love to man. Singing the Faith Till, added to that heavenly choir, we raise our songs of triumph higher, and praise you with a bolder voice, out-soar the first-born seraph’s flight, and sing, with all our friends in light, with everlasting love rejoice. This alteration is particularly problematic, as the final object of the ecstatic hymns of praise that Wesley so powerfully depicts is no longer stated; the meaning of the revised final line is at best ambiguous. Elsewhere, the dogmatism with which this principle has been applied has inadvertently resulted in lines that reinforce gendered perceptions in different ways, as illustrated in the first stanza of Charles Wesley’s ‘Let earth and heaven agree’: Hymns and Psalms Let earth and heaven agree, Angels and men be joined, To celebrate with me The saviour of mankind…

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Singing the Faith Let earth and heaven agree, angels and people sing, to celebrate with me our Saviour and our King…13 Hymn-writers such as Brian Wren focus just as much on the use of masculine, patriarchal names for God as on the use of gendered terms for human beings, arguing that these restrict our understanding of the divine nature as well as alienating some believers: What gives the game away is not the maleness of the imagery but its drive for hegemony. Not content with being part of a mosaic of divine metaphors, it tries to take over the floor. By nature, it must bid for control. “God is King,” it whispers. “It says so in the Bible, and in the great Christian creeds. There is no other way laid down by which we can encounter God or God encounter us.” To admit that there might be other ways, equally valid, would dethrone the patriarchal idol. Kings can’t be one king among many: it goes against their nature. (Wren, 1989, p. 125) Views on this issue are typically more hotly contested than those on general modernisation, seemingly because of the more obvious overlap of sacred and secular influences and practice. Gender equality in society at large is assimilated within a Christian understanding of God’s desire for all human beings to flourish free from oppression and injustice, which has driven the church to examine its own practices, beliefs, and language critically. Methodism’s attempts to address the issue are part of a much wider international and ecumenical programme of liturgical revision, which Astley argues, ‘has been driven by the sense that the older liturgies, hymns, prayers and Bible versions can disable worship, partly as a result of the effect they can have on the worshippers’ (2004, p. 101). The most contentious aspects of this argument concern the names and titles used for God; those who oppose attempts to achieve gender equality in the use of names and titles for God, such as Cooper, commonly appeal to biblical precedent and authority to justify the strong predominance of masculine terms: The consistent pattern of Scripture presents God as though he is a masculine person, using masculine names, titles, and appellatives to state who he is. Scripture never speaks as if God is a feminine person. The feminine references are cross-gender images, feminine figures of speech predicated of a linguistically masculine person. (Cooper, 1998, p. 135)

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Conversely, Wren and others argue that the historical context of the Bible needs to be taken into account, and that a different approach is required: ‘No image is adequate. … Allowing God-images to clash is important, because it reminds us that we are approaching that which is beyond all images’ (1989, p. 132). Those on both sides of the argument acknowledge the difficulty in revising hymn texts, due both to their poetical nature and their cultural familiarity. Spurr highlights the obvious difficulty of extent and the enduring popularity of particular versions of certain hymns, noting that compilers pursuing a rigorous implementation of a revisionist agenda would need to alter the text of almost any hymn retained from an older, popular hymnal such as Ancient and Modern Revised (1995, p. 164). In a Methodist context, this phrase could easily be applied to the work of Charles Wesley, and it is notable that Singing the Faith retains the gendered language of some of his most famous texts, such as the line ‘Pleased as man with men to dwell’ in ‘Hark! The herald-angels sing’. On the whole, its editors have principally revised gendered terms for humans and have used the inclusion of new hymns to address the separate issue of gendered terms for God. However, much of the new material drawn from the worship song tradition, as noted above, relies on traditional patriarchal terms for God, which contributes to these remaining firmly in the ascendency throughout the hymnal. This approach might be regarded as an attempt to embrace progressive cultural values while retaining a broadly theologically conservative position as mainstream, perhaps not wanting to upset a tacit acceptance of traditional terms by many within the denomination. The success of such a bifurcated approach, however, seems uncertain, not least because it runs the risk of falling short of the expectations of theological liberals and conservatives. Simultaneously, the extent and variable poetic and semantic quality of the revisions made to gendered language about humans demand a degree of nuance in conceptually separating general modernisation and the removal of gendered language about humans from gendered language about God that is unrealistic to expect congregants to process while they are engaged in singing, which is the primary, and, for many, the sole way in which hymns are encountered. Methodism’s unique concept of authorised hymnals is a complicating factor in arguments about textual revision. Of necessity, the hymnal gains its authority at the highest level of the denomination’s ecclesiastical structure, the Methodist Conference, having been compiled and edited by a committee appointed to work on its behalf. While consultation across the Connexion has, in recent times, been a notable part of the process, the final decisions are nonetheless hierarchically imposed. While individual churches are not obliged to use the most recent, or indeed any authorised hymnal, many choose to do so, such is the strong historical attachment to hymnals within Methodism. Commenting on the practicalities of encouraging congregations to engage with a broader range of names for God, Wren notes that ‘It is wrong to do so, patriarchal fashion, by imposing it from the top down or dumping radically new God-language on an unsuspecting congregation in the middle of worship. Yet it is important to face controversy, not hope to go on avoiding it’ (1989, p. 135). Methodism has

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certainly faced the controversy in Singing the Faith, indicating that the process of textual editing that has characterised its hymnals since the time of John Wesley continues to be part of the denomination’s attempts to express its beliefs through its hymnody.

Notes 1 Although differentiated in metrical indices, SM, CM, and LM have been combined with their respective doubles in these analyses, as the division of many of these hymns into either four- or eight-line stanzas has been inconsistent throughout their history. Similarly, Kimbrough, Jr.’s analysis of Short Hymns differentiates between 8.8.8.8.88 and 88.88.88 (n.d., p. 2), whereas Singing the Faith does not (2011, p. lxxii); therefore, these, and other similar cases, have been grouped together in the analysis of the former used here. Aside from the numerical significance of these metres, several other distinctive metres are also characteristic of Charles Wesley’s hymnody, further demonstrating his creativity. Among others, these include 5.5.11., 7.7.7.7., and DSM. 2 All but one of the thirteen hymns in this metre in Singing the Faith have this rhyme scheme, ABABCC; the other is AABBCC. 3 Originally ‘O Love divine, what hast thou done!’ The effect is heightened yet further in this hymn by the use of the line ‘My Lord, my Love is crucified’ at the end of every verse. 4 The hymns of Frances Ridley Havergal, widely used within Methodism, are notable for her use of the term ‘Master’ to express the kingship of Christ (Watson, n.d.b). 5 Some recent scholarship and hymn writing has sought to redress the historic reliance on masculine terms; Brian Wren’s revisions to his own hymns and his advocacy of inclusive language (1989) present some of the clearest examples and most ardent arguments for this trend. Equally strong defences of the propriety of masculine terms for God are found in the work of Cooper (1998) among others. 6 ‘Guide me, O thou great Jehovah’ remains a notable exception, despite many Anglican hymnals using the word ‘Redeemer’ instead. 7 Sixteen years later, the same topic has been widely discussed in the British media following the consecration of the first female bishops in the Church of England (Bingham, 2015). 8 A significant omission on such grounds from Singing the Faith is Townend’s hymn ‘How deep the Father’s love for us’, one of the most popular examples of his work. 9 These schisms were not, however, the motivation for this particular stanza. It was written as a direct response to the controversy surrounding John William Colenso, Bishop of Natal, and his views on scriptural authority (Stapleton, n.d.). 10 Watson and Trickett attribute the former change to Martin Madan, citing his 1760 Collection of Psalms and Hymns, but the fourth edition of Hymns and Sacred Poems predates this by seventeen years. 11 Interestingly, Anglican hymnals typically include verses two to five and ten. 12 This viewpoint is not universally or uncritically accepted, however. Rowan Williams argues for the importance of unusual vocabulary in hymnody’s ability to stretch the imagination of its singers: ‘if we come to the hymn with too clear an aesthetic to being with, something of the proper task of hymnody will be imperilled. Hymnody of serious quality, it seems, must be a more risky and uneven matter than most editors suppose’ (1997, p. 73). 13 The loss of ‘be joined’ also weakens the message of unity in this hymn.

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Bibliography Arnold, R. (1995) The English Hymn: Studies in a Genre, New York: Peter Lang. Astley, J. (2004) Exploring God-talk: Using Language in Religion, London: Darton, Longman and Todd. Baker, F. (1962) Representative Verse of Charles Wesley, Nashville, TN: Abingdon. Baker, F. (1964) Charles Wesley’s Verse: An Introduction, London: Epworth Press. Beckerlegge, O.A. (1983) ‘John Wesley as Hymn-book Editor’, in Wesley, J. (1780) A Collection of Hymns for the Use of the People called Methodists, Hildebrandt, F. and Beckerlegge, O.A. (eds), Oxford: Clarendon Press, pp. 55–60. Bingham, J. (2015) ‘Calls to refer to God as a woman as female bishops take up posts’, Daily Telegraph, 31 May [Online]. Available at http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/ religion/11641880/Calls-to-overhaul-service-texts-to-refer-to-God-as-first-femalebishops-take-up-posts.html (Accessed 31 August 2016). Bircumshaw, B. and Brophy, P. (2011) ‘Preface’, in Methodist Church Singing the Faith: Music Edition, London: Hymns Ancient and Modern, pp. vii–ix. Booth, G. ed. (1889) Primitive Methodist Hymnal with Accompanying Tunes, London: Edwin Dalton. Church of Scotland (1973) The Church Hymnary, 3rd ed., London: Oxford University Press. Church Society (1965) Anglican Hymn Book, London: Church Book Room. Clarke, M.V. (2016) ‘“And can it be”: Analysing the Words, Music, and Contexts of an Iconic Methodist Hymn’, Yale Journal of Music & Religion, vol. 2, no. 1, pp. 25–52 [Online]. Available at http://dx.doi.org/10.17132/2377-231X.1023 (Accessed 31 August 2016). Cooper, J.W. (1998) Our Father in Heaven: Christian Faith and Inclusive Language for God, Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books. Darsey, S. (1996) ‘John Wesley as Hymn and Tune Editor: The Evidence of Charles Wesley’s “Jesu, Lover of My Soul” and Martin Madan’s HOTHAM’, The Hymn, vol. 47, no. 1, pp. 17–24. Dixon, N. (2003) Wonder, Love and Praise: A Companion to The Methodist Worship Book, Peterborough: Epworth. Garner, C. (1999) ‘Faithful pray to God the Mother’, Independent, 18 February [Online]. Available at http://www.independent.co.uk/news/faithful-pray-to-god-themother-1071545.html (Accessed 31 August 2016). Hulan, R.H. (n.d.) ‘Camp meeting hymns and songs, USA’, The Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology [Online]. Available at http://www.hymnology.co.uk/c/camp-meetinghymns-and-songs,-usa (Accessed 31 August 2016). Kimbrough, Jr., S.T. (n.d.) Short Hymns on Select Passages of the Holy Scriptures, 2 vols. (1762): Metres and Metrical Index [Online]. Available at https://divinity.duke.edu/sites/divinity. duke.edu/files/documents/cswt/12_METRICAL_INDEX_Scripture_Hymns_1762. pdf (Accessed 31 August 2016). Methodist Church (1999) The Methodist Worship Book, Peterborough: Methodist Publishing House. Methodist Church (2011) Singing the Faith: Music Edition, London: Hymns Ancient and Modern. Spurr, B. (1995) The Word in the Desert: Anglican and Roman Catholic Reactions to Liturgical Reform, Cambridge: Lutterworth Press.

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Stapleton, H.E.C. (n.d.) ‘The Church’s one foundation’, The Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology [Online]. Available at http://www.hymnology.co.uk/t/the-church’s-onefoundation (Accessed 31 August 2016). The Bible: Revised Standard Version, 2nd ed. (1971), Swindon: British and Foreign Bible Society. The English Hymnal (1906) The English Hymnal, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Watson, J.R. (n.d.a) ‘Anglican Hymn Book’, The Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology [Online]. Available at http://www.hymnology.co.uk/a/anglican-hymn-book (Accessed 31 August 2016). Watson, J.R. (n.d.b) ‘Frances Ridley Havergal’, The Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology [Online]. Available at http://www.hymnology.co.uk/f/frances-ridley-havergal (Accessed 31 August 2016). Watson, R. and Trickett, K. eds (1988) Companion to Hymns and Psalms, Peterborough: Methodist Publishing House. Wesley, J. (ed.) (1739 [2012]) Hymns and Sacred Poems, Maddox, R.L. (ed.) [Online]. Available at https://divinity.duke.edu/sites/divinity.duke.edu/files/documents/cswt/04_Hymns_ and_Sacred_Poems_%281739%29.pdf (Accessed 1 September 2016). Williams, R. (1997) ‘Beyond Aesthetics: Theology and Hymnody’, Bulletin of the Hymn Society of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 15 no. 4, pp. 73–8. Wren, B. (1989) What Language Shall I Borrow? God-Talk in Worship: A Male Response to Feminist Theology, New York: Crossroad.

5

Musical repertoire

In the process of hymnal production, musical editors and members of music sub-committees face a significant challenge and bear a particular responsibility in attempting to decide upon the appropriate tune or tunes for each hymn within a hymnal. Some genres of congregational song, such as the modern worship song and music from the Taizé community, come as complete, unique and inseparable entities of words and music, but for texts written in any of the large number of metres in common use in congregational hymnody, a choice exists, at least theoretically. In reality, the passage of time effectively removes this choice in some cases; strong bonds that exist between certain texts and tunes are often honoured in order that congregations might accept a hymnal as an authentic expression of their spirituality. Separating ‘All people that on earth do dwell’ from OLD HUNDREDTH, or ‘Holy, holy, holy’ from Dykes’ NICAEA would be unthinkable for a musical editor of a modern British hymnal. In a Methodist context, there are also tune and text combinations that have particular significance. Many, though not all, feature texts by Charles Wesley, and some of the pairings have also been adopted by other denominations. The powerful emotions attached to particular hymn tunes, knowledge of which can only really be assimilated through sustained immersion in Methodist worship, is illustrated by the example of a service to mark the closure of a village Methodist chapel in County Durham in the first decade of the twenty-first century. The hymn ‘Captain of Israel’s host’ had been selected to conclude the service; the local organist clearly felt this was the wrong selection, and substituted the tune SAGINA, thereby indicating his firm belief that ‘And can it be’, set to this tune, would have been the most fitting closure for this Methodist community.1 While for the music sub-committee of Singing the Faith, there was never any question that bonds such as ‘And can it be’ and SAGINA, or ‘Love divine, all loves excelling’ and BLAENWERN would be broken, the decision to set new tunes to other Wesley hymns, such as ‘Open, Lord, my inward ear’ and ‘Author of life divine’, and even using different arrangements, such as a version of HELMSLEY closer to Martin Madan’s in its vigour rather than Vaughan Williams’ stately harmonisation, represented a risk in terms of the hymnal’s reception. These anecdotal examples point to the strong importance attached to musical repertoire within Methodism; not only the words of the hymns but, in many

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cases, the tunes to which they are sung play a powerful role in the religious experiences of many Methodists. The singing of hymns, that is, the combination of words and music in performance, is a significant aspect of Methodist spiritual practice, and the hymns used constitute a repertoire of sacred song. Furthermore, the examples cited above point to the power of tradition in giving particular repertoire its sacred status. In keeping with the wider history of congregational hymnody, tradition has exercised a significant role in Methodism’s musical repertoire, although each generation has held it in a creative tension with a desire for change and innovation. This tension closely reflects the relationship between tradition and notions of suitability, as Burch Brown describes: ‘In church circles, judgments of musical taste are almost always tied closely to questions of tradition – and for good reason; for it is tradition that determines, in part, what sorts of music will seem appropriate’ (2000, p. 182). Although tradition has played a significant role in shaping successive generations of Methodist musical repertoire, shifting attitudes towards what constitutes tradition and the impact of successive attempts to introduce innovative repertoire make it difficult to establish a definitively Methodist musical style or genre. Instead, Methodism’s musical repertoire can be defined by the continued embodiment of several tensions; as well as that between tradition and innovation, the competing claims of art and popular musical styles have recurred throughout Methodism’s history, while the concept of authorised hymnody has also led to a continued tension between centralised authority and local preference in shaping musical repertoire. The relationships between the different polarisations have also fluctuated considerably, while the positions taken by the Methodist Conference, editorial committees, clergy, and the Methodist public at large have also varied over time. Running through these recurring tensions is an ongoing concern for the musical custodianship of Charles Wesley’s hymns. In many ways it exemplifies the other tensions, as each generation responds to this heritage. The claims of preservation, familiarity, suitability, and accessibility compete with each other; the particular acuteness with which they are focussed on Charles Wesley’s hymns is a clear indicator of the importance his work occupies in Methodist identity, but also the denomination’s attitude towards this legacy and the perceived responsibilities, challenges, and opportunities it presents. Rather than attempting a complete chronological history of Methodism’s musical repertoire, this chapter presents a series of short case studies drawn from the three broad periods of Methodist history: the era of the Wesleys, Methodism’s long nineteenth century, and the post-union era. Each of these illuminates one or more of the tensions that characterise Methodism’s musical repertoire.

Tradition, innovation, and the making of sacred repertoire Methodism, in keeping with many other parts of Christianity, has struggled with the contentious issue of reconciling tradition with innovation in its musical repertoire. The competing claims of the legitimising force of tradition

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and a widely held belief in the need to interpret and express eternal truths in different ways according to the demands of a range of external factors have often polarised opinion and caused deep rifts and confrontations. Tradition’s validating role in Christian thought and practice ultimately derives from the authority accorded to the Bible and the Early Church. To these, different denominations tend to add their own reference points, which typically arise from particular historical and social contexts associated with that group and its antecedents. While the weight of tradition is used to support particular standpoints across a range of Christian thought and practice, an important distinction must be made between its use in relation to matters of doctrine and theology, and its application with regard to music or other arts, where aesthetic considerations inevitably influence judgments on repertoire both old and new: ‘In churches, even more than elsewhere, various aesthetic, religious, and social perceptions are frequently bundled together’ (Burch Brown, 2000, p. 163). While the use of music in the context of worship has scriptural precedents in the Hebrew Bible, the Gospels, and the Letters of St Paul, the Bible offers no real grounds for justifying a particular musical repertoire. In keeping with its Protestant heritage, Methodism has avoided appealing to the Early Church as a guide for musical repertoire, unlike, for example, Roman Catholicism’s traditional, if not unanimous, advocacy of plainchant, which has also featured prominently in Anglican hymnody, notably the English Hymnal (1906). Instead, scriptural injunctions such as St Paul’s exhortation to the Colossian church to ‘sing psalms, hymns and spiritual songs to God’ have been used in a more general way to justify the prominent place of music in worship (the Bible, Colossians 3: 16). Initially, Methodism drew on other traditions to establish a musical repertoire, and while this trend has continued unabated since the eighteenth century, as illustrated in Chapter 2, alongside this it has developed its own sense of musical tradition. At the same time, within its authorised hymnals at least, it has usually sought to balance preservation of tried and tested repertoire with new music that reflects a range of cultural contexts. Both the preservation of tradition and the desire to innovate carry dangers with them. The elevation of tradition as absolute can mean, as Bangert observes, that ‘new repertoires of liturgical music are often measured, consciously or unconsciously, against what are thought to be timeless, pristine specimens of ideal church music’ (1998, p. 378).2 Burch Brown offers a four-fold critique of sins that may occur in matters of aesthetic judgment when applied to religious art, arguing that aestheticism, philistinism, intolerance, and indiscriminate acceptance are all to be avoided if the church is to make aesthetic judgments that reflect its moral and sacred obligations (1990, pp. 152–7). In part, Methodism’s process of issuing successive authorised hymnals seeks to defuse such tensions. No authorised hymnal is published with the intention of being a final statement of what Methodists may sing in worship; hymns from other sources are permitted, and the periodic succession of authorised hymnals acknowledges that repertoire continues to emerge, and that cultural factors change. This has tended to result in an approach that seeks to balance tradition

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and innovation in an attempt to respect and represent the diversity of practice that has always existed throughout Methodism. Inherent in such an approach, however, is the danger of accepting material on the grounds of the diversity it brings, rather than its inherent qualities, which Burch Brown argues is ‘culpable and not merely innocent’ (1990, p. 156). Similarly, as the discussion of tensions between centralised authority and localised preference later in this chapter will show, this approach has been perceived as a weakness of authorised hymnals as well as a strength. Attempting to balance traditional and new repertoire inevitably results in neither being as comprehensively represented as its most ardent advocates would desire. British and Germanic repertoire in eighteenth-century Methodism Though commonly regarded as a distinctive feature of eighteenth-century Methodism, its hymnody nonetheless drew on repertoire that had long been used in Anglican and Dissenting circles, as well as introducing material from other sources that had never previously been used in a religious context in Britain. In all three of the music collections overseen by John Wesley, metrical psalm tunes are well represented, although they are proportionately most significant in the Foundery Collection, where they account for almost half of the tunes. Some of them had been in common use in the Church of England for over 150 years prior to their inclusion in this collection. The oldest are CRIPPLEGATE, which is a later form of a melody first published in 1562 in The Residue of All David’s Psalmes in Metre (Temperley, 2006, tune code 175a), and CANNON, a corrupted version of a tune by Thomas Tallis (Temperley, 2006, tune code 246c), originally set to the words of Psalm 67 in The Whole Psalter translated in English Metre (1567). The fact that they are published in modified versions, as found in other psalters, rather than the composers’ original versions is further testament to their widespread use. The melodies are characterised by syllabic text setting, with only occasional use of melisma, and simple, almost unvarying rhythms. Three-quarters of these tunes are in the three most widely used metres (in either single or double form) of English metrical psalmody, Short Metre, Common Metre, and Long Metre. CANNON, set in LM, shows these characteristics clearly; even in this corrupted version, it is an essay in simple, understated, regularly-shaped melodic writing. These melodies would have been familiar to most churchgoers, and were likely part of John Wesley’s religious upbringing and education. However, while they would have been musically familiar to many of his early followers, the marriages of them to texts from Hymns and Sacred Poems were not. Thus Wesley exploited an existing repertoire of music specifically composed for sacred purposes to further his own brand of Christianity through the powerful and memorable medium of congregational song. Furthermore, the use of this established sacred repertoire plays a legitimising role; in using it to set new texts, Wesley is placing Methodism and its hymnody firmly within a long tradition of religious song. Conversely, the Foundery Collection also introduced a significant portion of new repertoire to British hymnody in the tunes borrowed from the Moravians,

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Musical example 5.1 CANNON, from The Foundery Collection

discussed in Chapter 2. Though not newly composed, most of these had not been previously published in a British hymnal. They did not, therefore, have the weight of tradition and familiarity behind them to justify their inclusion, so Wesley’s adoption of them is a clear acknowledgment of his respect for the Moravians and their religious devotion, as well as the particular musical repertoire they used and his conviction of the efficacy of these tunes. Though some of these melodies have their roots in secular folk songs, their mediation via the Moravians introduced them to Wesley in a context of sacred practice, which further justified their inclusion. Their musical qualities contrasted the metrical psalm tunes in their greater use of melisma, livelier rhythms, and wider melodic ranges. SLOW GERMAN exemplifies the style; the solemnity of its minor tonality tempered by the lyrical melodic phrases. The vast majority of both categories of tune were retained in the principal collections of Methodist tunes throughout the eighteenth century, albeit often in





  




 

 




  




   





  

 

  





   





  

 



 

 

    



 

    



  

    




 

   

 

 



   





  

  







   

   

   









 



Musical example 5.2 SLOW GERMAN, from The Foundery Collection







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revised and corrected versions.3 This indicates that at least in the societies where he exercised close control, John Wesley was able to ensure the continuance of his preferred musical repertoire. Furthermore, the combination of old and new material established a precedent that would be continued in Methodism throughout the eighteenth century and beyond. Harmonia Sacra and the influence of secular music in early Methodism The other significant musical innovation of eighteenth-century Methodism was the adaptation of secular melodies and the adoption of a similar style in original compositions. This process, which began with the adaptation of the march from the final movement of Handel’s opera Riccardo Primo (1727) as JERICHO in the Foundery Collection, rapidly became more widespread and dominated later collections of tunes. The principal publication to develop this style of hymn tune was Thomas Butts’ Harmonia Sacra, from which the repertoire spread to Sacred Melody and Sacred Harmony. Containing nearly four times as many tunes as the Foundery Collection, it expanded the repertoire in several of the earlier book’s categories. Unsurprisingly, a greater number and variety of traditional metrical psalm tunes are included, drawn from a range of earlier publications. By far the largest group of tunes are those that bear the influence of contemporary secular music; Temperley describes them as ‘a kind of distillation of the English art-music style of the day, whether derived from the theater, the public concert, or domestic song’ (2010, pp. 10–11). These included all twenty-four tunes from John Frederick Lampe’s Hymns on the Great Festivals and Other Occasions (1746), which was the first published set of original compositions for Methodist hymn texts (Clarke, 2010a). The German-born Lampe had arrived in London in 1725/6, and held a number of roles as composer and performer in various London theatres. His reputation blossomed in the mid-1730s, with several of his works receiving extended runs on stage. In the 1740s, he became acquainted with the Wesley brothers; Priscilla Rich, wife of Covent Garden owner John Rich, was the most likely initiator of this relationship. His conversion is mentioned in John Wesley’s journal, while Charles Wesley’s ‘Musician’s Hymn’ is widely regarded as having been written with Lampe in mind. The handsome publication of his twenty-four hymn settings (twenty-three texts by Charles Wesley, one by John and Charles’ eldest brother, Samuel) may be an indication of Lampe’s high regard for the Wesleys and the impact Methodism had upon him. The settings are, in essence, miniature arias for solo soprano or tenor with continuo accompaniment. Their heavily ornamented melodies and large vocal ranges demonstrate Lampe’s background in theatrical music and place considerable demands on the singer. Accompaniments are characterised by active bass lines, detailed figuring, and a clear intention to support a solo voice rather than lead congregational singing. HYMN XI ‘On the Ascension’ amply demonstrates Lampe’s style and approach. Charles Wesley’s text ‘Hail the Day that sees Him rise’ receives a

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Musical example 5.3 J.F. Lampe, HYMN XI, bars 9–19, from Hymns on the Great Festivals and Other Occasions

dramatic rendering, reflecting the majesty of Christ’s Kingship described in the text. In particular, the ornamentation of ‘triumph’ and ‘glory’ suggest regal splendour, while the striking use of semiquaver rests at the beginning of the penultimate phrase lends a heraldic air to the rhythm. Apart from Lampe’s tunes, many of those reflecting secular style had not appeared in a hymnal prior to Harmonia Sacra; sources of tunes included in the book included eighteenth-century operas, oratorios, songs, and instrumental works, drawing on compositions from musicians such as Thomas Arne and Henry Holcombe. Although sources have not been identified for all these tunes, there is no evidence to suggest that, other than those by Lampe, any of them were original compositions by anyone else directly associated with Methodism, including Butts himself.4 ST MICHAEL’S is adapted from Holcombe’s song ‘Hail, charming grotto’, published in The Musical Medley (1755). It is an elegant, attractive melody, with frequent decoration, straightforward harmony, and a high degree of movement in parallel thirds and sixths between the two upper parts. It is markedly different from the plainer metrical psalm style illustrated above. Comparison with FOR SUNDAY, one of the tunes with no known publication prior to Harmonia Sacra, reveals a number of strong similarities. The latter tune is also characterised by use of melisma, a wide-ranging melody, and a strong relationship between the two upper parts. It is broadly representative of the style of the other untraced tunes, suggesting that the influence of contemporary secular art music exerted

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Musical example 5.4 ST MICHAEL, bars 1–11, from Harmonia Sacra

itself more strongly than the older metrical psalm tradition, of which Methodism had adopted but a small proportion through the Foundery Collection. The vast majority of the tunes published in Harmonia Sacra were also used in Sacred Melody and Sacred Harmony, meaning that these later collections were




















  






  

        

                           


 

  


     

   

        

    












    









  

   



  

 












 

  

 

     

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Musical example 5.5 FOR SUNDAY, from Harmonia Sacra






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also dominated by this secular-derived style. The works of later eighteenthcentury composers associated with Methodism, such as Martin Madan, whose HOTHAM was widely used for ‘Jesu, lover of my soul’, and Thomas Olivers, whose HELMSLEY, perhaps adapted by Madan, have endured since the eighteenth century, also tend to follow similar stylistic traits. Eighteenth-century Methodism’s sustained use of repertoire initially borrowed from secular sources may, in some instances, indicate a shift in the perception of a tune. Initially, the awareness of its secular origins may have been strongly felt, but if over the several decades between Harmonia Sacra and Sacred Harmony, it continued to be used in a sacred context, this awareness may have diminished. Instead, the melody would be commonly associated with its sacred context (and text), which could transform its status from ‘new’ and ‘secular’ to ‘traditional’ and ‘sacred’. In part, this may depend on the popularity of the original secular work; if it diminished in popularity while the hymn tune survived, then this process becomes more likely. The Wesleyan legacy in nineteenth-century Methodism The post-Wesley era and the resulting formalised splits in Methodism had a considerable impact on its hymnody. While the 1780 Collection continued to exercise a strong influence on all branches of Methodism, the musical situation was more varied. This variance in attitude between words and music is symptomatic of the prevailing publishing model, whereby collections of texts and tunes were published separately. An important development through the nineteenth century was the formation of stronger relationships between texts and tunes, brought about both by the increasing numbers of new tunes composed with specific texts in mind and the gradual change in format of hymnals, whereby full texts and tunes were printed together. A clear attempt at maintaining musical tradition was made by Charles Wesley junior, whose revised edition of Sacred Harmony was published in 1822. The tunes are described as being ‘carefully revised and corrected’; they are presented as melody and figured bass, ‘a form more convenient for general use’ (Wesley, 1822, p. xii). The volume includes an extensive preface, in which the value of Sacred Harmony is robustly defended. It surveys current trends in Methodism, including the desire for innovation: Certain it is, that since the airs in the “Sacred Harmony” have been suffered to fall into neglect or oblivion, the character of our congregational singing has not generally improved. That many tunes … which have held an eminent place in church music almost since the time of the Reformation, have been in frequent use; and that some compositions of much more modern date, formed on the style of the solemn and noble psalmody of ancient times, have been employed in aid of our devotions, we gladly acknowledge; … but it must be lamented, that the rage for new tunes which was for many years indulged, and the eagerness with which every collection was bought up and

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Musical repertoire introduced, deluged the Connection with base, dissonant, unscientific, and tasteless compositions, utterly destructive of that rich and solemn melody, which best becomes religious services, and most powerfully excites those emotions which act subserviently to edification, by giving force to the words sung, and fixing the attention more directly upon them. (Wesley, 1822, p. ii)

Here, then, is a clear attempt to preserve a perceived tradition of sacred music; his criticism of new repertoire follows a similar line to Burch Brown’s point about indiscriminate acceptance on the grounds of novelty. In practical terms, aside from omitting third parts where they had been included in Sacred Harmony, Charles junior’s editorial interventions are light handed, and the essential qualities of the melodies are preserved. Many musicians took an alternative approach to the custodianship of Charles Wesley’s verse, setting selections of his hymns to new tunes in a style that departed from earlier models. Many of the tunes in this style originated in small single-composer collections, but their popularity in the movement at large is clear from their adoption in denominational hymnals later in the century. William Arnold’s Original Psalm and Hymn Tunes (c.1807) is a prime example of both the typical compositional style and the way in which selections of this repertoire gained wider use. Arnold (1768–1832), a Wesleyan choirmaster, worked as a shipwright at Portsmouth Dock; the romanticised image of him receiving musical inspiration in the course of his manual labour is recounted by Watson and Trickett: ‘He composed many of his tunes while at work, and noted them down with his carpenter’s pencil on a piece of board’ (1988, p. 504). His collection contains fifty-seven tunes set for keyboard and four voices in the common layout of the period (TASB); each tune has a single verse interlined, all have references to ‘Wesley’s collection’, and many have alternative references, mostly to ‘Dr Watts’, and in a few cases to ‘Rippon’.5 While Arnold was therefore writing principally for his own situation, he was clearly aware of the possibilities of advancing his music in Baptist or other Dissenting circles too. The musical style conforms to what Temperley and others describe as ‘Old Methodist’: The typical tune that emerged was melodious, even pretty, and in the major mode. It often had a second, equally tuneful subordinate part, moving mostly in parallel 3rds or 6ths, either of similar compass or in a trebletenor relationship; the bass was inclined to be static. In other words, the texture was that of the ‘galant’ or early classic style, and for the most part the compositional rules of that style were well observed; but it long outlived the departure of galanterie in secular music. (Temperley, n.d.) JOSIAH is a typical example, and, in a slightly abridged arrangement, gained great popularity in many authorised hymnals.

