Blacks at Harvard: A Documentary History of African-American Experience At Harvard and Radcliffe 9780814788974

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BLACKSATHARVARD

BLACKS AT HARVARD A Documentar y Histor y o f African-American Experienc e at Harvar d an d Radcliff e E D I T E D B

Y

Werner Sollors , Caldwell Titcomb , an d Thomas A . Underwoo d WITH A

N I N T R O D U C T I O

N B

Randall Kenned y

NEf YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S NEW YOR K AN

D LONDO

N

Y

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New York an d Londo n

0-8147-7973-5 Copyright ® 1993 by New Yor k Universit y Pres s All right s reserve d Library of Congres s Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Blacks a t Harvard : a documentar y histor y o f African-America n experienc e a t Harvar d an d Radcliffe / edite d b y Werner Sollors , Caldwel l Titcomb , and Thomas A . Underwood; with an introduction b y Randall Kennedy , p. cm . Includes bibliographica l reference s an d index . ISBN 0-8147-7972- 7 (alk . paper ) - ISBN 0-8147-7973- 5 (pbk.: alk . paper ) 1. Harvar d University-History-Sources . 2 . Afro-Americans-Educatio n (Higher) Massachusetts-History-Sources. 3 . United States-Rac e relations-History-Sources . 4. Radcliff e College-History-Sources . I . Sollors, Werner . II . Titcomb, Caldwell . III. Underwood, Thoma s A . LD2151.B57 199 3 92-2707 4 378.744'4-dc20 CI P New Yor k Universit y Pres s book s ar e printed o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r binding material s ar e chosen fo r strength an d durability. Manufactured i n th e Unite d State s of America . c 1 0 9 8 7 6 54 3 2 1 p 1 0 9 8 7 6 54 3 2 1

To the memory of Nathan Irvin Huggins (1927-1989)

CONTENTS LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xii

i

Introduction: Black s and th e Race Question a t Harvar d Randall Kennedy xvi

i

The The Black Presence at Harvard : An Overvie w Caldwell Titcomb 1 PHILLIS WHEATLEY 9 "To The University of Cambridge, in New-England" 1 A FORENSIC DISPUTE ON THE LEGALITY OF ENSLAVING THE AFRICANS, HELD AT THE PUBLIC COMMENCEMENT IN CAMBRIDGE, NEW-ENGLAND (BOSTON , 1773) THEODORE PARSONS AND ELIPHALET PEARSON 1

0

1

MARTIN R. DELANY AND THE HARVARD MEDICAL SCHOOL 1

9

Medical Intelligenc e 1

9

Petition 2

1

Pride, Prejudice, and Politic s Philip Cash 2

2

The Slave Factory Martin R. Delany 3

2

RICHARD T. GREENER: THE FIRST BLACK HARVARD COLLEGE GRADUATE 3

7

For Goo d Governmen t & Urban Politic s 3

7

The White Problem 4

2

Speech at th e Harvard Clu b of New York 5

7

CLEMENT G. MORGAN 5

9

Harvard's Negro Orato r 6

1

Class Day Oration 6

3

W.E.B. DU BOIS 6 A Negro Student a t Harvar d a t th e End of th e Nineteenth Centur y 7

9 2

viii Contents W. MONROE TROTTER 9

1

W. Monroe Trotter a t Harvar d Stephen R. Fox 9

2

Negro Delegate Tells of His Work 9

5

William Monro e Trotter W.E.B. Du Bois 9 BOOKER T. WASHINGTON 10

7 1

Last Word s 10

2

Principal Washingto n a t Harvard University , March 12 , 1907 11

0

Extracts from a n Address at Harvard University , February 4, 1914 11 1 WILLIAM H. FERRIS

113

Douglass as an Orato r

113

LESLIE PINCKNEY HELL

123

The Place of Religion i n the Education o f the Negro

124

To William James

128

ALAIN LOCKE

129

Two Letters fro m Harvar d

130

Youth Speak s

136

Sterling Brown : The New Negro Folk-Poe t

140

The Myth of the New Negro William H. Ferris

148

EDWARD SMYTH JONES Harvard Squar e EVA B. DYKES

153 154 159

Conclusion t o The Negro in English Romantic Thought or A Study of Sympathy for the Oppressed

161

Preface t o Readings fromNegroAuthors

165

Contents i

x

CAROLINE BOND DAY 16

9

Selections from A Study of Some Negro-White Families in the United States 17

0

The Pink Ha t 17

7

Race Crossings in the United State s 18

1

MARCUS GARVEY 18

9

A Note on Marcus Garvey at Harvar d John M. Fitzgerald and Otey M Scruggs 18

9

THE HARVARD DORMITORY CRISIS (1921-23) 19

5

The New Negro on Campu s Raymond Wolters 19

5

Colored Student s at Harvard 20

3

Attacks Harvar d o n Negr o Question 20

6

Negro Graduat e Protest s 20

9

Voices from Harvard' s Ow n Negroes Raymond Pace Alexander 21

1

Opinion W.E.B. Du Bois 21

9

Charles W. Chesnutt t o Roscoe Conklin g Bruce 22

0

Charles W. Chesnutt an d Harvar d / . Noel Heermance 22

2

No Racial Discrimination a t Harvar d 22

4

Negroes in the Freshman Hall s 22

7

MARITA O. BONNER 22 On Bein g Young—A Woman—And Colore d 23

9 0

STERLING A. BROWN 23

5

I Visit Wren' s Nes t 23

7

Southern Roa d 23

9

x Contents COUNT'S CULLE N 24 The Shroud o f Color 24

1 2

Excerpt fro m The Medea of Euripides: A New Version 25 RALPH BUNCHE 25 The Virtue of Color-Blindness 25 WILLIAM H. HASTTE 26 The Black Mystique Pitfall 26 RAYFORD W. LOGAN 27 The Confessions o f an Unwilling Nordic 27 LEADBELLY 28 Kenneth B . Murdock t o John A. Lomax 28

0 5 6 1 2 1 1 1 2

Negro Who Sung Way Out o f Southern Prison s Wins Two Harvard Audience s 28 JOHN HOPE FRANKLIN 28

4 7

A Life o f Learning 28

9

MURIEL SNOWDEN 29

7

Right t o Participate 29

8

ELIZABETH FITZGERALD HOWARD 30

1

Miss Radcliffe 30

1

Three Generation s o f a Black Radcliffe an d Harvar d Famil y 30

4

HAROLD R. SCOTT 31 Harvard an d th e Performing Arts : "How Long, O Lord . . . ?" 31 WILLIAM MELVIN KELLEY 31

1 2 7

Black Power 31

8

My Next t o Last Hi t by "C.C. Johnson" 32

0

Contents x

i

THE AFRICAN AND AFRO-AMERICAN SOCIETY CONTROVERSY 33

5

The Mail, May 9, 1963 Archie C Epps III 33

5

On th e Othe r Hand , May 14 , 1963 Herbert H Denton Jr. 33 MALCOLM X 34 The Leverett Hous e Forum o f March 18 , 1964 34 JAMES ALAN McPHERSON 36 On Becomin g an American Write r 36

8 3 4 9 9

THE FOUNDING O F THE AFRO-AMERICAN STUDIES DEPARTMENT 37

9

The Crisis of 196 9 Lawrence E. Eichel 37

9

Excerpt fro m th e "Rosovsky Report," January 20, 1969 40

1

Faculty Vote of April 22, 1969 40

3

THE 1969 YEARBOOK 40

7

A Feminine Hel l Muriel Morisey Spence 40

7

Travels with Charlie : In Search o f Afro-America Herbert W. Nickens 41 Part o f a Longer Stor y Godfred Pehuer Otuteye 41 ERNEST J. WILSON III 42 The Reform o f Tradition, the Tradition o f Reform 42 EMORY J. WEST 43 Harvard an d the Black Man, 1636-185 0 43

1 6 7 7 5 5

ANDREA LEE 44

5

Fine Points 44

5

LEIGH JACKSON 45 Your Poe t I s on Television 45

3 3

xii Contents THE GREENBERG-CHAMBERS INCIDENT , HARVARD LAW SCHOOL, 1982-83 45

7

Third Worl d Coalitio n Letter , May 24, 1982 45

7

James Vorenberg Letter, July 21, 198 2 45

9

Black and Whit e at Harvard Muhammad Kenyatta 46

1

The Boycott at Harvard: Should Teaching Be Colorblind? Christopher Edley, Jr. 46

2

A Question o f Credentials Derrick Bell, Jr. 46 FARAH GRIFFIN 47 On Hai r and Harvard 47 JUDITH JACKSON 47 Trying to Break Ou t of the Isolatio n 47 SHANNAH V. BRAXTON 48 Painting with Fresh Stroke s 48 MARTIN KILSON 49 Harvard an d th e Small-Towner 49 EILEEN SOUTHERN 49 A Pioneer: Black and Female 49 NATHAN IRVIN HUGGINS 50 Two Decades of Afro-American Studie s at Harvard 50

7 5 5 9 9 5 5 1 1 9 9 5 5

NOTE ON THE TEXTS 51

3

CITATIONS AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 51

4

READINGS 52

1

INDEX 53

9

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Randall Kennedy in 1990

xvi

Martin Delany in 1865

18

Richard Greener in 1870

36

Richard Greener in 1895

36

Clement Morgan in 1890

60

W.E.B. Du Bois in 1888

70

W.E.B. Du Bois in 1915

71

W. Monroe Trotter in 1891

90

W. Monroe Trotter in midcareer

90

Booker T. Washington ca . 1873

103

Booker T. Washington in 1902

104

William H. Ferris in 1927

115

Frederick Douglass in his thirties

116

Leslie P. Hill in 1899

122

Alain Locke in 1908

131

Alain Locke in 1933

132

Edward Smyth Jones in 1915

152

Eva Dykes in 1917

160

Caroline Bond Day in 1919

168

Day: three genealogical plates

172

Marcus Garvey in 1922

188

Roscoe C. Bruce in 1902

196

James Weldon Johnson ca. 1902

196

xiv

Illustrations

Raymond Pac e Alexander ca. 1949

196

Charles W. Chesnutt ca . 1898

196

Marita Bonne r i n 192 2

228

Sterling Brown in midcaree r

236

Countee Cullen i n 1920

243

Countee Cullen' s graveston e

243

Count6e Cullen i n 193 2

244

Ralph Bunch e in 194 8

254

William H . Hastie ca. 1933

260

Rayford W . Logan i n later years

270

Leadbelly ca. 1947

280

John Hop e Frankli n ca. 1960

288

Muriel Snowden i n 198 1

296

Elizabeth Howar d i n midcaree r

302

Harold Scot t a s King Lear

310

Harold Scot t i n 197 6

310

William Melvin Kelley in 196 5

316

Archie Epps in 197 0

334

Herbert Dento n i n 1965

334

Malcolm X in 1963

342

James Alan McPherso n i n 196 8

368

Students leaving 196 9 meeting

400

Muriel Morisey Spence in 1986

406

Herbert Nicken s in 196 9

406

Illustrations

XV

Godfred Otutey e in 1971

406

Ernest J. Wilson III in 1970

426

Career guide for blacks, 1969

434

Andrea Lee in 1984

444

Christopher Edley in 1991

456

Derrick Bell in 1971

456

Farah Griffin i n 1985

474

Judith Jackson in 1987

480

Shannah Braxton in 1988

486

Martin Kilson in 1969

490

Eileen Southern in 1975

498

Nathan I. Huggins in 1981

504

Randall Kennedy in 1990

INTRODUCTION: BLACKS AND THE RACE QUESTION AT HARVARD RANDALL KENNED Y

The history of blacks at Harvard mirrors, for better o r for worse, the history o f black s i n th e Unite d States . Harvard , too , ha s bee n in delibly scarred b y slavery, exclusion, segregation, an d othe r form s of racist oppression. A t the same time, the nation's oldest university has also supported an d allowe d itsel f t o b e influence d b y th e variou s reform movement s that have dramatically changed the nature of race relations acros s th e nation . Th e stor y o f black s a t Harvar d i s thu s inspiring but painful, instructive but ambiguous—a paradoxical episode in the most vexing controversy of American life: "th e race question." The evolution of the race question at Harvard is tellingly displayed by the document s tha t hav e been collecte d her e b y Werner Sollors , Caldwell Titcomb, and Thomas A. Underwood. Tw o salient characteristics distinguis h th e collection . Th e firs t i s th e ric h variet y o f it s sources. Include d in this documentary history are scholarly overviews, poems, short stories , speeches, well-known memoir s b y the famous , previously unpublishe d memoir s b y th e lesse r known , newspape r accounts, letters , officia l paper s o f th e university , an d transcript s o f debates. Th e editors bring to their compilation persons as diverse as Booker T Washington , Monroe Trotter, William Hastie, Malcolm X, and Muriel Snowden to convey the complex and various ways in which Harvard has affected th e thinking of African American s and the ways, in turn, in which African American s have influenced th e traditions of Harvard and Radcliffe. Notabl e among the contributors are significant figures i n African-American letters : Philli s Wheatley , Alai n Locke , Sterling Brown , Counte e Cullen , Marit a Bonner , Jame s Ala n McPherson, and Andrea Lee. Equall y salient are some of the nation's

xviii

Introduction

leading historians : W.E.B . D u Bois , Rayfor d Logan , Joh n Hop e Franklin, an d Nathan I . Huggins. The secon d noteworth y characteristi c o f th e collectio n i s it s lac k of sentimentality. Th e editors have made no attempt to hide or minimize embarrassment s o r conflicts , regardles s o f th e actor s involved . The resul t i s a sourceboo k tha t bring s reader s close—perhap s o n occasion uncomfortabl y close—t o a histor y tha t i s ful l o f painfu l tensions. The document s tha t constitut e Blacks at Harvard ca n usefull y b e divided into three periods: (1 ) th e era during which Harvard excluded virtually al l Africa n American s fro m participatio n i n th e intellectua l life o f th e school; (2 ) th e er a during which Harvar d admitted a small number o f blac k students , exclude d blac k teachers , an d generall y relegated "th e rac e question " t o th e margin s o f th e university' s consciousness; an d (3 ) th e er a durin g whic h th e number s o f blac k students a t Harvar d ros e dramatically , blac k scholar s emerge d a s a small bu t discernibl e presenc e o n th e faculty , an d th e rac e questio n became no t onl y a centra l an d burnin g issue , bu t als o a n issu e institutionalized t o a considerable degre e throug h th e creatio n o f a n Afro-American Studie s Department . I African Americans affected lif e at Harvard long before they came to th e campu s a s students o r professors. A s Emor y J. West note s i n his essay , "Harvar d an d th e Blac k Man , 1636-1850, " th e universit y reaped considerable benefits from the slave trade, which was, throughout muc h of th e seventeenth an d eighteenth centuries , a major pillar of Ne w England' s commerce . Student s an d professor s a t Harvar d owned slave s (includin g a t leas t tw o president s o f th e university , Increase Mathe r an d Benjamin Wadsworth) . An d student s an d professors helpe d t o justify "th e peculiar institution. " I n hi s essa y "The Black Presenc e a t Harvard, " Caldwel l Titcom b attribute s t o Dea n Henry Eusti s th e statemen t tha t black s ar e "littl e abov e beasts, " and quotes Dean Nathanie l Shaler as declaring that blacks were "unfit for an independen t plac e i n a civilized state. " Yet , i t i s a student wh o earns th e dubiou s distinctio n o f havin g uttere d th e mos t memorabl e example of racist , pro-slaver y advocacy in the documents tha t follow . At " A Forensic Disput e o n th e Legalit y o f Enslavin g th e Africans ,

Introduction

xix

Held a t th e Publi c Commencemen t [o f Harvar d College ] i n Cambridge, New-England , (Boston , 1773), " a graduatin g senior , defending slavery , aske d revealingly : "[W]h o I beseec h you , eve r thought the consent of a child, an ideot, or a madman necessary to his subordination? Ever y whi t a s immaterial , i s th e consen t o f thes e miserable Africans, whos e real character seem s to be a compound of the thre e las t mentioned . . . . Wha t ca n avai l hi s consent , wh o through ignoranc e of the mean s necessary to promote his happiness, is rendered altogethe r incapabl e of choosing for himself? " Although man y member s o f th e Harvar d communit y eithe r defended o r tolerate d slaver y (wit h al l o f th e damagin g intellectua l and mora l implication s flowin g fro m suc h positions) , som e di d pla y outstanding roles in the antislavery campaign. Lati n Professor Charles Beck, for instance , aided runaway slaves, going so far a s to put a trap door o n th e secon d floo r o f hi s residence (no w Warre n House , th e home o f th e Harvar d Englis h Department ) t o hel p fugitive s movin g north o n th e Undergroun d Railroad . Th e mos t prominen t fact , however, abou t Harvar d an d it s relationshi p wit h blac k American s prior to the Civil War, is that, by and large, the university firmly shut its door s t o Africa n Americans . Fo r a brie f momen t i n 1850 , i t seemed tha t tha t traditio n woul d change . I n tha t year , th e Harvar d Medical School admitted three black students: Danie l Laing, Jr., Isaac H. Snowden, and Martin R. Delany. Ye t this break with tradition was short-lived. Th e Medica l Schoo l administratio n expelle d th e black s at the end of their first sessio n of classes because of pressure exerted by white student s oppose d t o th e blacks ' presence . Explainin g th e Medical School's action, Dean Olive r Wendell Holmes (th e father o f Justice Holmes ) maintaine d tha t "th e intermixin g o f th e whit e an d black races i n their lectur e room s is distasteful t o a large portion o f the class and injuriou s t o the interests of the school." Setting asid e th e Medica l School' s brie f experiment , Harvar d University shu t it s door s t o Africa n American s throughou t th e firs t 229 years of it s existence. II The origins of a n African-American presenc e amon g students a t Harvard dates back to the years immediately following the Civil War. In 1865 , th e Medica l Schoo l reverse d it s polic y prohibitin g blac k

XX

Introduction

students an d admitted Edwi n C.J.T. Howard. Th e same year, Harvar d College admitte d Richar d T . Greener . Fou r year s later , Howar d an d two othe r African-America n students—Georg e L . Ruffi n o f th e La w School, an d Rober t Tanne r Freema n o f th e Denta l School—becam e the first blacks to graduate fro m Harvard , an accomplishment attaine d in 187 0 by Greener . These student s an d th e trickl e tha t followe d the m encountere d a complicated se t o f conflictin g response s a t Harvard . I n importan t respects, the y foun d a communit y willin g t o recognize , develop , an d reward thei r talent s an d achievements . W.E.B . Du Bois' s memorie s of hi s Harvard year s are filled wit h prais e (a s well as criticism) fo r th e university: Harvard University in 1888 was a great institution of learning.... From the beginning my relations with most of the teachers at Harvard were pleasant. They wer e o n th e whol e gla d t o receiv e a seriou s student... . I wa s repeatedly a gues t i n th e hom e o f Willia m James ; h e wa s m y friend an d guide to clear thinking.... I sat in an upper room and read Kant's Critique with Santayana; Shaler invited a Southerner, who objected t o sitting beside me, to leave his class.... I became one of [Albert Bushnell] Hart's favorit e pupils and was afterwards guide d by him through m y graduate course . . . Other blac k pioneer s a t Harvar d expresse d positiv e sentiments . In a speec h a t th e Harvar d Clu b o f Ne w York , Richar d Greene r recalled hi s undergraduat e year s wit h lavis h fondness , praisin g th e university for what h e viewed a s its commitment t o equal opportunity . At Harvard , h e contended , ther e i s "bu t on e tes t fo r all . Ability , character, an d merit—thes e ar e th e sol e passport s t o he r favor." 1 Ordinary nostalgi a ma y account , i n part , fo r th e exuberanc e o f Greener's exaggerate d praise . Probabl y mor e important , however , i s the fac t that , compare d t o th e open , viciou s animu s with whic h mos t of whit e America n societ y deal t wit h blac k Americans i n th e centur y following th e Civi l War , Harvard' s treatmen t o f it s blac k students , though deficien t b y today' s standards , constitute d a welcome , an d

Several observer s of lif e a t Harvar d hav e prematurely announce d th e extinction o f th e colo r lin e o n campus ; i n 1960 , th e blac k senio r wh o delivered the Latin oration at the Harvard College graduation declared that "at Harvar d ther e ar e n o difference s betwee n people. " H e seem s t o hav e confused wishfu l thinkin g with realistic description.

Introduction

xxi

deeply appreciated , contrast . I n a n er a durin g whic h mos t white s considered Africa n Americans , a s a race, to be mentally an d morally inferior t o Euro-Americans , Harvar d rewarde d blac k student s wh o distinguished themselve s academically . Greene r wo n th e Boylsto n Prize fo r Orator y an d th e Bowdoi n Priz e fo r hi s senio r essay . Clement G . Morgan '9 0 also won th e Boylston Prize, edging out D u Bois, who finished second . Monro e Trotte r '9 5 and Leslie Pinckney Hill '0 3 wer e electe d t o Ph i Bet a Kappa . I n 1890 , when reactio n against racia l equalit y wa s reachin g ne w height s o f powe r an d respectability, D u Boi s served a s the commencemen t speaker a t th e Harvard graduation ceremonies, while Morgan gave an address as class orator. Despite their privileged positions, however, blacks at Harvard did not escape the humiliating stigma of the color bar inside and outside of their famous campus . A s Du Bois put it, "[sjometimes th e shadow of insul t fell" : bein g mistaken constantl y for a servant; being turne d away from local barbershops on account of color; knowing better than even to ask the white families who rented lodging s to white students whether they would be willing to rent the same lodgings to blacks; suffering exclusion from various extracurricular activities because of race. The mos t notoriou s singl e exampl e o f racis m a t Harvar d i n th e years afte r th e admissio n o f blac k me n occurre d i n 192 2 whe n university presiden t Abbot t Lawrenc e Lowel l prohibite d Negr o students from residin g in the Freshman Dormitories, a residence that was required fo r al l white students. Th e social standing of the blacks immediately affected b y this policy highlighted th e significance of th e color bar that Lowell imposed. On e was Roscoe Conkling Bruce, Jr., a graduat e o f Phillip s Exete r Academy , th e grandso n o f Blanch e K . Bruce, th e firs t blac k Unite d State s senator , an d th e so n o f a 190 2 Harvard Colleg e graduat e who ha d receive d hi s degre e magna cum laude, been electe d t o Ph i Bet a Kappa , an d bee n selecte d a s clas s orator. Castigatin g Lowell' s action , th e New York Amsterdam News observed tha t Harvard' s polic y "shoul d convinc e al l o f u s tha t ou r success i s no t dependen t upo n individua l attainment . . . . [Tj o President Lowel l an d t o thousand s lik e hi m [Bruce's ] distinguishe d ancestry and preparation are as nothing when placed alongside of the fact tha t he is a Negro." Seeking t o justif y hi s decision , Presiden t Lowel l wrot e tha t "i n Freshman Halls, where residence is compulsory, we have felt from th e beginning the necessity of not including colored men." "[W] e have not

xxii

Introduction

thought it possible," he maintained, "to compel men of different race s to resid e together. " The respons e t o Lowell's actio n was an extraordinary outpourin g of protes t fro m blacks an d whites within an d outside o f th e Harvar d community. Th e elde r Bruce , principa l o f a hig h schoo l i n Wes t Virginia, observe d acidly : The policy of compulsory residence in the Freshman Halls is costly indeed if i t i s th e thin g tha t constrain s Harvar d t o ente r open-eye d an d brusque upon a policy o f racia l discrimination . I t il l become s a great mothe r o f culture avoidably to accentuate the consciousness of racial differences among Americans—that seedbed of so many strifes and griefs. James Weldon Johnson, secretary of the National Association fo r the Advancement o f Colore d Peopl e (NAACP) , maintaine d tha t "b y capitulating t o anti-negr o prejudic e i n th e freshma n dormitorie s o r anywhere else, Harvard University affirms that prejudice and strengthens it , an d i s bu t puttin g int o effec t th e progra m proclaime d b y th e infamous K u Klu x Kla n an d it s apologists. " Moorfiel d Store y an d several other distinguished white alumni initiated a petition condemning Lowell's action. An d publications such as the Nation an d the New York Evening Post editorialize d agains t Lowell' s decision . Eve n th e Harvard Alumni Bulletin observed that "for Harvard to deny to colored men a privilege it accords to whites appears inevitably as a reversal of policy, i f no t a positiv e disloyalt y t o a principl e fo r whic h th e university ha s taken a n open an d unshake n stand." The Dormitor y Crisi s can be looke d upo n a s an ugly provocatio n that eventuall y mobilize d th e bes t element s i n Harvard' s traditions . Writing in the Crisis, Du Boi s maintained tha t "[d]eep as is the shame and humiliation of Harvard's recent surrender to the Bourbon South, the spirited an d whole-souled respons e tha t i t has evinced i s perhaps the mos t heartenin g sig n o f sanit y o n th e rac e proble m tha t ha s happened i n fift y years. " No t onl y di d Harvar d alumni , blac k an d white, spar k a stron g protes t agains t Lowell ; the y sparke d a stron g protest that , to a n important extent , prevailed . I n 1923 , the Harvar d Board of Overseers resoundingly overruled President Lowell , thereb y allowing black students t o resid e i n th e Freshma n Dormitories. On th e othe r hand , despit e th e reversa l o f Lowell' s policy , i t reflected sentiment s at Harvard that had deep roots, firm backing, and a lon g future . Lowel l certainl y lost . Bu t black s a t Harvar d di d no t

xxiii

Introduction

wholly triumph. Th e Boar d o f Overseer s decide d tha t "al l member s of th e freshma n clas s shall reside an d boar d i n the Freshma n Halls" and that no man shall be excluded from a dormitory "by reason of his color." Bu t th e Boar d o f Overseer s als o decree d tha t "[i] n th e application of thi s rule, men of th e white and colored races shall not be compelle d t o liv e and ea t together"— a statemen t a t onc e crypti c and clear: crypti c in that it did not suggest the situation of compelled interaction tha t th e Overseer s feared , clea r i n tha t i t obviousl y manifested a desire t o mollify i n some way the inflame d sensibilitie s of white supremacists. Between 1865 and 1970, scores of distinguished African Americans contributed t o Harvar d a s students o r guest s of one sort o r another . Some thoroughly relished thei r involvement with Harvard. Recount ing hi s feeling s whe n th e universit y conferre d a n honorar y degre e upon hi m i n 1896 , Booke r T . Washingto n expresse d a mixtur e o f appreciation an d awe : "T o see ove r a thousan d stron g men , repre senting all that is best in State, Church, business, and education, with the glow of enthusiasm of college loyalty and college pride—which has, I think, a peculiar Harvard flavour—is a sight that does not easily fade from memory. " Other s experience d mixe d feelings . " I wa s i n Harvard," write s W.E.B . Du Bois , "no t o f it. " Still , others see m t o have trul y suffere d throug h thei r stint s a t th e university . Keenl y attuned t o the myriad ways in which Harvard's caste-ridden practice s routinely belie d it s meritocrati c pretensions , Joh n Hop e Frankli n recalls that when h e left Harvar d i n the spring of 1939 , "I knew tha t I did not wish to be in Cambridge another day." Ill A substantia l numbe r o f th e document s feature d i n Blacks at Harvard have t o d o with th e blac k presenc e ther e sinc e 1970 . Thi s concentration stem s fro m tw o interrelate d facts . First , durin g thi s period Harvard hosted more black students, professors, administrators, and guests than in all of the previous years combined. Second , during this era th e natio n underwen t a profound chang e i n moral, political, and intellectual consciousness because of the Civil Rights Movement, the Blac k Powe r Movement , and , mos t recently , th e Diversit y Movement, al l o f which hav e insistentl y focuse d attentio n upo n th e relevance o f race i n all aspects of our culture.

xxiv

Introduction

Ever since blacks first joined th e Harvard community , the y have engaged in efforts t o fashion within it a suitable place for themselves. Since the early 1960s, these efforts hav e been marked by an increased emphasis on organized collective action, a rising militance nurtured by larger numbers, and heightened skepticism regarding the legitimacy of certain central Harvard traditions . Various controversies , wel l illustrate d b y th e document s tha t follow, shed light on these developments. On e arose in 1963 when a group o f student s sough t t o creat e th e Associatio n o f Africa n an d Afro-American Student s (AAAAS), an organization "open to African and Afro-America n students " t o "promot e mutua l understandin g between African an d Afro-American students , to provide ourselves a voice in the community .. . and to develop the leadership capable of effectively copin g wit h th e variou s problem s o f ou r peoples. " Fo r many, th e proble m wa s tha t th e organization' s membershi p claus e appeared implicitl y t o exclud e non-African s an d non-blacks . Critic s argued tha t thi s constituted racia l discrimination an d that, therefore , the University should withhold officia l recognition . Officia l recogni tion wa s importan t becaus e onl y officiall y recognize d group s wer e authorized t o use Harvard buildings or t o solicit new members every year at registration. I n some statements, defenders o f the association suggested tha t it s membershi p claus e di d not constitut e a racia l exclusion. I n others , defender s argue d tha t a raciall y restrictiv e organization o f black students on a predominantly white campus—at that time blacks constituted abou t one percent of the student body was justifiable on the grounds that Africans and Afro-Americans shar e a common heritage of oppression beyond the understanding of whites and that the presence of whites in Association meetings would hinder the efforts o f black members to develop what one spokesman calle d "a greater sense of Negro identity." One defende r o f th e ne w Associatio n wa s Marti n L . Kilson , a lecturer in the Department of Government who subsequently became the firs t tenure d blac k membe r o f th e Harvar d Facult y o f Art s an d Sciences. Anothe r of the Association's backers was Archie Epps III, a first-year graduat e student who later became the Dean of Students at Harvard College. On e of the leading undergraduate proponents of the Association was Ayi Kwei Armah, a Ghanaian who subsequently became a n importan t figur e i n Africa n letters , writing amon g othe r things the novel The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born (1968). Opinion on and off campus was widely divided. A black Harvard

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xxv

alumnus, Willia m Harriso n '32 , a n edito r o f th e Boston Chronicle, wrote a letter t o the editor o f the Harvard Crimson i n which he calle d the formatio n o f th e Associatio n " a capital idea, " voiced regre t a t th e absence o f suc h a n organizatio n whe n h e attende d th e college , an d recalled th e word s o f Harvard' s famou s philosophe r Georg e Santayana: "Th e Negro , i f he i s not a fool, love s hi s own inspiration , and expands in the society of his own people." Anothe r commentato r urged th e Universit y t o recogniz e th e Associatio n o n libertaria n grounds: " A discriminatory membershi p polic y i s part o f th e ideolog y of thi s group ; punishin g i t fo r it s membershi p polic y b y withholdin g the privilege s grante d othe r undergraduat e politica l group s woul d b e punishing i t fo r it s ideology. " On th e other hand , Herbert H . Denton Jr. , a black membe r of th e Crimson's editoria l boar d wh o wen t o n t o becom e a prize-winnin g journalist wit h th e Washington Post, criticize d th e exclusivit y o f th e African an d Afro-America n Associatio n wit h elegan t harshness . H e challenged ever y aspec t o f th e asserte d rational e o f th e Association' s membership policy , particularly th e "ide a tha t whites an d Negroe s ar e intrinsically incapabl e o f understandin g on e another. " H e questione d the empirica l soundnes s o f thi s thesis—notin g tha t i t i s "alway s assumed, neve r demonstrated"—a s well a s it s politica l usefulness : One thin g i s certain : th e sures t wa y t o preven t equalit y i s t o convinc e everyone o f suc h a thesis . Paranoi d presupposition s rapidl y becom e selffulfilling prophecies . Th e idea l o f equalit y i s no t refuted , i t i s merel y rendered historically impossible by ideologies which generate racial distrust. Asserting a point o f view in 196 3 that cam e under increasin g pressur e over th e nex t quarte r century , Dento n maintained : Negro students coming to the University are likely to be overwhelmed with the idea, promoted by the only "official" Negr o organization on the campus, that eve n th e mos t libera l an d interestin g whit e student s the y ma y mee t cannot possibly understand them, and may even be hypocrites—that the only place they are truly amon g friend s i s in an all-Negr o organization strongl y influenced b y Black Nationalism. Suc h an outcome drastically curtails their ability t o benefi t fro m th e centra l Harvar d experienc e o f associatio n wit h and exposure to the broadest possibl e spectrum of people, ideas and movements. On e may seriously ask whether an organization whic h so function s is in anyway compatible with th e educational ideal s of this University .

xxvi

Introduction

Harvard's Studen t Counci l o n Undergraduat e Activitie s denie d recognition t o the Association, condemnin g it s membership clause as "discriminatory." Th e relevan t Facult y committe e concurred , statin g that i t wa s "unwillin g . .. t o pu t th e weigh t o f Harvard' s approva l behind the principle of racial separatism and exclusion." Thi s rebuke, however, did not extinguish the sentiments that prompted the Association's founding and the defiant defens e o f a membership clause that, in retrospect, appear s only to have served a purely symbolic purpose. Those sentiment s gre w stronge r i n th e year s t o com e an d wer e undoubtedly nourished by three appearances that Malcolm X made on Harvard's campu s betwee n 196 1 an d 1964 . O n th e secon d o f thes e appearances, a talk given o n Marc h 18 , 1964 , to th e Leveret t Hous e Forum, Malcolm X made a statement that continues to reverberate on Harvard's campu s an d throughou t th e natio n a s a whole. "Wha t i s logical t o th e oppressor, " Malcol m X asserted , "isn' t logica l t o th e oppressed. And wha t i s reaso n t o th e oppresso r isn' t reaso n t o th e oppressed.... Ther e just has to be a new system of reason and logic devised b y us who ar e on th e bottom , i f we want t o get som e result s in this struggle tha t i s called 'th e Negr o revolution.' " The radicalis m o f Malcol m X seepe d int o th e rhetori c o f blac k students who expressed a profound sense of alienation from Harvard. Their very presence, however , a t the nation's premier "white" university indicated, by and large, a desire to "make it" within the established framework o f America n institution s whil e simultaneousl y seekin g t o reform thes e institution s a s muc h a s possibl e fo r th e benefi t o f th e African-American community . Reformis t aim s at Harvard have cen tered primaril y upon enlarging th e numbers of blacks associated with the university a s students, teachers, and administrators and, relatedly, with institutionalizing a black presence. Eac h of these aims was implicated in the struggle to create an Afro-American Studie s Department. A revealin g reflectio n o n th e extraordinar y circumstance s sur rounding tha t struggl e i s tha t man y blac k student s boycotte d th e official memoria l service that mourned the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Whil e Harvard president Natha n Puse y led services inside Memoria l Church , th e larges t sit e o f religiou s activit y o n campus, eight y blac k student s stoo d outsid e o n th e steps . "I f the y come out of [Memorial Church] with tears in their eyes," the president of th e AAAAS i s reported t o have said, "We want it to b e plain that we don' t want thei r tears . W e want blac k peopl e t o hav e a place a t Harvard." Blac k students ' successfu l effort s t o creat e a n Afro -

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American Studies Department embodied that search for a place. In 1968-69 , agains t th e backdro p of increasingl y radica l studen t protests against the draft, the war in Vietnam, college restrictions on personal (primaril y sexual ) conduct , universit y tie s with th e Centra l Intelligence Agenc y an d companies doin g business i n Sout h Africa, government repressio n o f th e Blac k Panther s an d othe r similarl y incendiary groups—in short, against the backdrop of the most tumultuous phase of "th e sixties"—black students a t Harvard demanded that the Universit y creat e a structur e fo r th e stud y o f Afro-America n affairs. A committee chaired by Professor Henry Rosovsky addressed these demands by recommending, among other things, the building of "a social an d cultura l cente r fo r blac k students, " the creatio n o f a major i n Afro-American Studies , th e establishmen t o f a Center fo r Afro-American Studies , an d th e settin g asid e o f fifteen t o twent y graduate fellowship s a yea r fo r blac k student s "wh o posses s th e potential t o becom e scholar s o f th e firs t rank. " T o underlin e th e committee's commitmen t t o fas t an d concret e actio n i t wrot e tha t while its "report—as all university committee reports—necessarily uses many unspecific terms and qualifiers typical of institutional language, it would b e tragi c i f thi s obscure d th e sens e o f urgenc y fel t b y the Committee." The report o f th e Rosovsk y Committe e an d its adoption b y the University indicate d a leve l o f solicitud e fo r African-America n students that was unprecedented in Harvard's history. Ye t it encountered resistance from a substantial part of the organized, activist sector of the black student community. Thes e critics articulated two principal complaints . On e wa s tha t th e Rosovsk y Committe e repor t envisioned Afro-American Studie s as a program instead of a department. Thi s was viewed as important because programs typically have less institutiona l autonom y an d prestig e tha n departments . A s envisioned by the Rosovsky Committee a student or professor would be affiliated with Afro-American Studies along with some other, more established discipline . Som e critic s viewe d thi s a s a n insultin g subordination o f Afro-America n scholarshi p studie s t o traditional , "white" sectors of the community. Th e second objection was that the Rosovsky Committee did not provide for student participation in the selection o f facult y fo r th e planne d Afro-American Studie s Depart ment. Thi s was in keeping with tradition. Bu t the AAAAS activists wanted to upset tradition. The y wanted students to be able to play a significant rol e i n choosing facult y member s s o tha t Afro-America n

xxviii

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Studies would be more than merely another scholastic enterprise; the y wanted i t to embody a commitment t o th e empowerment o f th e black community. Recognizin g tha t the y viewed th e purpos e o f th e Afro American Studie s initiativ e i n a differen t wa y tha n di d th e uppe r reaches o f th e Universit y hierarchy, , the activist s als o recognized tha t they woul d evaluat e candidate s fo r facult y position s differentl y tha n did th e Universit y administration . T o hav e som e influenc e o n th e constitution o f Afro-America n Studie s faculty , th e student s sough t a place i n th e choosin g o f thei r professors . In Apri l 1969 , after anguishe d debate , th e facult y o f th e Harvar d College of Arts an d Sciences acquiesced t o the critics of th e Rosovsk y report. I t voted t o recogniz e Afro-American Studie s as a departmen t and to seat six students (includin g three chosen by Afro) a s full, voting members o f th e bod y chose n t o selec t facult y member s fo r th e ne w department. Thi s vote, broadcast live on the student-run radi o station, was take n soo n afte r th e traumati c "bust " i n whic h Presiden t Puse y called o n Cambridg e polic e t o remov e leftis t student s (th e grea t majority o f who m wer e white ) fro m Universit y building s the y ha d occupied t o protest th e Vietnam Wa r an d expres s dissatisfaction wit h various policie s o f th e University . Th e vot e wa s als o take n a t a moment whe n substantia l number s o f professor s an d administrators , taking seriousl y eve n th e mos t heate d rhetori c o f campu s militants , feared tha t a t leas t som e blac k student s migh t physicall y damag e th e campus i n th e even t o f a negativ e vot e o n th e par t o f th e faculty . Some observer s hai l th e event s o f Apri l 196 9 a s a significan t advance i n th e fortune s o f black s a t Harvar d an d beyond . Lookin g back wit h prid e o n th e action s tha t h e an d other s took , Ernes t J . Wilson III , one o f Harvard' s leadin g student activists , puts th e matte r this way: We had a lot of gall even to attempt such changes; we were just wet-behindthe-ears undergraduates . Par t o f the hubris came from ou r feeling that , at last, history was going our way . W e knew that w e were riding the crest of a wave. Wit h Nin a Simon e singing that al l of u s were "young, gifted, an d black," we felt our newly assertive blackness was not just an extra burden, as it wa s fo r man y o f ou r predecessors , bu t als o a t time s a decide d socia l benefit. An d after all, cities were literally burning over the question of black equality, and the real heroe s of the black revolt, courageous black students in th e Dee p South , were engage d i n fa r les s genteel an d mor e dangerou s battles at OP Miss and Texas Southern. Fo r us, pressing for Afro-America n Studies in Cambridge seemed the least we could do. An d the excitement of

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creating something new , scholarly, and sociall y relevant was exhilarating. Others ar e mor e skeptical . Marti n Kilson , th e onl y black profes sor on th e Rosovsky Committee, voted against the students* demands. Recalling th e episod e h e writes : The militan t student s wanted lot s of politica l activis m i n th e operatio n o f the Afro-America n Studie s Departmen t an d wer e disdainfu l o f rigorou s intellectual and scholarly values ("Whitey values," some called them). I , on the othe r hand , favore d n o ethnocentri c militanc y i n th e characte r o f th e Afro-American Studie s Departmen t an d stoo d fir m fo r th e highes t intellectual an d scholarly criteria. I lost out... . Similarly critical is Nathan Huggins , a distinguished African-America n historian wh o di d hi s graduate wor k a t Harvar d an d late r returne d a s a professo r an d directo r o f th e W.E.B . D u Boi s Institute , a direc t offshoot o f th e struggl e fo r Afro-America n Studies . Notin g tha t th e birth o f Afro-American Studie s stemmed i n large part fro m a sense of "perceived threat, " h e write s tha t th e departmen t suffere d "durin g it s first te n years, from th e lingering doubts an d resentments harbore d b y faculty neve r full y convince d o f Afro-Americ a a s a legitimate field o f study . . . an d suspiciou s o f wha t ofte n appeare d t o b e separatis t tendencies o n th e par t o f it s advocates. " For al l th e criticism s levele d a t th e wa y i n whic h th e Harvar d Afro-American Studie s Department wa s founded, however , one thin g is irrefutable : fo r ove r tw o decade s i t ha s provide d a sourc e o f support fo r a broa d rang e o f scholar s explorin g African-America n culture an d establishe d itsel f a s a permanen t par t o f th e universit y community. I t is worth considering whether thi s could ever have bee n accomplished without the pushing and shoving, the excesses and error s that struggle s fo r socia l chang e alway s entail . IV African American s hav e encountered , a s w e hav e seen , a wid e range o f reaction s a t Harvard . Thei r response s hav e varie d greatly . Some, lik e Richar d Greener , hav e expresse d a n unalloye d happines s with th e University . Fo r others , however , considerabl e pai n accom panies the recollectio n o f thei r experience with Harvard . Herber t W .

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Introduction

Nickens remembers : Being blac k exacerbate d th e alread y difficul t freshma n adjustmen t i n addition t o raisin g question s al l it s own . W e no t onl y ha d t o liv e wit h strangers, bu t wit h whit e stranger s whos e attitude s towar d u s were rarel y indifferent t o ou r color . W e often bor e th e burden o f bein g cultura l an d anthropological curiosities : inspected , sometime s devaluated , frequentl y overvalued, bu t neve r regarde d i n absenc e o f th e black factor . W e foun d ourselves spread-eagled betwee n black and white. Ambivalence i s the word tha t best captures th e way in which mos t African-American students , professors , administrators , guests , an d alumni seem t o have perceived, an d reacted to , Harvard. Man y of th e documents tha t follo w giv e voic e t o Africa n American s wh o feel , simultaneously, admiratio n fo r Harvard' s tradition s an d desir e t o reform th e institution, a sense of accomplishment derive d from associ ation wit h Harvar d an d a sens e o f sorro w o r eve n guil t tha t thi s privilege i s beyon d th e circumstance s o f th e grea t mas s o f blac k Americans, a yearnin g fo r acceptanc e an d a desir e t o remai n rebel lious outsiders , recognitio n tha t Harvar d ha s sough t t o mak e itsel f more hospitabl e t o Africa n American s an d ange r tha t th e nation' s leading universit y ha s faile d t o d o more . W.E.B. Du Bois' s "A Negro Student a t Harvar d a t the End o f th e Nineteenth Century " i s on e o f severa l memoir s tha t vividl y captur e these tensions . H e admire d th e intellectua l potentialitie s tha t th e University offered, bu t consciously embraced hi s status as an outsider . "I was very happ y a t Harvard, " h e recalled , "bu t fo r unusua l reasons . One o f thes e wa s m y acceptance o f racia l segregation. " D u Boi s di d not se e racia l segregatio n a s a "fina l solution. " T o th e contrary , h e welcomed th e "prospec t o f ultimat e ful l huma n intercourse , withou t reservations an d annoyin g distinctions. " Bu t i n ligh t o f th e racis t humiliations tha t black s constantl y face d i n socia l interaction s wit h whites, D u Boi s conclude d that , fo r him , th e bes t thin g t o d o a t Harvard wa s "t o consort with m y own an d t o disdai n an d forge t a s fa r as possibl e tha t outer , white r world" : I asked nothing of Harvard but the tutelage of teachers and the freedom o f the laboratory and library . I was quite voluntarily an d willingly outside its social life. . . . Thi s cutting of myself off from my white fellows, or being cut off, di d not mean unhappiness or resentment.... I thoroughly enjoyed life . I was conscious of understanding an d power , and conceited enoug h stil l t o

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imagine . .. tha t the y who did no t kno w me were the losers, not I . Du Boi s suggests that h e was "exceptional amon g Negroes a t Harvar d in m y idea s o n voluntar y rac e segregation. " Hi s fello w blacks , h e remarks wit h a trac e o f disdain , "sa w salvation onl y i n integratio n a t the earliest possibl e moment an d on almos t an y terms . . .; I was fir m in m y criticis m o f whit e fol k an d i n m y drea m o f a self-sufficien t Negro cultur e eve n i n America. " "Harvard an d th e Small-Towner " (1986 ) i s a mor e recen t memoi r of universit y lif e tha t als o articulate s th e complicated , conflictin g emotions o f a n African-American intellectua l seekin g t o subvert con ventions of racial dominance. I n it, Martin Luthe r Kilso n (mentione d earlier a s the first tenure d blac k professo r o n th e Harvar d Facult y o f Arts an d Sciences) , reflect s upo n hi s lon g (an d ongoing ) associatio n with th e University . Fro m hi s year s a s a graduat e studen t i n th e 1950s, whe n h e helpe d t o foun d th e Harvar d Societ y fo r Minorit y Rights, t o hi s years i n th e 1980 s and 1990 s a s the senio r blac k facult y member withi n Art s an d Sciences , Kilso n ha s bee n involve d i n al l o f the man y racia l controversie s tha t hav e surface d o n campus . A s was noted above , he helped t o form th e Harvard Afro-America n Student s Association an d backe d i t durin g it s confrontatio n wit h critic s wh o attacked th e Association's racially exclusionary membership policy . I n "Harvard an d the Small-Towner" Kilson continues t o defend thi s early "bid t o giv e vigorous intellectua l formatio n t o students ' Black-ethni c awareness," contendin g tha t th e Associatio n wa s "Black-skewed " bu t "not ethno-centrically-Black-skewed. " Kilso n give s n o hin t a s t o ho w he justifie s hi s conclusion ; afte r all , insofa r a s th e studen t grou p a t issue did limit its membership on a racial basis, it seems that th e grou p could appropriatel y b e labelle d a s "ethnocentric. " Bu t th e mor e significant poin t fo r presen t purpose s i s not Kilson' s earl y defens e o f the Association , bu t rathe r hi s condemnation o f i t afte r 196 8 when i t was, i n hi s words , "shanghaied " b y studen t proponent s o f th e Blac k Power Movemen t who , amon g othe r things , insiste d upo n th e formation of an Afro-American Studie s Department independent fro m other Universit y program s an d on e i n which student s woul d hav e a n important han d i n governance. Accordin g t o Kilson, these students — "the ne w Black solidarity militants"—indulge d i n a "dead-end catharti c ethnocentrism" tha t ha d a lingerin g destructiv e influence : During th e lat e 1960 s t o earl y 1970 s era , somethin g happene d t o th e

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willingness o f Blac k student s t o tak e academi c an d intellectua l pursuit s seriously. . . . Wha t happened wa s in large part of Blacks' own making, or rather [the ] making of Black ethnocentrists who convinced themselve s and other Blacks that the catharsis associated with mau-mauing "Whitey's values" was preferable t o a pragmatic employment o f ethnic militancy. For historian s o f ideas , th e tas k o f th e futur e wil l be t o identif y th e line separating what Kilson defends a s pragmatic "ethnic militancy" on Harvard's campu s fro m wha t h e condemn s a s "ethnocentrism. " Another memoi r by an African-American professo r i s "A Pioneer: Black an d Female " by Eileen Southern , wh o in 197 1 became th e firs t black woman appointe d t o a tenured facult y position . Th e firs t blac k American recipien t o f a Ph.D . i n musicology , Souther n wa s a professor i n th e Musi c Department , a chai r o f th e Afro-America n Studies Department , an d th e autho r o f numerou s book s an d article s including The Music of Black Americans: A History and a Biographical Dictionary of Afro-American and African Musicians. Lik e Kilson' s account, Southern' s i s distinguished b y th e opennes s wit h whic h sh e criticizes othe r Africa n American s a t Harvard . Recallin g he r earl y years o n campus , Souther n writes , fo r instance , tha t "i t seeme d tha t the minoritie s alread y a t Harvar d di d no t welcom e th e ide a o f bein g joined b y others. I t wa s a s i f the y were reluctan t t o los e thei r statu s of being 'the only one.'" Unlik e Kilson's account, Southern's explicitl y criticizes th e Universit y itsel f fo r racis m an d sexism , which , i n he r view, wer e a n "ever-present " realit y tha t sh e "graduall y learne d t o endure." A t th e sam e time , echoin g D u Bois , who m sh e expressl y cites a s he r rol e model , Souther n lavishl y praises Harvard' s influenc e on he r intellectua l life . "I n its role as nurturer o f scholars," Souther n observes, "Harvar d neve r le t m e down ! I coul d fee l mysel f growin g from yea r t o year , almos t mont h t o month . . . ." Sh e eve n concede s that he r minorit y statu s "a t time s brough t specia l dividends" : Some honors cam e . .. no t onl y because I was qualified, bu t als o because, as a black woman, I was highly visible... my husband and I were invited to glamorous dinner parties and receptions, where we met the great leaders of our time , the celebrated an d the obscure. Yet anothe r memoi r tha t poignantl y capture s th e characteristi c duality wit h whic h man y Africa n American s experienc e Harvar d i s "The Refor m o f Tradition , th e Traditio n o f Reform " b y Ernes t J . Wilson III , th e studen t dissiden t cite d above . H e i s currentl y a

xxxiii

Introduction

professor o f politic s a t th e Universit y o f Michigan . Whe n Wilso n came t o Harvard i n 196 6 he was no stranger to its traditions. Severa l of hi s olde r relative s ha d attende d Harvard , includin g hi s materna l grandfather, T . Montgomery Gregory , who graduated alongsid e Joh n Reed an d Walte r Lippman n i n th e illustriou s clas s o f 1910 . Wilso n freely confesse s hi s indebtednes s t o Harvard , notin g that , "howeve r imperfectly, [it ] showe d m e tha t th e intellectua l lif e an d th e lif e o f [political] commitment can, with effort an d imagination, be combined." Moreover, i t i s clea r fro m Wilson' s memoi r tha t h e indulge d i n th e most mainstrea m an d eve n elit e activitie s o f Harvar d undergraduat e life. Withou t embarrassment , Wilso n recall s tha t h e "joine d th e Harvard Lampoon, wrot e fo r th e Crimson, at e a t th e Signet , wa s elected Clas s Marshal , an d joined on e o f Harvard' s fina l clubs , wellknown locall y fo r it s splendid garde n parties. " I t shoul d com e a s n o surprise, then , tha t Wilso n experience d muc h of hi s tim e a t Harvar d as "sheer delight." On th e othe r hand , Wilso n di d perceiv e tha t "mor e tha n a whiff of condescensio n [wa s aimed] toward blac k students": Some whites acted as if we were a black tabula rasa ready to be filled with New England education and high culture. Other s caricatured us only as the carriers of the culture of James Brown; any interest i n the written word or in Beethoven was somehow disappointing and inauthentic. More important , Wilso n encountere d a t Harvar d a n oppressiv e absence: "th e invisibilit y o f th e thing s tha t I too k fo r grante d a t home—the disciplined and serious and sustained study of black culture, politics, an d life." Redressin g thi s problem became, a s we hav e seen, a foca l poin t o f Wilson' s collegiat e caree r an d th e career s o f man y African-American students . H e speak s fo r several generation s whe n he asserts with pride: "[W] e changed Harvard as Harvard changed us." V Blacks at Harvard wil l certainly nourish scholarly inquir y into th e social an d intellectua l histor y o f Africa n American s i n elit e nationa l institutions. On e hopes that it will also spur further effort s t o answer the scores o f open questions : Wha t have th e quiet majorit y of blac k students though t an d fel t abou t thei r tim e a t Harvard ? Wha t hav e

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xxxiv

been th e caree r trajectorie s o f African-America n alumni ? T o wha t degree hav e the y remaine d i n touc h wit h th e University ? I n al l o f these respects , ho w doe s th e experienc e o f Africa n American s compare wit h tha t o f peopl e o f othe r racia l backgrounds ? Furthe r exploration o f thes e subject s wil l undoubtedl y lea d scholar s t o undertake a comprehensive review of the student press and to compile oral histories. Thi s anthology is an important an d impressive first step towards documenting a fascinating aspect of African-American cultur e that warrant s close r attention .

RANDALL KENNEDY Randall Lero y Kennedy was born i n Columbia , South Carolina , on 1 0 September 1954 . H e attended St . Albans School in Washington, D.C., and won th e Freema n Histor y Prize . Upo n hi s graduatio n fro m Princeto n University, where he was Historical Studies Editor of the Princeton Journal of the Arts and Sciences, h e studied fo r tw o years at Oxfor d Universit y as a Rhodes Scholar. I n 197 9 he entered Yal e Law School, and served a s Note and Topics Editor o f the Yale Law Journal. He spent th e 1982-8 3 academic year in Washington, D.C., as law clerk to Judge J. Skell y Wright o f th e U.S . Court o f Appeals, and th e followin g year as law clerk for Justice Thurgood Marshall of the U.S. Supreme Court. In 1984 he joined the Harvard Law School faculty, becoming a full professo r in 1989 . H e ha s written widel y on civi l right s an d race-relation s law . I n 1990 he became the founding editor of the quarterly journal Reconstruction, devoted t o African-American politics , society, and culture.

MS IT M li

THE BLACK PRESENCE AT HARVARD: AN OVERVIEW

CALDWELL TITCOM B

The earliest reference t o a black at Harvard was the admission by the wife of the College's first head that a slave had lain on a student's bed in 1639 . A s the seventeenth an d eighteent h centurie s rolled on, the list of the leading slaveholding families in Massachusetts contained the names o f numerou s Harvar d men , includin g President s Increas e Mather (1685-1701) and Benjamin Wadsworth (1725-37). I n the eighteenth centur y an d later , black s i n an d aroun d Bosto n wer e encouraged t o atten d Harvard' s Commencement , whic h becam e fo r them the most festive day of the year; in 1773 they could have heard two seniors debating the legal pros and con s of enslaving Africans . For most of the nineteenth century, the well-to-do undergraduates each ha d a blac k servan t calle d a "scout " ( a ter m borrowe d fro m Oxford). Black s late r serve d a s janitors, laborator y custodians , an d waiters in Memorial Hall , where students at e from 187 4 to 1924. If th e lo w opinio n o f th e blac k rac e hel d b y Harvard' s mos t famous nineteenth-centur y scientist , Loui s Agassiz , wa s echoe d b y science dean s Henr y Eusti s '3 8 ("little abov e beasts") an d Nathanie l Shaler '6 2 ("unfi t fo r a n independen t plac e i n a civilized state") , th e faculty did have its outspoken Abolitionists, such as Henry Wadsworth Longfellow an d James Russell Lowell '38. Divinit y School professo r Henry War e Jr . '1 2 wa s th e foundin g presiden t o f th e Cambridg e Anti-Slavery Society in 1834, and the first anti-slavery novel, The Slave (1836)—reprinted man y times under suc h title s a s Archy Moore, The White Slave or, Memoirs of a Fugitive—was written by Richard Hildreth '26. Lati n Professor Charle s Beck (1798-1861 ) put i n a trap door on the second floor of his Cambridge residence (now Warren House, the

2

Black Presence at Harvard

home of th e Harvar d Englis h Department ) t o shelter fugitiv e slave s moving north on the Underground Railroad. Th e 1650 Charter under which Harvard still operates spoke of "the education of the English & Indian Yout h o f thi s Country, " an d a fe w Indian s wer e enrolle d between 1653 and 1715, though only one completed his degree (Caleb Cheeshahteaumuck in 1665). Bu t the Charter said nothing about the education o f blacks , and non e appeare d o n Harvard' s roll s until th e middle of the nineteenth century . The earliest baccalaureate degrees that American colleges awarded to black s wen t t o Alexande r Twiligh t (Middlebury , 1823) , Edwar d Jones (Amherst, 1826), John Russwurm (Bowdoin, 1826), and Edward Mitchell (Dartmouth , 1828) . The first black student to enter Harvard College would have been Beverly G . Williams , i n 1847 . H e wa s a n outstandin g schola r i n a preparatory-school class that included President Edward Everett's own son. Everet t himsel f proclaimed th e lad to be the best Latinist in his class, and Williams's virtues were even debated i n the U.S. Congress. When grumbling s wer e voice d abou t acceptin g a blac k student , Everett stated that, "as he will be very well fitted, I know of no reason why he should no t be admitted." Unfortunately , a few weeks befor e the academi c year began, William s died o f tuberculosis, tw o month s short of the age of 18. Consequently, the first blacks to begin studies at Harvard were not in th e Colleg e bu t th e Medica l School . I n 1850 , th e celebrate d Martin R. Delany and two other blacks were briefly enrolled. Ye t it was not unti l th e 186 9 Commencement tha t Harvar d would have its first blac k degre e recipients : Edwi n C.J.T . Howar d a t th e Medica l School, George L. Ruffin a t the Law School, and Robert T. Freeman at the Dental School (its first graduating class). Ruffi n an d Freema n were the first blacks in the country to receive their respective degrees. Ruffin becam e th e firs t blac k judge i n Massachusetts; and Freeman , though h e died young, had a dental society named for him . The firs t blac k studen t i n th e Colleg e wa s Richard T . Greener , who entered i n 186 5 and too k hi s degree i n 1870 , winning the chief prizes in writing and speaking alon g the way. H e became a philosophy professor , la w schoo l dean , an d foreig n diplomat , an d wa s a n acclaimed orator . Radcliffe , founde d i n 1879 , had i n 189 8 its firs t black A.B. recipient, Alberta V . Scott. For som e time the numbe r of black students in Harvard Colleg e remained smal l (including , however , descendant s o f som e illustriou s

Black Presence at Harvard

3

figures, suc h a s th e grandso n o f Frederic k Douglas s an d th e so n o f Charles W . Chesnutt , bot h i n th e Clas s o f '05) . Bu t sinc e th e Clas s of 189 9 ther e hav e bee n onl y thre e classe s withou t blac k members . A marke d surg e i n blac k enrollmen t occurre d startin g wit h th e Clas s of 1963 , an d a n enormou s lea p t o mor e tha n 10 0 student s a yea r began wit h th e Clas s o f 1973 , the first clas s t o b e admitte d followin g the nationa l traum a o f Dr . Marti n Luthe r Kin g Jr.' s assassinatio n (Harvard an d Radcliffe admission s were merged i n 1975) . Th e cumu lative number o f black men an d women enrolle d a s undergraduates a t Harvard an d Radcliff e throug h th e Clas s o f 199 6 come s t o abou t 3,800. Among th e blac k alumn i o f th e Colleg e are : Rober t H . Terrell , A.B. 1884 , th e firs t blac k ma n t o delive r a Harvar d Commencemen t oration an d th e firs t blac k municipa l judg e i n Washington , D.C. ; William E. B. Du Boi s '90, one of th e intellectual titan s of th e twenti eth century , an d th e firs t blac k t o receiv e a Harvard A.M . (1891 ) an d Ph.D. (1895) ; journalis t W . Monro e Trotte r '95 , th e firs t Harvar d black electe d t o Ph i Bet a Kappa ; Alai n L . Lock e '08 , Ph.D. '18 , th e only blac k Rhode s Schola r i n th e countr y unti l th e 1960s , an d godfather t o th e Harle m Renaissance ; Plenyol o Gb e Wol o '17 , th e first black African graduat e and first member of his Liberian tribe eve r to ge t a highe r education ; Rober t C . Weave r '29 , Ph.D. '34 , the firs t black Cabine t membe r (Secretar y o f HUD) ; Clifto n R . Wharto n Jr . '47, firs t blac k presiden t o f a majo r "white " universit y an d late r chancellor of SUNY's 64 campuses; Gerald E . Thomas '51 , the second black admira l i n th e Navy , Ambassado r t o Kenya , an d Harvar d Overseer; Cliffor d L . Alexande r Jr . '55 , presiden t o f th e Studen t Council, who late r becam e th e firs t blac k Secretar y o f th e Arm y an d a Harvar d overseer ; J . Ma x Bon d Jr . '55 , dean o f CCNY' s schoo l o f architecture an d environmenta l studies ; Harol d R . Scot t '57 , promi nent i n theatr e a s actor , director , produce r an d professor ; Thoma s Sowell '58, prolific economist an d ethnologist; W. Haywood Burns '62, law professo r an d dean ; Isaia h A . Jackso n II I '66 , internationall y active orchestral conductor ; an d Keit h A . Saunders '75 , ballet soloist . Black alumnae of Radcliffe include : Doroth y C. Guinn '13 , executive director of th e National Counci l of Negro Women; Eva B . Dykes '17, Ph . D . '21 , on e o f th e firs t thre e blac k America n wome n t o receive a Ph.D . (al l i n 1921) ; France s Olivi a Gran t '17 , firs t blac k Radcliffe membe r o f Ph i Bet a Kappa ; teache r an d anthropologis t Caroline Bond Day '19, A.M. '30; composer an d writer Marita Bonne r

4

Black Presence at Harvard

Occomy '22; Theodora R. Boyd '27, Ph.D. '42, chairman of the French Department a t Howar d University ; singe r Lol a Wilso n Haye s '27 ; Muriel S. Snowden '38, social worker, founder of Freedom House, and the firs t blac k woma n electe d t o th e Harvar d Boar d o f Overseers ; political scientist Merze Tate, Ph.D. '41, first black American woman to study at Oxford; Elizabeth Fitzgerald Howard '48 , first black to be elected presiden t o f a Radcliff e class ; Lois Dickson Ric e '54 , senior vice-president o f Contro l Dat a Corporation ; sociologis t Bennett a Washington Jules-Rosett e '68 , Ph.D. 73; and Constanc e B . Hilliard 71, Ph.D . 77, president o f the African Developmen t Foundation . A surprising number of important black historians had training at Harvard. I n addition to the aforementioned D u Bois and Tate, they include: Benjami n G . Brawley, A.M. '08; Carter G. Woodson, Ph.D. '12 (Harvard's second black Ph.D.); William M. Brewer '19, A.M. '29; Charles H. Wesley, Ph.D. '25; William Leo Hansberry '21 , A.M. '32; Alrutheus A . Taylor, A.M . '23 , Ph.D., 36; Rayford W . Logan, A.M. '32, Ph.D. '36; Clinton E. Knox, Ph.D. '40; John Hope Franklin, A.M. '36, Ph.D. '41, recent president of the American Historical Association whose standard histor y of Afro-Americans ha s gone through si x editions since 1948; Robert H. Brisbane Jr., Ph.D. '49; Jerome W. Jones, A.M. '51, Ph.D. '60; Otey M. Scruggs, A.M. '52, Ph.D. '58; Nathan I. Huggins, A.M. '59, Ph.D. '62; and Kenneth R. Manning 70, A.M. 71, Ph.D. 74. Black alumni who have made a mark in prose fiction include Cecil A. Blue '25 , A.M. '26 ; William Melvi n Kelle y '60 ; Ayi Kwei Arma h '63; Joh n A . McCluske y '66 ; Jame s Ala n McPherson , LL.B . '68 , winner of both the National Book Award and the Pulitzer Prize; and Andrea N . Lee 74 , A.M. 78. Amon g the poets are Leslie Pinckney Hill '03, A.M. '04; Sterling A. Brown, AM. '23; Countee Cullen, A.M. '26; Paul Vesey (pseudonym of Samuel W. Allen, J.D. '41); Johnie H. Scott '68 ; Ifeany i Menkiti , Ph.D . 74 ; an d Raymon d R . Fleming , Ph.D. 76. The roster of those alumni who, since the heyday of Du Bois and Trotter, hav e distinguishe d themselve s i n prin t journalis m includ e Hallowell Bowser '44; Melvin B. Miller '56; L. Deckle McLean Jr. '63; Herbert H . Dento n '65 ; Stephe n T . Curwoo d '69 ; Marvi n A . Hightower '69 ; Lee A . Daniel s 71 ; Anthony G Hil l 73 ; Sylveste r Monroe 73; Scott B. Minerbrook 74 ; Ronald W. Wade 76; Mark T. Whitaker 79, a swnma cum laude graduate in social studies; Celia W. Dugger '80 ; Leig h A . Jackso n '82 ; Jaco b V . Lama r '83 ; an d

Black Presence at Harvard

5

Sophfronia Scot t Gregor y '88. Of the professional graduate schools, none has had a more continuous an d far-reachin g bod y o f blac k alumn i tha n th e La w School . Since the already cited Judge Ruffin, on e might mention Archibald H. Grimke, LL.B. 1874, president of th e American Negro Academy and U.S. consul ; Willia m H . Lewis , LL.B . '95 , th e firs t blac k assistan t attorney genera l o f th e Unite d State s (als o a footbal l captai n an d coach while a t Harvard) ; Charle s H . Houston, LL.B . '22, SJ.D. '23, first blac k o n th e Harvard Law Review an d proclaime d b y Justic e William O . Douglas a s one of th e country' s te n grea t lawyer s of th e past 10 0 years; Judge Raymond Pace Alexander, J.D. '23; Edward O . Gourdin '21 , LL.B. '24 , firs t blac k o n th e Massachusett s Superio r Court; Willia m H. Hastie, LL.B. '30, SJ.D. '33, firstblack on a circuit court o f appeals , an d late r chie f justice; William T . Coleman , LL.B. '43 (receive d degre e i n '46) , th e to p schola r i n hi s class , firs t blac k clerk fo r th e U.S . Suprem e Court , an d secon d blac k presidentia l Cabinet officer ; Wad e H . McCre e Jr. , J.D . '4 4 (receive d degre e i n '48), judge , Solicito r General , an d Harvar d Overseer ; C . Clyd e Ferguson Jr. , LL.B . '51 , la w dean , Ambassado r t o Uganda , an d Harvard's secon d tenure d blac k law professor (afte r Derric k A . Bell Jr., appointe d i n 1971) ; Christopher F . Edley Sr., LL.B. '53, head of the Unite d Negr o Colleg e Fund ; Joh n H . Bustamante , LL.M . '54 , founder o f Ohio' s onl y black-owne d bank ; Theodor e Roosevel t Newman Jr. , J.D . '58 , firs t blac k judg e t o hea d a state-leve l cour t system (District of Columbia); law professor Anita L. Glasco, J.D. '67; Randall M. Robinson, J.D. 70, director o f TransAfrica; judge Mari e Oliver Jackson, J.D. 72 ; Margaret T . Okorodudu, LL.M . 77 , in th e Nigerian Ministr y o f Justice ; an d Raymon d M . Burse , J.D . 78 , president o f Kentucky State University. Harvard bega n bestowin g honorar y degree s i n 1692 . Th e firs t black recipien t wa s Tuskege e Institute presiden t Booke r T . Washington, wh o mad e hi s celebrate d an d controversia l "Atlant a Compromise" speech in 1895 and received a Master of Arts degree at the next year's Harvard Commencement (h e was also made an honorary member of Harvard's Phi Beta Kappa chapter in 1904). Th e same degree wa s presente d i n 192 9 t o Washington' s Tuskege e successor , Robert Russ a Moton . N o furthe r honorar y degree s went t o black s until after Worl d Wa r II. No issue concerning Harvard's blacks comes close to matching the storm that arose all over the country in 1922-23 after President Lowell

6

Black Presence at Harvard

(who was also unhappy over th e increased numbe r o f Jewish student s in the College) , acting on hi s own authority , barred black s from livin g in th e freshma n dormitorie s (whic h wer e compulsor y fo r whites) , saying, "W e hav e no t though t i t possibl e t o compe l me n o f differen t races t o reside together. " (A t tha t tim e Harvard eve n ha d a Ku Klu x Klan chapter.) Eventuall y the Corporation modifie d th e policy: "Me n of th e whit e an d colore d race s shall no t b e compelle d t o liv e an d ea t together, no r shal l an y ma n b e exclude d b y reaso n o f hi s color. " I n practice, Harvar d di d no t readil y integrat e studen t housin g unti l th e 1950s. Black students have always participated in extracurricular activities, notably athletic s an d musica l organizations . O n man y occasion s Southern institution s objecte d t o thei r presence ; Harvard' s reactio n was sometimes t o exclude the blacks from joint events , and sometime s to stan d fir m agains t bigotry . The firs t blac k o n Harvard' s staf f wa s th e professiona l boxin g teacher A. Molyneaux Hewlett, who was appointed i n 1859 to superintend th e ne w Gymnasium (no w demolished) an d t o teac h gymnastics . Hewlett continue d a s athleti c directo r unti l hi s deat h i n 1871 . I n recent years , Harvar d ha s engage d a numbe r o f blac k hea d coaches , including basketbal l star s K.C . Jones an d To m "Satch " Sanders . The firs t blac k membe r o f th e Harvar d facult y wa s Georg e R Grant, D.M.D. 1870 , the second black graduate of th e Dental School , where h e taugh t a s "demonstrator " an d instructo r fro m 187 8 to 1889 . President Elio t wa s on e o f hi s personal patients . Gran t wa s als o th e inventor o f th e gol f tee . Th e secon d blac k facult y membe r wa s William A . Hinton , '05 , M.D. '12 , who hel d annua l appointment s a s instructor a t th e Medica l Schoo l startin g i n 1918 . A pioneerin g syphilologist, h e wa s th e firs t blac k America n t o publis h a medica l textbook (1936) . H e wa s promoted t o professor—th e firs t o f hi s rac e to attai n tha t ran k a t Harvard—i n 1949 , one yea r befor e retirement . The firs t blac k perso n name d t o th e Facult y of Art s an d Science s was Ralp h J . Bunche , A.M . '28 , Ph.D. 34 , appointe d a professo r o f government i n 1950 . Becaus e o f pressin g obligation s a t th e Unite d Nations, whic h wo n hi m th e Nobe l Peac e Prize , h e requeste d a postponement o f teachin g duties , an d finall y decide d t o resig n hi s professorship i n 195 2 withou t eve r havin g taugh t a cours e (h e did , however, becom e th e firs t blac k Overseer , 1959-65) . I n 1961 , th e same departmen t appointe d a s tuto r Marti n L . Kilso n Jr. , A.M . '58 , Ph.D. 59, who move d u p th e academi c ladde r an d receive d tenur e i n

Black Presence at Harvard

7

1969. Sinc e the n Harvard has tenured a number of black facult y in Arts and Sciences. B y far the most widely known black on Harvard's staff is Alvin F. Poussaint, a psychiatry professor and dean whom the Medical School wooed away from Tufts in 1969; his views on a broad range of subjects are constantly sought by the media. The yea r 196 9 als o sa w th e Facult y vot e t o establis h a n AfroAmerican Studie s Department , whos e firs t chairma n wa s a blac k alumnus, the late Ewart G. Guinier '33. It s later black chairmen were musicologist Eilee n J . Souther n an d th e aforementione d Natha n Huggins. Althoug h the Department has not had as smooth sailing as its Yal e counterpart , i t i s stil l thrivin g an d als o operate s a special Afro-American Studie s Readin g Roo m an d Listenin g Cente r i n Lamont Library . I n addition , Harvar d se t u p th e W.E.B . D u Boi s Institute fo r blac k researc h i n 1975 , an d th e nex t yea r Radcliff e initiated its Black Women Oral History Project. I n 1991 black scholar Henry Louis Gates Jr. assumed the leadership of both the Department and the Institute. The size of th e black student body has been sufficient sinc e the 1960s to inspire a goodly number of Afro-American organizations, of which about a dozen are currently functioning. Student s published a Harvard Journal of Negro Affairs fro m 196 5 t o 1971 , and i n 197 6 began a black literary magazine, Diaspora. In 197 4 Peter J. Gomes, B.D. '68 , became the first black, and at 32 the youngest person, appointed Minister in Memorial Church; since then Time magazine has profiled him as one of "seven star preachers" in the nation. Sinc e the mid-1970s two black men have been serving at Harvard a s Dean o f Student s (Archi e C . Epps III, B.D. '61 ) and Senior Admissions Officer (Davi d L. Evans). From tentative beginnings and on "thro* change and thro' storm," a substantial black presence a t Harvard and Radcliffe i s clearly now here to stay.