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Musical example 5.6 W. Arnold, JOSIAH, bars 1–8

The proliferation of this type of tune across and beyond Methodism and its gradual assimilation into denominational hymnals is indicative of a favouring of new repertoire over that which had dominated eighteenth-century Methodism. Charles Wesley junior’s preface indicates that this trend was already well established by the 1820s, and very few of the tunes originally included in Sacred Harmony are found in the major denominational hymnals of the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Instead, these are dominated by nineteenth-century tunes, many of which were borrowed from Anglican sources, as described in Chapter 2, and a smaller number retained from early nineteenth-century publications associated with Methodism, such as Arnold’s. The ‘Ranters’: Primitive Methodist music in the nineteenth century Loud, enthusiastic singing in the open air has commonly been cited as a characteristic of Primitive Methodism, and one which contributed to their popular nickname of Ranters. Stewart Werner provides an evocative description of their repertoire and practice: A contrast to the more staid hymns sung in Wesleyan chapels and to the drone of “Anglican chant,” Ranter hymns belonged to a world of ballad

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Musical repertoire and street songs, of drinking songs, colliers’ rants, and costermongers’ cries. The hymnal was compiled for use at “camp meetings, revivals, &c.,” and the selections in it were chosen with that end in view. A few of the sort written by Charles Wesley and Isaac Watts were admitted, but the favourites, sung to popular tunes, were verses turned out by revivalists like Dow, Benton, and Bourne. (Stewart Werner, 1984, p. 149)

The answer to the question of exactly which tunes they used is, however, elusive. Localised repertoire was inevitable, and both the melodies they may have borrowed and their own practice would have been largely oral traditions, so physical evidence is scant. Milburn notes that ‘There was for many years a reluctance to publish a Connexional tune book, largely because of fears that it might offend traditional usage and arouse controversy’ (2002, p. 66). The first Connexional tune book was not issued until 1868. The later Primitive Methodist Hymnal (1889) reflects both the movement’s heritage and contemporary trends. In the ‘Preface to the Edition with Tunes’ the editors point out that ‘Some tunes are inserted which a severe taste would reject, but as these are wedded to the hymns and hallowed by old associations, it was thought that their exclusion would have been a source of regret to many, not only on sentimental grounds, but because of the inherent vitality which they evidently contain’ (Booth, 1889, p. [v]). This shows the crucial role of tradition in the process of constructing a sacred repertoire, while the placing of such tunes alongside recent compositions by the likes of Dykes, Sullivan, Monk, and Barnby also shows that innovation and the influence of other Christian groups played its part. However, the tradition it refers to does not seem to be that of the popular idea of Primitive Methodist singing, as described by Stewart Werner. Virtually all the tunes are attributed to a composer, and many of those that exhibit the rustic character alluded to in the preface have the names of known Methodist musicians attached to them; the tunebooks at Mount Zion Chapel, mentioned below, provide clear examples. Hymns or songs: dichotomy or simplification? As discussed in Chapter 2, late twentieth- and early twenty-first-century Methodist hymnody has been influenced by the worship song genre that has its roots in the charismatic movement. While Singing the Faith, like many earlier authorised hymnals, attempts to balance old and new hymnody, this masks what is often presented as a more sharply polarised distinction between hymns and songs. While many churches and leaders of worship seek to strike a balance between old and new repertoire within each act of worship, others adopt a model of distinguishing between ‘traditional’ and ‘contemporary’ forms of worship; the selection, presentation, and placing of music within the liturgical structure play a significant part in defining these worship categories. This is frequently allied to a decisive contrast between hymns and songs as representing traditional and contemporary

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hymnody, or even more baldly, old and new. While this may prove a convenient shorthand for explaining the nature of a particular act of worship, or the overall style adopted by a church, it is ultimately a simplification that cannot be sustained when musical styles, literary structures, and historical contexts are examined.6 In terms of musical style, there are, of course, fundamental differences between the predominant type of hymn tune that has survived from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and the songs of composers such as Tim Hughes and Matt Redman. While the former are founded on regularly and simultaneously changing harmonic and metrical rhythms in a homophonic and homorhythmic texture intended for four-part singing, the latter are characterised by unison melodies with varied rhythmic patterns that often anticipate the pulse, and a slower harmonic rhythm. However, boundaries are less clearly defined between the type of early nineteenth-century Methodist hymn tune described earlier, which has survived in relatively small numbers, and the work of composers such as Graham Kendrick, Stuart Townend, and Keith Getty. Both are marked by a slower harmonic rhythm than, for example, metrical psalm tunes, bold, distinctive melodies employing melisma, sometimes liberally, and harmonic writing that, although it may permit singing in parts, is simple, direct, and clearly subservient to the melody. Furthermore, regarding hymns as synonymous with tradition or simply ‘old’ repertoire is also misleading; as well as introducing new hymn texts on topical themes and using contemporary language, both Hymns and Psalms and Singing the Faith included hymn tunes in musical styles that marked a significant departure from the prevailing harmonic and melodic idiom of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century models. In the latter hymnal, the lyricism and flowing accompaniment of Ian Howarth’s EFFINGHAM, written for Wesley’s ‘Open, Lord, my inward ear’, is a striking example. It is possible to argue that the distinction between hymns as traditional and songs as innovative lies in their structure. It is certainly true that songs are metrically more wide ranging and individualistic than hymns, while also heavily favouring the use of a refrain, which is often characterised by a move to a higher tessitura and more assertive rhythmic and melodic patterns. However, these features are also to be found in repertoire from many earlier generations, such as FAITHFULNESS, written for ‘Great is thy faithfulness’, and hugely popular in Methodism both in Britain and the USA. Tradition and innovation continues to characterise Methodism’s musical repertoire, as the evidence of Singing the Faith shows. However, these labels are not synonymous with particular types of repertoire; innovation may be observed in hymn tunes while some worship songs follow established structures and musical traits. Arguably the most innovative aspect of the worship song genre, and one which a fixed authorised hymnal militates against, is its transitory nature. New material is composed constantly and disseminated via annual festivals, commercially available recordings and online, often resulting in a high turnover of repertoire in congregations that focus exclusively on this genre. Singing the Faith reflects both some songs that have remained popular since

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Musical example 5.7 I. Howarth, EFFINGHAM, bars 5–12, © Ian Howarth, reproduced with permission

their introduction in the 1980s and 1990s, and also a small snapshot of popular repertoire from the period in which it was compiled. So far, the Methodist Church has not found a way of reconciling this ever-changing repertoire with its concept of authorised hymnody. However, Burch Brown argues that this is a broad recent trend in Christianity: ‘Among Protestants, Evangelicals, and Pentecostals, matters of style in prayer, praise, and music increasingly assume the importance formerly reserved for doctrine, polity, and denominational identity’ (2000, p. 166). This trend has a special significance in a Methodist context, given the denomination’s concept of authorised hymnody. Throughout its history, Methodism’s musical repertoire has been affected by both the denomination’s heritage and the desire for change. Their impact on repertoire is mirrored by changes and variety in musical practice, which are explored in the next chapter. Although each generation of Methodism has sought to respond to this challenge, most typically by attempting to balance old and new repertoire in authorised hymnals, this does not necessarily mean that this balance is reflected in Methodist worship Sunday by Sunday. Local preference, musical resources, and the influence of worship leaders mean that while Methodism’s musical repertoire at a macro level is characterised by a balance of tradition and innovation, this cannot be regarded as representative of the repertoire typically used in any individual Methodist church. In part, this is the inevitable outcome of authorised hymnody, especially since authorised hymnals have placed music directly alongside texts since the nineteenth century. Compiled by small committees, they cannot contain the

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entire breadth of repertoire used within Methodism at any given time, and thus attempt a broad representation of widespread styles. The extent to which this is accepted and valued by local congregations will be addressed below through an examination of locally-produced hymnals and non-authorised collections widely used in Methodism. The discussion of the difference between hymns and songs and the inadequacy of equating them to ‘old’ and ‘new’ points to another common opposition within Methodism’s music, the respective influence of art and popular music. The widespread association of traditional hymnody with organ accompaniment and modern songs being led by a worship band might, on the surface, suggest a simple alignment of hymns with art (or classical) music and songs with popular music. The reality throughout Methodism’s history has been rather more complex, as the examples in the next section will show, while the relationship between church music and broader definitions of art and popular music in a contemporary context is also problematic.

Art and popular: Methodism and fashionable music Conflicts between art and popular music are hardly unique to Methodism, and the tensions evident between them throughout its history are part of a much longer, broader, and sometimes more contentious debate within Christianity. Within Methodism, a number of causes of these tensions can be identified. In several cases, the experiences and preferences of editors, compilers, and committee members resulted in the favouring of a particular musical style, most often reflecting the influence of art music, while the inclusion of more populist repertoire often seems to have been a reaction to existing practice. Definitions and boundaries need to be considered carefully in addressing the use of art and popular music within Methodism. The various types of art music adopted by Methodism reflect the musical language of the common practice era in Western classical music.7 Other parts of Methodism’s musical repertoire have shown the influence of aspects of the popular musics of mass culture. Key to understanding the impact of both on Methodism is the idea of musical fashion. Equally applicable to art and popular styles, it is Methodism’s relationship with fashionable music that reveals most about its use of music as a mode of cultural engagement with its existing and would-be followers. Jonathan Battishill’s Twelve Hymns: fashionable art music in eighteenth-century Methodism Both John and Charles Wesley were acquainted with leading figures in eighteenth-century art music in London and, to some extent, the provinces. These included composers such as Lampe, Jonathan Battishill, and, indirectly, Handel; performers such as Priscilla Rich; and music-lovers who attended concerts such as those organised by Charles Wesley himself on behalf of his prodigiously talented sons, Samuel and Charles junior:

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Musical repertoire It seems clear that the clientele at the performances were not merely an extension of Charles snr.’s Methodist supporters, although some ministers and Methodist-leaning aristocracy – such as the Earl of Dartmouth – did number among the audience. There is certainly reason to believe that many of the listeners were simply music-lovers. (McLamore, 2004, p. 107)

These contacts resulted in the composition of original tunes for Charles Wesley’s hymns, such as those by Lampe discussed above, which exhibited fashionable traits in their melodies and textures. Jonathan Battishill was a versatile and respected musician in eighteenthcentury London; he held posts in church and theatre music, was a prolific composer and a renowned keyboard player and singer. He was seemingly wellacquainted with both Charles Wesley and his sons; Matthews notes that he ‘had taken part in concerts at their home’ (1992, p. 478). Battishill was obviously highly regarded by Charles Wesley and his musical ability also made a clear impact on Samuel: Among the first rate musicians I have been acquainted with may be justly reckoned the late Jonathan Battishill, to whom my dear Father was very partial, and who composed a valuable set of beautiful Tunes to sundry of his hymns – His talents were versatile, as he excelled in the Church, Chamber and Theatrical Style. (Wesley, n.d., cited in Matthews, 1992, p. 478) Battishill’s Twelve Hymns, The Words by Revd. Mr Charles Wesley (c.1765) do not appear to have been widely adopted within Methodism. None of them appears in Sacred Harmony, while the texts he set were not among those that received musical setting in either Sacred Melody or Sacred Harmony. However, Samuel Wesley’s remark indicates that they were known to the Wesley family, and some were taken up in other publications in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The musical settings are typical of the elegant melody-dominated style of fashionable art music at the time; these are sophisticated settings for domestic rather than congregational use, intended to be performed by skilled musicians. This is most amply demonstrated in the eleventh setting, where Battishill provides a lengthy ‘Symphony’ before a highly affective vocal melody. Set-piece anthems In contrast to the Wesleys’ association with leading exponents of fashionable art music, the inclusion of set-piece anthems in Sacred Melody and Sacred Harmony indicates a response to popular demand. Generically somewhere between the ornate hymn tunes like Lampe’s and full-scale anthems, these were throughcomposed settings of metrical texts. The first example under Wesley’s authority was CHESHUNT in Sacred Melody (1765), a setting of Isaac Watts’ ‘The Voice of my

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Musical example 5.8 J. Battishill, HYMN XI, bars 1–8

Beloved sounds’ adapted from a popular song by Holcombe and first appearing in Harmonia Sacra. The addition of further examples in Sacred Harmony indicates that this genre was popular within Methodism; the first edition contained Martin Madan’s THE 100 PSALM, while the second added three more: another borrowed from Harmonia Sacra, a second composition by Madan, and Edward Harwood’s ‘Vital spark of heav’nly flame’, which was to become the most popular of all setpieces. Drage notes that although the early examples are drawn from the type of fashionable art music favoured by John Wesley, Harwood’s composition ‘became part of popular culture’, and was widely sung at funerals in Britain and America for well over a century (2010, p. 67).8 The early decades of the nineteenth century saw a further movement towards locally-produced set-pieces that reflected popular culture more than fashionable art music. These were typically published in pamphlets or small collections rather than as part of larger hymnals (Drage, 2010, pp. 69–71). Sir Frederick Bridge and The Methodist Hymn Book (1904) The tension between art and popular music is one of the most striking features of the 1904 hymnal. Its musical editorship, contents, and structure are all indicative of contrasting aims and preferences within Wesleyan Methodism. The appointment of Sir Frederick Bridge, at the time organist of Westminster Abbey and King Edward Professor of Music at the University of London, as Musical Editor was a significant statement by the committee, suggesting that the need for musical expertise and the desire for prestige were placed above considerations of denominational affiliation. Though overlooked for the Hymns Ancient and Modern

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committee, Bridge was one of the most eminent church musicians in Britain, and his appointment revealed a clear favouring of serious art music by the committee. Although the hymnal committee were ultimately responsible for its contents, including the selection of tunes, Bridge’s influence can be clearly discerned, especially in the significant number of new tunes written for the volume; in addition to Bridge’s own compositions, many are drawn from musicians both professional and amateur with whom he would have been well acquainted. The Preface to the Edition with Tunes has a partial list of composers, structured according to their rank: in addition to Bridge himself, a further five have knighthoods, one is a Professor, six are titled Doctor, and just one, Alcock, is listed as ‘Mr’, though the parenthetical explanation ‘organist of the Chapels Royal’ is added to explain why he was not consigned to the ‘many others’ who remain unnamed (Wesleyan Conference, 1904, p. ix).9 The profile of the composers who contributed tunes clearly indicates that the hymnal committee, presumably influenced by Bridge, aspired to a collection of tunes that was sophisticated, respectable, and representative of contemporary church music composition. This impression is underlined by the consigning of thirty-nine ‘Old Methodist Tunes’ to an appendix; the committee, perhaps at Bridge’s behest, purposely distanced him from these tunes in the preface, which appears as a tacit acknowledgment that their musical style was less sophisticated than would be acceptable to a musician of Bridge’s calibre.10 The hymnal contains twenty-one tunes by Bridge, of which five were newly composed. In addition, he contributed twelve harmonisations, of which seven had not previously been published. Of these, only one tune, SPEAN, set to ‘Brightest and best of the sons of the morning’, has endured within Methodism. Bridge’s tune HANDSWORTH exhibits characteristics that at once reflect his musical sophistry and the likely reasons why his tunes did not gain wide popularity. It is a bold tune, with opening unison notes that respond to the text ‘Our Lord is risen from the dead!’ and recall Gauntlett’s use of a similar technique in the opening of his tune ST ALBINUS for ‘Jesus lives!’, which immediately precedes Bridge’s tune in the hymnal. None of the phrases in HANDSWORTH concludes with a perfect cadence in the tonic key; instead, three of the four utilise plagal cadences. As these are not preceded by perfect cadences, the tune lacks a familiar sense of resolution, which is curiously at odds with the affirmative nature of the Eastertide text. Furthermore, the melodic profiles necessarily associated with these cadences are less instinctive than the melodic formulae for approaching the final tonic commonly associated with perfect cadences. Admirable though these attempts at avoiding musical clichés might seem from the perspective of heightening the tune’s individuality, they also limit its effectiveness and approachability for congregational singing. The appendix of ‘Supplemental Tunes’ is dominated by tunes that conform to the ‘Old Methodist’ type discussed above and which date from 1750–1850. No indication is given of the associated texts and neither are cross-references to these tunes given in the main body of the hymnal. Use of these tunes therefore relied on prior knowledge and familiarity. That they were included despite the editorial reservations implied in the preface testifies to their popularity in

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Musical example 5.9 J.F. Bridge, HANDSWORTH

Methodism. Tellingly, later authorised hymnals have foregrounded many of these tunes, illustrating their close association with Charles Wesley’s texts. In the 1904 hymnal, however, many of these texts are set to metrical psalm tunes or newly composed tunes.11 Arguably the starkest contrast is between Thomas Campbell’s SAGINA, which has subsequently become inseparable from ‘And can it be that I should gain’, yet was only placed in the appendix, and the 1904 hymnal’s tune composed for these words, HOLY FAITH by Sir G.C. Martin, organist of St Paul’s Cathedral.12 The robust, uncomplicated diatonic harmony of the former is the antithesis of Martin’s lush harmonies, which include frequent use of added notes such as major ninths, and successive reharmonisations of repeated melody notes, exemplified by the different approaches to the final couplet (Musical Examples 5.10 and 5.11). The 1904 hymnal appears to privilege art music over popular taste, but the evidence of later authorised hymnals suggests this was not well received. The subsequent favouring of tunes confined to the 1904 appendix is not necessarily a reflection on the musical quality of the tunes such as HOLY FAITH that were discarded, but an indication of the deep-rooted connections that exist between specific tunes and texts in Methodism. Hymns and Psalms and Singing the Faith Methodism’s two most recent authorised hymnals raise a number of challenging questions about the nature of the denomination’s musical repertoire and

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Musical example 5.10 T. Campbell, SAGINA, bars 25–32, from The Methodist Hymn Book (1904)



 

    





  

     

    



   

 

 

 











 

 

   



 

 



 

 

    

 

 

 

 



 

 

  




 

Musical example 5.11 G.C. Martin, HOLY FAITH, bars 17–24, from The Methodist Hymn Book (1904)

its cultural reference points. In some regards, Hymns and Psalms is a rather conservative hymnal; although twentieth-century authors are well represented, generically it is heavily dominated by metrical hymnody, with only a small selection of less formal songs (largely intended for all-age contexts) and items from other cultures. Conversely, Singing the Faith, as noted above, contains a significantly wider range of genres and a greater balance between them. On this basis, it can be argued that Hymns and Psalms is most influenced by art music, while Singing the Faith draws somewhat more equally on art and popular styles. Returning to the idea of musical fashion and its relationship to Methodism’s musical repertoire, however, demands that this basic argument is probed more deeply. Unlike the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century examples described

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above, the cultural reference points for Hymns and Psalms and Singing the Faith are less easily reconciled with contemporary fashions in art and popular music. Despite not meeting the conference-imposed quota of hymns by Charles Wesley and its representation of late twentieth-century authors such as Fred Pratt Green, Brian Wren, Brian Hoare, Timothy Dudley-Smith, and others, Hymns and Psalms creates the impression of being focussed on preservation rather than innovation. While this may be a misrepresentation of the themes and forms of linguistic and theological expression employed in its modern texts, it is reinforced by the structure of the hymns and the selection of tunes, or, in a sense, matters of style rather than substance. The predominance of well-established metres and musical repertoire that significantly predates the book itself renders the experience of singing many of these new texts little different from that of singing the eighteenth- or nineteenth-century hymns they coexist with. Brian Wren’s Easter hymn ‘Christ is alive! Let Christians sing’, written in 1968, exemplifies the matching of contemporary themes with older tunes; the text connects the resurrection with a range of contemporary concerns such as racial and economic justice and is a powerful statement of Christian belief about God’s continuing work in a broken world. It consists of five verses in Long Metre and is set to the tune TRURO, first published in 1789. The reasons for this pairing are obvious; the bold melodic ascent and dotted rhythm in the opening phrase are highly appropriate for a hymn that celebrates the resurrection, and its robust, purposeful melody and harmony encourage confident singing. Nonetheless, the metre and music sit comfortably among long-established Eastertide hymns such as ‘Christ the Lord is risen today’ (EASTER HYMN, eighteenth-century text and tune) and ‘The day of resurrection’ (ELLACOMBE, nineteenth-century translation and tune), with no discernible difference in basic style or genre. There are, of course, counter examples, and not only from the smattering of all-age songs and non-Western hymns. Brian Hoare’s ‘Born in song’, set to his own tune CHATSWORTH breaks away from established metres, and its soaring melody, replete with regular octave leaps stands apart from the more contained writing typical of earlier centuries. Other recently-composed tunes such as Erik Routley’s ABINGDON and Cyril V. Taylor’s ABBOT’S LEIGH have also been widely adopted, although they are in well-established metres and employ classical harmonic language and melodic contours. Other new tunes were less well used and did not survive in Singing the Faith. For example, Peter Cutts’ tune NORTHOVER, set to Wren’s ‘Deep in the shadows of the past’, was written for Hymns and Psalms, but although this striking text, which comments on the process of biblical canonisation, was retained in Singing the Faith, the tune was dropped in favour of Vaughan Williams’ arrangement of the folk melody KINGSFOLD. For whatever reason, Cutts’ tune, which has a modern balladlike quality, was not widely adopted, and in order to draw wider attention to this valuable and unusual text, the decision was taken to pair it with a more familiar tune. There is, of course, a paradox here; setting new texts to older tunes is often regarded by hymnal committees as a safer method of encouraging their use by

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congregations than pairing them with unfamiliar melodies. While this may be a practical solution, particularly for churches with limited musical resources, it also serves to reinforce the perception of the musical experience of singing these new texts as being almost indistinguishable from singing older ones. Significantly, none of the new tunes in either Hymns and Psalms or Singing the Faith, whether widely used or not, could be described as representative of more general trends in contemporary art music composition. In part, this mirrors the privileging of historical repertoire from the classical canon that has characterised at least popular attitudes to art music through much of the twentieth century and beyond. While the sacred choral music of composers such as John Rutter, Bob Chilcott, Morton Lauridsen, and others might be seen as demonstrating church music’s continuing relationship with fashionable art music, there is little evidence that this relationship affects congregational hymnody in modern Methodism. This serves to reinforce the simplistic association of metrical hymnody with tradition; the innovations present in Hymns and Psalms are either, as with texts such as Wren’s, working within established patterns, or, as in the tunes of Routley, Taylor and others, sufficiently subtle in their development of earlier practice so as to blend in closely with older repertoire to the ears of many congregation members.13 This perception of metrical hymnody might also reinforce an uncritical assumption that the worship song genre represents the opposite, engaging with fashionable popular musical culture instead of preserving canonical repertoire. Attempting to discern precisely what popular music genres have most directly influenced worship song composers, and how far they actually reflect musical fashion, is a complex task. The equation of worship songs with fashionable popular music, and the frequently associated claims about its appeal to teenagers and young adults, can easily adopt a simplistic approach to popular musical culture and fashion, overlooking the plethora of styles and the pace of change within them. While there is an undoubted link between popular music and the worship song, the strong connection between congregational song and print culture, which is not mirrored in the consumption of secular popular music, can easily militate against the church retaining a clear sense of what is genuinely contemporary in its music, especially where printed hymnals are the standard for the whole congregation. Even though the use of projection screens has increased dramatically, musicians are still often reliant on printed hymnals, which are typically substantial and expensive volumes. The lengthy and rigorous process of producing authorised hymnals also militates against the inclusion of very recently-composed repertoire, although the increasing use of alternative or supplementary hymnals, discussed below, counters this in some cases.14 Also, on the question of the musical style of worship songs generally, while the broad influence of secular popular music is clear, some commentators argue that the correlation is not particularly high in terms of musical fashion: ‘Praise & worship doesn’t mimic musical trends as closely as music with specifically evangelistic goals, but it is clear that it is marching to the drum of pop music style’ (Carlton Loftis, 2013, p. 176). This point is developed, albeit in a North American

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context, by Evans, who focuses on the dominance of one particular aesthetic within the genre, arguing that it fails to make a convincing connection between sacred and secular culture: If congregational music is going to impact the world outside the doors of the church, and greater impact the lives of those inside, then the time has come to break through tried and true – and tired – musical forms. … To that end, continuing to produce the current glut of what I’ll label ‘not-quite-middleof-the-road soft pop, with reverb’, is neither wise nor acceptable. … It’s very conceivable to imagine a church in ten years that doesn’t want to cease singing the standard binary form ‘choruses’ they have always known. Such an insulated attitude will ultimately insulate the Church from the world. (Evans, 2006, pp. 158–9) The timeframe represented by the worship songs in Singing the Faith suggests that the latter part of this argument might also apply to British Methodism. While there are Methodist churches that have a conscious commitment to maintaining an engagement with contemporary popular musical culture, the balancing of metrical hymns and worship songs in Singing the Faith indicates that this is not the norm, and furthermore suggests a hybrid approach, discussed in Chapter 6, in which hymns and worship songs are used alongside each other. Such use accentuates the apparent ‘newness’ of the worship song, which may be misleading in terms of the both the genre’s view of itself and its relationship with secular musical culture. Just as the relationships between metrical hymn tunes, art music, and musical fashion are far from straightforward, so too are the relationships between worship songs, popular music, and musical fashion.