PHILLIS WHEATLEY

Phillis Wheatley was born sometime in 1753 (perhaps 1754 ) in West Afric a and brough t t o Bosto n o n a slav e shi p i n 1761 . Thoug h frail , sh e wa s bought b y the well-known merchan t Joh n Wheatle y an d hi s wife Susanna , and given the name of the schooner that had borne her. Spare d fro m har d toil, she received instruction in English, Latin, and other subjects within the family, and made such fast progress that she was writing letters and verse as early as 1765, publishing her first poem in 1767. I n the same year she wrote the first versio n of a poem t o Harvard University . In 177 2 she issued a prospectus fo r a book of poetry, attracting insuffi cient subscribers . Thereupo n he r mistres s arrange d fo r publicatio n i n London, where the author traveled i n 177 3 and oversaw the first o f several printings (at least five within a year) of Poems on Various Subjects, Religious and Moral. Sh e returned t o Boston earlier than planned, in order to attend her ailing mistress, who gave the servant he r freedo m a few months befor e Mrs. Wheatley's death in March of 1774 . Afte r th e death of Mr. Wheatley, she married John Peters in 1778 (bearing three children all of whom died in infancy), and in 177 9 issued th e prospectus fo r a second book, which came to nought. He r fortune s declined , and she was eventually obliged to resor t to manual labor. Neve r robust, Phillis Wheatley Peters weakened, died on 5 December 1784 , and was buried i n an unmarke d grave . Although the Long Island slave Jupiter Hammon had issued a one-sheet poem in 1761 (and would in 177 8 publish a 21-quatrain poe m addressed t o Phillis Wheatley), the 177 3 Wheatley volume was the firs t boo k publishe d by a black American. I t contained thirty-eigh t o f her poems, including th e revision o f he r free-vers e od e t o Harvar d her e reprinted . Th e boo k als o carried a testimonial to her precocious talents signed by eighteen prominen t Bostonians (fourtee n o f them Harvard alumni), including the governor and lieutenant-governor. Toda y the Wheatley canon consists of fifty-five poems , twenty-two letters and a prose prayer, though we have the titles for dozen s more poem s tha t s o fa r hav e no t com e t o light . He r literar y accomplish ments wer e praise d b y Voltair e an d Georg e Washington , thoug h curtl y dismissed by Thomas Jefferson. Harvar d owns several Wheatley manuscripts as well as the poet' s persona l cop y of Milton' s Paradise Lost presente d t o her by the Lord Mayo r of London .

10

Phillis Wheatley

To The University of Cambridge, in New-England

WHILE a n intrinsic ardor prompts to write, The muses promise to assist my pen; Twas not lon g since I left m y native shore The land of errors, and Egyptian gloom : Father of mercy, 'twas thy gracious hand Brought m e in safety fro m thos e dark abodes. Students, to you 'ti s giv'n to scan the height s Above, to traverse the ethereal space, And mark the systems of revolving worlds. Still more, ye sons of science ye receive The blissful new s by messengers from heav'n , How Jesus' blood fo r your redemption flows . See him with hands out-stretcht upo n th e cross; Immense compassion i n his bosom glows; He hears revilers, nor resents their scorn: What matchles s mercy in the Son of God ! When th e whole human rac e by sin had fall'n , He deign'd t o die that the y might rise again, And share with him in the sublimest skies, Life without death , and glory without end . Improve your privileges while they stay, Ye pupils, and each hou r redeem, that bears Or good or bad report o f you to heav'n. Let sin, that banefu l evi l to the soul, By you be shunn'd, nor once remit your guard; Suppress the deadly serpent i n its egg. Ye blooming plants of human rac e divine, An Ethiop tells you 'ti s your greatest foe ; Its transient sweetnes s turns to endless pain, And in immense perdition sinks the soul. (1767; pub. 1773)

A FORENSI C DISPUTE O N THE LEGALITY O F ENSLAVING TH E AFRICANS, HELD A T THE PUBLI C COMMENCEMENT I N CAMBRIDGE , NEW-ENGLAN D (BOSTON, 1773 ) THEODORE PARSON S AN D ELIPHALE T PEARSO N

From Harvard's very first Commencemen t i n 1642 , it was standard practic e for th e publi c exercise s t o includ e length y debate s i n whic h tw o degre e candidates took opposing sides of a given topic. A t the Commencement o n 21 Jul y 177 3 tw o senior s engage d i n a disputatio n o n th e legitimac y o f slavery. I t elicite d s o muc h commen t tha t th e debat e wa s immediatel y printed and published, running to forty-eight pages . W e offer som e excerpts from th e text to convey the tenor an d flavo r o f the event. Both speaker s wer e native s o f Newbury , Massachusetts , an d bot h received a n A.B. in 177 3 and a n A.M. in 1776 . Arguin g in favor o f slavery was Theodore Parsons, who would shortl y enter th e Revolutionary Wa r as a surgeon on the armed ship Bennington, which, immobilized by ice on th e St. Lawrence River, saw all aboard peris h i n 1779. Taking the anti-slavery position was Eliphalet Pearson, who was the first principal of Phillips Andover Academy from 177 8 to 1786, when he returned to Harvard as the Hancock Professor o f Hebrew, being also elected a Fellow in 180 0 and Actin g President o f the Universit y in 1804 . H e resigned fro m Harvard in 180 6 and founded th e Andover Theological Seminary , where he remained unti l hi s death i n 1826 . I n 180 2 he received a n honorar y LL.D . from bot h Yal e and th e College of New Jersey (no w Princeton).

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[Pearson] . . . Th e cando r o f thi s trul y venerable , thi s learne d an d polite assembl y wil l excus e u s i n attempting , i n a fe w words , t o examine, Whether the slavery, to which Africans are in this province, by the permission of law, subjected, be agreable to the law of nature? And since, full y persuade d o f th e trut h o f thos e principles , i n whic h i s founded th e idea of natural equality, to the exclusion of a right in one individual o f th e huma n specie s t o exercise an y degree o f authorit y over another without hi s consent, I am obliged to appear i n favor of the negativ e o f th e proposition ; an d since , i f I rightl y remember , I have sometimes heard you express a very different sentiment , i f you are disposed to join in the proposal, I will first atten d to what may be offered o n you r par t i n suppor t o f it . An d shal l therefor e onl y observe, that the strangely inconsistent conduct of mankind, respecting this matter , furnishe s u s with reflection s upo n th e present stat e o f human nature by no means the most agreable. T o me, I confess, it is matter of painful astonishment , that in this enlightened ag e and land, where the principles of natural and civil Liberty, and consequently the natural right s o f mankin d ar e s o generall y understood , th e cas e o f these unhapp y Africans should gai n n o mor e attention;—tha t those , who are so readily disposed t o urge the principles of natural equalit y in defenc e o f thei r ow n Liberties , should , wit h s o littl e reluctance , continue t o exer t a power , b y th e operatio n o f whic h the y ar e s o flagrantly contradicted . Fo r what les s can be said of that exercis e of power, whereby such multitudes o f our fellow-men , descendants , my friend, from the same common parents with you and me, and between whom an d u s nature ha s made no distinction, sav e what arise s fro m the stronge r influenc e o f th e su n i n th e climat e whence the y orig inated, are held to groan under the insupportable burden of the most abject slavery, without one chearing beam to refresh thei r desponding souls; and upon whose dreary path not even the feeblest ra y of hope is permitted t o dawn , an d whose only prospect o f deliverance is—in death. I f indeed the law protects their lives, (which is all that can be said even here, and more—shame to mankind!—more than can be said in some of our siste r colonies) th e onl y favor thes e unhapp y peopl e receive, from suc h protection , i s a continuation o f thei r misery ; th e preservation o f a life , ever y momen t o f whic h i s wors e tha n non existence. A favo r this , n o doubt , tha t i n a ver y specia l manne r demands acknowledgement ! [Parsons] Thoug h conscious , m y friend , o f m y inability , th e mos t

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13

advantageously to represent the arguments in favor of this proposition, especially whe n circumscribe d withi n th e narro w limit s th e presen t occasion wil l allow ; yet clearl y convince d o f th e propriet y o f atten tively considering this question, especially at a period when persons of every denomination ar e s o justly affecte d wit h a sens e o f Liberty , I readily comply ; rathe r hopin g tha t i f an y present, ar e i n doub t respecting this matter, they will take occasion from hence , so fully t o examine it , a s t o procur e satisfactio n t o themselves , tha n expectin g what shall be now offered o n my part will have so desirable an effect . I a m well aware of th e difficult y o f hi s tas k who attempts t o defend a proposition of this nature. A n heart replete with benevolence and compassio n wil l hardly admi t reasonin g tha t involve s principle s seemingly incompatible with th e happiness of any. Suffe r m e therefore to entreat you, that every tender sentiment, that even the feelings of humanity may be suspended, while we calmly attend to the voice of reason, which is the voice of nature's alwis e and benevolent Author . That Libert y t o al l i s sweet I freel y own ; but stil l 'ti s what, i n a state of society at least, al l cannot equall y enjoy, an d what even in a free governmen t ca n b e enjoye d i n th e mos t perfec t sens e by none. Such i s th e natur e o f society , tha t i t require s variou s degree s o f authority and subordination; and while the universal rule of right, the happiness of the whole allows greater degree s of Liberty to some, the same immutabl e la w suffers i t t o b e enjoye d onl y i n les s degrees by others. An d though[,] my friend, I can most cordially join with you in the benevolent wish, that i t were possible that thes e Africans, wh o I am free with you to call my brethren, and to whom, it is confessed, th e principles of our civil constitution allo w but a small degree of liberty, might enjo y i t equall y wit h us ; ye t 'til l I a m convince d i t migh t comport with the rule above mentioned, to allow them more I am in duty bound t o appear a n advocat e for thos e principles.. . . [Pearson]... I am much at a loss to conceive how your reasoning in favor o f slaver y in general, wer e i t eve r s o full y conclusive , coul d possibly justify u s i n thu s forcibl y subjugatin g th e Africans, between whom and u s nature seems to have made no such difference a s that, upon whic h yo u suppos e th e notio n o f natural inequality t o b e founded: Fo r I suppos e yo u wil l hardl y imagin e th e darknes s o f a man's ski n incapacitate s hi m fo r th e directio n o f hi s conduct , an d authorises hi s neighbours , wh o ma y hav e th e goo d fortun e o f a complexion a shad e o r tw o lighter , t o exercis e authorit y ove r him .

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And if the important difference doe s not lay here, it seems not very easy to determine where it does; unless perchance, it be in the quality of their hair; and if the principle of subordination lies here, I would advise every person, whose hair is inclined to deviate from a right line, to b e upo n hi s guard. I f indee d an y should alledge , tha t the y are distinguished b y th e flatnes s o f thei r noses , I can' t bu t thin k thi s circumstance against them, for if a man is to be led and governed by the nose , i t ma y well b e questioned , whethe r a nose o f a differen t figure would not be better adapted to the purpose. [Parsons] M y friend, I am no enemy to humour, but I think it rarely serves to illustrate a logical conclusion. I confess my argument, as you have represente d it , appear s ridiculou s enough ; bu t i f yo u ha d deferred your reply till I had made an application of the principle to the point in hand, perhaps it had saved you this needless expence of wit. I have not pretended, as a consequence from my principles, that every degree of superiority in point of discretion would warrant to any individual o f a communit y a righ t t o exercis e authorit y ove r hi s neighbour: I have only contended, that the notion of equality, i n the strict sense, had no foundation in nature; but as happiness is the only end of action, so superiority in wisdom, goodness, &c. is in the nature of things a proper foundation of authority . An d as nature has made differences amon g creatures in these respects; so it is fit and proper, and agreabl e t o nature' s law , tha t differen t degree s o f authorit y in point of direction of conduct should be exercised by them; and that in some cases , eve n amon g th e huma n species , thi s differenc e i s s o important, a s t o rende r th e exercis e o f authorit y justifiable , eve n without th e consen t o f th e governed: Fo r this I have produced an example from fact, in the case of parents and children. Al l this you have implicitly allowed. I now go on to say, as a consequence from the same acknowledged principle, that whenever such a connection of things takes place, that any number of men cannot, consistently with the good of th e whole, hav e a residence i n any community but in a state o f involuntar y subordination, an d tha t thei r residenc e i n such community notwithstanding such subordination, be in fact best for the whole, such subordination, though involuntary, is no violation of the law o f nature ; bu t o n th e contrar y t o al l intent s an d purpose s correspondent thereto . Thi s i s a tru e conclusio n fro m premise s incontestible, principle s universall y acknowledged , an d whic h yo u yourself hav e but no w admitted . Subordinatio n i n thi s cas e come s

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15

fully withi n th e reaso n o f th e subordinatio n o f children , rest s o n precisely the same foundation, and is therefore justifiable on precisely the same principles. Fo r whether the necessity of such subordination arises from natura l incapacity , or from an y other quarter, it matters not, if this is in fact the case; if the interest of the whole does require it; let th e causes or reasons of such requirement be what they may, such subordination is equally justifiable as in any other case whatever; not only in the case of children, but even in the case of consent; for the obligation t o submission arisin g from consent, i s founded i n the general obligatio n t o fulfi l contracts ; which obligatio n i s ultimatel y founded in the good of society. . . . [Pearson] . . . I a m read y t o allow , tha t wa s i t certain that thei r condition her e i s happier o n th e whole, tha n i n their ow n country, your premises , i n thi s independent view of th e matter , woul d wel l warrant your conclusion; but even this I apprehend is far from being true. Yo u hav e represented th e miser y an d wretchedness o f thes e people in their native land, in a light indeed disagreeable enough: Bu t I am still disposed from my apprehension of the dignity of the rational nature, at least to hope that your colouring is a little too strong; and that notwithstanding the unhappy state of degradation into which they are confessedly sunk , the y are still some degrees above brutes. I t is acknowledged that they are extremely unacquainted with the politer arts, and almost wholly ignorant of every thing belonging to science, and consequentl y stranger s t o al l th e pleasure s o f a schola r an d a philosopher; the y ar e als o confessedl y destitut e o f a n acquaintanc e with th e principle s o f urbanit y an d consequentl y want , i n a grea t measure, th e happines s resultin g fro m a well regulate d civil society; their conditio n i s allowedl y no t greatl y differen t fro m a stat e o f nature; though it is to be remembered, that if modern writers of the best reputation are to be credited, their manners, in most parts of that extensive country , ar e fa r les s savag e an d barbarous; their conveniences an d enjoyment s muc h mor e numerous , an d i n a wor d thei r manner o f lif e muc h mor e agreabl e tha n ha s bee n heretofor e represented. An d indee d i t i s no t t o b e wondered tha t thos e who have bee n dispose d t o mak e a gai n b y thi s iniquitou s practic e o f enslaving their fellow men, should be careful, for their justification, to represent the m a s nearl y upo n a leve l wit h th e brut e creatio n a s possible; no t t o mentio n th e ridiculou s attempt s tha t have , i n thi s view, bee n mad e t o prov e the m actuall y o f anothe r species . Bu t

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granting their condition to be, as in fact it is, comparatively low; that their source s o f happiness , whe n compare d wit h thos e whic h th e members of a well-ordered civil society enjoy, are few; yet it is not to be forgotten , tha t thei r appetite s an d desire s ar e i n som e goo d measure proportional. Nemo desiderat quae ignorat [N o one craves what he knows nothing about]. Th e benevolent author of our being has accommodate d ou r natural desires i n a grea t measur e t o th e natural means of gratification. An d he who attentively considers the anxious and perplexing cares; the fatiguing and often fruitless labors; the cravings of unnatural appetites; the frequently disappointed views and expectations; and, in a word, the various and almost innumerable new source s o f infelicit y naturally, an d man y o f the m inseparably connected wit h what i s commonly calle d a state o f civilization , will perhaps perceiv e tha t th e difference , i n poin t o f real happiness , between the scholar, the courtier, and the simple child of nature, is far from infinite. Bu t allowing it to be very considerable, allowin g that the privileges and advantages of a free member, of a free society, where useful science s an d the liberal art s are patronized an d flourish,and where all those principles that beautify and adorn the rational nature are cultivated, are comparatively very great: What , I beseech you has all this to d o with the presen t question? Wha t advantage is all the learning o f thi s countr y t o thos e ignoran t wretches , wh o ar e no w practicing their ludicrous gambols on yonder common, except indeed that i t generall y procure s the m on e da y in the year, a dispensation from the severity of their servitude—What is all our boasted acquaintance with science an d the politer arts to these miserable creatures, who, by their situation, have little more concern in these matters than their brethren in the middle regions of Africa; an d which knowledge, could they obtain it, must serve only to increase their misery? Wha t a blessing, for example, would a knowledge of th e principles of civil Liberty b e t o a person perpetuall y doome d t o a state o f th e mos t abject slavery?—I n thei r nativ e country , thoug h thei r conditio n b e indeed contemptibl e enough , the y hav e th e blessin g o f Liberty to sweeten ever y pleasure, an d give a relish t o every enjoyment: Bu t here, thoug h thei r conditio n wer e i n othe r respect s muc h mor e favourable tha n i t is , whil e consciou s o f perpetua l an d absolut e dependance upon the will of others, this reflection, so opposite to the strong sense of Liberty implanted in the heart of every son of Adam, must necessarily mar the happiness of every gratification, effectuall y chill the sense of pleasure , an d stop every natural source of felicity .

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A keen excruciating sense of libert y forever los t mus t still predominate, till , th e spiri t broken by the fatigu e o f incessan t distress , they sink into a state o f lifeles s insensibility . An d the n forsoot h w e ar e presently dispose d to tax them with natural stupidity; and make the very thing that our unnatural treatment has occasioned the ground of our justification.—It i s well known, that stupidity is by no means the natural characteristi c o f thes e people ; an d whe n w e conside r th e nature o f thei r conditio n i n thi s country , ho w miserabl y dejected , depressed an d despised, instead of markin g their want of apprehen sion, we ought rather to admire that there are any the least appearances of sensibility remaining in them. . . . But we must not stop here: Upo n your own principles, we must consider this practice in all its connexions; we must not only regard the evils of slavery in this country, but must take in also the miseries and calamities that are by this means brought upon any of the human race. Before this practice can be justified, it must appear to be productive of general happiness; it must correspond with the general good of the whole. No w if we consider the practice of slavery in this country, in it's tendency t o countenance an d encourage th e sam e thing, a s it is practiced i n th e souther n colonies , an d West-Indies , i t wil l appea r much more glaringly iniquitous and unjust. Severa l hundred thousands of thos e unhapp y creatures , are , b y the bes t information , annuall y exported from the various parts of Africa t o America, a great proportion o f whom , thro ' th e shocking , th e unparallele d suffering s o f transportation, miserably perish on the voyage, and as to thos e who unhappily survive, to enter upon that state of perpetual servitude, to which they ar e destined, i t is well known , that they are treated with less humanity , mor e merciles s severity , an d savag e barbarity , tha n reason would warrant us to exercise towards the meanest of the brute creation. I t would wring drops of blood from an heart of adamant to relate the cruel sufferings of these unhappy people, in those countries, who, at the same time, have less advantages for christian knowledge, than th e native s o f California , o r th e inhabitant s o f th e antarcti c circle. But I forbear—The person that can imagine the practice of slavery in thi s country , considere d i n al l it s consequences , connexion s an d tendencies, productiv e o f th e happines s o f mankind , must , I think , allow, tha t th e direc t wa y t o encreas e thei r happines s i s b y ever y possible means to encrease their misery. (1773)

Major Martin Delany in 1865

MARTIN R . DELAN Y AN D TH E HARVARD MEDICA L SCHOOL

Medical Intelligenc e

Trouble among the Medical Students of Harvard University—The fol lowing facts have been collected respecting some unhappy proceeding s last wee k a t th e Massachusett s Medica l Colleg e i n thi s city . Amon g the student s attendin g th e medica l lectures , ar e three colored young men. On e o f the m i s fro m Pittsburgh , Pa. ; on e belong s i n thi s city , and w e believ e i s a native , a so n o f th e lat e Rev . Mr . Snowden , a colored preache r o f muc h eminenc e fo r man y years; the local e o f th e other i s unknow n t o us . The y ar e all , a s w e hav e understoo d [no t Delany, however] , unde r th e immediat e auspice s o f th e America n Colonization Society , and by them are to be educated a s physicians fo r the colon y a t Liberia . I t wa s understoo d b y th e student s las t wee k that a lady was als o t o b e adde d t o th e class . Thes e departure s fro m established rul e gav e offenc e t o a portio n o f th e members . O n Tuesday morning the class held a meeting, and appointed a committee to draf t a se t o f resolutions . Th e meetin g wa s adjourne d t o th e afternoon, whe n th e student s agai n assembled . Th e resolutions , respectfully remonstratin g agains t th e admissio n o f colored me n an d white women , wer e the n take n u p seriatim, an d passe d b y a majorit y of the students present. W e should her e state, that th e class attendin g the meetin g i n th e mornin g showe d a majorit y fo r sustainin g th e faculty i n the course of admittin g whom the y pleased t o their lectures ; but no t supposin g an y such resolution s woul d b e presented , man y o f them di d no t atten d th e afternoo n meeting . Thos e presen t wh o disapproved o f the resolutions, immediately appointe d a committee t o

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present a minority report, sustaining th e faculty, t o be presented t o the clas s a t a futur e meeting . W e regre t exceedingl y thi s littl e disturbance, an d th e cours e adopte d b y th e class . W e canno t but think that if they had any real grievances, it would have been better to hav e approached th e facult y i n some other way. I t may be considered a n innovatio n t o admi t colore d me n int o ou r colleges ; but when it is remembered for what purpose these were admitted, there really cannot be so much objection after all. Bu t as to the propriety of admittin g females to medical colleges in common with males, it is a matter i n which ther e i s a great diversit y of opinion . W e should most decidedl y object t o th e adoption o f th e practice , preferrin g t o have all females who wish to become disciples of the healing art, or otherwise assume the masculine professions, atten d separate institutions for their education. Since writing the above, we learn that the faculty have announced to th e class , tha t th e lad y in question, o n hearin g tha t ther e was a feeling agains t her being admitted to the college, has withdrawn her application. Respectin g the colored men, they declined to reject them from th e college , unde r th e circumstances—a s the y have purchase d tickets and thereby acquired a right of attendance during the present year. Boston Medical and Surgical Journal (1850)

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Martin R Delany

Petition To the Medical Faculty of Harvard University; Gentlemen, The undersigned, members of the medical class, would respectfully submit t o th e Medica l Facult y thei r desir e t o be informe d whethe r colored person s are to be admitte d as students a t another course of lectures. Thi s request is offered no t with the view of influencing any action o f th e Faculty , bu t simpl y tha t th e undersigne d ma y hav e opportunity to make such arrangements for the future as shall be most agreeable to their feelings in the event of negroes being allowed again to become members of the school. C. A. Robertson W. N. Lane Joa. B. Cordeiro Rufus A. Stockton Jno. S. Whiting W. A. C. Randall Wm. Dickinson Geo. A. Blake

(Signed)

E. P. Abbe A. J. Webb D. M. Tucker C. Kidder H. M. Northrup Israel N. Smith James Hartley

[The signatories were: Charles Archibald Robertson, A.B. 1850, M.D. (Jefferson Medica l College) 1853 ; William Nourse Lane, M.D. 1853; Joaquim Barbosa Cordeiro, M.D. 1854; Rufus A. Stockton, no degree; John Samuel Whiting, A.B. 1850, M.D. 1853; William Allen Chipman Randall, M.D. 1852; William Dickinson, A.B. (Dartmouth) 1843, M.D. 1851; George Albert Blake, A.B. (Williams) 1849, M.D. 1853; Edward Payson Abbe, A.B. (Yale) 1848 , M.D. 1852 ; A. J. Webb, no degree; Dexter Mills Tucker, M.D. 1852 ; Charles Kidder, M.D. 1852 ; H. M. Northrup, n o degree ; Israe l N . Smith , n o degree ; Jame s Wardle e Hartley, M.D. 1852. ] Countway Library, Dean's File, Harvard Medical Archives, NovemberDecember 185 0

Martin R Delany

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Pride, Prejudice, an d Politics

PHILIP CAS H

In socia l term s th e academi c yea r 1850-185 1 was on e o f th e mos t controversial i n th e Harvar d Medica l School' s tw o centurie s o f existence. I n that year one woman and three blacks, including Martin Robison Delany, "The Father of Black Nationalism" and great rival of Frederick Douglass for the leadership of the black community during the critica l er a o f abolition , civi l strife , an d partia l emancipatio n (1840-1880), applie d fo r admissio n t o th e school . Th e woma n was persuaded t o withdraw her application while the blacks were allowed to atten d fo r on e semeste r an d the n dismissed . Whil e fro m th e perspective of another century and another era it is easy to condemn these action s i n a self-righteous manner , i t i s difficult, bu t fa r mor e important, to understand the m i n their historica l context. In order to attain this historical perspective one has to have some understanding o f th e Bosto n o f 1850 . A t tha t tim e th e "hu b of th e universe" an d "Athen s o f America " wa s growing , prosperous , an d progressive. However , with thi s progress an d prosperit y came social conflict, economic dislocation, and deep anxiety. Widespread opportunity coupled wit h a laissez-faire socia l and economi c system not only meant growt h and mobility , but als o waste, exploitation, an d corruption. Furthermore , to sustain this growth, Boston, long noted fo r it s stability an d homogeneity , wa s force d t o adjus t t o tw o ne w an d unsettling forces : manufacturin g an d th e Irish . Thi s combinatio n changed Boston from a n urban community unusual in America for its social an d cultura l consensu s t o on e tha t wa s uniquel y polarize d between WASP and Hibernian. Also , at this time antebellum refor m was boilin g u p i n Ne w England , fuele d b y th e ideologica l fire s o f

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23

Transcendentalism, Unitarianism, Universalism, an d Swedenborgianism. Thes e variegate d an d generall y desirable , yet bitterl y divisive, reforms, were then further complicated by abolitionism, temperance, and black an d women's rights . O f these , abolitionis m was the most explosive, and Boston was on the verge of civil conflict over attempts to enforce the newly enacted Fugitive Slave Act. As a majo r Bosto n institution , Harvar d Medica l Schoo l coul d hardly escape the force of this turmoil. Wha t is more, the school was still traumatize d by a recent scandal of its own. Thi s was the highly controversial conviction of John White Webster, professor of chemistry at the medical school, fo r the murder of Dr. George Parkman, a prominent, if not universally beloved, Brahmin, who had been a major benefactor o f Harvard. Mos t seriously affected wa s Oliver Wendell Holmes, dea n o f th e medica l facult y an d Parkma n Professo r o f Anatomy, who had played an important role at the trial. Webste r had been sentenced on April 1 and [hanged] August 30, 1850. Clearly, Harvard Medical School in the fall of 185 0 was not in a mood fo r an y furthe r excitemen t o r conflict . However , befor e examining the challenge offere d b y the applicatio n of a woman and three blacks, it might be wise to revie w the admissio n requirement s and the composition of the medical faculty at this time. Th e criteria for acceptance were basically the same as when the school had opened in 1782 ; three years ' training wit h a regular physician , evidenc e o f good mora l character , an d a colleg e degre e (whic h onl y a smal l minority held) or a demonstration of a knowledge of Latin, mathematics, an d basi c scienc e deeme d satisfactor y b y th e medica l faculty . Unstated, o f course , bu t traditionall y assumed , wa s tha t acceptabl e candidates woul d als o b e white an d male . No w thes e assumption s were being tested at Harvard as at a number of other medical schools. The medical faculty in 1850 consisted of: Oliver Wendell Holmes, professor o f anatom y an d dea n o f th e medica l faculty ; Walte r Channing, professo r o f midwifer y an d medica l jurisprudence; Jacob Bigelow, professo r o f materi a medic a an d lecturer on clinica l medi cine; hi s son , Henr y J . Bigelow , professo r o f surger y an d clinica l surgery; John B. S. Jackson, professor of pathological anatomy ; John Ware, professo r o f th e theor y an d practic e o f physic , an d E . N . Horsford, newly appointed professor of chemistry—in place of Webster —and late r dea n o f th e Lawrenc e Scientifi c School . Thi s wa s a medical faculty the equal of any in America at the time. Thes e men were true Brahmins, steeped i n tradition and used to success, status,

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Martin R. Delany

and prestige. Yet , despit e thei r considerabl e accomplishment s an d strong personalities, there is little doubt that the affable, adroit , and multi-talented Holmes, then at the height of his influence in Boston, was the dominant force in the school. During th e winte r semeste r o f 1850-185 1 a numbe r o f event s rocked th e medica l school . O n Octobe r 22 , a Mr. Charles Brooks sent a letter to th e Harvard Medical facult y askin g that one Daniel Laing, Jr., "a young man of colour," be admitte d gratuitously t o the winter cours e o f lecture s t o prepar e himsel f fo r th e practic e o f medicine i n th e newl y independen t Africa n stat e o f Liberia . O n November 1 , th e Massachusett s Colonizatio n Societ y petitione d t o have both Lain g and Isaac H. Snowden, anothe r black, admitte d to the winte r semeste r wit h th e acknowledgmen t tha t the y woul d subsequently emigrate to Liberia. Under the Society's direction, Laing and Snowden had been studying with Dr. Horace Clarke , a surgeon on the staff of the Massachusetts General Hospital. O n November 4, with Horsfor d absent , th e facult y vote d fou r (Channing , Holmes , Jackson, and Ware) to two (the Bigelows) to accept Laing gratuitously and four to one, with only Bigelow, Jr., dissenting, to accept Snowden, whose fees would be assumed by the Colonization Society. Laing an d Snowde n wer e nativ e Bostonian s an d attractiv e an d able young men. Bot h had been independent printers who despaired of getting ahead in a land of white opportunity. Whe n they went to the Colonization Society to seek aid in getting to Liberia, the Society suggested tha t tha t countr y ha d to o man y printers an d not enoug h doctors; it urged them to study medicine under the Society's auspices. Both men readily agreed to do so. Several weeks after the acceptance of Laing and Snowden another black appeare d i n Dea n Holmes' s offic e t o see k admissio n t o th e winter semester , the n alread y underway . Thi s wa s th e formidabl e Martin Robison Delany , thirty-eigh t years old, jet black, o f a squat, muscular build, and already well-known in abolitionist circles throughout the North . Delany' s applicatio n was more of a challenge tha n those o f Lain g an d Snowden . Hi s intentio n wa s bot h t o ear n a medical degre e an d to practic e i n his native country . However , h e possessed impressive credentials. Ther e were strong letters of recommendation from his preceptors, Drs. Joseph Gazzam and F. Julius Le Moyne, eminent Pittsburgh physicians who also were abolitionists. I n addition, ther e wa s a lette r o f endorsemen t signe d b y te n othe r members of th e Pittsburgh medical fraternit y an d another signed by

Martin R Delany

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seven practitioner s fro m neighborin g Alleghen y City . Lastly , thre e black minister s fro m Pittsburg h ha d writte n testimonial s regardin g Delany's soli d mora l character . Holme s wa s undoubtedl y swaye d b y this suppor t a s well a s by th e forc e o f Delany' s personality . H e ma y already hav e hear d o f Delany , an d apparentl y di d no t anticipat e an y serious difficulty . Holme s admitte d hi m th e sam e day . Before movin g o n t o a n accoun t an d analysi s o f th e studen t reaction t o th e admissio n o f thes e thre e blacks , an d th e consequen t faculty response , a close r loo k a t th e caree r o f Delan y u p unti l thi s time is in order. H e was born i n Charles Town (Charleston) , Virgini a (now Wes t Virginia ) i n 181 2 of a fre e mothe r an d a slave fathe r wh o obtained hi s freedo m whe n Marti n wa s ten . Th e famil y fle d t o Chambersburg, Pennsylvania in 1822 and Martin went on to Pittsburgh in 1831 , at th e ag e o f nineteen . Ove r th e nex t tw o decade s Delan y left a stron g an d favorabl e mar k o n thi s brawling , bustlin g rive r city . He wa s a leade r i n variou s blac k self-improvemen t societies , blac k politics, th e Undergroun d Railroad , an d th e abolitionis t movement . His greatest influenc e an d fame, however, came to him as the founde r and edito r o f th e excellen t an d pioneerin g blac k newspaper , The Mystery, stil l i n prin t toda y a s th e Christian Recorder. Delan y als o found tim e t o marr y Kat e A . Richards , th e mulatt o daughte r o f a wealthy blac k Pittsburg h landowne r an d merchan t wh o wa s swindle d out o f hi s estate becaus e whit e lawyer s refuse d t o tak e th e cas e o f a rich black agains t fellow whites. Marti n an d Kate were to have eleven children, seve n o f who m live d t o adulthood . In 1848 , Delan y lef t Pittsburg h t o g o t o Rochester , Ne w Yor k where h e joine d wit h Frederic k A . Douglas s an d Willia m Nel l o f Boston in founding th e North Star, th e leading black newspaper o f th e antebellum period . Afte r eightee n month s Delany left thi s newspape r in th e capabl e hand s o f Douglas s an d returne d t o Pittsburgh . Throughout thes e intensely activ e years Delany also had a continuing interes t i n medicine . Earl y i n hi s Pittsburg h day s h e ha d begu n studying th e medica l art s with Dr . Andrew N . McDowell, but di d no t have th e resource s t o complet e hi s apprenticeship . H e the n earne d a par t o f hi s livelihoo d a s a cupper an d bleede r fo r man y of th e doc tors o f th e region . However , i n 1849 , buoyed b y th e fac t tha t a fe w blacks wer e no w bein g accepte d b y America n medica l school s (although mos t o f the m wer e suppose d t o b e emigratin g t o Liberia) , he renewe d hi s apprenticeship , thi s tim e wit h Drs . Gazza m an d L e Moyne.

26

Martin R. Delany

After finishing hi s apprenticeshi p Delan y bega n t o appl y t o medical colleges. Sinc e most of the doctors in and around Pittsburg h who ha d attende d regula r medica l schools were fro m Jefferso n an d the Universit y o f Pennsylvania , h e applie d t o thes e Philadelphi a institutions, but was refused entrance . Th e School of Medicine at the University o f Pennsylvani a ha d a predominantl y souther n studen t population durin g this era. O f th e 14 4 men who graduated ther e in 1838, a typica l year , ove r hal f wer e fro m Dixi e (se e Richar d H . Shryock, Medicine in America: Historical Essays [Baltimore, 1966], 56, fn. 19). Undaunted , Delany then applied to Geneva, where a woman, Elizabeth Blackwell , ha d just complete d he r studies , an d t o Alban y Medical College . Bu t agai n h e wa s rejected . Followin g this , a Pittsburgh merchan t b y th e nam e o f Joh n Coo k suggeste d th e Berkshire Medica l Colleg e i n Pittsfield, Massachusetts . Coo k kne w Dr. Henr y Childs , th e dean , an d offere d t o writ e hi m a lette r o f introduction an d recommendation . Thi s tim e Delan y applie d i n person. Berkshir e ha d alread y accepted thre e blacks, but the y were all destine d fo r Liberia . Whe n Delan y tol d Dea n Child s o f hi s intention to practice in America he once more was denied admission . However, Child s did send hi m on t o see hi s friend, Dea n Holme s of the Harvard Medical School. Wit h Holmes's approval, Delany's long quest seemed abou t t o be fulfilled . However, this dream, like so many others in his life, soon was to be shattered . O n Tuesda y morning , Decembe r 10 , the student s o f Harvard Medical School, already in a state of agitation, assembled t o consider the question of the three blacks in their midst and the rumor that a woma n wa s soo n t o joi n them . A t thi s mornin g sessio n a committee wa s appointe d t o draf t resolutions . Thi s committee was headed by J. Randolph Lincoln as chairman and Edward Payson Abbe (A.B., Yale) as secretary. Bot h men were Bostonians. Th e meeting was the n adjourne d unti l th e afternoo n whe n a smalle r numbe r o f students—about sixty out of a class of 11 6 (counting the three blacks) —reassembled. A t thi s afternoo n meetin g tw o serie s o f resolution s were passe d an d forwarde d t o th e medica l faculty . Th e firs t serie s expressed oppositio n t o th e admissio n o f a woman an d were passe d with little or no dissent. Th e second series protested the admission of the thre e blacks . Thes e wer e muc h mor e controversia l an d wer e passed ove r stron g objection . Th e argument s i n thes e resolution s have a familiar ring : th e students had not been informed tha t such a decision ha d bee n made , the presenc e o f black s would cheape n th e

Martin R Delany

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Harvard medica l degree , th e qualit y of educatio n woul d suffer , th e presence of an inferior race was socially offensive. The students who opposed the second series of resolutions were led b y Willia m Fifiel d o f Weymouth , Richar d Gundr y o f Simcoe , Canada Wes t (Ontario) , an d Adam s Wile y (A.B. , Harvard ) o f Roxbury. The y held another meeting the following day and drew up two petitions to present to the medical faculty. Th e twenty-six signers of the first petition, acting, they averred, as "students of science" an d "candidates for the profession of medicine," solidly endorsed the decision to admit blacks. Twenty-on e of these men were from Massachusetts (eleve n from Boston, two from Roxbury, two from Weymouth, and one eac h from Cambridge, Charlton, Essex, Lowell, Salem , and Springfield). Tw o others were from Connecticut and Vermont. Th e remaining three were from outside Ne w England (tw o from Canada West an d on e fro m Farmington , Iowa) . Si x ha d graduate d fro m Harvard Colleg e an d on e eac h fro m Brow n an d Dartmouth . Th e students from Iowa and Vermont already held M.D. degrees, probably from rura l medical schools . Fou r of thes e signers (Fifield , Gundry , Lothrop, and Waldock) were to win Foster prizes at graduation. The second petition took a more neutral stance. I t opposed the second serie s o f resolution s (whic h decrie d th e admissio n o f th e blacks), but did not support the blacks. Twenty-tw o students signed this. Te n were from Massachusetts (fiv e fro m Boston and one each from Dorchester, Framingham, Needham, Tisbury, and Salem). Eigh t were from Maine. Th e others were from Canada West, Mississippi, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island. In addition to these petitions there were two others—opposed to the retention of th e blacks—presented t o the medical faculty . One , submitted in late December or early January, contained the signatures of fourtee n o r fifteen student s wh o threatene d t o leav e Harvar d should th e black s remai n beyon d on e term . [Se e Petitio n above. ] One signatory , Mr . AJ . Webb , i s no t t o b e foun d i n eithe r th e Matriculating Book o r th e Catalogue of Students Attending Medical Lectures, 1850-1851. Of the rest, six were from Massachusetts (three from Bosto n an d on e eac h fro m Beverly , Charlestown , an d Fal l River), tw o wer e fro m Ne w Hampshire , tw o fro m Canad a (Ne w Brunswick an d Nov a Scotia) , tw o fro m th e Sout h (Kentuck y an d Mississippi), and one each from Brazil and Connecticut. Tw o of these students were from Harvard and one each from Dartmouth, Williams, and Yale . Th e Mississipp i student , Mr . Willia m Dickinso n (A.B. ,

28

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Dartmouth), had also signed the petition that opposed the second set of resolutions but did not support th e blacks. The other petition opposin g the blacks is at best insignificant. I t contains only eight signatures and five of those names are in neither the Matriculating Book no r th e Catalogue, while two others were on the other petition in opposition to the retention of the blacks beyond one semester. Th e remaining signatory was John Randolph Lincoln , who had been chairman of the committee tha t drafted th e two series of resolutions. These petitions seem to indicate three things. First , there clearly was a stron g bod y o f activ e suppor t withi n th e medica l clas s fo r Delany, Laing, and Snowden . Thi s was especially noticeable amon g those who came fro m easter n Massachusetts , an d i t was fro m ther e that Harvard Medica l School drew the bulk of its students until well into the twentieth century. Secondly , another large scholastic group, probably a clea r majority , wer e almos t certai n t o g o alon g wit h whatever decision the faculty made regarding the blacks. Lastly , while those student s strongl y i n oppositio n t o th e retentio n o f th e black s undoubtedly were very vocal and active, they were a distinct minority and geographically scattered . On Thursday , Decembe r 12 , th e entir e medica l facult y me t t o consider th e studen t resolution s an d petitions . A t thi s tim e n o decisions were made, but Holmes and Jacob Bigelow were appointed to take up the question of the continued presenc e of Delany, Laing, and Snowden. Th e following evening, the faculty, with the exception of Channing , reconvene d a t Holmes' s residenc e o n Montgomer y Place. A t thi s meeting they quickly disposed o f the student concer n over the possibility of a woman being accepted into their class, noting that th e femal e applican t had , upo n th e advic e o f th e faculty , withdrawn her request for admission; therefore, no further actio n was necessary. A resolution , drafte d b y Holme s an d addressin g th e question o f th e black students, was then presente d t o th e facult y by Jacob Bigelow . I t state d tha t sinc e thes e student s wer e alread y i n possession o f thei r ticket s of admissio n t o th e various courses , they were entitled to complete the semester. Thi s resolution was approved, although th e votes were not recorded i n the "Minutes." Possibl y the vote was unanimous, but Henr y J. Bigelow may well hav e dissented. Holmes passed thes e decisions on to the student body. . . . At a meetin g o f th e medica l facult y o n Decembe r 26 , i t wa s deemed "inexpedient , afte r th e presen t course , t o admi t colore d

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students t o attendanc e o n th e medica l lectures. " Supportin g thi s decision wer e th e Bigelows , Holmes , an d Jackson. Oppose d wer e Channing and Ware. Horsfor d was excused from voting. Channin g tried to have the question of admitting blacks to the medical lectures referred t o th e presiden t an d fellow s o f th e universit y fo r a fina l decision, but this too was voted down. Holme s was directed to write a lette r t o th e Colonizatio n Societ y informin g the m tha t "thi s experiment" had satisfied the faculty "that the intermixing of the white and black races in their lecture rooms, is distasteful to a large portion of th e clas s an d injurious t o th e interest s o f th e school. " Curiously, there wa s n o grea t outcr y eithe r amon g Boston' s black s o r th e abolitionists o r othe r reformer s ove r thi s regrettabl e decision . Apparently, there were at this time just too many battles being fought both internally and externally by these groups. I t was not until Edwin Clarence Joseph Turpin Howard graduated in 1869 that the Harvard Medical School produced its first black doctor. After thei r dismissa l fro m Harvar d Medica l School , Lain g an d Snowden continue d thei r struggle t o complet e thei r medical educations. Lain g first went t o Paris where h e studied unde r th e master surgeon [Alfred] Velpeau and then returned to receive his M.D. from Dartmouth i n 1854 . Snowde n renewed hi s studies with Dr. Clarke. In November 1853, he reapplied for admission to the Harvard Medical School, indicatin g tha t h e stil l intende d t o g o t o Liberia . Hi s application wa s supporte d b y a petitio n signe d b y seventy-fiv e members of a medical class of 118 , including Samuel Abbott Green, later president of the Massachusetts Historical Society and author of a classic history of Massachusetts medicine; Edward L. Holmes, later president (1890-1898) of Rush Medical College; Israel Tisdale Talbot, the firs t dea n (1873-1899 ) o f th e Bosto n Universit y Schoo l o f Medicine, an d Conrad Wesselhoeft, late r a distinguished pathologis t at Bosto n Universit y Schoo l o f Medicine . Thi s petition supportin g Snowden shows that, not only in 1850-1851 was there a strong nucleus of support for the blacks among the students then in attendance, but also amon g those who were soon t o matriculate . Nevertheless , th e medical faculty voted down Snowden's reapplication, even though only eight students were in opposition. It is possible that both Laing and Snowden emigrated to Liberia in 1854 . However , if this is true, at least Laing apparently returned to the United States, and died in Charleston in 1869. From th e tim e h e lef t Harvar d Medica l Schoo l i n Marc h 185 1

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until just befor e th e Civi l War , Delan y practice d medicin e bot h i n Pittsburgh, where he received a citation from th e board of health and the city council for his work during the cholera epidemic of 1854 , and in Chatham , Canad a Wes t (th e fugitiv e slav e capita l o f Canada) , where he moved in 1856. However , he also worked ceaselessly for the destruction o f slavery , th e right s o f fre e blacks , and voluntary black emigration (h e even mad e an exploratory tri p to the Niger Valley in 1859-1860). H e also found th e time to write one of the earliest black novels, calle d Blake; or, The Huts of America, whic h depicte d a fictional general slav e revol t i n the south . [Reprinte d belo w i s one chapter fro m th e novel , whic h wa s serialize d i n th e Anglo-African Magazine in 1859, and in the Weekly Anglo-African in 1861 and 1862.] During much of the Civil War, Delany served as a highly successful recruiter of blacks for the Union Army. Indeed , it is worth noting here tha t nearl y ten percen t o f th e Northern troop s were black (se e James McPherson, The Negro's Civil War [New York, 1965], 237). O n February 18 , 1865, he was commissioned a s a majo r i n th e infantry , the firs t blac k field office r i n the histor y of th e Unite d State s Army. He remaine d i n the arm y unti l 1868 , serving chiefl y wit h th e freed men's bureau in Hilton Head, South Carolina. Followin g his discharge he remaine d highl y activ e in the politic s of th e Palmett o Stat e unti l the collapse of Reconstruction. H e then rejoined hi s family in Xenia, Ohio, near th e campus of Wilberforce College , where, in an increasingly hostil e society , h e continue d th e struggl e fo r blac k right s an d black pride until his death i n 1885. From the vantage point of 198 0 it can be maintained with considerable conviction tha t th e Harvar d Medica l Faculty , and particularl y Dean Holmes , i n 1850-185 1 made a wrong tur n whic h di d muc h t o deprive the Harvard Medica l School of the kind of leadership in the social dimension of the medical profession tha t i t has enjoyed i n the clinical and scientific areas . Delany , Laing, and Snowden could have been allowed to complete their medical education. Holme s was influential and adroit enough to have carried the medical faculty with him had he decided in favor of the blacks. Ther e also was enough support among th e student s t o hav e kep t th e unres t an d economi c damag e within reasonabl e bounds . Th e student petitio n o f 185 3 shows tha t there als o was strong support, amon g those who would enroll in the school i n th e nea r future , fo r a t leas t som e black presence . What' s more, Bosto n i n th e 1850 s was movin g towar d greate r suppor t fo r black rights, as demonstrated b y the admissio n of John V. de Grass a

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(Bowdoin M.D., 1848) to the Boston Medical Society in 1854, and the desegregation of the public schools in 1857. Also , if Harvard Medical had retained the black students i n 1850-1851 , it probably would not have taken another century for women to be admitted. However, from the perspective of 1850, things take on a different aspect. Th e medica l faculty , an d especiall y Holmes , wer e deepl y affected b y the Parkman murder case an d the fac t tha t the Fugitive Slave Ac t wa s tearin g apar t thei r belove d Brahmi n class . And the y were forced, all within a few months, to adjust to the idea of accepting a woman, two young blacks destined for Liberia, and a controversial mature black of strong personality who intended to take a degree and practice i n America . Littl e wonde r tha t a moderat e amoun t o f student disconten t shoul d hav e unnerve d them , especiall y sinc e th e Bigelows alread y were aggressiv e social conservatives . Lastly , while Holmes wa s a ma n of amiabl e goo d will , h e als o was a dean, an d deans ar e seldo m give n t o prophesyin g o r crusading . Thus , i f th e Harvard medica l facult y mad e a mistak e a t thi s time , i t wa s a very human and a very understandable one. Harvard Medical Alumni Bulletin (1980)

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The Slav e Factor y MARTIN R . DELAN Y

"Hark!" exclaime d Angelina , unaccustomed , fro m he r continue d absence a t school , t o suc h a sound— "Wha t i s that I hear? " "It comes, m y child, fro m th e barracoons, " explained th e mother , with a dee p sigh . "Do yo u tel l me , mother , tha t waiting s com e already , sinc e th e tapping o f tha t bell ? Wha t doe s i t mean? " "Preparing th e slaves , my child, fo r packing , I suppose. " "How preparin g them , mother ? Wha t d o the y d o t o them? " anxiously inquire d th e girl . "They whip an d bur n them , m y child, t o mak e the m obey. " "And wha t d o you mea n b y 'packing'? " "Putting the m dow n i n th e botto m o f th e ship , m y child , s o the y can't mov e about. " "How can the y liv e thi s way? O h mother , the y can' t live! " "They can' t liv e long , m y child; bu t man y o f the m die , when tha t makes room , an d som e o f the m live. " "O horrible! cruel, cruel!" exclaimed the more than astonished girl. "Pardon me, mother—I cannot help it—and is this my father's business?" "It is , my daughter," replie d th e mother , th e brightnes s o f whos e eyes were glarin g with th e evidenc e o f sympath y fo r th e suffering s o f her people . "Then forgiv e me , mother , I receiv e nothin g fro m thi s da y fort h from m y father's hand. 1 He' s cruel , and— "

lr

The young mulatto daughter of a slave trader on the coast peremptorily refused t o leav e he r peopl e an d g o wit h hi m t o Portuga l t o finish a n education.

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"Stop, my child!" interrupted the mother. "Curse 2 not him from whose lines you came." "Forgive me, mother, Heaven forbid! Bu t I cannot consent to go to Madrid to obtain accomplishments at the price of blood. Th e Lady Superior when at Lisbon, taught me to love my neighbor as myself— that all mankind was my neighbor. I thought I was educated to come home and teach my race." "My child, you must—" "Hark! Mother , don' t yo u hear? " agai n exclaime d th e youn g affrighted girl , whe n anothe r wailin g came , mor e terribl e tha n th e other. "Have patience, my child." "I can't mother— I can't ! Ho w ca n I hav e patienc e wit h suc h dreadful thing s as these?" "God will give you patience, my child. Depen d on Him." "I will depend o n Him , an d go directly t o th e spo t an d beseech Him i n merc y fo r th e poo r sufferin g ones . Com e an d tak e m e t o them," she concluded , callin g fo r nativ e servant s t o carr y he r afte r them, as the party had now left th e receptacles for the trading posts at the landing on the lagoon, nearly a mile distant. Soon she arrived near the dreadful scene Where fiends incarnate—vile confederate band Torture with thumbscrew, lash, and fire-brand. This most remarkable spot which for years had sent forth through the world it s thousand s o f victims— a plac e repulsivel y note d i n the history of wrong—was a dismal nook in the northeastern extremity of the lagoon, extending quite into the bush, forming a cove of complete security an d quiet. I n this position la y the "Vulture" ; and near th e barracoons, under cover of seemingly impenetrable undergrowth, sat the beautiful Angelina, the good-hearted natives who bore her there lying at her feet to protect her, as is their custom to strangers in the forest. I n this position, quietly inspecting the whole proceedings, her soul became horror-stricken. 2

The native African is very correct in speech, pronouncing very distinctly any word they learn in other languages. Curse—t o speak ill of, by the native African.

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"Hark!" again exclaimed Angelina i n a suppressed frightene d tone , unconscious, seemingly , o f th e half-dresse d native s lyin g a t he r feet . "Don't yo u hear ? Wha t i n God' s nam e doe s i t mean? " Scarcely ha d th e awe-stricke n gir l give n utterance , til l a heart rending wai l sent a thril l throug h her . "O! O! O! " was th e cr y from a hundred voices , as the las t tortur e was inflicte d upo n them. 3 Again came a hissing sound, accompanied b y the smell of scorched flesh, wit h wailin g i n thei r nativ e tongue s fo r merc y t o God . "Holy Madonna ! Mothe r o f God ! I s thi s th e sacrifice , o r wha t i s it?" "Yes," replie d a hidden , unknow n voice , i n chast e an d elegan t Portuguese—"a sacrific e o f burn t offerin g t o th e go d o f Portuga l an d Spain." "Good sir, pray tell me"—looking around she said—"what is this, and where a m I? " "Be patient, dear child—be patient, and you shall hear—as from th e graves o f ou r forefathers—o f untol d suffering fro m thi s spot — "A place where demon s darin g l a n d Fiends i n brigh t noo n day—an d si t A hellis h conclav e ban d t o barte r The son s an d daughter s o f ou r lan d away. " "May God protec t me! " she screamed, an d sunk i n a swoon, when in a n instan t th e servant s bor e he r i n th e hammoc k away . In partie s o f te n o r mor e th e brandin g iro n wa s applie d i n suc h quick succession , tha t a soun d an d smel l lik e tha t o f broilin g an d scorched fles h wa s produced . A t thi s las t sa d ac t o f cruelty , an d th e voice i n explanatio n o f it , th e tende r an d affrighte d girl , yieldin g t o frail nature , ha d sickene d an d falle n a t th e roo t o f a tre e wher e sh e sat, when th e first impression s of consciousness found he r again at th e side o f a devote d mothe r unde r th e roo f o f th e dwelling , fondl y ministering t o he r relief .

3

One metho d o f tortur e inflicte d b y th e foreig n trader s t o preven t meeting, i s a n oblon g squar e piec e o f iro n i n a bo x form, mad e s o a s t o admit the ends of the middle and ring fingers, when it is driven down as far as it will go, tearing the flesh fro m th e bone as it forces it s way.

Martin R Delany 3

5

"O, mother—O, mother! Wha t an experience have I had this day! O wha t m y ears hav e heard! " were th e firs t word s o f Angelin a o n recovering. "Tell me, my child," with native simplicity but earnestness inquired the mother, "what is it?" "As well may you, mother," replied the excited, intelligent girl, "go "Ask the whirlwinds why they rove; The storms their raging showers: Ask the lightning why they move, The thunders whence their powers!" "My child, your head is bad; it is hot; it is not sound. Yo u must keep quiet , m y child, " anxiousl y admonishe d th e mother , applyin g leaves taken from cold water continually to her brow. "A cup of water, mother; I am sick. Oh , I hear it again! The y are burning the m alive! " continue d sh e t o tal k a t random , til l slee p quieted her voice, whilst the mother stood over her with a calabash of leaves and water anxiously watching every breath she drew. From Blake; or, The Huts of America (1859), chapter 4 9

Richard Greener in 1870

Richard Greener in 1895

RICHARD T . GREENER : THE FIRST BLACK HARVARD COLLEG E GRADUAT E For Goo d Governmen t & Urba n Politic s

Richard Theodore Greener 70 was the first Negro to graduate from Harvard College. . . . A Harvar d educatio n wa s b y n o mean s Greener' s youthfu l ambition; in fact, though hi s grandfather ha d taught i n a school for colore d children i n Baltimore , ther e wa s n o colleg e traditio n i n hi s family . Hi s father, when Greener was born on January 30,1844, in Philadelphia, was a steward o n a Liverpool packet . A few years later th e fathe r shippe d o n a California packet , and in 185 3 the California gol d fever hit him. Successfu l in his mining for a while, he was taken il l and suffere d losses , and shortl y disappeared; hi s famil y neve r hear d fro m hi m again , an d i n du e tim e presumed hi m dead. The year th e fathe r Ven t t o diggin g fo r gold " th e mothe r move d th e family to Boston. Findin g no good schools for colored children i n that city she shortly moved hers across the Charles to Cambridge, so that they might attend a n "unproscriptiv e school," and Richar d secure d hi s early educatio n at th e Broadwa y Gramma r Schoo l unde r th e directio n o f Maste r Robert s and Mis s Lucretia Clapp . When about fourteen years old, however, he left school to help support his mother , an d worke d tw o year s i n a sho e store , a yea r wit h a woo d engraver, a yea r o r mor e a s a porte r a t th e Pavilio n Hote l o n Tremon t Street, Boston , briefl y i n th e frui t busines s an d th e newspape r trade , an d then fo r tw o year s a s a porte r fo r Messrs . Palme r an d Batchelde r o n Washington Street , Boston . During these years he became convinced that his was a high destiny, that he would make something of his life. Whil e employed by D.J. Smith & Co., wood engravers , h e plunge d int o th e intricacie s o f th e craft , an d indee d showed considerabl e aptitude ; bu t on e day , eithe r i n ange r o r under estimating hi s employee' s pride , th e employe r struc k him—an d Richar d walked out of the plant. H e seriously considered th e life of an artist, on the basis of his experience with D.J. Smith, but when he "found h e could not go

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abroad" he turned hi s attention t o obtaining an education . While h e was at th e Pavilio n Hote l Richar d arouse d th e interes t o f a number of the guests. A Judge Russell gav e him access to his library, and a Mrs. Maria S. Cook undertook to instruct him in French. Later , when he moved o n t o Palme r an d Batchelder' s hi s dutie s include d tha t o f night watchman, an d h e occupied hi s spare nocturna l tim e readin g Englis h an d French books , an d als o familiarizin g himself , fro m wha t record s wer e available t o him , with th e "bankin g an d al l th e othe r detail s o f business. " Believing he had earned a position superior to that of porter, he approached his employer an d suggested promotion . Whe n tol d tha t hi s employer "was afraid t o attempt it, " he vowed to "do nothing else but study for the next ten years i f necessary. " H e was sure tha t a t th e en d o f th e war opportunitie s never before availabl e would open to colored people, and he determined t o be in position t o take advantage of them . In th e summe r o f 186 2 h e wrot e Frankli n B . Sanbor n '55 , late r t o become a famous teache r and reformer , who was then teachin g in a private school in Concord, to ask if he might enter Mr. Sanborn's school and there prepare for college. T o this Sanborn agreed ; but, told o f the arrangement , Batchelder suggested Oberli n as an alternate; Oberlin was cheaper, he said, and he' d hel p hi m financially . Greene r deferre d t o hi s employer' s suggestion, and while waiting for Oberlin t o open in the fall of 1862 , began reading Lati n wit h Georg e Herber t Palme r '64 , fo r h e kne w h e wa s il l prepared fo r forma l education . At tha t tim e Oberlin offere d tw o years of pre-college work, and i n th e first o f these, the junior preparatory class, Greener plunged with the energy and ambitio n tha t wa s t o characteriz e al l hi s career . Whethe r h e wa s slighted b y reason o f "colorphobia, " a s h e though t h e was, or whethe r (a s seems more likely) he was ill prepared fo r his studies, he did not receive "as high a n appointment " a s he though t h e deserved, and h e decided t o leav e Oberlin—and "carr y out a latent desir e to enter Harvard. " To Exeter he applied first, fo r admission to the senior class, but h e was told h e was not fitte d fo r i t and "Dr . Soule wouldn't le t m e try to kee p up with it." (Gideon Lan e Soul e was Exeter's thir d principal. ) A t Andove r h e had bette r luck , and Dr . Samue l H . Taylo r tol d hi m h e migh t try , thoug h warning hi m tha t th e preparatio n h e ha d a t Oberli n wa s fa r belo w th e Eastern standard. Greene r foun d th e going hard, but he tackled his studies with a will, and gained n o little distinction fo r hi s declamations. In the fall o f 1865 , in his twenty-first year , Richard Theodor e Greene r entered Harvard College, heavily conditioned. I t was another year before he could fully rise to his educational challenges, and found h e had bes t repea t his freshman year .

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By hi s ow n reckonin g Greene r ha d a happ y an d rewardin g under graduate experience . H e turne d hi s forensi c an d literar y propensitie s t o good purposes when he won a Bowdoin Prize as a sophomore for elocution, and another as a senior for his English essay, "The Best Way of Crushing the Agitator i s to Give him his Grievance/ whic h criticized th e syste m of land tenure in Ireland. H e belonged to two societies and a "radical religion club." The last reflecte d a n earl y disillusionment wit h th e evangelical practice s of his time . "Unde r th e mistake n impression " tha t h e was converted, h e had joined the First Independent Baptist Church on Joy Street, Boston, when he was working fo r Messrs . Palmer an d Batchelder , in 1861 . Convince d late r of "hi s error, " h e applie d fo r an d secure d fro m th e churc h "honorabl e dismissal." Rumors inevitably sprang up among his classmates as to his background; he was variously represente d a s an escape d slave , a genius who had com e straight from th e cotton field t o the College, as a Scout in the Union Army, as the son of a Rebel general, and so on. Whe n these came to his attention, Greener wa s alway s a t pain s t o divulg e hi s antecedent s an d backgroun d unhesitatingly. Appraising himsel f an d hi s prospect s a t th e en d o f hi s senio r year , Greener admitted a great fondness for art and some aptitude towards it, and strong interests in metaphysics, general literature, and also in the Greek and Latin classics—when "diveste d o f their grammatica l pedantry. " H e planne d to go forth i n the world and get all the knowledge he could and make all the reputation h e coul d (an d a s a corollar y t o thes e t o mak e a comfortabl e competence). H e thought h e might d o best i n the profession o f th e law. The road t o admission t o the bar, which he achieved seven years after , was a devious one . Firs t o f al l he needed a job, and i n Augus t o f 187 0 he found one , a s principa l o f th e Mal e Departmen t o f th e Institut e fo r th e Colored Youth of Philadelphia. Tw o years later found hi m principal of the Sumner Hig h School i n Washington, and a member of the staff o f the New National Era. Whe n tha t publicatio n expande d int o the New National Era and Citizen, h e accepted th e challenge of associate editorship. Shortly he achieved a dual appointmen t i n the Offic e o f Public Work s and in the office o f the District Attorney , where he applied himsel f fo r th e first tim e to th e study of law. Then South Carolina , in the mids t of its painful reconstructio n period , beckoned him , an d i n October , 1873 , h e accepte d a n appointmen t a s Professor o f Menta l an d Mora l Philosoph y a t th e Universit y o f Sout h Carolina. An d here , i n academi c surroundings , hi s immens e energ y an d ambition found scope. I n addition to teaching Philosophy, he assisted in the Departments of Latin and Greek, Mathematics, and Constitutional History .

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He also acted as librarian, rearranging the university's "rare library" of 27,000 volumes and beginning the preparation of a catalogue. A t the same time he studied law , was graduated fro m th e University' s La w School in 1876 , was admitted t o th e Suprem e Cour t o f Sout h Carolin a th e nex t year , an d t o practice at the bar of the District of Columbia the one after that . Greener' s academic career was abruptly terminated i n 187 7 when the Wade Hampton legislature closed th e door of the University of South Carolin a t o Negroes. His career becam e kaleidoscopic : Boar d o f Healt h o f Columbia , S.C. ; American Philological Association; commission to revise the school system of the State; clerkships in the Post Offic e Departmen t an d i n the Treasury Department. I n lat e 187 7 h e wa s appointe d instructo r i n th e La w Department of Howard University, and upon the death of the incumbent he became Dea n o f th e Department . Afte r a ter m a s la w clerk t o th e Firs t Comptroller of the United States Treasury he resigned to enter into private practice. Lectures now demanded much of his time, particularly in his capacity as secretary o f th e Exodu s Committee . A t th e Socia l Scienc e Congres s a t Saratoga in 1879 he debated with Frederick Douglass, who had been advising the freedme n o f th e th e Sout h t o sta y put ; Greene r advocate d thei r migrating west, to Kansas. A s an attorney he pleaded and won a number of cases famous i n thei r day. Politic s occupied muc h of his time , and h e was particularly proud o f his membership in the Republican conference of 1880 which united th e Republican faction s fo r Garfield . In 1885 he was appointed secretar y of the Grant Memorial Association in the State of New York. H e had always admired President Grant from th e time h e me t hi m on th e occasion o f Grant' s visi t t o Harvar d i n 1865 , and had le d delegation s o f "Republican s an d colore d men " to wai t o n hi m i n Washington i n 1871 , 1873, 1875, and 1876 . The nex t fe w year s h e "devote d himsel f largel y t o literar y work, " including associat e editorshi p o f th e National Encyclopedia of American Biography, bu t foun d tim e t o atten d a s delegate meetings of the Unitaria n Conference a t Saratog a an d o f th e America n Missionar y Society . H e was secretary of the Irish Parliamentary Fund, which raised $150,000 for Parnell and Gladstone . "I n every reform movemen t i n New York City since 1885 I have been active for good government and clean politics," he admitted; "but always as a Republican." He serve d a s consu l briefl y i n Bombay , India , an d i n 188 8 becam e Commercial Agen t o f th e Unite d State s a t Vladivostok , Eas t Siberia . I n 1892 the Chines e government conferre d o n hi m th e Orde r o f th e Doubl e Dragon, fo r service s rendere d Chines e merchant s an d fo r ai d i n succorin g the Shansi famine sufferers .

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He remained a t hi s Vladivostok pos t durin g th e Russo-Japanes e War , representing officially th e British and Japanese interests. Befor e hostilitie s he wa s instrumenta l i n sendin g bac k som e 1,50 0 Japanes e an d len t wha t protection h e could t o those who had chosen t o remain i n Vladivostok . Greener retired fro m foreig n servic e in 1905 . Th e latter part of his life was spent in Chicago, where he joined th e Harvard Club . H e died on May 2, 1922. Harvard Alumni Bulletin (1964)

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The White Problem

If on e wishe s t o observ e eccentricity , vagary , platitude , an d idiosyncrasy al l combined, le t hi m onl y read th e literar y effusion s o f the so-called "Caucasian" intellect from Thomas Jefferson's "Note s on Virginia," dow n t o th e recen t contribution s t o th e Forum, whe n discussing an y phase o f th e "Negr o Problem. " Jefferson , fres h fro m Hume,* uttered som e platitude s abou t th e tw o races livin g togethe r in freedom , treadin g very cautiously, a s i s his custom, when no t to o sure of his premises. Imla y and Abbe Gregoire route d hi m a t once, and, a s i f t o complet e th e poeti c irony , th e Negr o almana c maker , Benjamin Banneker , who had, from 179 2 until 1800 , calculated alon e the onl y almanac s printe d fo r Maryland , Delaware , Distric t o f Columbia, an d Virginia , sen t hi m a copy , wit h a n autograp h letter , couched i n as choice English a s Jefferson eve r penned, an d o f equal chirography. Nevertheless , th e special negro-hat e wen t on . Not t & Glidden, D e Leon , DeBow , alius alii, quoting, rehashin g Jefferson , supplementing hi m with modern discoveries. A phas e o f th e whit e proble m i s seen i n th e determination , no t only to treat the Negro as a member of a child-like race, but the grim determination t o keep him a child or a ward. I n every advance, since emancipation, i t has , wit h tru e Caucasia n gall , bee n assume d tha t everything must be done for him, and under no circumstances must he be allowed to do for himself. I n religion, in politics, in civil and social life, h e mus t b e develope d i n a pen , stake d of f fro m th e res t o f mankind, and nursed , coddled, fed, an d trained b y aid of th e longes t spoons, forks, an d rake s obtainable. Al l along there ha s been hear d the solemn, low refrain o f doubt, small hope, and feebl e expectatio n *As was common in the nineteenth century, Greener usually cited people by last name only. Som e of these are clear a century later, but many are obscure. Instea d of cluttering his text with dozens of explanatory brackets, we have placed all the full identifications togethe r at the end.—Eds.

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as to th e probabl e surviva l of thi s black infant. Indeed , nothin g has so weighed upon the average American Christian heart as the precarious health o f thi s infant, who m n o one had th e hear t exactl y to kill, were i t possible , but whos e noiseles s an d peacefu l departur e t o a better world, would have been hailed with smothered sigh s of intense relief. This feelin g obtain s Nort h a s wel l a s South : scalawag , native , carpet-bagger o r sand-hiller , democrat , republican , o r independent , seemed t o thin k tha t fo r som e occult reaso n thi s infant mus t no t b e allowed t o gro w in any one o f th e social, religious, or politica l ways, in which other American citizens grow and develop healthfully fo r the good o f thei r country . Al l the tradition s seeme d agains t th e Negro, all the argument s surely were. H e was rarely given a real chance, as here, t o tal k freel y fo r himself , an d whe n suc h opportunit y wa s afforded, h e generally too k hi s cue from hi s audience, an d talke d t o the jury, and usually with bated breath. Whe n he spoke humbly, apologetically, deprecatingly, he was an intelligent, sensible fellow, a milder form o f "goo d nigger, " before th e war. Amon g the novi homines of the Republi c i t i s so self-satisfyin g t o hav e som e on e t o loo k dow n upon an d despise , just perhaps , a s you hav e emerged fro m th e mir e yourself, and before, indeed, the evidence of "previous condition" has been thoroughl y obliterated . Wut is there lef I' d lik e to know, Eft ain' t th e difference o ' color, To keep up self-respec' an ' show The human natur ' of a fullah ? Wut good i n bein' white, onless It's fixed b y law, nut le f t o guess, That we are smarter, an ' they duller. Another difficult y o f this white problem is the universal belief tha t somehow th e Negr o rac e bega n it s caree r wit h Presiden t Lincoln' s proclamation. Al l suc h novice s would d o well t o loo k u p thei r ol d histories, newspapers , an d pamphlets . Nex t t o th e Indian , h e i s probably o f th e pures t racia l stoc k i n th e country , an d a s ha s bee n stated, whateve r accessio n ha s com e t o him , ha s bee n fro m th e "choicest" blood o f th e country . H e ha s bee n thoroughl y identifie d with it fro m th e beginning. H e was the agricultura l labore r an d th e artisan at the South, the trusted servant and companion; at the North

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he too k par t i n al l mechanica l pursuits , helpe d buil d th e houses , worked on th e first newspapers , made the first wood cuts, and was th e best pressma n a t Charleston , Philadelphia , an d Boston . I n ever y industrial, social , an d politica l movement , a s well a s i n th e differen t warlike struggles , h e ha s born e a n honorabl e part , whic h t o profes s ignorance of , i s no t creditable , or , i f denied , show s wilfu l prejudice . He wa s o n th e height s o f Abraha m wit h Wolfe ; i n th e Frenc h an d Indian wars with Braddock ; th e first marty r of th e Revolution; i s seen in Trumbull' s pictur e retreatin g wit h th e patriot s fro m Bunke r Hill , musket i n hand ; Washingto n di d no t disdai n t o shar e a blanket wit h him o n th e col d groun d a t Valle y Forge ; a t th e Sout h wit h Mario n and Greene ; a t th e Nort h wit h Washingto n an d Gates , wit h Wayn e and Allen . O n accoun t o f th e injur y t o th e Unite d State s throug h him, th e wa r o f 181 2 was begun , an d hi s fertil e brai n suggeste d th e defence o f New Orleans, and, after th e battle, led Andrew Jackson t o say in publi c proclamation : I expected much : I knew well how you love d your nativ e country . . . You have don e muc h mor e tha n I expecte d . . . The Presiden t o f th e Unite d States shall hear ho w praiseworthy was your conduct in the hour of danger . .. Th e American people, I doubt not, will give you the praise your exploits entitle yo u to . D o w e no t kno w ho w the y fough t wit h Lawrenc e i n th e Chesapeake, and formed mor e than half of the crew of Old Ironsides, were with Scott and Taylor in Mexico, as they were with Grant and Sherman, and Sheridan an d Butler, with Farragu t an d Foot e and Porter , at Port Hudso n and Batter y Wagner? H e who doubts th e record ca n read i t fro m th e pen of Negr o historians , fro m Nel l o r William s o r Wilson , fo r "o f thos e who perform th e deeds, and thos e who write, many such are praised." No snee r o f race , n o assumptio n o f superiority , n o incruste d prejudice wil l eve r obscur e thi s record , muc h les s obliterat e it , an d while i t stands , i t i s the Negro' s passpor t t o ever y righ t an d privileg e of ever y other American . Not alon e a soldie r an d a sailor , th e Negr o wa s a citizen , unde r colonial and proprietary governments, under the Articles of Confeder ation, an d i n mos t o f th e origina l thirtee n states , wa s a n honorabl e part of "we people," who ordained an d established thi s constitution fo r the Unite d State s o f America . Lon g befor e Calhou n an d Taney , h e fought, lived , voted , an d acte d lik e an y othe r citizen ; an d i f man y o f his rac e were enslaved , h e wa s no t alone . Ther e wer e "fre e willers, " "indentured servants, " an d "apprentices, " man y o f the m t o bea r hi m

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company. No t a few of these, as records show, white men, Irishmen, Scotchmen, Englishmen , Moors , Palatines, were ruthlessl y sold int o slavery as the exactions of the traffic became more pressing. A t the earliest perio d ther e was always a class o f blac k freemen , an d they were foun d a t the Sout h a s well a s at the North,—at Ne w Orleans, Mobile, Charleston, and Virginia, as well as at Washington, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, and Boston, where in business, in social life, in church and in politics, they were active, enterprising, and respected. In rare instances, with acquired wealth, like some "free willers," and "indentured servants," they went West or North, as the case might be, and mingled an d blended into th e new surroundings an d developed civilization, where , bu t fo r name s an d traditions , al l trace s o f the m would be lost. Ther e come to mind, of such men, three United States senators of distinction, at least ten representatives in Congress before the war, five eminent officers of the United States Army, two cabinet officers, thre e eminen t Catholi c prelates , fou r prominen t divine s of the Episcopal Church, while in the other churches, in medicine and in law, the list is too long for enumeration. But o f thos e wh o wer e conten t t o remai n chafin g unde r th e indignities an d ostracism , whic h increase d fro m 1820 , i t i s tim e i t should b e clearly , emphaticall y an d proudl y state d tha t instea d o f being a pauper pariah class as is supposed, ther e was no movement looking to the amelioration of thei r condition, from 180 8 until John Brown's raid in 1859,—nothing which tended to unshackle the slave or remove the clogs from the free colored man, in which he was not the foremost, active , intelligen t participant , neve r a suppliant , neve r a mere recipient. O n the contrary he was first to organize for his own emancipation; amon g th e firs t t o speak , an d write, an d print i n his own behalf . Fro m Beneze t an d Gregoire , Condorcet , Brisso t d e Warville, fro m Franklin , Rus h an d Rittenhouse, an d more tha n all, from tha t "gloriou s communio n o f th e saints, " the Friends , h e ha d early learned the value of hi s own manhood, was willing to fight fo r it, an d acquire d th e ar t of puttin g hi s complain t int o prett y choic e English, at a time, too, when Abbe Raynal, 1779, thought it a matter of astonishment that America had not a good poet, an able mathematician, or a man of genius, in any single art or science, and "not one of them shows any decisive talent for one in particular." When Fisher Ames was saying, 1807, "Excepting the writers of two able books on ou r politics, we hav e no authors. . . . shall we match Joel Barlo w agains t Home r o r Hesiod ? Ca n To m Pain e conten d

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against Plato?" ; when Sydne y Smith , 1818 , wrote, "Ther e doe s no t seem to be in America, at this moment, one man of any considerable talents," a Negro astronomer was calculating logarithms, studying all alone, in the woods of Maryland, Ferguson's Astronomy, and making valuable observations, viewing the stars, and computing his almanacs. During thi s period , 1780-1810 , th e Negr o ha d his churches, literary societies, abolition societies, and, later on, newspapers, with educated editors, an d activ e agent s fo r th e assertio n o f thei r right s an d privileges, before Lundy and Garrison. Mr. Howells looks up the streets of "Nigger Hill," and sees only a few straggling Negroes. The y are of no interest, and of course have "no story, bless you, to tell." An d yet there ar e many stories, many traditions, muc h histor y clusterin g abou t tha t hill , fro m Cambridg e Street t o th e Common , fro m Charle s t o Hancock . Bi g Dick , th e boxer, the precursor of Jackson; the Blind Preacher, Raymond, Prince Hall, and Easton, Master Paul and his church and school, in which the first American anti-slavery society was organized, Jan. 6, 1832. "On that dismal night, and in the face of public opinion, fiercer far than the tempest, or wind and hail that beat upon the windows of that 'nigger school-house / wer e lai d th e foundation s o f a n organize d movement against American slavery that at last became too mighty to be resisted." Mr . Garrison might have told Mr. Howells, he certainly could have learned that , among colored me n of tha t dear old town, the firs t patron s of th e Liberator were found , wh o supported i t the first year, when i t had not fift y whit e subscribers. Mr . Garrison, at Exeter Hall in London, sixty years ago said, T am proud to say that the fund s fo r m y missio n . . . wer e principall y mad e u p b y th e voluntary contribution s o f m y fre e colore d brethre n a t ver y shor t notice. . . . Man y of thei r number are in the mos t affluent circum stances, and distinguished for their refinement, enterprise, and talents . . . the y have flourishing churches , temperance an d other societies. . . . Amon g them is taken a large number of daily and weekly papers, and of literar y and scientific periodicals , from the popular monthlies up t o the grave and erudite North American and American Quarterly Reviews. I have, at this moment, t o my own paper, "The Liberator,' one thousand subscribers among this people; and from an occupancy of the editorial chair of more than seven years, I can testify that they are more punctua l i n their payment s tha n an y five hundre d white subscribers whose names I ever placed indiscriminately in my subscription book."

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Not alon e Wm . Lloy d Garrison . Lon g befor e Frederic k Douglas s began "t o pra y wit h hi s legs " an d loo k towar d th e "nort h star, " th e leading colore d me n o f Washington , Carey , an d Fleet , an d Cook ; o f Philadelphia, Forten , Allen , Burr , an d Purvis ; o f Baltimore , Grice , Greener, an d Watkins ; o f Boston , Paul , Easton , Barbadoes , an d Walker, corresponde d with , aided , lodge d an d fe d th e apostl e Lundy , in hi s mysteriou s journeying s throug h th e souther n states , an d circulated hi s Geniu s o f Universa l Emancipation . My accoun t i s fro m Isaa c Carey , wh o kne w "th e little , pale , thi n man," an d h e say s Lundy neve r departe d empt y handed . It was in Master Paul' s Church , Belkna p Street , tha t th e abolition ists, drive n fro m Tremon t Temple , i n 1860 , foun d refuge , an d preserved ther e fre e speec h fo r Bosto n an d America . Maste r Pau l himself was a college graduate, accompanied Mr. Garrison to England , and wo n prais e fro m Danie l O'Connel l fo r hi s scholarshi p an d eloquence. Before emancipatio n i n New York state , Freedom's Journal, edite d by Cornis h an d Russwurm , a graduat e o f Bowdoin , I a m told , after wards President of Liberia, demonstrated the public spirit, intelligence, and literar y characte r o f th e America n Negro . I f Davi d Walker' s Appeal, issue d i n 1829 , had been printe d i n 176 5 or 70 , an d had bee n about th e right s o f th e colonies , i t woul d lon g sinc e hav e attracte d attention. Bu t i t wa s writte n b y on e o f th e "ol d clo ' merchants " o f Brattle Street—a n extinc t guild—an d i s th e voic e o f a blac k Joh n th e Baptist, cryin g i n th e wilderness . I t attaine d th e hono r o f legislativ e attention, an d a rewar d se t fo r th e author' s head ; bu t i t i s a n American classic , and foreve r answer s al l hints a t Negr o contentmen t under oppression . B y la w o f heredity , thank s t o Governo r Butler . Walker's so n becam e a lawye r an d a municipa l judge i n Boston . These facts take n a t random would ten d to show that th e America n Negro has traditions—far more , and more honorabl e tha n man y of hi s traducers. The y ar e o f services , ancestry, interest s i n publi c affair s i n his own future. No w traditions of blood an d training and achievemen t can neve r b e permanentl y repressed . Pil e Etn a upo n them , the y will break forth , n o matte r ho w long or persistentl y kep t down . A s a hel p to th e solution o f th e Whit e Problem , thi s articl e is to show tha t the y exist, an d i f the y hav e no t hithert o asserte d themselves , i t i s becaus e they could afford t o wait, not because they are not cherished an d kep t for inspiration . Som e complacen t critic s o f th e Negro , wh o analyze , weigh, measur e hi m wit h thei r littl e poles , discus s hi s remova l t o

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Africa, debat e hi s admissio n t o trad e unions , int o th e rank s o f business, into the literary circle, into social life, would save themselves much unrest if they knew his motto, J'y suis, j'y reste. He is a reader of the Census. H e calmly contemplates either horn of the politico-economic problem—absorption, all he asks to be is an actual American citizen; repression an d fifty years of rac e isolation, —one of the ruling forces of thi s Republic, the arbiter of the South. For, in fifty years, he will be nearly 100,000,00 0 strong, and, judging solely b y th e advanc e sinc e 1863 , i n thrift , i n education , i n rac e development, i n equipoise, in aspiration, all that tend to consolidate and strengthen, he will have no fear of the few white chips which will here and there attempt to stem the rush of this black Niagara. Trul y he can afford to wait. On e of the worst phases of the White Problem is the fatuous clinging to certain ideas, especially the good done to the Negro by bringing him to America. A s well tel l th e descendants of Virginia convicts , th e progen y o f th e kidnappe d Irish , 1645-52 ; the proud descendant s o f Dutch , Scotc h an d Englis h poor-houses , shambles and heaths, of the benefits which have accrued to them. For the presence of all these, the Negro included, America is the gainer, humanity the debtor. Th e value of hi s contribution far outweighs an y benefit h e ma y be suppose d t o hav e received . H e ha s reaped down the fields, developed new ideas, preserved the ark of the Nation's inheritance, and, if Fletcher of Saltoun, and Dr. Dvorak have any weight, he is to become greater than the lawgiver, he is to found the American music of the future. "The future music of this country must be founded upon what are called negr o melodie s . . . The y ar e American. The y are th e fol k songs of America, and your composers must turn to them . .. I n the negro melodies of America, I discover all that is needed fo r a great and noble school of music . Ther e is nothing in the whole range of composition that cannot find a thematic source here."— Dvorak. The Negr o ha s n o tear s t o she d ove r tha t "wonderfu l schoo l o f slavery, under Providence," so often quoted. H e is no such hypocrite as to go through the pretence of believing that slavery is ever a good, a necessary, or beneficial school . Muc h less does he grant that any phase of tha t school, a t any stage, affecte d hi m morally, socially, or physically, except adversely , while h e does kno w from bitter experience, ho w utterl y pharasaical , ho w absurdl y hypocritical , an d ho w thoroughly unchristian the entire system was in practice, example, and influence.

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Whatever o f intelligence , Christianity , o r civilizatio n th e Negr o possesses today , le t i t b e remembere d h e retain s i n spit e o f slavery , and it s relic , caste . Whateve r o f honest y o r moralit y o r thrif t ha s survived th e charnel-house , come s fro m tha t excellen t stock—bette r than th e Indian—whic h Galto n say s i s no w farthe r behin d th e bes t English brain of today than it is behind the brain of Athens! I t is due to brai n tha t slaver y coul d no t disintegrate , t o a happ y heart , a n abiding faith. I a m a t los s t o observ e ho w clos e th e rac e maintain s it s hol d o n orthodox Christianity, when it is remembered how even the maxims of the common law were set aside, at its behests-partus requiturpatient— how Virginia (Hening, v.II, 491) declared that those imported thither, "except Turk s an d Moor s i n amity, " shall b e accounte d slaves , "not withstanding a conversio n t o Christianit y afte r thei r importation. " How fa r fro m solutio n seem s th e whit e problem , whe n th e Negr o reflects ho w powerles s i s Christianit y t o repres s rac e prejudice ; ho w often indifferen t t o real brotherhood, while affecting dee p denominational interest . Indeed , whil e a n emasculate d religio n ha s bee n preached t o th e Negro , eac h denominatio n ha s seeme d t o shir k th e question of, Wh o is my Neighbor? A premium has been offered ever y self-respecting Negr o t o repudiat e Christianit y a s i t i s taught . Wh y speak o f th e Christian ? Tak e th e culture d editor , th e moulde r o f public opinion. Ho w despairing the "white problem," when this is the high water-mark o f culture : Consider hi m a t hi s best . I cit e th e cas e o f a manl y an d accomplishe d gentleman o f th e race . Hi s lif e ha s n o background . Wha t we mea n by ancestry i s lackin g t o him ; an d no t onl y i s i t lackin g bu t it s lac k i s proclaimed by his color, and he is always reminded of it . B e who he may and do what he may, when the personal test comes he finds himself a man set apart, a marked man. There is a difference betwee n the discrimination against him in one part of th e countr y (th e South ) an d i n anothe r par t (th e North) , bu t i t i s a difference i n degree only. H e is not any where in a fellowship in complete equipoise with men of the other race. No r does this end it. Th e boundless sweep of opportunity which is the inheritance of every white citizen of the Republic, fall s t o hi m curtailed , hemme d in , a mer e pathwa y t o a fe w permissible endeavors. A sublime reliance on the ultimate coming of justice may giv e hi m th e philosophi c temper . Bu t hi s lif e wil l brin g chiefl y opportunities t o cultivate it . An d fo r his children what better? T o those that solv e grea t socia l problem s wit h professiona l ease , I commen d thi s

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remark tha t Mr . Lowell i s said t o hav e made, 'I a m glad I was not bor n a Jew; bu t i f I ha d bee n a Jew , I shoul d b e proude r o f tha t fac t tha n an y other.' Yo u ca n find me n who are glad tha t the y were not bor n Negroes ; but ca n yo u fin d a man , who , i f h e ha d bee n bor n a Negro , woul d b e prouder o f that fact , tha n o f any other? Whe n you hav e found man y men of thi s mind, the n thi s race problem will, owing to some change in human nature, have become less tough, but til l then, patience and tolerance . Here i s a paragrap h whic h mos t peopl e would acquiesc e in ; which bears th e ai r o f har d sense , ster n reality , dee p philosophi c insight , keen analysi s an d delicat e humor . I t i s alread y wingin g it s way , an d will b e quote d a s a soli d fact . I f i t wer e tru e the n Schopenhaue r reigns i n America ; religio n an d cultur e hav e faile d t o softe n th e manner but hav e hardened an d intensifie d th e small prejudices of tw o centuries ago . I f th e statement s wer e true , acquiescenc e i n suc h condition woul d sho w th e utmos t callousness , a mor e tha n heathe n indifference, a heartlessness, and inhumanity, unworthy of the century. If character, reputation, manl y accomplishments, the height s reached , the pal m won, still find an y black hero a "marked man, " because of n o fault o f hi s own , an d churc h an d society , hom e an d club , unite d i n thus ostracising him an d hi s children, the n i s it not demonstrate d tha t it i s not th e Blac k bu t th e Whit e Problem , whic h need s mos t seriou s attention i n thi s country ? Mr. Lowell , a s always , was wisely terse . N o trac e o f th e sno b wa s in him ; h e wa s n o pandere r t o caste . O f cours e h e wa s no t anxiou s to be born a Jew, for h e kne w unreasoning an d unreasonabl e prid e of race still pecked ofte n a t its superior; but Lowell , knowing the histor y of th e race , an d wha t it s son s ha d accomplishe d i n spit e o f persecu tion, fel t h e "woul d b e proude r o f tha t fac t i f he were a Jew than an y other." No r i s it true tha t every social avenue is closed t o the aspirin g and manl y Negr o o f today . Professo r Washington , o f Tuskegee , th e leader in perhaps th e greatest work of the race, is received amon g th e best peopl e of Boston, Philadelphia, an d New York. Th e late Profes sor Price of North Carolina , was the recipient of exceptional attentio n at hom e an d abroad , o n accoun t o f hi s talent s an d rar e eloquence . Professor Scarborough , th e best Gree k schola r of th e race, meets th e members o f th e America n Philologica l Associatio n o n term s o f equality, an d Mr . D u Bois , wh o wo n a travellin g scholarshi p a t Harvard, read a paper before th e American Historical Society, and has been offere d a professorshi p i n a whit e college . I t i s surel y n o

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unusual thin g i n Ne w Yor k Cit y t o se e educate d colore d men , a t various socia l functions , collegiate , theological , political , literary , professional. Thes e are sporadic cases, of course; but so are the cases of th e bright farmer boys from Vermont, North Carolina, Michigan, Connecticut, an d Ne w Yor k State , who have, b y virtue o f stud y or talent, gaine d entree t o the same salons. Th e fact springs from the new ozone of equality, or better liberality, which is in the air, and is prompted and encouraged by those who have a clear notion of the fitness of things. Her e at least, it is not a race, nor color, nor creed line. Against tha t flippanc y whic h draw s to o hast y conclusions , which cannot conque r it s earl y prejudices , o r ignor e it s limitations , ther e looms up a quiet unobtrusive but persistent force, which is determined not t o give way to caste distinctions; but to se e t o i t tha t there i s a career ope n t o all , despit e sex , o r creed , o r race , i n orde r tha t n o atom of intellectual force shall be lost to our common country, and it is this which tends to the solution of ou r problem. Onc e in a while the grea t utteranc e o f som e broad-souled, warm-hearte d American , determined to give his testimony, comes to us. Bisho p Potter, broader than his entire church, says tersely, "What the Negro needs more than anything els e is , opportunity." Or , i t i s Cable : " I must repea t my conviction tha t i f th e unconsciou s habi t o f oppressio n wer e no t already there, a scheme so gross, irrational, unjust and inefficient a s our present caste distinctions could not find a place among a people so generall y intelligen t an d high-minded. . . . We hea r muc h about race instinct. Th e most of it, I fear, is pure twaddle. I t may be there is such a thing. W e do not know . I t is not proved . An d even i f it were established, it would not necessarily be a proper moral guide." Then, i t i s Bisho p Dudley , bravel y fightin g hi s wa y throug h traditions: "Th e time ma y come an d will, when th e prejudice s no w apparently invincible shall have been conquered. Societ y then as now organized upo n th e basis of communit y of interests , congeniality o f tastes, and equality of position, will exclude the multitude who cannot speak its shibboleth; but there will be no color line of separation.. . . Such a socia l revolutio n a s wil l ope n wid e th e drawing-room s o f Washington t o the black men who have been honored guests in the palaces of England and France. . . . Capacity is not lacking, but help is needed, th e help , I repeat, which th e intelligence o f th e superio r race mus t giv e b y carefu l selectio n an d persona l contac t wit h th e selected. Doe s not our mother Nature teach us that this is the only process offering prospec t o f success, such being her method of pro-

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cedure, working under the Creator's law?" Not on the Protestant side alone. Her e this clearer blast from the leader of the Catholic cause in the Northwest, Archbishop Ireland of Minnesota: "Th e right way. Ther e is a work for us. Slaver y has been abolished in America; the trail of the serpent, however, yet marks the ground. W e do no t accor d t o ou r black brothe r al l th e right s and privileges o f freedo m an d o f a commo n humanity . The y ar e th e victims of an unreasonable and unjustifiable ostracism.... It looks as if we had grudgingly granted to them emancipation, as if we fain still would be masters, and hold them in servitude. "What do I claim for the black men? Tha t which I claim for the white men , neithe r mor e no r less. I would blot ou t th e colo r line. White me n hav e thei r estrangements . The y separat e o n line s o f wealth, of intelligence, of culture, of ancestry. Thos e differences and estrangements I d o no t no w discuss , an d wil l no t complai n i f th e barriers they erect are placed on the pathway of the black man. Bu t let ther e be n o barrier against mer e color. Trea t Negroes who are intellectually inferior to us as we treat inferior whites, and I shall not complain. Th e Negr o proble m i s upo n us , an d ther e i s n o othe r solution to it, peaceful an d permanent, than to grant to our colored citizens practical and effective equality with white citizens." Her e are men whose words shed some rays of ligh t upon th e solution o f this terrible Whit e Problem , whic h I ma y la y som e sligh t clai m t o th e distinction of having discovered, though it would be presumptuous for me to say the solution is clear to me. I f it could properly be stated, perhaps, Edmund Burke' s "timid prudence with which a tame circumspection so frequently enervates the work of beneficence" and o f al l things being "afraid of being too much in the right," might be found its salient point on the positive side, while, as I have hinted, the absolute ignorance about the Negro presents the negative side. Slaves of Gold! whose sordid dealings Tarnish all your boasted powers, Prove that you have human feelings Ere you proudly question ours. We lear n from th e Forum edito r tha t ther e ar e member s o f this race wh o ar e "accomplished " and "manly. " H e i s mistake n i n supposing they have "no back-ground"; some of them have several, three generations of education , sufficient, accordin g to Emerson, to make

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a scholar . Som e hav e prove d thei r capacity , no t i n contest s wit h Negroes alone , bu t wit h representative s o f al l races ; some have , i t i s true, fro m trainin g an d heredity , th e philosophi c temperament . Lik e Hebrews, wh o loo k no t bac k t o Jerusalem , o r awai t a Messiah ; lik e Irishmen, wh o d o no t drea m alon e o f a resuscitate d Iris h monarchy , or se e vision s o f a n Iris h Parliamen t a t Dublin , the y ar e painfull y aware wha t disadvantage s stil l hedg e th e member s o f an y proscribe d race, i n ordinar y pursuits , an d i n dail y life ; bu t the y se e n o reaso n because o f this , wh y the y shoul d fee l ashame d o f th e fact , see k t o deny it , o r attemp t t o ignor e it . The y fee l tha t the y ar e firs t o f al l American citizens , an d secondaril y Negroes . Fro m thei r reading , observation, an d reflection , the y are no t sur e but tha t th e very fact o f their origi n ma y hav e bee n th e means , unde r God' s guidanc e o f th e Universe, of saving them fro m illibera l prejudices, fro m over-weenin g race-pride, fro m utte r disregar d o f othe r races ' rights , feeling s an d privileges, an d fro m intellectua l narrownes s an d bigotry . [David Hume (1711-76), Scottish philosopher; Capt. Gilbert Imlay (1754?1828?), author of Topographical Description of the Western Territory of North America (1792 and late r eds.) ; Henri Gr6goir e (1750-1831), bishop, author of De la Litterature des Negres (1808); Josiah Nott (1804-73 ) and George R. Gliddon (1809-57) , co-authors o f Types of Mankind (1854) an d Indigenous Races of the Earth (1857); Thomas Cooper De Leon (1839-1914) , author of Four Years in Rebel Capitals (1890); James D.B. DeBow (1820-67), founder/editor of the proslavery DeBow's Review (1846ff.); alius alii, "one to another." Novi homines (lit. "new men"), parvenus, upstarts; verse quotation fro m James Russell Lowel l (1819-91) , Biglow Papers, 2n d Series , No. 1 1 (1867). Abraham Lincoln issued formal "Emancipation Proclamation" 1 Jan. 1863; James Wolfe (1727-59) , British genera l at Battle of Quebec, 1 3 Sept. 1759; Edward Braddoc k (1695-1755) , commander-in-chie f o f Britis h force s i n America, 1754-55 ; "first martyr, " Crispus Attuck s (1723-70) , fell i n Bosto n Massacre, 5 Mar. 1770 ; John Trumbul l (1756-1831) , painte r o f "Battl e o f Bunker Hill " (1786) ; U.S . Revolutionar y generals : Georg e Washingto n (1732-99; later 1st President), Francis Marion (1732?-95), Nathanael Greene (1742-86), Horatio Gate s (17287-1806) , "Mad" Anthony Wayn e (1745-96) , Ethan Alle n (1738-89) , Andrew Jackso n (1767-1845 ; later 7t h President) , proclamation 1 8 Dec. 1814; James Lawrence (1781-1813), Naval officer, who, mortally wounded, cried , "Don' t giv e u p th e ship!" ; Army commander s i n Mexican War: Winfield Scot t (1786-1866), Zachary Taylor (1784-1850 ; later 12th President) ; Civi l Wa r generals : Ulysses S . Grant (1822-85 ; later 18t h

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President), Willia m Tecumse h Sherma n (1820-91) , Philip Henr y Sherida n (1831-88), Benjamin Frankli n Butle r (1818-93) ; Civil War admirals: David Glasgow Farragut (1801-70), Andrew Hull Foote (1806-63); Fitz-John Porter (1822-1901), Civil War brigadier-general; black historians: William C Nel l (1816-74), author of The Colored Patriots of the American Revolution (1855) , George W . William s (1849-91) , autho r o f History of the Negro Race in America (1882) and History of the Negro Troops in the War of the Rebellion (1887), Joseph T . Wilson (1836-91) , author of The Black Phalanx (1888) . John C. Calhoun (1782-1850), Vice-President and U.S. Senator, champion of slavery ; Rober t B . Tane y (1777-1864) , Chie f Justice , responsibl e fo r notorious Dre d Scot t decision (1857) . Anthony Beneze t (1713-84) , antislaver y activist ; Antoin e d e Caritat , Marquis de Condorcet (1743-94), author of Esquisse d'un Tableau Historique des Progres de VEsprit Humain (1794) , propounde r o f theor y o f "infinit e perfectibility o f man"; Jacques Pierre Brissot de Warville (1754-93), French journalist, founde r o f abolitionis t Soci6t 6 de s Ami s de s Noirs ; Benjami n Franklin (1706-90) , statesman , signe r o f antislaver y petitio n (1790) ; Benjamin Rus h (1745-1813) , physician, cofounder o f firs t U.S . antislavery society (1774) ; Davi d Rittenhous e (1732-96) , astronomer , presiden t o f American Philosophica l Societ y (1790) , attacke d slavery ; Guillaum e T.F . Raynal (1713-96) , autho r o f A Philosophical and Political History of the Settlements and Trade in North America (1779; French original 1770) . Fisher Ames (1758-1808), U.S. statesman; quotation fro m essa y "American Literature"; Joel Barlow (1754-1812), poet/diplomat, author of two epics, "The Visio n o f Columbus " (1787 ) an d "Th e Columbiad " (1807) ; Thoma s Paine (1737-1809) , political philosophe r an d author ; Sydne y Smith (1771 1845), Englis h clergyma n an d essayist , cofounde r o f Edinburgh Review (1802ff.), denounce r o f mos t thing s American ; " a Negr o astronomer, " Benjamin Banneke r (1731-1806) ; Jame s Ferguso n (1710-76) , Scottis h scientist, autho r o f Astronomy Explained Upon Newton's Principles (1756) ; abolitionists: Benjamin Lund y (1789-1839), William Lloyd Garrison (180579), founder/editor o f The Liberator (1831-65). William Dea n Howell s (1837-1920) , novelist , editor , critic , long-tim e Boston resident ; "Bi g Dick," Richard Seaver s (C.1794-C.1830) , who stood 6 feet 5 inches; Peter Jackson (1861-1901) , heavyweight boxer, "Black Prince of the Ring"; John T. Raymond (fl. 1830-50), Baptist clergyman; Prince Hall (17357-1807), Masoni c organize r an d abolitionist ; Rev . Hose a Easto n (c.1799-1837), author o f A Treatise on the Intellectual Character . . . of the Colored People (1837) ; Rev. Thomas Paul (1773-1831), pioneer of independent black Baptist churches ; the New England Anti-Slavery Society. Garrison's Exete r Hall speech: 1 3 July 1833. Washingtonians: Isaa c Care y (fl . 1830-40), successfu l challenge r o f la w forbidding Negroe s t o sel l merchandise ; Dr . Jame s H . Flee t (d.1861) ,

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founder o f Negro schools; Rev. John Francis Cook, Sr. (d.1855), Presbyterian, hea d o f Negr o schoo l i n Washington ; Philadelphians : Jame s Forte n (1766-1842), abolitionist; Richar d Alle n (1760-1831) , abolitionist, founde r of Africa n Methodis t Episcopa l Church ; John P . Burr (fl . 1830-40), officia l of Colore d Conventio n an d o f Mora l Refor m Society ; Rober t Purvis , Sr. (1810-98), abolitionist; Baltimoreans: Hezekiah Grice (1801-C.1870), leader of black activists, later 6migr6 to Haiti; Richard T. Greener (1844-1922), the present author ; Rev . William Jame s Watkins (1801-58) , antislavery writer , vice-president of Moral Reform Society; Bostonians: Revs. Paul and Easton (v. above); James G. Barbadoes (d.1841) , abolitionist; David Walker (17851830), abolitionist, author of famous Appeal. . .to the Colored Citizens of the World (1829) . Greener understandably confused thre e members of the Paul family. Th e Baptist churc h o n Belkna p St . was served b y the aforementione d Thoma s Paul. I t wa s one o f si x brothers (al l clergymen) , th e Rev . Nathanie l Pau l (1775-1839), wh o accompanie d Garriso n t o England . An d i t wa s hi s schoolteacher son , Thomas Paul, Jr. (1812-85), who graduated fro m colleg e (Dartmouth, clas s of 1841) . Danie l O'Connel l (1775-1847) , a lawyer , was the dominant forc e i n Iris h politics , and an ardent antislaver y fighter . Samuel E . Cornis h (1795-1858 ) an d Joh n Russwur m (1799-1851) , abolitionists an d co-editor s o f th e firs t blac k U.S . newspape r (1827) . Benjamin F. Butler (1818-93), Massachusetts governor (1882-84), did indeed nominate David Walker's son, Edward Garrison Walke r (18307-1901) , to a municipal judgeship; but the nominee was thrice rejected, and the post went to the first black graduate of Harvard Law School, George L. Ruffin (1834 86), LL.B. 1869. jy suiSy j'y reste: "Here I am and here I stay," attributed to French marshal Marie Edm6 Patrice Maurice de MacMahon (1808-93 ) on finally capturin g the Malakoff i n the Crimean Wa r ( 8 Sept. 1855) . Andrew Fletcher o f Saltou n (1655-1716) , Scottish politicia n an d writer ; Antonin Dvofd k (1841-1904) , famou s Czec h composer , directo r o f th e National Conservator y o f Musi c in Ne w York City , 1892-95 , during which time h e mad e th e quote d statemen t i n a n intervie w wit h th e New York Herald (25 May 1893). Sir Franci s Galto n (1822-1911) , Englis h anthropologist , founde r o f eugenics. Partus requitur patiem: a linotypist' s garblin g o f som e suc h phras e a s partus requirit patientem, "Giving birth call s for a patient person. " Willia m Waller Hening, ed., The Statutes at Large Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia, 13 vols. (1809-23); the statute quoted is dated 1 0 Nov. 1682. Th e "cultured editor " i s Walter Hine s Pag e (1855-1918) , and th e lon g passag e quoted comes from his essay "The Last Hold of the Southern Bully," Forum, Nov. 1893 , 311-12; the Lowell cited i s James Russell Lowell .

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Arthur Schopenhaue r (1788-1860) , German philosopher , expounde r o f pessimism. Booker T . Washingto n (1856-1915) , educator , principa l o f Tuskege e Institute; Josep h C . Pric e (1854-93) , clergyman, orator , foundin g hea d o f Livingstone College (1882); William S. Scarborough (1852-1926), philologist, Wilberforce Universit y professo r an d late r presiden t (1876-1920) ; William E.B. Du Bois (1868-1963), scholar, who read a paper, "The Enforcement o f the Slave-Trad e Laws, H before th e America n Historica l Association , Dec . 1891. Henry C . Potte r (1835-1908) , Episcopa l bisho p o f Ne w York, 1887ff. ; George Washington Cable (1844-1925), writer, whose quotation comes from "The Freedman's Cas e in Equity," Century Magazine, Jan. 1885 , 416 & 418. Thomas U. Dudley (1837-1904), Episcopal bishop of Kentucky; the quotation is from "How Shall We Help the Negro?" Century Magazine, June 1885, 277-78. John Irelan d (1838-1918) , Roman Catholi c recto r o f th e cathedral , St . Paul, Minnesota (1867), bishop of St. Paul (1884), archbishop (1888), major force in founding Catholic University in Washington (1889); Edmund Burke (1729-97), Britis h statesma n an d author ; "Slave s o f Gold! " quatrai n unidentified; "th e Forum editor" i s agai n Walte r Page , i n th e essa y cite d above; Ralp h Wald o Emerso n (1803-82) , essayist, delivere r o f man y antislavery speeches, famous especially for his oration, "The American Scholar," presented before th e Harvard chapter o f Phi Beta Kappa (3 1 Aug. 1837).] Lend a Hand: A Record of Progress (1894)

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Speech at the Harvard Club of New York

What Si r Joh n Coleridg e i n hi s 'Lif e o f [John ] Keble ' say s o f th e traditions and influences of Oxford, each son of Harvard must feel is true also of Cambridge. Th e traditions, the patriotic record, and the scholarly attainments of her alumni are the pride of the College. He r contribution t o letters, to statesmanship, an d to activ e business life, will keep her memory perennially green. No t one of the humblest of her children, who has felt the touch of her pure spirit, or enjoyed the benefits of her culture, can fail to remember what she expects of her sons whereve r the y ma y be: to stan d fas t fo r goo d government , t o maintain the right, to uphold honesty and character, to be, if nothing else, good citizens, to perform, to the extent of their ability, every duty assumed o r impose d upo n them,—democrati c i n thei r aristocracy , catholic in their liberality, impartial in judgment, and uncompromising in their convictions of duty. [Cheers and applause.] Harvard's impartiality was not demonstrated solely by my admission to the College. I n 1770, when Crispus Attucks died a patriot martyr on State Street, she answered the rising of independence an d liberty by abolishin g al l distinction s founde d upo n color , blood , an d rank. Since that day, there has been but one test for all. Ability , character, and merit,—these are the sole passports to her favor. [Applause. ] When, in my adopted State , I stood o n th e battered rampart s of Wagner, and recalled the fair-haired son of Harvard who died there with his brave black troops of Massachusetts,— him who, deadly hurt, agen Flashed on afore the charge's thunder, Tippin' with fire the bolt of men, Thet rived the Rebel line assunder,*

* James Russell Lowell, Biglow Papers, second series, No. 10.—Eds.

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I thanke d God , with patrioti c pleasure , tha t th e firs t contingen t o f negro troops from the North should have been led to death and fame by an alumnus of Harvar d [Rober t Goul d Shaw '60]; and I remembered, with additional pride of race and college, that the firstregiment of black troops raised on South Carolina soil were taught to drill, to fight, t o plough , an d t o rea d b y a brave , eloquent , an d scholarl y descendant o f th e Puritan s an d o f Harvard , Thoma s Wentwort h Higginson ['41] . [Great applause and cheers.] Is i t strange , then , brothers , tha t I ther e resolve d fo r mysel f t o maintain the standard of th e College, so far as I was able, in public and in private life? I am honored by the invitation to be present here tonight. Aroun d me I see faces I have not looked upon for a decade. Many are the intimacies of th e College, the society, the buskin, and the oar which they bring up, from classmates an d college friends . I miss, as all Harvard men must miss to-night, the venerable and kindly figure of Andre w Presto n Peabod y ['26] , th e student' s friend , th e consoler o f th e plucked , th e encourage r o f th e strong , Maecenas' s benign almoner, the felicitous exponent of Harvard's Congregational Unitarianism. I miss, too, another of high scholarship, of rare poetic taste, of broad liberality—my personal friend, Elbridge Jefferson Cutler ['53], loved alik e by students and his fellow-members o f th e Faculty for his conscientious performance of duty and his genial nature. Mr. Presiden t an d brothers , m y tim e i s up . I giv e yo u 'Fai r Harvard,' the exemplar, the prototype of that ideal America, of which the greatest American poet has written, Thou, taught by Fate to know Jehovah's plan, Thet man's devices can't unmake a man, An' whose free latch-string never was drawed in Against the poorest child of Adam's kin.* [Great applause.] G.W. Williams, A History of the Negro Race in America (1883)

*Ibid„ No. 2, "Mason & Slidel!" [6 Jan. 1862].-Eds.

CLEMENT G. MORGA N

Clement Garnet t Morga n wa s bor n i n Staffor d County , Virginia , o n 9 January 1859 . Hi s slav e parents , o n bein g emancipated , move d t o Washington, where their son attended high school. Morga n then worked as a barbe r an d wen t t o St . Louis t o teac h schoo l fo r fou r years . Cravin g a college education, he spent two years at Boston Latin School as preparation for enterin g Harvar d a t th e age of 27 . Barberin g an d substantia l scholar ships covere d mos t o f his expenses . A s a junior h e won firs t priz e i n th e annual Boylsto n orator y contes t (th e secon d priz e goin g t o hi s blac k classmate W.E.B . D u Bois). H e receive d hi s bachelor' s degre e i n 1890 , proceeding directly to Harvard Law School, from which he was graduated in 1893—the school' s thir d blac k graduat e an d th e firs t o f hi s rac e t o hol d degrees from bot h th e College and La w School. For th e res t o f hi s life h e resided i n Cambridg e and maintaine d a law practice i n th e sam e Bosto n offic e a t 3 9 Cour t Street . H e was activ e i n Republican politic s and , elected fro m a n almos t all-whit e ward, served o n the Cambridg e Commo n Counci l i n 189 5 and 189 6 and o n th e Boar d o f Aldermen i n 189 8 and 1899 , but thrice was an unsuccessful aspiran t t o th e state legislature. Eve r th e agitator, h e was in 190 3 largely responsible fo r the closin g o f a segregate d schoo l fo r 3 3 colored childre n i n th e wester n Massachusetts town of Sheffield, an d in 190 5 joined D u Bois as a foundin g member of the Niagara Movement and its successor, the NAACP. H e died in Cambridge on 1 June 1929.

Clement Morgan in 1890

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Clement G. Morgan

Harvard's Negro Orato r CHOSEN B Y THE SENIOR CLAS S IN PREFERENCE T O AN "ARISTOCRAT 1 HIGH HONOR S FO R TH E BARBER STUDENT , SON O F AN EX-SLAV E Clement Garnett Morgan Has Striven Diligently for an Education and His Classmate s i n th e Universit y Confe r Uniqu e Distinctio n Upo n Him—Elected b y a Bare Majority o f On e Vote in a Hot Contest . [Special to the World] Boston, Oct. 20—It is learned on good authority that the color line was drawn i n the case of th e colore d student , Clemen t Garnet t Morgan , who wa s chose n clas s orato r a t Harvard , a s tol d i n to-day' s World. The member s o f th e class , many of who m were see n to-night , posi tively refuse t o talk about the proceedings of the meeting [16 Oct.] at which th e colore d studen t was elected. Th e meeting was secret an d only the bar e resul t o f th e election , without an y statement a s to th e number o f vote s cas t fo r eithe r candidate , wa s give n t o th e press . However, i t i s certain tha t Morga n wa s elected b y a majority o f on e vote in a total vote cast of over 250. The othe r officer s wer e electe d o n a larger margin , bu t th e rea l excitement and the cause of the prolongation of the meeting until the hour of midnight was the question whether Harvard would choose the colored man . Whe n th e vote was announce d i t i s understood ther e was a cal l fo r a recount , whic h wa s mad e ami d intens e excitement . The opponents of Morgan were crestfallen when the tellers made the announcement tha t Morga n ha d jus t on e vot e ove r hi s competitor . The colore d man , on th e other hand , receive d th e warm congratula tions of his supporters. Hi s following did not include the wealthy and aristocratic elemen t whic h wa s represente d b y a candidat e o f thei r own, whose identity, owing to the peculiar circumstances of the case,

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is one of th e things to be kept from publication. Th e supporters of this candidate mad e a great effort prio r to th e meetin g t o beat th e colored man , althoug h i t i s onl y jus t t o sa y tha t no t al l o f the m objected to Morgan on account of his color so much as because they wanted their man to win. Morgan's antecedents and the fact that he had in his first year and previous to his entrance made money as a barber served to set some of the aristocratic students against him. U p to within a few days of the election Morgan had not been seriously thought of for the honor, because o f th e feelin g tha t h e coul d no t win . Bu t hi s supporters considered tha t the election of a colored man would be a handsome way of showing Harvard's friendship for the race, especially in view of the notabl e par t fille d b y such Harvar d me n a s [Charles ] Sumner, [Wendell] Phillip s an d other s i n th e abolitio n movement . Thes e young me n pu t thei r head s togethe r an d organized a movement t o place the colored classmate in the honored office, an d the vote they rolled up was the big surprise of the meeting. Heretofore the Bloods and the Sevells have run the election, and up to last year the rest of the class had submitted. Las t year the rule was broken in the election as class orator of young [Walker Warren] Magee ['89] . A good deal of feeling has cropped out over Morgan's success, bu t th e chance s ar e i t wil l di e a natura l deat h befor e commencement, by which time it is hoped the unceasing kickers will come to their senses. Morgan i s th e so n o f a forme r slav e no w livin g i n Wes t Washington, D.C., where the young man was born and attended and graduated from the High School. I n Washington he learned his trade as a barber an d worke d i n a barbe r sho p there . Late r h e taugh t school i n St. Louis. Hi s ultimate object being the earning of money enough to go to Harvard. H e came to Boston in 1884 , entered th e Latin school and graduated in 1886 with honorable rank. H e entered Harvard i n th e Fal l o f 188 6 an d durin g hi s vacatio n worke d i n a Saratoga hotel . H e als o earne d mone y deliverin g lecture s i n Ne w England on the colored problem. H e won the prize for oratory last year by reciting Carl Schurz's oration on "The Emancipation Proclamation." I t i s no t generall y know n t o th e clas s an d thi s fact i s the chief reason why he was not regarded as a formidable competitor for class orator. New York World (1889 )

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Class Day Oration

Ladies and Gentlemen, Classmates, "Help them who cannot help again." Keen joy or grief we must often bea r alone, whether we will or not. So, o n thi s our Clas s Day , we, knowin g joys which other s ma y not share, come yet with sorrows which they can scarcely be expected to feel o r even understand . Stil l we can spend but a moment sighing, since Alm a Mate r knows , a s ever y mothe r wil l tel l you , tha t th e strength or tenderness of filial affection is measured, not by sighs and tears a t parting, but by strictness i n keeping precepts . So , i n these days we live in thought of those teachings which have for us been the same as for all Harvard men, whether expressed in "piety, morality and learning," in "knowledge and godliness," in "Truth for Christ and the Church," or in simple Truth, embracing all: for it is by truth, which, as an activ e livin g principle , becomes ou r "ought, " our "must, " that we answer the questions which each of us puts to himself to-day, "What is m y relatio n t o th e worl d abou t me? " and "Wher e ca n I help?" Every so n o f Harvar d imbue d with thi s principle , goin g fort h "with freedom to think," "with patience to bear,"and "for right ever bravely to live," has been aptly described in the words of Browning: One who never turned his back but marched breast forward, Never doubted clouds would break, Never dreamed, though right were worsted, wrong would triumph, Held we fall to rise, are baffled t o fight better, Sleep to wake. \Asolando, 'Epilogue ' (1889)] And is not the example of every one of them acting upon us, as it

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has acted upo n n o class before? Le t tw o instances at th e beginning of our university life assure us that i t is: You remember that to us entering college there was entrusted th e keeping of tha t whic h i s ever hel d dearest here—o f worship . I t was because the strength of character of those preceding us warranted the belief that voluntary devotion, "a thing unique in university training in the world," would not suffer a t our hands; that there might be written over our chapel doors, "not compulsion, but invitation." Ho w glad we were last fall t o hear that th e departure had more than me t expectations! An d yet, let us not forget, its continued success rests largely on you and on me,—the first rip e fruits o f it; for ou r new system is afte r all an old one. W e saw its complete foreshadowing in the thought out of th e "Upanishads " whic h to-da y i n th e mids t o f ou r questionin g seems to say , "Worship and despair not ; if not o n a high plane, give lower service, seek to reach men; if thou canst not worship meaningly, toil; in work is the blessing of man." The secon d instance:—W e ha d ha d abou t a mont h t o se t u p ou r ideals, when the day of our quarter millennial celebration came. Wha t an impressiv e sigh t wa s th e lin e o f processio n pas t th e buildings , through the Yard, here into the theatre! An d then the meaning of it all! Yo u will recall how, in the evening, we, with an enthusiasm which modesty coul d no t check , di d no t forbea r boastin g tha t "thes e tw o hundred fift y year s ar e fo r Ninety. " Yo u doubtles s se e th e trans parency now. A jest do you say? I am sure it was, but that jest today becomes ou r earnest . Thos e year s wer e fo r us , an d bringin g wit h them great privileges, put upon us like obligations and responsibilities. There occurs to me a case from history where a memorable victory was won unde r th e influenc e o f th e spell o f mer e antiquity . Whe n Napoleon, o n th e plain s o f Egypt , pointin g t o thos e monument s o f human endeavo r an d o f huma n achievement , sai d t o hi s soldiers , "Remember tha t fro m th e top of those pyramids forty centurie s look down upo n you, " thos e fe w simpl e word s carrie d wit h the m th e inspiration which won the "Battle of the Pyramids." I n the years which we claimed, an d whic h no w i n thei r tur n clai m us , there i s no suc h charm, but holding you and me there is a greater power—the spirit of plain, zealous, single-minded men, who, preferring the hardships of the wilderness to beds of ease under tyranny, among their first acts set up in this place on the basis of sound learning, civil and religious liberty; of men , wh o i n th e hou r o f thei r country' s need , leavin g home , friends, socia l position, worldly honor, all that coul d make life worth

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living, gave themselves a willing sacrifice, i f only they migh t make way for liberty , fo r trut h an d fo r humanity . Thi s is the powe r holdin g you and me , makin g thos e tw o hundre d fifty year s ours . The exampl e o f thes e me n show s clearl y tha t th e tru e roa d t o success, to any excellence, is that of plain, genuine simplicity, sincerit y and unselfishness ; fo r this , an d thi s alone , lead s t o th e culture , th e character an d th e civilizatio n whic h stan d th e tes t o f time . Their exampl e shows , too , tha t th e ma n fo r an y grea t wor k i n an y age mus t b e earnest , faithful , patient , th e ma n wh o ca n wait , i f nee d be;—not, bea r i n mind , h e who stand s idl y waiting, bu t h e who, while waiting, works , wit h th e earnestnes s o f life , wit h th e faithfulnes s o f industry, an d wit h th e patienc e o f heroism , o f farsightedness , an d o f unshaken confidenc e i n tha t "Forc e alway s a t work t o mak e th e bes t better, th e wors t good. " T o him , bidin g hi s time , th e bitteres t tea r becomes a s sweet sprin g water . Their example shows also, in the words of him who once chid us fo r indifference here , tha t "power , ability , influence , characte r an d virtu e are onl y trust s wit h whic h t o serv e ou r time. " Th e purpose s o f a n education ar e bu t two : (1 ) adding , b y diligence , discover y an d invention, t o th e though t an d t o th e materia l developmen t o f th e world; an d (2 ) informing , moving , directing , upliftin g men . Bot h o f these hav e on e end , th e well-bein g o f mankind . The n h e serve s hi s time bes t wh o serve s humanit y best ; an d wh o doe s s o serve s bes t hi s country an d hi s Alm a Mater . From th e oratio n o f th e tw o hundre d an d fiftiet h anniversar y yo u will, I a m sure , remembe r thi s thought : "Th e onl y wa y i n whic h ou r civilization ca n b e maintained , eve n a t th e leve l i t ha s reached , th e only way in which tha t leve l can b e mad e mor e general an d b e raise d higher, is by bringing the influence o f the more cultivated t o bear with more energ y an d directnes s o n th e les s cultivated , an d b y openin g more inlet s to thos e indirec t influence s whic h make for refinemen t o f mind an d body. Democrac y mus t sho w its capacity fo r producing , no t a highe r averag e man , bu t th e highes t possibl e type s o f manhoo d i n all its manifold varieties , or i t is a failure." I t i s not, I think, assumin g too muc h t o sa y tha t i n seekin g t o brin g "th e influenc e o f th e mor e cultivated t o bea r wit h energ y an d directnes s o n th e les s cultivated, " to mak e i t impossibl e fo r democrac y t o b e a failure , i s your dut y an d mine,—a dut y fro m whic h th e onl y escap e i s performance . Public speaker s sa y tha t the y mak e i t a poin t t o hi t i n thei r audience th e ma n farthest off , assure d tha t i f he hear, al l others must .

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Do yo u the n i n you r relatio n wit h th e world , i n you r servic e t o humanity, make it your business to reach the lowest man? I use the word i n n o vulga r sense ; fo r w e her e scarcel y nee d th e ai d o f an y philosopher to know that the great thing in the world is Man. I know, like travelers u p a mountain side, looking back, our head s may grow giddy wit h th e height s w e hav e reached , but lookin g beyon d an d seeing the summit so far off i t seems we have not begun to climb and our foolish prid e goes. I mean him who has not like advantages with you, the man struggling against odds, who in the depths of ignorance, rudeness an d wretchedness, i t ma y be, i s longing an d striving , in his imperfect huma n way , for somethin g higher , better , nobler , truer, — reach him; for t o him making a fight i n the face o f difficulties, ther e are tw o spurs : one , opposition , developin g strength ; th e othe r a cheering wor d fro m thos e wh o i n noblenes s o f hear t do , b y thei r sympathy, make the fight wit h him. O f th e first h e will always have enough; alas, if you withhold from hi m the second! N o evil is greater or farther reachin g in its consequences than that of disregard for th e dictates and demands of humanity. The n make him feel the possibilities within him and help him to develop those possibilities. There are ways to that above and beyond Sir Launfal's,—giving from a sense of duty, but insultin g t o the dignity of huma n nature,—ways , too, which never descend to patronage, hurting alike to helper and to helped. Thes e will suggest themselves in obedience to will. A striking case, lately brought to our notice by the newspapers, is that of the college settlement i n New York, where a few heroic women, with brave heart and a purpose, carry on successfully a plan for helping others in a rea l huma n way . A s w e rea d o f the m w e coul d scarcel y hel p thinking tha t Broo k Farm s ma y fail bu t Rivingto n Settlement s mus t persist. Yo u will remember that here a few years ago we were told by the Scotc h schola r visitin g u s o f a simila r pla n i n operatio n amon g university me n i n hi s country . Th e sam e thin g yo u wil l find , too , among students in London. W e know of something of the kind here in a modest way. Wha t an advance since the days of Horace Greeley if men are to be saved by the college graduate and not from him ! There is no intention of making missionaries of you except i n that larger sense in which every man is a missionary, but prominent i n our college conference thi s year has been thi s thought: "Wha t the world needs i s what Margare t Fulle r call s th e spiritua l ma n o f th e world. " Now we do no t thin k th e world scandalous , skeptical, o r epicurean , nor do we believe nothin g remain s but hunge r an d cant , still it is in

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some respects a queer world, for with it you are at once "the fast set" and expected leaders of a great moral movement. However , you must fill th e bill. Ther e is abundant need for giving the world the assurance which Goethe gave Carlyle: "I t is still possible that man be a man." Indeed, fro m one ac t here, small i n and of itself, th e world expects, nay, demands o f u s tha t assurance . When , consciou s o f a possible taunt of writhing under defeat, we took a stand against professionalism in college athletics , we pu t ourselves o n record , virtually saying that the winning or losing of a game, a match, or a race, is one matter, but th e mean s of gai n or loss i s a far different thing ; the principles underlying sports, as those governin g conduct, reconcil e means with ends only when both are honorable. Th e protest, though ill-received, was nevertheless right , an d will, I believe, lea d t o faire r an d better athletics; at any rate, having taken high ground, we hav e no retreat which is not disgraceful. Looking from our college world to the great world outside University gate, we cannot fail t o see a great moral movement going on; it leads a Russian count from the court to a bench with the cobblers, it dismisses i n Germany a "man of iro n will" and teaches hi m that the revolutionary minority which he feared mus t not stand in the way of the greatest good to the greatest number and of right and fair play for all; it acts on the brain of an unpretentious man, and sets a-going the thought o f th e whol e country . Yo u ma y not agre e wit h Tolsto i i n some of hi s theories, though take him for all in all, he is one o f the grand examples of our time; for from the day on which the first rude savage freely gave his life fo r the advancement o f hi s tribe, down to the day of John Brown of Ossawattomie at Harper's Ferry, men have seen tha t the noblest thin g on earth, that which most surely touches the heart, is vicarious suffering, human self-sacrifice; you may question the outcome of the efforts o f William of Germany and of the Berlin Conference; you may find fault with the methods of the nationalists; but you cannot den y that th e purpos e of al l of thes e i s not onl y to help men to a comfortable living , but to add to their intellectual and moral welfare. This movement, not yet developed into widespread enthusiasm for humanity, waits "men of thought and men of action to clear the way," and looks with anxious eyes on you. Believin g with Emerson that the test of civilization is not in the census, nor in the size of cities, nor in the crops, but in the kind of man the country turns out, see to it that our civilization stan d the test by taking the Calibans of ou r soil and

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making Prospero s o f them , b y makin g th e peasan t brai n wise . Intelligence i s virtue' s ow n handmaid , labor' s helpmeet ; i f th e on e have not her aid, nor the other her companionship, vice and misery result. Yo u have in that truth the strongest argument for developing and stimulating the intellectual faculties of every human being. Her e in America, where the humblest man counts one, and where however much some may look down, their neighbor will not be found looking up, it is especially imperative that every man be a thinker. Classmates o f Ninety , lookin g ove r ou r numbe r her e I fin d w e touch by actual residence, extreme points, East and West, North and South, in our country; we cannot go away rightly impressed with the deepest meaning s o f thi s plac e withou t feelin g impelle d t o ad d somewhat t o it s greatness . T o d o that , wha t yo u an d I mus t tak e account of is, not success, but that which alone deserves it, endeavor. "The measur e o f a nation' s tru e success, " says Mr . Lowell , "i s the amount i t ha s contribute d t o th e thought , th e mora l energy , th e spiritual hope an d consolation of mankind." S o then it must be our endeavor to open t o every man, woman and child in this land every door leadin g t o intelligenc e an d virtue. Th e tim e ha s come when honorable me n disdai n t o b e guilt y o f accusin g thei r fellow s o f ignorance and vice while they either deliberately dam up the "inlets to the influences which make for refinement of mind and body," or else in thei r indifferenc e tur n not a hand t o give fre e passag e t o them. The case before u s requires not so much words, as work with might and main. Le t each of us do his duty and in that find our relation to the world about us; there, see where we may help. So , and only so, were those two hundred fifty years ours, and we in our turn theirs. Class of 1890 (1890)

W.KB. DU BOI S

William Edward Burghardt Du Bois was born on 23 February 1868 in Great Barrington, Massachusetts , wher e h e wa s th e onl y blac k membe r o f hi s high-school graduatin g clas s i n 1884 . Afte r a year' s mil l jo b an d a scholarship offer, he had the wherewithal to go to all-black Fisk University in Tennessee, where he was granted sophomore standing, edited the school paper, and received his A.B. in 1888 . Enterin g Harvard (a longtime goal) as a junior, h e too k anothe r A.B . i n 1890 , a n A.M . i n 1891 , and—afte r studying in Berlin—in 1895 became the first black to receive a Harvard Ph.D. His dissertation, The Suppression of the African Slave-Trade , was published in 189 6 as the first book in the Harvard Historical Series. Short stint s teachin g Classic s an d sociology a t Wilberforce Universit y and th e Universit y o f Pennsylvani a le d t o a professorshi p i n th e socia l sciences at Atlanta University from 189 7 to 1910 . H e helped to found the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, and conceived and edite d it s monthl y organ , The Crisis^ fro m 191 0 unti l 1934 , whe n disagreements led to his resignation and a return to Atlanta University, from which he was forcibly retired in 1944. Throughout hi s life , D u Boi s produce d a torren t o f words—no t jus t speeches and works of scholarship and opinion, but even poetry, fiction, and drama. Hi s The Souls of Black Folk (1903) remain s on e o f th e supreme pieces of American writing. D u Bois received the Spingarn Medal in 1920, and mor e tha n a hal f doze n honorar y degree s her e an d abroad . Hi s increasing left-win g activit y in later years resulted in indictment, trial , and acquittal. A t the age of 93 he joined th e Communist Part y and moved to Ghana, where he died on 27 August 1963.

W.E.B. Du Bois on arriving at Harvard in 1888 (previousl y unpublished )

W.E.B. Du Bois in 1915

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A Negr o Studen t a t Harvar d at th e En d o f th e Nineteent h Centur y

Harvard Universit y i n 188 8 was a great institutio n o f learning . I t was two hundred an d [fifty-two ] year s old and on its governing board were Alexander Agassiz, Phillips Brooks , Henry Cabo t Lodge , an d Charle s Francis Adams ; an d a John Quinc y Adams, but no t th e ex-President . Charles William Eliot , a gentleman b y training and a scholar by broad study an d travel , wa s president . Amon g it s teacher s emerit i wer e Oliver Wendell Holmes an d James Russell Lowell . Amon g the activ e teachers were Francis Child, Charles Eliot Norton , Justin Winsor , an d John Trowbridge ; Fran k Taussig , Nathanie l Shaler , Georg e Palmer , William James , Franci s Peabody , Josia h Royce , Barret t Wendell , Edward Channing , and Albert Bushnel l Hart. I n 189 0 arrived a young instructor, Georg e Santayana . Seldom , i f ever , ha s an y America n university had such a galaxy of great men and fine teacher s a s Harvard in th e decad e betwee n 188 5 and 1895 . To mak e m y own attitud e towar d th e Harvar d o f tha t da y clear , it must be remembered tha t I went t o Harvard a s a Negro, not simpl y by birth , bu t recognizin g mysel f a s a membe r o f a segregate d cast e whose situation I accepted. Bu t I was determined t o work from withi n that cast e t o find m y way out . The Harvard of which most white students conceived I knew little. I had no t eve n hear d o f Phi Bet a Kappa , an d of such importan t socia l organizations a s th e Hast y Puddin g Club , I kne w nothing . I wa s i n Harvard fo r educatio n an d no t fo r hig h marks, except a s marks would insure m y staying. I di d no t pic k ou t "snap " courses. I was ther e t o enlarge m y grasp o f th e meanin g o f th e universe . W e ha d had , fo r X

W.E.B. Du Bois recorded a variant version of this memoir; the tape is in the Harvard Archives.