Centralised and localised musical preferences The question of musical fashion and the worship song also points to a tension that has often existed in Methodism between centralised musical repertoire, conveyed through the authorised hymnals, and more localised preferences. The popularity of commercial hymnals in recent decades, such as the Mission Praise and Songs of Fellowship series, has almost completely replaced the earlier use of truly local productions, but exhibits the same basic tension. These series, to which new volumes are added far more frequently than authorised hymnals are produced, used in conjunction with a copyright licence, potentially allow congregations considerably more independence over their musical repertoire (Crothers, n.d.; Clarke, n.d.). This is perhaps especially true in churches with well-established worship bands, who may assume a greater role in the selection of songs than Methodism’s traditional model, where this responsibility lies firmly with the appointed leader of worship on the preaching plan. Furthermore, access to several volumes in one of these popular series, and the technical and legal facility to reproduce words locally, opens up a repertoire that is considerably larger than the authorised hymnal.15

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The origins of this tension can be traced right back to John Wesley and the influence of his musical preferences on the content of the Foundery Collection, Sacred Melody, and Sacred Harmony. Informed by his upbringing, education, and circle of associates, he expressed a preference for fashionable art music, which, such as in the tunes of Lampe, manifested itself in the musical choices made in his collections of tunes. Temperley argues that this was to Methodism’s detriment: ‘The paradox is that the full extent of [hymnody’s evangelical power] could be realized only when it was set free from the constraint of the Wesleys’ relatively narrow musical tastes’ (2010, p. 25). Localised collections of words and music sprang up, such as that preserved at Mount Zion Chapel in West Yorkshire, and set a trend that was to continue through much of the nineteenth century (Clarke, 2010b).16 As congregational hymn singing became a more ecumenically accepted practice in the first half of the nineteenth century, so a range of publications to support it sprang up. Musically, these included a variety of tune books aimed at churches in a particular area, rather than those of one denomination nationally. Titles such as The Bristol Tune-Book and The Burnley Tune Book were typically compiled by an eminent local organist, and either in their subtitles or prefaces sought to emphasise their ecumenical applicability. Many shared a common core repertoire, which did not include any distinctively Methodist tunes. Methodist equivalents, such as The Wesleyan Hymn-Tune Book were also published, and reflect a period of connexional disengagement with musical repertoire. In a lengthy introduction, its compilers, E.J. West and W. Sugden, are highly critical of certain types of tune that were included in Wesley’s Sacred Harmony. This criticism is a marked contrast from the way in which Wesley’s 1780 Collection was almost universally revered in nineteenth-century Methodism. Significantly, though, the criticism is not personally directed at Wesley, but more at the general trend that Sacred Harmony is taken to reflect: The decay of taste in church music, which commenced in the reign of Charles II, went far to substitute theatrical music for ecclesiastical, even in the church. It had extended itself in an exaggerated degree to the dissenting sanctuaries, and had seriously depraved the Psalmody of this country in Mr Wesley’s time. The pages of the “Sacred Harmony,” published by him for the use of his congregations, bear ample witness to this. That work contains many tunes in every way unworthy of being associated with the hymns of the Methodist people, and many that have deservedly fallen into oblivion. But in that collection there are some found no where else, which are of great excellence and beauty. (West and Sugden, 1857, p. xxii) The common repertoire such collections contained points forward to the proliferation of locally-produced supplementary hymnals in the late twentieth century, which was driven, at least in part, by the rise of the worship song, and enabled by the increasingly widespread availability of desktop publishing

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software. While reflecting the preferences and customs of a local congregation or circuit, these typically drew heavily on a range of common publications, such as the Mission Praise and Songs of Fellowship series and collections from the Iona Community and Taizé Community. The existence of locally-produced supplementary collections and the use of alternative hymnals points to a perceived deficiency in the provision of the contemporaneous authorised hymnal. An important factor in this has often been a desire to embrace a more modern repertoire; nineteenth-century tune books were dominated by recently-composed repertoire, for instance, while the longevity of the Methodist Hymn Book (1933) meant that the early writings of authors such as Fred Pratt Green, Fred Kaan, Albert Bayly, Brian Wren, and Timothy Dudley-Smith were not formally authorised until 1983. The rise in popularity of the worship song and material from Iona and Taizé similarly coincided with the gap of nearly thirty years between Hymns and Psalms and Singing the Faith. Especially in the cases of Hymns and Psalms and Singing the Faith, the widespread use of non-authorised alternatives and supplements was a driving force in the decision to create new authorised hymnals, reaffirming Methodism’s essential belief in the value of hymnody to express its beliefs and doctrines in each generation. Significantly, however, the take-up of Singing the Faith was lower than for Hymns and Psalms; some churches opted not to purchase the new hymnal but to continue using the commercial or locally-produced alternatives they had previously chosen or compiled. In part, this might be a sign of decreasing centralised influence, and perhaps a reduction in the significance accorded to the concept of authorised hymnody. This possible change in attitude and the continuing tension it highlights emphasises the complicated, contested, but crucially central place hymnody has historically occupied in expressions of Methodist identity. The other pairs of characteristics discussed in this chapter similarly attest to the historic and continued liveliness and diversity of attitudes towards musical repertoire. It is clear that to speak of a single musical style as a definitively Methodist repertoire is both impractical and undesirable, but if any one style has come close to this, it is the popular nineteenth-century tunes for Charles Wesley’s hymns. The tensions explored here, and the repertoire associated with them, provide important musical elements that have shaped the impact of hymnody on successive generations of Methodist people.

Notes 1 ‘Captain of Israel’s host’ has traditionally been used to conclude the annual Methodist Conference, and had presumably been selected with this in mind and in view of its prayer for guidance in the future. 2 Bangert goes on to argue that these reference points are often anomalous in terms of their musical practices and in particular the level of musical sophistication they are able to achieve; he cites the exalted status accorded to the music of great cathedrals and abbeys in general and specific historical cases such as the Leipzig Thomaskirche under J.S. Bach as examples.

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3 The Divine Musical Miscellany included twenty-three of the tunes, while Harmonia Sacra, Sacred Melody, and Sacred Harmony all retained the same thirty-three tunes. 4 Harmonia Sacra is the only known publication to bear Butts’ name. 5 These names presumably refer respectively to an edition of Watts’ Psalms and Hymns and A Selection of Hymns from the Best Authors, Intended to Be an Appendix to Dr. Watts’ Psalms and Hymns, commonly known as Rippon’s Selection. 6 Many churches use the labels ‘contemporary’ and ‘traditional’ to advertise different services and often point to the contrasts in music, using ‘songs’ and ‘hymns’ respectively (Ivybridge Methodist Church, n.d.; Chapel Street Methodist Church, Penzance, n.d.). 7 Although Methodism has made use of some plainsong melodies that pre-date the common practice era, they have been mediated in the form of harmonised versions from nineteenth- and twentieth-century sources. 8 Drage also explores various possibilities regarding the performance of these setpieces within Methodism; while performance by a rehearsed group of singers seems most obvious, she notes that this does not accord well with John Wesley’s views on full congregational participation. Other possibilities are that they were intended for use outside of worship, or that they were sung congregationally; Drage argues that if congregations were able to cope with the florid tunes of Lampe, they might also have managed these set-pieces (2010, pp. 67–9). 9 Tunes were also composed by Bridge’s assistants, some of his former pupils, his brother (organist at Chester Cathedral), and his daughter, Rosalind. 10 In his autobiography, Bridge clearly indicates that he found the traditional Methodist tunes lacking in musical quality: ‘Of course there were many old Methodist tunes that were dear to the Wesleyans, and which, although not of a very high class, had of necessity to be included’ (1918, p. 208). 11 ‘O for a thousand tongues to sing’, which occupies its traditional place as the first hymn in the collection, is set to the sixteenth-century tune WINCHESTER OLD, with the popularly associated LYDIA and LYNGHAM confined to the appendix. 12 Martin’s tune is but one of many attempts made by composers and musical editors to break the bond between Wesley’s text and SAGINA (Clarke, 2016). 13 The third edition of the Church of Scotland’s Church Hymnary (1973) is a striking example of an attempt to introduce new tunes that did reflect contemporary art music. Notably few of the tunes gained wide acceptance, and were largely dropped from the next edition (Church of Scotland, 2005). 14 The recent development of online resources such as Song Select (CCLI, n.d.) partially lessens the reliance on printed hymnals, but such resources are unconnected with Methodism’s authorised hymnody. 15 For example, each volume of the Songs of Fellowship new series contains approximately five hundred items. Hymns and Psalms numbered 888 items, while Singing the Faith numbers 840. 16 Some local associations of particular tunes and texts persist even in opposition to pairings that many churchgoers would regard as inseparable. The popularity of William Arnold’s JOB for ‘When I survey the wondrous cross’ among Methodist congregations in some parts of North East England stands in contrast to the widespread ecumenical association of the text in British hymnals with Edward Miller’s ROCKINGHAM (Gaunt, n.d.).

Bibliography Bangert, M.P. (1998) ‘Liturgical Music, Culturally Tuned’, in Leaver, R.A. and Zimmerman, J.A. (eds) Liturgy and Music: Lifetime Learning, Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, pp. 360–83.

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Booth, G. ed. (1889) Primitive Methodist Hymnal with Accompanying Tunes, London: Edwin Dalton. Bridge, F. (1918) A Westminster Pilgrim: Being a Record of Service in Church, Cathedral, and Abbey, College, University and Concert-Room, with a Few Notes on Sport, London: Novello. Burch Brown, F. (1990) Religious Aesthetics: A Theological Study of Making and Meaning, London: Macmillan. Burch Brown, F. (2000) Good Taste, Bad Taste, and Christian Taste: Aesthetics in Religious Life, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Carlton Loftis, D. (2013) ‘Dance then Wherever You May Be: Folk Hymnody’, in Hawn, C.M. (ed.) New Songs of Celebration Render; Congregational Song in the Twenty-First Century, Chicago, IL: GIA Publications, pp. 132–71. CCLI (n.d.) SongSelect [Online]. Available at https://songselect.ccli.com/ (Accessed 1 September 2016). Chapel Street Methodist Church, Penzance (n.d.) Worship [Online]. Available at http:// pzmethodist.org.uk/activities.php?lang=en (Accessed 1 September 2016). Church of Scotland (1973) The Church Hymnary, 3rd ed., London: Oxford University Press. Church of Scotland (2005) Church Hymnary: Full Music, 4th ed., Norwich: Canterbury Press. Clarke, M.V. (2010a) ‘John Frederick Lampe’s Hymns on the Great Festivals and Other Occasions’, in Temperley, N. and Banfield, S. (eds) Music and the Wesleys, Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, pp. 52–62. Clarke, M.V. (2010b) ‘The Illingworth Moor Singers’ Book: A Snapshot of Methodist Music in the Early Nineteenth Century’, Nineteenth-Century Music Review, vol. 7, no. 1, pp. 81–103. Clarke, M.V. (2016) ‘“And can it be”: Analysing the Words, Music, and Contexts of an Iconic Methodist Hymn’, Yale Journal of Music & Religion, vol. 2, no. 1, pp. 25–52 [Online]. Available at http://dx.doi.org/10.17132/2377-231X.1023 (Accessed 31 August 2016). Clarke, M.V. (n.d.) ‘Songs of Fellowship, UK’, The Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology [Online]. Available at http://www.hymnology.co.uk/s/songs-of-fellowship,-uk (Accessed 1 September 2016). Crothers, J. (n.d.) ‘Mission Praise’, The Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology [Online]. Available at http://www.hymnology.co.uk/m/mission-praise (Accessed 1 September 2016). Drage, S. (2010) ‘Methodist Anthems: The Set Piece in English Psalmody (1750–1850)’, in Temperley, N. and Banfield, S. (eds) Music and the Wesleys, Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, pp. 63–76. Evans, M. (2006) Open Up the Doors: Music in the Modern Church, Oakville, CT: Equinox. Gaunt, A. (n.d.) ‘When I survey the wondrous cross’, The Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology [Online]. Available at http://www.hymnology.co.uk/w/when-i-surveythe-wondrous-cross (Accessed 1 September 2016). Ivybridge Methodist Church (n.d.) Services [Online]. Available at http://www. ivybridgemethodistchurch.co.uk/sunday-services/ (Accessed 1 September 2016). Matthews, B. (1992) ‘The Rise and Fall of Jonathan Battishill’, The Musical Times, vol. 133, no. 1795, pp. 477–479 [Online]. Available at http://www.jstor.org.libezproxy. open.ac.uk/stable/1002395 (Accessed 1 September 2016). McLamore, A. (2004) ‘“By the Will and Order of Providence”: The Wesley Family Concerts, 1779–1787’, RMA Research Chronicle, vol. 37, pp. 71–220.

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Milburn, G. (2002) Primitive Methodism, Peterborough: Epworth Press. Stewart Werner, J. (1984) The Primitive Methodist Connexion: Its Background and Early History, Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press. Temperley, N. (2006) The Hymn Tune Index [Online]. Available at http://hymntune. library.uiuc.edu/default.asp (Accessed 30 August 2016). Temperley, N. (2010) ‘John Wesley, Music, and the People Called Methodists’, in Temperley, N. and Banfield, S. (eds) Music and the Wesleys, Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, pp. 3–25. Temperley, N. (n.d.) ‘Methodist church music’, Grove Music Online [Online]. Available at http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.libezproxy.open.ac.uk/subscriber/article/grove/ music/47533 (Accessed 1 September 2016). The Bible: New Revised Standard Version (1989), Oxford: Oxford University Press. Watson, R. and Trickett, K. eds (1988) Companion to Hymns and Psalms, Peterborough: Methodist Publishing House. Wesley, C. ed. (1822) Sacred Harmony: A Set of Tunes Collected by John Wesley for the Use of the Congregations in his Connexion, London: T. Blanshard. Wesleyan Conference (1904) The Methodist Hymn Book with Tunes, London: Wesleyan Conference Office. West, E.J. and Sugden, W. eds (1857) The Wesleyan Hymn-Tune Book: Compiled for the use of the students of the Wesleyan Normal Institution, Westminster, London: John Mason.

6

Methodist hymnody in practice

The practice of hymnody is one of the most important aspects in understanding its appeal and significance to Christians of many traditions, including Methodists. Authors, composers, editors, and compilers work on the understanding that their contributions to hymnody will be realised in congregational worship, Christian fellowship, and personal devotion. Throughout the denomination’s history, the primary means by which most Methodists have engaged with hymnody is through corporate singing in public worship. The precise ways in which Methodists have experienced hymnody within the context of worship have varied considerably since the eighteenth century, and contemporary Methodism remains characterised by diversity in this regard. While at certain points in the history of Methodism particular practices have been commonplace and even normative, as with musical repertoire, it would be inaccurate to claim that any single practice is definitive of Methodism. Through this variety, though, the experience of hymnody is critical in its ability to make a long-lasting impression upon people’s lives, connecting faith, culture, and aesthetics. The liturgical spaces, the positioning and use of musical instruments within them, the status and function of musicians, and the experience of congregational participation all present insights into the practice of hymnody and the ways it has changed within Methodism. By exploring these aspects through a series of case studies, this chapter highlights both broad trends within Methodism and the individuality of the experience at a local level. First, the different buildings used by the Methodist Society at Elvet, Durham, and the musical instruments and practices that have taken place within them, illustrate how the influence of broader trends both within and beyond Methodism have been played out in a local setting. Second, accounts of musical practice in nineteenth-century Primitive Methodism in the North of England reveal points of convergence with and divergence from the practice of hymnody in urbanised Wesleyan contexts. Finally, the changing liturgical structures and spaces of twentieth- and twenty-first-century Methodism point to the continued importance of musical participation, while highlighting significant changes in attitudes towards the role of music and musicians in worship.

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Methodism and its music in Elvet, Durham The Elvet area of Durham City has been the site of a Methodist meeting place since at least 1770. The several different buildings used by Methodists in the area, the changes made to those buildings, and records of the activities that have taken place within them exemplify some of the general trends in Methodism’s musical practices throughout its history. Little is known of the original preaching house on Rattan Row, and no records of musical activity therein are extant; a twentiethcentury photograph of the subsequently demolished building in dilapidated condition shows a simple structure that conforms to Forsaith’s observation that many early Methodist buildings were ‘closely related to domestic architecture’ (2013, p. 397; Durham County Council, n.d.). John Wesley records a visit to the house in 1788, noting that he preached ‘to more than the house could contain. Even in this polite and elegant city we now want a large chapel’ (Wesley, 1787–91, p. 90). Around this time, Wesley advocated an octagonal design for new preaching houses. Though only fourteen such buildings were erected, and despite their distinctive design, there was, as Westerfield Tucker observes, little difference in the way they and other structures used by Methodists, like Rattan Row, were conceived: ‘The Methodist octagons, like other Nonconformist centralized, one-room buildings of the period, focused on the proclamation of the word’ (1994, p. 131). The 1808 building In 1808, a new and much larger chapel was opened nearby. The building included a large horseshoe gallery, apparently giving it an overall capacity of one thousand (Major, 2003, p. 2). It is in relation to this building that the first specific references to musical activities and instruments are recorded. In 1838, the church received a bill from Thos. Sparks ‘to one E Clarionnet, 6 keys, ivory tipt £1-12-00’, suggesting that at least this melody instrument was used to accompany congregational singing (Major, 2003, p. 4). The account book maintained by the Steward and Trustees includes several other references in the 1830s to the purchase of hymn books, variously for the pulpit and the singers, and also some payments to Mr John Coates for strings, although it is unclear if these were for musical instruments or some other purpose (Durham Wesleyan Chapel, 1830–57). These records indicate that the early singing of the Elvet Methodists was either unaccompanied or accompanied by one, or possibly a group, of portable instruments, in keeping with the practices of eighteenth-century Methodism more broadly. In part, this stemmed from the nature of early Methodism as a revival movement within the Church of England; its meetings were scheduled to avoid clashing with parish church services and took place in a wide variety of spaces that were not always specifically designed for the purpose. The development of field preaching as a distinctive feature of Methodism’s evangelical activity also made the practice of unaccompanied singing or the use of small,

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portable instruments practical. Even when new buildings were constructed specifically for Methodist meetings in the eighteenth century, the designs show no accommodation for fixed musical instruments; although Westerfield Tucker argues convincingly that the octagonal preaching-house design favoured for a period by John Wesley was intended ‘to accommodate primarily a Methodist service of the word consisting of prayer, the reading of scripture, exhortation or sermon, and, of course, hymn singing’, permanent musical instruments were not part of the plan (1994, p. 130). Early Methodist Conference records indicate that the common Protestant practice of ‘lining out’, whereby a cantor intoned a line, which the congregation then repeated, was widely used in Methodism. Both this form of singing and accompaniment by an instrument such as the clarionnet mentioned above placed an individual in a position of musical leadership, although as they used either only their voice or a portable instrument, the separation between them and the rest of the congregation was not necessarily permanently emphasised. In contrast to the minimal accentuation of difference in these situations, the purchase of a hymn book ‘for Singers’ at the Durham chapel shows that designated groups of vocalists were also a part of Methodism. John Wesley’s journal attests to the existence of such groups in the eighteenth century, which is further underlined by the inclusion of set-piece anthems in the second edition of Sacred Melody and both editions of Sacred Harmony. Wesley’s account of a visit to Warrington in 1781 reveals his own aversion to such groups and illustrates how a more clearly delineated difference between singers and the congregation at large existed within some Methodist societies: I came just in time to put a stop to a bad custom, which was creeping in here; a few men, who had fine voices, sang a psalm which no one knew, in a tune fit for an opera, wherein three, four, or five persons sang different words at the same time! What an insult upon common sense! What a burlesque upon public worship! (Wesley, 1776–86, p. 198) In this matter, however, it appears that Wesley was at odds with popular preference, for designated choirs, and organs to accompany them and the congregation, became widespread in nineteenth-century Wesleyan Methodism. The well-known case of Brunswick chapel, Leeds, where an organ was installed at the trustees’ behest in 1827, despite opposition from the local society and the Wesleyan Conference, is the most controversial, particularly as it led to the formation of the Protestant Methodists, who left the Wesleyan Connexion over the matter (Hughes, 1965). The Durham Wesleyan Chapel Trustees had desired an organ since 1833, and subsequently had one installed in 1840. Their minute book makes frequent reference to the organ and organists over the following decades, indicating the importance attached to them, both in terms of the church’s worshipping life and its financial situation. There was a fairly frequent turnover of organists and an unstable pattern of remuneration; the

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annual salary was set at £20 in 1860, reduced to £15 in 1871, a figure reiterated in 1876, advertised at £20 in 1883, and reduced once again to £15 in 1885. That the trustees sought to maintain a salaried organist indicates that this was a role in which a degree of professional responsibility was expected, although their efforts to recruit a ‘competent man’ in 1883 were unsuccessful. Instead, they accepted an offer from Mr Ellis of Shincliffe, ‘Viz, That my son William shall play the organ for 2 years (Free) if you (the Trustees) will pay for his being tutored on the Organ for the said two years – This offer is accepted. Mr H Robson to see Dr Armes [the Cathedral Organist] and make necessary arrangements’ (Durham Wesleyan Chapel, 1854–86).1 Even in this circumstance, there is a clear emphasis on professional training, indicating that high musical standards were desired. Interest in the instrument itself was also maintained; in 1885, the cathedral organist made recommendations concerning it, following which remodelling work was undertaken by Nelson and Co. of Durham. In 1876, the Trustees resolved ‘That Mr Carr be requested to form a Choir, from the Congregation, and also to take charge, when it is formed’. A month later, they also gave Mr Carr licence to purchase necessary sheet music for the choir and in 1881 noted the purchase of a chant book for the choir (Durham Wesleyan Chapel, 1854–86). The popularity of choral singing within Methodist worship can be seen in the modification made in 1796 to a resolution passed by the Methodist Conference of 1787. The latter, clearly under Wesley’s influence, resolved that ‘No anthems be in future allowed in Methodist chapels’. The words ‘in future’ strongly suggest that anthems were already part of Methodist services, and sufficiently widespread for the matter to be considered at a national level. The 1796 modification suggests that Wesley’s dictum had been unsuccessful, and attempts to introduce a degree of nuance: ‘Let no anthems be introduced into our chapels (unless on extraordinary occasions and with the consent of the Assistant)…’ (Methodist Conference, 1796, cited in Young, 1995, p. 98). By the beginning of the twentieth century, choral music and organ accompaniment were such an accepted part of Methodist worship that a series of anthems titled ‘The Choir’ was launched by the Methodist Book Room, with publications issued from c.1907–64. The 1903 building In Durham, the Wesleyan Methodists moved to a new church building on Old Elvet, which opened in November, 1903. Initially, the organ was transferred from the old building, but this was replaced by a new instrument, also built by Nelson and Co., in 1934. Both the design of the building and the musical repertoire that marked its opening gave prominence to the choir and organ. The church building itself is a large Gothic-style construction, complete with spire, providing seating for seven hundred people. Its imposing architecture and prominent position in a city dominated by the Norman Cathedral stand in marked contrast to the two previous buildings, providing a notable illustration of Hempton’s argument that

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Wherever in the world Methodism took root, a powerful combination of a sense of ecclesiastical inferiority and a surge of confessional pride resulted in the building of enormous neo-classical and gothic “cathedrals.” From the cities of the north of England to those on the eastern seaboard of the United States, Methodists built big, not only to accommodate burgeoning numbers, but also to demonstrate that they sought an ecclesiastical rapprochement with the values of order, stability, and respectability. (Hempton, 2005, pp. 127–8) Music, too, was part of this desire for respectability within Methodism. In the new Elvet church, the organ was situated in a bay in the sanctuary area, and with the inward-facing choir stalls on each side of the sanctuary, occupied a prominent central space between the pulpit and the communion table. In many respects, the layout resembled the chancel of an Anglican church more closely than the preaching-house style historically dominant in Methodism. Both services held on the opening day included substantial anthems, Handel’s ‘Hallelujah Chorus’ at the afternoon service, and Haydn’s ‘The Heavens are telling’ at the evening service. While it is likely that such an occasion would be marked by more elaborate music than might normally be the case, it is nonetheless significant that the church’s musicians were familiar with and capable of such repertoire, as a report in the Durham County Advertiser attests: ‘The rendering of this beautiful old masterpiece was a credit alike to choir, conductor and organist, as was, in fact, the whole of the musical portion of the service’ (1903, cited in Old Elvet Methodist Church, 1953). A service such as this and the building in which it took place are clearly analogous to Cracknell and White’s observation that ‘socially upwardly mobile Methodists were demanding style and elegance in their buildings, their worship, and their choral music, and erudition in their preaching’ (2005, p. 194). Orders of service annotated by a choir member indicate that a three-fold Amen was also sung after the Benediction at each service, and that in the evening service, the Lord’s Prayer was chanted, and a Vesper was sung at the very end of the service (Old Elvet Methodist Church, 1903). These musical contributions, though considerably shorter than the anthems, are arguably a more reliable indicator of the established presence of choral music in the service, as they are settings for liturgical moments common to virtually every service. The printed orders of service do not draw attention to these moments being set to music, suggesting that this was common practice within this church community. Forsaith links the Methodist adoption of Gothic architecture and the prominence given to music within Methodist worship to a concern for the values outlined by Hempton, while pointing out a tension with Methodism’s roots: for with few exceptions, [Methodist Gothic] is an exuberant (and expensive) decorative style applied to what are fundamentally auditory boxes. Methodism catholicised neither its liturgy nor its ecclesiology. The pulpit remained the focal feature of the building, backed by the choir: table and font occupy subsidiary places. The preached Word and congregational and choral singing

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Methodist hymnody in practice outranked the sacrament. Yet its critical significance is that function followed form: the style represented not merely the Catholic or High Church but a moral and cultural formality which was just as true of nonconformity. (Forsaith, 2013, p. 396)

Although Forsaith connects congregational and choral singing as emblematic of Methodism’s traditional attitude to worship, distinguishing between the two offers a further insight into the denomination’s attitudes and self-perception. Although choral singing had occupied a place in some Methodist worship since the eighteenth century, it was more slowly and less ubiquitously accepted than congregational singing. Furthermore, the substantial oratorio choruses sung at the opening of the new Elvet chapel in 1903 are far removed from the type of choral singing that Wesley describes. The latter consisted of more ornate musical settings of the same metrical texts that were intended for full congregational singing, whereas the choral anthems sung over a century later were entirely separate from congregational repertoire. Moreover, while Forsaith reasonably points to the fundamental continuity in Methodist liturgy and ecclesiology, the physical layout of choir stalls across the chancel in churches like Elvet seems to mimic Anglican style consciously, which emphasises that against these strands of continuity, there was a significant change in the physical presentation and organisation of worshipping spaces. In addition to the ways in which the building and the music that took place within it represent concerns with respectability, their indebtedness to Anglican models also points to what Kilde describes as a process of historicization, which uses ‘historical architectural forms to allude to and claim kinship with an ancient or more authentic Christianity’ (2005, p. 165). Although the building opened in 1903 is still in use as Old Elvet Methodist Church, having served its purpose for longer than either of its predecessors, suggestions of internal changes were already being mooted as early as its golden jubilee in 1953. In an article looking ahead to the next fifty years, the minister, the Reverend Michael Skinner, made several suggestions about ways in which the interior of the church building might be developed and enhanced, including ‘a more imaginative use of the transepts’, while anticipating no external changes (1953, cited in Major, 2003, p. 12). A scheme to reorder the church interior began in the mid-1980s and was completed in 1994. Among the various aspects driving this project was a desire to reposition the choir closer to the congregation. A report produced after initial proposals were adopted by the Church Council in 1987 sets this issue and the desire for change in theological terms, arguing that ‘Methodist worship is not about us and them. The present layout of the church over-emphasises the division between those leading worship (choir, organist, and minister) and the congregation’ (Elvet Renewal Action, 1985–93). This focus on the congregation’s place within the building and their relationship to preachers and musicians exemplifies Kilde’s comments about the negotiations of power at work in reordering projects such as this. She argues that ‘the question of how individuals have felt their own spiritual empowerment within the building’ is often a fundamental issue, and in this case the argument centres

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on redressing the balance of power between the different groups participating in worship within the shared space (2005, p. 200). The same report on Elvet also refers to Methodism’s musical heritage, using this as a practical argument for change, as it notes that ‘To an outsider our hymns are perhaps the most characteristically Methodist element of our worship. The physical distance and separation between choir/organ and congregation does not enhance our singing’ (Elvet Renewal Action, 1985–93). The choir’s new position, on movable chairs at the front of the raised north transept, facing the congregation, articulates the relationship of musicians and congregation differently, creating a closer physical and audible bond between them, but nonetheless maintaining a separation through the elevation of the choir above the level of the congregation’s pews. Also, by having choristers facing towards the congregation, though perhaps helpful in terms of audibility, an arguably greater emphasis is placed on the choir’s presentational role in worship than was the case when they faced only each other, although in so doing the arrangement is closer to the common Methodist scheme described by Forsaith. The presentational aspect is made explicit in one of the recommendations at the end of the 1987 report, which states, ‘Consideration should be given to the repositioning of the choir, to make for more effective leadership of congregational singing and to enhance presentation of choral items’ (Elvet Renewal Action, 1985–93). A further report, dated 1988, while noting that altering the position of the organ was virtually impossible, observes that ‘This does not imply that the choir must remain in situ, indeed various different arrangements of the choir are acceptable, musically, aesthetically and theologically’(Elvet Renewal Action, 1985–93). That the argument for change was considered in these three ways is significant, yet the final outcome still reflects a tension that is widely replicated in Methodism between the need for musical leadership and the imperative of full congregational participation in the sung elements of worship. The increasing acceptance of choral singing in Methodist worship throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries indicates that a broader appreciation of the spiritual value of music, encompassing listening as well as singing, found currency in the denomination. In its acceptance of choral music, as in its repertoire of congregational hymnody, Methodism was clearly influenced by nineteenth-century Anglicanism and its choral revival. However, there remained a liturgical disjuncture, as the use of choral settings of unvarying liturgical texts in the Church of England, such as the canticles at Matins and Evensong and the Ordinary at Holy Communion, had no universally accepted equivalent in Methodism. Choral music in Methodism largely took the form of anthems, which may have been selected according to diverse criteria, including musical, seasonal, or local considerations, rather than by liturgical necessity. Unlike, for example, the Magnificat at Evensong, which would need to be said if it was not sung, the text of an anthem sung in a Methodist service would only be heard as such. In this context, the choral music can be seen as an addition to the act of worship, albeit often a highly desired one, and as such, tensions between its status as a musical performance and an offering of worship can arise.

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Organs and organists too could be a source of similar tension, owing largely to the dominating physical presence of instrument, typically situated near the front of a building, although organists themselves have often been shielded from view by a curtain, perhaps to avoid affording them undue prominence. The widespread acceptance of organ and choral music in Methodism through much of its history indicates that the denomination is willing to embrace this tension within its worship. This fits with Methodism’s general approach to worship, for while it is a connexional church with published authorised liturgies, responsibility for the conduct and content of worship rests with the ordained or lay person appointed to lead any individual service. In its focus on organs and choral music, this case study has been largely concerned with musical aspects often perceived as ‘traditional’; tensions concerning performance practice and the organisation of liturgical space in Methodism more broadly, however, have not been confined to this type of repertoire and instrumentation.