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instance, n o chemica l laborator y a t Fisk ; ou r mathematic s course s were limited . Abov e al l I wante d t o stud y philosophy ! I wante d t o get hol d o f th e base s o f knowledge , an d explor e foundation s an d beginnings. I chose , therefore , Palmer' s cours e i n ethics , bu t sinc e Palmer wa s on sabbatica l tha t year , Willia m Jame s replace d him , an d I becam e a devoted followe r o f Jame s a t th e tim e h e was developin g his pragmati c philosophy . Fortunately I did not fal l int o the mistake of regarding Harvard a s the beginning rather tha n th e continuing of m y college training . I did not find bette r teacher s a t Harvard , bu t teacher s bette r known , wh o had ha d wide r facilitie s fo r gainin g knowledg e an d live d i n a broade r atmosphere fo r approachin g truth . I hope d t o pursu e philosoph y a s my life career , wit h teachin g fo r support. Wit h thi s program I studied a t Harvard fro m th e fal l of 188 8 to 1890 , a s a n undergraduate . I too k a varie d cours e i n chemistry , geology, socia l science , an d philosophy . M y salvatio n her e wa s th e type of teache r I met rathe r tha n th e conten t o f th e courses. Willia m James guide d m e ou t o f th e sterilitie s o f scholasti c philosoph y t o realist pragmatism; from Peabody' s social reform with a religious ting e I turne d t o Alber t Bushnel l Har t t o stud y histor y wit h documentar y research; an d fro m Taussig , with hi s reactionary Britis h economic s o f the Ricardo school, I approached wha t was later to become sociology . Meantime Kar l Mar x was mentioned, bu t only incidentally an d a s one whose doubtfu l theorie s ha d lon g sinc e bee n refuted . Socialis m wa s dismissed a s unimportant , a s a drea m o f philanthrop y o r a s a will-o wisp o f hotheads . When I arrived a t Harvard, th e question o f board an d lodging was of firs t importance . Naturally , I coul d no t affor d a roo m i n th e college yard i n th e ol d an d venerabl e building s which house d mos t o f the well-to-d o student s unde r th e magnificen t elms . Neithe r di d I think o f lookin g for lodging s among white families, where number s o f the ordinar y students lived . I tried t o find a colored home , and finall y at 2 0 Flag g Stree t I cam e upo n th e nea t hom e o f a colore d woma n from Nov a Scotia , a descendan t o f thos e blac k Jamaica n Maroon s whom Britai n ha d deporte d afte r solemnl y promisin g the m peac e i f they would su/render. Fo r a very reasonable su m I rented th e secon d story front roo m an d fo r fou r year s thi s was my home. I wrote o f thi s abode a t th e time : "M y roo m is , fo r a colleg e man' s abode , ver y ordinary indeed . I t i s quit e pleasantl y situated—secon d floor , front , with a ba y windo w an d on e othe r windo w . . . A s yo u ente r yo u wil l

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perceive th e be d i n th e opposit e corner , smal l an d decorated with floral design s calculated to puzzle a botanist... O n the left han d is a burea u wit h a mirro r o f doubtfu l accuracy . I n fron t o f th e bay window is a stand with three shelves of books, and on the left o f the bureau i s a n improvise d bookcas e mad e o f unpainte d board s an d uprights, containing most of m y library of which I am growing quite proud. Ove r th e hea t register , nea r th e door , i s a mante l wit h a plaster of Pari s pug-dog and a calendar, and the usual array of odds and ends . .. O n the wall are a few quite ordinary pictures. I n this commonplace den I am quite content." Following the attitudes which I had adopted in the South, I sought no friendship s amon g my white fello w students , no r even acquaint anceships. O f course I wanted friends, but I could not seek them. M y class was large—some thre e hundre d students. I doubt i f I knew a dozen of them. I did not seek them, and naturally they did not seek me. I made no attempt to contribute to the college periodicals since the editors were not interested in my major interests. Bu t I did have a good singing voice and loved music, so I entered the competition for the Glee Club. I ought to have known that Harvard could not afford to have a Negro on its Glee Club travelling about the country. Quit e naturally I was rejected. I was happy at Harvard, but for unusual reasons. On e of thes e was m y acceptance o f racia l segregation . Ha d I gon e fro m Grea t Barrington Hig h Schoo l directl y t o Harvard , I woul d hav e sough t companionship wit h m y white fellow s an d bee n disappointe d an d embittered by a discovery of social limitations to which I had not been used. Bu t I cam e b y way o f Fis k an d th e Sout h an d ther e I had accepted colo r cast e an d embrace d eagerl y th e companionshi p o f those o f m y ow n color . Thi s wa s o f cours e n o fina l solution . Eventually, in mass assault, led by culture, we Negroes were going to break down the boundaries of race ; but at present we were banded together in a great crusade, and happily so. Indeed, I suspect that the prospect of ultimate full human intercourse, without reservations and annoying distinctions, made me all too willing to consort with my own and t o disdai n an d forge t a s far a s was possibl e tha t outer , white r world. In general, I asked nothing of Harvard but the tutelage of teachers and the freedom of the laboratory and library. I was quite voluntarily and willingly outside it s social life . I sought only such contacts with white teachers as lay directly in the line of my work. I joined certain

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clubs, like th e Philosophica l Club ; I was a member o f th e Foxcrof t Dining Clu b becaus e i t wa s cheap . Jame s an d on e o r tw o othe r teachers ha d me a t thei r home s a t meal an d reception. I escorted colored girls to various gatherings, and as pretty ones as I could find to the vesper exercises, and later to the class day and commencement social functions . Naturall y we attracte d attentio n an d th e Crimson noted my girl friends. Sometime s th e shadow of insul t fell, a s when at one receptio n a white woman seemed determine d t o mistake me for a waiter. In general , I wa s encase d i n a completel y colore d world , self sufficient an d provincial, and ignoring just as far as possible the white world which conditioned it . Thi s was self-protective coloration , with perhaps an inferiority complex, but with belief in the ability and future of black folk. My friends and companions were drawn mainly from the colored students of Harvard and neighboring institutions, and the colored folk of Bosto n an d surroundin g towns . Wit h the m I le d a happ y an d inspiring life. Ther e were among them many educated and well-to-do folk, many young people studying or planning to study, many charming young women. W e met and ate, danced and argued, and planned a new world. Towards whites I was not arrogant; I was simply not obsequious, and to a white Harvard student o f m y day a Negro student who did not seek recognition was trying to be more than a Negro. Th e same Harvard man had much the same attitude toward Jews and Irishmen. I was , however , exceptiona l amon g Negroe s a t Harvar d i n my ideas o n voluntar y rac e segregation . The y fo r th e mos t par t sa w salvation only in integration at the earliest moment and on almost any terms in white culture; I was firm in my criticism of white folk and in my dream of a self-sufficient Negr o culture even in America. This cutting of myself off from my white fellows, or being cut off , did not mean unhappiness or resentment. I was in my early manhood, unusually full of high spirits and humor. I thoroughly enjoyed life. I was conscious of understanding and power, and conceited enough still to imagine, as in high school, that they who did not know me were the losers, no t I . O n th e othe r hand , I d o no t thin k tha t m y white classmates found m e personally objectionable. I was clean, not welldressed bu t decentl y clothed . Manner s I regarded a s mor e o r less superfluous and deliberately cultivated a certain brusquerie. Persona l adornment I regarde d a s pleasan t bu t no t important . I wa s i n

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Harvard, but not of it , and realized all the irony of m y singing "Fair Harvard." I sang it because I liked the music, and not from any pride in the Pilgrims. With my colored friends I carried on lively social intercourse, but necessarily one which involved little expenditure of money. I called at their homes and ate at their tables. W e danced at private parties. We went on excursions down the Bay. Once , with a group of colored students gathere d fro m surroundin g institutions , w e gav e Aristophanes' The Birds i n a Boston colored church. Th e rendition was good, but not outstanding, not quite appreciated by the colored audience, but well worth doing. Eve n though it worked me near to death, I was proud of it. Thus th e grou p o f professiona l men , students , white-colla r workers, and upper servants, whose common bond was color of skin in themselves or in their fathers, together with a common history and current experienc e o f discrimination , forme d a unit that , lik e many tens of thousands of like units across the nation, had or were getting to have a common culture pattern which made them an interlocking mass, s o tha t increasingl y a colore d perso n i n Bosto n wa s mor e neighbor to a colored person in Chicago than to a white person across the street. Mrs. Ruffin o f Charle s Street, Boston, and her daughter, Birdie, were often hostesses to this colored group. Sh e was widow of the first colored judge appointe d i n Massachusetts, a n aristocratic lady , with olive skin and high-piled masses of white hair. Onc e a Boston white lady said to Mrs. Ruffin ingratiatingly: " I have always been interested in your race." Mrs . Ruffin flared: "Which race?" She began a national organization of colored women and published the Courant, a type of small colored weekly paper which was then spreading over the nation. In this I published many of my Harvard daily themes. Naturally i n thi s clos e grou p ther e gre w u p amon g th e youn g people friendship s endin g i n marriages . I myself , outgrowin g th e youthful attraction s o f Fisk , bega n seriou s dream s o f lov e an d marriage. Ther e were, however, still my study plans to hold me back and there were curious other reasons. Fo r instance, it happened that two of the girls whom I particularly liked had what was to me then the insuperable handica p of lookin g lik e whites, while they had enough black ancestry to make them "Negroes" in America. I could not let the world even imagin e that I had married a white wife. Ye t thes e girls wer e intelligen t an d companionable . On e wen t t o Vassa r

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College, which then refused entrance to Negroes. Year s later when I wen t ther e t o lectur e I remembe r disagreein g violentl y wit h a teacher who thought the girl ought not to have "deceived" the college by graduating before it knew of her Negro descent! Anothe r favorite of min e wa s Deeni e Pindell . Sh e wa s a fine , forthrigh t woman , blonde, blue-eyed and fragile. I n the end I had no chance to choose her, for she married Monroe Trotter. Trotter was th e so n o f a well-to-do colore d fathe r an d entered Harvard in my first year in the Graduat e School. H e was thick-set, yellow, with close-cut dark hair. H e was stubborn and strait-laced and an influentia l membe r o f hi s class . H e organize d th e firs t Tota l Abstinence Clu b in th e Yard. I came to kno w hi m and joined th e company whe n h e an d othe r colore d student s too k i n a tri p t o Amherst t o se e ou r friend s Forbe s an d Lewi s graduate i n the class with Calvin Coolidge. Lewis afterwar d entere d Harvar d La w Schoo l an d becam e th e celebrated center rush of the Harvard football team. H e married the beautiful Bessi e Baker , who had been with us on that Amherst trip. Forbes, a brilliant , cynica l dar k man , late r joine d wit h Trotte r i n publishing th e Guardian, th e first Negr o pape r to attac k Booker T. Washington openly. Washington' s friends retorted by sending Trotter to jai l whe n h e dare d t o heckl e Washingto n i n a publi c Bosto n meeting o n hi s politica l views . I was no t presen t no r priv y to thi s occurrence, but the unfairness of the jail sentence led me eventually to form the Niagara movement, which later became the NAACP. Thus I lived near to life, love, and tragedy; and when I met Maud Cuney, I became doubly interested. Sh e was a tall, imperious brunette with gold-bronze skin, brilliant eyes, and coils of black hair, daughter of th e Collecto r of Custom s at Galveston, Texas. Sh e had come to study musi c an d was a skilled performer . Whe n th e Ne w Englan d Conservatory o f Musi c tried t o "jim-crow " her i n the dormitory , we students rushed to her defense and we won. I fell deeply in love with her, and we were engaged. Thus i t i s clea r ho w i n th e genera l socia l intercours e o n th e campus I consciousl y misse d nothing . Som e whit e student s mad e themselves know n t o m e an d a few , a very few , becam e life-lon g friends. Mos t o f m y classmates I kne w neithe r b y sight no r name. Among them many made their mark in life: Norman Hapgood, Robert Herrick, Herber t Croly , Georg e Dorsey , Home r Folks , Augustu s Hand, Jame s Brow n Scott , an d others . I kne w non e o f thes e

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intimately. Fo r th e mos t par t I d o no t doub t tha t I was vote d a somewhat selfish and self-centered "grind" with a chip on my shoulder and a sharp tongue. Only once or twice did I come to the surface of college life. Firs t I found b y careful calculatio n tha t I needed th e cash of on e o f th e Boylston prizes in oratory to piece out my year's expenses. I got it through winning a second oratorica l prize . Th e occasion was noteworthy by the fact that another black student, Clement Morgan, got first prize at the same contest. With th e increas e a t Harvar d o f student s wh o ha d grow n u p outside New England, there arose at this time a certain resentment at the wa y Ne w Englan d student s wer e dominatin g an d conductin g college affairs. Th e class marshal on commencement day was always a Saltonstall , a Cabot, a Lowell, o r fro m som e suc h Ne w Englan d family. Th e crew and most of the heads of other athletic teams were selected fro m similarl y limite d socia l groups . Th e clas s poet , clas s orator, an d othe r commencemen t official s invariabl y wer e selecte d because of famil y and not for merit. I t so happened tha t when the officials of the class of 1890 were being selected in early spring, a plot ripened. Personally , I kne w nothin g o f i t an d wa s no t greatl y interested. Bu t in Boston and in the Harvard Yard the result of the elections was of tremendous significance, for this conspiratorial clique selected Clemen t Morgan as class orator. Ne w England and indeed the whole country reverberated. Morgan was a black man. H e had been working in a barber shop in St. Louis at the time when he ought to have been in school. Wit h the encouragemen t an d hel p o f a colored teacher , who m h e late r married, h e cam e t o Bosto n an d entere d th e Lati n School . Thi s meant that when he finallyentered Harvard, he entered as freshman in the orthodox way and was well acquainted with his classmates. H e was fairl y wel l received , considerin g hi s color . H e wa s a pleasan t unassuming person and one of the best speakers of clearly enunciated English on th e campus . I n his junior year h e ha d earned th e first Boylston priz e for oratory in the same contest where I won second prize. I t was, then, logical for him to become class orator, and yet this was against all the traditions of America. Ther e were editorials in the leading newspapers, and the South especially raged and sneered at the audience of "black washer-women" who would replace Boston society at the next Harvard commencement. Morgan's success was contagious, an d that year and the next, in

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several leading Northern colleges, colored students became the class orators. Ex-Presiden t Hayes , a s I shall relat e later , sneere d a t this fact. While , as I have said, I had nothing to do with the plot, and was not even presen t a t the election which chose Morgan, I was greatly pleased at this breaking of the color line. Morga n and I became fast friends and spent a summer giving readings along the North Shore to defray our college costs. Harvard of this day was a great opportunity for a young man and a young American Negro and I realized it. I formed habits of work rather different fro m those of most of th e other students. I burned no midnigh t oil . I did m y studying i n the daytim e an d had m y day parceled out almost to the minute. I spent a great deal of time in the library and did my assignments with thoroughness and with prevision of th e kin d of work I wanted t o d o later . Fro m th e beginnin g my relations with most of th e teachers a t Harvard were pleasant. The y were on the whole glad to receive a serious student, to whom extracurricular activities were not of paramount importance, and one who in a general way knew what he wanted. Harvard had in the social sciences no such leadership of thought and breadt h o f learnin g a s i n philosophy , literature , an d physica l science. Sh e was then groping and is still groping toward a scientific treatment of human action. Sh e was facing at the end of the century a tremendou s economi c era . I n th e Unite d States , financ e wa s succeeding i n monopolizin g transportatio n an d ra w material s lik e sugar, coal, and oil. Th e power of the trust and combine was so great that th e Sherma n Act was passed in 1890 . O n the other hand , the tariff, a t th e deman d o f manufacturers , continue d t o ris e i n height from th e McKinle y t o th e indefensibl e Wilso n tariff , makin g tha t domination easier. Th e understanding between the Industrial North and th e Ne w Sout h wa s bein g perfecte d and , beginning i n 1890 , a series of disfranchising law s was enacted by the Southern states that was destine d i n th e nex t sixtee n year s t o mak e voting b y Southern Negroes practicall y impossible . A financia l crisi s shook th e lan d in 1893, and popular discontent showed itself in the Populist movement and Coxey' s Army . Th e whol e questio n o f th e burde n o f taxatio n began to be discussed. These things we discussed with some clearness and factual understanding at Harvard. Th e tendency was toward English free trade and against th e America n tarif f policy . W e reverence d Ricard o an d wasted long hours on the "Wages-fund." I remember Taussig's course

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supporting dyin g Ricardea n economics . Wage s cam e fro m wha t employers ha d lef t fo r labo r afte r the y ha d subtracte d thei r ow n reward. Suppos e tha t thi s profi t wa s to o smal l t o attrac t th e employer, what would the poor worker do but starve! Th e trusts and monopolies were viewed frankly as dangerous enemies of democracies, but a t th e sam e tim e a s inevitabl e method s o f industry . W e were strong for the gold standard and fearful of silver. O n the other hand, the attitude of Harvard toward labor was on the whole contemptuous and condemnatory. Strike s like that of the anarchists in Chicago and the railway strikes of 1886, the terrible Homestead strike of 1892 and Coxey's Army of 1894, were pictured as ignorant lawlessness, lurching against conditions largely inevitable. Karl Marx was mentioned only t o point ou t how thoroughly his theses ha d been disproven ; of th e theor y itsel f almos t nothin g was said. Henr y George was given but tolerant notice. Th e anarchists of Spain, the Nihilists of Russia, the British miners—all these were viewed not as part of political an d economic development but as a sporadic evil. Thi s wa s natural . Harvar d wa s th e chil d o f it s era . Th e intellectual freedo m an d flowering o f th e lat e eighteent h an d early nineteenth centurie s wer e yieldin g t o th e deadenin g economi c pressure whic h woul d mak e Harvar d ric h bu t reactionary . Thi s defender of wealth and capital, already half ashamed of Sumner and Phillips, was willing finally to replace an Eliot with a manufacturer and a nervous war-monger. Th e social community that mobbed Garrison easily electrocuted Sacco and Vanzetti. It was not until I was long out of college and had finished my first studies o f economic s an d politic s tha t I realize d th e fundamenta l influence man' s efforts t o earn a living had upon all his other efforts. The politics which we studied in college were conventional, especially when i t cam e t o describin g an d elucidatin g th e curren t scen e i n Europe. Th e Queen's Jubilee in June, 1887, while I was still at Fisk, set th e patter n o f ou r thinking . Th e littl e ol d woma n a t Windsor became a magnificent symbol of Empire. Her e was England with her flag draped around the world, ruling more black folk tha n white and leading the colored peoples of the earth to Christian baptism, and, as we assumed, to civilization an d eventual self-rule. I n 1885 , Stanley, the traveling American reporter, became a hero and symbol of white world leadership i n Africa. Th e wild, fierce figh t o f th e Mahdi and the driving of the English out of the Sudan for thirteen years did not reveal their inner truth to me. I heard only of the martyrdom of the

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drunken Bible-reader and freebooter, Chines e Gordon. After th e Cong o Free Stat e was established, th e Berli n Conference of 1885 was reported to be an act of civilization against the slave trade and liquor. French , English, and Germans pushed on in Africa, but I did no t questio n th e interpretatio n whic h picture d thi s a s the advance of civilizatio n an d the benevolent tutelag e o f barbarians. I read of the confirmation o f the Triple Alliance in 1891. Late r I saw the celebration of th e renewed Triple Alliance on the Tempelhofe r Feld, with the new, young Emperor Wilhelm II, who, fresh from his dismissal of Bismarck, led the splendid pageantry; and, finally, the year I left Germany, Nicholas II became Czar of all the Russias. I n all this I had not yet linked the political development of Europe with the race problem in America. I was repeatedly a guest i n the home of William James; he was my friend an d guide t o clea r thinking ; as a member of th e Philosophical Club I talked with Royce and Palmer; I remember vividly once standing beside Mrs. Royce at a small reception. W e ceased conversation fo r a momen t an d bot h glance d acros s th e room . Professo r Royce was opposite talking excitedly. H e was an extraordinary sight: a little body, indifferently clothed; a big, red-thatched head and blazing blue eyes. Mrs . Royce pu t my thoughts into words: "Funny-looking man, isn' t he? " I nearly fainted ! Ye t I knew how she worshipped him. I sat in an upper room and read Kant's Critique with Santayana; Shaler invite d a Southerner , wh o objecte d t o sittin g besid e me , t o leave his class; he said he wasn't doing very well, anyway . I became one o f Hart' s favorit e pupil s an d wa s afterward s guide d b y hi m through m y graduate cours e an d starte d o n m y work i n Germany . Most of my courses of study went well. I t was in English that I came nearest my Waterloo at Harvard. I had unwittingly arrived at Harvard in th e mids t o f a violen t controvers y abou t poo r Englis h amon g students. A numbe r of fastidiou s scholars like Barrett Wendell, the great pundit of Harvard English, had come to the campus about this time; moreover, New England itself was getting sensitive over Western slang an d Souther n drawl s an d genera l ignoranc e o f grammar . Freshmen a t thi s tim e coul d elec t nearl y al l thei r course s excep t English; tha t was compulsory, wit h dail y themes , theses , an d tough examinations. Bu t I was at the point in my intellectual developmen t when th e conten t rathe r tha n the for m o f m y writing was to m e of prime importance. Word s and ideas surged i n my mind and spilled

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out wit h disregar d o f exac t accurac y i n grammar , tast e i n word , o r restraint i n style . I kne w th e Negr o proble m an d thi s wa s mor e important t o m e tha n literary form. I knew grammar fairly well, an d I had a pretty wide vocabulary; but I was bitter, angry , and intemperate in my first thesis. Naturall y my English instructors had no idea of , nor interest in, the way in which Southern attacks on the Negro were scratching me on the raw flesh. Tillma n was raging like a beast in the Senate, an d literar y clubs , especiall y thos e o f ric h an d well-dresse d women, engage d hi s service s eagerl y an d listene d avidly . Senato r Morgan of Alabama ha d just published a scathing attack on "niggers" in a leading magazine, when m y first Harvar d thesis was due. I let go at hi m with n o hold s barred . M y long an d blazing effor t cam e bac k marked "E"—no t passed! It was the first time in my scholastic career that I had encountered such a failure. I was aghast, but I was not a fool. I did not doubt but that my instructors were fai r in judging my English technically even if they di d no t understan d th e Negr o problem . I went t o wor k a t my English an d by the end o f tha t ter m ha d raised it to a "C." I realized that while styl e i s subordinate t o content , an d tha t n o rea l literatur e can b e compose d simpl y o f meticulou s an d fastidiou s phrases , nevertheless, solid content with literary style carries a message furthe r than poor grammar and muddled syntax. I elected th e best course on the campu s fo r Englis h composition—Englis h 12 . I have before m e a theme which I submitted o n Octobe r 3, 1890, to Barret t Wendell . I wrote: "Spurre d b y my circumstances, I hav e always bee n give n t o systematicall y plannin g m y future , no t indee d without many mistakes and frequent alterations , but always with what I now conceive t o have been a strangely early and deep appreciatio n of th e fac t tha t t o liv e i s a serious thing . I determined whil e i n high school t o go t o college—partly because other men did, partly because I foresaw tha t such discipline would best fi t m e fo r lif e . . . I believe, foolishly perhaps , bu t sincerely , tha t I hav e somethin g t o sa y t o th e world, an d I hav e take n Englis h 1 2 in orde r t o sa y i t well." Barret t Wendell like d tha t las t sentence. Ou t o f fift y essays , h e picke d thi s out t o rea d t o th e class. Commencement wa s approaching, when, one day , I found mysel f at midnight o n on e o f th e swaggering streetcar s tha t use d t o rol l ou t from Bosto n o n it s way t o Cambridge . I t was i n the sprin g o f 1890 , and quite accidentally I was sitting by a classmate who would graduate with me in June. A s I dimly remember, he was a nice-looking young

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man; well-dressed, almos t dapper, charming in manner. Probabl y he was rich or at least well-to-do, and doubtless belonged to an exclusive fraternity, althoug h tha t di d no t interes t me . Indee d I hav e eve n forgotten hi s name. Bu t one thing I shall never forget an d that was his rather regretful admission (which slipped out as we gossiped) that he ha d n o ide a a s t o wha t hi s lif e wor k woul d be , because , a s h e added, "There's nothing in which I am particularly interested!" I was more than astonished—I was almost outraged to meet any human being of the mature age of twenty-on e who did not have his life al l planned before him , at least i n general outline , and who was not supremely, if not desperately, interested in what he planned to do. In June, 1890,1 received my bachelor's degree from Harvard cum laude i n philosophy . I wa s on e o f th e fiv e graduatin g student s selected t o spea k a t commencement . M y subjec t wa s "Jefferso n Davis." I chose it with the deliberate intent of facing Harvard and the nation with a discussion of slavery as illustrated in the person of the president of the Confederate States of America. Naturally , my effort made a sensation. I said, among other things: "I wish to consider not the man , but th e typ e of civilizatio n which his lif e represented : it s foundation i s the idea of the strong man—individualism coupled with the rule of might—and it is this idea that has made the logic of even modern history , th e coo l logi c o f th e Club . I mad e o f a naturally brave an d generou s man , Jefferso n Davis , on e wh o advance d civilization by murdering Indians; then a hero of a national disgrace, called b y courtes y th e Mexica n War ; an d finally , a s th e crownin g absurdity, the peculiar champion of people fighting to be free in order that another people should not be free. Wheneve r thi s idea has for a momen t escape d fro m th e individua l realm , it ha s foun d a n even more secure foothold in the policy and philosophy of the State. Th e strong man an d his mighty right ar m has become th e stron g nation with its armies. However , under whatever guise a Jefferson Davis may appear as man, as race, or as a nation, his life can only logically mean this: the advance of a part of the world at the expense of the whole; the overwhelming sense of the I, and the consequent forgetting of the Thou. I t ha s thu s happened tha t advanc e in civilization ha s always been handicappe d b y shortsighte d nationa l selfishness . Th e vita l principle of division of labor has been stifled not only in industry, but also in civilization; so as to render it well-nigh impossibl e for a new race to introduce a new idea into the world except by means of the cudgel. T o say that a nation is in the way of civilization is a contradic-

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tion in terms, and a system of huma n culture whose principl e is the rise of one race on the ruins of another is a farce and a lie. Yet this is th e typ e o f civilizatio n whic h Jefferso n Davi s represented : i t represents a field fo r stalwart manhood and heroic character, and at the sam e tim e fo r mora l obtusenes s an d refine d brutality . Thes e striking contradiction s o f characte r alway s aris e whe n a peopl e seemingly becom e convince d tha t th e objec t o f th e worl d i s no t civilization, but Teutonic civilization." A Harvar d professo r wrot e t o Kate Field's Washington, the n a leading periodical: "Du Bois, the colored orator of the commencement stage, made a ten-strike. I t is agreed upon by all the people I have seen that he was the star of the occasion. Hi s paper was on * Jefferson Davis/ and you would have been surprised to hear a colored man deal with hi m s o generously . Suc h phrase s a s a 'grea t man, ' a 'kee n thinker/ a 'strong leader / an d others aki n occurred i n the address. One of the trustees of the University told me yesterday that the paper was considere d masterl y i n ever y way . D u Boi s i s fro m Grea t Barrington, Massachusetts, and doubtless has some white blood in his veins. He , too, has been i n my classes the past year. I f he did not head the class, he came pretty near the head, for he is an excellent scholar in every way, and altogether the best black man that has come to Cambridge." Bishop Potter of New York wrote in the Boston Herald: "When at the last commencement of Harvard University, I saw a young colored man appear... an d heard his brilliant and eloquent address, I said to myself: 'Here is what an historic race can do if they have a clear field, a high purpose, and a resolute will/" Already I ha d no w receive d mor e educatio n tha n mos t youn g white men, having been almost continuously in school from the age of six to twenty-two. Bu t I did not yet feel prepared. I felt that to cope with th e ne w an d extraordinar y situation s the n developin g i n th e United State s an d th e worl d I neede d t o g o furthe r an d tha t a s a matter of fact I had just well begun my training in knowledge of social conditions. I revelle d i n the kee n analysi s of Willia m James, Josiah Royce, and young George Santayana. Bu t it was James with his pragmatism and Albert Bushnel l Har t with his research metho d who turned me back from the lovely but sterile land of philosophic speculation to the social sciences as the field for gathering and interpreting that body of fact which would apply to my program for the Negro. A s an under-

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graduate, I ha d talke d frankl y wit h Willia m Jame s abou t teachin g philosophy, m y majo r subject . H e discourage d me , bu t no t b y an y means because o f m y record i n his classes. H e use d t o give m e "A's" and even "A-plus, H but as he sai d candidly, ther e is "not much chanc e of anyone earnin g a living a s a philosopher." H e wa s repeatin g jus t what Chas e o f Fis k ha d said a few years previously . I kne w b y this tim e tha t practicall y m y sole chanc e o f earnin g a living combined with study was to teach, and after m y work with Hart in Unite d State s histor y I conceived th e ide a o f applyin g philosoph y to an historical interpretatio n of rac e relations. I n other words, I was trying to take my first steps toward sociology as the science of huma n action. I t goe s withou t sayin g tha t n o suc h fiel d o f stud y wa s the n recognized a t Harvar d o r cam e t o b e recognize d fo r twent y year s after. Bu t I began with some research in Negro histor y and finally, at the suggestio n o f Hart , I chose th e suppressio n o f th e Africa n slav e trade to America a s my doctor's thesis. The n came the question a s to whether I coul d continu e stud y i n th e graduat e school . I ha d n o resources i n wealt h o r friends . I applie d fo r a fellowshi p i n th e graduate schoo l o f Harvard , was appointe d Henr y Bromfiel d Roger s Fellow fo r a year, an d late r th e appointmen t wa s renewed ; s o tha t from 189 0 t o 1892 , I wa s a fello w i n Harvar d University , studyin g history an d politica l scienc e an d wha t woul d hav e bee n sociolog y i f Harvard ha d yet recognize d suc h a field. I finishe d th e first draft o f m y thesis an d delivered a n outlin e o f it a t th e seminar s o f America n histor y an d politica l econom y December 7 , 1891 . I [had] received my master's degree in the spring. I was thereupon elected t o the American Historical [Association ] and asked t o spea k i n Washington a t their meetin g i n December , [1891] . The New York Independent note d thi s amon g th e "thre e best paper s presented," and continued : The article upon the "enforcement of the Slave Laws" was written and read by a black man. I t was thrilling when one could , for a moment, tur n his thoughts from listening to think that scarcely thirty years have elapsed since the war that freed his race, and here was an audience of white men listening to a black man—listening, moreover, to a careful, cool, philosophical history of the laws which had not prevented the enslavement of his race. Th e voice, the diction, the manner of the speaker were faultless. A s one looked at him, one could not help saying, "Let us not worry about the future of our country in the matter of race distinctions."

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I had begun with a bibliography of Nat Turner and ended with a history o f th e suppressio n o f th e Africa n slav e trad e t o America ; neither would nee d b e done again , at least i n my day. Thu s in my quest fo r basi c knowledg e wit h whic h t o hel p guid e th e America n Negro, I came t o th e stud y of sociology , b y way of philosoph y and history rather than by physics and biology. Afte r hesitating between history and economics, I chose history. O n the other hand, psychology, hovering then on the threshold of experiment under Miinsterberg, soon too k a ne w orientatio n whic h I coul d understan d fro m th e beginning. Already I had made up my mind that what I needed was further training in Europe. Th e German universities were at the top of their reputation. An y American scholar who wanted preferment wen t to Germany fo r study . Th e facultie s o f John s Hopkin s an d th e ne w University o f Chicag o wer e beginnin g t o b e fille d wit h Germa n Ph.D.'s, and even Harvard, where Kuno Francke had long taught, had imported Miinsterberg . Britis h universitie s di d no t recogniz e American degrees an d French universities mad e no special effor t t o encourage American graduates. I wanted then to study in Germany. I was determined that any failure on my part to become a recognized American scholar must not be based on lack of modern training. I was confident. S o far I had met no failure. I willed and lo! I was walking beneath the elms of Harvard—the name of allurement, the college of my youngest, wildest visions! I needed money; scholarships and prizes fel l int o my lap—not al l I wanted o r strove for , bu t al l I needed t o kee p m e in school. Commencemen t came , an d standing before governor , president , an d grave , gowne d men , I tol d the m certain truths, waving my arms and breathing fast! The y applauded with wha t ma y have seeme d t o man y a s uncalled-fo r fervor , bu t I walked home on pink clouds of glory! I asked for a fellowship and got it. I announced my plan of studying in Germany, but Harvard had no more fellowships for me. A friend, however, told me of the Slater Fund and that the Board was looking for colored men worth educating. No thought of modest hesitation occurred to me. I rushed at the chance. I t was one of those tricks of fortune which always seem partly due to chance. I n 1882, the Slater Fund for the education of Negroes had bee n establishe d an d th e boar d i n 189 0 wa s heade d b y ex President R . B . Hayes . Ex-Presiden t Haye s wen t dow n t o John s Hopkins University , whic h admitte d n o Negr o students , an d tol d a

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"darkey" joke i n a frank tal k abou t th e plan s of th e fund . Th e Boston Herald o f Novembe r 2 , 1890 , quote d hi m a s saying : "I f ther e i s an y young colored ma n in the South whom we find to have a talent fo r ar t or literatur e o r an y specia l aptitud e fo r study , w e ar e willin g t o giv e him mone y fro m th e educatio n fund s t o sen d hi m t o Europ e o r giv e him advanced education." H e adde d tha t s o far the y had been abl e t o find onl y "orators. " Thi s seeme d t o m e a nast y flin g a t m y blac k classmate, Morgan , who ha d bee n Harvar d clas s orator a few month s earlier. The Haye s statement wa s brought t o m y attention a t a card part y one evening ; it no t onl y made m e goo d an d angr y but inspire d m e t o write ex-Presiden t Haye s an d as k fo r a scholarship . I receive d a pleasant repl y saying that th e newspaper quotatio n was incorrect; tha t his board ha d some such program i n the past but had n o present plan s for suc h scholarships . I responde d referrin g hi m t o m y teachers an d to others who knew me, and intimating that his change of plan did no t seem t o m e fai r no r honest . H e wrot e agai n i n apologeti c moo d an d said tha t h e was sorry th e pla n ha d bee n give n up , that h e recognize d that I was a candidate who might otherwise have been given attention . I the n sa t dow n an d wrot e Mr . Haye s thi s letter : May 25, 1891 Your favo r o f th e 2nd . is at hand . I thank you fo r you r kin d wishes. You will pardo n m e i f I add a fe w words o f explanatio n a s t o m y application. The outcome of the matter is as I expected it would be. Th e announcement that an y agenc y o f th e America n peopl e wa s willin g t o giv e a Negr o a thoroughly libera l educatio n an d tha t i t ha d bee n lookin g in vain fo r me n to educat e wa s t o sa y th e leas t rathe r startling . Whe n th e newspape r clipping was handed m e i n a compan y o f friends , m y first impuls e was t o make in some public way a categorical statemen t denying that such an offe r had eve r bee n mad e know n t o colore d students . I sa w thi s woul d b e injudicious and fruitless, and I therefore determined on the plan of applying myself. I di d s o an d hav e bee n refuse d alon g wit h a "numbe r o f cases " beside mine. As to my case, I personally care little. I am perfectly capable of fightin g alone fo r a n educatio n i f th e trustee s d o no t se e fi t t o hel p me . O n th e other han d th e injur y yo u have—unwittingl y I trust—don e th e rac e I represent, and [am] not ashamed of, is almost irreparable. Yo u went before a number of keenly observant men who looked upon you as an authority on the matter, and told them in substance that the Negroes of the United States

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either couldn' t o r wouldn' t embrac e a mos t libera l opportunit y fo r advancement. Tha t statement went all over the country. Whe n now finally you receive three or four applications for the fulfillment o f tha t offer, th e offer i s suddenly withdrawn, while the impression still remains. If the offer was an experiment, you ought to have had at least one case before withdrawing it; if you have given aid before (and I mean here toward liberal education—no t towar d trainin g plowmen ) the n you r statemen t a t Johns Hopkin s wa s partial . Fro m th e abov e fact s I thin k yo u ow e a n apology to the Negro people. W e are ready to furnish competent men for every European scholarship furnished u s off paper . Bu t we can't educate ourselves on nothing and we can't have the moral courage to try, if in the midst of ou r work our friends tur n public sentiment agains t us by making statements which injure us and which they cannot stand by. That you have been looking for men to liberally educate in the past may be so , but i t i s certainl y strang e s o fe w hav e hear d [of ] it . I t was never mentioned durin g my three years stay at Fisk University. Presiden t [J.C. ] Price of Livingstone [then a leading Negro spokesman] has told me that he never heard of it , and students fro m various othe r Souther n schools have expressed great surprise at the offer. Th e fact is that when I was wanting to come to Harvard, while yet in the South, I wrote to Dr. Haygood [Atticu s G. Haygood, a leader of Southern white liberals], for a loan merely, and he never even answered my letter. I find me n willing to help me thro' cheap theological schools , I find me n willing t o hel p m e use m y hands before I have got my brains in working order, I have an abundance of good wishes on hand, but I never found a man willing to help me get a Harvard Ph.D. Hayes wa s stirred . H e promise d t o tak e u p th e matte r th e nex t year with th e board . Thereupon , th e nex t year I proceeded t o write the board : "A t th e clos e o f th e las t academi c yea r a t Harvard , I received th e degre e o f Maste r o f Arts , an d wa s reappointe d t o m y fellowship fo r the year 1891-92 . I have spent mos t of th e year in the preparation o f m y doctor' s thesi s o n th e suppressio n o f th e Slav e Trade in America. I prepared a preliminary paper on this subject and read i t befor e th e America n Historica l Associatio n a t it s annua l meeting at Washington during the Christmas holidays.. . . Properly to finish m y education, carefu l trainin g i n a European universit y fo r a t least a year is in my mind and the mind s of m y professors, absolutel y indispensable." I thereupon aske d respectfully "ai d to study at least a year abroa d unde r th e directio n o f th e graduat e departmen t o f Harvard o r other reputabl e auspices " and i f thi s was no t practicable , "that the board loa n m e a sufficient su m for thi s purpose." I did not of cours e believ e tha t thi s woul d ge t m e a n appointment , bu t I di d

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think that possibly through the influence of people who thus came to know about my work, I might somehow borrow or beg enough to get to Europe. I raine d recommendation s upo n Mr . Hayes . Th e Slate r Fun d Board surrendered, and I was given a fellowship of seven hundred and fifty dollar s t o stud y a year abroad , with th e promis e tha t i t might possibly be renewed for a second year. T o salve their souls, however, this grant was made half a s gift an d half a s repayable loan with fiv e percent interest. I remember rushing down to New York and talking with ex-Presiden t Haye s i n th e ol d Asto r House , an d emergin g walking on air. I saw an especially delectable shirt in a shop window. I went in and asked about it . I t cost thre e dollars, which was about four time s a s much a s I had eve r pai d fo r a shirt i n m y life; bu t I bought it. Massachusetts Review (1960)

W. Monroe Trotter on entering Harvard in 1891 (previously unpublished )

W. Monroe Trotter in midcareer

W. MONROE TROTTE R

William Monroe Trotter was born on 7 April 187 2 in Ohio, but grew up in a Bosto n suburb . A t Harvar d no t onl y was he the first blac k student eve r elected t o Ph i Bet a Kappa , bu t h e als o receive d thi s hono r a s on e o f th e First Eigh t chose n i n th e sprin g of hi s junior year. Afte r bein g graduate d magna cum laude in 189 5 he took more courses and earned an A.M. degree in 1896. After a few years of negotiating real-estate mortgages, Monroe Trotte r found hi s tru e callin g b y establishin g a weekl y blac k newspaper , th e Guardian, whic h mad e it s debut o n 9 November 1901 , bearing th e motto , "For every right, with all thy might." Trotte r too k pride in the fact tha t his paper issue d fro m th e sam e floo r o f th e sam e buildin g whenc e Willia m Lloyd Garrison had published his celebrated abolitionist paper, the Liberator (1831-65). Trotter vehemently attacked Booker T. Washington, but also eventually broke with hi s one-time all y W.E.B. Du Bois . A n inveterat e agitato r an d activist, he spent a month in jail for disrupting a speech by Washington; got into a shouting match with President Woodrow Wilson in the White House; and was arrested, tried, and acquitted of leading a demonstration against the Boston screenin g of D. W. Griffith's movi e Birth of a Nation (1915). He continue d t o publis h th e Guardian until hi s deat h o n hi s 62n d birthday, an apparent suicide. Hi s sister Maude and brother-in-law Charle s G. Steward (A.B . 1896) kept th e paper goin g until 1957.

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W. Monroe Trotter a t Harvard

STEPHEN R . FOX

Given his father's expectations and his own talent, young Monroe was perforce a goo d student , leadin g bot h hi s grammar an d hig h schoo l classes. Hi s twenty-on e whit e hig h schoo l classmate s electe d hi m president o f th e senio r class . H e gav e some though t t o becoming a minister, an d wa s urge d towar d suc h a cours e b y th e pasto r an d deacons o f th e whit e Firs t Baptis t Churc h o f Hyd e Park , wher e h e spent most of every Sunday. "Hi s father disliked so strong a religious tendency," one of his sisters later recalled, "fearin g h e might not like to go out i n the world and fight th e world's problems." Further , th e father argued , a blac k ministe r woul d en d u p servin g a segregate d congregation. S o th e so n lef t th e ministr y notio n behind . Afte r graduating from hig h school he worked as a shipping clerk in Boston for a year an d then entere d Harvar d Colleg e in the fall of 1891 . . . . Monroe Trotte r ha d n o troubl e makin g th e transitio n fro m shipping cler k t o Harvar d undergraduate . Hi s lowes t mar k a s a freshman wa s a B in English. Tha t year had a n interlude of sorrow, however, as his father die d in February, at the age of fifty. A severe case o f pneumoni a durin g hi s recordershi p i n Washingto n ha d destroyed Jame s Trotter's health , leadin g t o tuberculosi s an d a slow decline. Hi s son was now the head of the famil y for hi s mother an d two younger sisters . Mone y wa s n o particula r problem—th e famil y owned considerable property in Boston, thanks mostly to the income from th e recordership. Ove r the next three years Trotter won a total of $80 0 i n Harvar d scholarships . H e supplemente d tha t wit h job s during hi s vacations. I n th e summe r o f 1892 , for example , he sol d desks from door to door in towns near his home (and remarked of this

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experience, wit h a touc h o f condescension , tha t " I sel l mor e amon g the laborin g peopl e tha n amon g th e bette r class . . . N o hous e i s to o poor fo r m e to call"). A t Harvar d h e lived in a single room i n Colleg e House, th e cheapes t studen t dormitory , and , with tuitio n onl y $150 a year, h e pai d fo r mos t o f hi s educatio n himself . He worked har d a t hi s studies, taking extra courses, and continue d to b e activ e i n churc h work . No t tha t h e wa s always s o serious : h e enjoyed playin g tennis and wheeling around Cambridge and Boston o n his bicycle . H e als o cheere d o n Harvard' s athleti c teams , an d onc e jestingly considere d goin g out fo r cre w "in order t o break Yale' s lon g chain (tw o or thre e links ) of victories. 1' Bu t i n general h e indulge d i n few of the frivolities o f college life, at least on a n organized basis . Hi s formal extracurricula r activitie s reflecte d a no-nonsens e earnestness : the Wendel l Phillip s Club , th e Youn g Men' s Christia n Association , and th e Prohibitio n Club . I n addition , h e helpe d organiz e an d wa s president o f th e Tota l Abstinenc e League , a grou p o f abou t thirt y ascetic undergraduates . H e wa s a teetotale r al l hi s lif e and , hi s brother-in-law onc e remarked , "believe d tha t beer-drinkin g student s were heade d straigh t fo r Hell. " Like mos t Harvar d student s o f th e day , he too k a great variet y of courses without goin g deeply int o anythin g an d ha d n o major subject . His first tw o years h e concentrated i n English, foreign languages , an d mathematics, an d the n move d int o history , philosophy , government , and political economy. I n his introductory philosophy course he hear d lectures by George Herber t Palmer , Josiah Royce, George Santayana , and Willia m James . Senio r yea r wa s probabl y th e mos t rewarding , highlighted b y Franci s Peabody' s socia l ethic s course , Edwar d Cummings' sociology course and American constitutional an d politica l history unde r Alber t Bushnel l Har t an d hi s youn g assistant , Oswal d Garrison Villard . Trotter's academi c performanc e wa s a confirmation, i f he neede d it, of hi s father's claim s fo r th e blac k man' s intellect . Competin g wit h some o f th e bes t whit e student s i n th e country , h e stoo d thir d i n hi s class o f 37 6 a s a freshma n an d neve r ranke d lowe r tha n eighth . H e was especiall y goo d a t foreig n languages . Hi s worst mark s wer e a C and a C + i n Englis h compositio n courses . (Thoug h h e woul d spen d a caree r i n journalism, hi s lifelon g quarre l wit h th e Englis h languag e remained a t bes t a stalemate . "It's " was hi s characteristi c spellin g o f the neute r possessiv e pronoun.) . . . . Being a Harvard studen t wa s no protectio n fro m whit e America' s

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peculiar mores. I n the spring of 1893 a Negro at Harvard Law School named William H. Lewis—a brilliant scholar and later an All-American football player as well—was twice denied service at a Harvard Square barbershop. Withi n the Yard, though, there seemed to be remarkably little prejudice. Trotte r of course could not have joined the exclusive clubs, but probably he ha d no interest i n them anyway. Hi s friendships were cosmopolitan, includin g white students fro m Europe and the United States. Late r in life h e would cherish the memory of his college years, for a greater reason than the usual nostalgia of the old alumnus. From The Guardian of Boston: William Monroe Trotter (1970)

[Editors' note: See "Negro Graduate Protests" in section on Harvard Dormitory Crisis, below.]

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Negro Delegate Tells of His Work Only One of the Eleven Chose n In th e United State s Who Actually Reached Franc e Describes How He Go t t o Paris Specially for the Christian Science Monitor BOSTON, Massachusetts—Willia m Monro e Trotter , o f thi s city, th e only on e o f eleve n delegate s chose n b y America n Negroe s t o represent the m a t th e Paris Peace Conference wh o actually reache d France, last night, at a public meeting in Tremont Temple, told of his difficulties i n getting abroad, an d gave an account o f his work in th e French capital. The eleve n delegate s were chosen a t a national assembl y of th e Negroes o f thi s country , hel d unde r th e auspice s o f th e Nationa l Equal Right s Leagu e i n Washingto n las t December . The y wer e instructed t o plac e befor e th e Peac e Conferenc e th e claim s o f th e estimated 14,000,00 0 Negroes in the United States for equal rights and no discrimination. Al l the elected delegate s but Mr . Trotter applie d for passport s an d faile d t o receive them . The Negroe s fel t tha t th e Stat e Departmen t ha d wronged them , Mr. Trotter said, in refusing to grant passports, because, when soldiers and civilian s wer e neede d t o wi n th e war , th e promis e o f worl d democracy was held out and was accepted a s genuine by the Negroes. The Negroes, Mr. Trotter said, are practically the only element in this country who are denied complete democracy, and therefore the y need it. "T o den y eve n th e righ t o f petitio n w e fel t wa s extraordinar y tyranny," he said, "flagrant enough to justify us in seeking to overcome it." Got a Job as Second Cook Mr. Trotte r too k th e mone y raise d fo r hi s tri p t o Paris , afte r having arranged hi s own affairs, an d went to a seaport city, disguised,

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where h e trie d t o obtai n passag e withou t a passport . Thi s mean s failed, bu t t o avoi d violatin g an y laws , h e obtaine d a seaman' s passport. H e had considerable difficulty i n getting a job on a ship, but after a course i n cookin g i n a lodging house h e gained , throug h hi s persistence, the sympathy of a Negro cook on a small steamship and was signed a s second cook. Th e job hunt too k six weeks. On reaching Havre, the ship did not dock for several days, but at last th e opportunit y cam e t o g o ashore. Mr . Trotter foun d tha t al l members of the crew were prohibited fro m landing , but got a chance to g o o n th e whar f t o mai l a lette r writte n b y th e cook . Then , although he was in his working clothes, he continued int o Havre, and found tha t n o trai n was available till morning. H e had been oblige d to leave all his belongings on shipboard, but had a small sum of money with him . H e boarde d a n earl y mornin g trai n t o Paris , wher e h e learned that the peace terms had just been handed Germany. H e also found a t about this time that the State Department ha d ruled against granting an y passport s t o America n Negroes , an d considere d hi s course thereby justified. Mr. Trotter promptly sent protests to the Council of Five, and to General Foch , agains t th e denia l o f passport s t o American Negroe s and agains t th e failur e t o insert i n the peac e treat y a clause guaranteeing them life and liberty. Th e protest charged that war pledges had been violated. H e the n presente d copie s of th e protes t t o the Pari s newspapers an d to the American newspape r office s i n that city. "The next day," said Mr. Trotter, T began my work of letting the world kno w tha t th e Negr o rac e want s ful l libert y an d equalit y o f rights, a s th e frui t o f th e worl d war . Th e Journal des Debats, L'Intransigeant and Le Petit Journal used th e communications I sent them. I sen t copie s o f th e protes t t o ever y peac e delegat e an d received sympathetic acknowledgments fro m man y of them . Jews Received Everything "The Jews hav e receive d everythin g the y aske d fro m th e Peac e Conference. Bu t here , in the Unite d States , is an ethnica l minorit y denied equal rights and we are asking that we be accorded only what every on e els e has . Afte r th e Memoria l Da y speec h o f Presiden t Wilson, I prepared a statement recallin g that man y of th e America n troops wer e Negroes , and , i n vie w o f a lynchin g whic h ha d jus t occurred i n Missouri , demandin g tha t i n justic e t o the m h e as k Congress for a federal law against lynching. Thi s statement was widely

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published i n the French press an d was cabled t o this country by The Associated Press . "The colore d soldier s i n Franc e charge d tha t the y ha d bee n discriminated agains t i n France . Leav e wa s regulate d b y th e colo r line, and Negro troops were restricted from visiting large cities, certain streets, and certain cafes. Th e white soldiers spread damaging stories about th e colore d men , i n orde r t o mak e th e Frenc h peopl e fea r them. Al l menia l task s wer e shouldere d upo n colore d soldiers . I prepared a protes t t o Presiden t Wilso n i n behal f o f th e colore d soldiers, which was also widely printed i n France. I also gave to th e French pres s th e fact s abou t a particularly atrociou s lynchin g i n th e south. "I wa s unabl e t o obtai n a n audienc e wit h Presiden t Wilso n o r Premier Clemenceau. O n the day that the Germans signed the peace treaty, I felt tha t m y work had been completed , an d on July 4 I sent to Si r Eric Drummond, o f th e secretariat o f th e Leagu e of Nations , suggestions fo r amendmen t o f th e covenan t i n th e interes t o f American Negroes . I then returne d t o America a s a passenger." Christian Science Monitor (1919)

William Monroe Trotte r W.E.B. DU BOI S

Monroe Trotte r wa s a man o f heroi c proportions, an d probabl y on e of the most selfless of Negro leaders during all our American history. His father was Recorder of Deeds for the District of Columbia, at the time when Recorder s wer e pai d b y fees; an d a s a result , h e retire d from office with a small fortune, which he husbanded carefully. Thus , his son was born in comfortable circumstances, and with his talent fo r business, and hi s wide acquaintanceship with th e best clas s of young Massachusetts men in his day, might easily have accumulated wealth . But h e turned aside . H e had i n his soul all that went t o mak e a fanatic, a knight errant . Read y t o sacrific e himself , fearin g nobod y

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and nothing, stron g in body, sturdy in conviction, ful l o f unbendin g belief. I remember when I first saw him as a student at Harvard. H e was several classe s belo w me . I shoul d lik e t o hav e know n hi m an d spoken to him, but he was curiously aloof. H e was even then forming his philosophy of life. Colore d students must not herd together, just because they were colored. H e had his white friends and companions, and they liked him. H e was no hanger-on, but a leader among them. But he did not seek other colored students as companions. I was a bit lonesome in those days, but I saw his point, and I did not seek him. Out o f thi s ros e hi s life-lon g philosophy : Intens e hatre d o f al l racial discrimination and segregation. H e was particularly incensed at the compromisin g philosoph y o f Booke r T . Washington ; a t hi s industrialism, and his condoning of the deeds of the South. In th e firs t year s o f th e 20t h Century , wit h Georg e Forbes , Monroe Trotter began the publication of the Guardian. Several times young men have started radical sheets among us, like The Messenger, and others. Bu t nothing, I think, that for sheer biting invective and unswerving courage , eve r quit e equale d th e Boston Guardian i n its earlier days . Mr . Washingto n an d hi s follower s literall y shrivelle d before it, and it was, of course, often a s unfair as it was inspired. I ha d com e t o kno w Trotter , then , especiall y becaus e I kne w Deenie Pindel l as a girl before they were married. W e were to stop with the m on e summer . Mrs . D u Boi s wa s alread y ther e whe n I arrived in Boston, and on the elevated platform, I learned of the Zion Church riot. I t was called a riot in the newspapers, and they were full of it. A s a matter of fact, Trotter and Forbes had tried to ask Booker T. Washingto n certai n pointe d questions , afte r a speech whic h h e made i n th e colore d church ; an d immediatel y h e wa s arreste d according to the careful plans which William H. Lewis, Washington's attorney, had laid. I was incensed at Trotter. I thought that he had been needlessl y violent , an d had compromised m e as his guest; but when I learned the exact facts, and how little cause for riot there was, and when the y clapped Trotte r i n th e Charle s Stree t Jail , al l o f u s more conservative, younger men rose in revolt. Out o f thi s incident , withi n a yea r o r two , aros e th e Niagar a movement, and Trotter was present. But Trotter was not an organization man . H e was a free lance; too intense and sturdy to loan himself to that compromise which is the basis of all real organization. Troubl e arose in the Niagara movement,

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and afterwar d whe n th e Niagar a movemen t joine d th e ne w N.A.A.C.P., Trotter stood out in revolt, and curiously enough, did not join th e ne w organizatio n becaus e o f hi s suspicio n o f th e whit e elements who were co-operating with us. He devoted himsel f t o th e Guardian, an d it became on e o f th e first of the nation-wide colored weeklies. Hi s wife worked with him in utte r devotion ; givin g u p al l though t o f children , givin g u p he r pretty home in Roxbury; living and lunching with him in the Guardian Office, an d knowing hunger and cold. I t was a magnificent partner ship, and she died to pay for it. The Trotter philosophy was carried out remorselessly in his paper, and his philosophy. H e stood unflinchingly for fighting separation and discrimination in church and school, and in professional an d business life. H e would no t allo w a colored Y . M . C . A. i n Boston, an d he hated t o recogniz e colore d churches , o r colore d colleges . O n thi s battle line he fought a long, exhausting fight fo r over a quarter of a century. Wha t ha s bee n th e result ? Ther e ar e fewe r Negroe s i n Boston churche s toda y tha n whe n Trotte r bega n a crusade , an d colored peopl e sa t i n th e pew s unde r Phillip s Brooks ' preaching . There may be more colored teachers in the schools, but certainly they are playing no such part as Maria Baldwin did, as principal of the best Cambridge Grammar School. When Trotter began, not a single hotel in Boston dared to refuse colored guests . Today , ther e ar e fe w Bosto n hotel s where colore d people are received. Ther e is still no colored Y. M. C. A., but on the other hand, there are practically no colored members of the white "Y," and young colored me n are deprived of club house and recreational facilities whic h the y sorel y need . I n th e professions , i n genera l employment, and in business, there is certainly not less, and probably more discrimination than there used to be. Does this mean that Monroe Trotter's life was a failure? Never . He live d up to his belief t o the best of hi s ability. H e fough t lik e a man. Th e ultimate object of his fighting was absolutely right, but he miscalculated th e opposition. H e thought that Boston and America would yield to clear reason and determined agitation . The y did not. On the contrary, to some extent, the very agitation carried on in these years ha s solidifie d opposition . Thi s doe s no t mea n tha t agitatio n does not pay; but it means that you cannot necessarily cash in quickly upon it . I t mean s tha t sacrifice , eve n t o bloo d an d tears , mus t be given to this great fight; and not one but a thousand lives, like that of

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Monroe Trotter, is necessary to victory. More than that, inner organization is demanded. Th e free lance like Trotte r i s no t stron g enough . Th e maile d fist ha s go t t o b e clenched. Th e united effort of twelve millions has got to be made to mean more than the individual effort o f those who think aright. Ye t this very inner organization involves segregation. I t involves voluntary racial organization , an d this racial groupin g invites furthe r effor t a t enforced segregation by law and custom from without. Nevertheless , there is no alternative. W e have got to unite to save ourselves, and while th e unbendin g devotio n t o principle, such a s Monroe Trotter shows, has an d must ever have , its value, with sorrow, an d yet with conviction, we know that this is not enough. ... I can understand hi s death. I can see a man of sixty , tired and disappointed, facin g povert y an d defeat. Standin g ami d indifferen t friends an d triumphant enemies . S o he went t o th e window of his Dark Tower, and beckoned to Death; up from where She lay among the lilies. An d Death, like a whirlwind, swept up to him. I shall think of hi m as lying silent, col d an d still; at last a t peace, dreamles s and serene. Le t n o trum p o f doo m distur b hi m fro m hi s perfec t an d eternal rest. The Crisis (1934 )

BOOKER T . WASHINGTO N

Booker Taliaferro Washington was born a plantation slave near Hale's Ford, Virginia, o n 5 April 1856 . H e acquire d a rudimentar y educatio n an d eventually worked hi s way through Hampto n Institute , graduating i n 1875. In 1881 he was chosen to be the founding principal of Tuskegee Institute in Alabama, a post he kept until his death from arteriosclerosi s and overwork on 1 4 November 1915 , by which time he had built th e school into an inter nationally renowned institutio n wit h more than a hundred building s for it s 1500 black students. Washington's firs t contac t wit h Harvar d cam e i n 1887 , when hi s wif e Olivia felt his physical condition needed improvement. Sh e arranged for her husband t o enrol l i n Harvard' s firs t annua l intensiv e five-wee k summe r course in physical training, given by Professor Dudle y A. Sargent, Directo r of the Hemenway Gymnasium. Sargent' s course, which was designed espe cially for teachers and physicians—"for thos e who can arouse enthusiasm fo r health an d bodil y developmen t rathe r tha n fo r gymnasti c feats"—wa s bot h theoretical (wit h lecture s an d assigne d readin g i n suc h topic s a s applie d anatomy, hygiene, and anthropometry ) an d practica l (calisthenics , gymnastics, Delsarte movements, and outdoor athletics). O n July 6 Washington was one of 1 8 men and 39 women t o begin th e course, and a fortnight late r h e wrote a friend , " I am enjoyin g m y work a t Harvar d thoug h i t i s somewhat difficult." A mileston e in Washington' s lif e was the invitatio n t o giv e an addres s at th e Atlant a Internationa l Expositio n o n 1 8 Septembe r 1895 . Hi s accommodationist speech , known a s "the Atlanta Compromise, " was hailed by white society in both th e North an d the South. An d now that the great Frederick Douglas s ha d die d a fe w month s before , Washingto n wa s cata pulted into the role of foremost spokesma n for his race and for twenty years gladly wielde d unprecedente d powe r an d influence . I t wa s a t th e nex t Harvard commencement (24 June 1896) that Washington received an honorary Master of Arts degree, the second suc h honor bestowed o n a Negro by a Ne w Englan d institutio n (Middlebur y Colleg e ha d mad e th e famou s

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Vermont preache r Lemue l Hayne s a n M.A . i n 1804) . Afte r Harvard' s graduation ceremonie s ended, Washington an d his fellow honorees offere d remarks at an alumni dinner tha t evening. Over the years thereafter, Washington returned to Harvard several times to spea k i n Sander s Theatre , Agassiz , an d th e Freshma n Unio n o n th e subject o f Negr o education , partl y wit h a n ey e t o stimulatin g financia l contributions t o Tuskegee . I n 1904 , Harvard's chapte r of Ph i Bet a Kapp a elected hi m to honorary membership, the only time a Negro was so chosen until 1960. Washington's second autobiography, Up From Slavery (to a considerable extent ghostwritte n b y a Bostonian , Ma x Bennet t Thrasher) , bega n serialization i n th e Outlook in 190 0 and appeare d i n boo k for m th e nex t year. I t wa s widel y read , soo n translate d int o a t leas t fiftee n foreig n languages, and has been frequently reprinted . Th e book elicited a letter (12 April 1901 ) t o Washingto n fro m Harvar d professo r Barret t Wendell , i n which the celebrated authority on English composition stated: H I have grown less an d les s patien t o f al l writin g whic h i s no t simpl e an d efficient ; an d more an d mor e o f a styl e whic h doe s it s wor k wit h simple , manl y distinctness. I t i s hard t o remembe r whe n a book , casually taken up , has proved, i n thi s respect , s o satisfactor y a s yours. N o styl e could b e mor e simple, mor e unobtrusive ; ye t fe w style s whic h I kno w see m t o b e mor e laden—as distinguished from overburdened—with meaning." An excerpt from the chapter "Las t Words" is reprinted here .

Last Word s

More than once I have been aske d what was the greatest surpris e tha t ever cam e t o me . I hav e littl e hesitatio n i n answerin g tha t question . It wa s th e followin g letter , whic h cam e t o m e on e Sunda y mornin g when I wa s sittin g o n th e verand a o f m y hom e a t Tuskegee , surrounded b y my wife an d thre e children: — HARVARD UNIVERSITY , CAMBRIDGE , MAY 28, 1896. PRESIDENT BOOKER T . WASHINGTON, MY DEA R SIR : Harvar d Universit y desire s t o confe r o n yo u a t th e approaching Commencemen t a n honorary degree; but i t is our custom t o

Booker T. Washington as a Hampton Institute student ca. 187 3

Booker T. Washington at his Tuskegee desk in 1902

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confer degree s onl y on gentleme n wh o ar e present . Ou r Commencemen t occurs thi s yea r o n Jun e 24 , an d you r presenc e woul d b e desirabl e fro m about noon till about five o'clock in the afternoon. Woul d it be possible for you t o be in Cambridge on tha t day? Believe me, with great regard , Very truly yours, CHARLES W . ELIOT. This wa s a recognitio n tha t ha d neve r i n th e slightes t manne r entered int o m y mind, an d i t was hard fo r m e t o realiz e tha t I was t o be honoure d b y a degree fro m th e oldes t an d mos t renowne d univer sity i n America . A s I sa t upo n m y veranda , wit h thi s lette r i n m y hand, tear s cam e int o m y eyes . M y whol e forme r life—m y lif e a s a slave o n th e plantation , m y work i n th e coal-mine , th e time s when I was without foo d an d clothing, when I made my bed unde r a sidewalk, my struggles fo r a n education , th e tryin g days I had ha d a t Tuskegee , days when I di d no t kno w wher e t o tur n fo r a dollar t o continu e th e work there , th e ostracis m an d sometime s oppressio n o f m y race,—al l this passe d befor e m e an d nearl y overcam e me . I ha d neve r sough t o r care d fo r wha t th e worl d call s fame . I have always looked upo n fam e a s something to be used in accomplish ing good . I hav e ofte n sai d t o m y friend s tha t i f I ca n us e whateve r prominence ma y have come t o m e a s an instrumen t wit h which t o d o good, I am content t o have it . I care fo r i t only as a means to be use d for doin g good , jus t a s wealt h ma y b e used . Th e mor e I com e int o contact with wealthy people , the mor e I believe that the y are growin g in th e directio n o f lookin g upo n thei r mone y simpl y a s an instrumen t which Go d ha s place d i n thei r han d fo r doin g goo d with . I neve r g o to th e offic e o f Mr . Joh n D . Rockefeller , wh o mor e tha n onc e ha s been generou s t o Tuskegee , withou t bein g reminde d o f this . Th e close, careful, an d minut e investigatio n tha t h e alway s makes i n orde r to b e sur e tha t ever y dolla r tha t h e give s wil l d o th e mos t good—a n investigation tha t i s just a s searching a s if he were investin g mone y in a busines s enterprise—convince s m e tha t th e growt h i n thi s directio n is most encouraging . At nin e o'clock , o n th e mornin g o f Jun e 24 , I me t Presiden t Eliot, th e Boar d o f Overseer s o f Harvar d University , an d th e othe r guests, a t th e designate d plac e o n th e universit y grounds , fo r th e

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purpose of being escorted to Sanders Theatre, where the Commencement exercises were to be held and degrees conferred. Amon g others invited to be present for the purpose of receiving a degree at this time were Genera l Nelso n A . Miles , Dr . [Alexande r Graham ] Bell , th e inventor of the Bell telephone, Bishop [John Heyl] Vincent, and the Rev. Minot J. Savage. W e were placed in line immediately behind the President an d th e Boar d o f Overseers , an d directl y afterwar d th e Governor of Massachusetts, escorted by the Lancers, arrived and took his place in the line of march by the side of President Eliot. I n the line there were also various other officers an d professors, clad in cap and gown. I n this order we marched to Sanders Theatre, where, after the usua l Commencemen t exercises , cam e th e conferrin g o f th e honorary degrees . This , i t seems , i s alway s considere d th e mos t interesting feature at Harvard. I t is not known, until the individuals appear, upon whom the honorar y degrees ar e to be conferred, an d those receiving these honours are cheered by the students and others in proportio n t o thei r popularity . Durin g th e conferrin g o f th e degrees excitement and enthusiasm are at the highest pitch. When m y nam e wa s called , I rose , an d Presiden t Eliot , i n beautiful and strong English, conferred upon me the degree of Master of Arts . Afte r thes e exercise s wer e over , thos e wh o ha d receive d honorary degrees were invited to lunch with the President. Afte r the lunch we were formed in line again, and were escorted by the Marshal of the day, who that year happened to be Bishop William Lawrence, through the grounds, where, at different points , those who had been honoured were called by name and received the Harvard yell. Thi s march ended at Memorial Hall, where the alumni dinner was served. To see ove r a thousand stron g men, representing al l that is best in State, Church, business, and education, with the glow and enthusiasm of colleg e loyalt y an d colleg e pride—whic h has , I think , a peculiar Harvard flavour—is a sight that does not easily fade from memory. Among the speakers after dinner were President Eliot, Governor Roger Wolcott, General Miles, Dr. Minot J. Savage, the Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge , an d myself. Whe n I was called upon , I said, among other things.*

*Here we have substituted the full and annotated version ofHAn Address at the Harvard University Alumni Dinner," reprinted in Louis R. Harlan,

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Mr. President and Gentlemen: I t would in some measure relieve my embarrassment i f I could, even in a slight degree, feel mysel f worthy of the great honor whic h you d o m e to-day. Wh y you hav e calle d m e fro m th e Blac k Belt of the South, from amon g my humble people, to share in the honors of this occasion, is not fo r m e to explain; and yet it may not be inappropriate for m e to sugges t tha t i t seem s to me that on e of the mos t vital question s that touch our American life, is how to bring the strong, wealthy and learned into helpful touc h with the poorest, most ignorant, and humbl e an d at th e same time, make the one appreciate th e vitalizing, strengthening influenc e of th e other. Ho w shall we make the mansions on yon Beaco n Stree t fee l and see the need of the spirits in the lowliest cabin in Alabama cotton field s or Louisian a suga r bottoms ? Thi s proble m Harvar d Universit y i s solving, not by bringing itself down , but by bringing th e masses up. If through me, an humble representative, seven millions of my people in the South might be permitted to send a message to Harvard—Harvard tha t offered u p on death's altar, young Shaw, and Russell, and Lowell and scores of others, that we might have a free and united country—that message would be, "Tell them that th e sacrifice was not i n vain. Tel l them tha t by the way of the shop, the field, the skilled hand, habits of thrift an d economy, by way of industrial school and college, we are coming. W e are crawling up, working up, yea, bursting up . Ofte n throug h oppression , unjus t discriminatio n and prejudice , bu t throug h the m al l w e ar e comin g up , an d wit h prope r habits, intelligenc e an d property , ther e i s n o powe r o n eart h tha t ca n permanently stay our progress." If my life in the past has meant anything in the lifting up of my people and th e bringin g abou t o f bette r relation s betwee n you r rac e an d mine , I assure you from thi s day it will mean doubly more. I n the economy of God there i s but one standard b y which an individua l ca n succeed—there i s but one for a race. Thi s country demands that every race measure itself by the American standard. B y it a race must rise or fall, succeed or fail, and in the last analysis mere sentiment count s for little . Durin g the next half century and more , m y rac e mus t continu e passin g throug h th e sever e America n crucible. W e ar e t o b e teste d i n ou r patience , ou r forbearance , ou r perseverance, ou r powe r t o endur e wrong , t o withstan d temptations , t o economize, t o acquir e an d us e skill; our abilit y t o compete , t o succee d i n commerce, to disregard th e superficial fo r th e real, the appearance fo r th e substance, to be great and yet small, learned and yet simple, high and yet the servant of all. This , this is the passport t o all that i s best i n the life of our Stuart B . Kaufman, Barbar a S . Kraft , an d Raymon d W . Smock , eds. , The Booker T. Washington Papers, Vol. 4,1895-98 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1975) , pp. 183-185.—Eds.

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republic, and th e Negro must possess it, or be debarred. While we are thus being tested, I beg of you to remember tha t wherever our life touches yours, we help or hinder. Whereve r your life touches ours, you make us stronger or weaker. N o member of your race in any part of our country can harm the meanest member of mine, without the proudest and blues t bloo d i n Massachusett s bein g degraded . Whe n Mississipp i commits crime , New England commit s crime , and i n so much , lowers th e standard of your civilization. Ther e is no escape—man drags man down, or man lifts ma n up. In workin g ou t ou r destiny , whil e th e mai n burde n an d cente r o f activity must be with us, we shall need, in a large measure in the years that are t o come , a s w e hav e i n th e past , th e help , th e encouragement , th e guidance that th e strong can give the weak. Thu s helped, we of both races in th e South , soo n shal l thro w of f th e shackle s o f racia l an d sectiona l prejudice and rise, as Harvard University has risen and as we all should rise, above th e cloud s o f ignorance , narrownes s an d selfishness , int o tha t atmosphere, tha t pur e sunshine , where i t will be ou r highes t ambitio n t o serve MAN, our brother, regardless of race or previou s condition. 1 As thi s wa s th e firs t time * tha t a Ne w Englan d universit y ha d conferred a n honorar y degre e upo n a Negro , i t wa s th e occasio n o f much newspaper commen t throughou t th e country. A corresponden t of a Ne w Yor k pape r said : When th e nam e o f Booke r T . Washingto n wa s called , an d h e aros e t o acknowledge and accept, there was such an outburst of applause as greeted no othe r nam e excep t tha t o f th e popula r soldie r patriot , Genera l Miles . The applaus e was not studie d an d stiff , sympatheti c an d condoling ; i t was *BTW wa s on e o f thirtee n person s receivin g honorar y degree s a t Harvard that day. B y custom, the names of recipients were kept confidentia l until the moment of their announcement , and the students* applause was a measure of their popularity. Washingto n received applause equaled only by that for General Nelson A. Miles. I t was at the alumni dinner that evening, when each recipient made a short speech, however, that Washington shone. According t o th e late r recollectio n o f Roger Baldwin , BTW won hi s audience b y hi s firs t sentence : " I feel lik e a huckleberr y i n a bow l o f milk. " (Reminiscences o f Roge r Nas h Baldwin , Ora l Histor y Researc h Office , Columbia University , 1954. ) *BTW apparently did not kno w of Lemuel Haynes's 180 4 M.A fro m Middlebury College.—Eds.

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enthusiasm an d admiration. Ever y part o f the audience from pi t to gallery joined in , an d a glo w covere d th e cheek s o f thos e aroun d me , provin g sincere appreciation of the rising struggle of an ex-slave and the work he has accomplished fo r hi s race. A Bosto n pape r said , editorially : In conferring th e honorar y degree of Master of Arts upo n th e Principal of Tuskegee Institute , Harvar d Universit y ha s honoure d itsel f a s well a s th e object of this distinction. Th e work which Professor Booke r T. Washington has accomplished for the education, good citizenship, and popular enlightenment in his chosen field of labour in the South entitles him to rank with our national benefactors. Th e university which can claim him on its list of sons, whether i n regular cours e or honoris causa, may be proud. It has been mentioned tha t Mr . Washington i s the first o f his race to receive an honorary degree from a New England university. This , in itself, is a distinction, but th e degree was not conferred becaus e Mr. Washington is a coloured man , o r becaus e h e was born i n slavery , but becaus e h e ha s shown, by his work for th e elevation o f the people of the Black Belt of th e South, a genius and a broad humanity which count for greatness in any man, whether hi s skin b e white or black. Another Bosto n pape r said : It is Harvard which, first among New England colleges, confers an honorary degree upon a black man. N o one who has followed th e history of Tuskegee and it s wor k ca n fai l t o admir e th e courage , persistence , an d splendi d common sens e o f Booke r T . Washington. Wel l ma y Harvar d honou r th e ex-slave, the value of whose services, alike to his race and country, only the future ca n estimate. The corresponden t o f th e Ne w Yor k Times wrote : All the speeches were enthusiastically received, but the coloured man carried off th e oratorical honours , and the applause which broke out when he had finished was vociferous an d long-continued . From Up from Slavery (1901) , chapter 17 .

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Principal Washingto n a t Harvard Universit y MARCH 12 , 190 7

Dr. Booke r T . Washingto n o f th e Tuskege e Institute , spok e t o Harvard students in the Harvard Union Building last night. Th e room was crowde d an d eve n th e window s an d galler y wer e filled . Th e speaker was introduced by President Eliot who emphasized the importance o f youn g me n gettin g a clear conceptio n o f Dr . Washington' s life an d work . Th e addres s wa s ful l o f enthusias m an d cando r an d wisdom; it was oratorical and witty and forceful fro m beginning to end, and time an d time agai n the speaker was cheered t o th e echo . The applause went wild when the speaker, raising himself t o his full height , an d taking on a most seriou s an d earnest look , remarke d with a slightly nervous tremo r of th e han d an d lips: "If I could b e born again and the Great Spiri t should sa y to me: Tn what skin d o you wish t o be clothed, ' I should answer , 'mak e m e an American Negro!"' These words lent inspiration to every Negro present, and won for the speaker an d the race immeasurabl e respec t fro m th e whites. After th e address , Messrs . Edwi n Frenc h Tyson 1 an d Walte r S . Buchanan,2 both of th e class of 190 7 a t Harvard University, escorte d Dr. Washingto n t o thei r room , 2 2 Hasting s Hall , wher e h e me t an d addressed informall y al l of th e young colored me n i n the University . Mr. Buchanan graduated from Tuskegee Institut e with the class 1899. Booker T. Washington, Jr. and Mr. Charles Alexander, Editor of Alexander's Magazine , were i n the party .

1

Edwin Frenc h Tyso n (1885-1962 ) receive d a n M.D . degre e fro m Howard University Medical School in 1911. 2

Walter Solomo n Buchana n (1882-1954 ) late r becam e a presiden t o f Alabama State A & M College for Negroes in Normal, and a director of the Standard Life Insurance Co.

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Extracts from an Address at Harvard University FEBRUARY 4, 1914

Every man going out from this great University has a duty to perform not only in relation to his personal success, but in helping to solve the various problems relating to state and nation. Becaus e of the superior advantages which you are enjoying, in a peculiar manner the solution of thes e problem s will res t upo n you . Jus t i n th e sam e degre e i n which you have received broad liberal culture, you should be willing and anxious to give your service in lightening the burdens of others; in seeing tha t every man , no matter what his race or color is, has a fair chance, is permitted to have all the opportunities for growth and usefulness tha t is accorded to every other human being. I hope that when you go away from here and enter upon your life career, whether it is in private business or in some public service, that you will seek an opportunity to let the members of my race know that yo u ar e intereste d i n it ; no t onl y intereste d i n th e rac e a s a whole, but interested in the individual members of the race. I t is not always an easy task fo r one t o manifes t interes t i n persons who are members of what is commonly considered an unpopular race, but just in the degree that you manifest the courage and the deep interest to break through prejudice and custom and show that you are interested in the members of all the human family and desire to benefit humanity regardless of race or color, just in the same degree you will yourselves be strengthened an d broadened and your life sweetened. ** *

My race owes much to Harvard University; much for its spirit of fairness and justice. Her e above all places a man is measured by his ability, an d I hope that thi s spirit and this disposition will alway s be manifest a t Harvard. *** * My rac e i s ofte n classe d a s a n unfortunat e race . I d o no t sympathize with such classification. O n the other hand, I am proud that I am identified with the colored race in America. I would rather

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be classe d a s a black ma n i n thi s countr y tha n a s a white man . I belong to a race that has problems to solve, difficulties t o overcome every da y i n th e year , an d on e o f th e mean s b y which th e youn g colored me n an d wome n throughou t thi s countr y ar e developin g themselves in mind and in spirit is through the service which they are rendering to their less fortunate brothers and sisters, and in proportion a s educated colore d me n an d women rende r thi s servic e the y receive a breadth of mind and sympathy and have brought into their lives a sweetness and satisfaction which rarely comes to the educated men and women of any race. I would not care to live in any age or in any country where there were not problems to be solved and difficulties t o overcome, and the educated men and women of my race are striving to do their share in solving America's problems, and just in proportion as they strive to do this the y shoul d hav e th e sympathy , th e encouragemen t an d th e cooperation of every American citizen and especially of those who are placed as you are with the opportunities of receiving the highest and best university training.

WILLIAM H . FERRI S

William Henry Ferris was born on 20 July 1874 in New Haven, Connecticut, where he was graduated fro m Hillhous e High Schoo l in 1891 . I n 1895 , he received an A.B. from Yal e University, which also awarded him an M.A. in 1899. H e accepte d a n invitatio n t o becom e a charter membe r o f th e American Negr o Academ y i n 1897 , a t whic h tim e h e entere d Harvar d Divinity School for two years, switching to the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences fo r a yea r an d takin g a secon d M.A . i n 1900 . H e di d a littl e teaching i n th e South , an d the n wa s pasto r o f churche s briefl y i n Nort h Carolina an d Massachusetts , durin g whic h tim e h e bega n researc h fo r hi s magnum opus , th e two-volum e The African Abroad; or, His Evolution in Western Civilization (1913) . H e then worked for several periodicals, notably as associat e edito r o f th e Champion (1916-17) , an d a s literar y edito r o f Marcus Garvey' s Negro World (1919-23 ) an d o f th e short-lived Spokesman (1924-27). Fro m 193 0 t o 1935 , h e serve d a s dea n o f th e Norma l an d Theological Institute in Glasgow, Kentucky, also doing some editorial work for th e fledglin g Louisville Defender an d late r fo r th e moribun d Christian Review. H e die d i n penniles s obscurit y o n 2 3 August 194 1 in hi s Harle m room, and was saved from a pauper's burial by a college classmate who was treasurer o f Yale.

Douglass a s a n Orato r

While a student a t Yale and Harvard, it was my privilege to hear som e of th e world' s greates t preacher s an d orators . O f th e Englis h preachers, I hear d Fairbarn , Rober t Forma n Horton , Ia n Maclare n Berry an d Georg e Ada m Smith . O f th e American preachers , I hear d McKenzie, Gordon , Bradford , Storrs , Hall , Babcock , Purvis , Smythe ,

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Munger, Talmadge , Cuyler , Edwar d Everet t Hale , Dewey , Hillis , Barrows, Behrends, Dwight, Tucker, Bishop S. Greer and Foss. The n I hav e bee n privilege d t o hea r Thoma s B . Reed , Josep h Benso n Foraker, Senator Spooner, G Emery Smith, McKinley, Bob Ingersoll, Wallace Bruce, Judge Howland , Wayne McVeagh, Edwar d Howard Griggs, James Coolidge Carter , Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, Lodge, Depew, Roosevelt , Bryan , Bourk e Cochra n an d Dr . C . Elio t o f Harvard. Furthermore , I have heard Dr. Otto Pfleiderer, the German theologian, Prof. William Knight, the Scotch philosopher, and Swami Abhedananda, Mozoombar and Bita Chandra Pal, the Hindoo philosophers, speak. Out o f thi s group , I hav e hear d me n who surpasse d Frederic k Douglass fo r breadt h o f knowledg e an d profundity o f thought , but have never heard a speaker who was endowed with the natural gifts of the orator to the same degree that he was. Then, too, I have been privileged to hear some of the addresses which hav e entere d int o th e histor y o f oratory . I hear d Bourk e Cochran's famous speech upon Anti-Imperialism in Faneuil Hall in the spring of 1900 , when, with Harvard professors and the blue bloods of Boston behind him on the platform and a mixed audience in front of him, he close d hi s two-hour addres s with a peroration which lasted fully fifteen minutes , rising from one climax to another, as he threw back his head and hurled climaxes, or paced restlessly back and forth like a caged lion or pounded on the desk in front of him to emphasize a point. In Jun e o f th e sam e yea r I hear d Jame s Coolidg e Carter , th e leader o f th e Ne w Yor k bar , who m Presiden t Hadley , o f Yal e University, calle d th e "Nesto r an d th e Chesterfiel d o f th e lega l profession i n America, " deliver hi s famou s addres s a t th e Harvar d Alumni dinner. Tha t address has now been published in one of the specimens of eloquence . I saw a rather large man with broad, high brow, surmounting a face tha t was adorned with gray side-whiskers, and a mustache , ris e t o hi s fee t an d begi n t o spea k calml y an d deliberately, with a heavy brass voice an d with dignity an d grace of manner an d gesture. Soo n th e orato r launche d fort h wit h uplifte d hand int o tha t peroratio n whic h ha s entere d int o th e annal s o f eloquence. H e contraste d th e heroi c day s of hi s youth, whe n th e Concord School of Philosophy, the famous group of American poets and writer s an d th e anti-slaver y movemen t hel d th e cente r o f th e stage, with the present commercial age. Hi s voice rang out, when he

William H. Ferris in 1927

Frederick Douglass in his thirties

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expressed th e hop e that , i f trut h should eve r b e banishe d fro m th e forum, driven from the market place and exiled fro m our legislative halls, she would still hav e a sacred shrine in Harvard University, an ancient seat and center of learning, which had ever been consecrated to the highest ideals. I didn't know, until I saw Col. Higginson that evening, who James Coolidge Carter was, but I realized that Wednesday afternoon tha t I was listening to a wonderful oratorical effort . And ye t neithe r o f thes e tw o famou s addresse s electrifie d an d thrilled their audiences as did Frederick Douglass when he spoke in the Hyperion of New Haven in a presidential campaign. I heard the noted orator three times, on the occasion just mentioned, in the same opera house , afte r hi s return from Hayti, and in the Grand Avenue Congregational Church of New Haven, a few weeks before his death. On the last two occasions, he was interesting and impressive, but on the first occasion, he was overwhelming and irresistible. Of all the impressions stamped upon my mind, when a school boy in New Haven and a student at Yale, the most striking and vivid are those of the times when I heard Frederick Douglass. Th e first YaleHarvard baseball game and the first Yale-Harvard football game I saw are the only other occasions that stand out so vividly in my mind. This ma y see m a rathe r extravagan t estimate , bu t i t coincide d somewhat with Col. Higginson's estimate. Col . T. W. Higginson, of Boston, i n hi s eighties , wit h th e exceptio n o f Juli a War d Howe , Edward Everett Hale and Frank Sanborn, was the last survivor of the old literary set of Boston, and of th e old-time abolitionists. H e was an associate of Emerson, Whittier, Longfellow, Lowell , Holme s and Bryant. H e le d th e abolitionist s who attempte d t o rescu e Anthon y Burns, a fugitive slave, in broad daylight, from the Boston court house. He fough t unde r Joh n Brown' s banne r i n Kansa s an d wa s wit h Hallowell an d Sha w amon g th e firs t whit e me n t o ris k thei r lives , commanding Negro troops in the late Civil War. Standin g six feet in height, symmetrical i n form, graceful i n movement an d commanding in his personality, he looked the born soldier and leader of men. An d yet, he told me that he hated to walk down the street with Frederick Douglass, because Fre d Douglas s towere d tw o inches abov e hi m in stature an d wa s mor e colossa l i n figur e an d picturesqu e i n face . When one looked upon Frederick Douglass he felt like saying, "And the elements were so mixed in him that Nature might cry out—'This was a man." 1 Furthermore, Col . Higginso n sai d tha t eve n whe n Frederic k

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Douglass spoke extemporaneously, his English was well nigh perfect and his words flowed forth i n a clear, limpi d strea m o f eloquence . Very rarely was Frederick Douglass compelled t o revise and correct his extemporaneous speeches. Frank Sanborn , th e Concor d sage , wh o ha d hear d Gladstone , rated Douglass highl y a s an orator. Th e Companion o f th e leadin g statesmen an d scholars of America an d Europe, Frederick Douglass impressed everyone by his intelligence and nobility of soul. Standing ove r si x fee t i n height , blesse d wit h a magnificen t physique, a kingly bro w an d fac e an d a royal bearing , h e attracte d attention whereve r h e went . Ther e wa s somethin g elemental , magnetic an d majestic abou t th e man . Th e repos e o f th e lio n was seen i n tha t face . O n th e platform , th e grac e an d dignit y o f hi s movements an d gestures , th e orga n swel l an d rol l o f hi s sonorou s voice, the flash of his eagle eye, the tremendous reserve powers of the man, the volcanic outburst of pent up indignation and wrath, when he was thoroughl y aroused , ran k Frederic k Douglas s wit h Mirabeau , Daniel O'Connell , th e Elde r Pitt , an d Daniel Webster , a s one who was born a leader o f men , a s one wh o possesse d fro m birt h thos e native gifts which enabled him to sway audiences or move men. Now for the three occasions in which I heard Frederick Douglass. The Hyperion in days of yore was the largest and finest opera house in Ne w Haven , Conn . Situate d i n Chape l Street , opposit e Yal e University, with a seating capacity of 2,200, it catered to the university and society crowd. Consequentl y when the news spread over the city that Frederick Douglass, the colored orator, was scheduled t o speak there i n th e Harriso n presidentia l campaign , enthusias m kne w n o bounds. Th e meeting was preceded by a brass band and torch light procession an d the Hyperion was packed and crowded to its utmost seating and standing capacity. Th e preliminaries were soon disposed of. Mr . Willis Bonner, the president of the colored Republican club, introduced Rev . A . P . Miller , th e chairma n o f th e meeting , wh o introduced the distinguished white and colored speakers. That night Frederick Douglass had a difficult tas k set out for him. He was sandwiched in between one of the most brilliant scholars and one o f th e mos t magneti c orator s i n th e colore d race . H e wa s preceded as a speaker by Hon. E. D. Bassett, formerly principal of the Institute for Colored Youth in Philadelphia, and former U. S. Minister to Hayti. H e was followed by Charles Satchell Morris, who later rose in the ministry, pastored the Abyssinia Baptist Church in New York

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City, an d is now pastor i n Norfolk, Va . Bu t even o n suc h a trying occasion, the "Grand Old Man" loomed up as an oratorical colossus. Every eye was riveted upo n th e stage when Frederic k Douglas s was announced. Th e audience saw an unusually tall and well proportioned man rise slowly from his seat on the platform, step forward and face it . Wit h hi s lion-lik e face , crowne d wit h wavin g gra y hair , adorned wit h a n iron-gra y bear d o f mediu m growth , illumine d b y flashing eye s an d se t upo n a magnificent physique , h e wa s bot h a distinguished an d picturesque-lookin g man . H e impresse d th e audience by his personality before h e uttered a single word. His voice was low, deep, and heavy. H e spoke slowly, calmly and deliberately. Hi s movement s o n th e platfor m wer e dignifie d an d graceful. I n a word, hi s attitude , bearing , gesture s an d manne r o f speaking indicate d a gentlema n wh o wa s perfectl y cal m an d self possessed, upon a platform upon which some of the world's greatest actors and singers had appeared and before a vast audience, four-fifths of which was white. In his style and manner of speaking he was a gentleman conversing with a perfectly well modulated and controlled voice, who now and then rose to a n impassioned outburs t of eloquence . H e calml y and dispassionately discusse d th e rac e questio n i n al l o f it s phase s and aspects. H e was lucid and clear in his presenting hi s facts an d data, and logical and cogent in his reasoning. Bu t he by no means gave a dry discussion of a hackneyed theme. Tha t discussion was enlivened by anecdote, illustration, wit and humor. Douglass ' observations upon men and affairs were keen an d penetrating. Hi s reflections showe d that he was thoughtful an d prudent. I n a word, he seemed t o have some of that worldly wisdom which made Solomon an d Lord Bacon famous. Hi s fundamental though t was that the colored brother was made out of the same clay as the rest of mankind. But what impressed the audience most was the fact that Douglass had some tremendous force or power which he was holding in reserve and which he had not yet let out. An d it was not disappointed. Th e outburst of eloquence, which lifted the audience off its feet and threw it into pandemonium, finally came. Douglas s began that outburst by telling the audience that it was the brawn and muscle of black men, who toile d i n th e sun , an d ble d unde r th e lash , whic h fo r tw o centuries an d a hal f ha d buil t u p th e wealt h an d prosperity o f th e Southland. Hi s ey e flashed , hi s fac e lighte d up , his voice ros e and swelled lik e the notes o f a n organ and rang out in stentorian tone s

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over the audience, he moved more rapidly about the platform and his gestures grew more animated, as he rose to his grand climax. H e said: "During the trying days of th e Civil War, we gave your sons food to eat when they were hungry and water to drink when they were thirsty, we led them through the forests when they had lost their way and we binded up their wounds when they were wounded." Then , stepping to the front of the platform with head thrown back, outstretched arms and voice tha t ran g ou t lik e a clarion , Douglas s said : "An d when Abraham Lincoln sent forth his call for volunteers, we came, we came two hundred thousand strong." Then the pent up and long suppressed enthusiasm of the audience released itself. Me n and women rose to their feet an d cheered and applauded th e "Ol d Ma n Eloquent " agai n an d again . I t wer e a s though h e ha d calml y an d deliberatel y warme d th e heart s o f hi s hearers and then uncorked the bottle, when the contents were about to effervesce. In that address Frederick Douglass told of th e conversation that he had with Abraham Lincoln, when Lincoln expressed great interest in and sympathy for the colored people. H e said that he knew what to do with regard to every nationality except the Negro. Douglass replied, "Give us our freedom an d the same protection of th e la w a s you giv e th e othe r nationalitie s an d w e wil l d o fo r ourselves." The audience did not rush out of th e Hyperion, as it usually did after a three-hour sitting , bu t man y lingered lon g t o catc h on e las t fleeting glimps e o r gras p th e han d o f th e note d orator . B y some unknown an d mysteriou s channe l o f communicatio n th e new s had been whispered aroun d that a reception would be hel d in honor of Fred Douglas s a t on e o f th e aristocrati c whit e clubs . An d whe n Douglass and his escorts left th e Hyperion and walked a block or so down Chapel Street, a large crowd assembled on the sidewalk to again cheer the "Grand Old Man" as he passed by. An d he towered head and shoulders above his companions like King Saul. I heard Frederick Douglass again in the Hyperion after his return from Hayti, when he ably defended his course in refusing to persuade the Haytian s t o sel l th e Mol e St . Nichola s t o th e Unite d State s government. Hi s grea t clima x came i n tha t addres s when h e said, "Measure us not by the heights to which we have attained, but by the depths from which we have come." The last time that I heard Fred Douglass speak in New Haven was

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in the Grand Avenue Congregational Church in the fall of 1894, a few weeks before hi s death. H e was then speaking in the interest of the Industrial Institut e i n Virginia , i n whic h a grand-daughter , Mis s Rosette Sprague , wa s a teacher . I believe tha t Mr . Wheato n wa s principal. I t i s a significan t fac t that , te n month s befor e Booke r Washington delivere d hi s Atlant a speech , Frederic k Douglas s ha d recognized th e value o f industria l educatio n an d perceived tha t th e colored race needed both the ballot and the bank book. Mr . Douglass was not as vigorous physically as when I last heard him, but there was still the same dignity and grace and self-possession and at times flashes of his former eloquence. A group of colored students went forward to meet Mr. Douglass. One of us, William Fletcher Penn, knew him personally, so we had the honor of walking with the noted orator to the trolley car and riding in the car with Mr. Douglass from Fairhaven to the street, where he left th e ca r t o g o t o hi s hotel . H e wa s easil y th e mos t attractiv e person in the whole car, and when he arose to leave the car with his towering form , patricia n bearin g an d distinguishe d countenance , people asked "Who was that?" and the answer was whispered around in hushed awe d tones, "That is Fred Douglass." Tha t was the last I saw of the noted orator. Mankind has ever honored and deified thos e men who embodied and incarnated its ideals in their personalities and realized its dreams in their achievements; and that is why Fred Douglass electrified and thrilled me the first time that I heard him when a school boy. H e was not onl y a man who fough t hi s way from slaver y to th e pinnacle of fame, but his personality and his manliness liberated the heroic in his hearers. Ther e was that indefinable an d indescribable something, in the ma n and hi s eloquence, whic h appeale d t o th e sublim e i n one. There i s somethin g upliftin g an d inspirin g i n a churc h spire , i n a Gothic cathedral, in the Colossus of Rhodes and in a towering Alpine peak. Ther e is also something uplifting and inspiring in the career of a Hercules or Julius Caesar and in the eloquence of a Pitt, a Webster and a Douglass . Frederic k Douglas s wa s thu s bot h a cal l an d a n inspiration to higher effort. Champion Magazine (1917 ) [Editors' note: A passage in Frederick Douglass's 1881 autobiography tells

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the stor y o f a relationshi p tha t migh t hav e developed , bu t neve r did . Douglass recalled, "The 2nd of June, 1872 , brought me a very grievous loss. My house in Rochester was burnt to the ground, and among other things of value, twelve volumes of my paper, covering the period fro m 184 8 to 1860, were devoured by the flames. I have never been able to replace them, and the los s is immeasurable. Onl y a fe w weeks before, I had bee n invite d t o send thes e bound volumes t o the library of Harvard Universit y where they would hav e been preserve d i n a fire-proo f building , an d th e resul t o f m y procrastination attests the wisdom of more than one proverb." Se e Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, Written by Himself (Hartford , Conn. : Par k Publishing Co., 1882), p. 270.]

Leslie P. Hill on entering Harvard in 1899 (previousl y unpublished )

LESLIE PINCKNEY HILL

Leslie Pinckney Hill was born in Lynchburg, Virginia on 1 4 May 1880, the son of a former slave. A s a youth he mastered the trumpet and envisioned a career in music. Whe n his family moved to East Orange, New Jersey, he transferred t o th e local hig h school and , by accelerated study , was able to skip the junior year, winding up near the top of his graduating class in 1898. In the fal l o f 189 9 he entered Harvard , supplementing scholarshi p ai d by working as a waiter. H e studied Classics, history, English composition and literature, an d fin e arts . Activ e i n debatin g fro m th e start , h e too k a n official elocutio n course as a sophomore, and as a junior won second place in the Boylston Prize oratory competition. An introductory philosophy course inspired him to include a philosophy course ever y ter m thereafter . H e forme d a particularl y clos e ti e wit h William James (M.D. 1869), who started out teaching physiology but in 1880 switched t o philosoph y an d psycholog y unti l hi s retiremen t i n 1907 . A decade after James' death, Hill would write a sonnet in tribute to his former mentor. I n his senior year Hill was elected to Phi Beta Kappa and awarded his degree cum laude. H e als o ha d the hono r o f bein g on e o f th e thre e candidates invite d t o giv e a commencemen t address , a well-receive d disquisition entitled The Place of Religion in the Education of the Negro." Hill stayed on another year to take courses in education, receiving an A.M. degree in 1904. In 190 4 Hil l bega n teachin g educatio n an d Englis h a t Booke r T . Washington's Tuskege e Institute , wher e th e academi c departmen t wa s headed by his black Harvard schoolmate Roscoe Conkling Bruce '02. Bot h men found Washington' s policies uncongenial; Bruce left i n 1906 , and Hill followed a year later to head the Manassas Industrial School in Virginia. I n 1913 Hill was persuaded to assume the presidency of what is today Cheyney State Colleg e in Pennsylvania, which grew out o f an Institute fo r Colore d Youth chartered in 1837. H e resumed his musical activity by conducting the College chorus, and retired from the presidency in 1951. Autho r of essays, poems, and plays, and the recipient of four honorary degrees, he died on 15 February 1960.

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The Place of Religion in the Education o f the Negro

The problem of the Negro in this country, pressing upon us as it is, we cannot lightl y pu t aside . Fo r thirt y year s i t ha s foun d a widenin g sphere of influence in politics. I t has been interwoven with the whole industrial growth of the South. I t lay at the bottom of the most frightful war of modern times . An d no w of more urgent importanc e tha n the reform o f our civil service, or th e question of th e right s of labo r and capital, or the government of our new dependencies, it is the first matter of concern for the thinking men of this nation. An d yet for all its prominence and urgency how little attention has been given to one side o f th e proble m fro m whic h i t seem s a rea l approac h t o it s solution migh t ultimately be made! We hav e spoke n an d acte d wit h regar d t o th e Negr o hithert o almost wholl y fro m th e poin t o f vie w o f hi s economi c value , hi s material status, without taking into due account the opposite balance of hi s inne r nature . Chiefl y h e ha s been a n object of pity , o r con tempt, o r philanthropy , o r legislation , seldo m a livin g huma n soul . Always we are told that he must seek hopefully an d earnestly to fin d his place an d power i n the world of competitio n abou t him , that h e must live a clean, thrifty life , must acquir e property an d increas e his intelligence: but hardl y a t al l is there hear d no w any word a s to th e use o f tha t forc e s o peculiarl y th e endowmen t o f th e blac k ma n by which he might be impelled forwar d t o these same ends. Certainly the economic aspect of the Negro in this country to-day, his actual worth in the world of industry or of politics, is a question of momentous import well worthy of the great expenditure of energy and the earnest applicatio n of brain now so happily devoted t o it. Bu t it must be remembered that beneath the material progress and the outer strivings of the race there has always run the deep vein of its religion. "If the genu s man i s a religious being," says a recent writer, "th e species Negr o i s pre-eminently so. " An d i t i s not enough , no r i s it true, to say that thi s religion ha s been a mere unreasoning emotion .

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What has been it s value, its effect? Eve n in its first appearance s in primitive societ y ther e wa s i n i t somethin g better . Th e blac k man there indeed "paid foolish honors to this ugly fetich," but he had also noble conception s o f a "Nyangmo who send s th e sunshin e an d th e rain, who veils his face with the clouds and makes the stars his jewels." In civilizatio n th e religiou s instinc t o f th e rac e ha s bee n clea r an d productive o f soli d results . I t has had to grow slowly an d painfully through the camp meeting with its professional shouter s and prayermakers, throug h th e reviva l wit h it s superstition s o f th e mourner' s bench, its picturesque exhorters and emotional audiences, through the leadership o f a misguide d o r il l instructe d clergy , throug h tha t enthusiasm of faith which could not stand the test of moral practice. All this should have been expecte d o f a race thrust so suddenly and without preparatio n int o th e lif e o f a people indefinitel y advance d beyond it s primitive ideas . Still , when al l has bee n said , i t remains indisputable that this people has given to mankind an example of the power of the Christian religion surprising and unique. Men o f scienc e hav e wondere d tha t th e greate r par t o f th e Negroes di d no t di e o f nostalgia . Fro m a lif e o f freedo m an d ignorance the y wer e brough t fro m thei r hom e i n th e tropic s t o a climate wholly unlik e thei r own, an d t o a civilization o f whic h they could not then have had the poorest conception. The y had no books or instruction . Th e schools , eve n th e churches , wer e close d upo n them. Fo r th e meanes t menia l labo r ther e was no rewar d bu t th e most necessar y physica l sustenance . Generation s passe d wit h n o prospect bu t continuanc e i n tha t state . Bu t ther e wa s n o despair . These people heard from their masters the name of Christ. Th e story of the cross, but little understood, came to them, nevertheless, as the story o f thei r ow n har d life , an d ther e i n al l thei r ignoranc e an d destitution the y thought i t a noble thin g to suffer fo r the reward of the faithful. I n the cornfield an d the cottonfield i t was not complaining, but the expression of their faith through those sad melodies which are now considered the one original contribution of America to music. On the block it was not imprecation an d abuse but often praye r for the slave dealer. An d when the crisis had come and the masters of the Southland marched to the front and offered their lives for a cause whose success meant the perpetuation of th e Negro's bondage, they left behin d them as protector of thei r families and guardian of their estates thi s sam e blac k ma n wh o di d no t prov e fals e t o wha t h e thought eve n the n a trust. Whethe r fait h an d prayer were al l they

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were held to be or not, thes e were the comfort an d the strength of the race throughout its darkest hours. Those bitter times are gone, and the Negroes are citizens of the republic. Thei r presence her e for a generation i n that capacity has given rise to the gravest, most practical proble m this nation has yet been called upon to face. Ho w are these people, now rapidly increasing i n numbers , exertin g fo r goo d o r il l a greate r an d greate r influence, to be adjusted to the new conditions of their national life? How can this mass of black folk be made to contribute most to the realization of the ideals of democracy? Man y an answer one hears of all degrees of sanity and thoughtlessness. Th e wisest, however, can recognize but one: b y an education that shall not stop short of what is highest in the black man's nature, by an education, it seems to me, that should carefully cultivate his deep innate sense of religion. Fo r the Negro is still, in spite of his material advancement, primarily of a religious temperament. Abou t every third Negro is a communicant. Rightly or wrongly he devotes just te n times as much money to the building of churches as he devotes to the erection of schools. I t is still through the church and not through the school that the great masses of the people are most effectively reached. Emanuel Swedenborg , tha t prodigiou s student o f religiou s phenomena who m Emerso n entitle s t o " a place vacan t fo r som e age s among th e law-giver s o f mankind, " affirm s tha t th e Africa n ha s a greater "genius and faculty of receiving light through the heavens from the Lord" than any of the rest of the Gentiles. An d Emerson himself has said: He has avenues to God Hid from men of Northern brain, Far beholding, without cloud, What these with slowest steps attain. Why should not this high faculty, already so effective in the past, be made to exercise a still larger function as the education of the Negro advances? I f only the efforts an d attainments of th e race might be made the expression of its deepest religious feeling many a perplexing material problem now before us would soon enough be gone. Surely , at all events, nothing less should be a primary aim of instruction for the race henceforth—an ai m to justify mor e fully, indeed to set i n a clearer light , th e remar k o f th e ma n wh o stand s first among th e

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leaders of education in America to-day, that "the Negro needs absolutely" the "higher facilities of education." These higher facilities it is the duty and opportunity of the nation in larger measure to provide. I t has been said that if democracy has any loftie r idea l tha n anothe r for m o f government , o r an y diviner mission it is "to help all the weak, t o lift up all the fallen, t o raise to the highest culture of which he is capable every son of Adam." Tha t highest cultur e fo r an y ma n i n thi s countr y to-day , th e Negr o preeminently, is the culture proceeding from a true conception of the ideals of Christianity. I n slavery Christianity, rudely understood, was the Negro' s pilla r o f clou d b y da y an d pilla r o f fir e b y night . I n freedom an d citizenship a true r Christianit y shoul d serv e th e sam e high purpose. Th e common ranks of the race must now be lifted t o a highe r plane o f Christia n though t an d conduct. A broader, more adequate education must lead "the raw unkindled masses" to see th e beauty and the value of th e higher Christian life . Thi s nation must know that te n million s o f blac k people , inseparabl e par t o f it s very life, will either help it forward or hold it back. I t must be clear that any syste m o f education , o r an y metho d o f approachin g th e rac e problem which makes of the Negro a mere object of economic consideration, without emphasizing the paramount importance of getting out of m y people th e highes t qualitie s o f whic h the y ar e capable , i s a system or a method which must forever defeat its own end, and keep within th e border s of thi s countr y a problem tha t will eve r ten d t o drag our nation down. Harvard Advocate (1903)

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To William James Devotedly he watched th e silent stream Of consciousness, and from th e shifting brink , In lucid phrase, taught thousand s how to think. No straightened logic' s thrall, he prized the gleam Of truth i n all experience: the dream To him was precious too. H e dared to link Reality with wonder, an d to sink The plumb of thought dow n where all mysteries teem. Where is the light we knew upon his face— The zest for knowledge , searching and intense ? Gone out for ay e in darkness deep and strange? Or do they now at last find scop e and place Where Thales still propounds th e elements, And Heraclitus broods, "Tis only Change"? From The Wings of Oppression (1921 )

MAIN LOCK E

Alain LeRo y Lock e was bor n t o schoolteache r parent s o n 1 3 September 1886 i n Philadelphia , wher e h e attende d Centra l Hig h Schoo l an d th e Philadelphia School of Pedagogy. A member of the Harvard class of 1908, he completed his requirements in three years, and received his A.B. magna cum laude in 1907 , als o winnin g th e to p Bowdoi n Priz e fo r a n essay o n Tennyson as well as election t o Phi Beta Kappa. H e became the first and, until 1963 , only blac k America n t o win a Rhodes scholarshi p t o Oxford , from which he took a Litt.B. degree in 1912. In 191 8 h e became-nafte r W.E.B . D u Boi s an d historia n Carte r G . Woodson—the thir d blac k recipien t o f a Harvar d Ph.D . degree , wit h a dissertation i n philosophy on the theory of value. H e had in 1912 , after a year's stud y a t th e Universit y o f Berlin , alread y begu n teachin g English , education, an d then philosoph y a t Howar d University , where h e was also instrumental i n establishin g a dram a program , ar t gallery , an d literar y magazine. Bes t known for his writing on literature, he was the godfather of the so-called Harle m Renaissance of the 1920s . H e also wrote extensively on the fine arts (including those of Africa) and on music (he was a trained classical pianist) . A t the time Du Bois termed him "by long odds the best trained man among the younger American Negroes." In mid-career Lock e acknowledged hi s debt t o Harvard , where " I wa s exposed t o the Golden Age of liberalism and deeply influenced b y Barrett Wendell, Copeland, Briggs and Baker, shed the Tory restraints for urbanity and humanism, and under the spell of Royce, James, Palmer, and Santayana, gave up Puritan provincialism for critical-mindedness and cosmopolitanism." Locke spok e o f hi s "no t regrette d vocation— a decen t livelihoo d teachin g philosophy; an d . . . a n avocatio n o f mid-wifer y t o younge r Negr o poets , writers an d artists . . . . I am sure i t ha s all bee n du e t o Harvard , at leas t what there has been creditable and productive." In Februar y o f 1942 , th e Harvar d chapte r o f Ph i Delt a Kapp a (th e national fraternit y i n professiona l education) , whos e constitutio n forbad e non-white members , demonstrated it s disgust with thi s exclusionary policy by invitin g Lock e t o giv e a n address , "Democrac y Face s a Ne w Worl d Order." Late r that year Locke was one of twelve blacks named in the Honor

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Roll o f Rac e Relations . H e continue d teachin g a t Howar d unti l hear t trouble forced hi s retirement in 1953. H e died in New York City on 9 June 1954, leaving his partly written magnum opus to be completed and published by a colleague' s devote d daughter , Margare t Jus t Butcher— The Negro in American Culture (1956 ; 2nd ed. 1972).

Two Letter s fro m Harvar d [7 December 1905 ] My dear Mamma : Don't blam e the postman an d the postal service for thi s delay—fo r God know s thei r soul s ar e blac k wit h enoug h guilt—bu t thi s dela y i s mine, partly carelessness an d partly work. A s usual I shall try to mak e it up . Well , on e piec e o f goo d news— I hav e pai d th e entir e $9 0 tuition s o that' s of f ou r hands . $5 0 I ha d o n han d a s I tol d you . I went t o Dea n Hurlbu t [Byro n S . Hurlbut, Dea n o f Harvar d College , 1902-16] an d go t $4 0 of m y scholarship mone y s o that's paid , an d w e have nothin g mor e t o pa y th e universit y unti l th e ter m bil l o n February 10th . I a m ver y gla d a s i t tide s u s ove r th e critica l Xma s period ver y nicely . Besides , I go t m y invitatio n t o th e Awar d o f Academic Distinctions. Quit e a n elaborately engraved invitation—w e who hav e wo n scholarship s an d thos e wh o hav e wo n prize s g o t o Sanders Theatre and sit on the floor of the theatre—what would be th e parquet, I mean , o f course—an d hea r th e award s an d the n hav e a collation afterwards—thi s happen s a week fro m tomorro w an d make s a ver y pleasan t celebratio n a s a double rewar d o f las t year' s work . Now for othe r news . Tuesda y we had a simply delightful meetin g of th e Ethica l Society— a close d meeting , only about 2 5 or 3 0 of u s in the parlor of Phillips Brooks House, with [President Charle s W.] Eliot to addres s us . Hi s talk was very interesting, an d he himself mor e so— we al l ha d a n excellen t chanc e t o mee t him , o f course . Afte r th e meeting we went t o Beckhard' s roo m [Brun o Beckhar d '07 ] an d ha d a littl e supper , the n wen t t o Pfromm' s roo m [Davi d A . Pfrom m '08 ] and playe d (piannie ) til l 11:30 , the n Dickerma n [Charle s H . Dickerman '07 ] suggested a walk—we all took it and finally winded u p in Pottinger's room [Davi d T. Pottinger '06] , where after som e tea an d

Alain Locke in 1908

Alain Locke in 1933

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crackers we reluctantly departed at 3 A.M. You see that meant no letter. Well , Wednesday—yesterday (this is Thursday) I got u p so lat e a s t o hav e a great hurr y to ge t t o my classes—Wednesday is a busy day for me anyway, and no sooner had I settle d dow n t o write— I starte d b y finishing a lette r overdu e t o Rowland—than I remembere d a meeting o f th e debatin g societ y at which our shingles were to be given out. Shingle s for your edification, I ma y explain , ar e certificate s o f membershi p tha t almos t ever y Harvard club gives—they are not as you would suppose of wood—but paper—another example of the contradictions of college life. Well , we went fo r ou r shingle s an d ha d th e usua l jubilatio n meetin g tha t generally results—beer, ginger ale, crackers, cheese, pretzels and the like. Well , I left tha t early and had barely time to finish a report on English literatur e du e today . I finishe d th e repor t a t 2 A.M . an d promptly went to bed. Thi s morning—or rather this afternoon I had my English conference and a more delightful conference I have never had. Ou r professor is Barrett Wendell [faculty, 1880-1917]—whom you have heard of as the Harvard professor who went to Paris last year to lecture a t th e Sorbonne . H e i s decidedl y French—wear s garters , smokes cigarettes and twirled his cane all during the conference but talked most entertainingly. Th e others left and I found myself with his highness and a Jewish rabbi—what a combination!—and we talked for an hou r o r s o o n literar y topics , whic h chiefl y consiste d i n Barret t Wendell's reminiscences and jokes, issue[d] forth from such erudition and over-frenchified cultur e t o th e Union , where I am now writing you this letter.... I have received a copy of the Central High School March and am raving mad to have to acknowl-edge it and say what is expected t o say. It' s good training in the suppression of feelin g and in the ar t of deceit—bu t perhaps I do not nee d it . Gla d of Harry's success—it's about time I wrote them anyway. I beg to disagree with the universal sanction that seems to be given Mr. Robinson's ideas of how a gentleman shoul d dress . Th e benefi t o f Harvar d i s that you learn what is proper, with perfect permissio n to be a non-conformist and be and dress and act as inde-pendently a s you please. . . . Well , there's bu t on e thin g I reques t o f yo u b y al l that' s holy : d o no t reserve Cousi n Hortens e fo r m y first Sunda y home , o r b y thunder you'll get your teapot for I['ll] do away with her. I ma y soo n hav e t o tak e t o glasse s s o I shal l b e silen t les t retribution go down another generation—you remember Dr. Brandt's figure of Elijah's mantle. B y the way, that reminds me to tell you that

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I went to chapel Sunday and heard a sermon worth hearing. Lyma n Abbott [Preache r t o th e University , 1903-09 ] i s simpl y great ; he i s worth the whole bunch of the others put together—in the first place he is very broad and very liberal. The room look s very nice no w and will look stil l bette r when I come bac k fro m th e Xma s recess . B y th e way , don' t worr y about worthless tickets—ticke t brokerin g i s a regula r lega l busines s i n Massachusetts. I must close now , a s the rustic s say, for I have still work o n han d an d a m anxiou s t o res t u p a bi t fro m th e week' s dissipations an d excitement . I a m very wel l an d work i s goin g o n nicely. Wit h the usual cautions to take care of yourself and to try to live comfortably, wit h strict injunction s t o sidetrack , o r do anything legitimate t o Hortense , tha t sh e an d I ma y no t conflic t a t th e beginning of my holiday, and of course with lots of love, Your loving boy Roy

[15 December 1905] My dear Mamma: Tonight was the Award of Distinctions and I want to write you to tell you what your spirit saw. I send you the program along with this letter. 'Twa s as usual a very brilliant and a very boresome affair. Yo u may think the two things a little contradictory but they are not for an academic function. Th e majority of the faculty attend and you cannot imagine a more brilliant scene than they make with their gowns and hoods, since th e Oxfor d doctors ' are crimso n silk with lon g flowing sleeves. I noticed a Paris degree—purple and buff silk etc. The y only wear them on this occasion and at commencement, so it was one of our two annua! opportunities to see a professor dressed respectably. Some of the professors—the younger men—usher, and you feel quite important having a teacher in a gorgeous Mother Hubbard showing you to your seat on the floor of the theatre. Th e programme you can see fo r yourself . Th e usua l singin g of th e Harvar d Hym n etc. was quite impressive . Th e orato r o f th e evenin g wa s a s usua l no t

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interesting so we spent [the ] best par t of th e time , or at least I did, hunting up each other's names and seeing who all got scholarships—as you see I am in second group-nsorry I did not make first group—but still only 8 of our class did—that's some consolation—I hoped to have 1st group cinched this year. Harle y [Harley H. Bartlett '08] is the only other brother who got a scholarship—he is in second group too. Yo u will notice his name... . Your loving boy Roy

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Youth Speaks

We might know the future but for our chronic tendency to turn to age rather than t o youth for th e forecast. An d when youth speaks, the future listens , however the present may shut its ears. Her e we have Negro youth, foretellin g i n the mirro r of ar t what we mus t see and recognize in the streets of reality tomorrow. Primarily, of course, it is youth that speaks in the voice of Negro youth, but the overtones are distinctive; Negro youth speaks out of an unique experienc e an d wit h a particula r representativeness . Al l classes o f a peopl e unde r socia l pressur e ar e permeate d wit h a common experience; they are emotionally welded as others cannot be. With them, even ordinary living has epic depth and lyric intensity, and this, their material handicap, is their spiritual advantage. So , in a day when art has run to classes, cliques and coteries, and life lacks more and more a vital common background, th e Negr o artist , ou t o f th e depths of his group and personal experience, has to his hand almost the conditions of a classical art. Negro geniu s toda y relie s upo n th e race-gif t a s a vast spiritua l endowment from which our best developments have come and must come. Racia l expression as a conscious motive, it is true, is fading out of ou r lates t art , bu t jus t a s surel y th e ag e o f truer , fine r grou p expression i s comin g in—fo r rac e expressio n doe s no t nee d t o b e deliberate to be vital. Indee d at its best it never is. Thi s was the case with our instinctive and quite matchless folk-art, and begins to be the same agai n a s we approac h cultural maturit y in a phase of ar t that promises no w to be full y representative . Th e interva l betwee n ha s been an awkward age, where from the anxious desire and attempt to be representative much that was really unrepresentative has come; we have latel y ha d a n ar t tha t was stiltedly self-conscious , an d racially rhetorical rather than racially expressive. Ou r poets have now stopped speaking for the Negro—they speak as Negroes. Wher e formerly they spoke to others and tried to interpret, they now speak t o their own

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and try to express . The y hav e stopped posing , bein g neare r t o th e attainment of poise. The younger generation ha s thus achieve d a n objective attitud e toward life. Rac e for them is but an idiom of experience , a sort of added enriching adventure and discipline, giving subtler overtones to life, making it more beautiful and interesting, even if more poignantly so. S o experienced, it affords a deepening rather than a narrowing of social vision. Th e artistic problem of the Young Negro has not been so much that of acquiring the outer mastery of form and technique as that of achievin g an inner mastery of mood and spirit. Tha t accomplished, ther e ha s com e th e happ y releas e fro m self-consciousness , rhetoric, bombast, an d the hamperin g habit of setting artisti c values with primary regard for moral effect—all those pathetic over-compensations o f a grou p inferiorit y comple x whic h ou r socia l dilemma s inflicted upon several unhappy generations. Ou r poets no longer have the hard choice between an over-assertive and appealing attitude. B y the same effort, the y have shaken themselves fre e fro m the minstrel tradition and the fowling-nets o f dialect, and through acquiring ease and simplicity in serious expression, hav e carried the folk-gif t t o the altitudes o f art . Ther e the y seek an d find art' s intrinsic values and satisfactions—and i f America were deaf, they would still sing. But America listens—perhaps in curiosity at first; later, we may be sure, in understanding. But— a moment of patience. Th e generation now i n th e artisti c vanguar d inherit s th e fin e an d dearl y bough t achievement o f anothe r generatio n o f creativ e workme n who hav e been pioneer s an d path-breaker s i n th e cultura l developmen t an d recognition o f th e Negro in the arts. Thoug h still in their prime, as veterans of a hard struggle, they must have the praise and gratitude that is due them. W e have had, in fiction, Chesnut t an d Burghardt Du Bois ; in drama , Du Boi s agai n and Angelina Grimke ; in poetry Dunbar, Jame s Weldo n Johnson , Fento n an d Charle s Bertra m Johnson, Everett Hawkins, Lucien Watkins, Cotter, Jamison; and in another fil e o f poets , Mis s Grimke , Ann e Spencer , an d Georgi a Douglas Johnson; in criticism an d belles lettres, Braithwait e an d Dr. Du Bois ; in painting, Tanner and Scott; in sculpture, Met a Warrick and May Jackson; in acting Gilpin and Robeson; in music, Burleigh. Nor must the fine collaboration of white American artists be omitted; the wor k o f Ridgele y Torrenc e an d Eugen e O'Neil l i n drama , o f Stribling, and Shands and Clement Woo d in fiction, al l of which has helped i n th e bringin g o f th e material s o f Negr o lif e ou t o f th e

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shambles o f conventiona l polemics , chea p romanc e an d journalis m into th e domai n o f pur e an d unbiasse d art . Then , ric h i n thi s legacy, but riche r still , I think , i n thei r ow n endowmen t o f talent , come s th e youngest generatio n o f ou r Afro-America n culture : in music , Diton , Dett, Gran t Still , and Rolan d Hayes ; in fiction, Jessi e Fauset , Walte r White, Claud e McKa y ( a forthcomin g book) ; i n drama , Willi s Richardson; i n th e fiel d o f th e shor t story , Jea n Toomer , Eri c Walrond, Rudol f Fisher ; an d finall y a vivi d galax y o f youn g Negr o poets, McKay, Jean Toomer , Langsto n Hughe s and Counte e Cullen. * These constitut e a new generation no t becaus e o f years only, bu t because o f a ne w aestheti c an d a ne w philosoph y o f life . The y hav e all swun g abov e th e horizo n i n th e las t thre e years , an d w e ca n sa y without disparagement of the past that in that short space of time they have gaine d collectivel y fro m publishers , editors , critic s an d th e general publi c mor e recognitio n tha n ha s ever befor e com e t o Negr o creative artist s i n a n entir e workin g lifetime . Firs t novel s of unques tioned distinction , firs t acceptance s b y premier journal s whos e page s are th e ambitio n o f vetera n craftsmen , internationa l acclaim , th e conquest fo r u s of ne w provinces o f art , the development fo r th e first time amon g u s o f literar y coterie s an d channel s fo r th e contac t o f creative minds , an d mos t importan t o f all , a spiritua l quickenin g an d racial leavenin g such a s no generation ha s yet felt an d known . I t ha s been their achievement als o to bring the artistic advance of the Negr o sharply int o steppin g alignmen t wit h contemporar y artisti c thought , mood an d style . The y ar e thoroughl y modern , som e o f the m ultra-modern, an d Negr o thought s no w wear th e unifor m o f th e age . But fo r al l that , th e hear t beat s a little differently. Toome r give s a folk-lilt an d ecstasy to the prose of the American modernists . McKay adds Aeso p an d iron y t o th e socia l nove l an d a peasan t clarit y an d naivete t o lyri c thought , Fishe r add s Uncl e Remu s t o th e ar t o f Maupassant and O. Henry. Hughes puts Biblical fervor into free verse , Hayes carrie s th e gus h an d dept h o f folk-son g t o th e ol d masters ,

*The full names are: [Charles W.] Chesnutt, [W.E.] Burghardt Du Bois, [Paul Laurence ] Dunbar , [Josep h S. ] Cotte r [Jr.] , [Rosco e Conkling ] Jamison, [Willia m S. ] Braithwaite, [Henr y O.] Tanner , [Willia m Edouard ] Scott, [Charles ] Gilpin , [Paul ] Robeson, [Harr y T.] Burleigh , [Thoma s S. ] Stribling, [Huber t A.] Shands, [Car l R.] Diton, [R . Nathaniel] Det t (Harv . spec, student 1919-20) , and [William ] Grant Still.—Eds.

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Cullen blends the simple with the sophisticated and puts the vineyards themselves into his crystal goblets. Ther e is in all the marriage of a fresh emotional endowment with the finest niceties of art. Her e for the enrichment of American and modern art, among our contemporaries, in a people who still have the ancient key, are some of the things we thought culture had forever lost. Ar t cannot disdain the gift of a natural irony , o f a transfigurin g imagination , o f rhapsodi c Biblica l speech, of dynamic musical swing, of cosmic emotion such as only the gifted pagan s knew, of a return to nature, not by way of th e force d and worn formula o f Romanticism , bu t through th e closenes s o f an imagination tha t ha s neve r broke n kinshi p with nature . Ar t mus t accept such gifts, and revaluate the giver. Not al l th e ne w ar t i s i n the field of pur e ar t values. Ther e is poetry of sturdy social protest, and fictionof calm, dispassionate social analysis. Bu t reaso n an d realis m hav e cure d u s o f sentimentality : instead o f th e wai l an d appeal , ther e i s challeng e an d indictment . Satire is just beneath the surface of our latest prose, and tonic irony has come int o ou r poetic wells . Thes e ar e goo d medicine s fo r th e common mind , fo r u s the y ar e necessar y antidote s agains t socia l poison. Thei r influence means that at least for us the worst symptoms of the social distemper are passing. An d so the social promise of our recent art is as great as the artistic. I t has brought with it, first of all, that wholesome , welcom e virtu e o f findin g beaut y i n oneself ; th e younger generatio n ca n n o longe r b e twitte d a s "cultura l non descripts" or accuse d o f "bein g out o f lov e with thei r own nativity." They have instinctive love and pride of race, and, spiritually compensating for the present lacks of America , arden t respect an d love for Africa, th e motherland . Graduall y to o unde r som e spiritualizin g reaction, the brands and wounds of social persecutio n ar e becoming the proud stigmata of spiritual immunit y and moral victory. Alread y enough progress has been made in this direction so that it is no longer true that the Negro mind is too engulfed i n its own social dilemmas for contro l o f th e necessar y perspectiv e o f art , or too depresse d t o attain th e ful l horizon s o f sel f an d socia l criticism . Indeed , b y the evidence an d promise o f th e cultured few , we ar e a t last spirituall y free, an d offer throug h art an emancipating vision to America. Bu t it is a presumption to speak furthe r fo r those who have spoken and can speak so adequately for themselves. Survey Graphic (1925 )

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Sterling Brown: The New Negro Folk-Poet

Many critics , writin g i n prais e o f Sterlin g Brown' s firs t volum e o f verse, have seen fit to hail him as a significant ne w Negro poet. Th e discriminating few go further; they hail a new era in Negro poetry, for such i s the deeper significanc e o f thi s volume (The Southern Road, Sterling A. Brown, Harcourt Brace, New York, 1932) . Gaugin g the main objectiv e o f Negr o poetr y a s th e poeti c portraya l o f Negr o folk-life tru e in both letter and spirit to the idiom of th e folk's own way of feeling and thinking, we may say that here for the first time is that much-desired and long-awaited acme attained or brought within actual reach. Almost sinc e th e adven t o f th e Negr o poe t publi c opinio n ha s expected an d demanded folk-poetry o f him . An d Negro poets have tried hard and voluminously to cater to this popular demand. Bu t on the whole, for very understandable reasons, folk-poetry b y Negroes, with notable flash exceptions, has been very unsatisfactory and weak, and despit e th e intimac y o f th e rac e poet' s attachments , ha s bee n representative i n onl y a limited, superficia l sense . Firs t o f all , th e demand ha s bee n to o insistent . "The y required o f u s a song i n a strange land." "Ho w could we sing of thee, O Zion?" Ther e was the canker of theatricality and exhibitionism planted at the very heart of Negro poetry, unwittingly no doubt, but just as fatally. Othe r captive nations have suffered th e same ordeal. Bu t with the Negro another spiritual handicap was imposed. Robbe d of his own tradition, there was n o interna l compensatio n t o counte r th e externa l pressure . Consequently th e Negr o spiri t ha d a triple plagu e o n it s hear t and mind—morbid self-consciousness , self-pit y an d force d exhibitionism . Small wonder that so much poetry by Negroes exhibits in one degree or anothe r th e blight s o f bombast , batho s an d artificiality . Muc h genuine poetic talent has thus been blighted either by these spiritual faults o r thei r equall y viciou s over-compensations . An d s o i t i s

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epoch-making t o hav e develope d a poe t whos e work , t o quot e a recent criticism , "ha s n o tain t o f music-hal l convention , i s neithe r arrogant no r servile"—an d play s u p t o neithe r sid e o f th e racia l dilemma. Fo r i t i s a s fatal t o tru e poetr y t o cate r t o th e self-pit y o r racial vanit y o f a persecute d grou p a s t o pande r t o th e amusemen t complex of th e overlords an d masters. I d o no t mea n t o impl y tha t Sterlin g Brown' s ar t i s perfect , o r even completely mature. I t is all the more promising that this volume represents th e wor k o f a young ma n just i n his earl y thirties . Bu t a Negro poe t wit h almos t complet e detachment , ye t wit h a ton e o f persuasive sincerity, whose mus e neither clowns nor shouts, is indeed a promisin g an d grateful phenomenon . By some def t touch, independent o f dialect, Mr. Brown i s able t o compose with the freshness an d naturalness of folk balladry— Maumee Ruth, Dark O' the Moon, Sam Smiley, Slim Green, Johnny Thomas, and Memphis Blues wil l convinc e th e mos t sceptica l tha t moder n Negro lif e ca n yiel d rea l balladr y an d a Negr o poe t achiev e a n authentic folk-touch . Or this fro m Sam Smiley: The mob was in fine fettle , yet The dogs were stupid-nosed, and day Was far spent when the men drew round The scrawny woods where Smiley lay. The oaken leaves drowsed prettily, The moon shone down benignly there; And big Sam Smiley, King Buckdancer, Buckdanced on the midnight air. This is even more dramatic and graphic than the fin e but more melodramatic lyri c of Langsto n Hughes : Way down South in Dixie (Break the heart of me!) They hung my black young lover To a cross-road's tree. With Mr. Brown th e racial touc h i s quite independent o f dialect ; it is because i n hi s ballad s an d lyric s h e ha s caugh t th e deepe r idio m o f feeling o r the peculia r paradox of th e racia l situation. Tha t gives th e

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genuine earth y folk-touch , an d justifies a statement I ventured som e years back: "the soul of the Negro will be discovered in a characteristic way of thinkin g an d i n a homel y philosoph y rathe r tha n i n a jinglin g and juggling of broken English. " A s a matter o f fact , Negr o dialec t i s extremely local—i t change s fro m plac e t o place , a s d o white dialects . And wha t i s more, th e dialec t o f Dunba r an d th e othe r earl y Negr o poets neve r wa s on lan d o r se a a s a living peasan t speech ; but i t ha s had such wide currency, especially on the stage, as to have successfull y deceived hal f th e world , includin g th e man y Negroe s wh o fo r on e reason o r anothe r imitat e it . Sterling Brown' s dialec t i s als o local , an d frankl y a n adaptation , but h e has localized i t carefully, afte r clos e observation an d study, and varies i t accordin g t o th e brogu e o f th e localit y o r th e characteristi c jargon o f th e milieu o f whic h h e i s writing. Bu t hi s racia l effects , a s I hav e said , ar e no t dependen t o n dialect . Conside r Maumee Ruth: Might as well bury her And bury her deep, Might as well put he r Where she can sleep.

. ..

Boy that she suckled— How should h e know, Hiding in city holes Sniffing th e "snow"? 1 And ho w should th e news Pierce Harlem's din, To reach her baby gal Sodden with gin? Might as well drop her Deep in the ground, Might as well pray for her , That sh e sleep sound. That i s as uniquely racia l a s the straigh t dialec t o f Southern Road:

1

Cocaine.

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White man tells me—hunh— Damn yo' soul; White man tells me—hunh— Damn yo' soul; Got no need, bebby, To be tole. If we sto p t o inquire—a s unfortunately th e criti c must—into the magic of thes e effects , w e find the secret, I think, i n this fact mor e than in any other: Sterling Brown has listened lon g and carefully t o the folk in their intimate hours, when they were talking to themselves, not, so to speak, as in Dunbar, but actually as they do when the masks of protectiv e mimicr y fall. No t onl y has he dare d t o give quie t but bold expression to this private thought and speech, but he has dared to giv e th e Negr o peasan t credi t fo r thinking . I n thi s wa y h e ha s recaptured th e shrew d Aesopian qualit y of th e Negr o folk-thought , which is more profoundly characteristic than their types of metaphors or their mannerisms of speech. The y are, as he himself says, Illiterate, and somehow very wise, and i t i s thi s wisdom, bitte r frui t o f thei r suffering , combine d with their characteristic fatalism and irony, which in this book gives a truer soul pictur e o f th e Negr o tha n ha s eve r ye t bee n give n poetically . The traditional Negro is a clown, a buffoon, an easy laugher, a shallow sobber and a credulous christian; the real Negro underneath is more often a n al l bu t cynica l fatalist , a shrew d pretender , an d a boldly whimsical pagan; or when not, a lusty, realistic religionist who tastes its nectars here and now. Mammy With deep religion defeating the grief Life piled so closely about her is the ke y picture t o th e Negr o a s christian; Mr. Brown's When the Saints Come Marching Home [Brown' s titl e i s "Whe n de Saint s G o Ma'ching Home"] is worth half a dozen essays on the Negro's religion. But t o retur n to th e question o f bol d exposure o f th e intimacie s of Negro thinking—read that priceless apologia of kitchen stealing in the Ruminations of Luke Johnson, reflective husban d o f Mand y Jane , tromping early to work with a great big basket, and tromping wearily

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back wit h i t a t nigh t lade n wit h th e pett y spoil s of th e day' s picking : Well, tain't m y business noway, An' I am* near fo'gotte n De lady what she wuks fo', An* how she got huh jack; De money dat she live on Come from nigger s pickin' cotton, Ebbery dollar dat she squander Nearly bust a nigger's back. So I'm glad dat i n de evenin's Mandy Jane seems extra happy, An* de lady at de big house Got n o kick at all, I say;— Cause what hu h "dear grandfawthaw " Took from Mand y Jane's grandpappy— Am* no basket i n de worF What kin tote all dat away. Or agai n i n tha t deliciou s epi c o f Sporting Beasley enterin g heaven : Lord hel p us, give a look at him, Don't mak e him dress up in no night gown, Lord. Don't pu t n o fuss an d feather s o n his shoulders, Lord. Let him know it's heaven, Let hi m keep his hat, his vest, his elkstooth, and everything. Let him have his spats and cane. It i s not enoug h t o sprinkl e "dis' s an d dat's " to be a Negro folk-poet , or t o jingl e rhyme s an d juggl e popularize d cliche s traditiona l t o sentimental mino r poetr y fo r generations . On e mus t stud y th e intimate thought o f the people who can only state it in an ejaculation , or a metaphor , o r a t bes t a proverb , an d translat e tha t int o a n articulate attitude , o r a fol k philosoph y o r a darin g fable , wit h Aesopian clarit y and simplicity-^and abov e all , with Aesopia n candor . The las t i s most important ; othe r Negr o poet s i n many ways hav e been to o tende r wit h thei r own , eve n thoug h the y hav e learne d wit h the increasin g boldnes s o f ne w Negr o though t no t t o b e to o gingerl y and conciliator y t o an d abou t th e whit e man . Th e Negr o mus e weaned itsel f o f tha t i n McKay , Fento n Johnson , Toomer , Counte e

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Cullen an d Langsto n Hughes . Bu t i n Sterling Brown it has learned t o laugh a t itsel f an d t o chid e itsel f wit h th e sam e broomstick . I hav e space fo r onl y tw o examples : Children's Children: When the y hear These songs, born o f the travai l of their sires, Diamonds of song, deep buried beneath th e weight Of dark and heavy years; They laugh. They have forgotten, the y have never known Long days beneath th e torrid Dixi e sun, In miasma'd riceswamps ; The chopping of dried grass , on the third g o round In strangling cotton ; Wintry nights in mud-daubed makeshif t huts , With thes e songs, sole comfort . They have forgotte n What ha d to be endured— That they , babbling young ones, With thei r pale d faces , coppered lips, And slee k hair cajoled t o Caucasian straightness , Might drown th e quiet voice of beauty With sensuou s stridency; And might , on hearing these memoirs of thei r sires, Giggle, And nudg e each other's satin-cla d Sleek sides. Anent th e sam e broomstick , i t i s refreshin g t o rea d Mr. Samuel and Sam, fro m whic h we ca n onl y quot e i n part : Mister Samuel , he belong t o Rotary , Sam to de Sons of Rest ; Both wear re d hat s lak monkey men, An' you cain't sa y which i s de best.

...

Mister Samue l die, an* de folks al l know,

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There i s a world of psychologica l distanc e between thi s and the rhetorical defiance and the plaintive, furtive sarcasms of even some of our other contemporary poets—even a s theirs, it must be said in all justice, was miles better and more representative than the sycophancies and platitudes of the older writers. In closin g i t migh t b e wel l t o trac e briefl y th e step s b y which Negro poetry has scrambled up the sides of Parnassus from the ditches of minstrels y and the trenche s o f rac e propaganda. I n complaining against the narrow compass of dialect poetry (dialect is an organ with only two stops—pathos and humor), Weldon Johnson trie d to break the Dunbar mould and shake free of the traditional stereotypes. Bu t significant a s it was, this was more a threat than an accomplishment; his ow n dialec t poetr y ha s al l o f th e cliche s o f Dunba r withou t Dunbar's liltin g lyri c charm. Late r i n th e Negro Sermons Weldo n Johnson discovered a way out—in a rhapsodic form free from the verse shackles of classical minor poetry, and in the attempt to substitute an idiom o f racia l though t an d imager y fo r a mere dialec t o f peasan t speech. Claud e McKay then broke with all the moods conventional in hi s da y i n Negr o poetry , an d presente d a Negr o wh o coul d challenge an d hate , wh o kne w resentment , broode d intellectua l sarcasm, and felt contemplative irony. I n this, so to speak, he pulled the psychological cloak off the Negro and revealed, even to the Negro himself, those facts disguised till then by his shrewd protective mimicry or pressed dow n under the dramatic mask of livin g up to what was expected of him. Bu t though McKay sensed a truer Negro, he was at times too indignant at the older sham, and, too, lacked the requisite native touch—as of West Indian birth and training—with the local color of the American Negro. Jea n Toomer went deeper still—I should say higher—and saw for the first time the glaring paradoxes and the deeper ironies of th e situation, as they affected no t only the Negro but the white man. H e realized, too, that Negro idiom was anything but trite and derivative, and also that it was in emotional substance pagan—all of which he convincingly demonstrated, alas, all too fugitively, in Cane. But Toome r wa s no t enoug h o f a realist, o r patien t enoug h a s an observer, to reproduce extensively a folk idiom. Then Langston Hughes came with his revelation of the emotional

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color of Negro life, and his brilliant discovery of the flow and rhythm of th e moder n an d especiall y th e cit y Negro , substitutin g thi s jazz figure an d personality for the older plantation stereotype. Bu t it was essentially a jazz version o f Negr o life , an d tha t i s t o sa y a s much American, or more, as Negro; and though fascinating and true to an epoch this version was surface quality after all. Sterling Brown, more reflective, a closer student of the folk-life , and above all a bolder and more detached observer, has gone deeper still, an d ha s foun d certai n basic , mor e sobe r an d mor e persisten t qualities of Negro thought and feeling; and so has reached a sort of common denominator between th e old and the new Negro. Under neath th e particularitie s of on e generatio n ar e hidden universalitie s which onl y deepl y penetratin g geniu s ca n fatho m an d brin g t o th e surface. To o man y o f th e articulat e intellect s o f th e Negr o group—including sadly enough the younger poets—themselves children of opportunity , hav e been unawar e o f thes e dee p resource s o f th e past. Bu t here, if anywhere , in the ancient common wisdom of th e folk, is the real treasure trove of the Negro poet; and Sterling Brown's poetic divining-rod has dipped significantly over this position. I t is in this sense that I believe Southern Road ushers in a new era in Negro folk-expression and brings a new dimension in Negro folk-portraiture. From Negro: An Anthology (1934)

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The Myth of the New Negro

WILLIAM H. FERRI S

A review of The New Negro: An Interpretation, edited by Alain Locke, published b y Albert & Charles Boni, New York, 1925. In a 446-page book, with attractive book decorations and portraits by Winol d Reiss , Mr . Alai n Locke , a forme r Rhode s Scholar , ha s gathered together interesting stories, poems and essays by well-known and promising Colored writers. Nearl y forty colored writers swell the list of contributors. Alain Locke , Alber t C . Barnes , Willia m Stanle y Braithwaite , Arthur A . Schomburg, Charle s S . Johnson, James Weldo n Johnson , Kelly Mille r an d W.A . Domingo , Dr . W.E.B . D u Boi s an d other s contribute essays . Jea n Toomer , Zor a Neal e Hurston , Rudolp h Fisher, Joh n Matheus , Bruc e Nugen t an d Eri c Walron d giv e u s a series o f stories . Counte e Cullen , Claud e McKay , Jea n Toomer , James Weldon Johnson, Langston Hughes, Georgia Douglas Johnson, Anne Spencer , Angelin a Grimk e an d Lewi s Alexande r regal e th e readers with poetic gems that would show up well in the leading white magazines. The essayists treat of "The Negro Renaissance," "Drama," "Music," "The Negr o Dig s U p Hi s Past, " "The Ne w Negro i n a New World," "The Negr o an d th e America n Tradition. " Alai n Locke , Pau l U . Kellogg, Charles S. Johnson, James Weldon Johnson, Kelly Miller and W.E.B. Du Bois give the reader food fo r thought. Alber t C. Barnes, William Stanle y Braithwaite , an d Arthu r A . Schomburg an d Arthu r Huff Fause t di g up plent y of facts . Dr . D u Bois ' "The Negro Min d Reaches Out, " reprinte d wit h revision s b y th e autho r fro m Foreign Affairs, an American Quarterl y Review , presents a masterly study of the Negro's status in foreign lands .