Accounts of music in nineteenth-century northern Primitive Methodism As discussed in Chapters 2 and 5, the relationship between, on the one hand, anecdotal evidence and popular perception of Primitive Methodist singing, and, on the other, the contents of various Primitive Methodist hymnals is far from clear. General descriptions of Primitive Methodist singing tend to emphasise its unsophisticated vigour, while its published hymnals share more in common with their Wesleyan counterparts and mainstream Anglicanism than popular perception would imply. This disjunction emphasises the tension between central and local preferences explored in Chapter 5 and highlights the limitations of published hymnals as sources of evidence. Forasmuch as the inclusion of a particular hymn or musical style indicates a high-level denominational approval, assumptions about its usage and popularity at a congregational level can only be tentatively made at best, unless corroborating evidence such as orders of service exist. This case study uses references to music and hymn singing in two published accounts of nineteenth-century Primitive Methodism in the North of England to explore Primitive Methodist musical culture from a different perspective. Both Woodcock (1889) and Patterson (1909) draw on eyewitness reports and reminiscences of local ministers and lay people in presenting accounts that focus on individual communities and events rather than a broad historical overview of the denomination. Their references to music and singing are naturally varied in terms of detail, but individually and collectively they provide insights into the musical practices and preferences of Primitive Methodists. Chapels and instruments Unsurprisingly, as both accounts primarily relate to Primitive Methodism’s heyday, there are numerous reports of meeting places becoming outgrown, the process of acquiring new sites, the construction of chapels, and the celebrations

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associated with their opening. Music features prominently in many of these reports in two principal ways: accounts of the singing at celebratory occasions, and details of the musical resources of these chapels. In Woodcock’s description of the celebrations surrounding the laying of the foundation stone and the subsequent opening of a new chapel in the village of Lund, music is very conspicuous. Following the laying of the foundation and the associated collecting of funds for the project, song is used as an expression of praise and thanksgiving, while the presence of a musical instrument and someone to play it are clearly part of the new chapel being considered complete and fit for purpose: When the entire takings (£150) were stated at the night meeting the Doxology was sung again and again by 1,000 voices – the largest religious gathering ever known in the village. In 1873 a harmonium (Ct. £20) was put into the chapel, and an electro tea and coffee service presented to Miss Horsfield (the late Mrs. Prescott), as an expression of appreciation of her services as the instrumentalist. (Woodcock, 1889, p. 114) Similarly, Patterson’s notes on two chapels in the Workington area of Cumbria both refer to organs being installed, again noting the cost, emphasising that this was a significant investment for the societies in these places: In 1822–3 the present John Street Church [Workington] and schools were built, costing £1,912; … and in Mr. Richardson’s term … a new organ was put in (£160 of the £300 raised). … Harrington chapel debt was reduced to £263 10s., and a second-hand organ was put in, costing £62, which was paid. (Patterson, 1909, p. 151) In both these cases, the cost of musical instruments represents a significant sum in relation to the overall cost of the chapel and the debt attached to the building, respectively. Although references often indicate the purchase of such instruments a year or two after the completion of the building, it is still clear that they were not regarded as luxuries only to be contemplated when debts had been cleared. Rather, they seem to have been considered a priority, underlining the central role of singing in Primitive Methodist worship, but also indicating that the rough-and-ready unaccompanied song was not the only way music was used in the denomination. Other chapels and societies, however, utilised different musical instruments in their activities. Looking back to the 1860s or 1870s, Patterson describes how the West Pelton society was full of vigour forty years ago, when it had no place of its own, when it was famous for its fiddles – one of them was an enormous instrument, played by a brother named Thompson – and when it had one of the best local preachers (Thomas Harrison) in the entire of the Shotley Bridge Circuit. (Patterson, 1909, p. 222)

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Similarly, at Lemington, Newcastle, ‘Nichol took charge of the singing and introduced violins’ (Patterson, 1909, p. 319). These instances point to variety in Primitive Methodist music-making, emphasising that it is difficult and even undesirable to have a single definition of the practice of hymnody within the denomination. This is further emphasised when the roles of musical leaders and participants are examined. Musicians and the organisation of music Woodcock’s description of the chapel at Lund indicates that musicians were accorded some status within Primitive Methodism, although the implication of the gift bestowed upon Miss Horsfield is that she was an amateur, and that her musical role derived from her membership of the society. Patterson’s mention of Nichol’s leading role at Lemington also points to the existence of designated musical leaders within chapels. Such leaders were often respected members of the society, whose work was well known; for example, concerning the chapel at Beverley, Woodcock observes that ‘There is a good organ and an excellent choir, of which Mr. John Reed has been choir-master for twenty-two years. The choir is very popular, and often renders gratuitous services at anniversaries for miles around, both to our own and other denominations’ (1889, p. 155). This, and other references to choirs found in both accounts, echoes the popularity of choral singing among the Wesleyan Methodists. Although it is difficult to draw firm conclusions without evidence concerning the repertoire performed by these choirs, it is nonetheless clear that in both of the largest branches of nineteenth-century Methodism, listening to music, as well as participating by singing, was part of the experience of at least some congregations. Woodcock’s comments on the music at the ‘imposing chapel’ in Driffield further suggest that at least in this case, the presence of a skilled organist and choir was associated with musical refinement: ‘There is a good organ, an excellent organist, with sense and taste, Mr. R. Dosser (son of Mr. Dosser, of Cranswick), a good choir, and ‘an utter absence of dawl and drag’’ (1889, p. 89).2 In the North East of England, musical activity was also organised on a larger scale than just within individual chapels; Patterson describes a wellknown figure in the area, William Heslop: ‘His outstanding achievement is his association with the District Psalmody Association, which he has directed from its inception, and which has had a unique career’ (1909, p. 75).3 Although the purposes of the Association are not specified, it seems probable that they were either concerned with providing a forum for musical leaders to meet, or for groups of singers from individual chapels to gather together for musical instruction or performance. In either case, it strongly suggests that in addition to the general role music played within Primitive Methodist worship, which would have been familiar to all its members, some Primitive Methodists took an additional interest, marking themselves out as either especially appreciative of music, or perhaps more actively involved with it than other members of local societies.

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The tension between the desire to continue singing the favourite hymns of the denomination’s early years and the appeal of a more refined repertoire is evident in Philip Brown’s preface to the Companion to the Primitive Methodist Hymn Book, which was a volume of music to accompany the connexional hymnal. In explaining the selection of tunes, Brown comments that ‘All the best available collections have been rendered tributary to its pages, and tunes of first-class merit only have been selected; except that a few others have been introduced out of deference to the tastes of persons to whom long usage and associations have rendered them great favourites’ (1868, p. [iii]). Despite the retention of these old favourites, he goes on to claim a general shift in the musical repertoire of Primitive Methodism: ‘Within the last twenty years Psalmody has undergone a great change. Fugue tunes, and those which repeat much, and many others formerly popular, are now seldom heard in many congregations, having been supplanted by chaster selections’ (1868, p. [iv]). Brown’s comments underline the influence of hymnal compilers and editors as arbiters of denominational taste, and although his mention of the ‘great favourites’ indicates that he has considered a range of opinions, his aesthetic judgments are clearly expressed. Woodcock’s summary of Primitive Methodist singing on the Yorkshire Wolds, however, suggests that at least in that area, little change had occurred: Familiarity breeds contempt, and, perhaps, one of the weaknesses of Wolds Primitive Methodism is the sameness of its singing. For sixty years they have sung the same spirit-stirring hymns to the same tunes, which by frequent use have become so doleful, that if David played in the same tones we do not wonder that Saul threw his javelin at him. Some places have improved their singing; others have not. (Woodcock, 1889, p. 178) This report is a further indication of the tension between centralised opinion and localised practice, or authority and popularity, so characteristic of Methodist hymnody. The commemoration of the denomination’s centenary also provides evidence of the continuing popularity of the rousing hymns associated with its early years. In his report of the festivities, Patterson describes how ‘The hymns chosen needed no restraint on the part of the singers, no delicate tone painting; they were the old, full-bodied psalms of praises, resonant and triumphant’ (1909, p. 8). However, Cracknell and White suggest a sentimentalising trend in revival hymnody that could be applied to a celebration like this, which deliberately looked to the past: ‘Revivals remained popular, and revival hymns regularly appeared in a succession of Methodist hymnals of the period. But even revival hymnody had lost its edge, and had become cosy and sentimental’ (2005, pp. 198–9). The official souvenir programme to accompany the national centenary celebrations included a small selection of hymns under the heading ‘Hymns and Tunes of Ye Olden Time’. This hints at their enduring popularity but also indicates that they were regarded as decidedly old-fashioned by the denominational authorities

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responsible for the celebrations, and were included in a deliberate spirit of nostalgia rather than as representative of present practice. Singing evangelists in Primitive Methodism Chapter 3 highlighted the close relationship between Primitive Methodist hymnody and the denomination’s evangelical outlook and activity. The use of hymnody in open-air evangelism became one of Primitive Methodism’s most recognisable characteristics and the singing evangelists some of its most prominent figures. Descriptions of their method offer an insight into the variety of musical practices within Primitive Methodism and the way in which performance embodies the relationship between singing and evangelism. They also point to similarities between the practice of Primitive Methodists and the evangelistic work of the Salvation Army later in the century, whose founders William and Catherine Booth shared a common Methodist heritage. Two distinct types of singing evangelism are documented by both Patterson and Woodcock, one involving a single evangelist, usually responding to a particular local and immediate situation, the other involving a larger group of people, typically participating in a more structured and organised event. Patterson’s account of a Mr Spoor in Cockfield provides an excellent example of the first type: Mr. Spoor tucked his hat under his arm, put on a black velvet cap, which he used at open-air services, and taking out his hymn-book, started from the door, singing down the street, frequently kneeling to pray, exhorting the people, and announcing the service. All this he did without a soul to help him. Presently he came upon a number of men collected near a brewery for sport, gambling, or annoying passers-by. He sang right into the middle of them, and knelt down and prayed more earnestly. … He then sang away to the chapel, with a crowd following him. (Patterson, 1909, p. 72) Spoor was a preacher appointed to the local circuit of chapels in 1835 about whom Patterson recounts numerous stories of zealous and fearless evangelical work. In this account, although we are not told which hymns he sang, it is clear that the music was used as a way of attracting attention and, as he entered into the midst of a potentially hostile environment, seemingly of expressing his confidence, founded on his faith. By introducing song to the occasion, Spoor increased its dramatic spectacle considerably; rather than remonstrating with the rowdy men he encountered, he publicly performed his religious faith in a manner that clearly caught the attention of those witnessing the scene. While it is not stated whether the group of men were among those who followed him to the chapel, his actions were nonetheless successful in bringing his evangelical mission to the attention of a wide audience. Woodcock’s description of an extended mission in the village of Cranswick shows some similarities in the way in which music was used:

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In 1860 we conducted a fortnight’s revival services at Cranswick, afterwards protracted to eight weeks. … We sang round the village every night, and the mass of the people were awakened. The Spirit came, not in drops, but in floods. An extraordinary power rested upon the village. One night twelve persons were converted at the Wesleyan chapel and eight at our own. (Woodcock, 1889, p. 106) Aside from noting the ecumenical cooperation implicit in this description, this again shows song being used to attract attention and to communicate evangelical confidence. Similarly, too, the results of this mission seem to come about in response to the performative nature of the evangelical activity. In contrast to Spoor’s spontaneous action, this prolonged revival season was presumably a planned effort, and one in which singing is the only method mentioned of attracting potential converts. Other similar examples point even more clearly to the necessary organisation that lay behind such events; describing a series of revival meetings in Cockermouth, Patterson notes that ‘Eventually it was agreed that Mr. Johnson should try a week’s special services. Assistance was obtained from Maryport and Little Broughton, and the campaign opened on Monday, October 23rd, 1882, with a street procession, led by a brother who could play a concertina’ (1909, p. 147). Both types of activity underline the close relationship between singing and evangelism in Primitive Methodism, and the way in which the stories are recounted gives a strong sense that this was an instinctive relationship. Spoor’s actions are most obviously spontaneous, but in the planning of revival events, the implication is that musical activity was an inherent and fundamental starting point and the chief way in which those participating aimed to attract new followers. Furthermore, they give a clear sense of how Primitive Methodists turned outdoor, everyday locations into evangelistic spaces. Kilde observes that church buildings ‘teach insiders and outsiders about Christianity, and they convey messages about the religious group housed in the building to the community at large’ (2008, p. 3), which might equally be applied to the unplanned places of religious encounter created by the Primitive Methodists’ evangelical activities. In these cases, the evangelical zeal of the persons involved seems to have been the primary impetus for their musical activity, as their musical abilities are not considered sufficiently noteworthy to be mentioned. However, other examples indicate that persons of notable musical talent were encouraged to use this in the service of evangelism, and also that solo singing was not solely the preserve of open-air evangelists like Spoor. It also took place within the context of revival services held in the chapels, such as at Alston in the winter of 1891: ‘Miss Bulmer was the missioner, and she was accompanied by Miss Flora Walton (Mrs. Ridley). Miss Walton sang gospel solos, and the sweetly cultured tones and powerful expression which they were given no doubt led many a soul to a better life’ (Patterson, 1909, pp. 175–6). Here, too, music was clearly central to the planning and execution of these events and its evangelical power

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is keenly understood. As with the references to choirs in Primitive Methodism, the work of singing evangelists such as Walton indicates that the denomination was receptive to a range of performance practices rather than exclusively reliant on full congregational participation. The model of an evangelical preacher and musician working collaboratively is, of course, well documented in nineteenthcentury revivalism, most famously in the work of Sankey and Moody, whose musical repertoire was widely known and used within Primitive Methodism.4 It therefore seems highly probable that they were the inspiration for this method of evangelism, as well as providing repertoire for it. Although such practice obviously places an individual performer in a position where their musical talent is overtly displayed and received with admiration, an earlier example, concerning Bella McNair of Paisley, indicates that these soloists were encouraged to consider their voices as part of their God-given talents, for use in the service of the gospel: Bella Mc Nair was a thorough Primitive – devout, zealous, and with an excellent voice for singing, which she freely used. Aware of her rare gift of song, and of its power as an instrument of usefulness, she often – I might almost say she incessantly – used it in singing the charming hymns so commonly sung by our people in those days. (Patterson, 1909, pp. 127–8) In his analysis of sacred spaces, Kieckhefer points to the importance of the central focus of any such space, and its function in communicating meaning to those who encounter it. While he describes inanimate objects such as a pulpit or altar, and is thus concerned with their symbolic power, his analysis of their significance is equally applicable to the singing evangelists who had such an impact within Primitive Methodism: ‘Entering a church is a metaphor for centering one’s attention and one’s life on some particular purpose, usually represented by some object vested with real and symbolic importance in and beyond the act of worship, an object that compels notice and demands response’ (Kieckhefer, 2004, p. 63). In outdoor spaces or buildings that were, at least initially, very simple, placing the central focus on an individual through their ministry of song signalled the significance of personal commitment, as expressed both through the words being sung and implicitly by the authority given to these leaders. The many and various uses of music in Primitive Methodism illustrated by the examples considered in this section all draw attention to its prominence in the denomination’s worship and evangelical method. While Primitive Methodism operated in a diverse range of spaces, indoor and outdoor, borrowed and custom-built, music was frequently foregrounded in different ways. Whether by the prominent presence of an instrument, such as an organ customarily placed behind the pulpit in a typically-designed chapel, or a concertina at the head of an outdoor procession, or the central role given to designated musicians, such as a soloist or choir, musical practice encompassed a strong visual

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element in addition to its obvious audibility. Such physical embodiment of the denomination’s music stands alongside the spiritual significance it was accorded, ideally in a complementary role, encouraging worshippers or onlookers to a deeper engagement.

Structure and space in British Methodist worship since 1932 Since 1932, Methodist worship has undergone significant changes in terms of both its liturgical content and structure, and the places in which it has taken place. Congregational hymnody has been both influenced by these changes and a catalyst for change. The place of hymns within services, the choice and positioning of musical instruments, and the role of musicians are all aspects in which there has been considerable diversity across the Connexion and even within individual churches. Structure Following Methodist union, adjustment to being a single denomination inevitably had an impact upon Methodism’s worshipping practices, expressed both through the authorised liturgical resources issued by the Conference in The Methodist Hymn Book (1933) and The Book of Offices (1936), and manifested in weekly services at a local level. As the importance of Methodism’s authorised hymnals has already been discussed, the focus here is on those liturgical resources that provided orders of service and guidance for leaders of worship. Later resources of this type, The Methodist Service Book (1975) and The Methodist Worship Book (1999), show the clear influence of the ecumenical liturgical movement in the aftermath of the Second Vatican Council. However, many Methodist services, and especially those that are non-sacramental, which accounts for the majority, do not use these resources prescriptively; that is, the congregation are not presented with the whole liturgy in printed form. More regular congregational use of the authorised liturgies is common, though not universal, in services of Holy Communion, as well as for types of service that are held less regularly, such as Baptism or Confirmation, less frequently, such as the welcoming of a new minister, or outside of the usual pattern of Sunday services, such as weddings and funerals. Nonetheless, the relationship between the orders of worship provided in these authorised resources and the services that do not overtly use them is significant, especially in the employment of hymnody. The second section of The Methodist Worship Book, ‘Morning, Afternoon, or Evening Services’, provides liturgies for non-sacramental acts of worship. Though the two orders themselves are rarely used congregationally, they are followed by a page of guidance notes intended to assist those responsible for leading services. Mirroring the two complete liturgies that precede it, they articulate a four-fold structure of Preparation, Ministry of the Word, Response, and Dismissal that is common to very many services that take place within Methodist churches in Britain week by week. The complete liturgies each

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identify five places at which congregational singing may take place, while the guidance notes explicitly mention singing within the first two of the four sections (Methodist Church, 1999, p. 52). Dixon’s explanation of the rationale for these guidance notes underlines the strong connection between the full liturgies provided and Methodist customs: Those who argued for its inclusion had in mind congregations to whom a ‘book culture’ is foreign. It was said that, though such congregations would be unlikely ever to use the material in the two full services, an outline giving guidance to the leaders of worship among them would be useful. (Dixon, 2003, p. 56) The practice of interspersing four or five hymns between prayers, bible readings, and a sermon has been customary practice in Methodism for much of this period, and constitutes what is commonly described as a ‘preaching service’ or, often pejoratively, a ‘hymn sandwich’.5 The inclusion of an array of worship songs in Singing the Faith acknowledged, albeit belatedly, the influence of this genre on Methodism in the latter part of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first century. Its influence has, perhaps most obviously, diversified the instrumental resources used in worship, and the roles taken by musicians, both of which are considered below in relation to liturgical space. However, its relationship with a variety of liturgical forms found in twenty-first-century Methodism is also significant. Services involving worship songs commonly fall into one of two categories: contemporary worship or blended worship.6 Contemporary worship services tend to rely solely on a band for musical leadership, and often follow a distinctive liturgical structure that is markedly different from the liturgies of The Methodist Worship Book and the so-called ‘preaching service’ format widely used in many churches. Larger blocks of music-making occur, commonly at the start and end of the service, which are characterised by a fluid movement through several songs, spoken prayers, and elements such as a call to worship. Despite the fluidity associated with this style of service, and the conscious distinction typically articulated between the informality of such services compared with other types, several constituent elements, often clearly demarcated, are common factors. In addition to the blocks of music-making, often referred to as ‘worship’, other structural elements are typically centred on preaching, commonly described as ‘teaching’, and response, often involving testimony and an extended time of prayer. However the structure is adapted in a particular local setting, music occupies a very significant place within it; as McLean notes, contemporary worship ‘is defined in nearly all contexts as an ensemble-led worship experience’ (1998, p. 95). Describing the evolution of contemporary worship at Market Drayton Methodist Church, Paul Savill, the church’s musical director, notes that while the use of worship songs was initially analogous to metrical hymns within the liturgy, during the first decade of the twenty-first century, a gradual shift developed: ‘We were moving

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towards more “open” worship, linking songs and allowing space for play-over and reflection and intentionally encouraging engagement with the Spirit and the gifts’ (2016). Churches are often keen to differentiate contemporary worship from other types of service they may offer, and this is often reflected in the titles and descriptions given to the services, and their frequency and timing. The titles are typically deliberately chosen to give a strong branding to the service, and are sometimes purposefully enigmatic. Verwood Methodist Church, Dorset, offers three different contemporary worship services each month, all with their own titles, ‘Anew’, ‘Worship@7’, and ‘Pneuma’, which are clearly distinguished from the more prosaic title ‘Morning Worship’, which is used for most of its other services (n.d.). Significantly, the descriptions of Verwood’s three contemporary services each refer to music before any other aspect. Advocates of blended worship, such as Webber (1996, 1998), argue that it is an integrated approach that draws on aspects of a variety of liturgical traditions to enrich the worship of an individual church; critics such as Spinks, however, argue that ‘ultimately what [Webber] put forward as blended worship appears to many to be a Eucharist of the classical shape, interwoven with hymns or choruses which are sung to contemporary musical styles’ (2010, p. 4). With slight adaptation, Spinks’ observation also applies equally to non-eucharistic services in British Methodism, and encapsulates a key distinction between this approach to worship and services billed as ‘contemporary worship’. The liturgical structure followed in many Methodist services that adopt a blended approach to hymnody is fundamentally the same as in those that maintain a diet of metrical hymnody alone. Singing the Faith supports the claim that this approach to music in worship is regarded as standard in many Methodist churches by itself taking a blended approach, placing hymns and songs alongside each other under thematic headings. This approach attempts to honour the contributions of hymn-writers past and present, and the validity of the spiritual experience of all types of congregational song. Price argues that blended worship also attempts to reconcile opposing viewpoints within a congregation, noting that in responding to the tensions between members desiring to retain traditional musical expressions within worship and those yearning for what they perceive to be the “fresh winds” (or “new wine”) of the more popular styles, [many churches] have moved toward a hybrid approach to the musical content of worship in what is often called “blended worship”. (Price, 1998, pp. 60–1) Price’s emphasis on music is significant; at once, it highlights the importance of music in defining the character of a service, but also that blended worship is essentially concerned with musical choices rather than other liturgical elements. The description of regular services, excluding designated contemporary worship, at Market Drayton Methodist Church illustrates the importance of music in

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articulating a blended approach to worship: ‘both [morning and evening services] contain a mix of worship and music styles – we are open to the great diversity of anointed music with which God has blessed His church’ (n.d.). Space Changes in liturgical space and their relationship to musical practice are also an important factor in Methodism of this period. Following Methodist Union, amalgamation of societies formerly belonging to different branches, each with their own building, into a single site occurred in many places throughout the country, though not everywhere. In some cases, one of the existing buildings was chosen for continued use, while in others, brand new churches were built.7 Furthermore, throughout this whole period, changes in the style and content of worship have often involved a renegotiation of liturgical space. Many churches have reordered existing spaces, some have built entirely new venues, while others have sought to embrace liturgical change without altering the existing physical setting. Whereas for much of the period since 1932, Methodist worship was typically accompanied by an organ, harmonium, or piano, the growth of the worship song genre in Methodism has brought with it a desire to use a greater range and number of musical instruments in worship. Although liturgical and musical changes have often been a factor in decisions to reorder existing churches or even to build new ones, other considerations such as congregational comfort, accessibility, and community needs have often been influential too. In terms of musical resource, much of the worship song genre is conceived with a band in mind, including instruments that provide melodic, harmonic, and rhythmic support to a lead vocalist or group of singers. Amplification of voices and instruments is common, as is the use of electric instruments. Some churches have adopted this as their default musical ensemble; many others make use of a band as well as organ accompaniment, sometimes in the context of blended worship, but sometimes in separate services. Market Drayton Methodist Church operates on this model, with band members organised on a rota system, for instance, while Coventry Central Hall routinely holds parallel Sunday morning services, one accompanied by a band and the other by organ or piano (n.d.).8 Others unable to sustain a full band may rely on single-instrument accompaniment: organ for metrical hymns and piano or guitar for worship songs, and a variety of configurations between this arrangement and a sizeable band can also be found. The musical resources required, along with the technical expertise in setting up equipment, is undoubtedly a contributory factor to the relative infrequency of contemporary worship compared with other types of service in some Methodist churches, as described above. The modified preaching-house design common in many Methodist churches built in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries poses a variety of challenges with regard to the use of a band, especially in the context of contemporary worship. Logistically, the space required for musicians, instruments, and amplification equipment is not easily accommodated within

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an older building containing a substantial elevated pulpit, a communion table, communion rails, and often an organ and even choir stalls located behind the pulpit. The permanence and visual prominence of a pipe organ may also suggest symbolic messages about the church’s attitude towards music. Most obviously, its dominance may suggest that it is more valued than other, smaller instruments, which, while perhaps historically broadly accurate, is less likely to remain the case in the context of blended or contemporary worship. Conversely, the remoteness of the organist, often facing away from the congregation, may, in a culture of greater participation in the leading of worship, have negative connotations, especially if obviously contrasted with a more visible band. An organ that is no longer used may appear to some to be a regrettable symbol of the church’s decline, but for others may be a symbol of what has been left behind as the church has embraced new musical genres. The positioning of a worship band is especially significant in the context of contemporary worship, in which music, and by extension musicians, are important in articulating both the structure and identity of the services. The preaching-house design gives visible and symbolic significance to the pulpit as the site of the high-point of the service, in the Ministry of the Word, and more particularly the sermon. While this accords historically with common practice and thinking in Methodism and other Protestant Free Churches, the common structure of contemporary worship articulates a different concept. Whereas in a preaching service, other liturgical elements, including music, are often intended to complement the sermon, perhaps by relating to its theme, or inviting participants to respond to its message, the constituent parts of contemporary worship coexist differently. Though preaching or teaching is still given a high status, music, especially when conceived and described as ‘worship’ seems to have a similarly high status, especially in terms of congregational engagement. For these periods of services, musicians are accordingly often positioned centrally, in full view, and facing the congregation, in a way that is analogous to that of the preacher. This has both practical value, given that they have a leadership responsibility for a substantial period of time, and symbolic importance in reflecting the way in which worship is conceived. It can also reinforce a sense of the liturgy as performance, inadvertently echoing the perceived liturgical role of ministers in some expressions of worship in the Anglican-influenced Wesleyan tradition. Referring to the spatial dynamics in contemporary worship in American megachurches, Kilde notes that, Depending upon the intentions of a church’s leadership, authority onstage can be diffused among several participants or concentrated in the hands of one or two pastors. For charismatic church leaders, the stage setting provides an enormous boost to their power, focusing all attention on them while video screens multiply their visage many times throughout the room. (Kilde, 2005, p. 194) While British Methodist churches do not operate on the same scale in terms of congregation size or resources, the prominent positioning of musicians and

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the structural importance of music can work in a similar way, and underlines their centrality in defining this type of service. In some Methodist churches, internal reordering has taken place with the specific aim of increasing flexibility; portable rather than fixed furniture allows the space to be organised differently according to the type of service. Other churches attempt to accommodate contemporary worship in spaces that have not been specially designed or substantially adapted for the purpose; Wesley Methodist Church, Camborne, for instance, places its worship band in front of the communion table, while the organ pipes are covered by a digital projection screen for its monthly ‘Encounter’ contemporary worship services (n.d.). In some ways, the location of the band in such services may be seen as very similar to that of the choir sat in stalls behind the pulpit, formerly common in many Methodist churches. However, the amplification of the band, and especially its singers, creates a different relationship between musicians and congregation. The ratio of choir to congregation still places an expectation of hearty congregational participation in hymns, whereas the amplification of a small number of voices in a band no longer demands this in the same way. However, shifting social and cultural contexts make it simplistic and misleading to regard this change in relationship between musicians and congregation as undermining the importance of congregational musical participation in Methodist worship. The increasingly easy and pervading access to professional-standard musical performances through digital media has undoubtedly changed perspectives and expectations concerning the quality of musical presentation and the standards required for participation, meaning that some people are less confident and experienced in using their own singing voice. Conversely, the rise in popularity of community choirs has emphasised that high skill levels are not a pre-requisite for participating in music-making; however, these have often emerged in new or unconventional venues and situations, such as workplaces, rather than where there has been a tradition of choral singing, such as in churches. The renegotiation of liturgical space to accommodate different types of service reflects a range of perspectives, as Kilde notes: ‘Congregations alter and remodel their buildings to address changing social or liturgical requirements, changing understandings of the worship and its role in the Christian life, changing technological advancements, changing trends and styles, and the like’ (2005, p. 200). In a Methodist context, the relationship of music to liturgical structures and spaces is a significant factor in understanding the different ways in which worship is understood in the twenty-first century, as it has been throughout its history. The diversity of musical genres in contemporary Methodism is mirrored by a similar variety of liturgical forms and spaces. Despite its variety, music is nonetheless a common factor in the various expressions of Methodist worship, including those as unconventional as the St Arnold’s Pub Church, led by a Methodist minister in Bradford, which features periodic ‘Beer and Hymns’ evenings (n.d.). Changes in both the structures and spaces of Methodist worship often attempt to break down the perceived formality of what is described as traditional

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worship. Musical repertoire and practice are important elements in this, while the dress codes adopted by musicians are also indicative of a broader tendency towards informality. Casual and individualised clothing worn by band members stands in contrast to the now rare practice of choirs wearing robes in Methodism, while informality in congregational dress has become widespread, irrespective of the type of service. Ministerial dress can also be an indication of ideas about formality and informality in worship. Historically, ministers from the Wesleyan tradition often wore a cassock or academic gown while leading worship, while for those from a Primitive heritage a clerical collar and suit tended to be the extent of their formality. More recently, practice has diversified further, ranging from Anglican and Roman influenced cassock-alb and stole to clothing that makes no visual distinction between minister and congregation. Another important factor on music-making in twenty-first-century Methodism is the impact of the denomination’s numerical decline. Inevitably, this has meant that an increasing number of its churches no longer have a regular musician or group of musicians to accompany or lead the hymn singing. Solutions to this problem are very much dependent on local circumstances, especially the church’s financial resources, but tend to fall into three broad categories. Some churches rely primarily on a rota of musicians drawn from diverse sources. Some will be practising church musicians from other churches in the vicinity, able to help on an occasional basis. Others may be members of the local congregation pressed into service as instrumentalists, often despite a lack of experience in accompanying congregational singing, and sometimes with only the most basic technical proficiency. Technological developments have brought a rise in the availability and use of recorded music, which eliminates the potential problems of reliability among occasional volunteers from outside, but brings its own challenges. The provision of a complete set of backing tracks for Singing the Faith represents an acknowledgment of the lack of musical resources in some Methodist churches, as well as being an educational tool to increase familiarity with the new items in the hymnal. Aside from the inevitable loss of the sensitive relationship between a skilled church musician and a congregation in matters such as giving extra support for unfamiliar melodies, or adjusting tempo and dynamics to suit the mood of an individual act of worship, the use of recorded music has a particular impact on the way in which music is received within the liturgical space. It is common for recorded music to be used in churches where, although there is no longer a musician, the musical instruments previously used remain in situ. The disjuncture between the audible presence of recorded music and the visible absence of a musician, perhaps reinforced by the sight of a closed piano or organ, may, for some congregation members, exacerbate the awareness of dwindling numbers and lack of resources. Still other churches, who intermittently or permanently lack recourse to either of the solutions described, rely on unaccompanied singing. Although this may seem to indicate a connection with Methodism’s roots, in reality, the dominance

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of instrumental accompaniment throughout much of Methodism’s history prevents it from being perceived in this way. Again, redundant instruments serve as a visible reminder of what has been lost, the sense of which can easily outweigh an outlook focused on nurturing new musical opportunities. Their visual prominence articulates the intended significance of these instruments in supporting the ‘verbal dynamism’ of classical evangelical worship, which is powerfully undermined by their dormancy (Kieckhefer, 2004, p. 45). All of these situations emphasise the integral role of instrumental accompaniment in Methodist hymnody. Where attempts are made to ensure the continuity of such accompaniment, whether through visiting musicians, pressed-upon local congregation members, or recorded music, short-term pragmatism necessarily takes priority over longer-term considerations of recruiting and training musicians or exploring alternative ways of incorporating music into worship that are less reliant on traditional relationships between musical leader and congregation. All of the examples used in this chapter reveal the importance Methodism has given throughout its history to the place and practice of music in its corporate worship. In turn, this points to the denomination’s deep-held attachment to congregational singing, and the impact of its experience on the lives of Methodists both individually and collectively. As Kilde argues, ‘even the most personal spiritual meanings found in a church building exist within a complex web of social, cultural, and religious meanings and relationships, which are manifested in the fabric of the spaces and the material items brought to them’ (2005, p. 200). For Methodism, as the examples in this chapter have shown, the role and practice of music in conveying spiritual meaning remains fundamental.