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Jean Toomer in two short stories, "Carma" and "Fern" from Cane, indicates that h e has a sense fo r plo t an d a racy style that mak e him a short story teller of which any race could justly be proud. The New Negro has spice and variety. I t is an entertaining volume. I t would be a splendid companio n o n a rainy day, on a summer's vacatio n o r a n ocean voyage . Bu t I a m no t sur e whethe r th e reade r wil l ge t a broader perspective in philosophy or a more comprehensive grasp on sociological problem s o r new vistas i n psychology, afte r perusin g th e volume. The Reviews Never di d th e work s o f Pau l Laurenc e Dunbar , Charle s W . Chesnutt and Dr. W.E.B. Du Bois receive the fulsome prais e that The New Negro ha s received. Car l Van Dore n i n th e Century and othe r reviews in the American Mercury, th e New York Times, the New York Tribune and othe r journals were mor e tha n appreciativ e an d sympa thetic. The y indulged i n superlatives. The y had the enthusiasm o f a discoverer o f a ne w continent , o f a discovere r o f a ne w worl d o f thought an d feeling . Fo r th e firs t tim e sinc e th e fal l o f 1895 , when Industrial Educatio n wa s regarde d a s th e panace a fo r al l o f th e Negro's ills, his higher aspiration s in literature, art, music and poetr y are taken seriously. An d thi s is a very hopeful sig n of th e change in the attitud e of the American min d towards the Negro intellect . The Myth of the New Negro There ha s bee n s o muc h tal k an d writing abou t The New Negro that i t is well to ask, "Is the Negro of 192 6 different fro m th e Negr o of 1895 , 1900 and 1905? " I f in the summer of 1906, when the Atlanta Riot had occurred an d when [Jesse ] Max Barber, the editor o f Voice of the Negro, was force d t o leav e Atlanta , Ga. , an d t o giv e u p hi s paper, al l o f th e issue s o f hi s brillian t magazin e ha d bee n boun d together an d publishe d i n a single volume, I a m incline d t o believ e that th e book would have been similar in plan and scope and equally as instructive an d entertaining a s The New Negro. And i f th e paper s rea d befor e th e America n Negr o Academ y in March, 1897 , when Dr . Alexande r Crummel l spok e o n "Civilization , the Prima l Nee d o f th e Negr o Race, " an d "Th e Attitud e o f th e American Min d Towar d th e Negr o Intellect, " Dr . D u Boi s on "Th e Conservation o f Races " and Prof . Kelly Miller o n "Hoffman' s 'Rac e Traits an d Tendencie s o f th e America n Negro,' " th e paper s rea d

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before th e sam e organizatio n i n December , 1897 , o n "Th e Rac e Problem i n th e Ligh t o f th e Evolutio n Hypothesis " an d "Th e Race Problem in the Light of Sociology," if the papers read around 190 0 on "Disfranchisement," th e paper s rea d i n December , 1902 , o n "Th e Negro's Religion" and the papers read in December, 1906 , on "Negro Labor an d Foreig n Emigran t Labor " coul d b e publishe d i n a single volume, th e scholarship , philosophica l analysis , sociologica l insigh t displayed woul d hav e startle d th e worl d an d mad e a s stron g a n impression a s the essays on th e New Negro. Some ma y clai m tha t th e Ne w Negr o i s mor e poeti c tha n th e Negro o f 189 6 and 1906 , but i n thos e day s Pau l Laurenc e Dunbar , Rev. James D . Corrothers , D . Webster Davis , Silas Floyd , [Richar d E.S.] Toomey and others produced excellent poetry and Lillian Lewis, Victoria Earl e Matthew s an d Alic e Rut h Moor e wrot e interestin g sketches. Some may claim that th e New Negro is more assertive regardin g his civi l an d politica l right s tha n th e ol d Negro , bu t a t th e Faneui l Hall, Mass . Meetin g o f th e Colore d Nationa l Leagu e i n February , 1898, the state Sumner Leagu e Convention i n Savin Rock, Conn , in August, 1898, when James W. Peaker, Counsellor D. Macon Webster of Ne w York an d T . Thomas Fortune, edito r o f th e New York Age, spoke, and at the Afro-American Council , called by Bishop Alexander Walters an d T . Thomas Fortune i n Washington, D.C., in December , 1898, speeches were delivered as bold and fearless as any heard today. The Faneuil Hal l Mass Meeting of the Colored Nationa l League caused Henry Cabot Lodge to introduce in Congress, a discussion on the floor o f Congress the heralding the same through th e Associated Press, [sic] the printing of the same in the Congressional Record an d the appointment of a Senatorial Committee to investigate the [22 Feb. 1898] murder o f [black ] Postmaster [Frazie r B.] Baker of Lak e City, S.C. Th e State Sumne r League was so potent i n the closing days of the nineteent h centur y tha t Presiden t McKinle y appointe d Dr . [George H. ] Jackso n o f Ne w Haven , Conn. , consu l t o Cogna c an d LaRochelle, France [1897ff.]. On e of the statements in the resolution of th e Afro-American Counci l in December, 1898 , read, "W e regret that the President saw fit to pass over in silence in his recent message to Congress the Wilmington race riot, etc." An d these things occurred before Dr . D u Boi s publishe d hi s Souls of Black Folk [1903 ] an d organized th e Niagar a Movemen t [1905] , before eve n Wm . Monroe Trotter published the Boston Guardian [1901 ] and organized the New

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England Suffrage Leagu e [1904]. Some ma y clai m tha t th e Ne w Negr o ha s mor e interes t i n Literature pe r s e tha n th e Ol d Negro . Bu t i n th e fal l o f 189 8 an Omar Khayyam Club was organized by Mr. George W. Forbes in Miss Maria Baldwin's home in Cambridge, Mass., to study the Rubaiyat of Omar Khayya m an d Dante' s Divine Comedy. Soo n after , a Boo k Lover's Club was organized in Washington, and a Shakespeare's Club in New Haven, Conn. I n the spring of 18%, Rev. Butler, a Methodist preacher, read a paper on "The Neo-Platonic Philosophy" before the St. Mark' s Lyceum. I n th e summe r o f 1909 , Hon. Jame s D. Carr, Assistant Corporatio n Counsel , rea d a paper o n "Evolution " before the Philosophical Club , which met in the home of Mrs. A.C. Cowan of Brooklyn, N.Y. Yes, the Black Man has been revealing his mind for the past thirty years; but th e countr y did not tak e th e revelatio n seriously . I t i s a very hopeful sig n that the colored man' s higher aspirations ar e now taken seriously. Spokesman (1925 )

Edward Smyth Jones in 1915

EDWARD SMYT H JONE S

Edward Smyth Jones was born in Natchez, Mississippi, sometime in March of 1881. Hi s slave parents, Hawk and Rebecca, lacked formal education, but he attended local schools and developed a taste for reading and writing. Fo r fourteen month s durin g 1902-0 3 he studied a t nearb y Alcor n Agricultura l and Mechanical College in exchange for labor . Continuin g his reading and writing i n Louisville , Kentucky , h e brough t out , unde r th e nicknam e "Invincible Ned," a book o f poems entitled The Rose That Bloometh in My Heart (1908). Amon g its thirty poems was "A Psalm of Love," a parody of the well-known "A Psalm of Love" written by Longfellow whil e a professo r at Harvard . After movin g to Indianapolis , Jones won praise for hi s poetry. Bu t his greatest desire was to attend Harvard. Wit h almost no money in his pocket, he se t ou t i n Jul y 1910—hiking , stealin g freight-trai n rides , an d sleepin g outdoors. H e covere d th e 120 0 mile s an d arrive d afte r dar k i n Harvar d Yard, wher e h e foun d a printe r workin g overtim e i n th e basemen t o f University Hal l an d aske d t o se e the president . Lookin g a t th e dirt y and shabby traveler , th e printe r too k hi m fo r a craz y tram p an d summone d a policeman, who jailed Jone s for vagrancy. Arraigne d befor e Judg e Arthu r P. Stone '93, LL.B. '95, Jones was able to produce letters of congratulatio n from numerou s people including the mayor of Indianapolis, the governor of Indiana and former Vice-Presiden t Charles Fairbanks, along with two of his poems. Th e judg e wa s impresse d b y th e lon g "Od e t o Ethiopia, " whic h hailed a parade of Negro achievers, including several Harvard alumni . Jones was offered assistanc e by black lawyer Clement Morgan '90, LL.B. '93, an d b y Willia m H . Holtzclaw , foundin g principa l o f all-blac k Utic a Normal and Industrial Institute in Mississippi, who happened to be studying then a t th e Harvar d Summe r School . Jone s wa s released, bu t no t befor e writing a new poem, "Harvar d Square, " during his three-day incarceration . Harvard's janitoria l superviso r pu t Jone s t o work , enablin g th e would-b e student to attend Boston Latin School for a year. Durin g this period, Jones published hi s secon d book , The Sylvan Cabin and Other Verse, which contained th e Harvard poe m an d bor e a dedication t o Judge Stone . (Th e Harvard Librar y has a copy presented t o it by former presiden t Charle s W.

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Eliot.) Lack of fund s prevente d Jone s fro m finishin g a t Bosto n Lati n Schoo l and entering Harvard, and he moved from plac e to place until he secured a job as a waiter in the Faculty Club at Columbia University . Th e New York Times published an article about him and laude d his long new poem about the sinking of the Titanic. B y the 1920 s Jones was living in Chicago, where he worked as a general laborer until he succumbed to a cerebral thrombosis on 28 September 1968 .

Harvard Squar e

Tis onc e i n lif e ou r dream s com e true , The myth s of lon g ago , Quite rea l thoug h fairy-lik e thei r view , They surg e with eb b an d flow ; Thus thou , O haun t o f childhoo d dreams , More beauteou s an d fai r Than Nature' s landscap e an d he r streams , Historic Harvar d Square . My soul hat h pante d lon g fo r thee , Like a s th e wounded har t That vainl y strive s himsel f t o fre e Full fro m th e archer' s dart ; And struggle d of t all , all alon e With burden s har d t o bea r But no w I stand a t Wisdom' s thron e To-night i n Harvar d Square . A nigh t mos t tranquil,— I was prou d My thoughts soare d u p afar , To moonbeam s pourin g throug h th e cloud , Or som e lon e twinklin g star ; And musin g thus , m y quickened pac e Beat t o th e printery' s glare , Where firs t I sa w a friendl y fac e In classi c Harvard Square .

Edward Smyth Jones "Ho! stranger, thou art wan and worn Of journey's wear and tear; Thy face all haggard and forlorn, Pray tell me whence and where?" "I came—from out—the Sunny South— The spot—on earth—most fair," Fell lisping from my trembling mouth— "In search—of—Harvard Square. " "Here rest, my friend, upon this seat, And feel thysel f at home; I'll bring thee forth some drink and meat, Twill give thee back thy form." And then I prayed the Lord to bless Us, and that little lair Quite sure, I thought, I had found rest Most sweet in Harvard Square. "I came," I said, "o'er stony ways, Through mountain, hill and dale, I've felt old Sol's most scorching rays, And braved the stormy gale; I've done this, Printer, not for gold, Nor diamonds rich and rare— But for a burning in my soul To learn in Harvard Square. "I've journeyed long without a drink Nor yet a bite of bread, While in this state, O Printer, think No shelter for my head. I mused, 'Hope's yet this side the grave'— My pluck and courage there Then made my languid heart bear braveEach throb for Harvard Square." A sound soon hushed my heart's rejoice— "The watchman on his search?" "No!" rang the printer's gentle voice, "'Deak' Wilson in from church.

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Edward Smyth Jones O'er there, good 'Deak'," the printer said, "The wanderer in that chair, Hath come to seek the lore deep laid Up here in Harvard Square." "It matters not how you implore, He can no longer stay; But on the night's 'Plutonian shore/ Await the coming day. I'm sorry, sir," he calmly said, "Though hard, I guess 'tis fair, Thou hast no place to lay thy headNot yet in Harvard Square!" "Good night!" he said, and we the same— I sighed, "Where shall I go?" He soon returned and with him came An officer and—Oh! "Now sir, you take this forlorn tramp With all his shabby ware, And guide him safely off the 'Camp' Of dear old Harvard Square." As soon as locked within the jail, Deep in a ghastly cell, Methought I heard the bitter wail Of all the fiends of hell! "O God, to Thee I humbly pray No treacherous prison snare Shall close my soul within for aye From dear old Harvard Square." Just then I saw an holy Sprite Shed all her radiant beams, And round her shone the source of light Of all the poets' dreams! I plied my pen in sober use, And spent each moment spare In sweet communion with the Muse I met in Harvard Square!

Edward Smyth Jones I cried: "Fair Goddess, hear my tale Of sorrow, grief and pain." That made her face an ashen pale, But soon it glowed again! "They placed me here; and this my crime, Writ on their pages fain— 'He left hi s sunny native clime, And came to Harvard Square!'" "Weep not, my son, thy way is hard, Thy weary journey long But thus I choose my favorite bard To sing my sweetest song. I'll strike the key-note of my art And guide with tend'rest care, And breathe a song into thy heart To honor Harvard Square. "I called old Homer long ago, And made him beg his bread Through seven cities, ye all know, His body fought for, dead. Spurn not oppression's blighting sting, Nor scorn thy lowly fare; By them I'll teach thy soul to sing The songs of Harvard Square. "I placed great Dante in exile, And Byron had his turns; Then Keats and Shelley smote the while, And my immortal Burns! But thee I'll build a sacred shrine, A store of all my ware; By them I'll teach thy soul to sing *A place in Harvard Square.' "To some a store of mystic lore, To some to shine a star: The first I gave to Allan Poe, The last to Paul Dunbar.

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Edward Smyth Jones Since thou hast waited patient, long, Now by my throne I swear To give to thee my sweetest song To sing in Harvard Square." And when she gave her parting kiss And bade a long farewell, I sat serene in perfect bliss As she forsook m y cell. Upon the altar-fire she poured Some incense very rare; Its fragrance sweet my soul assured I'd enter Harvard Square. Reclining on my couch, I slept A sleep sweet and profound; O'er me the blessed angels kept Their vigil close around. With dawning's smile, my fondest hop e Shone radiant and fair: The Justice cut each chain and rope Tween me and Harvard Square! Cell No. 40, East Cambridge Jail, Cambridge, Mass., July 26, 1910

EVA B . DYKE S

Eva Beatrice Dykes was born on 13 August 1893 in Washington, D.C., where she attended th e famous M Street (later Dunbar) High School and went on to ge t an AB . fro m Howar d Universit y i n 1914 . Wit h financial assistance from he r uncle and from scholarshi p funds , she entered Radcliffe , majore d in English, and in 191 7 received a second AB. magna cum laude, followed by an AM. th e next year. Wit h a dissertation o n Alexande r Pop e and hi s influence, sh e took a Radcliffe Ph.D . in 1921—on e of th e firs t thre e blac k women to earn this degree (with Sadie T.M. Alexander in economics at the University o f Pennsylvania , an d Georgian a R . Simpso n i n Germa n a t th e University of Chicago, both i n 1921). After teachin g stints at Walden College in Nashville, Tennessee, and at her ow n Dunba r Hig h School , sh e returne d t o Howar d i n 192 9 to teac h English fo r fiftee n years , and wa s vote d "bes t all-aroun d teacher " b y he r faculty colleagues . I n 194 4 she move d t o Oakwoo d Colleg e i n Alabama , where sh e continued workin g with students after he r forma l retiremen t i n 1968 at the age of 75. Th e College named a library for her in 1973 . Activ e as a musician and writer on literature (we here reprint the conclusion of her 1942 book The Negro in English Romantic Thought), she was elected t o Phi Beta Kappa by Radcliffe a s an alumna in 1940. I n 1977, as part of the Black Women Oral History Project a t Radcliffe, Dyke s was interviewed by Merze Tate, herself a holder of a Radcliffe Ph.D . (1941) and a long-time professo r of history at Howard University. Dyke s died in Huntsville, Alabama, on 29 October 1986 .

Eva Dykes in 1917

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Conclusion to The Negro in English Romantic Thought or A Study of Sympathy for the Oppressed

There is no doubt that English romantic thought included the Negro and the amelioratio n of his condition a s vital factors in the program of romanticism. Literar y men and women of al l types were more or less active in voicing their protest against the evils of slavery. Fro m the heterogeneous array of literature we have seen various arguments advanced against this institution: first , from a moral and sentimental aspect, slaver y i s a transgressio n o f th e la w o f Go d an d o f th e principles of right and justice; secondly, from an economic standpoint slave labo r i s i n th e lon g ru n mor e costl y tha n fre e labo r an d th e maintenance o f slav e colonie s i s a grea t expens e t o th e mothe r country; an d thirdly , fro m th e physica l aspect , slaver y involve s separation fro m families , th e horror s o f th e Middl e Passage , th e scourge o f pestilenc e an d disease, th e brutality of th e lash , an d the loss o f huma n life. Man y o f thos e wh o advance d thes e argument s could no t b e contente d whil e th e Negr o was reduced t o a status a little abov e that of a n animal. The y were farsighted enoug h t o see that an y institutio n whic h deprive d thei r fellowme n o f intellectual , economic, and spiritual development was a hindrance to the progress of the human race as a whole. From this study three interesting facts are worthy of notice. On e is that many of these writers were not prompted by any consideration of socia l equalit y fo r th e Negr o a s th e followin g accoun t fro m Benjamin Haydo n reveals : "Whe n I was painting th e 'Anti-Slaver y Convention' in 1840, I said to Scobell, one of the leading emancipation men , ' I shal l plac e you , Thompson , an d th e Negro , together / This wa s th e touchstone . H e sophisticate d immediatel y o n th e propriety o f placin g th e Negr o i n th e distance . Now , a ma n who wishes t o plac e th e Negr o o n ou r leve l mus t no longe r regar d him

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having been a slave and feel annoyed at sitting by his side."1 Anothe r interesting fac t i s th e variety of form s assume d by the materia l devoted t o th e Negro . Ther e appea r poem s rangin g fro m th e shor t sonnet and poem of two stanzas to the longer poem,—poems in heroic couplets, Miltoni c octosyllabi c couplets , i n elegiac quatrains , and in other varied stanzaic forms. Som e writers like Burns, Blake, Wordsworth, Coleridge , Hunt , Harrie t Martineau , Mari a Edgewort h an d Landor devoted complete poems, tales, or essays to the Negro while others like Shelley and Byron were satisfied with incidental passages. Furthermore, almost all the well-known writers of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries wrote against slavery; yet they are remembered by the general student of English literature not for their antislavery utterance s bu t fo r thei r conformin g mor e o r les s t o thos e principles o f writing which mak e thei r works take place amon g the classics of English literature. Just as a musical composition has ever-recurring motifs and characteristic stoc k features , s o anti-slaver y literatur e contain s ever recurring patterns of ideas and imagery. Som e of these stock features are the beauty of Africa, an ideal land, as it were, the happiness of the natives in their primitive home-lands, the approach of the slave-ship, the hospitality of the unsuspecting natives, the treachery of the whites, the brave resistance of the natives, the misery caused by the separation of kindred and friends, the cruelties on the slave-ship, the arrival in a strang e land , th e brutalit y o f th e slave-masters , th e frequen t occurrence o f storm s an d tornadoe s sen t t o aveng e th e slave , th e pathetic dejectio n o f th e captives , an d th e hop e o f happines s an d reconciliation afte r death . Unlik e th e Negr o spiritual , whic h i s exceptional i n tha t i t i s almos t fre e fro m th e elemen t o f revenge , much of this anti-slavery literature (no doubt because much of it is the product of th e white man's brain) calls upon Heaven t o aveng e the suffering of the slave. Agai n and again ironical attacks on the bigotry, the inconsistency, an d the hypocrisy of Christians appear. The characters in this literature are as varied as the motifs. Ther e is, o f course , th e typica l cruel slave-dealer an d master, who may or may not repent of hi s inhumanity to man; there is also the humane slave-master who realizes that kindly treatment of the slaves produces the bes t results . Th e Negr o woman appear s usuall y a s a beautifu l benjamin Robert Haydon, Life, Letters, and Table Talk, pp. 292, 293.

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maiden, left behind in Africa, prostrate with grief over the loss of her lover, o r a s a mothe r stricke n wit h sorro w ove r th e los s o f he r children. Sinc e most of the anti-slavery literature was written with a view t o gainin g sympath y fo r th e slav e an d effectiv e actio n i n hi s behalf, the Negr o mal e appears mos t frequentl y a s slave an d toiler. There i s als o th e "dying " Negro , who , rathe r tha n submi t t o a n ignominious life of slaver, prefers the peace afforded b y death. The Negro appears also as a prince, rescuer, and soldier. A figure of popular appeal was Toussaint Louverture. Edwar d Seeber says that in France Toussaint "wa s regarded a s a sort of glamorou s hero, the incarnation o f th e numerou s literar y progeny of Oroonok o an d the fulfillment o f frequent petitions for a 'nouveau Spartacus' to lead the wretched slaves to freedom."2 I n England his tragic fate appealed . . . to such writers as Rushton, Harriet Martineau, Rogers, Wordsworth, and Landor. Attentio n may be called to the Negro who speaks in his own behalf as in Samuel Bowden's "An Epitaph on a Negro Servant," Blake's "The Little Black Boy," Burns' "The Slave's Lament," Hunt's "The Negr o Boy, " an d Ameli a Opie' s "Th e Negr o Boy' s Tale. " Attempts to represent Negro dialect are few and rather unsuccessful as in Robert Anderson's "Negr o Affection" and Amelia Opie' s "The Negro Boy's Tale." The numerou s tribute s t o such abolitionist s a s Cowper, Wilberforce, Clarkson and Sharp* indicate the gratitude of both whites and Negroes for the efforts o f the anti-slavery crusaders. Similarl y today those who believe that "a man's a man for a' that" cannot help appreciating these varied manifestations o f sympathy for th e oppressed in English romanti c thought . Th e growin g consciousness o f th e inhumanity o f slaver y whic h find s it s reflectio n i n literatur e o f th e eighteenth century , th e risin g tid e of popula r opposition an d indignation which reache d it s cres t durin g th e romanti c perio d an d was responsible for the abolition of slavery in the British colonies, and the concern for the slave in America,—all of these facts bespeak a sincere

2

Edward Derbyshir e Seeber, Anti-slavery Opinion in France During the Second Half of the Eighteenth Century (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1937), p. 194. 'William Cooper (1731-1800); William Wilberforce (1759-1833); Thomas Clarkson (1760-1846); Granville Sharp (1735-1813).-Eds.

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desire to keep the torch of liberty burning and pass it on undimmed to those who follow. Carlyle onc e sai d t o a n America n visito r i n England , "Al l th e worth you have put into your cause will be returned to you personally; but the America fo r which you are hoping you will neve r see: an d you will neve r se e th e whites an d the black s i n th e Sout h dwelling together as equals in peace."3 Th e torch of liberty has been handed down t o th e twentiet h centur y wit h th e prophec y o f Carlyl e ye t unfulfilled. (1942)

3

Moncure Daniel Conway, Autobiography, Memory and Experiences, Vol. 1, p. 400.

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Preface to Readings from Negro Authors OTELIA CROMWELL, LORENZO DOW TURNER [AM . '17] & EVA B. DYKES The purpos e o f thi s volume i s no t t o presen t anothe r antholog y o f Negro literature , but t o offer fo r classroom study or supplementary reading a selection of type s of writings by Negro authors. Althoug h many young peopl e develo p thei r readin g habit s independentl y o f formal direction , teachers o f Englis h have a clear duty toward their students; namely , "T o teac h the m t o rea d thoughtfull y an d wit h appreciation, to form in them a taste for good reading, and to teach them how to find book s tha t are worth while." Thi s dogma, recognized as one of the fundamental aim s of the English course as stated by the Nationa l Join t Committe e o n English , suggest s a method o f selecting and reading books that admits of extensive possibilities in the choice of reading while it imposes literary criteria more or less elastic. For the program of readings, therefore, th e teacher of English has a wide rang e o f choice ; an d fo r th e specifi c progra m o f America n literature,—the opportunit y t o embrac e i n tru e catholicit y o f spiri t writings that constitute a significant part of the total American output. Of som e significanc e ar e th e worth-whil e production s o f Negr o authors. Negr o literature demands no unique method of approach, no special interpretatio n o f th e rule s o f craftsmanship , becaus e th e standards of literary form are based upon universal principles. A short story written by a Negro is good, bad, or indifferent i n so far as it is a good, a bad, or an indifferent shor t story. In emphasizing what, fo r a more comprehensiv e term , i s called technique, the editors are not unmindful o f the fact that, form being always subordinate t o content , th e presentation o f cross-section s o f Negro life is, perhaps, the essential appeal of Negro literature. Wha t has been guarde d agains t is , a s Amy Lowell put s it, " a tendency t o think that a fine idea excuses slovenly workmanship." Moreover , it is believed tha t a n intelligen t appreciatio n o f thes e writing s wil l b e

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stimulated, a san e balanc e wil l b e preserved , i f th e writing s ar e introduced to students by the methods used in the study of types of general literature. Toward the accomplishment of these ends, students should b e encourage d t o mak e paralle l readings , o r a t leas t t o compare type s o f Negr o writing s wit h simila r type s o f writing s by authors of othe r races . Suc h a method doe s no t impl y a desire t o underestimate Negr o talent , bu t rathe r on e t o wide n th e readin g interests of students and to develop the habit of looking for relative and absolute values. In selectin g materia l fo r thi s volume , th e editor s hav e bee n constrained to keep in mind their purpose, namely, the presentation of certain readings for definite study. N o apology, therefore, is made for the offering of much that has appeared in print many times already or fo r th e exclusio n o f writing s tha t ar e o f intrinsi c wort h ye t no t wholly suitabl e fo r textboo k adoption . Th e particula r slan t o f th e realism o f a fe w representativ e Negr o writer s an d th e marke d predilection o n th e par t of som e other s fo r a bafflingly incoheren t style explain the absence from this volume of productions by one or two well-know n writers . I n th e fiel d o f poetry , muc h tha t wa s desirable had to be omitted because of the necessity of preserving a semblance o f proportion . I n som e othe r fields , th e outpu t wa s disappointingly meager . Pros e fiction ha s been limited t o the short story and the sketch because of the debatable value of th e study of excerpts from novels. Firs t and last, it was the question of what would serve best the needs of the text. The method of using the text will be determined by the attitude of the teacher, the object of the course, and the ability and progress of th e class . Experienc e ha s shown that the pla n of startin g pupils with the writings of authors—not with what some one has said about the authors—i s no t onl y a logica l procedur e i n th e teachin g o f literature, bu t on e calculate d t o challeng e th e imaginatio n o f th e student. Th e introductor y essays , placed a t the beginnings o f eac h group of readings , may , i f th e teache r s o wishes, b e postpone d fo r study unti l afte r th e reading s ar e concluded . I n lik e manner , th e Suggestions fo r Study are to be treated as suggestions merely . Th e alert teacher will, of course, use the plan that his initiative and sense of value s wil l choose . Wha t i s o f vas t importanc e i s th e nee d o f stimulating the student to read, to read, and to read again; to get joy out of the printed page; and to cherish his own responses to what is read. Whe n a student's interest and reactions have been awakened,

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it is but anothe r step for hi m to make a n intelligent criticis m of hi s reading. Th e tragi c mistak e mad e b y inexperience d teacher s o f literature is to attempt criticism—usually by having the student read the opinions of literary historians—before the student has been spurred to read and to think for himself. Thi s error may be avoided if responses to reading , especiall y firs t readings , ar e awakene d throug h a fe w stimulating question s o r topic s give n wit h readin g assignments . Typical question s an d topic s ar e containe d i n th e Suggestion s fo r Study, but the teacher and the students themselves will supply others. (1931)

Caroline Bond Day in 1919

CAROLINE BOND DAY

Caroline Stewar t Bon d Da y wa s bor n i n Montgomery , Alabama , o n 1 8 November 1889 , the daughte r o f Mose s an d Georgi a Stewart . Upo n he r mother's secon d marriage, to John Bond, Carolin e Stewart too k her stepfather's surname. Sh e attended Atlanta University, from which she received an A.B . i n 1912 . Fo r a yea r sh e taugh t a t Alabam a Agricultura l an d Mechanical College , an d the n spen t tim e workin g fo r th e YWC A i n Montclair, NJ. I n 1916 she entered Radcliff e an d received a second AB . in 1919. Followin g her marriage to Aaron Day in 1920, she spent a year as dean of women at Paul Quinn College in Waco, Texas, and another as head of the English department at Prairie View State College in Texas. I n 1922 she moved to Atlanta University, where she supervised dramatics in addition to teaching English . Durin g 1927-2 8 and 1929-3 0 she was on leave t o do research an d tak e course s a t Radcliffe—thi s tim e i n anthropology , mainl y under Professor Earnes t A. Hooton . I n 193 0 she received he r A.M., primarily fo r amassin g an d analyzin g dat a o n race-mixin g i n 34 6 families , including her own. Th e result was published by Harvard's Peabody Museum under the title A Study of Some Negro-White Families in the United States (1932). A brief sampling from this study, which drew praise from W.E.B. Du Bois in a 1935 essay, is reprinted here. Between 1919 and 1933 Day published some essays and short stories, of which the best is the clearly autobiographical tale "The Pink Hat" {Opportunity, December 1926) . I n the 1930s she taught at Howard University for two years, and then went into social work—first as a settlement-house supervisor in Washington , D.C. , the n a s genera l secretar y o f th e nearb y Philli s Wheatley YWCA. Neve r i n robust health , she retire d t o Durham , North Carolina, in 1939. Sh e tried a bit of teaching at the North Carolina College for Negroes , but had to giv e it up . Afte r som e years of hypertensio n and myocarditis, she succumbed t o cerebral apoplexy i n a Durham hospital on 5 May 1948.

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Selections fromv 4 Study of Some Negro-White Families in the United States

F13 FAGAI N (PLAT E 34 ) James Fagai n was th e so n of Nanc y Knight , mulatto , an d Harold Fagain, white, of Scotc h an d Irish ancestry. Nanc y Knight was an F l generation, th e offspring o f a white mothe r and Negro father . Jame s Fagain wa s stockil y built , wit h a ruddy complexio n an d ligh t brown , very crinkly hair. Hi s nose was straight with a moderately high bridge and medium wide alae . Hi s lip s were fairl y thin. He marrie d about 186 0 Caroline Reese, 1/4 N 3/4W, born in 1846. She was th e daughte r o f Ann a Tucker , a n F l mulatto , th e offsprin g of a white fathe r o f Englis h ancestr y an d a Negro mother . Carolin e Reese looke d lik e a light Italia n with long , straight , dar k brown hair with the suggestion of a low wave. He r nose was medium as to bridge height an d width an d her lip s were thin . From th e marriag e o f thes e tw o quadroon s ther e resulte d seve n children: John , Lilla, Edward, James, Georgia, Charles, and Florence, the last-named tw o having died in infancy. O f the five older children, except Edward , al l wer e marrie d an d ha d childre n i n th e followin g numbers: John , five ; Lilla , five ; James (wh o marrie d late) , one ; an d Georgia, three children by two husbands, she having been a widow for an interim of eigh t years. John, Lilla, James, and Florence inherited the dark hair, dark eyes, and cream y complexio n o f th e mother , whil e Edward , Georgia , an d Charles inherited the light, reddish brown hair, and mixed eyes of th e father a s well a s the rudd y complexion. Althoug h neithe r fathe r no r mother had blue eyes, one o f the children had greenish gray eyes and one hazel . While hai r colo r wa s almos t equall y divide d i n th e childre n be tween ligh t an d very dark, hai r form varie d onl y slightly. Curl y hair, inherited by James Fagain, 1/4N , fro m Nancy Knight, 1/ 2 N, seems t o have bee n los t t o a great exten t i n the childre n o f Jame s Fagai n an d

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Caroline Reese, 1/4N, whose hair was of the low waved variety. Hai r curve diminishes i n thi s famil y throug h th e thre e generations . Th e hair of all the children might easily be classed as having low waves, but those with lighter hair have a slight fuzziness a t the front. No prognathis m is noticeable i n any of th e quadroons an d none show more than moderate lip thickness. Nasa l tips are in all cases of medium thickness an d alae of moderat e breadth. Nasa l bridge s are high or of medium height and narrow to medium in breadth. The two most widely distinct types of the living children, Georgia and Lilla, illustrat e th e rang e o f variations . Lilla , havin g th e mos t negroid features, has the straightest hair. Georgia , the least negroid, has the lightest and most frizzly hair. Thi s frizzliness, however, seems to be confined t o the front of the hair and tendrils at the base of the neck. C29 STEWART-BON D (PLATE S 34,35) Georgia Fagain married Moses Stewart, 5/8N 1/8 1 2/8W, in 1888. Of this union was born one daughter, Caroline, who is married but has no children . I n 190 5 Georgi a Fagai n wa s agai n married , t o Joh n Bond, 3/4 N 1/4W , fro m whic h unio n ther e cam e tw o children , Wenonah and John. John Bond was the son of John Bond, a mulatto sailor who was born in Liverpool, and an approximately full-blooded Negr o woman. He inherited a slight degree of alveolar prognathism from her, also a slightly pendulous, everted lower lip. Hi s hair was frizzly, but coarse and wiry rather than soft. The two children in this family represent a type of variation similar to tha t show n i n th e Fagai n famil y betwee n th e sister s Lill a an d Georgia, i.e. Wenonah, the darker, of a dark olive complexion, has the darker, straighter hair, while John 3rd has light brown, frizzly hair and is a yellowish color. Befor e second dentition, however, the hair of the boy was of a blond color, and while somewhat curly was fine and silky. With the new teeth a new growth of coarser and darker hair took its place. C21 D U BOI S (PLATE 50) W.E.B. Du Bois, 5/8N 3/8W, apparently a third generation cross, has a light brow n skin color with frizzl y black hair , Grad e A9. Hi s nose is narrow-bridged, long, convex with moderate alae and a narrow tip. Hi s lips are medium thickness, the lower being slightly heavier

Day: three genealogical plates

Day: thre e genealogica l plate s

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than th e upper . H e marrie d Nin a Gomer , 7/16 N 9/16W , als o a probable third generation cross on the paternal side. He r mother was a French woman. She has skin color #12, straight, rather coarse hair of exceedingly great length and abundance. I t has a high natural gloss. He r features are medium, the nose being slightly thick at the tip. They had two children, the eldest, a son, being the dominant, with a yellow skin color, light brown, curly hair, and gray-brown eyes. Th e daughter is the recessive, being light brown in color with frizzly hair and a nose unlike either father or mother. He r lips are medium. The famil y i s notabl e fo r th e appearanc e i n th e daughte r o f distinctly more negroid features than occur in either parent. (1932)

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The Pink Hat

This ha t ha s become t o m e a symbol. I t represent s th e respectiv e advantages and disadvantages of my life here. I t is at once my magiccarpet, m y enchanted cloak , m y Aladdin's lamp . Ye t i t i s a plain, rough, stra w hat, "pou r le sport, " as was th e recentl y famou s gree n one. Before its purchase, life was wont to become periodically flat for me. Teachin g i s an exhausting professio n unles s ther e ar e wells t o draw from, and the soil of my world seems hard and dry. On e needs adventure and touch with the main current of human life, and contact with many of one's kind to keep from "going stale on the job." I had not had these things and heretofore ha d passed back and forth from the town a more or less drab figureeliciting no attention. Then suddenly one day with the self-confidence bre d of a becoming hat, careful grooming , an d satisfactory clothe s I stepped o n t o a street car , an d lo ! th e worl d wa s reversed . A portl y gentleman o f obvious ran k aros e an d offered m e a seat. Shortl y afterward s a s I alighted a comely young lad jumped to rescue my gloves. Walkin g on into the store where I always shopped, I was startled to hear the salesgirl sweetly drawl, "Miss or Mrs.?" as I gave the customary initials. I heard myself answering reassuringly "Mrs." Wa s this myself? I , who was frequently addressed as "Sarah." Fo r you see thi s is south of the Mason an d Dixo n line , an d I a m a Negr o woma n o f mixe d bloo d unaccustomed to these respectable prefixes. I ha d bee n mistake n fo r othe r tha n a Negro , ye t I loo k lik e hundreds of other colored women—yellow-skinned an d slightly heavy featured, wit h frizz y brow n hair . M y maternal grand-parent s wer e Scotch-Irish and English quadroons; paternal grand-parents Cherokee Indian and full blooded Negro; but the ruddy pigment of the ScotchIrish ancestry is my inheritance, and it is this which shows through my yellow skin, and in the reflection of my pink hat glows pink. Loosel y

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speaking, I should be called a mulatto—anthropologically speaking, I am a dominant of th e white type of th e F 3 generation of secondary crossings. Ther e i s a tendenc y know n t o th e initiate d person s o f mixed Negro blood in this climate to "breed white" as we say, propagandists t o th e contrar y notwithstanding . I n thi s sens e th e Prou d Race is , a s it were, reall y dominant. Th e cause ? I'l l sav e tha t for another time. Coming back to the hat—when I realized what had made me the recipient of those unlooked for, yet common courtesies, I decided to experiment further. So I wore i t t o tow n agai n on e da y when visitin g a n ar t stor e looking for prints for my school room . Here , where formerly I had met with indifference and poor service, I encountered a new girl today who was the essence of courtesy. Sh e pulled out drawer after drawer of prints as we talked and compared from Giotto to Sargent. Ye t she agreed tha t Giorgion e ha d a sweet, worldl y taste , tha t h e wa s no t sufficiently appreciated , tha t Titian did over-shadow him. W e went back to Velasquez as the master technician and had about decided on "The Forge of Vulcan" as appropriate for my needs when suddenly she asked, "but where do you teach?" I answered, and she recognized the name o f a Negr o university . Well— I fel t sorr y fo r her . Sh e ha d blundered. Sh e had been chatting familiarly, almost intimately with a Negro woman. I spared her by leaving quickly, and murmured that I would send for the package. My mood forced me to walk—and I walked on and on until I stood at th e "curb-market. " I d o lov e markets , an d a t thi s one the y sel l flowers a s well as vegetables. A feeble old man came up beside me. I noticed that he was near-sighted. "Lady, " he began, "would you tell me—is them dahlias or peernies up there?" Then , "market smells so good—don't it?" I recognized a kindred spirit. H e sniffed about among the flowers, and was about to say more—a nice old man—I should have liked to stop and talk with him after th e leisurely southern fashion, but he was a white old man—and I moved on hastily. I walke d hom e th e lon g wa y an d i n doin g s o passe d th e cit y library. I though t o f m y far away Boston—no Abbe y no r Puvi s de Chauvannes here, no marble stairs, no spirit of studiousness of which I might become a part. The n I saw a notice of a lecture by Drinkwater a t the women's club— I was starved fo r something good—and starvation of body or soul sometimes breeds criminals.

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So then I deliberately set out to deceive. Now , I decided, I would enjoy al l tha t ha d previousl y bee n impossible . Whe n necessar y I would ad d a bit of roug e an d the frizz y hair (thanks to th e marcel) could b e crimpe d int o smoothness . I suppose d als o tha t a well modulated voice and assurance of manner would be assets. So thus disguised, for a brief space of time, I enjoyed everything from the attentions of an expert Chiropodist, to grand opera, avoiding only the restaurants—I could not have borne the questioning eyes of colored waiters. I woul d pres s o n m y Aladdin' s lam p an d presto , I coul d b e comforted with a hot drink at the same soda-fountain where ordinarily I should have been hissed at. I could pull my hat down a bit and buy a ticket to see my favorite movie star while the play was still new. I could wrap my enchanted cloak about me and have the decent comfort of ladies' rest-rooms. I could have my shoes fitted in the best shops, an d b e show n th e bes t value s i n al l o f th e stores—no t th e common styles "which all the darkies buy, you know." A t one of these times a policeman helpe d m e acros s th e street . A sales-gir l i n the most human way once said, "I wouldn't get that, Sweetie, you and me is the same style and I know." Ho w warming to be like the rest of the world, albeit a slangy and gum-chewing world! But it was best of al l of a n afternoon whe n i t was impossible to correct an y mor e paper s o r t o loo k longe r a t m y ow n Lare s an d Penates, t o si t upo n m y magic-carpe t an d b e transporte d int o th e midst of a local ar t exhibit, to enjoy the freshness of Georg e Inness and th e vagu e char m o f Brangwyn , an d t o se e white-fol k enjoyin g Tanner—really nice , likable , fol k too , whe n the y don' t kno w one . Again i t wa s goo d t o b e transporte d int o th e mids t o f a grea t expectant throng, awaiting the pealing of the Christmas carols at the Municipal Pageant. On e could not enjoy this without compunction, however, for there was not a dark face to be seen among all of those thousands o f people , an d m y tw o hundre d bright-eye d youngster s should have been there. Finally—and th e las t tim e tha t I dared upo n m y carpet, wa s t o answer the cal l of a Greek pla y to be give n on th e lawn of a State University. I drank it all in. Marvellou s beauty! Perfectio n of speech and gesture on a velvet greensward, music, color, life! Then a cras h came . I suppos e I was nervous—on e doe s hav e "horrible imagining s an d presen t fears " dow n here , sub-consciou s pictures of hooded figures an d burning crosses. Anywa y in hurrying

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out to avoid the crowd, I fell an d broke an anklebone. Someone too k m e home. M y doctor talked plaster-casts. "No, " I said, Til tr y osteopathy," but there was no chance fo r magic now. I was home in bed with my family—a colored family—and in a colored section of the town. A friend interceded with the doctor whom I had named. "No, " he said , "i t i s agains t th e rule s o f th e osteopathi c association to serve Negroes." I waited a day—perhaps my foot would be better—then they talked bone-surgery. I am afraid of doctors . Thre e operations hav e been enough for me. The n a friend said, "try Christian Science." Perhap s I had been taking matters too much in my own hands, I thought. Yes , that would be the thing. Woul d she find a practitioner for me? Dear, loyal daughter of New England—as loyal to the Freedmen's children as she had been to them. Sh e tried to spare me. "The y will give you absent treatments and when you are better we will go down." I regret now having said, "Where, to the back door?" Wha t was the need of wounding my friend? Besides, I have recovered somehow—I am only a wee bit lame now. And mirabile dictu! M y spirit has knit together as well as my bones. My hat has grown useless. I am so glad to be well again, and back at my desk. M y brown boys and girls have become reservoirs of interest. One is attending Radcliffe thi s year. M y neighborly friend needs me now to while away the hours for her. WeV e gone back to Chaucer and dug out forgotten romances to be read aloud. Th e little boy next door has a new family of Belgian hares with which we play wonderful games. An d the man and I have ordered seed catalogues for spring. Health, a job, youn g mind s an d soul s t o touch , a friend, som e books, a child, a garden, Spring! Who' d want a hat? Opportunity: A Journal of Negro Life (1926 )

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Race Crossing s i n th e Unite d State s

Here is an account of the results of three scientific studies of race intermixture in the United States done by graduate students at Harvard and Chicago universities. One o f the phase s of th e rac e problem which i s of vital interest t o the public yet least written about , i s the question of intermarriage an d race mixture. Fe w popular writers have dared attemp t th e subject an d few scientists hav e ha d sufficien t materia l a t thei r disposa l t o warran t venturing conclusions . At th e present time , however, ther e ar e three unpublishe d studie s on thi s subject whic h migh t prov e interestin g i f reviewed i n a cursor y manner. On e o f the m i s a n articl e entitle d "Th e Socia l Significanc e of the Intermixtur e o f Race s i n the Colonia l an d Nationa l Period, " by James H . Johnston, Jr. ; another i s entitled "Rac e Crosses, " by Georg e T. Dixon , an d bot h ar e carefu l analyse s o f th e subjec t fro m th e historical an d literar y standpoints , respectively . Th e first , a scholarl y study whic h serve d a s a thesi s fo r th e M.A . degre e o f th e autho r a t Chicago University , i s a carefu l compilatio n o f dat a take n fro m innumerable ol d record s an d arrange d int o a mos t coheren t an d illuminative treatise . Th e latte r i s a thoroug h an d comprehensiv e survey o f mor e recen t literature , coverin g th e groun d fro m approxi mately th e perio d betwee n 186 4 t o 1926 . Thi s wor k wa s als o don e under th e supervision o f the Department o f Anthropology of Chicag o University. Th e thir d i s th e repor t o f a n origina l investigatio n mad e by myself under th e auspice s of the Bureau o f Internationa l Researc h of Harvar d Universit y an d Radcliff e College, 1 an d ha s a s it s subjec t "The Sociological , Genealogica l an d Physiologica l Aspect s o f Negro -

lr

This research was done under th e direction of Dr. E.A. Hooton of the Department o f Anthropology, Harvard University .

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White Crosses in the United States." Th e emphasis here is placed on such data as was obtained fro m living subjects in 1927-8, in contrast to that of the other two papers which consist largely of evidence from documents and other treatises. As it happens, these three articles form a chronological trio in that they cover , throug h thei r bibliographie s (which , i n th e firs t tw o instances, are very extensive) what has been said and done in this field in the United States from colonial times to the present. Furthermore , it i s significant tha t althoug h thes e studie s were prepare d indepen dently, there is a continuity of thought running through them which, to a sligh t extent , amount s t o overlapping . The y migh t b e listed , therefore, in the following chronological order: 1. "Th e Social Significance o f the Intermixture of th e Races in the Colonial and National Period" (1630-1864) 2. "Rac e Crosses" (1864-1926) 3. "Th e Sociological, Genealogical, and Physiological Significance of Negro-White Crosses in the United States" (1926-1929) In th e firs t articl e o f th e serie s Mr . Johnston ha s analyze d th e immense mass of data gathered on his subject. Upon th e questio n o f th e intermixtur e betwee n Negroe s an d Indians, the significant points of interest to me are the facts, first,that during the Colonial Perio d the same attitude of min d was exercised toward the Indian as toward the Negro on the part of the white man, and second, that there was an extremely sympathetic attitude existing between Negroe s an d Indians . Thes e point s ar e illustrate d b y the following quotation from Mr. Johnston: "I n the colonial period there was also much mixture of the Indian with the Negro, both the slave and fre e Negro . Sympathie s existe d betwee n th e tw o races . I t i s interesting t o not e tha t i n th e massacr e o f 1622 , no t a Negro was slain. Neithe r law nor social barriers forbade the intermixture of the Indian and the Negro, both shared the antipathies of the white man, while a s slave s thei r treatmen t differe d i n n o essentia l degree . Conditions of their life, slave and free, often led to the union of these races, also the final extinction of Indian Slavery was, in part, due to the absorption of the Indian Slave by the more numerous Negro." Concerning Negr o an d Indian marriages , one o f th e interestin g quotations which he gives from other sources is the following from E. A. Kendel l i n "Travel s Throug h th e Norther n Par t o f th e Unite d

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States." 'Ther e was much of Negro and Indian intermixture in New Jersey and Massachusetts. Th e fact that in Massachusetts the children of an Indian mother would be declared free is said to have served as a temptation to the Negro to take Indian wives." Under th e large r topi c o f intermixtur e betwee n Negroe s an d Whites Mr . Johnsto n begin s hi s treatmen t b y citin g specifi c law s against intermarriage such as those made in Maryland in 1664, and in Virginia [in ] 1671. H e stresses the significance o f those laws. The n he traces the development of the present attitude of the South on this question as it grew through two centuries of a system of concubinage. Many interesting "side-lights" are thrown on this system by quotations from a successive series of letters, memoirs and records of the times. He als o cite s specifi c case s o f individual s whic h ar e supporte d b y ample documentary evidence before advancing any of the generalizations which he makes. Perhaps however, one of the most pertinent conclusions reached concerning this long era of attempted repression of human passion is not given by Mr. Johnston himself, but is one which he quotes from the Edinburgh Review of March 1827 and which reads as follows: "Contemporary testimony seems to support the belief that the long established laws prohibiting intermarriage between Negroes and whites tended to increase rather than to hinder the intermixture of races." Mr. Dixon deals als o with the same three groups of crossings as does Mr. Johnston, namely, Negroes and whites, Negroes and Indians, and Indians and whites. However , he considers them purely from the standpoint o f th e physica l anthropologist , wherea s Mr . Johnston' s material is more that of the sociologist an d the historian. Mr. Dixon says of hi s own paper: "I t is largely a review o f th e literature upon the subject, with an attempt to present the evidence in a brief an d concise form . Unfortunatel y ver y little counteractiv e work ha s bee n don e upo n th e subject . Ther e ar e fe w record s o f extended measurement s an d genealogies , whic h woul d allo w fo r compilation an d comparison wit h th e work o f others . Mos t o f th e literature contains merely hypotheses and opinions based upon casual observations. Ho w largely these opinions are colored by the personal views of the authors is impossible to state." Nevertheless, he gives us a most careful analysi s of th e works of such writer s a s Boas , Davenport , Reuter , Rowe , Castl e an d Herskovits, an d the n a s a result o f hi s ow n stud y h e advance s th e following summary and conclusions:

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"So little definite work has been done upon the subject and so few cases studied, in which genealogies have been obtained, that we can draw few definite conclusions . I n many cases results contradict each other. I n som e instance s student s hav e assume d tha t the y wer e dealing with mixtures of pure-bloods, when in reality there had been previous intermixture , whic h fac t ha s materiall y colore d th e result s obtained. Ho w fa r environmenta l an d sociologica l factor s hav e entered in to alter results is not yet known. W e are not agreed on all the criteria of race; nor have we any satisfactory method of measuring intelligence. No t being able to definitely analyze the pure-blood race, we are still farther afield and encounter numerous other problems in our study of the hybrid groups." However, the data presented seem to Mr. Dixon t o substantiate the following tentative conclusions: 1. I n genera l hybrid s ten d t o b e intermediat e t o th e parent s i n general bod y for m an d al l othe r characteristic s whic h ar e no t usually considered distinctly racial. 2. I n ski n colo r th e tendenc y i s fo r th e hybri d t o mor e closel y approach the darker parent. Thi s is explained by the fact that he has inherited a positive skin pigmentation on one side and a blank on the other. 3. I n regar d t o hair , th e exception s t o an y rule , whic h migh t b e formulated, seem too numerous to make the statement interesting. 4. Hybrid s are as fertile a s the parent races. I f there is any difference, it seems to be in favor of the hybrid race. 5. Variabilit y within the group is very much higher than in the fullblood races. 6. I n general the hybrid is more intelligent than the more backward of the two full-blooded races. However , this fact seems accounted for by the difference in environmental conditions and social status and not as the result of inheritance. The third paper of the series furnishes just the material which Mr. Dixon at the time of writing his article, felt was lacking. I t represents a genealogical stud y of a limited number of families of mixed blood. While it proposes to be a study of the mulatto family (to use the term loosely) it also involves, naturally, the records of many Indian-Negro and Indian-White unions, as well as the Negro-White crosses. We have records of 2,537 adults included in this series, represent-

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ing 34 6 families . Thi s materia l wa s gathere d b y th e questionnair e method, and records substantiating thei r evidence ar e on file at the Peabody Museum at Harvard University. Naturally th e sociologica l topic s o f thi s pape r coordinat e wit h certain general theories brought out i n Mr. Johnston's work. Bu t a consideration of the physiological characteristics of the group, under such headings as "Personal Appearance", and "Health", brings us into the fiel d o f physica l anthropolog y a s doe s Mr . Dixon' s article . A discussion o f th e latte r typ e o f scientifi c investigatio n involves , however, an explanation of terminology and scientific law s which the length of this article does not permit. Furthermore , my findingsfrom real life in this field are with one exception, so similar to Mr. Dixon's conclusion that with reference only to that exception, I shall pass on to other more general subject matter. He state s a s the secon d ite m o f hi s conclusions, tha t ther e i s a tendency fo r th e hybri d t o approac h th e ski n colo r o f th e darke r parent. Whil e thi s ma y see m plausibl e theoretically , I hav e no t observed it to be true. I n primary crosses between white and blacks the skin color is usually intermediate. I n second and third generation crosses between the mulattoes studied here, there is much variability, but as many of the offspring resemble the fairer parents as the darker. In fact, we have observed a tendency on the part of mixed bloods in this country to "breed white" as we say. Let u s then loo k a t som e of th e fact s brough t ou t b y the testi monies of the questionnaires which are substantiated by the documentary evidence from the first article. First, the large admixtur e of India n blood a s reported by half of the Negroes questioned, seems most plausible in the light of the laws and customs mentioned above. Another interestin g featur e which our summaries disclose i s the high percentage of persons of mixe d blood who have been absorbed into the white group with or without knowledge of this blood. Abou t 20 per cent of these families in this group have one or more members who ar e "passing " as i t i s commonl y called . Thi s doe s no t includ e those who temporarily leave th e family ranks for economic or other reasons of convenience, an d eventually return . On e of th e greatest handicaps in collecting this material was caused by the reluctance of the member s o f suc h familie s t o plac e o n recor d an y informatio n which might serve later as a means of identifying suc h relatives. Contrary to the popular idea, that one must be a quadroon or an

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octoroon t o "pass," som e person s of littl e more tha n one-half white blood (particularly if there be a slight strain of Indian) are frequently mistaken fo r Europeans , an d ar e ofte n addresse d a s Spaniard s o r Italians. Thi s is a point o n which the American public seems t o be most stupid . On e reaso n n o doub t i s th e fac t tha t man y Negroe s themselves hav e bee n mistake n i n thei r calculation s an d whe n questioned have misrepresented themselves as having from an eighth to a fourth more white blood than they really possess. A large part of this misapprehension has been caused by a lack of knowledge o f th e law s o f inheritance . Th e extrem e variabilit y sometimes see n i n the thir d generation crossing s of mulattoes , may produce two brothers of very different types , one of whom might be easily considered an octoroon and the other a mulatto. Thes e persons of the fairer type, then, when referred to by distant descendants, have, sometimes been identified a s quadroons or octoroons until evidence from some other branch of th e family, or friends of th e family have counteracted thi s opinion. Hence , th e almost incredibl e amoun t of "passing" done in this country is readily understood when we realize that i f person s o f approximatel y onl y one-hal f whit e bloo d ca n b e mistaken fo r quadroon s o r octoroons , certainl y th e quadroon s an d octoroons have long ceased to be suspected of identification with this group at all. Mr. Johnston tell s th e ridiculou s stor y of on e Monsieu r Duke y from Ne w Orleans , who visited th e city of Memphi s i n the year of 1838, and who, because of his charming personality was received by the best society, entertaine d elaborately , an d made th e recipien t o f many favors. H e the n returned home, lai d aside his grand manner, and his French name, and resumed his real role of quadroon barber. Many such instances sufficiently far removed by time, might be quoted to show the gullibility of the white man then as now, when he refuses to believe that a person of culture, charm and physical attractions can have any appreciable amount of Negro blood. Again, our evidence that the volume of white blood inherited by this group i s not al l fro m th e poore r clas s of white s o r from white males, i s augmente d b y Mr . Johnston' s record s o f settlement s o f money an d grant s o f lan d show n o n count y record s b y prominent white citizens in the colonial and national periods. Ou t of our group of 346 families, 11 4 of the m bore the names and had some personal reminiscence o f thei r whit e progenitors . I n 7 6 case s ther e wer e heirlooms, photographs, and in some cases other unmistakable proof

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of these relationships. Ther e were twenty instances of white mothers, 11 of these, however, were foreign born. Other points of interest which were found by the summarizing of these statistics were: th e fac t o f a n undiminishing birth-rate, only a moderate number of deaths from pulmonary troubles, and a favorable amount o f propert y owne d i n relatio n t o th e salarie s o f th e wag e earners. However, th e mos t significant , t o th e averag e readin g citizen , would probably be those figures which show the cultural an d educational achievements of the group. Representative s from 50 of these families have had European travel, 20 have the degree of Master of Arts, 5 have the degree of Ph.D. and 5 are Phi Beta Kappa members out of 40 who have attended colleges where it is granted. Ther e are many other s wh o ar e withou t degrees , ye t wh o ar e teacher s an d professional person s o f grea t influenc e an d hig h standin g i n thei r respective communities. Yet, thi s study was by no mean s attempte d a s any proof o f th e superiority of th e mixe d blood over the full-bloode d Negro . I n fact interesting comparisons have occurred all through the compilation of the data , t o refut e suc h a theory. Th e tw o wealthiest me n o f th e group were, one almost white and one almost black; and again two of the most intellectual, were exact opposites as to color and type. However, som e o f th e olde r theorie s concernin g mulattoe s d o seem to be refuted by the data concerning this group. On e is, that in the thir d generatio n mulattoe s becom e infertile , anothe r tha t th e mental an d physical calibr e of mulattoe s i s inferior t o eithe r parent stock. Perhaps , most vicious of all is the popular superstition that two fair colored people or one colored person fair enough to be mistaken for white, and a white person, are apt to produce a black child. W e have found no evidence to prove the truth of any of thes e theories. The Crisis (1930 )

Marcus Garvey in annual U.N.IA. convention parade, New York City, 1922

MARCUS GARVE Y Marcus Mosiah Garve y was born i n St . Ann's Bay , Jamaica, on 1 7 August 1887, th e younges t o f eleve n children . A perio d o f foreig n travel , observation, an d readin g (1909-14 ) le d hi m o n hi s retur n t o Jamaic a t o found th e Universal Negro Improvemen t Association , whose goal was "the general uplif t o f th e Negr o people s o f th e world, " an d whos e mott o wa s "One God! On e Aim! On e Destiny!" Makin g little headway at home , he moved t o Ne w York' s Harle m i n 191 6 an d foun d fertil e groun d fo r a n unprecedented blac k mas s movement . Branche s o f hi s U.N.I. A aros e around the country, and he raised more money than any other black person before o r since . Wit h hi s steamshi p company , th e Black Star Line, h e instilled racia l pride. Garvey wa s convicte d o f mai l frau d i n 1925 . Presiden t Coolidg e commuted hi s five-yea r sentenc e i n 192 7 an d ordere d hi s deportation . Finding too much opposition t o his endeavors in Jamaica, he spent the last five years o f hi s lif e i n relativ e obscurit y i n London , where h e die d o n 1 0 June 1940 . Bu t his decade in the United States had anticipated the modern Black Power movement b y a half century .

A Not e o n Marcu s Garve y a t Harvar d JOHN M . FITZGERAL D AN D OTE Y M . SCRUGG S The standar d interpretatio n o f relation s betwee n Marcu s Garvey' s black zionism an d th e black intelligentsi a i s that the y were antagonis tic.1 Doe s i t follow , however , tha t becaus e fe w blac k intellectual s 1

See, for example, Tony Martin, Race First: The Ideological and Organizational Struggles of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press , 1976), esp. chap. 11. Th e book i s in many ways an excellent study of the Garvey movement .

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joined Garve y that mos t oppose d him ? O r tha t becaus e a handful o f middle clas s black s prominen t amon g socialist s o r i n th e N.A.A.C.P . seem to have played a n important rol e in Garvey's downfall tha t mos t blacks—middle class included—believed tha t "Garvey must go"? Large r questions obtrud e themselve s here . Ho w wide, after all , is the chas m between blac k nationalis m an d th e struggl e fo r ful l citizenshi p right s in America ? Di d no t Garve y an d non-Garveyite s shar e th e sam e compelling desir e for huma n dignity, especially in their condemnatio n of th e treatmen t accorde d black s b y whites an d i n a similar desir e t o advance th e interest s o f th e blac k group ? Perhap s a little-know n incident o f ove r a half-century ag o migh t hel p brin g thes e issue s int o clearer focus . On a sprin g evenin g i n 1922, * a t th e heigh t o f hi s powe r an d influence, Marcu s Garve y cam e t o a Harvar d Universit y whic h wa s racially segregated i n nearly all respects save the classroom. H e cam e to addres s th e Nil e Club , a group compose d o f al l th e severa l doze n black student s i n th e university . Followin g dinne r i n th e Harvar d Union, th e charismati c gues t o f hono r spok e a t lengt h t o th e assembled student s o f his program fo r th e worldwide emancipation o f the Negr o throug h th e developmen t o f racia l unit y an d blac k pride . The meetin g laste d wel l int o th e evening , a goo d dea l o f tim e bein g devoted b y th e dynami c blac k leade r i n respondin g t o students ' questions. O f especia l interes t bot h t o Garve y an d th e student s wa s the role blacks trained i n business, education, and political and militar y organization migh t pla y i n th e progra m o f blac k redemption . Founded a fe w month s earlier , th e Nil e Club , suggestiv e o f th e Black Studen t Union s o f a late r generation , wa s on e o f th e man y institutions forme d b y assertive , race-consciou s black s i n th e firs t quarter o f th e twentiet h centur y i n th e fac e o f th e virulent , wide spread hatre d o f black s amon g white s throughou t th e country . Th e Club wa s organize d t o brin g togethe r Negr o student s o n th e racis t Harvard campu s t o stimulat e interes t i n blac k affair s b y entertainin g the view s o f outstandin g blac k thinker s an d doers . Beside s Garvey , for example, such men as W.E.B. Du Boi s and William S. Braithwaite, Negro poe t an d literar y critic , addressed th e group . Tha t it s cultura l and politica l concern s went beyon d th e confine s o f th e Unite d State s *In Genn a McNeil' s Groundwork: Charles H. Houston (1983) , pp. 51 , 260, the date of this gathering is reported to have been January 1921.—Eds.

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to embrac e th e worl d a s fa r awa y a s Africa i s evinced no t onl y b y its name an d i n its choice of guest s but b y its emblem, pyrami d an d pal m tree. 2 Paradoxically , lik e Garve y thi s grou p o f young blacks, some o f whom ha d serve d oversea s durin g Worl d Wa r I , wa s movin g i n th e direction o f internationalis m a t th e sam e tim e whit e Americ a wa s attempting t o withdra w fro m th e res t o f th e worl d behin d "fortres s America." Opinions abou t Garve y amon g Clu b member s wer e mixe d whe n not ambivalent . T o som e h e wa s a "show-of f an d a "fool. " Other s viewed hi m a s a "Wes t India n schemer " inten t upo n promotin g hi s own and his countrymen's interests at the expense of American blacks. Most, however , cam e t o hea r th e mos t famou s blac k ma n o f hi s day , who wa s a t th e sam e tim e a magneti c speaker , articulat e wha t the y had always thought abou t white treatment of blacks and to ponder th e implications o f hi s solutio n t o th e rac e proble m b y mean s o f blac k self-help an d rac e pride . Amon g thi s group , unquestionably , wa s Charles Houston , th e Club' s presidin g officer . Charles Hamilto n Housto n [LL.B . 1922 , S.J.D . 1923 ] wa s a many-sided person : brilliant , sensitive , playful , highl y organize d an d disciplined, universalist in outlook, unswervingly devoted to excellence and it s applicatio n t o th e caus e o f blac k advancement , an d imbue d with th e idea l o f servic e t o th e group. 3 Graduatin g Ph i Bet a Kapp a from Amhers t i n 191 5 at th e ag e o f 19 , he ha d alread y demonstrate d his interest i n Black Studies by writing his honors thesi s on th e Negr o poet, Pau l Laurenc e Dunbar . Afterwards , h e taugh t Englis h i n Howard University , serve d oversea s a s a n office r o f fiel d artiller y i n America's Ji m Cro w arm y durin g Worl d Wa r I, 4 an d returne d hom e

^Such Africa-consciousness remind s one of some of the writings of th e contemporary Negro Renaissance. Fo r example in Langston Hughes' poem, "The Negro Speaks of Rivers," there is the line: "I looked upon the Nile and raised th e pyramids above it." 3

For a n excellent brie f treatmen t o f Houston , se e Genna Ra e McNeil , "Charles Hamilton Houston," The Black Law Journal, II I (Summer-Winter : 1973), 123-131. 4

Houston seems to have viewed military organization and values with the utmost approbation . No t onl y did h e underg o extensiv e militar y trainin g during World War I, but as a schoolboy he was commander of the M Street

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to face a white mob intent o n th e destruction o f the black communit y of Washington , D.C . i n 1919 . Durin g hi s Harvar d days , Charli e Houston demonstrate d thos e qualitie s o f leadershi p tha t h e wa s t o display s o prominentl y late r whe n a s dea n h e se t ou t t o tur n th e Howard La w Schoo l int o "th e Wes t Poin t o f Negr o leadership, " an d as specia l counse l fo r th e N.A.A.C.P . h e wa s th e "architec t an d dominant forc e in the legal program of that organization." I n his third year i n the Harvar d La w Schoo l i n 1922 , Houston wa s student edito r of th e prestigiou s Harvard Law Review. Bu t i n hi m intelligenc e combined wit h concer n fo r th e welfar e o f others . Olde r tha n mos t students at Harvard, he manifested a n abiding brotherly interest in th e progress o f hi s younger fello w black s on campus. 5 Doubtles s alread y settling i n Charli e Houston' s min d wa s th e convictio n tha t blac k advancement woul d onl y resul t fro m blac k effort . As presiding officer, th e responsibility was Houston's t o introduc e the distinguishe d guest . On e o f th e authors , Joh n M . Fitzgerald , a member of the Nile Club and a close friend t o Houston, vividly recalls that when the dinner was completed, Houston excused the three white student waiters , askin g the m t o clos e th e doo r behin d them . Whe n they ha d departed , accordin g t o Mr . Fitzgerald , Houston , intendin g that ther e b e n o misunderstandin g amon g hi s colleague s wher e h e stood, launched with feeling int o the following introduction o f Marcu s

High Schoo l (Washington , D.C. ) militar y unit . Thi s partialit y towar d th e military, which clearly did not include its racist policies , seems to have had an impac t o n hi s thought . A s mentione d [below] , he spok e o f turnin g Howard La w Schoo l int o th e "Wes t Poin t o f Negr o leadership. " I n hi s eulogy, close friend an d associate, William Hastie [LL.B. 1930, S.J.D. 1933], said o f hi m tha t "h e had a soldier's fait h tha t winnin g the figh t i s all tha t matters . . . " Garvey , too , had a stron g predilectio n fo r thing s military; a case in point is his paramilitary organization, the African Legion. Ca n it not be sai d tha t th e tw o me n share d value s no t uncommo n t o th e military : brotherhood, unity, discipline, service and the need for effective leadership ? 5

The authors wish t o than k Mr . Earl Brow n [AB . 1924 ] of Ne w York City, former editor for Time-Life, ex-member of the New York City Council, and like Mr. Fitzgerald, a long-time friend t o Charles Houston, for sharing with u s hi s knowledg e o f Mr . Houston . H e to o attende d th e Nil e Clu b meeting at which Marcus Garvey spoke.

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Garvey: Honored gues t an d fello w member s o f th e Nil e Club , I'd hav e to sa y tha t this is the most exciting moment of my entire educational experience, both as a student an d teacher , here at Harvar d an d elsewhere . In my capacity as presiding officer o f this club, an organization tha t was conceived for just such purposes as tonight's, I am pleased and privileged to present t o yo u a ma n who m I personall y regar d a s bein g no t onl y th e greatest leade r o f me n sinc e Moses, 6 bu t a beare r o f goo d wil l t o al l persons of African descen t everywhere . Gentlemen: The Honorable Marcus Garvey, Provisional President of All Africa. With du e allowanc e fo r th e hyperbol e demande d b y th e occasion , Houston's statemen t suggest s large r questions . Wa s ther e no t mor e admiration fo r Garve y among Negroes o f all classes than i s commonly supposed? No t onl y di d hi s indictmen t o f white s fal l o n receptiv e ears; so did his view that black s were a people wit h a worthy past an d a promisin g future . Ho w different , afte r all , was th e rac e conscious ness o f Charli e Housto n fro m Marcu s Garvey's ? Di d no t thei r devotion t o rac e pride , self-reliance , an d servic e t o th e grou p constitute a stronge r bon d tha n whateve r programmati c difference s may have separated them ? Doe s no t th e existenc e o f th e Nil e Club , like Garvey' s U.N.I.A. , reflec t th e ques t fo r a n Africa n identit y tha t has existe d amon g America n black s fo r centuries ? Di d no t Charli e Houston to o plac e a premium o n th e world-wide unit y of African s i n the struggl e fo r huma n dignity ? "H e viewed th e oppresse d conditio n of Black Americans, Native Americans, colonized Africans, and others, as intolerable, " write s Genn a Ra e McNeil , "an d th e struggl e a s indivisible."7 Indeed , doe s no t hi s introductio n o f Garve y o n tha t spring nigh t bac k i n 192 2 sugges t th e cosmopolita n orientatio n o f

^Ironically, Hasti e i n hi s eulog y o f Housto n nearl y thirt y year s later , spoke of his departed frien d a s the Moses of the journey throug h th e legal wilderness o f second-clas s citizenship . Give n th e analog y tha t black s a s a people well-grounded i n biblical lor e have always made between thei r own and th e predicamen t o f th e ancien t Israelites , th e compariso n o f blac k leaders with Moses is neither ne w nor coincidental . 7

McNeil, 131.

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oppressed people s i n identifyin g wit h al l humanity ? Wa s i t no t th e awareness o f thei r submerge d positio n an d th e commitmen t t o struggle agains t i t tha t le d thos e blac k student s awa y from parochial ism while whit e Americans , insecur e i n thei r power , struggle d vainl y to retur n t o isolatio n an d t o retai n a nonexistent racia l purity? 8 Fo r us, lookin g back , i s no t thi s fearles s reachin g ou t t o embrac e other s while paradoxicall y emphasizin g blac k self-reliance , i n th e final analysis, what bound Marcus Garvey and Charles Houston togethe r a s brothers?