Notes 1 William Ellis went on to have a distinguished musical career, which culminated in his appointment as Organist of St Nicholas’ Cathedral, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, in 1918 (Watson, n.d.). 2 To some extent, this challenges the common perception of Primitive Methodists as being generally of a lower-class cultural background than their Wesleyan counterparts. For an examination of Primitive Methodism and class, see Calder (2016). 3 Another prominent Methodist musician in the region was Abraham Northrop (1863–1938), who served for many years as an organist in Hartlepool. He is chiefly remembered for the hymn tune NORTHROP, commonly set to ‘Sing to the great Jehovah’s praise’. 4 Patterson recounts how Matthew Stephenson of Craster, upon hearing some of Sankey’s songs, began teaching them to local children, which sparked considerable growth in the local society (1909, p. 379). It seems, however, that they were not universally well regarded within the movement, as Woodcock, summarising Primitive Methodist singing on the Yorkshire Wolds, comments that ‘We would rather sing these hymns of our boyhood than some of Sankey’s Songs and Solos’ (1889, p. 177). 5 Beginning with The Methodist Service Book, the orders for this type of service have placed the sermon within the Ministry of the Word, directly following the Bible readings. This underlines the connection between the reading and interpretation

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of scripture, and also affirms the historic importance of preaching in Methodism, by placing the sermon roughly in the middle of the service structure. Earlier in the twentieth century, customary practice was for the sermon to be preached very close to the end of the service, with only a hymn and dismissal after it. This model, still used by some leaders of worship, essentially regarded the earlier parts of the service as building up to the climax of the sermon. 6 The label of contemporary worship is commonly used by churches to describe a particular service, whereas the term blended worship is not generally used by worshipping communities, but is a concept used by liturgical commentators, such as those discussed herein. 7 An early example can be found in Esh Winning, County Durham, where a new church replaced the previous Wesleyan and Primitive buildings in 1932, the very year of the union (Durham and Deerness Valley Circuit, n.d.). 8 This church also presents a counterexample to the use of creative titles only for contemporary services, as its traditional and contemporary offerings are respectively labelled ‘Beauty of holiness’ and ‘Breath of life’.

Bibliography Brown, P. ed. (1868) Companion to the Primitive Methodist Hymn Book: Being a Comprehensive Collection of Tunes, Chants, and Anthems, to suit the various metres in the Connexional Hymn Book, and well adapted for Congregational and Family Worship, London: Primitive Methodist Book Depot. Calder, S. (2016) The Origins of Primitive Methodism, Woodbridge: Boydell. Coventry Central Hall (n.d.) Worship [Online]. Available at http://www.centralhall.info/ worship/ (Accessed 1 September 2016). Cracknell, K. and White, S.J. (2005) An Introduction to World Methodism, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Dixon, N. (2003) Wonder, Love and Praise: A Companion to The Methodist Worship Book, Peterborough: Epworth. Durham and Deerness Valley Circuit (n.d.) Esh Winning Methodist Church [Online]. Available at http://www.durhamdeernessmethodist.org.uk/wordpress/?page_id=139 (Accessed 1 September 2016). Durham County Council (n.d.) Durham City, Court Lane, Methodist Meeting House [Online]. Available at http://dre.durham.gov.uk/pgDre.aspx?ID=DRE3659 (Accessed 1 September 2016). Durham Wesleyan Chapel (1830–57) Stewards’ Accounts, 1830–57 and Trustees’ Minutes, 1830–43 [manuscript]. Durham Methodist Circuit Archive, File M/Du 107. Durham: Durham County Record Office. Durham Wesleyan Chapel (1854–86) Trustees’ Minutes, 1854–86 [manuscript]. Durham Methodist Circuit Archive, File M/Du 100. Durham: Durham County Record Office. Elvet Renewal Action (1985–93) Records of Elvet Renewal Action [manuscript]. Durham and Deerness Valley Methodist Circuit Archive, File M/DDV 1333. Durham: Durham County Record Office. Forsaith, P. (2013) ‘Material and Cultural Aspects of Methodism: Architecture, Artefacts and Art’, in Gibson, W., Forsaith, P., and Wellings, M. (eds) The Ashgate Research Companion to World Methodism, Farnham: Ashgate, pp. 387–406. Hempton, D. (2005) Methodism: Empire of the Spirit, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

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Hughes, J.T. (1965) ‘The Story of Leeds “Non-Cons”: The Reasons for the Dispute’, Proceedings of the Wesley Historical Society vol. 35, no. 4, pp. 81–7 [Online]. Available at http://biblicalstudies.org.uk/pdf/whs/35-4.pdf (Accessed 1 September 2016). Kieckhefer, R. (2004) Theology in Stone: Church Architecture from Byzantium to Berkeley, New York: Oxford University Press. Kilde, J.H. (2008) Sacred Power, Sacred Space: An Introduction to Christian Architecture and Worship, New York: Oxford University Press. Major, J. (2003) The Elvet Review: A Centenary Review of Elvet Methodist Church, Durham, [Durham]: [Elvet Methodist Church]. Market Drayton Methodist Church (n.d.) Services [Online]. Available at http://www. mdmc.org.uk/services.htm (Accessed 1 September 2016). McLean, T.B. (1998) New Harmonies: Choosing Contemporary Music for Worship, Bethesda, MD: Albin Institute. Methodist Church (1933) The Methodist Hymn Book with Tunes, London: Methodist Conference Office. Methodist Church (1936) The Book of Offices: being the orders of service authorized for use in the Methodist Church, together with the order for morning prayer, London: Methodist Publishing House. Methodist Church (1975) The Methodist Service Book, London: Methodist Publishing House. Methodist Church (1999) The Methodist Worship Book, Peterborough: Methodist Publishing House. Old Elvet Methodist Church (1903) Order of Service for the Opening Day of the Wesleyan Methodist Church, Old Elvet, Durham City [pamphlet]. Durham and Deerness Valley Methodist Circuit Archive, File M/DDV 677. Durham: Durham County Record Office. Old Elvet Methodist Church (1953) Souvenir Brochure of the 50th Anniversary of Old Elvet Methodist Church, 1903–1953 [pamphlet]. Durham and Deerness Valley Methodist Circuit Archive, File M/DDV 687. Durham: Durham County Record Office. Patterson, W.M. (1909) Northern Primitive Methodism: A Record of the Rise and Progress of the Circuits in the Old Sunderland District, London: E. Dalton. Price, M. (1998) ‘And the Beat Goes On: The Continuing Influence of Popular Music on Congregational Song’, in Music, D.W. (ed.) We’ll Shout and Sing Hosanna: Essays on Church Music in Honor of William J. Reynolds, Fort Worth, TX: Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, pp. 59–70. Savill, P. (2016) Email to Martin V. Clarke, 8 February. Spinks, B.D. (2010) The Worship Mall: Contemporary Responses to Contemporary Culture, London: SPCK. St Arnold’s Pub Church (n.d.) What’s On [Online]. Available at http://starnolds.weebly. com/whats-on.html (Accessed 1 September 2016). Verwood Methodist Church (n.d.) Worship With Us [Online]. Available at http://www. verwoodmethodistchurch.org.uk/worship.htm (Accessed 1 September 2016). Watson, J.R. (n.d.) ‘William Ellis’, The Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology [Online]. Available at http://www.hymnology.co.uk/w/william-ellis (Accessed 1 September 2016). Webber, R.E. (1996) Blended Worship: Achieving Substance and Relevance in Worship, Peabody, MA: Hendrickson. Webber, R. E. (1998) Planning Blended Worship: The Creative Mixture of Old & New, Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Wesley Methodist Church, Camborne (n.d.) Worship [Online]. Available at http:// cambornewesleymethodists.co.uk/worship (Accessed 1 September 2016).

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Wesley, J. (1776–86 [1995]) The Works of John Wesley, Vol. 23: Journal and Diaries VI: 1776– 86, Ward, W.R. and Heitzenrater, R.P. (eds), Nashville, TN: Abingdon. Wesley, J. (1787–91 [2003]) The Works of John Wesley, Vol. 24: Journal and Diaries VII: 1787– 91, Ward, W.R. and Heitzenrater, R.P. (eds), Nashville, TN: Abingdon. Westerfield Tucker, K.B. (1994) ‘“Plain and Decent”: Octagonal Space and Methodist Worship’, Studia Liturgica vol. 24, pp. 129–44. Woodcock, H. (1889) Piety among the Peasantry: Being Sketches of Primitive Methodism on the Yorkshire Wolds, London: Joseph Toulson. Young, C.R. (1995) Music of the Heart: John and Charles Wesley on Music and Musicians, An Anthology, Carol Stream, IL: Hope Publishing.

7

The influence of Methodist hymnody beyond British Methodism

Hymnody is often perceived as one of Methodism’s defining characteristics by Christians of other traditions, typically drawing on the contribution of Charles Wesley to the ecumenical corpus of English-language hymnody, and Methodism’s tradition of frequent, enthusiastic, and heart-felt congregational hymn singing within worship as evidence. This chapter uses these two frequently-cited attributes to examine the influence of Methodist hymnody on the repertoire, worshipping practices, and attitudes towards hymnody of other Christian traditions. Consideration of the influence of Charles Wesley’s hymnody on other British denominations since the late nineteenth century allows an examination of the role of hymnody in an era of gradually increasing ecumenical awareness and interaction. Meanwhile, exploration of the ways in which echoes of the themes, musical repertoire, evangelistic use, and liturgical significance of Methodist hymnody can be found in the hymnody and musical and liturgical practices of other Christian traditions shows some of the less direct influences of the integral connection between Methodism and its hymnody. Chapter 2 explored the influence of the hymnody of several other Christian traditions on Methodism’s repertoire; the reciprocal influences highlighted in this chapter illustrate again hymnody’s inherently ecumenical tendencies. This is neither a new phenomenon, nor confined by language, and it is certainly not unique to Methodism. Wainwright illustrates the historical and geographical scale of this sharing, noting variously the translations of Greek, Latin, and German hymns by nineteenth-century Anglicans, and the increasing sharing across Catholic-Protestant boundaries in the twentieth century, concluding that, ‘In the English-speaking world, it is now a matter of course that contemporary hymnals should be entirely ecumenical in range, and this applies a fortiori in cases where English is no more than a lingua franca’ (1997, p. 6). Despite formal denominational boundaries and distinctions, and periods characterised by narrow-minded denominational parochialism, Christians of different traditions have often had opportunities to share in worship. In a Methodist context, eighteenth-century contacts with parish churches and local religious societies of different affiliations, and the permanent sharing in Local Ecumenical Partnerships and the occasional services organised under the umbrella of local ‘Churches Together’ groups that have both become

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commonplace in more recent times, are notable instances. Such examples of cooperation, however, need to be understood as part of historical relationships that have also seen periods defined by suspicion and hostility, both within and between denominations. In terms of intra-Methodist ecumenism, Wainwright notes that the ‘denominational Methodism’ label he applies to its nineteenthcentury existence has ‘both positive and negative connotations’ (2010, p. 329). Anglican and Methodist attitudes towards each other in this period were also often antagonistic. In a poem affirming the Church of England’s heritage, John Mason Neale colourfully contrasts it with Dissenting bodies, illustrating the contempt for Methodism and other Free Church traditions shown by some High Churchmen: ‘Dissenters are like mushrooms, / That flourish but a day;’ (cited in Watson, 1997, p. 394). Watson comments that ‘The fact that Neale could publish such callow nonsense is evidence of a frame of mind that was reflected in the majestic, proprietorial grandeur of Victorian Church of England hymnody’ (1997, p. 394). From the Methodist perspective, Wellings notes that nineteenth-century Wesleyans were ‘increasingly suspicious of a national church in which High Church influences seemed to be reviving with the Oxford Movement of the 1830s’ (2009, p. 161). The Primitive Methodists and other offshoot groups also shared with the older Dissenting traditions a disregard for the Church of England in general, which was not entirely shared by the Wesleyans. The roots of these tensions were varied, and included theological, liturgical, and ecclesiological disagreements. Political tensions also played a part, especially in the historic perception of the alignment of the Church of England and the Conservative Party, and, in the late nineteenth century, the association of the Free Churches with the emerging Labour movement. Both owing to periods characterised by ecumenical cooperation, and in spite of the contrasting hostilities, sharing of hymns has always been commonplace. In ecumenical meetings, repertoire is shared and borrowed informally, which can eventually lead to more formal borrowings, as new hymnals seek to reflect current practice. Hymnal committees typically engage in more direct and systematic reviews of other denominations’ repertoire, assessing it according to formal criteria reflecting their own denomination’s doctrine and theology. In both these types of borrowing, the experience of hymnody and the importance of music in relationship with text is significant. Most obviously, the informal, localised borrowing comes about as a result of experiencing hymns in worship; this may have the additional benefit of allowing people to sing unfamiliar hymns alongside members of congregations who know them well, which can enhance their appeal and ease the learning process. Hymnal committees too, though, may also be sensitive to the experiential aspects of hymnody in some cases, and it is important to evaluate not only their choices of texts from other traditions, but also the tunes they select for them. Since the latter part of the twentieth century, the well-established nature of the ecumenical movement and the increasing availability in print and electronically of material from a range of traditions and from around the world has had an impact

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on many aspects of church life. Beck notes the effect on liturgy, which may be taken to include hymnody: ‘An aspect of the ecumenical movement has been the liturgical convergence that has taken place in the last fifty years affecting a wide range of Christian traditions’ (2013, p. 78). Methodism has been committed to ecumenical endeavour from its founding, and while the recent trend towards establishing Local Ecumenical Partnerships that often share buildings and worship may have been driven in part by the pragmatics of declining membership and financial challenges associated with the upkeep of property, it is still underpinned by a theological rationale that has always been present. Chapman traces its historical and theological roots back to John Wesley: ‘The origin of Methodism’s openness to other ecclesial communities lies in John Wesley’s evangelical Arminianism, which led him to recognise in them the presence of authentic Christian faith and holy living, irrespective of denominational allegiance’ (2013, pp. 121–2). However, the emphasis here on Wesley’s Arminianism also highlights his role in contributing to tension and opposition among Christians. Despite sharing a deep mutual respect with George Whitefield, and his willingness to see positive attributes in Whitefield and other leading Calvinistic Methodists, Wesley’s staunch theological opposition to them was a significant factor in the factionalism that characterised early Methodism, even while through other actions he strove for unity. Chapman goes on to argue that Methodism’s ecumenical impulse is essentially missionary in outlook, again reflecting its origins and shaping its attitude: ‘An ecumenical method that seeks to develop unity-in-mission, as distinct from an ecumenism of return to an historic ecclesial institution, reflects Methodism’s missiological priorities’ (2013, p. 123). Despite John and Charles Wesley’s professed loyalty to the Church of England, this position was not shared by all of their followers. Indeed, as Baker notes, ‘Adam Clarke was convinced that during the last decade of [John] Wesley’s life the bulk of the Methodist people desired a formal separation from the Church of England, but respected their founder’s wishes too much to rebel against him’ (2000, p. 304). The Wesleys’ own theological convictions and the attitudes of many Methodists thus present a corrective to a reading of Methodism’s ecumenical commitment as unstinting and indiscriminate, and it is in this context of fluctuating responses and attitudes that the impact of its hymnody needs to be interpreted. As attitudes to ecumenism have moved from defensive or even antagonistic positions, through a desire to eradicate diversity to an emphasis on openly embracing and understanding it, so ideas about the sharing of distinctive practices and resources have changed. In particular, the concept of Receptive Ecumenism has encouraged a focus on mutual learning and understanding characterised by a gracious openness (Centre for Catholic Studies, n.d.). Writing on this theme, O’Gara advocates interpreting the sharing of distinctive features from different traditions as the giving and receiving of gifts: In ecumenical dialogue, each Christian communion brings one or many gifts to the dialogue table, and receives riches from their dialogue partners as well. But in the ecumenical gift exchange, the gift giving enriches all, since

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we do not lose our gifts by sharing them with others. The gift exchange of ecumenical dialogue means a mutual reception of gifts for which we have been prepared by repentance and hope. In fact, it is the gifts received from God, given for the good of the whole church, that in effect are now offered to be shared by all in ecumenical dialogue. (O’Gara, 2008, p. 26) Frequently cited among Methodism’s perceived gifts are aspects of the Wesley brothers’ legacy, and Charles Wesley’s hymns in particular. Writing from a Roman Catholic perspective, Putney comments that ‘One gift of Methodism which stands out for me from my ten years’ experience in this dialogue is the gift of John and Charles Wesley themselves. They were extraordinary Christian men’ (2008, p. 130).1 Meanwhile, the presentation of a copy of Hymns on the Lord’s Supper to Pope Francis in April 2016 was a striking example of Methodism’s understanding of Wesley’s hymns as a gift to the whole church. In presenting the gift, the secretary of the Methodist Conference explained that in it, ‘you will find something of the Methodist emphasis on the depth of God’s loving purposes’ (Powell, 2016).

The influence of Charles Wesley’s hymns While Charles Wesley’s hymns are widely presented as a cherished part of Methodism’s heritage and identity, attributions that are examined critically in Chapter 8, they have never been the sole property of the Methodist people. In Wesley’s own lifetime, compilers of hymnals with no direct association with Methodism frequently included selections of his work. Since the production of Anglican hymnals burgeoned in the nineteenth century, a fairly distinctive body of his hymns have become widely known within the Church of England, and he is commonly among the most represented authors in Free Church hymnals throughout the twentieth century. However, as earlier chapters have demonstrated, the role of music in establishing hymnody’s place within Methodism cannot be underestimated, and it is therefore important to examine not only which texts have gained ecumenical approval, but also the tunes that other traditions have used to encourage their adoption among congregations. Particularly in cases where a strong bond between a text and tune has been developed within Methodism, the decision of another denomination’s hymnal committee about whether or not to maintain the association is significant in understanding the reasons that might lie behind their desire to include a particular text by Charles Wesley. Influenced by the formation of the World Council of Churches in 1948, and perhaps also by ecumenical responses to human suffering during and after World War II, the second half of the twentieth century saw British Methodism’s involvement in a series of ecumenical partnerships and formal dialogues with a range of other denominations.2 While the 2003 Anglican-Methodist Covenant, defining a formal relationship between the Methodist Church of Great Britain and the Church of England, is perhaps the best known, similar agreements with

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a broader range of partners also exist in Wales and Scotland (Methodist Church, n.d.). The 2003 agreement represented a significant shift in formal ecumenical cooperation between Methodism and the Church of England, following the rejection of an earlier scheme for unity by the Church of England’s General Synod in 1972. There has also been significant dialogue at national and international levels between Methodism and the Roman Catholic Church, while at a more localised level, Methodist churches have entered into more than five hundred Local Ecumenical Partnerships, with United Reformed Churches as the most common partners. Assessing the impact of Charles Wesley’s hymns in the hymnals of the Church of England, the Catholic Church of England and Wales, and the United Reformed Church provides an insight into how they have been regarded as one of Methodism’s ecumenical gifts. Although the Church of England has no equivalent to Methodism’s authorised hymnals, its twentieth-century hymnody has been dominated by two hymnal series, Hymns Ancient and Modern, first published in 1861, and The English Hymnal, which originated in 1906.3 New editions and supplementary volumes in each series have been published, and although a wide variety of other hymnals are used by Anglican congregations, hymnals from both series remain widely used. Of the two series, Hymns Ancient and Modern has been updated more frequently. From its initial publication in 1861 to the first volume of the twenty-first century, there was an overall increase in the number of hymns by Charles Wesley, before a decline in the most recent edition. The English Hymnal series has only two principal volumes, each of which has been supplemented. There was a small increase between the two main volumes, with each supplement adding a further small selection. Table 7.1 Number of hymns by Charles Wesley in Hymns Ancient and Modern and The English Hymnal series Hymns Ancient and Modern

The English Hymnal

Edition

Hymns

Edition

First Edition (1861) with Appendix (1868)

12

English Hymnal (1906)

New and Revised Edition (1904)

25

English Praise (supplement, 1975)

Standard Edition (1922), incorporating Second Edition (1875) and supplements (1889, 1916)

33

New English Hymnal (1986)

Revised Edition (1950)

29

New English Praise (supplement, 2006)

New Standard Edition (1983)

27

Common Praise (2000)

39

Hymns and Songs for Refreshing Worship (2013)

24

Hymns 19 5 26

1

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The broad general increase throughout the twentieth century is indicative of greater ecumenical awareness and sympathy, while the marked decrease between Common Praise and Ancient and Modern: Hymns and Songs for Refreshing Worship is in keeping with the trend observed in Methodism between Hymns and Psalms and Singing the Faith, as in both cases some metrical hymns have been omitted to accommodate a greater quantity of material in other genres such as the worship song and global hymnody. The early editions of both series, up to and including Hymns Ancient and Modern Revised, showed almost no inclination to borrow the vigorous nineteenth-century tunes that had gained great popularity in Methodism; where tunes were commonly used across Anglican and Methodist hymnals, they generally originated in the former, especially in the early editions of Ancient and Modern, from composers such as Dykes and Barnby. The only tunes with a clear Methodist heritage that were consistently adopted were HELMSLEY for ‘Lo! He comes with clouds descending’, although it was Vaughan Williams’ stately arrangement for The English Hymnal rather than Madan’s sprightly version that gained currency, and Handel’s GOPSAL for ‘Rejoice, the Lord is king!’ The texts associated with the popular Methodist tunes were largely eschewed, or where they were included, tune selections were deliberately different. A notable example is ‘O for a thousand tongues to sing’, for which tunes of a more restrained character such as RICHMOND or SELBY were generally preferred instead of LYNGHAM or LYDIA, which have been widely used in twentieth-century Methodism.4 This strongly suggests that the hymn was selected and retained for its textual qualities rather than on grounds of ecumenical popularity. However, Ancient and Modern: Hymns and Songs for Refreshing Worship includes LYNGHAM, one of the most exuberant examples of the extended tune type, replete with considerable textual repetition and divided part-singing, as an alternative to RICHMOND. This is indicative of a growing adoption of combinations of text and tune that would be popularly recognised as authentically Methodist. Within these two families of hymnals, Common Praise was the first volume to reflect this trend in a substantial way. In addition to the hymns selected, the inclusion of the Methodist hymnologist Professor J.R. Watson on the committee was a signal of intent to receive, in O’Gara’s term, ecumenical gifts of hymnody.5 Among the most obvious results of this initiative is the inclusion of several well-established Methodist pairings of text and tune that had never featured in the series before: ‘And can it be’ and SAGINA, ‘Father of everlasting grace’ and STAMFORD, ‘Glory be to God on high’ and AMSTERDAM, and ‘God of all power, and truth, and grace’ and OMBERSLEY. In a much more limited way, reflecting the generally more conservative approach of the series, New English Praise also pursued a similar path by including ‘And can it be’ and SAGINA, arguably the single most definitive example of its kind. Complete Anglican Hymns Old and New (Moore et al., 2000), belongs to neither of these series, but is instead part of publisher Kevin Mayhew’s attempt to provide a range of targeted denominational hymnals under the ‘Old and New’ banner. It attempts to follow both tune precedents set in the longer-established series and the more

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recent borrowing of popular tunes of Methodist provenance. The shift towards borrowing tunes from Methodism in addition to using hymn texts by Charles Wesley suggests that some Anglicans perceive Methodism’s repertoire, in the broader sense of words and music, and its practice, as ecumenical gifts that they are eager to receive. The bold melodic and harmonic writing together with the robust singing they are supposed to elicit from Methodist congregations were surely the decisive factors in the inclusion of these tunes. The United Reformed Church, formed in 1972 and subsequently enlarged by the merger of several Congregational and Presbyterian institutions in Britain, has issued only one denominational hymnal, Rejoice and Sing (United Reformed Church, 1991). The musical settings for the thirty-two texts by Charles Wesley contained within it almost completely avoid the popular type of nineteenthcentury Methodist tune discussed above. Where the book follows established ecumenical norms, these are generally tunes originating in the Anglican tradition that have subsequently become commonplace in Methodism. Most significantly, it sets Erik Routley’s ABINGDON for ‘And can it be’, which is surely simultaneously a decisive recognition of the text’s powerful message and a rejection of SAGINA as a suitable musical setting. Here, then, is a very specific gift received in a spirit of constructive criticism.6 The reasons for this approach, and perhaps also for the earlier reticence of Anglican hymnal committees to adopt similar tunes, may reflect concerns about emotional excess that have long been raised about aspects of Methodist repertoire and practice.7 Non-denominational hymnals such as the Mission Praise and Songs of Fellowship series, popular in denominational churches, including Methodism, and independent churches alike, tend strongly in the opposite direction. While heavily weighted in favour of more recently composed material, their selections of Wesley are dominated by texts that have strong associations with nineteenth-century Methodist tunes. That they are included in these series, which arguably have greater commercial priorities than denominational hymnals, shows that their compilers perceive a demand for these hymns across the different Christian traditions they target. Volumes 5 and 6 (2011, 2016) of the Songs of Fellowship series have both included texts by Charles Wesley set to new music that belongs stylistically to the worship song genre. These form part of a wider reengagement with older lyrics by composers and performers active in this genre.8 They are typically characterised by textual alterations, sometimes structural, as in Nathan Fellingham’s setting of ‘And can it be’, sometimes substituting new words for Wesley’s original lines, such as in Bob Kauflin’s version of ‘Depth of mercy’, and occasionally taking inspiration from a line of Wesley’s to create an otherwise completely new song, as in Phil Shaw’s ‘Father of everlasting grace’. Musically, they embrace typical features of the genre, such as slow harmonic rhythm, contrasts between relatively static melodic phrases and more climactic passages, and an abundance of added note chords that create ambient rather than tense dissonances. Though with rather different stylistic results, Wesley’s texts are received by these composers and the Christian traditions they represent in a similar way to the case of ‘And can it be’ and the United Reformed Church, discussed above. The rejection of

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the customary tunes is a decisive cultural statement; individual believers and congregations are intended to experience these new settings in the same way that they experience completely original songs from the same composers, with worship band accompaniment and amplified vocal leads. Regarding the hymns’ heritage, their value lies squarely in the texts alone; the musical repertoire and performance traditions historically associated with them in Methodism have been dispensed with categorically. The emphasis on the texts alone as a source of inspiration is particularly noteworthy in the case of ‘Depth of mercy’, which was last included in an authorised British Methodist hymnal in 1933. John Hartley, one of the key musical figures in the album Love Divine: The Hymns of Charles Wesley for Today’s Generation, emphasises the ongoing influence of the texts: ‘Each of the singers on the resulting recording drank deep from Wesley’s well and came up with some stunning covers … Wesley’s legacy remains a powerful force for good upon the church’ (cited in Homecoming, 2011). Charles Wesley’s hymns have always featured prominently in formal dialogue between Methodism and the Roman Catholic Church. A jointly-produced report summarising forty years of dialogue highlighted their significance in terms of eucharistic theology: The eucharistic devotion of John and Charles Wesley, with their emphasis on frequent communion, and the eucharistic hymns of Charles Wesley, provide a significant point of contact with Catholic eucharistic spirituality and teaching and give a possible basis for convergence on the nature of the real presence and the sacrificial character of the Eucharist. (World Methodist Council, 2010, p. 22) While noting this use of the hymns, Wainwright observes one of the challenges they simultaneously pose: ‘Yet this was a point at which Methodists needed to face the more general question of “how far the Wesleys remain a decisive influence in contemporary Methodism”’ (1995, p. 41). The use of Wesley’s eucharistic hymns in particular has declined in Methodism in recent decades (eight are included in ‘The Lord’s Supper’ section of Hymns and Psalms, and six in the ‘Holy Communion’ section of Singing the Faith), at the same time that celebrations of the sacrament have become more frequent and regular in many British Methodist churches. The emphasis here is therefore focused more on the hymns as a gift through which aspects of Methodism’s historic understanding of Holy Communion might be understood, rather than for widespread liturgical use. Since the Second Vatican Council, hymnals for use in the Catholic Church in England and Wales have included a small number of hymns by Charles Wesley, which had previously been entirely absent. However, these are generally seasonal texts, or address aspects of Christian life and witness other than Holy Communion. These examples of Methodism’s ecumenical relationships with different denominations are united by the consistent presence of Charles Wesley’s hymns, yet they also demonstrate three different ways in which they have formed part of Methodism’s gift to the church at large. His texts have been

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recognised in their own right as having a double significance, both as powerful words for congregational singing and as important expressions of Methodist doctrines. However, their coupling with the type of tune commonly considered as characteristically Methodist has also exerted an influence, pointing to a recognition among ecumenical bodies of differing theological and liturgical traditions that Methodism’s focus on the experience of hymnody is also a devotional ecumenical gift from which other Christians may draw spiritual sustenance and encouragement. The only other British Methodist hymn writer to attain anything approaching the ecumenical reception of Charles Wesley is Fred Pratt Green (1903–2000). His most prolific years of hymn writing came after his retirement as a Methodist minister in 1969; he served on the committee for Hymns and Songs, and twentyseven of his hymns were included in Hymns and Psalms. His work became well known in the USA during the 1980s, and his texts have featured in virtually all mainstream British hymnals since that time (Harris, n.d.). His hymn ‘It is God who holds the nations in the hollow of his hand’ also points to the significance of national religious services as symbols of increased ecumenical cooperation. Initially commissioned for the Anglican Diocese of Norwich’s celebration of Queen Elizabeth II’s Silver Jubilee in 1977, it was also included in the official order of service for the celebration, and was widely used throughout the world.