The author s wish to than k Professor Lawrenc e C . Howard [Ph.D . 1956] of th e University of Pittsburgh fo r hi s contribution t o the initia l idea o f th e project . [Not e b y Joh n M . Fitzgeral d an d Ote y M . Scruggs.] Journal of Negro History (1978 )

8

The war , o f course , wa s a majo r influenc e o n th e students * interna tionalism. Whil e al l were affected b y it, a numbe r o f Clu b member s lik e Houston ha d serve d oversea s wit h th e A.E.F . Anothe r fac t no t t o b e undervalued in their cosmopolitan outlook was the presence of West Indian students o n blac k campuses . Severa l year s previously , fo r example , Mr . Fitzgerald ha d a Jamaican room-mat e at Howar d University .

THE HARVARD DORMITORY CRISIS (1921-23)

The New Negro on Campu s RAYMOND WOLTER S

Harvard's Presiden t A . Lawrenc e Lowel l touche d of f th e mos t publicized colleg e discriminatio n controvers y o f th e 1920 s when h e simultaneously barre d Negroe s fro m th e freshma n dormitorie s an d inaugurated a quot a syste m fo r Jewis h students . Lowell' s rational e was doubtles s complex , but h e appear s t o hav e bee n motivate d essentially b y a desir e not t o offen d whit e racist s an d t o maintai n Harvard's aristocratic tradition. Th e exclusion of blacks was relatively easy to explain: Residenc e in the freshman dormitorie s had recentl y been mad e compulsory , Lowel l noted , an d "w e have not though t i t possible to compel men of different race s to reside together.... W e owe to the colored man the same opportunities for education tha t we do to th e white man; but w e do no t ow e it t o him to forc e hi m an d the white int o social relations tha t ar e not , or ma y not be , mutually congenial."1 It wa s mor e difficul t t o explai n th e limitatio n o f Jews . Lowel l claimed tha t "anti-Semiti c feelin g i s increasing , an d i t grow s i n proportion t o th e increas e i n th e numbe r o f Jews. " Behin d thi s heightened ethnocentrism lay the fear that admission of large numbers of Jews somehow threatened th e dominance of Harvard's established *A Lawrenc e Lowell to Roscoe Conkling Bruce, quoted i n New York Age, 20 January 1923 ; Lowell to Lewis Gannett, 1 9 June 1922 , Papers of Moorfield Storey , Library of Congress (hereafte r cite d a s Storey Papers); James Weldon Johnson to Lowell, 11 January 1923, NAACP Files.

Roscoe C. Bruce in 1902 James

Raymond Pace Alexander ca. 1949 Charles

Weldon Johnson ca. 1902

W. Chesnutt ca. 1898

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tradition. Man y of th e Jewish student s o f th e earl y twentieth centur y were poor , o f east-Europea n extraction , an d extraordinaril y competi tive i n th e classroo m whil e withdrawin g fro m socia l an d athleti c life . They wer e sai d t o "liv e a t home , ea t a pocke t lunc h o n th e colleg e campus, and leav e th e universit y grounds t o earn th e mone y fo r thei r tuition b y night work . Man y retai n th e gregariousnes s bor n o f lif e i n the Pale, and remain only half-assimilated." Ther e were some Harvar d men who believed that these new immigrants endangered th e essential Harvard tradition—th e flavor that stamped Harvard men a s such, in no way t o b e confuse d wit h Yal e men , Princeto n men , o r an y othe r o f the man y academi c breeds . Ol d Grad s allegedl y sen t thei r son s t o Harvard t o attai n thi s flavor, rathe r tha n an y mer e scholarl y training , and ther e wer e thos e who claime d tha t th e master s o f th e institutio n owed i t "t o themselve s an d t o th e alumn i an d t o everyon e els e revering the name of Harvard, to maintain th e conditions under which this flavo r ma y be imparted." 2 Summarizing thi s argument , th e New Republic noted , The Harvard flavor can be imparted successfully t o men of any race or religion.Bu . .. t i t i s not t o b e denied tha t th e flavor is most easil y imparte d to men of the old New England stock. Other s take it effectively onl y when they are well immersed i n social groupings of the original character . The y must therefore b e present i n relatively small numbers.... Five Jews to th e hundred will necessarily undergo prompt assimilation. Te n Jews to the hundred migh t assimilate. Bu t twent y or thirty—no . The y would for m a state within a state. The y would ceas e to tak e an activ e part i n th e general lif e of the college.Wha t they got out of Harvard migh t be worth thei r time . .. and effort, bu t it would not be the priceless Harvard flavor. Thus it appears that, in the interest of the Jews as well as in the interest of the Gentiles, the number o f Jews ought t o be kep t belo w th e saturation point . Bette r on e 3 true Jewish Harvard ma n tha n te n mer e Jewish scholars. President Lowell' s racis t policie s wer e ultimatel y repudiate d b y Harvard's boar d o f overseers . Th e overseer s di d no t reac h thei r decision withou t prompting , however , fo r thousand s o f students ,

Z

A. Lawrence Lowell, quoted in Literary Digest 74 (8 July 1922) : 28-29; Nation 114 (14 June 1922) : 708; New Republic 31 (16 August 1922): 322-323. New Republic 3 1 (16 August 1922) ; 322-323.

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professors, an d alumn i organize d t o protes t agains t th e intrusio n o f racism a t Fai r Harvard . Jame s Weldo n Johnso n wa s undoubtedl y correct whe n h e note d tha t "Presiden t Lowel l neve r fo r a momen t imagined tha t h e was goin g t o rais e suc h a hornet's nes t aroun d hi s ears." D u Boi s wa s uplifte d b y th e protest . "Dee p a s i s th e sham e and humiliation of Harvard's recent surrender to the Bourbon South," he declared , "th e spirite d an d whole-soule d respons e tha t i t ha s evinced i s perhap s th e mos t heartenin g sig n o f sanit y o n th e rac e problem tha t ha s happene d i n fift y years . No t a singl e perso n o f importance ha s ye t dare d t o defen d L o w e l l . . . . " Blac k an d whit e liberals were convinced tha t Lowell ha d taken "an evil an d indefensi ble position which, like a snake, must be scotched a t once . . . o r else it will, with its venomous bite , poiso n ou r entire educational system. " Lowell's racis t polic y was though t t o b e "a s bad fo r what i t portend s as for what i t immediatel y inaugurates." 4 Although i t was generally acknowledged tha t Lowell's Jewish and Negro policies were fundamentall y related , most blacks felt tha t their problem was more manageable than that of the Jews. Lewi s Gannett, an editor o f th e Nation wh o circulate d a n alumn i petitio n o n behal f of th e blacks, explained , "Th e question o f discriminatio n agains t on e class o f student s afte r thei r admissio n seem s t o hav e a muc h mor e certain answe r tha n th e question o f limitatio n o f enrollment." 5 Blacks insisted that , as Raymond Pace Alexander put it, "no halfdozen men picked at random among the Harvard freshman class could present an y better famil y histor y or training " than th e si x blacks who had bee n exclude d fro m th e dormitories . Bertra m C . Blan d an d William J. Knox , Jr., were fro m eminentl y respectabl e Ne w Englan d families; Cecil Blue was the son of a prominent Washington physician; Pritchett Klug h wa s th e so n o f a distinguishe d Bosto n clergyman ; Edward W. Wilson was a second generation Harvard man and the son of a noted Boston attorney ; and Roscoe Conklin g Bruce, Jr., was th e

4

New York Times, 1 0 April 1923 ; James Weldon Johnson to Butler R. Wilson, 27 January 1923; NAACP Files; W.E.B. Du Bois, "Harvard," Crisis 25 (March 1923): 199; Messenger 5 (March 1923): 621. 5

Lewis Gannet t t o Moorfiel d Storey , 2 Augus t 1922 , Store y Papers ; William B. Hixson, Jr., Moorfield Storey and the Abolitionist Tradition (Ne w York: Oxford University Press, 1972), p. 120.

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son of a Harvard honors graduate and the grandson of a United States senator. Lowell' s discrimination against these thoroughly acculturated blacks struck at the very foundation of the middle-class ethos, and this may explain the fervor with which Harvard's president was condemned by the black and white bourgeoisie. 6 The New York Amsterdam News noted that Lowell's discrimination against young Bruce "should convince all of us that our success is not dependent upon individual attainment. Th e younger Bruce . .. i s the grandson of Blanche K. Bruce, former Register of the United States Treasury an d Unite d State s Senato r fro m Mississipp i fro m 187 5 t o 1881. Hi s father is a distinguished educator. Bu t to President Lowell and to thousands like him the younger Bruce's distinguished ancestry and preparation are as nothing when placed alongside of the fact that he i s a Negro."7 The campaig n agains t Harvard' s exclusio n o f Negroe s fro m th e freshman dormitories began on the campus in the spring of 1922 when the black students, led by upperclassman* Edwin B. Jourdain, Jr., at that time the world's champion broad jumper, made a special appeal to President Lowell. Thi s was to no avail, and editor Monroe Trotter of th e Boston Guardian, a black alumnu s who fondl y recalle d "the democracy tha t I enjoyed a t dear old Harvard, " then publicize d th e matter. Durin g th e summe r Moorfiel d Storey , Rober t Benchley , Lewis Gannett , an d fou r othe r whit e alumn i circulate d a petitio n among tw o hundred Harvar d men. Altogethe r som e 14 5 graduates endorsed a statement expressing dismay that "the long tradition of the College a s regards Negroes has been broken." I t was not sufficient , the graduates insisted, for President Lowell to say that Southern men did not want t o live i n the sam e dormitories with blacks. Souther n men who came to Cambridge could not rightfullyexpect the college to surrender its "Northern ideas of democracy" and its "Harvard ideals of justice. " On e graduat e expresse d th e prevailin g spiri t whe n h e

6

Raymond Pac e Alexander , "Voice s fro m Harvard' s Ow n Negroes," Opportunity 1 (Marc h 1923): 29. 1

New York Amsterdam News, 1 7 January 1923.

* Jourdain received his degree in 1921, and was a student at the Business School in 1921-22.—Eds.

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added, "I f an y youn g ma n shoul d declin e t o com e becaus e o f thi s prejudice agains t some possible comrade I should sa y that th e colleg e was well ri d o f s o narrow-minde d a youth." 8 In their private correspondence many Harvard men explained thei r reasons for opposin g Lowell's racist policies. Georg e R. Nutter note d that "th e hop e tha t individua l meri t will eventually receiv e it s prope r consideration lie s a t th e ver y basis o f wha t ou r institution s ar e tryin g to accomplish.... I f a man is found worth y to enter Harvard College , he i s worth y t o stan d o n hi s merit s withou t an y o f th e artificia l distinctions o f rac e o r color. " Rosco e Conklin g Bruce , Sr. , admitte d that "th e wind just no w is blowing in the direction o f reaction, " but h e insisted tha t it did not behoove " a great cente r of enlightenment t o b e caught, lik e some paltr y straw, i n th e gust. " Moorfiel d Store y feare d that "i f Harvar d Colleg e cater s t o thi s unchristia n prejudic e o f som e people agains t Negroe s an d othe r peopl e agains t Jew s . . . , i t will b e responsible fo r mor e mischie f i n thi s countr y an d th e polic y wil l d o more injur y t o th e Colleg e tha n thos e wh o favo r i t ca n possibl y conceive." Congressma n Hamilto n Fish declared tha t racial discrimination was not consisten t with "th e spirit of democracy. . . th e spirit o f New Englan d . . . the spiri t o f Harvard." 9 John Ja y Chapma n pointe d ou t tha t Southerner s wer e quit e accustomed t o livin g i n clos e proximit y t o blacks . If any white paren t tell s Presiden t Lowel l tha t h e cannot bea r th e though t of his son's sleeping in a room which abuts on the same quadrangle with a Negro's room, or eatin g in th e same dining-hall with a Negro, that paren t deceives Mr . Lowell . Wha t th e Souther n paren t demand s i s tha t som e stigma b e pu t upo n th e Negro . H e wishe s Harvar d t o han g ou t a flag

^Alexander, "Voices from Harvard' s Own Negroes/ pp. 28-29; Stephen R. Fox, The Guardian of Boston (New York: Atheneum, 1970), pp. 261-263; Open Lette r t o the President an d Fellow s of Harvard College , attached t o Lewis Gannett to Moorfield Storey , 2 June 1922, Storey Papers; Nation 116 (31 January 1923) : 112. 9

George R . Nutter , quote d i n Lewi s Gannet t t o Moorfiel d Storey , 26 July 1922 , Store y Papers ; Rosco e Conklin g Bruc e telegra m t o Brooklyn Eagle, 13 January 1923 , NAACP Files ; Storey t o Julia n W . Mack, 6 June 1922, quote d i n Hixson , Moorfield Storey, p. 120 ; Hamilto n Fis h t o A . Lawrence Lowell, quoted i n New York Age, 20 January 1923.

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discriminating against the black man. 1" This was exactly the point. Th e Nation noted that "Harvard, so long as it follows Presiden t Lowell's lea d in this matter, is accepting and preaching the Southern doctrine that every man with Negro blood in his veins is inferior to every all-white man." Th e New York Evening Post claimed that Lowell's policy negated the very reason for creating the freshman dormitories: "I f the policy of compulsory residence in the freshma n hall s i s t o b e justified a t all , i t i s precisel y becaus e i t applies t o al l freshmen . T o sa y tha t al l whit e freshme n o r al l Protestant freshme n o r al l nativ e America n freshme n shal l liv e together, bu t tha t al l othe r freshme n shal l b e barre d fro m th e freshmen dormitories, is to make the policy of compulsory residence ludicrous." Th e Harvard Alumni Bulletin observe d that "for Harvard to den y t o colore d me n a privileg e i t accord s t o white s appear s inevitably a s a reversa l o f policy , i f no t a positiv e disloyalt y t o a principle fo r whic h th e universit y ha s hithert o take n a n ope n an d unshaken stand."11 With th e pres s an d th e alumn i outspoke n i n thei r criticism , President Lowell was placed in an untenable position, especially since he ha d unwisel y neglecte d t o discus s th e situatio n wit h Harvard' s board of overseers. "I t seems to be a pity that the matter ever came up in this way," wrote overseer Franklin D. Roosevelt. "Ther e were certainly man y colored student s i n Cambridge when we were ther e and no questio n eve r arose. " I n January 192 3 the overseers hel d a special meetin g t o discus s Lowell' s racia l policies , an d a facult y committee was appointed to study the matter. Thi s committee later reported that the principle of "equal opportunity for all, regardless of race and religion," was an essential par t of Harvard's tradition. Th e professors warned that any "covert device to eliminate those deemed racially or socially undesirable" would be interpreted a s "a dangerous surrender of traditional ideals." The overseers thereupon unanimously overruled Lowel l an d banned discriminatio n fo r reason s o f rac e or religion. Affirmin g th e Negro' s righ t t o equa l opportunit y o n th e

10

John Jay Chapman, quoted in Nation 11 6 (31 January 1923): 112 .

n

Nation9 116 : 112 ; New York Post, quoted i n Literary Digest 7 6 ( 3 February 1923): 32-33; Harvard Alumni Bulletin 2 5 (1922-1923): 830.

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campus, the overseers declared that no man should be excluded fro m the dormitorie s "b y reason o f hi s color." 12 Unfortunately th e resolution of the dormitory controversy did not usher i n a n era o f interracia l brotherhoo d a t Harvard . Member s o f the various ethnic groups still tended to congregate together in search of familia r company , an d th e exclusiv e privat e club s barre d blacks , Jews, an d low-statu s Gentiles . Ther e were , i n addition , naggin g problems tha t followe d fro m th e Harvar d Medica l School' s relation s with nearby obstetrical clinics . Harvar d required it s medical student s to handl e a certai n numbe r o f obstetrica l cases , bu t problem s inevitably arose because many patients at the clinics refused t o accept the services o f blac k students . Consequently , i t had been customar y for black s t o arrang e fo r referral s fro m th e Negr o physician s o f Boston an d Cambridge . Thi s undoubtedl y involve d racia l discrimin ation, i n tha t blac k student s wer e treate d differentl y fro m whites . Black egalitarians inevitably challenged th e propriety of thi s practice. A case in point occurred in 1905, when a young black by the name of E . D. Brow n refused , i n th e words o f Harvard' s medica l dean , "to accommodate himsel f t o thes e circumstance s whic h ar e beyon d th e jurisdiction o f th e School , an d whic h othe r colore d student s hav e heretofore cheerfull y accepted. " Brow n acknowledge d tha t Harvar d could no t forc e patient s t o accep t a n unwelcom e studen t intern , but he demande d "th e chance t o ge t th e case s i f I could." H e aske d th e dean "t o pu t i t u p t o th e patient s an d leav e m e t o fac e whateve r difficulty migh t arise . . . . " H e though t i t wa s fa r bette r tha t h e b e snubbed by prejudiced patients tha n that these insults should be use d by Harvard a s a justification fo r racia l discrimination. 13 From The New Negro on Campus (1975 )

12

Franklin D . Roosevelt t o R. S. Wallace , 7 February 1923 , quoted in Arthur M . Schlesinger, Jr., The Age of Roosevelt: The Politics of Upheaval (Boston: Houghton Miffli n Co. , 1960) , p. 696; New York Times, 10 April 1923. 13

W.L. Richardso n t o Moorfiel d Storey , 8 Decembe r 1905 , Store y Papers; E.D. Brow n t o Storey , 3 1 Octobe r 1905 , Store y Papers ; William Pickens to Roscoe Conkling Bruce, 15 January 1923, NAACP Files.

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Colored Student s a t Harvar d

Roscoe Conkling Bruce was born on 21 April 1879 in Washington, D.C., the only chil d o f th e firs t blac k t o serv e a ful l ter m a s U.S . Senator. Afte r preparation at Exeter Academy, he attended Harvard, where he demonstrated special talent i n debating and served as president o f the Debating Club. He wa s electe d t o Ph i Bet a Kappa , wa s Clas s Da y orator , an d too k hi s degree magna cum laude in 1902. Fo r several years he headed the academic department of Tuskegee Institute, then served for 13 years as superintendent of the colored schools in Washington. Afte r shor t stints as a West Virginia school principal and a hen farmer, h e became resident manager of the Paul Laurence Dunbar Apartments in Harlem, edited a biweekly newspaper, and did writin g under hi s own nam e and unde r pseudonyms . H e died i n New York Cit y on 1 6 August 1950 .

President Lowel l an d Rosco e Conklin g Bruce , '02 , have recentl y ha d some correspondence i n regard t o th e admittance o f colore d student s to th e Freshma n Dormitorie s a t Harvard . Bruc e i s principa l o f th e Brown's Cree k Distric t Hig h Schoo l a t Kendall , W . Va . Som e tim e ago h e applie d b y lette r fo r a reservatio n i n on e o f th e Freshma n Halls fo r hi s son , wh o i s a studen t a t Phillip s Exete r Academ y an d intends t o ente r Harvar d Colleg e nex t fall . Presiden t Lowel l replie d as follows : Dear Mr. Bruce: You r letter to the Registrar about your son has been given to me . I am sorr y t o hav e t o tel l you tha t i n th e Freshma n Halls , where residence is compulsory, we have felt from the beginning the necessity of not including colored men. T o the other dormitories and dining rooms they are admitted freely , bu t i n th e Freshman Hall s I am sure you will understan d why, from the beginning, we have not thought it possible to compel men of different race s to reside together . Bruce the n dispatche d th e followin g lette r t o Presiden t Lowell : Your letter of the 14th December reached me duly. I wrote to the Registrar in good fait h an d no t fo r controversia l purposes . My delay in responding to your letter i s occasioned by my endeavor t o

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recover beforehand fro m th e shock of your decision to refuse my son placement i n th e Freshma n Hall s specificall y becaus e h e i s a n America n o f African descent , a decisio n applyin g a genera l polic y upo n whic h you r administration ha s entered deliberately . I have lived and labored in the South so long since my graduation fro m Harvard Colleg e over twenty years ago that, despite th e newspapers, I had fondly cherishe d th e illusio n that , ste p b y ste p wit h th e unquestionabl e growth of liberal sentiment in the Southern States as a whole, New England was enriching rather tha n impoverishin g her heritage. The polic y o f compulsor y residenc e i n th e Freshma n Hall s i s costl y indeed i f i t i s th e thin g tha t constrain s Harvar d t o ente r open-eye d an d brusque upon a policy of racial discrimination. I t ill becomes a great mother of cultur e avoidabl y t o accentuat e th e consciousnes s o f racia l difference s among Americans—that seedbed of so many strifes and griefs. No t race, but culture, I had supposed, is the basis of sound nationality. Hav e the Germans taught u s nothing? I f America i s the meltin g pot, education i s the sacred fire. An d Harvard has rendered herself through centuries of high endeavor the Nation's University . It is my deliberate opinion tha t some of those young men who, like my son, are after al l Negroes by election, will nullify th e policy of exclusion so far a s they themselve s are concerned, b y simply not confessin g themselve s members o f the proscribe d group . Neithe r a menta l no r a blood tes t will expose that helpfu l duplicity . Wit h respec t t o thes e individual s (an d the y outnumber popula r estimates) , ma y no t th e polic y o f exclusio n hav e th e curious effect o f promoting that very amalgamation of races which the white North vies with th e white South i n affecting t o dread? I t is a thing, may I add in all candor, which all self-respecting Americans of color do not desire. And, be assured, no son of mine will ever deny his name or his blood or his tradition. To proscrib e a yout h becaus e o f hi s rac e i s a procedur e a s nove l a t Harvard until your administration as it is unscientific. Howeve r unpopula r the Jew, the Irishman , and th e Negro ma y be in certain mind s and certain sections and at certain times (wartime not being one), the fact remain s that the distribution of human excellence in each of these races, as in the case of every other race , begins at zero and ends at infinity . The differences i n racial excellence consist in the comparative numbers of individuals to be found i n the higher reaches of the vast curve upward of human qualit y an d serviceability . An d t o assess th e relativ e values of th e several stock s o f mankin d en masse is, one mus t concede , an exceedingl y delicate and difficult, indee d perilous , task. Who shall proscribe a Straus, a Plunkett o r a Douglass because of his race? Th e particular individua l ma y be a personality o f char m an d powe r and prospect absolutely apart from th e theoretical frequency of inferioritie s

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in the race. Fro m kindergarten to university, I fain believe, the spirit of education approaches children an d youth as individuals, not a s racial symbols. After Charle s W. Eliot, Harvard cannot escape the grave responsibilities of leadershi p i n America n life . An d on e lead s b y ascent t o highe r level s after th e manne r o f schola r an d statesman , o f poe t an d prophet ; no t b y descent. To m e whose persona l indebtednes s t o Harvar d i s immeasurable, th e University is neither a mere mechanism of instruction nor a social club, but a centre of enlightenment and idealism and service rendered holy by aspiring centuries. Few words i n the Englis h language , I submit, ar e susceptible o f mor e poignant abuse than two you have seen fit to employ. Th e first is "race"; the second, "necessity." A s the one is often nothin g more than a term of social convenience, so the other i s quite often a means of buttressing] prejudice . But, Veritas" is less elusive. President Lowel l subsequentl y sen t th e followin g lette r t o Bruce : I am sorry that you do not feel the reasonableness of our position about the Freshman Dormitories . I t i s no t a departur e fro m th e pas t t o refus e t o compel white and colore d me n t o room i n th e same building. W e owe to the colore d ma n th e sam e opportunitie s fo r educatio n tha t w e do t o th e white man; but we do not owe to him to force him and the white into social relations that ar e not, or ma y not be, mutually congenial. We give him freely opportunities for room and board wherever it is voluntary; bu t i t seem s t o m e tha t fo r th e colore d ma n t o clai m tha t h e i s entitled t o hav e th e whit e ma n compelle d t o liv e wit h hi m i s a ver y unfortunate innovatio n which, fa r fro m doin g hi m good , would increas e a prejudice that , as you and I will thoroughly agree , is most unfortunat e an d probably growing. On the other hand, to maintain that compulsory residence in the Freshman Dormitories—which has proved a great benefit in breaking up the social cliques tha t di d muc h injur y t o th e College—shoul d no t b e established fo r 99-1/2 pe r cen t o f th e student s becaus e th e remainin g one-hal f o f on e percent could not properly be included, seems to me an untenable position. Regretting very much that we should not agree upon the wisdom of the policy adopted fo r th e Freshman Dormitories , I am, Very truly yours, A. Lawrenc e Lowell. Harvard Alumni Bulletin (1923 )

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Attacks Harvar d o n Negr o Questio n J. Weldo n Johnso n Denounce s The Exclusio n o f Negroe s From It s Dormitories . [142] ALUMNI SIG N MEMORIA L Letter o f Protes t Declare s Ji m Crow Polic y Augurs Dar k Futur e For Thi s Countr y

James Weldon Johnson was born in Jacksonville, Florida, on 1 7 June 1871. He receive d a n A.B . fro m Atlant a Universit y i n 1894 . Turnin g dow n a scholarship to Harvard Medical School, he became a school principal, lawyer (the first black admitted to the Florida bar), literature and drama student at Columbia, U.S. diplomat in South America, newspaper editor, officer o f the NAACP (1916-30) , and the n professo r o f literatur e at Fis k unti l his death in a Maine auto accident on 26 June 1938 . I n addition t o poetry, anthologies, and musical-comed y lyrics , his most endurin g project s ar e th e classi c novel The Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man (1912) ; God's Trombones (1927), seven free-verse Negro sermons (which have been recorded by black actor Harold R . Scott '57) ; and th e historical Black Manhattan (1930). Harvard University , by its exclusion o f negro students fro m th e fresh man dormitories, is "putting into effect th e program proclaime d by the infamous K u Klu x Kla n an d it s apologists, " say s Jame s Weldo n Johnson, Secretar y of th e Nationa l Associatio n fo r th e Advancemen t of Colore d People , 7 0 Fift h Avenue , i n a lette r t o Presiden t A . Lawrence Lowel l o f Harvard , mad e publi c yesterday. Th e lette r say s that on e o f th e mos t liberalizin g influence s a t Harvar d wa s t o b e found i n th e opportunit y afforde d t o Souther n student s t o com e int o contact with the negro so that they could tolerate and understand him .

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Charles C. Burlingham, Harvard, 79, disclosed yesterday that ther e were 14 2 signatories t o [a n earlier ] memoria l o n th e exclusio n polic y of Harvard forwarde d t o President Lowell by graduates of that institu tion. I n correctin g th e repor t tha t ther e wer e onl y seve n signer s o f that document , Mr . Burlingha m explaine d tha t seve n graduate s ha d distributed th e memoria l t o a selected lis t o f Harvar d men . "There wer e 14 2 signers o f th e memorial, " sai d Mr . Burlingham . "The document wa s placed i n th e hand s o f a little les s than 20 0 men . Of tha t numbe r ther e wer e onl y eigh t wh o disagree d wit h th e sentiments expresse d i n the memorial . Som e of thos e who would no t sign i t wer e governe d b y delicat e position s whic h the y occupie d i n relation t o th e university . Bu t th e seve n me n wh o hav e bee n described a s the signer s of th e memoria l merel y submitted i t t o othe r Harvard graduates. " The lette r t o President Lowel l fro m th e Secretary of th e Nationa l Association fo r th e Advancemen t o f Colore d Peopl e follows : A. Lawrence Lowell, Esq., President Harvard Universit y Cambridge, Mass. Jan. 11 , 1923 . Sir: In your letter to Mr. Roscoe Conkling Bruce, stating that his son is excluded fro m th e Harvard freshma n dormitorie s becaus e of hi s color you make the following statement : "......... I am sure you will understand why, from th e beginning, we have not though t it possible to compel men of different race s to reside together." May I be permitted t o amend your statement so that it will accord with th e facts? You r statement shoul d read : "......... I am sure you will understand why , from th e beginning, we have thought i t expedient t o compel men of different race s to reside apart." May I further sugges t tha t Harvard' s surrende r o f its tradition an d th e tradition of liberal America to the slaveholder's prejudice intensifies the very problem which you a s Harvard's spokesma n ar e professing t o meet . Suc h amelioration of race problems as has been brought about in this country has occurred i n larg e measur e throug h Souther n student s wh o wer e me t i n Northern Universitie s b y an unflinchin g affirmatio n o f th e equalit y o f al l men in the realm o f the arts and of learning. On e of the most liberalizin g influences o n th e Souther n racia l situatio n ha s bee n tha t th e traditiona l

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stand of Harvard has afforded t o Southern white students the opportunity of coming to know as human beings their fellow colored students with whom they wer e associated . Depriv e thos e Souther n student s o f thei r las t opportunity to learn the tolerance that comes of living with and understanding men of al l races , men with whom the y will hav e perforce t o liv e and mingle i n th e Unite d States , an d Harvar d Universit y help s mightil y t o darken th e futur e o f th e Unite d States , fo r b y capitulating t o anti-negr o prejudice in the freshman dormitories or anywhere else, Harvard University affirms tha t prejudice and strengthens it , and is but putting into effect th e program proclaimed by the infamous Ku Klux Klan and its apologists. Very truly yours, JAMES WELDON JOHNSON, Secretary. Moorfield Store y o f Bosto n i s Presiden t o f th e Nationa l Associ ation fo r th e Advancemen t o f Colore d People , whos e Boar d o f Directors includes Mary White Ovington of New York, Chairman; and the followin g members : Bishop Joh n Hurst , Baltimore ; Josep h Princ e Loud , Butle r R . Wilson, Boston ; Mar y B . Talbert , Buffalo ; Jan e Addams , Dr . C . E . Bentley, Chicago ; Harry E. Davis, Cleveland; Dr. George E . Cannon, Jersey City; E. Burton Ceruti , Los Angeles; R. C . Church, Memphis; George W . Crawford , Ne w Haven ; Rev . Hutchen s C . Bishop , Dr . W.E.B. D u Bois , Rev . Joh n Hayne s Homes , Dr . V . Morto n Jones , Florence Kelley , Pau l Kennaday , Joh n E . Milholland , Ell a Rus h Murray, Harry E. Pace, Arthur B. Spingarn, J. E. Spingarn, Charles H. Studin, Willia m Englis h Walling , Ne w York ; Dr . J. Ma x Barber , Dr . William A. Sinclair, Philadelphia; Charles Nagel, St. Louis; Rev G. R . Waller, Springfield ; Unite d State s Senato r Arthu r Capper , Topeka ; Nannie H . Burroughs , Prof . Georg e Willia m Cook , Archibal d H . Grimke, Charles Edward Russell an d Neval H. Thomas, Washington, D.C. Members o f th e Harvar d Corporatio n an d o f th e Boar d o f Governors who were aske d whether the y ha d acted o n th e exclusio n of negroes from the dormitories before President Lowell made known the decision of the University referred all questioners to the offices o f the Harvar d Corporation , 5 3 State Street , Boston . New York Times (1923 )

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Negro Graduate Protests Says University Forsakes Freedom for Race Oppression

Cambridge, Mass., Jan. 12—The exclusion of negroes from the freshman dormitories at Harvard was put squarely up to President Lowell today b y William Monro e Trotter , negr o graduat e o f Harvar d an d Secretary of the National Equal Rights League. Speakin g officially for the League Trotter held that President Lowell was inconsistent when he advocated a League of Nation s an d democracy for all at the end of the World War, yet finally turned his back upon the negro race and initiated against its members at Harvard a policy of discrimination. "In my day and up to the time of President Lowell," said Trotter, discussing th e controvers y tha t ha s bee n precipitate d ove r th e ex clusion of young Bruce, "Harvard was an inspiration to me because it was th e exempla r o f tru e Americanism , freedom , equalit y an d real democracy. "Harvard was a place where all races, proscribed in other sections, could find carried out in a practical way the policies and ideals that all beings want, and which is all the Afro-Americans wish. "Each individua l wa s take n o n individua l worth , capabilit y an d ambition in life. I f President Lowell is responsible for race exclusion in the freshman dormitory he is making Harvard turn from democracy and freedom to race oppression, prejudice and hypocrisy. "President Lowell was, if I remember correctly, an advocate of the League of Nations and all the objects advocated by the War President of the United States. I t is inconsistent for him at the close of such a war waged avowedly for democracy, for every man, of every race, of every clime , t o b e on e t o initiat e a policy o f discriminatio n agains t Afro-Americans in and for an institution of learning where none such had ever been before." Official Harvar d is silent on the subject of negro exclusion, and it

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is left t o President Lowell, as spokesman for the university, to make any further explanatio n o f th e cas e o f Rosco e Conklin g Bruce , Jr. Administrative officers o f Harvard decline to discuss the case in any way, indicating that President Lowell in his letter to the elder Bruce and to the signers of the memorial recently in conference with him at the Harvard Club in New York City had plainly stated the case for the university. It became know n toda y that Harvar d freshman dormitorie s had served as homes for negro freshmen already. Edwi n B. Jourdain, Jr. had a room in Standish Hall in 1917 and 1918, while Euclid P. Ghee, member of the present senior class, was in Persis Smith Hall in 1919 and 1920. Th e admission of these students took place in the case of Jourdain durin g th e war upset an d in th e cas e o f Ghe e durin g the period of readjustment following th e war. New York Times (1923 )

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Voices fro m Harvard' s Ow n Negroe s RAYMOND PAC E ALEXANDE R

Raymond Pac e Alexande r wa s born t o poor , uneducate d blac k parent s i n Philadelphia on 13 October 1898 . Graduatin g from Central High School at the top of his class, he won a scholarship to Harvard College. Bu t he could not affor d th e roo m an d board , s o h e enrolle d a t th e Universit y o f Pennsylvania, finishin g th e four-yea r cours e i n thre e year s wit h a B.S . in economics an d highes t honor s i n 1920 . H e the n worke d hi s way through Harvard La w School , receivin g hi s J.D . i n 1923 . Despit e repeate d racia l rebuffs, he maintained a private law practice in Philadelphia until the 1950s, when h e twic e won electio n t o th e cit y counci l an d i n 195 9 ascended th e bench. H e wa s senio r judg e o f th e Cour t o f Commo n Plea s whe n h e succumbed to a heart attack in his chambers on 23 November 1974 . H e was co-founder an d edito r o f th e National Bar Journal, served a perio d a s president o f th e Nationa l Ba r Association , an d receive d severa l honorar y degrees.

Philip Kerr, unti l recentl y privat e secretary t o Lloy d George , who sa t with th e latte r a t th e man y internationa l conference s durin g th e pas t few years , himsel f a n authorit y o n internationa l affairs , said , a t a recent lectur e befor e th e Harvar d studen t body , "on e ca n hardl y appreciate th e difficultie s involve d i n solvin g internationa l problems . They ar e i n a larg e measur e du e t o th e difference s i n rac e o f th e various representative s an d th e ancien t prejudice s an d antipathie s between th e race s suc h a s th e French , Germans , Belgians , an d Austrians. I n additio n t o thi s w e wer e confronte d wit h anothe r an d a greate r difficult y i n th e recen t conference s an d tha t wa s arbitratin g

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questions involvin g race s o f differen t color. 1 On these questions nations become irrational" The audienc e di d no t si t amazed , neithe r di d i t expres s an y surprise no r wa s thi s unfortunat e confessio n challenge d o r inquire d into durin g the tim e allotte d t o questionin g th e speaker . Could a more damaging confession fal l from th e lips of so abl e a statesman? Coul d i t have been bette r time d t o fal l upo n th e ear s o f those wh o bu t a fe w day s befor e ha d announce d t o th e worl d i n unflinching term s thei r goin g o n recor d t o arbitraril y exclud e fro m certain otherwis e compulsor y feature s o f colleg e lif e a t Harvar d a certain racia l group because the y were "o f different color" ? Was Harvard , speakin g thr u it s learne d Presiden t A . Lawrenc e Lowell, i n prohibitin g Negr o student s fro m livin g i n th e Freshme n Dormitories mor e rationa l tha n th e counci l o f nation s dealin g wit h their question s o r a s irrational ? Certainl y i t was no t s o confessedl y irrational. I f i t was mor e rational , whic h i s a violent supposition , b y what process o f reasonin g could i t have reache d suc h strange result s and wha t factor s an d element s wer e considere d a s th e basi s o f thi s reasoning? Finally , why in the world can't men, nations or whatnot be rational whe n a littl e bi t o f colo r i s throw n int o a n issue ? I s i t possible tha t th e questio n become s s o onesided ? For a proper treatment of this question it would perhaps be better to sketch briefly the history of the exclusion policy as recently adopted by Harvard. In the fall of 192 1 five colored youths applied for admission to the freshman class, all of them having taken the examinations successfully , were admitted. Thre e applied for rooms in the freshmen dormitories, which plac e wa s a compulsor y livin g quarter s fo r out-of-tow n freshmen, bein g optiona l wit h loca l students . Thes e boy s wer e Bertram C . Blan d o f Newark , N.J. , Ceci l Blue , Washington , D.C. , Pritchett Klugh , Boston, Wm . J. Knox, Jr. , New Bedford , Mass. , and Edward W . Wilson , Boston . Thos e requestin g dormitor y residenc e were Bland , Blu e an d Knox , th e latte r alon e bein g successful . H e made applicatio n from , an d too k hi s examination s i n Ne w Bedford , and he was assigne d t o a room i n Standish B . 32, and sent a porter's card to admit his bags and belongings. I t happened tha t one subject , lr

The speaker had reference t o the English India n problem, Japan and the Shantung controversy and the French use of Colonial soldiers.

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chemistry laboratory , ha d t o b e take n i n Cambridg e fo r whic h h e appeared i n person. Thi s was the beginning of al l the trouble. H e was "spotted " at once, bein g brow n i n complexion (incidentall y th e darkest o f th e five), found t o hav e been assigne d t o a room i n the exclusive dormitories and by an artful method was made to give it up, in this way. Immediatel y h e was sent a telegram t o th e effec t tha t there was some error in assigning him to B. 32 in Standish concluding, "will you please return your porter's card so that this error might be adjusted," signed by Dean [Phili p P.] Chase of the college. Knox , a native of New Bedford and having lived there all his life, never having been outside of the state of Massachusetts, innocent and unsuspecting, freely complie d with th e request . Eac h da y he awaite d correspondence of equal dignity advising him of his new assignment, but none came. Finally , the light dawned in the nature of a letter of explanation from the Dean stating that "the ruling of the President is that no Negro students shall hereafter b e permitted to live in the Freshmen Dormitories." Ca n anything more depressing be imagined on the mind of thi s youth tha n these events , especially i n light of th e manne r in which he was deprived of his assignment? Knox an d a Negro graduat e o f Harvar d of tha t year , Edwi n B. Jourdain, Jr. , immediatel y journeye d t o Boston . Jourdai n i s als o a native of Ne w Bedford, an d is a son of a prominent attorne y of th e same nam e o f tha t city , an d live d i n th e Freshme n Dormitorie s i n 1917 without th e leas t friction , livin g i n th e sam e roo m with white boys, an d eating a t the sam e table. Late r h e was a member of th e same trac k tea m tha t boaste d o f th e famou s [Edwar d O. ] Gourdi n ['21]. The y interviewed Dean Chase who has always been a very fair man, an d wh o canno t no w b e impeached , bu t hi s positio n wa s uncompromising, being bound by the orders of President Lowell. I t was then thought best to see the President, which was done, Jourdain alone makin g th e interview . Presiden t Lowel l wa s a very pleasan t person to talk to, but was immovable in his convictions, giving as his reasons, without deliberating in their forthcoming, the following, which is the gist: The southern element i n the school i s becoming increasingly large while th e Negro element i s very small, less than one per cent of the entire matriculation. Tha t the southern students have very pronounced prejudices, cannot be disputed, the most acute being their dislike of anything that approaches, or savors of, social equality. Ergo, since livin g i n th e Freshme n Dormitorie s i s compulsor y upo n all students which would throw southerners i n contact with Negroes t o

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their discomfort , an d sinc e i t i s no t ou r polic y t o compe l artificia l social contact betwee n Negroe s an d whites, it is thought tha t th e bes t policy is to forbi d th e Negr o student s thi s privilege . The mer e assertio n o f suc h a statemen t woul d rais e i n th e min d of eve n th e untraine d a glarin g non sequitur. Doe s i t follo w tha t because a University enforces a rule tha t i t thought fit an d just fo r al l students a t it s inception which migh t incidentall y mea n tha t a colore d student wil l hav e t o liv e i n th e sam e dormitor y wit h southerner s tha t the Universit y i s forcin g a sor t o f social equalit y betwee n th e tw o types o f students , o r forcin g th e souther n student s t o accep t th e Negro i n hi s social circle , or forcin g hi m t o hav e an y socia l relation s with hi m othe r tha n sleepin g unde r th e sam e roo f separate d b y fou r strongly partitione d walls , and probabl y som e flight s o f stairs ? Doe s it follo w tha t ther e i s som e artificialit y i n eve n thi s mos t harmles s contact, an d a t th e sam e tim e legitimat e contact , legitimat e becaus e the rules mak e i t so ? Doe s i t follo w tha t becaus e th e souther n element i s increasingly large , and th e Negro body very small, that thi s great institution , whic h ha s neve r bee n know n t o suffe r fro m a shortage of students or a boycott because of a policy, must restric t th e operation o f thi s rule , enacte d fo r al l races , i n orde r t o satisf y an y racial o r geographica l element ? Doe s i t follo w tha t th e onl y way t o meet suc h a n issu e a s thi s i s to summaril y dispos e o f th e questio n b y putting a bar against all further admissio n of Negroes to the Freshme n Dormitories? Sinc e thi s questio n involve s a deep principl e o f ethics , justice, and fairness , would no t th e most logica l and wholesome polic y be unqualifiedl y t o admi t th e Negr o students , an d le t thos e objectin g make th e nex t move ? Woul d no t th e "therefore " claus e stan d wit h better logi c on thi s ground? Al l these questions save the las t seem t o answer themselve s in the negative , and we are faced wit h our origina l question: "Whethe r Harvar d wa s any more rational o r a s irrational i n its pronunciatio n o f polic y a s wa s th e Counci l o f Nation s a t Versailles?" W e submi t t o th e latte r tha t i t was. The presen t Negr o studen t bod y o f Harvar d i s particularly prou d of th e typ e an d bearin g o f th e youn g Negroe s wh o ar e enterin g thi s University an d thos e agains t who m thi s polic y wa s announced . I t would probabl y be no t to o muc h t o conclude tha t a great dea l o f th e public sympath y wit h th e Negr o o n thi s issue , an d popula r support , may be directly traceabl e t o th e fac t tha t th e students were treate d i n such manne r cam e fro m ver y representativ e Negr o families . A wor d or tw o concernin g the m woul d no t b e ou t o f place .

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Cecil Blue' s fathe r i s a graduat e o f Queen' s College , Britis h Guiana, and the medica l school o f Howar d University, Washington , D.C., an d i s a t presen t a successfu l physicia n o f tha t city . Th e Reverend Docto r Davi d Klugh , th e fathe r o f Pritchet t Klugh , a prominent Bosto n clergyman , i s a graduate o f Yale , an d Butle r R . Wilson, Esq . a membe r o f th e Bosto n ba r . .. an d a successfu l attorney. An d no w we ad d to thes e th e nam e o f Rosco e Conklin g Bruce, Jr. , th e so n o f Rosco e Conklin g Bruce , '0 2 Harvard , clas s orator, an d Ph i Bet a Kapp a man , grandso n o f Blanch e K . Bruce , United State s Senato r fro m Mississipp i i n 1875 , Registe r o f th e Treasury under President Garfield i n the early eighties. T o use the words o f a reflecting whit e student , "H e certainl y picke d ou t mos t unfortunate cases to start with," would not be amiss. It is probably fair to conclude that no half dozen men picked at random among the Harvard freshmen class could present an y better family history or training, in a comparative sense, tha n these young Negroes. I t reflects th e advent of a new element of Negroe s to our colleges and universities; sons of graduates of these larger institutions, as distinc t fro m "th e firs t generatio n educated " tha t forme d th e pioneers among Negro men of letters and science. No t only are these youths better prepared than their fathers were, but their parents have ample means in most cases with which to support thes e boys i n the proper style an d comfort. Irrespectiv e o f this social progress of th e Negro students, we are faced with this pernicious policy of discrimination which strikes at the very source of entrance into the University. The natural question t o ask is what are the aim s and underlying purposes of this sudden departure from the great Harvard tradition of fairness an d justice t o all , irrespective o f rac e or color. I s there an ulterior purpose with its object an immediate limitation in the Negroes attending Harvar d an d i n th e futur e th e tota l exclusio n fro m ai l departments? On e cannot dismiss this question lightly, and rest too assured that Harvard traditions and principles will not allow such when all of it s principles, traditions and everything else were freel y tossed to th e winds i n this presen t affair . On e canno t overloo k th e great significance o f thi s policy , restricte d a s i t i s t o th e Freshme n Dor mitories, and the effect tha t it will have on Negro matriculation. I t has alread y ha d it s effect ! I n September , 1921 , ther e wer e si x Negroes in the freshman class (one was too fair to be affected by this policy) al l o f who m wer e registere d befor e th e enunciatio n o f thi s rule. Las t Septembe r onl y one Negr o applie d fo r admissio n t o th e

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Harvard freshma n class , an d he i s th e so n o f th e Hon . Willia m H . Lewis, noted Harvard football star centre of all time, and an ex-assistant Unite d State s Attorne y General . Th e latte r woul d no t b e satisfied unde r an y circumstance s wit h anothe r colleg e fo r hi s so n because hi s Harvar d trainin g ha s mean t to o muc h t o him , no t t o mention hi s contribution t o Harvard , an d i n thi s respect , h e i s not unlike scores of other Negro graduates of Harvard, and hundreds of other parents who want their sons to study under the Harvard system that they themselves were unable to experience. Young Lewis made no effort t o get into the Freshmen Dormitories because his parents live in Cambridge. Bu t was not the apparent desire of the officials fulfilled , with not one Negro requesting to live in the Freshman Dormitory in 1922, and only one Negro in the entire class? I t might be asked why is it that the Freshmen Dormitories are indispensable fo r th e quartering of Negr o students or why is it that the colored youths do not liv e with private families . Th e answe r is plain enough. I n Cambridge, the colored population , with very few exceptions, is made up of the middle or working class of people with small, modest homes situated some distance from the campus, not too well adapted to lodging college men because of their small, incommodious quarters, inadequate lighting and heating facilities and the utter impossibility of getting board at one's lodging place, or in the one or two instances where board can be got th e striking lack of unwholesomeness o f th e foo d an d culinar y ar t i n it s preparation . Thos e persons o f th e so-calle d leadin g familie s d o not mak e a practice of taking lodgers of any kind, as is true among the upper class of whites. All things considered the Negro student body is faced with a more momentous question than one readily appreciates and it is only given its full significance when one begins to wonder what will be the next move? Wil l Harvard next adopt the Yale policy and announce that "because o f th e growin g souther n elemen t (sentiment? ) an d thei r displeasure at the possibility of coming in contact with Negroes in the voluntary dormitories, it is thought that the best way to preserve the comity of race relations is to hereafter forbid Negroes from living in any of th e dormitories." Th e next most logical step would be to bar them from the college altogether because of the contact in the classrooms! Th e bare possibility of this registers a shudder and thrill in the heart an d soul o f th e present Negr o students ; but thi s i s not a t all unlikely if one reflects on the significance o f the present policy. "Dormitories o r n o dormitories , Negroe s wil l alway s g o t o

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Harvard" is the cry of some; but this is not meeting the issue squarely. Moreover, i t is a bare conjecture based on a false assumptio n if the current freshme n Negr o number is at all a fair criterion. Th e issue must be met by constructive effort on the part of many groups, by the Negroes themselves, i.e., the Negro alumni and present student body, by pressur e brough t t o bea r o n th e Genera l Alumn i Association , support from the influential member s of the faculty who are fair and impartial, circularizing the white undergraduates or in some manner presenting them with the truth of the situation as herein attempted to be outlined, for their reflection asking for an expression of opinion on their part , finally, by acquaintin g th e Boar d o f Overseer s wit h th e magnitude of the significance of their acts on the race in its strides for higher educatio n o f it s young men , t o develo p th e prope r typ e o f leadership, an d th e psychi c effec t i t will hav e on th e whit e studen t body and the citizens of this section of the country in bringing to their minds the fact that Harvard realize s that there is an "eternal, fundamental, and inescapable difference" between the two races. N o better time affords itsel f fo r approaching these group s and working among them than the present, while the matter is still fresh i n the minds of the people, and when the press of the country has in a large majority of case s give n ou r cause such grea t support . I t will b e o f n o little interest t o state that a t present ther e ar e movements unde r way by two of the above groups that stand in a powerfully strategic position. First, ther e i s an organization o f whit e students which i s canvassing the undergraduat e bod y i n th e effor t t o ge t a prevailing sentimen t against the policy of the President and to present him with a petition, on hi s return fro m Europe , t o reconside r hi s stand an d revoke th e rule on the ground that, "the very persons who would be affected by the admissio n o f Negroe s int o th e dormitories , d o no t fin d suc h a state o f affair s objectionable. " Secondly , ther e ar e reports , no t yet verified, that certain members of the faculty are forming a petition to the President and the Board of Overseers, to reconsider such action stating tha t "an y form o f racia l discrimination i s a serious departure from true Harvard principles, and would violate very precious Harvard traditions," substantially th e stand of Presiden t Emeritus Charles W. Eliot. I t is submitted that these two movements, if carried through in full, will have an incalculably great effect . Harvard does mean something to the Negro. W e cannot but look with pride a t th e lis t of America' s outstanding Negroe s an d fee l a n indescribable love for the institution that has honored such men, that

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has give n the m thei r training , industr y an d resourcefulness , tha t stamps them as men of calibre, ability and integrity; men who by their deeds hav e gaine d th e respec t an d admiratio n o f a n entir e race , indeed, of th e whole country. Th e University that has cast such men as Greener, W.E.B . Du Bois , William H. Lewis, Carter G. Woodson , Archibald Grimke , an d th e hos t o f other s includin g Marshall , Matthews, Bruce , Morton, Jackson, an d Pope;* that honored Booke r T. Washington with a degree fo r his great achievements, canno t hol d only a passive interes t fo r th e Negro . There i s muc h t o b e gaine d a t Harvard ; ther e i s overwhelmingl y much t o b e los t b y Harvard closin g it s door s t o ou r boys , no t alon e from the loss of th e privilege of studying within its walls; but from the loss of the priceless inspiration from the heritage of able Negroes who passed o n before , an d th e ruthles s destructio n o f th e significanc e o f their deeds an d accomplishment s b y their own Alma Mater . Opportunity: Journal of Negro Life (1923 )

*Napoleon B . Marshal l *97 , William C . Matthew s *05 , Ferdinand Q . Morton '06, Alexander L. Jackson *14, Aiken L. Pope, LL.B. '18.—Eds.

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Opinion W.E.B. Du Bois

Deep a s is the shame an d humiliation o f Harvard' s recent surrende r to the Bourbon South , the spirited an d whole-souled respons e that it has evinced is perhaps the most heartening sign of sanity on the race problem tha t ha s happene d i n fifty years. No t a singl e perso n o f importance ha s yet dared t o defend Lowell , while ex-President Elio t and a score of distinguished graduates have condemned his despicable action. Thi s doe s no t mea n tha t Lowel l ha s n o support . I t mean s simply that the case is so flagrant tha t few dare openly to defend what they secretly sustain. Above all the Negro race and American democracy owe a debt of gratitude t o Rosco e Conklin g Bruc e fo r a s fin e a statemen t o f th e fundamentals o f democracy in college as has ever been made . I n its logic an d it s English , it s flavo r an d restrain t i t i s a s fa r abov e Lawrence Lowell's labore d an d obscure defense a s can be imagined . Let th e Danc e o f Deat h g o on, but a s long as the Blac k Worl d ca n drive th e Superio r Rac e t o it s hole wit h ammunitio n lik e thi s ther e can be—there will be but one end. Imagine , my masters, six decades after emancipation, a slave's grandson teaching the ABC of democracy to the Puritan hea d of Harvard ! The Crisis (1923 )

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Charles W . Chesnut t t o Rosco e Conklin g Bruc e

Charles Waddel l Chesnut t wa s born i n Cleveland , Ohi o o n 2 0 June 1858 . To help family finances h e had to curtail formal educatio n befor e finishin g high school . Bu t self-educatio n serve d hi m wel l an d h e eve n becam e a normal-school principa l a t 23 , supplementing hi s earnings by giving music and Latin lessons. H e studied law in a judge's office an d in 188 7 passed the Ohio ba r with th e highes t scor e i n hi s group. Thereafte r h e conducted a prosperous legal stenographic service. H e published his first piece at 14 and his las t i n 1931 . Bu t th e bul k o f hi s outpu t appeare d fro m 188 7 t o 1905—notably three novels, two volumes of short stories, and a biography of Frederick Douglass . H e receive d th e Spingar n Meda l i n 1928 . Whe n h e died i n Clevelan d o n 1 5 November 1932 , he left unpublishe d a half doze n other novels , a play, and much short fiction . H e joins the short-lived Pau l Laurence Dunba r (1872-1906 ) a s on e o f th e period' s tw o foremos t blac k practitioners o f creative writing. April 10 , 1923. Prof. Rosco e C . Bruce , Kimball, Wes t Virginia . My dear Mr . Bruce : I se e fro m a new s ite m i n th e mornin g pape r tha t th e authoritie s of Harvar d Universit y hav e revoke d th e orde r wit h referenc e t o receiving colore d student s i n th e dormitories , an d als o th e propose d method o f selectin g student s b y othe r standard s tha n thos e o f scholarship an d character . I have n o doub t whateve r tha t thi s actio n was brought abou t largely throug h you r masterl y presentatio n o f th e case throug h th e Ne w Yor k World , an d elsewhere , an d I thin k tha t

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not onl y al l colored folk s but al l Harvard me n and good Americans owe you a debt of gratitude. I shall await with interest to learn how many southern students leave the university because of this action of the Governing Board. I hope this may find you and your family well, and Mrs. Chesnutt and my daughters join me in regards to you and Mrs. Bruce. Sincerely yours, [Charles W. Chesnutt]

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Charles W . Chesnut t an d Harvar d J. NOE L HEERMANC E

Perhaps the most dramatic example of [Charles Chesnutt's] continuing concern abou t th e rac e proble m i n Americ a an d abou t hi s rol e a s spokesman i s to b e foun d i n 1923 , when Chesnut t wa s sixty-fiv e an d far les s activ e tha n before . H e wa s deepl y upse t a t Harvar d Univer sity's attemp t a t tha t tim e t o exclud e Blac k student s fro m it s dormi tories and dinin g halls. Whe n a flippant discussio n o f the controvers y appeared i n a Clevelan d paper , Chesnutt' s lette r t o Charle s T . Henderson, edito r o f th e Cleveland Topics, was almos t massiv e i n it s power, showin g th e sam e emotiona l fervo r whic h marke d Chesnutt' s most dramatic passage s i n The Marrow of Tradition. I t was restraine d and gentlemanly , t o b e sure , a s hi s persona l writin g alway s was , bu t within tha t restrain t i t wa s stron g an d almos t savagel y direct : th e voice of a spokesman stil l passionately a t war with racia l injustice an d insensitivity eve n a t ag e sixty-five . Afte r citin g som e o f th e mor e offensive passage s i n th e article , Chesnut t proceeded : If this utterance ha d emanate d fro m a Florida "cracker " or a Georgia "re d neck," or eve n a n Alabama senator , I should no t hav e been surprised ; bu t from a man brought u p in Cleveland, educated i n the public schools where he went t o school with colored children , and with a mother suc h as yours, who was widely known as a generous and broad-minded woman, who to my personal knowledg e has eate n i n publi c with colore d people , it cam e as a surprise, to say the least. I really cannot understand th e basis of your emotional turmoil, which is apparently s o grea t tha t yo u canno t fin d decen t languag e t o expres s it . I suspected that you did not know what you were writing about, which I have verified b y ascertaining that you are not a Harvard man . Colore d student s have alway s live d i n th e dormitorie s an d eate n i n th e dinin g hall s a t Harvard; I have paid th e bills of one of the m [Edwi n J. Chesnut t '05 ] and ought to know. Th e "living together" and "eating with white folks" involves

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no more intimacy than life in a hotel, and you know or ought t o know that colored me n are received as guests at some of the best hotels in Cleveland, that eight or ten of them are members of the City Club and eat in its dining room, an d I hav e see n brow n me n eatin g i n th e sacre d precinct s o f th e Union Club , and at th e University Club. 1 am quit e sur e tha t ha d yo u ha d an y suc h feelin g agains t Jews , you would not hav e expressed i t publicly in any such manner, nor, had you had a hundre d subscribers whom you knew to be colored, would you have gone out of your way to insult them, if only as a matter of policy, to say nothing of good taste . I shal l no t indulg e i n th e childis h gestur e o f sayin g "Sto p m y paper, " since I hav e pai d fo r i t i n advance , bu t I shal l hereafte r tak e i t u p wit h suspicion an d qualify m y admiration with reflection. (Apri l 20, 1923) It must have provided Chesnut t with some satisfaction t o have th e return lette r fro m Henderso n expres s hi s persona l apolog y t o Chesnutt fo r th e "unpardonabl e stupidit y o f th e 'smart ' item" ; an d Chesnutt wa s assure d tha t th e particula r columnis t wh o ha d writte n the piec e woul d b e supervise d thereafter . From Charles W. Chesnutt (1974 )

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No Racial Discriminatio n at Harvard

The committee appointe d a t Harvar d M to consider an d repor t t o th e Governing Boards principles and methods for more effective siftin g of candidates for admission to the University" presented its report to the Board of Overseers on Monday, April 9, through th e President, who stated tha t th e repor t embodie d th e unanimou s conclusion s o f th e committee. The report was accepted and the Board unanimously adopted th e following vote thereon : "That in the administration of rules for admission Harvard College maintain it s traditiona l polic y o f freedo m fro m discriminatio n o n grounds of race or religion." It was further vote d tha t th e Board commen d th e other recom mendations o f the repor t t o the careful consideratio n o f th e Facult y of Art s an d Sciences , wit h th e reques t tha t an y change s i n th e methods o f admission t o Harvard Colleg e adopted by the Faculty be presented t o the Governing Boards for approval . The committe e whic h prepare d th e repor t wa s appointe d b y President Lowel l last June, in acccordance with a vote of th e Boar d of Overseers which followed a similar vote of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences. Th e committe e include d seve n representative s o f th e Faculty o f Art s an d Sciences : Professo r Charle s H . Grandgent , '83 , chairman; Henry Pennypacker , '88 ; Professor Theodor e Lyman , '97; Dean Cheste r N . Greenough , '98 ; Professor Pau l J . Sachs , '00 ; Dr. Roger I. Lee, '02; and Assistant Professor Harry A Wolfson , '12 . O n the committee were also Professor Samuel Williston, '82, representing the Facult y o f Law ; Professor s Lawrenc e J . Henderson , '98 , an d Milton J . Rosenau , AM . (hon. ) '14 , representin g th e Facult y o f Medicine; Professo r Harr y E . Clifford , representin g th e Facult y o f Engineering; Dean Wallace B. Donham, '98, representing the Faculty

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of Busines s Administration ; an d Dea n Henr y W . Holmes , '03 , representing th e Facult y o f Education . The repor t i n ful l follows : "1. I n accordanc e wit h a vot e passe d b y th e Boar d o f Overseer s on Jun e 5 , 1922 , th e Presiden t appointe d a committe e o f thirteen , representing th e principa l Facultie s o f th e University . Thi s Commit tee, bearin g i n min d th e function s o f a n America n colleg e an d th e relations betwee n secondar y an d highe r education, ha s made a surve y of the composition of the student body, and has considered modes , old and new , o f determinin g fitnes s fo r entrance . I t ha s collecte d a comprehensive mas s o f statistic s dealin g wit h admission , colleg e studies, and college life. Th e compilatio n ha s been carefull y mad e by experts, an d th e result s ar e believe d t o b e a s accurat e a s an y figures can b e whic h hav e t o d o wit h necessaril y incomplet e dat a an d wit h factors no t precisel y definable . Th e attentio n o f th e Committe e ha s been concentrate d o n th e College , becaus e i t wa s eviden t tha t eac h of th e Graduat e School s ha s it s own entranc e requirement s base d o n its specia l needs . Th e Committe e recognize s tha t thi s tas k ha s bee n assigned t o i t i n conformit y wit h th e genera l polic y o f th e Universit y not t o adopt ne w methods or procedure s with respect t o admissio n t o Harvard Colleg e excep t afte r carefu l deliberatio n an d prope r authorization. "2. Foremost , by reason of publicity and apparent urgency , amon g the matter s t o b e examine d b y your Committe e wa s th e questio n o f racial proportio n i n th e studen t body . This , however , wa s onl y on e phase of th e problem studied , an d a s the investigation progressed , th e entire Committe e becam e convince d tha t th e whol e questio n shoul d be approache d no t fro m th e standpoin t o f race , bu t i n a n effor t t o accomplish a prope r selectio n o f individual s amon g th e availabl e candidates for admission to Harvard College. Th e Committee believe s that i f th e intellectuall y unfi t ca n b e eliminate d an d i f ou r entranc e requirements ca n b e adjuste d t o th e wor k o f goo d school s no t no w sending men t o Harvar d College , our whol e proble m ca n b e met ; an d that th e studen t bod y will be properl y representativ e o f al l group s i n our nationa l life . "3. Concernin g proportiona l representation , you r Committe e i s unanimous i n recommendin g tha t n o departur e b e mad e fro m th e policy that has so long approved itself—th e polic y of equal opportunit y for all , regardless of race an d religion. An y action liabl e to interpreta tion a s a n acceptanc e o f th e principl e o f racia l discriminatio n woul d

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to many seem like a dangerous surrender of traditional ideals. "4. Unde r the circumstances the introduction of any novel process of scrutin y appear s inexpedient . Eve n s o rationa l a metho d a s a personal conference or an intelligence test, if now adopted here as a means of selection, would inevitably be regarded as a covert device to eliminate those deemed racially or socially undesirable, and, however fairly conceive d an d conducted , coul d no t fai l t o arous e damagin g suspicion." Harvard Alumni Bulletin (1923 )

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Negroes in the Freshman Halls

The followin g vote , passe d o n Marc h 2 6 b y th e presiden t an d fellows o f Harvar d College , wa s presente d b y the Presiden t t o th e Board of Overseers on April 9, and was unanimously concurred in by the Board: "Voted, that up to the capacity of the Freshman Halls all members of th e freshman clas s shall resid e an d board in the Freshma n Halls, except thos e who are permitted by the Dean o f Harvar d College t o live elsewhere. I n the application of this rule, men of the white and colored races shall not be compelled to live and eat together, nor shall any man be excluded by reason of his color." Harvard Alumni Bulletin (1923 )

Marita Bonner in 1922

MARTTA O. BONNE R

Marieta (late r Marita) Odette Bonner was born in Boston on 1 6 June 189 8 and gre w u p i n neighborin g Brookline . Sh e attende d Brooklin e Hig h School, where she wrote for th e student magazine , The Sagamore, an d was graduated i n 1917 . Afte r a year at the Cabot School, she entered Radcliff e in th e fal l o f 1918 , an d majore d i n Englis h an d Comparativ e Literatur e (becoming fluen t i n German). Sh e was admitted t o Charles T. Copeland' s famous writing seminar; and one of her sketches , "Dandelion Season, " was selected t o be read annuall y to Radcliffe classes . A n accomplished pianis t (like her sister), she also composed the winning music for the 1919 and 1922 Radcliffe son g competitions. Durin g college she did part-tim e teachin g a t a Cambridge high school. Afte r he r graduation i n 1922 , she taught fo r tw o years at the Bluefield Colore d Institut e i n Virginia. Moving to Washington, D.C., she taught English at the Armstrong High School fro m 192 4 t o 1930 , and bega n publishin g essays , plays , and shor t stories i n The Crisis an d Opportunity. (O n a fe w occasion s sh e use d th e pseudonym Joseph Maree Andrew.) Amon g her notable literary experiments are th e modernis t one-ac t pla y The Purple Flower (1928), the earl y prize winning essay "On Being Young—A Woman—and Colored" (1925), which is reproduced here , and "Dra b Rambles," the short stor y tha t wo n firs t priz e from W.E.B . Du Bois' s Crisis i n 1927 . I n th e sam e year he r "Scherz o fo r Orchestra" received th e Wanamaker Priz e in music. After he r marriage to William Occom y in 1930 , she moved to Chicago, and kep t writing and publishin g short fiction until 1941 . Sh e taught ther e at Phillip s Hig h Schoo l (1944-49 ) an d th e Dolittl e Schoo l fo r retarde d children (1950-63). Sh e did not, in her lifetime, achieve the recognition that her musical and literary output deserved. I t was not until May of 198 8 that students mounted i n Radcliffe's Agassi z Theatre the apparent premiere s of two of her plays , The Pot Maker (1927) and Exit, an Illusion (1929). O n 6 December 197 1 Marita Bonner Occomy died from complications after a fire in her Chicago apartment. Som e of her manuscripts are now in Radcliffe' s Schlesinger Library .

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On Being Young—A Woman—And Colore d

You star t ou t afte r yo u hav e gon e fro m kindergarte n t o sheepski n covered with sundry Latin phrases. At leas t yo u kno w what yo u want lif e t o giv e you. A caree r a s fixed and as calmly brilliant as the North Star. Th e one real thing that money buys . Time . Tim e t o d o things . A hous e tha t ca n b e a s delectably out of order and as easily put in order as the doll-house of "playing-house" days. An d o f course, a husband yo u ca n look u p t o without lookin g down on yourself. Somehow you fee l lik e a kitten i n a sunny catnip fiel d tha t see s sleek, plum p brow n fiel d mic e an d yello w bab y chick s sittin g coyly , side b y side, unde r eac h leaf . A desir e t o das h thre e o r fou r way s seizes you. That's Youth . But you know that things learned need testing—acid testing—to see if the y are really , afte r all , an interwove n par t o f you. Al l your lif e you have heard of the debt you owe "Your People" because you have managed t o have the things they have not largel y had. So you fin d a spo t wher e ther e ar e horde s o f them—o f cours e below the Line—t o be your catnip fiel d whil e you close your eyes to mice and chickens alike. If you have never lived among your own, you feel prodigal. Som e warm untouched current flows through them—through you—and drags you out int o th e dee p water s o f a ne w se a o f huma n foible s an d mannerisms; o f a peculia r psycholog y an d prejudices . An d on e da y you find yourself entangled—enmeshed—pinioned i n the seaweed of a Black Ghetto. Not a Ghetto , placi d lik e th e Strass e tha t flows , outwardl y unperturbed an d cal m i n a stream o f religiou s belief, but a peculia r group. Cu t off, flun g together , shove d asid e in a bundle because of color and with no more in common. Unless color is, after all , the real bond.