Echoes of Methodist hymnody Despite the centrality of Charles Wesley’s verse in perceptions about Methodist hymnody held by many within and beyond the denomination, there are two senses in which his hymns and Methodist hymnody as a whole cannot be regarded as exclusively synonymous. As described above, Wesley’s hymns have always been sung by Christians other than Methodists, and while they have occupied a larger part of Methodism’s repertoire historically compared to other traditions, they are nonetheless treasured by believers of markedly different theological and liturgical traditions. Similarly, as Chapters 3, 5, and 6 have shown, functions, musical repertoire, and liturgical and performance practices are also important aspects in understanding hymnody’s prominence in Methodism. This section explores several areas in which the influence of one or more of these aspects of Methodist hymnody can be discerned in repertoire or practice outside British Methodism; sometimes the influence is explicitly acknowledged, but at other times it may be implicit, or even unconscious. Influences on authors Acknowledging the continuing influence of Charles Wesley’s hymns within Methodism, Pratt also argues that his legacy on contemporary writers can ‘be discerned in three ways: the style of writing; the use of scripture, and theological emphasis’ (2007, p. 395). Among the authors in whose work he discerns Wesley’s influence in one or more of these ways are Judy Davies, Timothy

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Dudley-Smith, Christopher Idle, Martin Leckebusch, Fred Pratt Green, and Brian Wren. While noting changes in vocabulary, and thematic aspects such as Wesley’s ‘rigorous interpretation of personal piety [that] has been largely lost from modern mainstream hymnody’, Pratt makes a convincing case for the enduring influence of Wesley on twenty-first-century hymnody within and beyond Methodism (2007, p. 411). Significantly, all of the writers Pratt identifies share with Wesley a preference for regularly metred verse. Where their work appears in contemporary hymnals, it is commonly set to tunes drawn from the same basic repertoire as those used for Wesley’s hymns. Indeed, there are notable instances of overlap; Pratt identifies the strong imprint of Charles Wesley’s emphasis on the redemption of sin and unambiguous statement of Arminian theology in Wren’s ‘Great God, your love has called us here’. He goes further to suggest direct echoes of ‘And can it be’, and it is striking that both texts are in the same metre, and that Wren’s has become strongly associated with ABINGDON, the tune written and used for ‘And can it be’ in the Reformed tradition, of which Wren is a part (2007, p. 406). However, it is also possible to discern a Methodist influence on the work of writers in the worship song genre, albeit in an indirect manner. While an often intensely personal nature of the desire for salvation and relationship with God is a common feature of this genre that may seem to overlap with Charles Wesley’s frequent focus on Christian experience, generic qualities mark an important difference. Wesley’s multi-verse hymns typically contain a strong sense of narrative progression, whereas worship song texts are usually shorter, employing instead repetition in performance, and therefore tend to have an emotional and thematic range that is more confined but no less intense. Structurally, their use of refrains is also a significant departure from Wesley, and shows their heritage as descendants of the revival songs that characterised the Methodist camp meetings, first in America and later in Britain too. Tyson describes how, in the nineteenth century, Within American Methodism a struggle between the Wesleyan hymns preferred by the denominational establishment and the popular spiritual songs featured in camp meetings soon emerged. … Methodists gradually turned away from the traditional Wesleyan hymnody born in the eighteenth-century English revival in favor of the cruder spiritual songs born in nineteenth-century camp meetings. While there is some evidence that Wesleyan texts like “O for a Thousand Tongues to Sing” functioned as “mother-hymns” from which revival songs developed, the main stream flowing out of the revivalist movement took American Methodism away from its European Wesleyan roots toward a more populist American identity. (Tyson, 2009, pp. 25, 28) This type of hymnody, which in British Methodism took root in the Primitive connexion, has found new expressions in each subsequent generation. Whereas some earlier twentieth-century examples emerged from within Methodism, such

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as American Methodist Episcopal minister Thomas Chisholm’s ‘Great is thy faithfulness’, there are few current British Methodist contributors to the genre. However, in writing about their craft and the practice of singing in worship, two of Britain’s most prominent contemporary writers, Stuart Townend and Graham Kendrick, both express sentiments that accord with historic Methodist understandings of the purpose and value of congregational hymnody. In an article entitled ‘Do we really need more worship songs?’ Townend articulates his view of the potential of congregational song: Worship songs can play a very valuable part in our Christian lives. They can increase our understanding of who God is and what he has done for us; they can help us poetically and eloquently express our worshipful response to Him; they can help establish important foundations in our lives that will help us in our daily living; they can powerfully articulate our prayer and intercession; they can retell Bible stories, and bring fresh insight into the great truths of the Scriptures. (Townend, 2012) His emphasis on the interconnectedness of song, scripture, and faithful Christian discipleship is reminiscent of John Wesley’s rhetorical questions in his famous preface to the 1780 Collection: In what other publication of this kind have you so distinct and full an account of scriptural Christianity; such a declaration of the heights and depths of the religion, speculative and practical; so strong cautions against the most plausible Errors; particularly those that are now most prevalent? And so clear directions for making your calling and election sure; for perfecting holiness in the fear of God? (Wesley, 1780, p. 74) Kendrick, meanwhile, take a more practical view in a blog post headed ‘Why aren’t we singing?’ In it, he explores barriers to congregational singing, and suggests ways in which they may be overcome. Among his observations are warnings against a culture of professionalising singing and an expectation of entertaining performances in church, an appeal to allow repertoire to become firmly embedded in congregational memory, and an encouragement to worship leaders to select material suitable for congregational participation. In his concluding remarks, he reminds worshippers that ‘the essence of being part of the body of Christ and being ‘church’ is that everybody brings something. The singing can be a symbol if you like, or an example of everybody together, bringing something’ (n.d.). The parallels with John Wesley’s ‘Directions for Singing’ are striking; both share scepticism over making singing a specialised activity, a genuine desire for full congregational participation in a suitable, accessible, and learned repertoire, and a clearly expressed understanding of the role of song in corporate Christian worship.

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New hymns, popular music, and contemporary worship As prolific and popular writers of words and music, Townend and Kendrick also exemplify a contentious aspect of the legacy of Methodist hymnody, the continual embrace of new repertoire that reflects contemporary tastes in popular music. Within and beyond Methodism, the Wesley brothers are frequently invoked by those advocating the use of new repertoire in popular styles, on the basis of Charles’ attention to the contemporary situation of those singing his hymns, and the musical repertoire of eighteenth-century Methodism (Methodist Evangelicals Together, n.d.; Aigner, 2015). The former claim has the stronger evidence, and, as the perpetuation of authorised hymnals shows, is one that Methodism has sought to take seriously. The latter, as Chapter 5 indicates, is more problematic, and although similar claims may also be made about the Primitive Methodists’ appropriation of popular music, substantive evidence is again lacking. The claim has been rebutted by several scholars, of whom Makujina is perhaps the most forceful: there is simply not the kind of firsthand evidence – and much to the contrary – to conclude that the Wesleys were intentionally committed to appropriating secular styles for evangelizing and acclimating a pagan culture to Christianity. It is true, however, that Charles composed invitation songs that called sinners to salvation and that many have credited Methodist singing with a significant role in their conversion. (Makujina, 2000, p. 200) However, Temperley’s interpretation of the limitations John Wesley’s musical tastes placed on early Methodism offers another insight into this debate (2010, p. 25). While, as Makujina rightly notes, there is almost no evidence of the Wesleys appropriating music from popular culture, Temperley argues that John Wesley’s selection of tunes was shaped by his own musical preferences, which, as an Oxford-educated man with direct connections to London’s theatrical community, were for melody-dominated contemporary art music (Young, 1995, pp. 82–101). As an example of the link between personal musical experience and taste and the compilation of music for worshipping communities, it would therefore be possible to apply Wesley’s approach to any musical style. Ultimately, this succeeds not as an argument for a particular musical style in its own right, but merely to illustrate the fallibility of claiming historical precedent in relation to hymnody, given its ability to provoke responses that cross boundaries of emotional and spiritual significance. Perhaps more fundamentally significant than the suitability of any single musical style is, as Temperley claims, John Wesley’s understanding that ‘music was probably the greatest factor in increasing the numbers and hence the power of the movement’, which has been revisited and appropriated by Christian leaders of many traditions (2010, p. 25). A relationship between Methodism and contemporary worship in a variety of traditions may be discerned in the role of music in liturgical structures. The

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structural emphasis placed on hymns in common Methodist liturgical patterns presents a marked contrast with the fixed place of hymns in, for example, many eucharistic services in the Church of England, which are derived from the historic proper of the Mass, such as the Introit, Gradual, Offertory, and Communion. In these contexts, the hymn forms part of a larger liturgical action, such as the procession of the altar party during the Introit, or the presentation of the communion elements and the collection of alms during the Offertory. By contrast, it is unusual for any other liturgical action to take place during the singing of a hymn in a typical British Methodist act of worship. This trait, shared with other Free Church traditions, emphasises hymnody’s importance in its own right, reflecting its perceived doxological, pedagogical, and spiritual qualities. Especially in the form of service common in Methodism prior to the influence of the ecumenical liturgical movement, hymns, interposed with prayers and scripture readings, were the main structural feature right up to the sermon, which represented the culmination of the service. The liturgical building blocks customarily used in contemporary worship services function in a similar fashion; the ‘worship’ time, dominated by singing, exists in its own right, and typically precedes the ‘teaching’ portion of the service that equates to the sermon. While this type of service may have more direct liturgical antecedents in revival meetings, festival gatherings, and mission services, the shared prominence given to hymnody to allow the congregation to express and experience a variety of thoughts and feelings can be traced back to early Methodism’s practice of singing a hymn before and after the sermon in preaching meetings. In all of these cases, hymnody takes on an important role in gathering the congregation and collectively preparing them for the expounding of scripture and responding to it.

Assessing the impact Despite the echoes of Methodist repertoire and practice presented in the previous section, Charles Wesley’s hymns remain the denomination’s most recognised and appropriated contribution to the wider church. While Methodism’s own attitude to this heritage of hymns will be explored in Chapter 8, it is noteworthy that it is this that other Christian traditions tend to draw on when they consciously seek to learn from Methodism. This stands in contrast to the trajectory of Wesley’s hymns in Methodism’s authorised hymnals, which reflects and perpetuates the decline in their use within the denomination. Through its authorised hymnals, British Methodism’s repertoire of hymns can be seen as increasingly ecumenically influenced. The three principal influences described in Chapter 2 have each made their own contributions, while the global range of sources drawn on in the compilation of Singing the Faith contribute to it being the most eclectic and diverse of all Methodism’s authorised hymnals. Methodists of different perspectives may either rejoice that this represents in a very practical way an increasing desire for Christian unity, or lament the dilution of Methodism’s distinctive theological and devotional emphases through the

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gradual loss of Charles Wesley’s hymns, and the concomitant reduction in texts widely adopted in Methodism from other Free Church authors, such as George Rawson, James Montgomery, and especially Isaac Watts. That other denominations continue to borrow words and music from what is, numerically, a diminishing pool of familiar Methodist hymns poses a challenge to Methodism in terms of how it articulates its present existence. It could be argued that such borrowing merely parallels Dickinson’s observations about twentieth- and twenty-first-century fictional representations of Methodism: ‘Methodism in fiction seems old-fashioned and wedded to a lifestyle and theology more appropriate for an earlier age’ (2012, p. 322). However, when this borrowing is added to the engagement by worship song composers with Charles Wesley’s verse, and the apparent influences of Methodism’s broader musical repertoire, culture, and practice, there is a clear sense in which Methodist hymnody still has a wide-ranging impact, which contributes to the relationship between hymnody and Methodist identity.

Notes 1 The Church of England gives formal recognition to the brothers through designating 24 May as a Lesser Festival (2000, p. 9). 2 At a global level, too, Methodism has been active in ecumenical relationships, perhaps most notably through the World Methodist Council’s Statement of Association with the earlier Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification of the Catholic Church’s Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity and the Lutheran World Federation (Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity, 2006). Despite the theological magnitude of this declaration and the breadth of its ecumenical acceptance, it is less well known that national-level initiatives, perhaps owing to the status of the World Methodist Council as an affiliation of autonomous churches in the Methodist/Wesleyan tradition. 3 Although these two series are particularly significant, other important hymnals in the history of Anglican hymnody include Thring (1880) and Compton, Ellerton, and How (1871). 4 The reference to LYDIA in George Eliot’s Scenes of Clerical Life makes clear that it was perceived as a Dissenting tune, and not wholly suitable for Anglican use (Eliot, 1857, pp. 16–17). 5 Watson’s membership of the Archbishops’ Commission on Church Music (1988– 92) is an earlier example of ecumenical awareness in the field of church music. 6 ABINGDON has had a long association with the text in the Congregational tradition, having been composed for it by Routley in 1944, and first published in Congregational Praise (Congregational Union of England and Wales, 1951). For a detailed discussion of the musical settings of ‘And can it be’, see Clarke (2016). 7 On eighteenth-century criticisms of Methodism, including the charge of enthusiasm, see McInelly (2014). Later examples of ecumenical opposition, for example between Methodism and the Oxford Movement, are detailed in Munsey Turner (1985) and Sélen (1992). 8 An early example that has gained considerable popularity is Vikki Cook’s setting of ‘Before the throne of God above’. The album Love Divine: The Songs of Charles Wesley for Today’s Generation (Hughes et al., 2010) illustrates the interest in Wesley’s words.

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Methodist Evangelicals Together (n.d.) Traditional Methodism [Online]. Available at http://methodistevangelicals.org.uk/resources/traditional-methodism (Accessed 2 September 2016). Moore, G., Sayers, S., Forster, M., and Mayhew, K. eds (2000) Complete Anglican Hymns Old and New, Stowmarket: Kevin Mayhew. Munsey Turner, J. (1985) Conflict and Reconciliation: Studies in Methodism and Ecumenism in England, 1740–1982, London: Epworth. O’Gara, M. (2008) ‘Receiving Gifts in Ecumenical Dialogue’, in Murray, P. (ed.) Receptive Ecumenism and the Call to Catholic Learning: Exploring a Way for Contemporary Ecumenism, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 26–38. Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity (2006) The World Methodist Council Statement of Association with the Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification [Online]. Available at http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/pontifical_councils/chrstuni/methcouncil-docs/rc_pc_chrstuni_doc_20060723_text-association_en.html (Accessed 1 September 2016). Powell, G. (2016) An Address to the Bishop of Rome [Online]. Available at http://www. methodist.org.uk/news-and-events/news-releases/an-address-to-the-bishop-ofrome (Accessed 1 September 2016). Pratt, A. (2007) ‘The Influence of Charles Wesley on Contemporary Hymnody’, in Newport, K.G.C. and Campbell, T.A. (eds) Charles Wesley: Life, Literature and Legacy, Peterborough: Epworth, pp. 395–413. Putney, M.E. (2008) ‘Receptive Catholic Learning Through Methodist-Catholic Dialogue’, in Murray, P. (ed.) Receptive Ecumenism and the Call to Catholic Learning: Exploring a Way for Contemporary Ecumenism, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 122–33. Sélen, M. (1992) The Oxford Movement and Wesleyan Methodism in England 1833–1882, Lund: Lund University Press. Temperley, N. (2010) ‘John Wesley, Music, and the People Called Methodists’, in Temperley, N. and Banfield, S. (eds) Music and the Wesleys, Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, pp. 3–25. Thring, G. ed. (1880) A Church of England Hymn Book, adapted to the daily services of the Church, London: Skeffington and Son. Townend, S. (2012) Do We Really Need More Worship Songs? [Online]. Available at https://www.stuarttownend.co.uk/articles/do-we-really-need-more-worship-songs/ (Accessed 2 September 2016). Tyson, J.R. (2009) ‘The Methodist National Anthem: “O for a Thousand Tongues to Sing” and the Development of American Methodism’, in Noll, M.A. and Blumhofer, E. (eds) Sing Them Over Again To Me: Hymns and Hymnbooks in America, Tuscaloola, AL: University of Alabama Press, pp. 20–42. United Reformed Church (1991) Rejoice and Sing: Full Music Edition, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Wainwright, G. (1995) Methodists in Dialogue, Nashville, TN: Kingswood Books. Wainwright, G. (1997) Worship with One Accord: Where Liturgy and Ecumenism Embrace, New York: Oxford University Press. Wainwright, G. (2010) ‘Methodism and the Ecumenical Movement’, in Yrigoyen, Jr., C. (ed.) T&T Clark Companion to Methodism, London: Bloomsbury, pp. 329–50. Watson, J.R. (1997) The English Hymn: A Critical and Historical Study, Oxford: Clarendon Press. Wellings, M. (2009) ‘British Methodism and Evangelicalism’, in Abraham, W.J. and Kirby, J.E. (eds) The Oxford Handbook of Methodist Studies, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 155–70.

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Wesley, J. ed. (1780 [1983]) A Collection of Hymns for the Use of the People called Methodists, Hildebrandt, F. and Beckerlegge, O.A. (eds), Oxford: Clarendon Press. World Methodist Council (2010) Synthesis: Together in Holiness: 40 Years of Methodist and Roman Catholic Dialogue [Online]. Available at http://worldmethodistcouncil.org/ wp-content/uploads/2012/02/Roman-Catholic-Dialogue-Synthesis-Report.pdf (Accessed 2 September 2016). Young, C.R. (1995) Music of the Heart: John and Charles Wesley on Music and Musicians, An Anthology, Carol Stream, IL: Hope Publishing.

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Hymnody and Methodist identity

Each of the earlier chapters has considered aspects of hymnody that contribute to the significant place it has occupied historically in Methodist thought and practice. The concept of authorised hymnody affords hymnals and the hymns they contain institutional status as representations of Methodist doctrine and theology. The ecumenical exchanges of hymns and hymn singing practice in which Methodism has participated throughout its history point, on the one hand, to Methodism’s desire to assimilate for the benefit of its own members what it perceives to be the best repertoire and practice of other traditions, but also to hymnody’s role in perceptions of Methodism beyond the denomination itself. Certain literary and musical traits contribute to the efficacy of hymnody in expressions of Methodist spirituality, while the many changes and recurrent tensions in relation to language and music indicate an ongoing engagement with hymnody at both individual and institutional levels. The place of hymnody in both missional activity and regular worship attests to the diverse musical and verbal practices that have existed within Methodism, to hymnody’s importance in communal activities, and to its pedagogical and doxological functions. However, the place of hymnody in articulations of Methodist identity is not a simple sum of these parts; rather, their interplay points to three more fundamental aspects that accord hymnody its elevated status within Methodism: hymns as theological expression, hymns as part of Methodism’s heritage, and the experience of singing, reading, or hearing hymns. This chapter addresses each of these in turn, seeking to assess the contribution of words, music, and their combination, and reflecting on the contributions of repertoire and practice. This three-fold approach owes a partial debt to the influential and muchdebated Wesleyan Quadrilateral of Scripture, Reason, Tradition, and Experience, formulated by Albert C. Outler as a way of understanding John Wesley’s theological method. Although the description of this method as a quadrilateral suggests equality between the four components, Outler was careful to explain that, for Wesley, and for Methodism as a whole, scripture was the supreme authority: ‘we can see in Wesley a distinctive theological method, with Scripture as its pre-eminent norm but interfaced with tradition, reason, and Christian experience as dynamic and interactive aids in the interpretation of the Word of God in Scripture’ (1985, p. 9). Wesley attests to the unique status he afforded

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the Bible in the preface to his published collection of sermons: ‘Let me be homo unius libri’ (Wesley, 1787, p. vi). The three-fold approach in this chapter avoids setting scripture as a discrete category in order to reflect its authority over Christian hymnody as a whole; hymns are but one way whereby the interaction between scripture and the other elements that Outler describes is realised. Within Methodism, they provide a recurrent example of how Outler argues scripture’s authority is respected and received: In such a quaternity, Holy Scripture is clearly unique. But this in turn is illuminated by the collective Christian wisdom of other ages and cultures between the Apostolic Age and our own. It also allows for the rescue of the Gospel from obscurantism by means of the disciplines of critical reason. But always, Biblical revelation must be received in the heart by faith: this is the requirement of “experience”. (Outler, 1985, p. 11) By contrast, the inclusion of theological expression as a distinct category emphasises that within Methodism, hymns have long had a prominent public role in proclaiming and explaining doctrine and theology. However, this has never been their only role, and the popularity of individual hymns may rest on a number of factors, not limited to theological content. Heritage may be regarded as broadly, though not exactly, analogous to tradition. In the development of the quadrilateral, multiple meanings of tradition have been defined, including a sense of process in the development of Christian thought and practice since the New Testament period, the positive valuing of materials from Christian history, and a transcendental understanding of Christianity practised across time and space (Campbell, 2010, pp. 63–4). Hymnody may draw on the second of these definitions, and contribute to the third. Using the term heritage instead allows for a critical evaluation of the role of historical awareness that is not confined by any of these understandings, and which draws on perspectives other than the theological. Consideration of the experiential nature of hymnody emphasises a symbiotic relationship between hymns of Christian experience and the Christian experience of hymns in worship and private devotion. The experience of hymnody foregrounds the practice of hymns, that is, the interaction of words and music, more overtly than the consideration of their role in theological expression and Methodist heritage. This section is also underpinned by the obvious but important point that, for the vast majority of Methodists throughout the denomination’s history, their primary engagement with hymns has been through a shared participative experience broadly in the Free Church liturgical tradition.

Hymns as theological expression Chapter 1 explored the ways in which the ordering and structure of Methodism’s authorised hymnals reflected both orthodox Christian doctrine and particular

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Methodist emphases, especially concerning personal holiness. The concept of authorised hymnody plays both a significant high-level role in legitimising the potential of hymns as a category of doctrinal and theological expression, and a particular role in affirming individual hymns as being in accordance with and expressive of that doctrine and theology. In the context of public worship, where hymns are predominantly encountered, the place of an individual hymn in the overall theological scheme of the hymnal may not be obvious to the congregation, especially if the words are projected on a screen rather than sung or read from a book. Furthermore, as the responsibility for the selection of hymns typically lies with the appointed leader of worship, unless individual congregants use hymns in their private devotions, their exposure to hymns will be prescribed solely according to the agenda of those leading worship. The importance of individual hymns in proclaiming doctrine and theology therefore cannot be underestimated. It is individual hymns that can, through participative performance of words and music, make a lasting impression on those who sing or hear them. Early in Methodism’s history, this was particularly significant in promoting the Arminian theology of the Wesley brothers and rejecting the Calvinism of other Methodist leaders such as George Whitefield and Howell Harris. Though Wesleyan Arminianism is now indisputably central to Methodist theology, it was severely tested and challenged in the eighteenth century both by leading figures within Methodism such as Whitefield and Harris, and others outside the movement. In addition to polemical sermons, hymnody became a key tool in the Wesleys’ theological advocacy, most notably in Charles Wesley’s Hymns on God’s Everlasting Love (1741, 1742). Two examples from this collection illustrate amply the forcefulness with which Wesley expressed this theological viewpoint, as well as highlighting the continued importance of his hymns in articulating it. The first hymn in this collection, ‘Father whose everlasting love’, is arguably Charles Wesley’s boldest statement of Arminian theology and, in its original form, his most coruscating attack on the tenets of Calvinism. Throughout its seventeen verses, numerous words and phrases were italicised to emphasise God’s unconditional love, human free will, and the universal offer of redemption, culminating in the final couplet: ‘Lift up the standard of thy cross, / And all shall own thou diedst for all’ (1741, p. 5). In modern hymnals, it is typically presented in an abridged form, with just five stanzas. Even in this reduced form, it is a powerful statement of that most distinctive aspect of Methodist theology; the verses that overtly criticise Calvinism, so characteristic of the lively disputes between the Wesley brothers and Whitefield, are now commonly omitted, reflecting the subsequent clear separation of Methodism’s Arminian and Calvinist factions. The hymn ‘Let earth and heaven agree’, meanwhile, focuses on Jesus as the universal saviour; successive references to the universal offer of salvation through his sacrificial death lead to the declamatory final couplet: ‘For all my Lord was crucified, / for all, for all my Saviour died’ (Wesley, 1742, pp. 31–3). Though less polemical than ‘Father, whose everlasting love’, it has a more strident character, partly due to a metrical structure (66 66 88) in which

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a series of short lines create momentum towards powerful couplets at the end of verses; Dixon’s description of it as ‘an exuberant celebration of this universal Saviour’ is apt (n.d.). This theological emphasis is confined neither to Charles Wesley’s hymns generally, nor to hymns, such as those above, where it is the overt theme of the text, nor to hymns originating in Methodism. Among Charles Wesley’s many seasonal hymns are found frequent expressions of Arminianism, such as his Easter hymn, ‘All ye that seek the Lord who died’, with its bold concluding verse: Go, tell the followers of your Lord Their Jesus is to life restored; He lives, that they his life may find; He lives, to quicken all mankind. (Wesley, 1746, p. 2) Wesley uses this hymn, which takes as its starting point the Gospel account of the three women visiting Jesus’ tomb early on the third day, to expound his theological understanding of the significance of the resurrection for all people. This is a prime example of how Methodism’s hymnody is imbued with theological meaning; overtly, it is a hymn in celebration of Christ’s resurrection, but it also uses this theme to impart an important message to all who sing it, as it seeks to inspire them to evangelical action. Singing the Faith includes Methodist minister Gareth Hill’s hymn ‘The desolate Messiah dies’. Its descriptive language marks it as modern, but its theological message is characteristically Wesleyan, especially in the final verse, which describes the meaning of the resurrection for Christians: ‘that death means life at Calvary / and grace has won the victory / for all the world’ (© 2004 Gareth Hill Publishing (Admin. by Song Solutions www.songsolutions.org) All rights reserved. Used by permission. In Methodist Church, 2011, hymn 283). Similarly to ‘All ye that seek the Lord who died’, its liturgical purpose is to retell the story of Christ’s crucifixion and resurrection, and it too does so with a distinctive Methodist emphasis. American author and composer Marty Haugen’s hymn ‘All are welcome’ is included in the ‘Mission and Evangelism’ section of Singing the Faith. Though not from a Methodist background, Haugen’s text is in clear alignment with Wesleyan Arminianism, which is most cogently expressed in its climactic refrain: ‘All are welcome, all are welcome, all are welcome in this place’ (“All Are Welcome” by Marty Haugen, © 1994, GIA Publications, Inc. All rights reserved. Used by permission. In Methodist Church 2011, hymn 409). The text is, however, less challenging than Charles Wesley’s typical expression of evangelical Arminian theology. Though Haugen’s text emphasises the idea of welcoming anyone and everyone into the church, reflecting an increasing concern in churches for an inclusive ministry of hospitality exercised towards regular and occasional worshippers alike, it lacks Wesley’s characteristic invitation to active commitment from all who hear and receive the message of salvation universally offered.

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White observes that relatively little recent systematic theology written by authors in the Wesleyan tradition engages with Charles Wesley’s hymns in a rigorous or sustained manner (2007, p. 518).1 She goes on to posit several ways in which Charles’ work could contribute to such theological work: integration of different modes of engagement or aspects of Christian life, empathy and affect, doxology, and an understanding of the metaphorical nature of biblical and theological language (2007, pp. 522–6). Her comment that an article on lay theological education in Methodism ‘does not mention the singing of Charles Wesley’s hymns as a part of the nurture of lay theologians’ points to the critical significance of hymnody, not confined to Charles Wesley’s verse, as a means of theological expression in Methodism (2007, p. 519). While John Wesley’s published sermons and other writings are often presented as the basis for Methodist doctrine and theology, they are, very largely, known well by professional scholars only, and feature much less prominently than a selection of Charles’ hymns in the general Methodist consciousness. Hymns, then, are the most commonly encountered carriers of doctrinal and theological values and concepts in Methodism, and, as such, have contributed to the theological awareness of those who have sung them, whether consciously or subconsciously. Understood in this way, within Methodism hymns have long played a significant role in the development of what Astley describes as Ordinary Theology. Arguing that theology and religion are largely learned phenomena, he reasons that the individual believer’s beliefs will bear the imprint of the culture in which they were learned; for many Methodists, the singing of hymns is therefore likely to play a prominent role: The subjective meaning that a particular idea or belief has for someone depends on a range of connotations and associations, both cognitive and affective, that are peculiar to his or her life and past learning. This sort of learning can never be plucked out of its context and picked clean; it always carries with it some of the soil in which it was nurtured. If we ignore the learning context of a person’s Christian theology, we shall not be able adequately to understand or describe it. (Astley, 2002, p. 13) Astley proposes a three-stage model of learning religion: learning about religion, embracing the faith, and moving on in faith (2002, pp. 25–34). Hymns can be seen as connecting these three stages, from their statements of aspects of doctrine and theology, to becoming personally meaningful, and finally rewarding a more intense commitment to theological learning. They form a distinctively Methodist example of how ‘All religious traditions have at their heart a set of very powerful, highly affective and powerfully effective rituals, symbols, stories, practices and patterns of life that have the capacity to feed on and feed this personal learning of personal faith’ (Astley, 2002, p. 36).

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Theological expression and the practice of hymnody Both Astley’s concept and White’s observations point to the importance of the practice of hymnody, that is, the singing of words set to music. While the music may be interpreted as merely the medium that conveys the message contained within the words, Astley’s contention that the communal nature of religious learning is significant suggests that the practice of hymnody also deserves theological consideration: ‘It is not a learning project that the lone individual can ever pursue, for even books and other media of communication link the individual with others. Neither faith nor theology could be solipsistic. It is in social contexts that we first learn to speak of God’ (2002, p. 26). John Wesley had a similar understanding of Christianity, exemplified in his concern to organise his followers into small groups according to various criteria. In the preface to Hymns and Sacred Poems (1739), he also emphasises that Christian faith must be worked out in social contexts: ‘The gospel of Christ knows of no religion but social; no holiness but social holiness’ (Wesley and Wesley, 1739, p. viii). Methodism’s hymnody has been written, compiled, disseminated centrally, and selected locally all with the intention of its being sung in a communal context, and in the understanding that hymns have a theological significance both institutionally and individually. Gunther Brown gives some sense of the significance of the practice of hymn singing as she observes that ‘By repeatedly performing hymn narratives, Methodists re-enacted the story of divine redemption and intensified that story’s authority to infuse the world with sacred influences’ (2005, p. 212). The performative nature of hymnody demands therefore that the medium and practice be given theological attention, in addition to the messages the hymns seek to communicate. Shier-Jones’ claim that ‘It is not simply that Methodists enjoy their hymns; they consider them to be a fundamental dynamic of their faith’ (2005, p. 213), implies that the practice of hymnody contributes to the value ascribed to hymns. The practice of hymnody is the dynamic interrelationship of words and music to express something of the Christian faith. Both linguistic meaning, expression, imagery and construction, and musical properties of melody, rhythm, and harmony make their own important contributions, but the theological value of the practice of hymnody arises from their interaction in real time. Westerfield Tucker gives a clear sense of how important the combination of words and music is in helping Christians to take ownership of the doctrinal and theological ideas contained within hymn texts: The singing of doctrine truly allows for the embodiment of belief. Because of the physical mechanisms required for singing, sung confession and praise necessarily engage the whole person; assent to God’s truths is not only of the mind and lips, but is drawn from the very breath – the breath of the spirit and of the Spirit – that supports life. The breath that animates the individual body is also the breath that sustains the body of Christ, the Church, and that allows the congregation to sing with one voice. (Westerfield Tucker, 1999, p. 53)

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Analysing any multimedia relationship, such as that found in hymnody, is complex, and prone to simplifications such as the setting of firm boundaries between the elements. As Begbie argues, giving theological attention to music’s role in this relationship does not undermine the church’s long-standing reliance on written and spoken words in the communication of its doctrines: ‘Music – in, with, and through language – is capable of enabling a fuller participation in the realities which that language mediates and in which all are caught up’ (2013, p. 205). He emphasises the importance of music in practice: making and listening, in understanding its value: there seems no prima facie reason to suppose that the practices of musicmaking and music-hearing, together with the distinctive types of cognition they involve and the language they entail and generate, cannot contribute to the formation of doctrinal concepts … Indeed, in the practical life of the Church and its worship there is every reason to believe this will be happening to some extent in any case. (Begbie, 2013, p. 207) Begbie’s approach draws on musicologist Nicholas Cook’s Analysing Musical Multimedia (1998), and seeks to apply its arguments to the realm of music and Christian doctrine. Echoing Cook, he rejects the concepts of conformity, contest, and complementation as adequate ways of describing the relationship between music and doctrinal language; most significantly, in relation to the first idea, he argues that it limits music’s potential: ‘the best music could ever do for a given doctrinal language would be to amplify or magnify what was already presumed to be wholly evident in, and transparent through, that language, ruling out any possibility of music deepening, correcting, or advancing our perception of doctrine’s content and significance’ (2013, p. 211). Relating Begbie’s arguments to congregational hymnody requires two caveats; first, he himself is not primarily writing about liturgical music, nor texted music in general. Second, in the construction of hymnody, the notion of conformity between words and music does need to be recognised. Many hymn-writers, especially those who are not skilled musicians, write new words with either a specific tune already in mind, or in a metrical pattern that permits the use of a range of existing tunes. Hymnal compilers too, where no firm association of text and tune exists, will use the text to determine a tune with suitable musical characteristics. In both cases, the words seem to have primacy, and the selection of music is governed by them. The amplification or magnification of meaning already present may therefore seem to be sufficient, and musical characteristics such as melodic contour or modality are assessed in terms of their conformity to the subject or mood of the text. However, in practice, the music has greater potential; in addition to its compositional properties, performance choices such as tempo, dynamics, or instrumentation can have a profound effect on the meanings perceived in any individual rendition of a hymn. Similarly, the experience of an unfamiliar hymn, or the use of a different tune for a familiar

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text can challenge and alter interpretations of the hymn. Prominent examples in Methodism include the repeated but ultimately unsuccessful attempts to establish a widely-accepted alternative to SAGINA for ‘And can it be’, and the tendency to replace Samuel Stanley’s more vigorous WILTON with Samuel Sebastian Wesley’s serene HEREFORD, more popular ecumenically, for ‘O thou who camest from above’. Hustad’s assertion of the role of music articulates Begbie’s argument in terms that many hymn singers would recognise: ‘the music dramatizes, explains, underlines, “breathes life” into the words, resulting in more meaning than the words themselves could express’ (1993, pp. 25–6). With a more specific focus on the role of music in worship, Leaver describes the mutual benefits and correctives of singing theology in hymns: ‘Theology prevents music from becoming an end in itself by pointing man to its origins – in the doxology of creation. Music prevents theology from becoming a purely intellectual matter by moving the heart of man to consider its ultimate purpose – the doxology of the new creation’ (1985, p. 49). The broadly applicable arguments of Begbie and Leaver invite a closer reading of the theological significance of hymnody in practice, through which values that resonate with Methodism’s evangelical Arminianism may be discerned. In his book Praying Twice: The Music and Words of Congregational Song, Wren presents a series of ‘Hallmarks of Congregational Song’, some of which are core values expressed in all congregational song, and others are qualities to which it should aspire: ‘Congregational song is by nature corporate, corporeal, and inclusive; at its best, it is creedal, ecclesial, inspirational, and evangelical’ (2000, p. 84). He argues that each of these hallmarks has theological significance; although from the Reformed tradition, his book does not overtly prioritise that theological lineage, nor confine itself to it. While all seven hallmarks may be applied in a Methodist context, the corporate, inclusive, and ecclesial character of congregational song are particularly significant. Regarding the corporate nature of congregational song, Wren argues that it has both a practical and theological significance: as we sing together we belong to one another in the song. We agree, in effect, not to be soloists, self-absorbed meditators, or competitors, but to compromise with each other, join our voices as if joining hands, listen to each other, keep the same tempo, and thus love each other in the act of singing. For a congregation, its corporate song makes a theological statement: “We are the body of Christ”. (Wren, 2000, p. 84) He goes on to cite John Wesley’s ‘Directions for Singing’ to illustrate the concept, but does not probe the influence of Wesley’s theological perspective on his advocacy of full congregational participation. Wesley’s imperative ‘Sing all’ is not merely a concern for the heartiness of the singing at a localised level, but is indicative of his firm belief in the gift of salvation freely offered to all, and the need for all to visibly and audibly demonstrate their commitment. As

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the hymn texts Wesley used were either written or chosen for their ability to communicate important aspects of the Wesleyan interpretation of Christianity, so full participation in them was both a sign to others that the message of grace they contained had no limits, and a symbol of the commitment of each singer to the life of faith. As noted above, many of Charles Wesley’s hymns are characterised by being both an exposition of the message of grace freely offered and also, through the deeply personal language they employ, a challenge to the believer to assent in their pattern of life to what they proclaim about themselves in song, and even to be taken beyond their present situation to a deeper commitment of faith. In addition to the contribution of each individual voice, the communality of singing together is also significant in terms of Methodist theological emphases. Methodism’s historical structure of societies, classes, and bands emphasised the importance of mutual and prayerful support, encouragement, accountability, and discipline in the life of faith. Although this organisational model is no longer operated, Methodism retains a strong emphasis on pastoral ministry and fellowship, in which small-group meetings of different kinds for study or prayer are commonplace. The prevalence of hymn singing in many of these groups, along with their contribution to the sense of community among the larger congregation that gathers and sings together in Sunday worship, in itself represents a mutual commitment to fellow members of the local church and the community in which it exists. In a broader sense, the discipline of singing together stands as a corrective against an overly individualistic interpretation of the Christian faith, which some hymns, including examples by Charles Wesley and from the contemporary worship song genre alike, might otherwise seem to permit. The need for musical cooperation, and the coherence resulting from it, serves as a potent audible reminder that each member shares responsibility for the church’s ongoing life of witness and service. As Mack notes of the hymns sung by the early Methodists, ‘they enabled communication between self and community and between self and God, and they stood as models of sincere speech and authentic emotion’ (2008, p. 48). That this sense of community is especially made evident through communal singing is also noteworthy; it is both transitory and dynamic, achieved and renewed only through activity. As Begbie argues, ‘Music shows us in a particularly potent way that dynamic order is possible, that there can be ordered being and becoming, form and vitality, structure and dynamics, flux and articulation. For something to be subject to persistent change need not imply disorder’ (2000, pp. 85–6). This resonates with the Methodist emphasis on growth in grace and holiness as a perpetual commitment, worked out in the context of the local church, itself part of the Methodist Connexion, which, in turn, proclaims itself part of the universal church. The quality of inclusivity described by Wren is related to the corporate nature of congregational song. Wren argues that ‘A congregation cannot demonstrate its unity in Christ if people are shut out from its song’ (2000, p. 89). Clearly, in terms of the practice of hymnody, this too relates closely to Methodism’s Arminian theology. However, there is also a sense in which the custom of

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authorising new hymnals symbolises inclusivity, as the Methodist Church seeks to accommodate musical and literary expressions of faith in a range of idioms and from a variety of cultures to meet the contemporary context of its members. Such a claim could, of course, be made for any new hymnal, but the added weight of authorisation indicates that new hymns are included not merely because they seem fashionable, but because they accord with Methodist doctrine or theology. Thus the voices of writers from different times, places, and cultures, and the ability of their work to speak to diverse congregations, is affirmed. In extending its message of salvation available for all, this inclusive repertoire, and the associated practice, recognise that individuals respond differently to style, form, and genre, and that Christian commitment is not dependent upon or bounded by cultural uniformity. Wren offers a broad definition of ‘creedal’ in relation to congregational song, ‘meaning that congregational song helps us express a believing response in a self-committing way’ (2000, p. 90). He points to the balance of intellect and emotion brought about by the combination of words and music, and although his brief overview is in danger of presenting a simplistic binary association of words/intellect and music/emotion, the underlying point about the significance of practice is important. Here again, there is a clear connection with the authorisation of hymnody in Methodism. The influence of the Wesleyan conception of the Christian life on the structuring of hymnals, most overt in the 1780 Collection, but still observable in later volumes, shows a clear understanding that hymns allow people to express commitment and affirm their faith in a particularly powerful way. However, the concepts and beliefs emphasised by the ordering and structure of the hymnal are only effectual when the hymns from it are practised by individuals and congregations. Thus the singing of hymns allows the affirmation of faith by each participant, and the gathered assembly collectively. That Methodist hymnody contains expressions of Methodist theology in written form is both obvious and important. However, the nature of hymns as statements of theology realised through the active combination of words and music is a critical factor in their centrality in articulations of Methodist identity.

Methodism’s heritage of hymnody The opening sentence of the preface to The Methodist Hymn Book (1933) is perhaps the most famous expression of Methodism’s consciousness of its heritage of hymnody: ‘Methodism was born in song’ (Methodist Church, 1933, p. iii). The prefaces of authorised hymnals typically contain some reference to this heritage, often explaining their attempt to simultaneously draw upon it while also promoting suitable new material. Similarly to the external perceptions of Methodist hymnody, the work of Charles Wesley features prominently in Methodists’ own understanding of this heritage, both in terms of actual hymns, and the spirit of Wesleyan hymnody as an articulation of personal faith and the promise of salvation. Westerfield Tucker argues that ‘When the question

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of what makes Methodist worship uniquely Methodist is asked, singing – and especially singing the hymns of Charles Wesley – would be an answer affirmed by Methodists/Wesleyans worldwide’ (2010, p. 253). However, Westerfield Tucker’s assertion, and contemporary Methodism’s relationship with this heritage, need critical examination. As briefly noted in Chapter 7, the legacy of Charles Wesley’s hymns and the repertoire of early Methodism has been used both to justify their continued use and to support the inclusion of new hymnody. The acceleration of the numerical decline of Wesley’s hymns in the most recent authorised hymnals is also an important factor; most obviously, it suggests that Wesley’s hymns are less popular and less widely used than they were, but the character and subject matter of those that remain also needs consideration. In addition to the specific heritage of Charles Wesley’s hymns, the impact of the more general character of his hymnody, and that of other historic Methodist traditions, notably Primitive Methodism, also need to be assessed in order to gain a fuller understanding of the place the heritage of hymns plays in the formation and expression of Methodist identity. Of the seventy-nine texts by Charles Wesley in Singing the Faith, it is striking that the vast majority of them are set to tunes with which they have an established association. The sources of these tunes are varied, ranging from those composed or first popularised by eighteenth-century Methodists, such as HELMSLEY for ‘Lo, he comes with clouds descending’ and AMSTERDAM for ‘Meet and right it is to sing’ and ‘Glory be to God on high’, through ‘Old Methodist’ tunes such as LYDIA and LYNGHAM for ‘O for a thousand tongues to sing’ and nineteenth-century Anglican tunes such as HEATHLANDS for ‘Christ whose glory fills the skies’, to pairings made in the twentieth century, such as BLAENWERN for ‘Love divine, all loves excelling’. Though a small number of new tunes were specially composed for texts by Wesley, there was almost no substituting of previously associated tunes for other preexisting ones. This indicates that the majority of Charles Wesley’s hymns retained in the hymnal were those from Hymns and Psalms that were familiar through practice, that is, frequently used combinations of words and music.2 While this may seem an obvious statement to make, it represents a subtle but decisive shift in Methodism’s attitude to its Wesleyan heritage of hymns. The spiritual power of Charles Wesley’s hymns continues to be recognised and celebrated through their inclusion in significant numbers in Singing the Faith (despite the drastic reduction from Hymns and Psalms, Wesley remains the most represented author in the hymnal by a considerable margin), but their role in representing the breadth of Christian doctrine and more specifically Methodist theological emphases has diminished. Notably, the largest concentrations of his hymns are in the sections entitled ‘Our Journey with God’ and ‘Growth in Grace and Holiness’. Both sections are primarily concerned with encouraging and sustaining the faith of individual believers and the church at large, and stand in contrast to the more liturgically or seasonally focused sections of the hymnal. In the case of some hymns, the perpetuation of the Wesleyan heritage seems to rest squarely on the combinations of words and music. Reflecting its seemingly unassailable popularity, Singing the Faith is the first authorised hymnal to set

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only SAGINA for ‘And can it be’, while the removal of Stainer’s LOVE DIVINE as an alternative to BLAENWERN for ‘Love divine, all loves excelling’ and the direct association of LYNGHAM with ‘O for a thousand tongues to sing’, reflecting a popular custom in some areas that was not previously represented in authorised hymnals, are further examples where the strength of the association is a critical factor. In terms of their ongoing popularity, the balance of importance between their rich textual content, their historic status, and the experience of singing them to the familiar tunes will vary from individual to individual. For some, the familiarity of the musical setting may liberate them to focus more deeply on the text, or simply to draw comfort from it when their faith is tested, while for others, the same familiarity may place the focus on the emotional reaction to the experience alone, at the expense of engagement with the words. The range of hymns by Charles Wesley in Singing the Faith is nonetheless still sufficiently broad to suggest that the textual content remains an important consideration. Forasmuch as many of the texts have strongly associated tunes, far from all of them are of the strident, emotionally charged quality typified by SAGINA; those of a more restrained character, such as MAINZER for ‘Author of faith, eternal Word’, or MELCOMBE for ‘Father, whose everlasting love’, are unlikely to achieve the kind of impassioned rendition that treads a fine line between a wholehearted and holistic engagement and one that merely rides upon the emotion of the moment. Thus the heritage of Charles Wesley’s hymns continues to exert an influence on British Methodism, albeit in a less wide-ranging or systematic way than previously. In part, their endurance relies on strong musical associations, and, by extension, the practice and experience of hymnody, in addition to the intrinsic theological, poetical, and spiritual qualities of the texts. The biggest challenge to this heritage has come through the vastly increased generic range of Singing the Faith, and its implication that the spiritual sustenance Methodists draw from hymnody is, for an increasing portion of the church’s membership, at least partly provided by genres that display markedly different literary and musical characteristics from those of Charles Wesley’s hymns and their customary musical settings. The continued prominent presence of Charles Wesley’s hymns in authorised hymnals nonetheless provides clear evidence that the heritage of the Wesleyan tradition in British Methodism is still preserved. By comparison, the historic repertoire of Primitive Methodism, the most distinct from the Wesleyan corpus of any of the branches of Methodism, has not been maintained in the same quantities. Pratt’s argument, noted in Chapter 1, about the dominance of Wesleyan Methodism in the contents and structure of The Methodist Hymn Book (1933) suggests this selective attitude to heritage: ‘There is a paucity of hymns on the Judgement and no section on Temperance or Evangelism. Texts for such as back-sliders are well hidden. The feel of the book is that of “church” rather than “chapel”. It has a Wesleyan stamp’ (2004, p. 82). In terms of actual hymns and their ordering, this is an accurate observation, and one which may also be applied to Hymns and Psalms. However, considering the more general character of Primitive Methodist hymnody and worship, it is possible to discern a regard for this heritage to a very limited degree in Hymns and Psalms, but rather more prominently in

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Singing the Faith. Pratt and Watson’s description of the relationship between Primitive Methodism’s overall outlook and The Primitive Methodist Hymnal and Supplement (Primitive Methodist Church, 1912) provides a way of interpreting the legacy of this particular branch of Methodist hymnody: ‘Its character was shaped by the particular stance of the denomination. Primitive Methodism was characterised by a theology that went hand in hand with radical politics, and an anti-sacerdotal stance, while worship was sometimes almost Pentecostal in style. Congregational participation was encouraged’ (n.d.). Hymns with refrains and other repetitive elements, often expressing the message of salvation in simple and vividly direct language, found a natural home in such a style of worship, and were instrumental in generating its fervour. These hymns were often recently written, and an ongoing concern to keep abreast of contemporary developments can be observed in Primitive Methodism, notably in the decision to supplement the mammoth 1052-hymn hymnal of 1889 less than twenty-five years later with more than 250 additional items: Apparently there was a feeling that, good though the book undoubtedly was, it might be ‘no longer completely adequate’ after a quarter of a century. The editors were aware of the amount of new material that had become familiar, and of the need to address themes that had been neglected. However, they believed that ‘the value of a hymn in Christian worship is not determined exclusively or even mainly by its literary qualities’, and therefore many popular hymns were included that with a more stringent approach might have been eliminated. (Pratt and Watson, n.d.) The combination of the emphasis on new material and the attitude towards literary standards gave some of the resulting material an ephemeral quality, which may also be observed in the worship song genre that has influenced Singing the Faith so prominently. In this genre, ephemerality is a positive characteristic; there is an expectation that new material will continue to be produced, and that older songs will be regularly superseded.3 Similarly, the charismatic-influenced worship that they sometimes contribute to has antecedents in the practices of Primitive Methodism, just as the formal eucharistic liturgies of The Methodist Worship Book echo historic Wesleyan patterns of worship in their adoption of ecumenical structures. The directness of expression, strong emphasis on making a personal response to God, and the use of informal language in irregular structures are also shared characteristics of these two genres of hymnody. The representation of this genre in Singing the Faith may therefore be regarded as in keeping with the heritage of early Primitive Methodist hymnody; the changes in vocabulary and musical idiom between these two bodies of material from the nineteenth century and the end of the twentieth century onwards affirm rather than weaken this heritage, as the church responds to cultural trends. Both the more obvious legacy of Charles Wesley’s hymns and the conceptual link between Primitive Methodism and aspects of Singing the Faith point

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to the importance of heritage in giving hymnody its prominent place in the way Methodist identity is understood and expressed both individually and institutionally. However, in the early twenty-first-century context of declining and ageing membership, and the marginalisation of hymn singing in British culture more generally, the future of this heritage is likely to be challenging. Although the rate of production of new material in the worship song genre shows no sign of abating, within a Methodist context, the facet of the heritage with which it connects is no less immune to challenge than is the continued use of hymns by Charles Wesley. In terms of Wesley’s hymns, their strong association with the concept of ‘traditional worship’ in Methodism’s popular consciousness is itself a challenge, given the denomination’s current demographic. The appropriation of a few of Wesley’s texts by worship song composers, noted in Chapter 7, and the smattering of new tunes for his texts in a contemporary musical idiom in Singing the Faith by the likes of Ian Howarth, Nicola Morrison, and Paul Leddington Wright suggest that this association is not necessarily restrictive. However, the present trajectory of British Methodism indicates that, perhaps with a small number of localised exceptions, it is unlikely that the hymns of Charles Wesley will continue to feature in such significant numbers. In an age where Methodism, like other Christian traditions, is faced with demographic challenges and shifting cultural expectations and attitudes in terms of engagement with different media, a careful understanding of their place within Methodism’s heritage of hymnody will be necessary if a meaningful future for Wesley’s hymns is to be found. Claiming them as the sole aspect of this heritage and arguing for their unchanged preservation misrepresents both the historic breadth of Methodism’s hymnody and the literary and musical changes that Wesley’s hymns have been subject to since they were written. Such a restrictive approach surely will not aid their preservation, and may parallel the questionable nature of the concept of the musical canon, as argued by Weber: It is not necessarily a compliment to say that England invented the musical classics. Given the rethinking of the musical canon – its dogmatism and exclusion of new music – that is now going on among critics and musicologists, the idea that England developed the idea first may not recommend itself to national pride. (Weber, 1992, p. 243) Instead, a gracious acknowledgment of their significant place alongside other aspects of the heritage, and an open-minded approach to their musical reinterpretation in response to different cultural preferences may prove a more productive attitude. Meanwhile, Methodism’s model of hymnal authorisation places a significant restriction on its ability to perpetuate the early Primitive Methodist heritage of embracing ephemeral new hymnody in popular styles. Although the Mission Praise and Songs of Fellowship series continue to publish hard-copy editions, these now tend to be used mainly by musicians only, with many congregations

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reading texts via digital projection technology. Even these popular book series are, to an extent, reactive, whereas online resources such as Song Select (CCLI, n.d.) and Song Central (Worship Central, n.d.) enable much faster dissemination of new compositions. Unless the Methodist Church is able to adapt its process of authorisation to accommodate the impact of digital technology and the internet, it seems that at the very least, this aspect of its heritage will cease to be meaningful to worshippers and that the whole concept of authorised hymnody will be severely compromised, or even that it will be rendered obsolete. Although the degree to which Methodist identity is reliant on hymnody should not be overstated, the loss of the formal approval of a defined body of hymns as representative of Methodist doctrine and theology would nonetheless represent a significant diminishing of the denomination’s historic distinctiveness. To some extent, though, it is difficult to separate questions about the future direction of Methodist hymnody from wider considerations of the denomination’s future in response to its own numerical decline and broader shifts in social and cultural attitudes to religious observation and practice. Practically, hymnody will surely be subsumed into the Methodist Church’s attempts to grapple with its own identity, purpose, and mission in relation to other Christian traditions and its place in British society and culture.

The experience of hymnody The persistent significance of practice in regard to hymns as expressions of Methodist theology and the perpetuation of Methodism’s heritage of hymnody points to the importance of understanding the experience of hymnody. Hymn texts and the structure of hymnals have sought both to shape and explain the religious experience of the Methodist people, while the experiences of hymnody in practice recorded by many Methodists testify to the profound spiritual influence it has exerted throughout the denomination’s history. Ultimately, it is the experience of hymnody, through singing, reading, or hearing, and particularly in its relationship to preaching, that transforms it from its official authorised status as an expression of Methodist doctrine and theology into something that can become a highly treasured part of individual faith and of commitment to the church, locally and universally. The emphasis on the promise of salvation, personal holiness, and the life of faith that has had such an influence on the structure of authorised hymnals, and which is one of the most profound legacies of Charles Wesley, illustrates Methodism’s understanding of the potential of hymnody for evangelism, and to persuade, challenge, direct, and sustain disciples. Mack articulates how this was the impetus behind the hymns of early Methodism: ‘their impact was to instil in the worshipper a movement toward self-effacement and surrender to God’s power on the one hand, and a heroic energy, both in conquering the self and in serving God, on the other’ (2008, p. 48). Of course, the sense of hymnody’s power that Mack captures could only be realised fully in participative practice. Throughout Methodism’s history, it has

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been through the use of hymns in acts of worship and small-group meetings that they have moved beyond being theoretical descriptions of the relationship between believers and God to a conduit of it for the faithful. Literary and musical qualities are both contributory factors, as the combination of personal language, vivid imagery, and memorable, compelling tunes enlivens participants physically, emotionally, and spiritually. Anderson articulates how Charles Wesley was able to exploit the genre’s full potential in this regard, and her remarks may be more broadly applied to the larger corpus of hymnody that has stemmed from and been assimilated into the Wesleyan tradition: Wesley’s hymns follow Watts’s footsteps beyond the boundaries of Psalmody and biblical paraphrase to break open the protections of an observersinger and demand a present, experimental self whose ego boundaries are compromised. The grammatical hallmark of this strategy is the prepositional phrase “for me,” which runs throughout the hymns, keeping the singer the object of God’s action. The singer of these hymns, suspended between the “I” and the “me,” must balance the individual subject-self hailed into relation to God as a speaking agent, and the individual transformed by the experience of being the object of divine attention, at whom the entire holy drama is directed. (Anderson, 2012, p. 193) The relationship between Wesley’s use of such personal language and the later traditions of Gospel hymnody and the worship song genre is complicated by the markedly different musical repertoires and practices they each employ. As noted in earlier chapters, a range of factors, including musical style, the organisation of liturgical space, and cultural attitudes towards participation all affect the extent to which the personal and the corporate overlap in congregational song. John Wesley’s description of the 1780 Collection as ‘a little body of experimental and practical divinity’ (1780, p. 74) shows his clear understanding of how hymn singing could enable individuals to experience for themselves the essence of the message Methodism sought to communicate. This phrase, and its relationship to the hymns contained within that hymnal, has exerted a considerable influence on the focus of authorised hymnody since Wesley’s time, and is an important factor in understanding the strong sense of ownership many Methodists have felt over whichever hymnal they have had the deepest experience of. Richey indicates how, beginning with the 1780 Collection, Methodist hymnals have played a key role in guiding members through their spiritual journey: ‘The hymnal normed experience, providing poetic scripts for the Methodists to follow towards perfection. Its phrasing, images, themes, and organization captured and charted the ups and downs of the pilgrim’s progress from the first stirrings of grace in the sinful soul through to the blessing of holiness’ (2009, p. 258). More recent hymnals have sought to perpetuate the spirit of the 1780 Collection, and there has been a long tradition of Methodists using the hymnal for private devotion in addition to its more obvious use in public worship. Mantripp’s The

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Devotional Use of the Methodist Hymn-Book was a thorough attempt to encourage such practice among the newly-united Methodists following the publication of the 1933 hymnal. In it, he argued that devotional attention to the hymnal is critically important if its full potential in worship is to be realised: ‘Indeed, it is only when the Hymn-Book has been made a manual of private devotion that its full use becomes profitable or possible. There is always a danger otherwise of singing thoughtlessly that which upon reflection would drive us to selfexamination and awake us to a sense of humility’ (1934, pp. 26–7). At a personal level too, very many Methodists have described the spiritual significance of their experiences of hymn singing, as well as using hymns to help articulate their own religious experiences more generally. Eighteenth-century accounts, such as those of John Pawson and Thomas Olivers indicate clearly that hymn singing was often one of the most striking aspects of Methodist meetings, understood as a reflection of the singers’ devotion, and that it was also a contributory factor in drawing people in. In a letter to John Wesley, published in the Arminian Magazine, Pawson describes how he was pleasantly surprised by his visit to the Methodists in Otley: ‘The serious, devout behaviour of the people struck me with a kind of religious awe. The singing greatly delighted me, and the sermon was much blest to my soul’ (1779, p. 26). Olivers, meanwhile, records in his spiritual biography a moving description of how hearing the Methodists singing increased his desire for faith: When the public preaching was over on a Sunday evening, and I, along with the multitude, was shut out from the Society, I used to go into the field at the back of the preaching-house, and listen while they sang the praises of God. I would then weep bitterly at the thought, that God’s people were there, praising his name together, while I, a poor and wretched fugitive, was not permitted to be among them. (Olivers, 1779, p. 85) Life-writing was a prominent part of eighteenth-century Methodist culture, and though the movement’s leaders were especially prolific in this area, the keeping of diaries and journals was also part of the routine of many lay members of the Methodists societies. Sarah Crosby, believed to be the first female Methodist preacher, wrote to John Wesley to articulate the importance of Charles’ hymns in her spiritual life: ‘Frequently, however, in the midst of my sufferings, when I could find no help from any other quarter, I have found relief in reading and singing Mr. Charles Wesley’s hymns which, as well as many of your (John Wesley’s) sermons, have been special blessings to me’ (1806, cited in Chilcote, 2007, p. 83). Perhaps partly inspired by the example of John Wesley, the detailed recording of the process of religious conversion was both commonplace and highly regarded. Wesley’s own famous account records the profound effect of hearing the anthem ‘Out of the deep’ at St Paul’s Cathedral prior to his heart-warming experience at Aldersgate Street, while Charles’ own conversion experience just three days earlier was the catalyst for a series of powerful hymn texts, including

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‘Where shall my wondering soul begin’ and ‘And can it be’. Hindmarsh notes how ‘In addition to hearing sermons, attending band meetings, and receiving the sacrament, the accounts of laypeople frequently witness to the importance of hymn singing. This is further evidence for the importance of community and shared experience in fostering Methodist conversion, for hymns were not lyric poetry but communal song’ (2005, p. 152). His insistence on the importance of the corporate nature of hymnody is significant, illustrating once again that it was the practice of words and music in combination that was so deeply affective. Quotations from hymns are also a feature of obituaries published in Methodist magazines in the nineteenth century, and were sometimes noted as among the last words uttered by the dying person. Obituaries were regarded as important documents in this period, testifying to the perceived need for a ‘good death’. Riso describes a four-fold formula apparent in the majority of obituaries, which typically described the deceased’s early years, conversion to faith, faithful practice, and their final hours (2015, pp. 29–30). She argues that these texts were intended to reflect the faithful commitment of the deceased, in death as in life: ‘They had a strong sense of service to the community and to fulfilling the will of God. Their attitude to life was orderly and dutiful; it might be said that their attitude towards death was the same’ (2015, p. 218). The fairly frequent inclusion of hymn texts, for example in almost a quarter of the sample of Wesleyan Methodist obituaries from the 1870s analysed by Riso (2015, pp. 72–3), is significant in a number of ways. It points to the familiarity of hymns, which, as metred, rhyming verse, may well have been easier for the dying to recall than biblical prose (Riso, 2015, p. 73); in times of suffering, it would have been natural for Methodists, whose spiritual lives would have been saturated with hymns, to draw on them for final succour. It also emphasises the spiritual and theological importance attached to dying by many Methodists (Tolar Burton, 2008, p. 259); the glorious heavenly reward for a faithful life is a common trope in many of Charles Wesley’s hymns, which would have made them especially meaningful for families to sing together to help the person concerned to feel well prepared for death. As with conversion experiences, obituaries provide a clear example of the integration of hymns in highly significant aspects of the spiritual experience of many Methodists. Hymnody in twenty-first-century Methodism continues to attract attention from those who sing and hear it. While the annual Methodist Conference is a focal point for Methodist activity on Twitter through the use of a dedicated hashtag, the ongoing vitality of two large UK-wide Facebook groups for Methodists also contributes to a digital-age equivalent of the diaries, journals, and letters of early Methodism. Many of the contributors to the Facebook groups note some or all of the hymns they have sung at a recent service, sometimes adding remarks about how a hymn was received by the congregation, and whether or not they considered it to have been an appropriate choice for the occasion. Requests from leaders of worship for suggestions of hymns suitable for particular themes or lectionary readings are also commonplace in these groups, and typically elicit a wide range of responses from participants. Occasional posts describe how someone has found a particular hymn meaningful in the context of some

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personal event or news story, demonstrating how hymns continue to be a source of spiritual reflection and succour for Methodists. From time to time, group moderators will post specific messages to help new members feel welcome within the group; among the ways in which they seek to encourage a sense of fellowship is to ask for contributions of texts that hold personal significance for participants, which may include Bible verses, hymns, or other literature (Methodists Online, 2015). This is a particularly striking example of how, even in an online forum in which communal singing is not possible, hymns are used as a way of building the community and establishing mutual trust and respect among participants. Occasional debates about matters related to hymnody, such as the impact of customary posture on congregants with disabilities, or the use of hymns in languages other than English, typically prompt many responses and vigorous argument, testifying to the strong feelings that are attached to hymnody and its practice (Methodists Online, 2016; UK Methodists 2014). The Twitter hashtag #MethConf draws together official tweets from the church’s communications department, typically tracking the events of each day of the conference, insights from conference delegates, and reactions from interested observers. As well tweets detailing the customary practice of beginning or ending business sessions with a hymn, many people use the hashtag to engage with the live-streamed conference service where ministers are received into full connexion. They often remark on the choice of hymns and the powerful nature of the singing, regarding the latter in particular as an indicator of the spiritual intensity of the occasion (Collins, 2016; Briggs, 2015). Delegates and observers are often quick to comment on connections between the hymns and the subject of a particular conference debate or theme, showing a keen appreciation of how hymnody helps to shape Methodist experience. All of these examples from social media indicate how contemporary Methodists continue to find hymns and hymn singing sources of spiritual enrichment and matters for discussion and debate. The experiential aspect of Methodist hymnody derives its significance from the live interaction of words and music in communal performance. The essential contribution of music is by no means unique to Methodism or even particular to sacred music; indeed, in many ways, reactions to the experience of hymnody share much in common with the factors that make music individually and corporately meaningful in so many social and cultural contexts. In her ground-breaking study Music in Everyday Life, DeNora describes how many of her interviewees used music as a way of articulating and shaping their emotional and physical experiences and aspirations: [Music] is a resource for modulating and structuring the parameters of aesthetic agency – feeling, motivation, desire, comportment, action, style, energy. By this, what respondents often mean is that its specific properties – its rhythms, gestures, harmonies, styles and so on – are used as referents or representations of where they wish to be or go, emotionally, physically and so on. (DeNora, 2000, p. 53)

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For generations of Methodists, hymns and hymn singing have been important factors in learning and sustaining their faith. The lyrics articulate the essence of that faith and the relationship between God and humankind, whether in the richly theological vocabulary of Charles Wesley or the high-impact directness of hymns in the Primitive Methodist tradition. The music, especially in those tunes from different periods and genres that have become cherished partners of specific texts, enables the temporal and temporary embodiment of those values, creating a meaningful site for them in the memories of participants. The context of hymn singing is often important in giving particular hymns their prominent place in the memories of those who use them to articulate their religious identity; the combination of powerful words and music are often among the most readily recalled aspects of a significant religious experience. Again, DeNora observes this to be a broader tendency in individuals’ construction of musical meaning, and in the context of Methodism, that meaning is naturally connected to religious identity and commitment to the Christian faith: A good deal of music’s affective powers come from its co-presence with other things – people, events, scenes. In some cases, music’s semiotic power – here, its emblematic capacity – comes from its conditional presence; it was simply ‘there at the time’. In such cases, music’s specific meanings and its link to circumstances simply emerge from its association with the context in which it is heard. In such cases, the link, or articulation, that is made – and which is so often biographically indelible – is initially arbitrary but is rendered symbolic (and hence evocatory) from its relation to the wider retinue of the experience, to the moment in question. (DeNora, 2000, p. 66) In the realm of congregational song, its communal, participatory nature is crucial. As explored above, this resonates with Methodism’s theological position, and it also contributes to the importance attached to the experience of hymnody. The meaningful experiences recorded by generations of Methodists have in common the affective power of sharing hymnody with others, whether in an intimate setting, such as around a deathbed, or on the grand scale of worship at the annual conference. Turino’s description of participatory musical cultures helps to make sense of the significance of practice in Methodist hymnody. Working with a deliberately restricted definition of participation as requiring contribution to the sound, he argues that ‘In participatory music making one’s primary attention is on the activity, on the doing, and on the other participants, rather than on an end product that results from the activity’ (2008, p. 28). In such musical cultures, participation itself, he goes on to argue, is more important than musical quality, even though the latter is not disregarded, and the significance of the music arises from its participatory nature: ‘Participatory values are distinctive in that the success of a performance is more importantly judged by the degree and intensity of participation than by some abstracted assessment of the musical sound quality’ (2008, p. 33). In a Methodist context, evangelical Arminianism gives impetus to

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such values, and in turn they encourage individuals and congregations to take spiritual ownership of hymnody. It is ultimately this sense of ownership that makes experience such a powerful element of hymnody’s place in Methodist identity.

Summary Theological expression, the awareness or influence of heritage, and the powerful impact of experiencing hymnody combine to afford hymns and hymn singing a special place in many statements of Methodist identity, both personal and institutional, and across the history of the denomination. From the religious experience that inspired Charles Wesley to record his insights of faith in verses intended to be sung to the sharing of meaningful experiences of hymn singing via social media, hymnody has had a profound effect on the ways in which each generation of Methodists has practised, received, shared, and interpreted its faith. Hymnody’s continued presence has, of course, not been without conflict on matters of content, style, and practice. It is so imbued with personal, doctrinal, and theological significance that such conflict and debate is both inevitable and, in itself, a sign of the deep attachment many individual Methodists and the Methodist Church as a whole has to its hymns and the practice of communal singing in worship. For Methodism, however, hymnody’s ultimate significance lies not in its own intrinsic qualities but in enabling the Methodist people simultaneously to express and move beyond their Methodist identity in worshipping the triune God they believe offers salvation freely to all. Charles Wesley himself illustrates this ability of hymns to point beyond themselves in the now customary first verse and original last verse of one of his most iconic texts: O for a thousand tongues to sing My dear Redeemer’s praise! The glories of my God and King, The triumphs of his grace. … With me, your chief, you then shall know, Shall feel your sins forgiven; Anticipate your heaven below And own, that love is heaven. (Wesley and Wesley, 1740, pp. 121–3)4

Notes 1 Referring to the pioneering work of Thomas Langford, White summarises that ‘doctrine is rooted in John [Wesley]’s work; singing Charles’ hymns is an aspect of Methodist praxis, distinctive but not determinative (2007, p. 518). She does cite some exceptions, however, such as Stamm’s work on eucharistic theology, Wainwright’s on liturgy, and Campbell’s on poverty and charity (2007, pp. 519–22).

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2 There are a few exceptions to this observation, largely texts deemed to be of historic importance, such as ‘Away with our fears’ (The Wesleys’ Birthday Hymn), which were included despite being sung infrequently. 3 The periodic new volumes added to the Songs of Fellowship series are a strong indicator. 4 In modern hymnals, it is customary for the first line of the final verse to be altered to ‘In Christ, our Head, you then shall know’. Wesley refers to himself as ‘chief ’ in an echo of St Paul’s self-description as ‘the chief of sinners’ in 1 Timothy 1:15 (Young, 1993, p. 511).

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cswt/09_Hymns_on_God%27s_Everlasting_Love_%281742%29.pdf (Accessed 2 September 2016). Wesley, C. (1746 [2011]) Hymns for Our Lord’s Resurrection, Maddox, R.L. (ed.) [Online]. Available at https://divinity.duke.edu/sites/divinity.duke.edu/files/documents/ cswt/35_Resurrection_Hymns_%281746%29.pdf (Accessed 2 September 2016). Wesley, J. (1787 [1944]) Sermons on Several Occasions, London: Epworth Press. Wesley, J. ed. (1780 [1983]) A Collection of Hymns for the Use of the People called Methodists, Hildebrandt, F. and Beckerlegge, O.A. (eds), Oxford: Clarendon Press. Wesley, J. and Wesley C. (1739 [2012]) Hymns and Sacred Poems, Maddox, R.L. (ed.) [Online]. Available at https://divinity.duke.edu/sites/divinity.duke.edu/files/ documents/cswt/04_Hymns_and_Sacred_Poems_%281739%29.pdf (Accessed 20 September 2016). Wesley, J. and Wesley C. (1740 [2015]) Hymns and Sacred Poems, Maddox, R.L. (ed.) [Online]. Available at https://divinity.duke.edu/sites/divinity.duke.edu/files/ documents/cswt/05_Hymns_and_Sacred_Poems_%281740%29.pdf (Accessed 2 September 2016). Westerfield Tucker, K.B. (1999) ‘Lex Credendi, Lex Canendi: Noting the Faith of the Church’, in Cunningham, D.S., Del Colle, R., and Lamadrid, L. (eds) Ecumenical Theology in Worship, Doctrine, and Life: Essays Presented to Geoffrey Wainwright on his Sixtieth Birthday, New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 40–54. Westerfield Tucker, K.B. (2010) ‘Methodist Worship’, in Yrigoyen, Jr., C. (ed.) T&T Clark Companion to Methodism, London: Bloomsbury, pp. 240–56. White, S.J. (2007) ‘Charles Wesley and Contemporary Theology’, in Newport, K.G.C. and Campbell, T.A. (eds) Charles Wesley: Life, Literature and Legacy, Peterborough: Epworth, pp. 515–32. Worship Central (n.d.) Song Central [Online]. Available at https://www.worshipcentral. org/music/song-central (Accessed 2 September 2016). Wren, B.A. (2000) Praying Twice: the Music and Words of Congregational Song, Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Young, C.R. (1993) Companion to The United Methodist Hymnal, Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press.

Index

A Collection of Hymns for the use of The Methodist New Connexion 6 A Collection of Hymns for the use of the People called Methodists 5, 12–15, 30, 32, 43, 174, 196; influence on later hymnals 6–7, 19–26, 45, 119, 196; structure 15–19, 39, 190 A Collection of Psalms and Hymns 5 A Collection of Tunes, Set to Music, As They are commonly Sung at the Foundery 5, 40–2, 114–16, 134 A General Collection of Hymns and Spiritual Songs, for Camp Meetings, Revivals, &c 7, 22, 66–7 Alstyne, Frances Jane van see Crosby, Fanny ‘And can it be that I should gain’ 90, 92, 104, 111, 129, 169–70, 188, 192 Anglican chant 7, 8, 142–3 Anglicanism see Church of England anthems 65, 77, 142–5, 197; set-pieces 65, 126–7, 141 Arminianism 1, 30–1, 39, 55–6, 101, 166, 183–4 Arne, Thomas 65, 117 Arnold, William 120–1, 136n16 art music: influence on Methodism 65, 116–19, 125–33, 175 authorised hymnody 3, 12–32, 97, 107–8, 113–14, 182–3; boundaries 30–2, 133–5; challenges to 53, 112, 123–5, 195 Avison, Charles 64–5 Baker, H.W. 47 band (musical) see musical instruments Barnby, Joseph 51, 122, 169 Battishill, Jonathan 125–6 Battison Haynes, W. 48

Bayly, Albert 135 Beeching, Vicky 96–7 Bible 71, 95–7, 106–7, 113, 181–2; justification for hymnody 66–7, 113–14 Bible Christians 6–7, 20 Bickersteth, Edward 44, 47 blended worship see worship Bliss, Philip 91 Book of Common Prayer 13, 47 Bourne, Hugh 7, 22, 66–70, 122 Bridge, Frederick 50–1, 127–9 Brockless, George F. 51 buildings 99, 156–60; architecture 142–4; chapel opening and dedication 21, 143, 147; octagonal chapels 140; preaching houses 140; reordering 144–5 Butts, Thomas 5, 116, 136n4 Calvinism 30–1, 55–6, 101, 166, 183–4 camp meetings 66–70, 91, 173 Campbell, Thomas 129–30 Caribbean 70–8; Methodist Church of the Caribbean and the Americas 76–8; musical culture 72–6, 80 Carter, Sydney 54, 84 chapels see buildings charismatic movement 52–6, 122–5, 157–8, 193 Chilcott, Bob 132 children’s hymnody 26, 71–2, 83–4 Chisholm, Thomas see ‘Great is thy faithfulness’ ‘Christ the Lord is risen today’ 102–5, 131 Christian perfection see holiness Church of England 13, 27, 102, 140, 145, 166, 167–70; Anglo-Catholicism 31, 47–8, 165; hymnody 44, 114; influence on Methodist hymnody 43–52, 90 Coke, Thomas 71

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Index

colonialism and hymnody 70–7, 79–80 contemporary worship see worship Cooper, George 48 counterpoint 64–5 Cox, Frances Elizabeth 47 Crosby, Fanny 91–2 Crosby, Sarah 197 Cumbria 147 Cutts, Peter 131 Davies, Judy 172 Dudley-Smith, Timothy 131, 135, 172–3 Durham 111, 140–6, 161n7 Dykes, John Bacchus 45, 48–9, 111, 122, 169 ecumenism 8, 27, 36–60, 78, 153, 164–77; intra-Methodist 22–4, 50–1; receptive 166–7 editing 45, 149–50; modernization 102–5; musical 48–51, 79–81, 120, 127–8; textual 100–8 education 37, 39, 71–6, 98, 159, 185 eighteenth-century hymn tunes 114–19, 125–6, 175, 191 Ellis, William 142, 160n1 English Hymnal 51–2, 113, 168–70 evangelical theology 26, 28, 43, 55–6, 61–6, 166, 188 evangelism 17–18, 25, 39, 66–70, 79, 90–2, 150–3; see also missionary work Farrell, Bernadette 97 fictional representation of Methodism 84n3, 177 field preaching see outdoor services figured bass 119 First World War 26, 51–2 folk hymnody 54 folk music 64, 115, 131 Gabriel, Charles H. 91 Gaunt, Alan 97 Gauntlett, H.J. 48–9, 128 German hymns 37–43; translations 43, 47, 164; tunes 40–2, 114–16 Getty, Keith 56, 123 Gilbert, Nathaniel 71 global hymnody 79–82, 169; terminology 84n5 ‘Great is thy faithfulness’ 92, 123, 174 God 17, 27, 63, 174, 192–3, 201; names and titles 95–7, 106–7 Gospel hymnody 90–2, 196

Goss, John 52 Graham, Billy 92 Handel, George Frederic 65, 116, 125, 143, 169 Harland, William 68 Harmonia Sacra 5–6, 116–19, 127 harmony 48, 64–5, 92, 117, 129, 131, 186 Harris, Howell 183 Harris, James 64 Hart, Joseph 68 Harwood, Edward 127 Haugen, Marty 184 Havergal, Frances Ridley 108n4 Haydn, Franz Joseph 143 Heber, Reginald 52 Helmore, Thomas 45 Hill, Gareth 184 Hoare, Brian 131 Holcombe, Henry 117, 127 holiness 13–19, 27, 96, 182–3, 188, 195 Holy Spirit 19, 20, 29, 68, 95–7, 186 Hopkins, E.J. 48–9 Howarth, Ian 123, 194 Hughes, Tim 93, 123 hymn text and tune relationship 37, 50, 131, 167, 169, 187–8 Hymns Ancient and Modern 37, 45–52, 168–70 Hymns and Psalms 8, 27–8, 36, 80–1, 103, 129–33, 192 Hymns and Sacred Poems 5, 13, 103, 114, 186 Hymns and Songs 8, 53–4, 79–80 Hymns and Spiritual Songs intended for the use of Real Christians of all Denominations 5 Hymns for Divine Worship 6, 21 Hymns for the Nativity of our Lord 5 Hymns for the use of Families 5 Hymns for those to whom Christ is all in all 5 Hymns on God’s Everlasting Love 5, 39, 183–4 Hymns on the Great Festivals and Other Occasions 5, 116–17 Hymns on the Lord’s Supper 5, 20, 167 Idle, Christopher 173 Iona Community 37–8, 93, 135; dissemination of global hymnody 81 Jacobi, John Christian 40 Jesus 20, 91, 98–9; names and titles 28–31, 95–7

Index Kaan, Fred 135 Kendrick, Graham 55, 92, 123, 174 Lampe, John Frederick 5, 65–6, 116–17, 125 language 17, 123, 187–88, 196; gender and inclusivity 103–7; intimacy 98; theological 21, 23, 27–30, 94–100, 185 Large Hymn Book, for the Use of the Primitive Methodists 7, 22, 67 Latty, Geraldine 93, 96–7 Lauridsen, Morton 132 Leckebusch, Martin 173 Leddington Wright, Paul 194 Leeds 141–2 lining out 141 liturgical music (not hymns) 29, 93–4, 143, 145 liturgy 44, 100, 106–7, 145, 173–6; influence of music on style 81, 122–3, 155–6; liturgical calendar 29, 39; liturgical dress 159; liturgical space 156–60; Methodist 13–14, 20, 26, 144, 153–6; Methodist Covenant Service 23 London 38, 66, 116, 125–6, 175 Madan, Martin 111, 119, 127 Mann, Arthur 51 Market Drayton 154–6 Martin, G.C. 129–30 Methodist Church of Great Britain 2, 8, 22–4, 29–30, 124, 167–8, 195; Constitutional Practice and Discipline 61; declining membership 99, 157, 159–60, 166, 194–5; Deed of Union 2; Faith and Order Committee 28 Methodist Conference 8, 27, 36, 65, 107, 142, 198 Methodist New Connexion 6, 20–2 Methodist societies 17, 66, 99, 189; use of hymns 13–15, 38–40, 141 metre 40–1, 57n4, 88–90, 108n1, 114, 131, 173 metrical psalmody 37, 43–4, 89, 114–15, 129 Mission Praise 53, 55, 133, 135, 170, 194 missionary work 70–8, 166 Monk, W.H. 45, 122 Montgomery, James 177 Moody, Dwight 152 Moravianism 38–43, 98, 114–16; lovefeast 23 Morrison, Nicola 194 Murray, Shirley Erena 99

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musical instruments 54–5, 64, 80, 140–1, 146–8, 156–60; band 81–2, 125, 154–6; guitar 55, 156; organ 77, 125, 141–3, 152; piano 80 musicians 47–8, 120, 132, 145–6, 148–53; absence of 159–60; status 76, 141–2, 157–9 Neale, John Mason 45, 47, 165 Newcastle 148 nineteenth-century tune books 122, 134–5 ‘O for a thousand tongues to sing’ 169, 173, 191, 201 obituaries 198 ‘Old Methodist’ tunes 50–1, 120–1, 128–30, 191 Olivers, Thomas 119, 197 Ordinary Theology 185 organ see musical instruments organists see musicians Ouseley, F.A. Gore 45 outdoor services 39, 55, 67–70, 140, 151–2 Pawson, John 197 pedagogical use of hymnody see education Pepusch, Johann Christoph 64 performance of hymns see singing plainsong 37, 45, 51–2, 113, 136n7 politics 165, 193 Pratt Green, Fred 99, 131, 135, 172, 173 preaching 44, 69, 142–3, 154, 157, 176, 195 Primitive Methodism 7, 22, 45–6, 66–70, 91–2, 95–6, 146–50; evangelism 68, 150–3; legacy 173–4, 175, 192–4; musical style 47, 121–2 Primitive Methodist Hymn Book 7, 22, 67 Primitive Methodist Hymnal 7, 45–7, 68, 95–6, 122, 193 Psalms 36, 113; see also metrical psalmody Pulling, W. 47 Rawson, George 177 recorded music see technology Redman, Matt 123 refrains 54, 68–9, 83, 90–3, 123, 173–4, 193 repentance 17–18, 24–5, 63, 69 revivalism 7, 20–2, 37, 66–9, 149–53, 173–4 Rich, Priscilla 116, 125 Roman Catholic hymnody 171

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Index

Rousseau, Jean-Jacques 64 Routley, Erik 131–2, 170 Rutter, John 132 sacramental hymnody 6, 20, 23, 171; see also Hymns on the Lord’s Supper Sacred Harmony: a choice Collection of Psalms and Hymns set to Music in two or three parts for the Voice, Harpsichord and Organ 5–6, 42, 116–19, 121, 126–7, 134, 141 Sacred Melody see Select Hymns with Tunes Annext; Designed chiefly for the Use of the People called Methodists Salvation Army 150 Sankey, Ira D. 92, 152 seasonal hymnody 20, 26, 29, 83, 171, 184, 191 Second Vatican Council 153, 171 secular music 125–33, 175; influence on eighteenth-century Methodism 115–19; influence on worship songs 132–3, 175–6 Select Hymns with Tunes Annext; Designed chiefly for the Use of the People called Methodists 5, 15, 42, 62, 116–19, 126–7 sermons see preaching Sherlock, Hugh 52 Short Hymns on Select Passages of the Holy Scriptures 5, 39, 89–90 singing 66–7, 112, 186–90, 195–201; choral 65, 142–6, 148–9; congregational 36, 38–40, 62–5, 77–8, 91, 160; Methodist character 121–2, 146, 170; solo 116–17, 150–3; unaccompanied 80, 140, 147, 159–60 Singing the Faith 8, 29–30, 37, 89–90, 93–7, 99; musical repertoire 52–6, 80–2, 129–33, 154; new music 123–4, 194; selection of Charles Wesley’s hymns 191–2; textual editing 102–8 Smart, Henry 51 social context of hymns 21, 23–4, 175 Songs of Fellowship 53, 55, 133, 135, 170, 194 spirituals 80 Stainer, John 51, 192 Stanley, Samuel 188 Stockton, Martha Matilda 91 Sullivan, Arthur 48, 51, 122 Taizé Community 37–8, 93–4, 111, 135 Tallis, Thomas 114 Taylor, Cyril V. 52, 131–2 technology: amplification 156–8, 171;

projection screens 132, 158, 183, 194–5; recorded music 159 temperance see social context of hymns The Book of Offices 102, 153 The Methodist Hymn Book (1904) 7, 23–4, 50–1, 127–9 The Methodist Hymn Book (1933) 7–8, 12–13, 24–7, 51–2, 90, 190; use in Caribbean 74–8 The Methodist Service Book 153 The Methodist Worship Book 29, 100, 102, 153–4 Toplady, Augustus Montague 101 Townend, Stuart 31, 56, 93, 108n8, 123, 174 traditional worship see worship translation of hymns 37, 43, 45, 47, 80–1, 164 Trinity 17, 21, 28–9, 95–7 United Methodist Free Church Hymnal 6, 21, 45–7 United Methodist Free Churches 6, 22, 48 United Reformed Church 8, 27, 36, 168, 170–1 Vaughan Williams, Ralph 51, 111, 131, 169 Victorian hymn tunes 48–51 Voices in Praise 76–8 Watts, Isaac 47, 72, 83, 89, 102–3, 126–7, 177 Wesley, Charles (Junior) 119–21, 125–6 Wesley, Charles 2–3, 102–6, 183–4, 201; conversion 90, 197; influence beyond Methodism 167–73, 176–7; legacy in Methodism 12–13, 19, 27, 101, 190–5; original musical settings 116–17, 120–1, 125–6; preacher 1; publications 5, 83; use of metre 40–2, 89–90, 92; use of scripture 15–17 Wesley, John 1, 42, 140; in America 38–9; conversion 90, 197; editor 12–15, 88, 98, 101–2, 174; influence on Methodism 19; musical taste 116, 127, 134, 175; sermons 185, 197; theological views 15–19, 30–1, 166, 181–2; translator 43; writings on music 62–6, 174, 188 Wesley, Samuel (Junior) 125–6 Wesley, Samuel Sebastian 188 Wesleyan Methodism 6, 20, 45–50, 127–9, 134, 141–2, 159, 192

Index Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society 70–7 Wesleyan Quadrilateral 181–2 Wesley’s Hymns 6, 47, 95–6, 99 Whitefield, George 1–2, 30–1, 101, 166, 183; Hymns for Social Worship 30 Winkworth, Catherine 47 Wood, Paul 99 world church see global hymnody World Council of Churches see ecumenism World War I see First World War Worsfold, Ian 99

209

worship songs 3, 31, 52–6, 92–4, 122–5, 132–3, 170–6; liturgical use 152–6; musical resources 156–8; theological language 96–8, 107 worship: blended 154–7; contemporary 75, 122, 154–8; traditional 24, 122, 133, 144, 158–60 194; see also liturgy Wostenholm, Maurice L. 51 Wren, Brian 99, 106–7, 131, 135, 173, 188–90 Yorkshire 66, 69, 134, 149