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Milling aroun d lik e liv e fis h i n a basket. Thos e a t th e botto m crushed int o a sort o f stupi d apath y by the weight o f thos e o n top. Those on top leaping, leaping; leaping to scale the sides; to get out. There are two "colored" movies, innumerable parties—an d cards. Cards played so intensely that it fascinates an d repulses at once. Movies. Movies worthy an d worthless—but no t eve n a low-caste spoke n stage. Parties, plentiful. Musi c an d dancing an d much that i s wit and color and gaiety. Bu t they are like the richest chocolate; stuffed costly chocolates that make the taste go stale if you have too many of them. That make plain whole bread taste like ashes. There are all the earmarks of a group within a group. Cu t off all around from ingress from or egress to other groups. A sameness of type. Th e smug self-satisfaction of an inner measurement; a measurement by standards known within a limited group and not those of an unlimited, seeing, world.. .. Lik e the blind, blind mice. Mic e whose eyes have been blinded. Strange longing seizes hold of you. You wish yourself back where you can lay your dollar down and sit in a dollar seat to hear voices, strings, reeds that have lifted th e World out, up, beyond things that have bodies an d walls. Wher e you can marvel a t ne w marbles and bronzes and flat colors that will make men forget that things exist in a flesh more often than in spirit. Wher e you can sink your body in a cushioned seat and sink your soul at the same time into a section of life set before you on the boards for a few hours. You hea r tha t u p a t Ne w Yor k thi s i s t o b e seen ; that , t o b e heard. You decide the next train will take you there. You decide the next second that that train will not take you, nor the next—nor the next for some time to come. For you know that—being a woman—you cannot twice a month or twice a year, for that matter, break away to see or hear anything in a city that is supposed to see and hear too much. That's being a woman. A woman of any color. You decide that something is wrong with a world that stifles and chokes; that cuts off an d stunts; hedging in , pressing down on eyes, ears and throat. Someho w all wrong. You wonder ho w i t happens ther e that—sa y fiv e hundre d mile s from th e Ba y State—Angl o Saxo n intelligenc e i s s o warpe d an d

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stunted. How judgmen t an d discernmen t ar e bre d ou t o f th e race . An d what ha s become o f discrimination ? Discriminatio n o f th e righ t sort . Discrimination tha t th e best minds have told you weighs shadows an d nuances an d spiritua l difference s befor e i t catalogues. Th e kin d the y have taugh t yo u al l o f you r lif e wa s best : tha t look s clearl y pas t generalization an d pas t appearanc e t o dissect, to dig down t o the rea l heart o f matters . Tha t cast s asid e rapid summar y conclusions, draw n from primar y inferenc e a s Daniel di d th e spice d meats . Why can' t the y the n perceiv e tha t ther e i s a differenc e i n th e glance fro m a pai r o f eye s tha t look , mildl y docile , a t "whit e ladies " and thos e that , impersonall y an d perceptively—awar e o f distinctions—see onl y women wh o happe n t o b e white ? Why d o the y se e a colore d woma n onl y a s a gros s collectio n o f desires, al l uncontrolled , reachin g ou t fo r thei r Apollo s an d th e Quasimodos wit h avi d indiscrimination ? Why unles s yo u tal k i n staccat o squawks—brittl e a s sea-shells—unless you "champ" gum—unless you cover two yards square when yo u laugh—unles s you r tast e run s t o violent colors—impossibl e perfumes an d mor e impossibl e clothes—ar e yo u a feminin e Caliba n craving t o pas s fo r Ariel ? An empt y imitatio n o f a n empt y invitation . A mime ; a sham ; a copy-cat. A hollo w re-echo . A froth , a foam . A flec k o f th e ashe s of superficiality ? Everything yo u touc h o r tast e no w i s like th e fles h o f a n unrip e persimmon. . . . D o yo u nee d t o b e tol d wha t tha t i s being . . . ? Old ideas , ol d fundamental s see m worm-eaten , out-grown , worthless, bitter; fi t fo r th e scrap-hea p o f Wisdom . What you ha d though t tangibl e an d practical has turned ou t t o b e a collectio n o f "blue-flower " theories . If they have not discovered ho w to use their accumulation of facts , they ar e useles s t o you i n Their world . Every par t o f yo u become s bitter . But—"In Heaven' s name , do no t gro w bitter. B e bigger tha n the y are"—exhort whit e friend s wh o hav e neve r ha d t o dra w breat h i n a Jim-Crow train. Wh o have never had petty putrid insul t dragged ove r them—drawing blood—like pebbled san d o n your body where th e skin is tenderest. O n you r bod y where th e ski n i s thinnest an d tenderest . You long to explode and hurt everything white; friendly; unfriend -

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ly. Bu t you know that you cannot live with a chip on your shoulder even i f you ca n manag e a smile aroun d you r eyes—withou t gettin g steely and brittle and losing the softness tha t makes you a woman. For chips make you bend your body to balance them. An d once you bend, you lose your poise, your balance, an d the chip gets into you. Th e real you. Yo u get hard. . . . An d many things in you can ossify . . . And you know, being a woman, you have to go about it gently and quietly, to find out and to discover just what is wrong. Jus t what can be done. You see clearly that they have acquired things. Money; money. Mone y to build with, money to destroy. Mone y to swim in. Mone y to drown in. Money . An ascendancy of wisdom. A n incalculable hoard of wisdom in all fields, in all things collected from all quarters of humanity. A stupendous mass of things. Things. So, too, the Greeks . .. Things . And the Romans... . And you wonder and wonder why they have not discovered how to handle, deftly and skillfully, Wisdom, stored up for them—like the honey for the Gods on Olympus—since time unknown. You wonder an d you wonder until you wander out into Infinity, where—if it is to be found anywhere—Trut h really exists. The Greeks had possessions, culture. The y were lost because they did not understand. The Romans owned more than anyone else. Trample d under the heel of Vandals and Civilization, because they would not understand. Greeks. Di d not understand. Romans. Woul d not understand. "They." Wil l not understand. So you find they have shut Wisdom up and have forgotten to find the key that will let her out. The y have trapped, trammeled, lashed her t o themselve s wit h thew s an d thong s an d theories . The y hav e ransacked sea and earth and air to bring every treasure t o her. Bu t she sulks and will not work for a world with a whitish hue because it has snubbed her twin sister, Understanding. You se e clearly—of f ther e i s Infinity—Understanding. Standin g alone, waiting for someone t o really want her. But she is so far out there is no way to snatch at her and drag her

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in.

So—being a woman—you can wait. You must sit quietly without a chip. No t sodden—and weighted as if your feet were cast in the iron of your soul. No t wasting strength in enervating gestures as if two hundred years of bonds and whips had really tricked you into nervous uncertainty. But quiet; quiet. Lik e Buddha—who brown like I am—sat entirely at ease, entirely sure of himself; motionless and knowing, a thousand years before th e white man knew there was so very much difference between feet an d hands. Motionless on the outside. Bu t inside? Silent. Still... "Perhap s Buddha is a woman." So you too. Still ; quiet; with a smile, ever so slight, at the eyes so that Lif e wil l flow into an d not b y you. An d you can gather, a s it passes, th e essences , th e overtones , th e tints , th e shadows ; dra w understanding to your self. And then you can, when Time is ripe, swoop to your feet—at your full height—at a single gesture. Ready to go where? Why . .. Whereve r God motions. The Crisis (1925 )

STERLING A . BROW N

Sterling Allen Brown was born on 1 May 1901 in Washington, D.C., where he went to the famous Dunbar High School. H e attended Williams College as on e o f fou r blac k student s (on e i n eac h class) , was elected t o Ph i Bet a Kappa in his junior year, and took his B.A. in 1922 . Th e following year he earned an AM. studying literature at Harvard, where his professors included the renowned Bliss Perry and George Lyman Kittredge ('92). H e returne d to Harvard i n 1931-32 , but decide d no t t o proceed t o a doctorate. After brie f teachin g post s at Virgini a Seminar y and Colleg e in Lynchburg, Fis k University , an d Lincol n Universit y i n Missouri , i n 192 9 h e assumed a professorship at Howard University (where his father had taught). Aside from occasional visiting professorships, Brown continued his work at Howard long after hi s official 196 9 retirement. H e wrote literary criticismincluding Negro Poetry and Drama and The Negro in American Fiction, both in 1937—an d was the instigating senior editor of The Negro Caravan (1941) , a mammot h antholog y of black writing that remain s a classic. His own poetry earned him the label of "the new Negro folk-poet" fro m black schola r Alai n Lock e '08 , Ph.D. '18 . Th e despairin g titl e poe m o f Brown's first collection, Southern Road (1932), is a good example, conjuring up th e blues-flavore d worksong s o f convic t gangs . Hi s Collected Poems (1980) won th e annual Lenor e Marshall Priz e for th e outstanding boo k of poems publishe d i n th e Unite d States . I n 198 4 he was named th e officia l poet laureat e o f th e Distric t o f Columbia . I n th e sam e yea r Harvard , following the lead of eight other universities , bestowed an honorary Litt.D. degree on him, stating, "Deep-rooted i n the Afro-American experience , his teaching and writing have invigorated the heartwood of American literature." An unusuall y effectiv e reader , Brow n recorde d a goo d dea l o f hi s ow n poetry. An d Haile Gerima's After Winter, a documentary film about Brown's life, ha d it s premiere i n Bosto n o n 2 0 Februar y 1986 . Th e las t survivin g major writer of the New Negro Renaissance, Brown succumbed to leukemia in Takoma Park , Maryland, on 1 3 January 1989 .

Sterling Brown in midcareer

Sterling A. Brown

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I Visit Wren's Nest

For a gentler reminiscence of Atlanta's past, I went out to see "Wren's Nest," along with Griff Davis, a young photographer. Thi s modest old home in West End, with many gables and gingerbread curly-cues, is a Mecca for American school children and their teachers, who want to see where the kindly Joel Chandler Harris created Uncle Remus, Brer Tortoise and Sister Cow. Well, so did I: so I rang the front door bell. A little flaxenhaired girl answered. I n response t o my request t o g o through th e house, she stood there with her blue eyes wide and, like Uncle Remus' Tar Baby, "she kept on sayin' nothin'." The n she skittered off. I n a few minutes, her father, the caretaker, came to the door, hurriedly putting on a shirt. I told him that we would like t o visit th e shrine. H e starte d to open the screen door, and then noticed Griff. I had my hat on and he hadn't looked closely at me, but Griff is brown. "Who's this boy?" he asked, staccato. "He is Mr. Davis, of Atlanta University," I answered slowly. "No," the man said. "Sorry , but I can't let you all come in. Th e Association has told me not to let in the colored." I told him that I was writing a book, that at Harvard University in Massachusetts I had written research papers on Joel Chandler Harris, that I ha d a scholar' s interes t i n Harri s an d hi s contributio n t o American literature , tha t Griff , Mr . Davis, was a serious studen t o f photography, attemptin g t o mak e camer a studie s o f authenti c Americans. I knew I wasn't going to get in, but I poured it on. I was thinking how the lonely lad Joel had hung around Negro cabins, none of the m shu t t o him , listenin g t o ever y wis p o f talk , storin g i n hi s memory all the anecdotes an d tricks of speech an d song, piling up a rich compost a s it were t o produce those fine flower s tha t made his fame an d fortune . S o I poured i t on . Th e caretaker' s mout h was hanging open when I stopped, and Griff was grinning.

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"I didn't mak e the rule," the caretaker complained. "Fa r as I'm concerned, it wouldn't make no difference. Bu t the Association won't stand for it. They' d have my job." He adde d tha t i t woul d b e al l righ t t o wal k aroun d th e house , even t o th e garden s i n th e backyard . W e decline d th e honor , but stopped a t th e pink-marbl e wal k leadin g t o th e side . Upo n eac h paving ston e i s printe d th e nam e o f a Georgi a author : Augustu s Longstreet, Frank Stanton, Sidney Lanier, Thomas Holly Chivers. "Now, take Chivers," I said pompously to Griff. Th e caretaker was on our heels, listening. "H e was an unknown poet, of rare eccentric genius, muc h like , an d quit e influentia l upo n Edga r [Allan ] Poe . People in Georgia called him crazy, but I do not know that he was any crazier than the rest of them." Griff turne d to the caretaker, and asked, "I suppose i t would be all right for me to take pictures?" Th e man thought it over, then, " I reckon so, " he grunted , an d left . A s rapidl y a s Grif f focusse d th e camera an d worked those plates , he still could get only the front o f Wren's Nest an d the capacious rear of th e caretaker, scrambling up the steps. Phylon (1945 )

Sterling A. Brown 23

9

Southern Road

Swing dat hammer—hunh— Steady, bo'; Swing dat hammer—hunh— Steady, bo'; Ain't no rush, bebby, Long ways to go. Burner tore his—hunh— Black heart away; Burner tore his—hunh— Black heart away; Got me life, bebby, An' a day. Gal's on Fifth Street—hunh— Son done gone; Gal's on Fifth Street—hunh— Son done gone; Wife's in de ward, bebby, Babe's not bo'n. My ole man died—hunh— Cussin' me; My ole man died—hunh— Cussin me; Ole lady rocks, bebby, Huh misery. Doubleshackled—hunh— Guard behin'; Doubleshackled—hunh— Guard behin';

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Sterling A. Brown

Ball an* chain, bebby, On my min\ White man tells me-hunh— Damn yo' soul; White man tells me—hunh— Damn yo* soul; Got no need, bebby, To be tole. Chain gang nevah—hunh— Let me go; Chain gang nevah—hunh— Let me go; Po* los' boy, bebby, Evahmo\ . . . From Southern Road (1932 )

COUNTEE CULLEN

Countee Lero y Porte r Culle n wa s bor n o n 3 0 Ma y 1903 , th e unprove n claimants to place being Louisville, Baltimore, and New York City (the first seems the likeliest). W e do not know who his natural parents were, but he was adopted as a teenager by a New York minister. H e attended the mostly white D e Wit t Clinto n Hig h School , where h e was editor-in-chie f o f th e school pape r an d associat e edito r o f it s literar y magazine . H e too k firs t prize in an oratorical competition, was vice-president of his senior class, and won election to the honor society with a 92-percent average. H e had started writing poetry in grade school, and at 1 7 copped a first priz e and national fame by penning "Life's Rendezvous" to counter the famous poem "I Have a Rendezvous With Death" by Alan Seeger (Harvard '10). Entering Ne w Yor k Universit y i n 1922 , Culle n majore d i n Englis h literature, doing most of his work with Hyder Rollins, who held a Harvard Ph.D. and would accept a Harvard professorship i n 1926 . H e minore d in French, and also studied Latin, Greek, and German. Strongl y influenced by Keats, and by the recent Pulitzer Prize winners Edwin Arlington Robinson and Edn a St . Vincen t Milla y (sh e wa s th e subjec t o f hi s senio r honor s thesis), he won a host of national prizes, including the Witter Bynner Poetry Contest name d for a poet from the Harvard class of 1902 . "Th e Ballad of the Brow n Girl " (1923 ) elicite d fro m Harvard' s balladr y scholar , Georg e Lyman Kittredge, the verdict that it was "an unusually successful example of poetical compositio n i n the style of th e popular ballad.'" "Th e Shroud of Color" (first published in the American Mercury, 1924) made a strong impact in the literary world. After hi s 192 5 graduation with a Phi Bet a Kapp a ke y (h e was one of nine so honored out of a class of 102) , Cullen spent the next year earning an AM . degre e a t Harvard , where h e particularl y value d hi s stud y with Robert S. Hillyer ('17), who would a few years later win the Pulitzer Prize for his Collected Verse. His other professors include d Kittredge and Irving Babbitt. Durin g his first term in Cambridge, Cullen's first volume of poems, Color, appeared an d garnere d wid e acclai m (th e first of mor e tha n fift y reviews wa s i n th e Harvard Crimson, 21 Octobe r 1925) , alon g wit h th e Harmon Foundation Award.

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Aside from poetry and critical essays, he collaborated on some theatrical projects, including a Broadway musical. I n 1934 he prepared a new version of Euripides' Medea, with seven choruses set t o musi c by Virgil Thomson (A.B. 1922 , Mus.D . 1982) , fo r th e note d blac k actres s Ros e McClendon , whose illness aborted the production. Turnin g down black-college posts in the South, Cullen taught French and English at Frederick Douglass Junior High Schoo l i n Harle m fo r a dozen years until hypertensio n an d uremic poisoning led t o his death in Sydeman Hospital on 9 January 1946. Mor e than 300 0 people attende d hi s funera l i n the Sale m Methodis t Episcopa l Church.

The Shrou d of Colo r (For Llewelly n Ransom) * "Lord, being dark, " I said, "I cannot bea r The furthe r touc h of earth , the scented air ; Lord, being dark, forewille d t o tha t despair My color shrouds m e in , I am as dirt Beneath m y brother's heel ; there i s a hurt In al l th e simple joys which t o a child Are sweet ; the y are contaminate, defile d By truths of wrongs th e childis h vision fail s To see ; too grea t a cost thi s birth entails. I strangle i n this yoke draw n tighter tha n The worth o f bearin g it , just t o be man. I a m not brave enough t o pa y the pric e In full; I lack th e strength t o sacrifice . I who hav e burned m y hands upon a star, And climbe d hig h hills at dawn t o view th e fa r Illimitable wonderments o f earth, For whom al l cup s hav e dripped th e wine o f mirth , For whom th e se a ha s strained he r honeyed throa t

'Scholars have so far not succeeded in identifying Ransom.—Eds.

Countee Cullen as a high-school student in 1920

Cullen's gravestone in Woodlawn Cemetery, Bronx, N.Y.

Countee Cullen, wearing Phi Beta Kappa key, gives a reading in 1932.

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Till all the world was sea, and I a boat Unmoored, on what strange quest I willed to float; Who wore a many-colored coat of dreams, Thy gift, O Lord—I whom sun-dabbled streams Have washed, whose bare brown thighs have held the sun Incarcerate until his course was run, I who considered man a high-perfected Glass where loveliness could lie reflected, Now that I sway athwart Truth's deep abyss, Denuding man for what he was and is, Shall breath and being so inveigle me That I can damn my dreams to hell, and be Content, each new-born day, anew to see The streaming crimson vintage of my youth Incarnadine the altar-slab of Truth? Or hast Thou, Lord, somewhere I cannot see, A lamb imprisoned in a bush for me? Not so? The n let me render one by one Thy gifts, while still they shine; some little sun Yet gilds these thighs; my coat, albeit worn, Still holds its colors fast; albeit torn, My heart will laugh a little yet, if I May win of Thee this grace, Lord: on this high And sacrificial hil l 'twixt earth and sky, To dream still pure all that I loved, and die. There is no other way to keep secure My wild chimeras; grave-locked against the lure Of Truth, the small hard teeth of worms, yet less Envenomed than the mouth of Truth, will bless Them into dust and happy nothingness. Lord, Thou art God; and I, Lord, what am I But dust? Wit h dust my place. Lord , let me die." Across the earth's warm, palpitating crust I flung my body in embrace; I thrust My mouth into the grass and sucked the dew, Then gave it back in tears my anguish drew; So hard I pressed against the ground, I felt

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Countie Cullen The smallest sand grain like a knife, and smelt The next year's flowering;all this to speed My body's dissolution, fain to feed The worms. An d so I groaned, and spent my strength Until, all passion spent, I lay full length And quivered like a flayedand bleeding thing. So lay till lifted on a great black wing That had no mate nor flesh-apparenttrunk To hamper it; with me all time had sunk Into oblivion; when I awoke The wing hung poised above two cliffs tha t broke The bowels of the earth in twain, and cleft The seas apart. Below , above, to left, To right, I saw what no man saw before: Earth, hell, and heaven; sinew, vein, and core. All things that swim or walk or creep or fly, All things that live and hunger, faint and die, Were made majestic then and magnified By sight so clearly purged and deified. The smallest bug that crawls was taller than A tree, the mustard seed loomed like a man. The earth that writhes eternally with pain Of birth, and woe of taking back her slain, Laid bare her teeming bosom to my sight, And all was struggle, gasping breath, and fight. A blind worm here dug tunnels to the light, And there a seed, racked with heroic pain, Thrust eager tentacles to sun and rain; It climbed; it died; the old love conquered me To weep the blossom it would never be. But here a bud won light; it burst and flowered Into a rose whose beauty challenged, "Coward!" There was no thing alive save only I That held life in contempt and longed to die. And still I writhed and moaned, "The curse, the curse, Than animated death, can death be worse?" "Dark child of sorrow, mine no less, what art Of mine can make thee see and play thy part?

Countie CuUen The key to all strange things is in thy heart" What voice was this that coursed like liquid fire Along my flesh, and turned my hair to wire? I raised my burning eyes, beheld a field All multitudinous with carnal yield, A grim ensanguined mead whereon I saw Evolve the ancient fundamental law Of tooth and talon, fist and nail and claw. There with the force of living, hostile hills Whose clash the hemmed-in vale with clamor fills, With greater din contended fierce majesti c wills Of beast with beast, of man with man, in strife For love of what my heart despised, for life That unto me at dawn was now a prayer For night, at night a bloody heart-wrung tear For day again; for this, these groans From tangled flesh an d interlocked bones. And no thing died that did not give A testimony that it longed to live. Man, strange composite of brute and god, Pushed on, nor backward glanced where last he trod. He seemed to mount a misty ladder flung Pendant from a cloud, yet never gained a rung But at his feet anothe r tugged and clung. My heart was still a pool of bitterness, Would yield nought else, nought else confess. I spoke (although no form was there To see, I knew an ear was there to hear), "Well, let them fight; they can whose flesh is fair." Crisp lightning flashed;awave of thunder shook My wing; a pause, and then a speaking, "Look." I scarce dared trust my ears or eyes for awe Of what they heard, and dread of what they saw; For, privileged beyond degree, this flesh Beheld God and His heaven in the mesh Of Lucifer's revolt, saw Lucifer

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Countie Cullen Glow like the sun, and like a dulcimer I heard his sin-sweet voice break on the yell Of God's great warriors: Gabriel, Saint Clair and Michael, Israfel and Raphael. And strange it was to see God with His back Against a wall, to see Christ hew and hack Till Lucifer, pressed by the mighty pair, And losing inch by inch, clawed at the air With fevered wings; then, lost beyond repair, He tricked a mass of stars into his hair; He filled his hands with stars, crying as he fell, "A star's a star although it burns in hell." So God was left t o His divinity, Omnipotent at that most costly fee. There was a lesson here, but still the clod In me was sycophant unto the rod, And cried, "Why mock me thus? A m I a god?" "One trial more: this failing, then I give You leave to die; no further need to live" Now suddenly a strange wild music smote A chord long impotent in me; a note Of jungles, primitive and subtle, throbbed Against my echoing breast, and tom-toms sobbed In every pulse-beat of my frame. Th e din A hollow log bound with a python's skin Can make wrought every nerve to ecstasy, And I was wind and sky again, and sea, And all sweet things that flourish, being free. Till all at once the music changed its key. And now it was of bitterness and death, The cry the lash extorts, the broken breath Of liberty enchained; and yet there ran Through all a harmony of faith in man, A knowledge all would end as it began. All sights and sounds and aspects of my race

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Accompanied this melody, kept pace With it; with music all their hopes and hates Were charged, not to be downed by all the fates. And somehow it was borne upon my brain How being dark, and living through the pain Of it, is courage more than angels have. I knew What storms and tumults lashed the tree that grew This body that I was, this cringing / That feared to contemplate a changing sky, This I that grovelled, whining, "Let me die," While others struggled in Life's abattoir. The cries of all dark people near or far Were billowed over me, a mighty surge Of suffering i n which my puny grief must merge And lose itself; I had no further claim to urge For death; in shame I raised my dust-grimed head, And though my lips moved not, God knew I said, "Lord, not for what I saw in flesh or bone Of fairer men; not raised on faith alone; Lord, I will live persuaded by mine own. I cannot play the recreant to these; My spirit has come home, that sailed the doubtful seas." With the whiz of a sword that severs space, The wing dropped down at a dizzy pace, And flung me on my hill flat on my face; Flat on my face I lay defying pain, Glad of the blood in my smallest vein, And in my hands I clutched a loyal dream, Still spitting fire, bright twist and coil and gleam, And chiselled like a hound's white tooth. "Oh, I will match you yet," I cried, "to truth. " Right glad I was to stoop to what I once had spurned, Glad even unto tears; I laughed aloud; I turned Upon my back, and though the tears for joy would run, My sight was clear; I looked and saw the rising sun. From On These I Stand (1925 )

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Excerpt from The Medea of Euripides: A New Version

CHORUS (Sing) WEEP FOR THE LITTLE LAMBS THAT DIE, WEEP FOR THE EARLY-SLAIN, WEEP FOR THE BRIDE SO SOON TO LIE IN GOLDEN ROBES OF PAIN, WEEP FOR MEDEA; WEEP FOR HER WHO WIELDS THE FLASHING KNIFE; WEEP THAT A MOTHER'S HAND SHOULD STIR TO TAKE HER BABY'S LIFE. (The TUTOR and the CHILDREN return) TUTOR Good news, my mistress, I have good news! You r worries are all over now. Al l has happened just as you wished. You r little sons with their fine gifts have won the princess. The y are to stay in Corinth! MEDEA To stay in Corinth! TUTOR Why do you cry out a s if in pain? Thi s isn't the way I thought you would receive such good news. MEDEA Good news! Good news! Indeed!

Couniee Cullen 25

1 TUTOR

Have I stupidly said something I should not have said? Hav e I not brought you good news as I hoped to do? MEDEA You have only said what you had to say. I do not blame you. TUTOR Then why do you look so sad, mistress, and why do you cry? MEDEA I cry because I must. Th e gods and I have not done well. TUTOR Have courage , mistress . No w you can return to your own country. You will be happy there. MEDEA Before I go to mine I must send others to a further one. (She cries again) TUTOR But yo u ar e no t th e onl y mothe r t o b e parte d fro m he r children . Some suffering i s a part of every life, an d should be borne patiently, as being the will of the gods. MEDEA I will be patient . I promise you I will. Bu t go in now; get t o your work. Th e children must still be cared for. (She turns to the children) O my sons, my sons, you have a place to live in and a home, but your unhappy mother may not live there with you. The y are sending her

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away before sh e can have a mother's full joy in you, before she sees you tall and strong, and married. I shall not be there to bless you on your weddin g day . I hav e care d fo r yo u i n vain , an d toile d an d worried, eating my heart out for you, bringing you into the world with shrieks of agony , and all in vain. Alway s I soothed m y anguish with the thought o f ho w one da y you would tend m e when old and past tending you, and how when I was dead you would fold m y shriveled hands across my breast and bury me with honor. Bu t that will never be. Wha t ca n I hop e for , parte d fro m you , but a life live d ou t in misery an d bitterness? Whe n you no longe r se e you r mothe r with your dear eyes, you will soon forget her! Wh y do you look at me like that? Ho w can you smile, my little babies? Wha t shall I do? Wher e shall I turn? M y heart sinks as I look at you. Whe n I see them like this, I grow weak as water clean through. M y will is broken. I cannot do this thing! (Pause) Then I stand ridiculed ; my foes ar e still unpunished . I mus t brace myself. T o be tender now is to be a coward. Go , my children, go in; and let him who cannot bear to see the coming horror hide his face. My hand shall neve r shrink. Bu t oh, my soul, ho w can you do this thing? Spar e your sons, your own flesh, you r very blood. I n some friendly foreign land they may yet bring you peace and comfort. No , no—I will not leave them here to the mercy of their foes. The y must die. Ther e is no other way out. An d since it must be so, let me who gave them their life take it from them. The y were born to die today. I cannot change their destiny. By now the burning chaplet blazes on my rival's head. B y now she writhes, fast in the poisoned robe I wove for her. Dar k is the path I tread but my foes shall tread a darker! (She turns to the children) And now, as your mother, I have a mother's last words for you, my children. Giv e m e you r littl e hand s t o kis s again , littl e hand s s o innocent of harm, dear little lips that I have often kissed and shall not kiss again forever. Oh , straight, slender bodies, frank open faces that I love ! D o no t fear ! You r mother' s blessing s shal l follo w yo u t o lighten u p the lan d to which she sends you. You r father ha s made this world an evil place for you to stay. Farewell , small clinging hands! Soft, downy cheeks against my own, farewell! G o now. I cannot bear to look on you. I t hurts me so! Ah , I know what a monstrous thing

Countee CuUen 25

3

I hav e t o do , bu t rag e ha s mastere d m e throug h an d through , an d routed reason in me. FIRST WOMAN Sometimes I think th e happies t women ar e those wh o never ha d a child. SECOND WOMAN But the glad young voices ringing through the house! FIRST WOMAN Yes and the constant worries and all the little aches and pains! SECOND WOMAN But the joy of watching them, the little hands to hold, the little fee t to guide. FIRST WOMAN The bitter we must eat that they may have the sweet! From The Medea and Some Poems (1935)

Ralph Bunche in 1948

RALPH BUNCHE

Ralph Johnson Bunche was born in Detroit on 7 August 1904 . Grandso n of a slave , h e wa s orphane d a t twelv e an d thereafte r care d fo r b y hi s maternal grandmothe r i n Lo s Angeles, where h e was valedictorian o f hi s high-school class . A gifte d debater , h e als o wo n a four-yea r athleti c scholarship to UCLA, where he played on three champion basketball teams. Despite part-tim e jobs, he wrote fo r th e colleg e paper , presided ove r th e debating society, was sports edito r of th e yearbook, an d a member of Phi Beta Kappa . H e graduated summa cum laude i n 1927. Proceeding to Harvard, Bunche earned an AM. in government in 1928 and began teaching political science at Howard University, soon becoming department chairman . H e too k severa l leave s fo r trave l an d research , completing a Ph.D. at Harvard i n 1934 . Hi s dissertation o n francophon e Africa wo n th e Tappa n Priz e a s th e bes t thesi s i n th e socia l sciences . Bunche also laid important groundwork for Gunna r Myrdal's monumental An American Dilemma (1944) . From 194 1 t o 194 4 Bunch e wa s a researc h analys t fo r th e Offic e o f Strategic Services and then held a series of posts in the State Department. He helped draw up the charter of the United Nations, and joined the U.N. himself in 1946. Hi s mediation in 1948-49 effected a cease-fire between the Israeli an d Arab states, and he received a n honorary LL.D . from Harvard and the Spingarn Medal in 1949. I n 1950 he became the first black recipient of the Nobel Peac e Prize. In 1950 Bunche was appointed a professor in Harvard's Faculty of Arts and Sciences, but h e resigne d tw o years late r without eve r havin g taught, finding it impossible to extricate himself from continuing U.N. obligations. He did, however, later serve as a Harvard overseer (1959-65). Winnin g the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1963 , he rose to become Undersecretary General of the U.N., and amassed sixty-nine honorary degrees. H e died in New York City on 9 December 1971 , shortly after his retirement.

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The Virtue of Color-Blindness Habitually, a s a n American Negro , I am confronted wit h question s about the racial situation in the United States. Peopl e of th e press, people in governments, people in the streets, always ask about it, and trying to answer the questions becomes quite a burden and a chore. But las t summer, for a welcome change , I found tha t practicall y no one was asking me about the status of the Negro in the United States. That was because everyone was asking me about Senator McCarthy. With your indulgence, I would like to recite just a few experiences —and I do this quite deliberately—covering most of the forty-nine years of m y life , mor e tha n hal f o f th e tim e tha t ha s elapse d sinc e th e Emancipation Proclamation in 1863. I do this only because it may be revealing, because it will explain my own deep and continuing concern with this problem, and because perhaps it will throw some light on my thinking abou t th e problem , which, in a nutshell, i s that it is a sore burden to the entire nation and costly to every American whatever his color, wherever he resides, whether in New Orleans or in New York. We may start with Detroit, my birthplace, where I spent the first ten years of m y life. I came up as a child in Detroit with prejudice against anothe r group—ironical , t o b e sure , bu t als o typica l i n thi s milieu. Th e prejudice in Detroit in those days, which I inherited from the mores and folkways of the people of the community, was directed against the Italians, who were the immigrants then coming to Detroit and who were competing for jobs with the local inhabitants. Bac k in Detroit i n 1914 , on e coul d observ e al l th e stereotype s abou t th e Italian population which are applied to any unwanted group. Thi s has happened also in other parts of the country, up in New England, for example, wher e i n th e las t century , th e sam e sor t o f stereotype s applied to the Irish. At tha t tim e in Detroit, ther e was little or no prejudice against Negroes because there were then not enough of us there. Th e Negro migration from the South came during the First World War. I n fact, Detroit was so free of Negro prejudice in my childhood days that even the Y.M.C.A/s were mixed. Tha t in itself has an ironical significance. Later, they became segregated; but I learned t o swim in a pool in a mixed Y.M.C.A. in Detroit.

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My father was a barber, and one winter he got a job in Toledo, Ohio, so we moved t o Toledo. Ther e th e feelings were very strong against the newly arriving Polish immigrants and there were community tensions. Later , we went for a winter to Knoxville, Tennessee. I think I wa s abou t si x year s ol d a t th e time . I'v e neve r bee n t o Knoxville since. I imagine it is a very nice community, but I have only one impressio n o f Knoxville , Tennessee , o r rather, two . I relate it because it reveals how one experience of an unhealthy kind in a bad race-relations atmosphere can actually poison one's whole feeling. Al l I remember are these two things: First, that there were huge, delicious yams whic h gre w i n th e re d cla y an d whic h I like d ver y much . Secondly, tha t ther e wa s a par k very clos e t o wher e w e live d int o which I wandered on e da y an d was promptly ordere d out , becaus e Negroes were not admitted. Wheneve r Knoxville has been mentioned in my presence in the intervening years, this early experience has been all tha t wa s registere d i n m y min d abou t thi s community . This , obviously, i s no healthy attitude for anyon e to have. However , i t is inescapable, because one's attitudes are based upon one's experiences and impressions. Then we move d out Wes t fo r m y parents' health. W e went t o Albuquerque, New Mexico, and here again there was not much prejudice against Negroes, since they were so few in the community. Ther e was very great feeling against Mexicans, however. A s a matter of fact, one of my firstdirect experiences with racial prejudice was because my mother and I were probably mistaken for Mexicans. M y mother took me to the Busy Bee Theater in Albuquerque in 1915. I t was what we called in those days a "nickelodeon." M y mother, crippled with rheumatism, took a seat in a middle row on the aisle. Ver y soon the usher came and tapped my mother on the shoulder and told her that he was very sorry but it was the rule of the house that Mexicans sit in the last row. M y mother looked at him, and, in a most friendly way, thanked him fo r hi s kin d consideratio n an d sai d tha t th e seat s wer e quit e comfortable and that she preferred to remain in them. W e did remain in them, and that made quite an impression upon me as a youth. Then we went ou t t o Lo s Angeles . Ther e we cam e i n contact with prejudic e agains t th e Chines e an d th e Japanese , agains t th e Mexican, and also against the Negro. I n southern California in those days the y dre w n o distinction s amon g minorit y group s i n applyin g prejudice. I recal l on e o f m y early experiences there . I had a newspaper

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route fo r on e o f th e Lo s Angele s papers , an d th e newsboy s wer e taken o n a n outin g on e da y dow n t o th e beach , Venic e o r Sant a Monica, as I recall. Tw o of u s in the group were Negroes—Charles Matthews, no w a prominen t an d highl y successfu l attorne y i n Lo s Angeles, and myself. W e had a very good time until we went to the bathhouses for the ocean bathing. Ther e Matthews and I, because of our race , were me t with refusal; we were no t permitte d t o change. We had to sit outside the bathhouse until the other boys finished their swim. Tha t made quite an impact upon me. Later, I graduated from high school—Jefferson High School in Los Angeles. M y high-school principal was a very fine man. I believe that although he had no prejudice he had never done much thinking about this problem . A t m y graduation , h e cam e t o m e an d said , quit e sincerely, "We'r e sorry to see yo u go , Ralph . Yo u know , we hav e never thought of you as a Negro." I knew this was wrong, was incensed by it, but had not the words to express my feeling. Bu t fortunately, m y grandmother, who was a tiny woman of great spiritual strength and character, and who never lacked for words, was standing by and overheard this. The n in a very quiet way , fo r abou t fiv e minutes , sh e lecture d th e principa l o f Jefferson Hig h School, on what it means for a people to be proud of their origin and why we as Negroes were proud, were never apologetic, and that therefore, he was insulting not only her grandson, but the entire Negr o rac e b y saying tha t h e ha d neve r though t o f m e a s a Negro. Afte r that there followed what perhaps was one of the longest and mos t profus e apologie s an y grandmother ever receive d fo r any reason whatsoever. I remember , also , a t U.C.L.A. , ho w a n earl y stan d whic h th e Provost of the university took had so much to do with determining the policy of that school, which has ever since been one of the very best in the country on the question of race relations. Thi s was about 1923, when a Negro student, Leon Whittaker, was the Pacific Coas t intercollegiate lightweight boxing champion. I n those days, Stanford had what might be called an unwritten rule about not meeting Negroes in sports whic h involve d direc t persona l contact . Thei r boxin g tea m came down to meet U.C.L.A.'s. Th e Stanford coach announced that their lightweight boxer could not meet Whittaker, since Whittaker was a Negro. Th e U.C.L.A. coach this time was a little weak and substituted a white boxer for Whittaker, the Pacific Coast champion. Unfortunately fo r the individual, but fortunately for the cause of

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democracy and the cause of racial justice, the U.C.L.A. white boy got the stuffings beaten out of him by the Stanford entrant. Thi s incited the student s o f U.C.L.A . n o little , becaus e tha t wa s th e decisiv e match, and they lost it to Stanford. Consequently , bright and early the next morning they were petitioning and circulating protests against the actions of th e coach in making this substitution and thereby causing U.C.L.A. t o los e th e matc h and, also, causing one o f ou r good students to get quite beaten up. The Provos t b y noo n o f tha t da y had a notic e o n th e bulleti n board in which he stated the simple principle on which the university would be run , namely, that there would be complete equality for all in th e universit y community , irrespectiv e o f rac e o r creed, tha t this principle would be observe d b y every teacher i n the university , and anyone who could not ac t on that basis did not belong there . Ver y soon th e boxing coach was out. Tha t one ac t set th e ton e fo r this university, an d ha s n o littl e t o d o wit h th e fac t tha t i n subsequen t years Jackie Robinson, Kenny Washington and so many other Negroes have won distinction in that institution. I might mention that chance may often be an important factor in hurdling racial barriers—for example the chance fact that a man cannot see very well. Whe n I graduated fro m U.C.L.A. an d went t o Cambridge to do graduate work, I was given a letter by a man who ran a bookstore nea r th e campu s addresse d t o a friend o f hi s who ra n a bookstore in Cambridge. Th e intent was that I would use this letter to get my books at a discount in Cambridge. Tha t was all. Bu t when I got to Cambridge, I visited the bookshop and presented the letter to the owner—an extremely nearsighted ma n with heavy-lensed glasses. He pored over the letter, identified hi s friend's signature and said to me, "Sure, Til give you a job." I had not come for a job, but I took it. Several weeks later , afte r th e owner' s wife ha d come int o th e shop and seen me, the owner called me aside an d said, "Ralph, are you a Negro?" I replied affirmatively an d expressed surprise that he did not know it. Explainin g that he could not see well enough to tell, he said that had he known this originally he would not have hired me, since he would have thought that it would hurt his business. H e found that it did not, however, an d kept me on. Thus , the fact that a man may be a little blind can sometimes carry one over a racial obstacle. I t is a pity that more people are not color blind in this respect. (1954 ) From Foner, ed., The Voice of Black America (1972)

William H. Hastie ca. 1933

WILLIAM H. HASTDE

William Henry Hastie was born in Knoxville, Tennessee, on 1 7 November 1904, the only child of a college-educated father and a schoolteacher mother. He attende d th e celebrate d Dunba r Hig h Schoo l i n Washington , D.C. , finishing a s class valedictorian and winning a scholarship to Amherst. On e of fou r black s i n hi s class , h e majore d i n mathematic s an d German , was elected to Phi Beta Kappa, and was graduated magna cum laude as valedictorian o f th e clas s o f 1925 . T o ear n money , h e taugh t mathematic s and science for two years at a manual-training school, and then entered Harvard Law School, where his high scholastic record earned him election to the Law Review. H e received his degree with honors in 1930, followed by a Doctor of Juridical Science degree in 1933. He joined the Washington firm of his second cousin Charles H. Houston (LL.B. 72, S.J.D. '23, and the first black on the Harvard Law Review), an d taught intermittentl y a t th e Howar d Universit y La w School, becomin g it s dean in 1939. Afte r a period as assistant solicitor in the Department of the Interior, h e becam e th e nation' s firs t blac k federa l judge , servin g i n th e Virgin Islands (1937-39). Durin g World War II he was an aide to the Secretary of War, but resigned in protest against the continuing segregation in the military—a public act of principle that was instrumental in winning him the Spingarn Medal in 1943. H e returned to the Virgin Islands as its firstblack governor (1946-49) . I n 194 9 he became the first black judge on a federal circuit court of appeals, being elevated t o chief judge in 1968 , and retiring to senior-judg e statu s i n 1971 . Judg e Hasti e ha d receive d twenty-on e honorary degrees (including an LL.D. from Harvard in 1975) at the time of his death from a heart attack in Philadelphia on 1 4 April 1976 .

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The Blac k Mystiqu e Pitfall 1

More tha n thirty-fiv e year s hav e passe d sinc e I first attende d a n annual convention o f th e NAACP. Thinkin g back, it is amazing that in th e 1930 s nationa l an d loca l leader s o f thi s organizatio n fough t racism wit h suc h vigor , determinatio n an d enthusiasm . Fo r a t tha t time th e prospec t o f muc h succes s wa s dim . Yet , then , a s now , w e ended eac h genera l conferenc e sessio n singin g "marc h on til l victory is won." And thoug h th e conventio n delegate s wer e no t a s man y as today we lifte d ever y voice an d san g loudly , an d we mean t wha t w e sang. We were regarded a s militants and extremists because we refuse d to accep t th e notio n o f a raciall y segregate d societ y an d demande d radical chang e i n th e racis t characte r o f th e America n wa y o f life . The NAACP was then regarded by many as both radical and impractical becaus e i t propose d t o eliminat e th e whol e comple x o f law s requiring o r supporting racia l segregation within a single generation . Yet, durin g the last 25 years we hav e succeeded i n outlawing th e entire complex of legal requirements and prohibitions which impose d racial dis-criminatio n an d segregatio n i n almos t ever y aspec t o f community life : in th e arme d services, i n voting, i n publi c education, in travel , i n acces s t o place s o f publi c accommodation , i n acces s t o public housing . Th e las t majo r lega l bastio n o f racis m fel l i n 196 7 when th e Suprem e Cour t rule d tha t a stat e canno t prohibi t th e marriage of a man an d a woman because the y ar e of differen t races . Thus, fo r severa l year s we hav e bee n abl e t o sa y and t o se e tha t the legal order, which was grossly and pervasively racist 30 years ago, has become basicall y equalitarian an d largely free o f requirement s or sanctions of racial segregation or discrimination. Thi s comprehensive reshaping o f th e lega l orde r ha s bee n on e o f th e mos t remarkabl e achievements o f an y society in a relatively short period of time . Th e

*Text of address delivered by Judge Hastie at the NAACP 62nd Annual Convention in Minneapolis, July 7, 1971.

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walls of Jericho have been breached on every side. An d if the citadel of racism still has its defenders, we can be confident that, deprived of the protection of racist laws, racism is being overcome. Tha t indeed has become our battle cry, our proud and confident song: "W e Shall Overcome.M Eve n a President of the United States, in an historic civil rights address to Congress and millions of television viewers calling for a comprehensive civil rights law, concluded with the clear, ringing and confident words, "we shall overcome." Of course much remains to be done, much that the NAACP has been doin g an d i s doing. Th e correctio n o f la w has been onl y the essential firs t campaig n in a war against racism. A thousan d battles remain to be won in every community to make the behavior of people conform wit h th e equalitaria n standard s an d mandates o f ou r basic law. An d from now on more of them must be fought outside of the courtroom tha n i n lawsuits . Yo u ar e fightin g thos e battles . An d encouraged b y victories alread y won, you have every reason to look forward to greater and ever more numerous victories. With suc h a backgroun d o f pas t accomplishmen t an d suc h prospect of future accomplishment in the war against racism, I, and I am sure man y o f you , hav e bee n surprise d i n recen t year s b y th e recrudescence of essentially defeatist policies and attitudes in members of the black community. I was not surprised a few years ago to hear a white South African educator try to convince an American audience that apartheid was good fo r both races in his country and would be good for both races here. Bu t I have been amazed to hear voices of black Americans , includin g I a m sorr y t o sa y number s o f youn g people, extolling the virtues of racia l "separatism" as a desirable and potentially rewarding pattern for our future. I tol d th e gentlema n fro m Sout h Afric a wha t I though t o f hi s hideous views, apparentl y with th e approva l o f a n audience , mostl y white. An d now, I hope with your approval , I want to mak e some observations about black separatist notions in this country. During th e lat e 1960s , a n alarmin g numbe r o f Negroe s hav e tended uncriticall y t o accept an d encourage racia l separatism in our country as a desirable and potentially rewarding pattern of American life. I state categorically that this trend must be halted and reversed, for it can lead only to greater bitterness and frustration an d to even more inferior status than black Americans now experience. Almost a hundred years ago, first by force an d intimidation and somewhat later by segregation laws, the majority whites in the South

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and elsewher e succeede d i n imposin g racia l separatis m a s a law enforced pattern of post Civil War political, economic and social life. While thi s impositio n wa s hatefu l t o almos t al l Negroe s i t was not until th e 1940 s tha t a continuing drive , spearheade d b y blacks and supported b y a n eve r increasin g numbe r o f whites , succeede d i n making major breaches in the wall of separatist laws which kept most blacks out of the mainstream of American life. A s already has been pointed out , b y th e 1960 s practicall y al l o f thi s structur e o f law s sanctioning racia l segregatio n ha d bee n destroyed . Thu s man y believed that the 1960 s would see black America and much of white America, freed of racist laws, united in a climactic drive to eliminate from our society racist practices, behavior and patterns of thinking and living whic h stil l persiste d afte r the y wer e n o longe r require d o r encouraged by law. At the same time, American Negroes have been migrating north and int o cities . Fift y year s ago , th e majorit y o f Negroes , poor , untrained and disinherited, lived in rural poverty. Millions , still poor, untrained an d disinherited, have since moved into large cities. Thi s black migration into the core of our cities has continued and accelerated and at the same time there has been unprecedented development of new residential areas in our outer cities and in suburbs beyond the cities. Bu t acces s t o mos t o f thi s housing ha s been an d even now, despite new fair housing laws tardily enacted, continues to be in fact inaccessible to most Negroes. Million s of whites have dispersed into new communities away from the center of our cities while millions of blacks, including most of th e poor, untrained an d disinherited, have concentrated i n ol d an d overcrowde d cente r cit y ghettos . Thi s distortion and prevention of normal population movement, probably more than anything else, has retarded the realization of a substantially integrated societ y whic h migh t otherwis e hav e develope d wit h th e destruction of legal barriers. Instead , it has fostered the development of a deprive d desperat e subcultur e o f poverty-stricke n an d al l but hopeless blac k cit y dwellers . I t als o ha s spawne d a ne w attitud e toward separatism among many Negroes. This i s no t t o sa y tha t othe r factor s hav e no t bee n operating . Young blacks like young whites have become increasingly distrustful of, eve n cynical abou t the values of white society which tolerates so much poverty in the midst of extraordinary national affluence, which will spend lavishl y for international wa r but only grudgingly for th e domestic well-being o f th e disadvantaged, which spawned th e white

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racists who murdered Martin Luther King, Medgar Evers and other less wel l know n black s an d white s whos e onl y wron g wa s aggres siveness in fighting racism. Bu t the other side of th e coin show s a black society that is no better in its aping of white materialism, in its accommodation of hucksters, hustlers and other operators as predatory an d cynica l a s thei r whit e counterparts , i n it s spaw n o f sic k violent me n wh o murdere d Malcol m X jus t a s viciousl y a s white s murdered Marti n Luthe r King , an d wh o continu e t o disfigur e th e black community with sporadic homicidal guerrilla strife among rival separatist groups. Thus, revulsion against the vicious and indecent aspect s of white society i s n o justification fo r glorifyin g an d building a black societ y which i n itsel f mirror s an d at time s intensifies th e sam e evils. Th e only really better society of the future to which we can hopefully look forward an d fo r whic h w e ca n meaningfull y wor k i s a better tota l society in which present majo r evils, racism prominent amon g them, are substantially corrected. Other black s no w reaso n tha t th e blac k ghett o ha s becom e a n ineradicable featur e of American urban life. Accordingly , they have set ou t t o glorif y a separat e subcultur e a s a desirabl e bas e fo r community life and for developing black political and economic power and the human potential of black people generally. Listenin g to this siren song , to o man y young Negroes , particularl y black colleg e an d university students , hav e conceive d o f thei r educatio n a s merel y preparation for living in a black ghetto sub-structure and for the role of better exploiting the economic, politica l an d humanistic potential of tha t subculture. Yet , th e elimination o f black ghettos durin g the next 25 years should be no more difficult than the elimination of racist laws durin g th e las t 2 5 years i f enoug h peopl e wor k diligentl y an d purposefully t o that end. Of course , sensitiv e an d concerned peopl e shoul d work a s best they ca n t o hel p mak e th e lif e o f th e poo r an d untraine d ghett o dwellers mor e rewarding , t o reliev e thei r economi c pligh t an d t o mobilize their political power for effective self-help . Bu t this should not blind us to the fact that the ghetto subculture is in itself stultifying and self-defeating. N o one, least of all young people, should view it as something to be perpetuated. Rather , beyond ameliorating ghetto life, the basic direction and drive of effort shoul d be toward bringing blacks fully into the mainstream of American life. Youn g black men and wome n i n particula r hav e th e doubl e opportunit y o f bringin g

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themselves physically, psychologically, economically and culturally into that mainstream and at the same time concerning themselves with the plight of their less fortunate brothers. I n summary, while ghetto life must be improved, this must be recognized as only a palliative, though a necessary one, in a period during which blacks and whites increase their efforts towar d the elimination o f th e ghett o an d the dispersal and integration of blacks within the total community. Another consideratio n ofte n underlie s th e dispositio n t o accep t and glorify racial separation. Lif e may be hard in the black community, bu t becaus e th e environmen t i s familia r som e fin d i t mor e congenial than the unfamiliar large world where white strangers, many of them hostile, constitute the dominant majority. Moreover , one may become rather satisfied as a big fishin his familiar small dark pond yet feel insignificant, uncomfortable and even overwhelmed when thrown among all of th e fish i n the nearby mainstream of a deep, wide and rushing river. Th e psychology of withdrawal thu s induced is understandable. Bu t the future of the race, as of the world, belongs to the venturesome, no t t o th e timid . Th e opportunitie s afforde d b y the state universitie s of Mississippi , Alabama, an d Georgia would never have bee n opene d t o Negroe s withou t th e boldness , courag e an d willingness to face danger and discomfort which characterized the first blacks who enrolled there. Th e first black family in a neighborhood may no t b e mad e t o fee l a t home . Ther e ma y be rea l dange r o f physical har m to thes e trail-blazers . Yet , ther e alway s are a heroic few who will expose themselves in the vanguard. Th e older members of this audience remember that one of the early great victories of the NAACP occurre d i n th e defens e o f a heroic littl e ban d o f Detroi t Negroes wh o successfully sho t i t ou t wit h a mob tha t ha d attacked them in a black home in a white neighborhood. We als o shoul d fac e th e fac t tha t blac k ghetto s neve r hav e afforded an d never will afford worthwhile employment opportunities for more than a small percentage of the black community. Thi s is not to dispute the desirability of more black ownership and operation of , and more black employment in, neighborhood businesses. Suc h highly visible enterprises and jobs in the neighborhood make for pride and dignity. An d they represent economic opportunity and advancement for a relativel y smal l numbe r o f people . Bu t the y offe r n o major solution t o th e problem s o f large-scal e unemploymen t an d under employment of black people. The major units of our economy will continue to be located else-

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where. Indeed , most people, regardless of color, don't want the noise and traffic an d congestion o f th e centers of commerc e an d industry located next door to their homes. Thus , substantial upward mobility of the Negro toward more and better jobs is bound to carry him outside of the ghetto for employment and thus bring him more extensively and more closely i n contact with whites, both co-workers and the public served by business and industry. An d the higher each individual goes in the grade and type of his employment, the more he will have to succeed in an environment that is not predominantly black. It follows that the earlier in his life that he learns to know and to cope effectively and confidently with an environment that is not black, the better prepare d h e will be fo r th e future . I will neve r forge t a conversation with Branch Rickey, several years after h e opened th e ranks o f organize d basebal l t o blac k players . H e sai d tha t i n hi s experience most black players entering the big leagues after attending school and playing as amateurs and semi-pros with and against whites experienced no unusual difficulty whe n they became major leaguers. The same , h e said , wa s tru e o f som e t o who m th e bi g league s represented thei r firs t experienc e i n a n environmen t tha t wa s no t black. But , he added, all too many of thi s group with an exclusively black backgroun d tightene d u p an d som e o f the m neve r relaxe d enough t o succee d i n performin g u p t o thei r potentia l i n th e bi g leagues. T o me this was one of th e most scathing and tragic indictments of segregated learning and living that I ever had heard. In Philadelphia , w e hav e on e o f th e bes t know n an d mos t successful project s t o prepar e disadvantaged black s for employmen t and advancement i n business an d industry. Las t night we pai d well earned tribute to the black founder and leader of that enterprise, Rev. Leon Sullivan. I n the course o f thi s undertaking i t has been foun d essential to spend long hours trying to equip people of the ghetto so that the y ca n communicat e an d functio n effectivel y i n a differen t environment an d among peopl e whos e life-styl e i s strange t o them. The sam e proble m exists , t o a lesser degree , wit h man y of u s who, though mor e sophisticated , hav e ha d n o opportunit y t o functio n except a s members of a black community. I am all for black studies as importan t area s o f learnin g whic h ca n contribut e t o pride , self knowledge an d self-esteem . Bu t w e hav e n o les s nee d fo r whit e studies which can help us to function more competently and usefully outside of the black community. Then too, whites need the benefits of racially integrated living and

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learning. I f blacks need to learn to be effective an d at ease and able to communicate with whites in peer groups, a reciprocal need exists among whites. Th e opportunity to know blacks, to work with them and to gain respect for them as teachers and as fellow students is an important par t of th e white student' s education . An d at the same time many white students will acquire new interest in and understanding of th e outlook an d the problems of thei r black classmates . O f course thi s will no t happen i n every case . Whe n I was in college, unfortunately ther e wer e som e whit e student s wit h who m I neve r exchanged even a pleasant "hello." Bu t I certainly learned much from and about many students. An d I hope that they learned some things of valu e fro m an d about me . I n the long run , it may well b e that whites wh o hav e ha d n o previou s experienc e wit h fello w blac k students a s member s o f pee r group s o r with black s a s competen t teachers will be the greatest beneficiaries of unsegregated education. Ours will be a much better society when many white adults can look back a t their childhoo d an d say,M I loved m y black teacher, " rather than that ante-bellum condescension, "I loved my black mammy." It seems appropriate at this point to comment upon another of the arguments w e frequentl y hea r fro m blac k apologist s fo r racia l separatism i n th e institution s o f th e community . Th e argumen t consists of two propositions: whe n whites impose segregation upon blacks, that is bad; but when blacks voluntarily choos e t o segregate themselves fro m whites, that somehow is good. An d to make selfinflicted segregatio n a t least sound better it is called "separatism" or more grandiosely "black nationalism." I already have indicated that to me black racism is no better than white racism. Fo r generations man y Caucasians have glorified thei r whiteness, making a spurious virtue out of color and compensating for their own shortcomings by consoling themselves that at least they are white. No w many Negroe s ar e practicing th e sam e arrogan t self deception, glorifying their blackness, making a spurious virtue out of color and compensating for their shortcomings by shouting, "black is beautiful." T o me, red or green is more beautiful than white or black. But this is an unimportant matter of taste. Th e serious thing is that racial mystique , wit h a n overemphasis o n racial difference s an d its attendant hostilit y towar d othe r racia l groups , is destructive of that sense of our common humanity and that willingness to make common cause for human betterment which whites and blacks so badly need. Any increase d drawin g apar t o f whites fro m black s or blacks fro m

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whites in any institutional aspect of American life is self-defeating and harmful t o al l of us . I t is not less harmful becaus e some blacks say they want it that way. I think th e time is coming, within the life-span of many who are here today , when mos t whites an d most blacks i n America will ris e above the superstition of caste and the feeling of racial superiority or inferiority. Whe n that day comes, I will have no quarrel with blacks who, having won acceptance as equals, thereafter voluntarily choose to separat e themselve s fro m whites , jus t a s som e fin e peopl e no w choose to withdraw into monasteries or to pursue their chosen way of life on a remote island in the South Pacific. Bu t that day is not here yet. An d th e blac k separatis t i s helpin g t o postpon e it s arriva l by lending ai d and encouragement t o th e white separatis t i n his losing fight t o preserv e cast e a s the patter n o f America n life . H e i s also blinding himself to the indignity of caste and the dreadful harm it does to blacks and whites alik e by convincing himsel f tha t he like s it this way. I would have only compassion for the black separatist if he and the white separatist togethe r were not perpetuating s o much that is hurtful an d hateful i n American life. My concluding observation, particularl y addresse d to separatists, is this. Fo r too long in America whites have been up and blacks have been down . W e ar e tryin g a s neve r befor e t o correc t thi s racia l disparity. I n the process, whites must free themselves from false pride in their whiteness. An d many of them are doing so. Bu t it will not help for blacks, aping the worst characteristics o f whites, to acquire false pride and arrogance in their blackness. Kennet h Clark , a very wise and thoughtful black American, made the essential poin t better than I can when he wrote: "Nor can one buil d a solid prid e on th e quicksands o f emotion , anger, rage, hatred—n o matter how justifiable. Genuin e pride—th e pride that makes life worth the struggle with some hope of serenitymust com e fro m soli d persona l achievement , fro m sensitivit y an d concern and respect for one's fello w man , from compassion an d the willingness t o struggl e t o giv e som e substanc e t o one' s ow n lif e by trying to help others live with confidence in the possibility of positives. Pride, like humanity, is destroyed by one's insistence that he possesses it." Let us face our problems and work for their solution in that spirit. The Crisis (1971 )

Ray ford W. Logan in later years

RAYFORD W . LOGA N

Rayford Whittingha m Logan, a butler's son, was born on 7 January 189 7 in Washington, D.C., where he attended the Thaddeus Stevens School and the renowned M Street (late r Dunbar ) Hig h School . A t William s Colleg e h e was elected to Phi Beta Kappa, and received a B.A. in 191 7 and an MA. in 1929. Durin g Worl d Wa r I he was a firs t lieutenan t i n th e all-blac k 93rd Division, and remained abroad fo r several years to assist W.E.B. Du Bois in the work of the Pan-African Congress . A t Harvard he earned a second M. A in 193 2 an d a Ph.D . i n histor y i n 1936 , profitin g particularl y fro m th e guidance of professors Arthur Schlesinger Sr. and James Phinney Baxter III, as Du Boi s had from tha t o f AB. Hart . After teachin g briefly at Dunbar High School, Logan headed the history departments of Virginia Union University (1925-30) and Atlanta University (1933-38). I n 193 8 he joined th e faculty of Howard University , chairing its history department fro m 194 2 until hi s retiremen t i n 1965 . H e publishe d many books o n blac k history , and wrot e th e centennia l histor y o f Howar d University. H e receive d honorar y doctorate s fro m William s (1965 ) an d Howard (1972) , was made a Commander o f th e Nationa l Orde r o f Hono r and Meri t b y Hait i (1941) , an d wa s th e 198 0 recipien t o f th e Spingar n Medal. Wit h a young colleague, he finished editing the invaluable Dictionary of American Negro Biography just befor e succumbin g t o a heart ailmen t i n Washington o n 4 November 1982 .

The Confession s o f a n Unwillin g Nordi c

Negroes ca n attai n onl y t o a fixe d leve l o f education , acquir e onl y a limited amoun t of wealth, travel only in certain degrees of latitude an d longitude. I f an individual is found ou t of these circumscribed milieux , he i s not a Negro . H e i s an Eas t India n o r a Brazilian , a Senegales e

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or a Tahitian, but not a Negro, and most certainly not an American Negro. The following stories will strain the credulity of the readers of The World Tomorrow who, of course, have no preconceived ideas concerning Negroes. Remember , however , tha t a n American Negr o i s the author, an d tha t whil e h e ca n imitate , h e ca n no t create . (Se e Lothrop Stoddard, Madison Grant, Imperial Wizard Evans, and other authorities.) When I say that I am a Negro, I mean one of those who should not be able to "pass." Otherwise , there would be no point to this tale. My hai r i s wha t Frenc h peopl e cal l frises; my color , yellow . M y features betra y my African ancestry . I n a southern city my brother, who can pass for a Nordic, was afraid to let me accompany him into a whit e restaurant . Bu t i t seem s tha t I d o no t confor m t o som e arbitrary conceptio n o f a Negro' s speech , behavior , an d dress . Through no fault of my own I have acquired an education superior to that of many of my lords and masters. I am a graduate of an old New England college—no , i t i s no t Amherst—whic h pride s itsel f o n th e number of high government officials, men of letters, and in the earlier days, soldiers of Christ that it has contributed to society. B y osmosis, perhaps, I imbibed some of the learning and culture of this institution. As a result I have found myself in some very amusing, embarrassing, and edifying predicaments. It was one o f m y favorite professor s who first suggeste d wha t a dangerous anomal y I ha d become . A t th e clos e o f a conversation concerning my future, he concluded: "Upon whatever career you embark, always be colored." "Why—," I looked at my hands and felt my hair. "Why , that should not be very difficult," I concluded with a puzzled laugh. But it was. I had the first proo f of my professor's perspicacit y a few days after our conversation. Whil e on the way to Washington to spend th e Easte r holiday s o f 1917 , I lef t th e trai n a t Nort h Philadelphia in order to stretch my legs. Upo n returning, I found an enormous white man occupying most of the seat. Wit h some difficulty I squeezed in beside him and pretended to sleep. My fellow-traveler probably felt tha t there was no use to occupy the same seat unless you are going to talk. H e interrupted my feigned slumbers by asking the nam e of som e stream that we were passing. He appeared so totally ignorant of the geography of the section that I queried:

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"Is this your first trip South?" "No, this is my first tri p North." I eased off a little in my corner. "My home is in Waco, Texas,"—I looked around for another seat—"I have just been up to the Quaker City on business." "Is that so? I have a classmate from Waco, a finechap,—." "You don't say. I know his people well. I believe that his daddy is my wife's cousin. Say , he sure showed those folk up North how to play baseball, didn't he? . . . But it takes a lot of money to go there." I did not deem it necessary to inform my corpulent friend tha t a scholarship mad e i t possibl e fo r m e t o atten d thi s ultra-exclusiv e school. B y thi s tim e I wa s convince d tha t h e ha d n o ide a that , perhaps for the firsttime in his life, he was riding with a colored man. I decide d t o soun d hi m on th e one subjec t abou t whic h I knew he could tal k mos t fluentl y an d authoritatively . Withou t to o muc h abruptness I turned our conversation to lynching. "We students of sociology are very much interested in this matter of lynching. Abov e all, we are trying to arrive at the reasons." "Rape. Al l a 'nigger'"—I needed n o further proo f o f hi s blissful ignorance—"thinks about is white women." "But we u p Nort h ar e tol d tha t rap e i s responsibl e fo r onl y a comparatively small number of lynchings. I have read of one case in which the alleged cause was an argument about a mule." "Hum .. . ('Alleged ' seeme d t o b e givin g hi m som e difficulty. ) Maybe so. Bu t you folks don't know 'niggers' as we do. Al l you know is what you read about 'em . I don't approve of lynching myself as a general rule, but I tell you we have to lynch one every now and then to keep 'em in their place. I f we didn't they'd get so uppity that we couldn't handle them." "I see. The y must be making some progress then." "Progress!" he snorted . "Ho w can a darky mak e an y progress ? The curse of Ham is upon him. A 'nigger' won't ever be nothing but a 'nigger.' An d the worst ones is them that's got white blood in 'em. (I was tempted t o ask how they got it, but remembered in time that that wa s irrelevant. ) Th e onl y 'niggers ' that' s eve r amounte d t o anything is them that's got nothin g but black blood. Th e only great 'darky' was Booker T. Washington, and he was coal black. He didn't have any high-falutin' ideas about sending a 'coon' to college." "That hardly tallies with the opinion of our professor of American literature. H e has frequently told us that one of the greatest stylists

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in America is Dr. Du Bois who, as you know, is almost white." "Of course. That' s due to the white blood in him." This illuminating inconsistency inspired me to further questioning. "What about voting? D o Negroes vote in Texas?" "That depends . I mak e th e 'niggers ' o n m y far m vot e fo r prohibition. Whe n a 'darky ' get s drunk , h e don' t wan t t o work . When option is up, I line 'em up, march 'em to the polls and see that every damn one of 'em votes against liquor. Bu t that is the only time I allow my 'niggers' to vote." Deciding tha t I ha d learne d enoug h an d tha t I ha d listene d a t sufficient lengt h to his insulting terms, I drifted off into the causes of the World War. W e agreed that in the last analysis the conflict was a result of contending nationalities. Thi s led my entertaining traveler to remark about the complexity of races in America. H e himself had the blood of four or five peoples in his veins. Forseein g his question, I trie d t o aver t i t b y concocting a story of a n American bo y whose English mother , bor n i n India , ha d marrie d i n Turke y hi s Frenc h father, born in Martinique. Thi s tickled him, but could not divert his thought. "And what was the nationality of your ancestors?" Fo r a moment I remembered my professor's admonition . Bu t since we had not yet reached Baltimor e an d sinc e ther e wer e stil l n o othe r seat s i n the train, I quibbled. "My case is almost as bad. M y first nam e is German, my middle name, my mother's, is one of the oldest in England, and my last seems to b e a favorite amon g th e Iris h saloon-keepers alon g Washingto n Street in Boston." He chucked until the window rattled. The n we chatted about less dangerous thing s almost int o Washington. A s the trai n was pulling into Union Station, he gave me his card, told me that he was staying at the Hote l with his cousin, th e Representative fro m some district i n Texas , an d invite d m e t o cal l t o se e him . I hav e ofte n wondered whether he ever found from my classmate the identity of his inquisitive companion. My nex t simila r experienc e ha d fo r it s settin g th e America n hospital a t Mailly , France . Probabl y n o othe r colore d office r ha d preceded me there, because this was in the early days of July, 1918. After th e regulatio n bath , I found mysel f i n a private roo m with a white orderly attending me. Fro m the beginning, I realized tha t he

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never suspected that I was colored. Ha d he done so, the initial shock would hav e prevaile d over hi s obligation t o serve his superior. W e Negroes hav e learne d t o loo k fo r tha t force d laugh , spontaneou s irritation, or speechless amazemen t whic h man y white me n can not hide when they unexpectedly find themselves in the presence of their ubiquitous pest. Withou t an inquiring glance, my orderly set to work arranging my clothes, askin g about m y needs, giving me suc h information a s woul d b e helpful . I avoide d conversatio n a s muc h a s possible, for I knew the only two subjects about which he was likely to talk: wome n and Negroes. But he evidently thought it a part of his duties to help me beguile the time. On e afternoon whe n he came to get the dishes, he asked to what regimen t I had belonged. I told him , addin g tha t i t was a colored regiment . Instea d o f starin g a t m e quizzicall y a s I ha d expected, he ejaculated: "Damn. Weren' t you afraid of 'em? The y say that them 'niggers' can fight lik e hell, but I wouldn't want t o be with 'em. Didn' t they ever try to bump you off?" "Bump me off? Wha t for?" "Just 'cause you're white. I'v e heard it said tha t a white office r dassn't go in front of 'em up there at the front less the 'darkees' shoot 'em down from behind." "But what do they want to kill them for? I don't know any who have been killed in our outfit." "You're darned lucky then. Mayb e you know how to treat them, but lemm e tel l you , I wouldn't wan t t o b e wit h 'e m fo r al l th e vin rouge in France.— I gues s the y ca n guzzl e plent y o f cognyac , can' t they?" "No. Ou r soldiers are the same as any others." "Well, the y ain' t got n o chanc e i f the y eve r come aroun d here. We done told these frogs not to let one light in a cafe, and if we ever ketch a woman with on e o f 'em , we'll ru n her ou t o f town . Why , these bloody idiots believe they've got tails like monkeys." A cal l fro m anothe r patien t prevente d hi m fro m continuin g hi s revelations. By thi s tim e I ha d decide d neve r t o disillusio n an y on e wh o unbosomed himself t o me so confidentially. A t first I had wanted to "bawl out" the soldier for the use of words that are anathema to any self-respecting Negro . Bu t the information obtained was well worth the price of my silence.

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My most bewildering situation confronted me at Camp Pontanezen near Brest. T o thi s day I do no t kno w how th e blunde r occurred. I suppose, however , tha t th e colone l commandin g th e casual s merel y glanced a t m y record , foun d tha t I ha d considerabl e court-martia l experience, spok e Germa n an d Frenc h fluently, an d ha d a record a t my previous camp of "excellent." I t probably never dawned upon him that I wa s no t white . Whateve r ma y b e th e explanation , I wa s assigned t o dut y wit h a ne w convo y tha t ha d jus t com e ove r fro m America t o join th e Arm y of Occupatio n i n Germany . I expected the order to be rescinded as soon as I reported to duty. But th e commandin g office r undoubtedl y conclude d tha t sinc e I was attached to a white outfit I must be white. Th e situation became truly piquant the following day when the company commander called me to give thes e instructions : "Mr.—, I a m leavin g fo r Pari s a t once . Yo u wil l hav e complet e charge o f th e company during my absence." And s o I a m perhaps th e onl y colore d office r wh o actuall y com manded a white company in the A. E. F. Fo r a week white shavetails, non-coms and "bucks" obeyed my orders with an alacrity that stupefied me. A t no time did any one seem to suspect that an unwritten law of the American Arm y was being trample d unde r foot . On the appointed day we prepared to entrain for Ehrenbreitstein. One whit e orderl y was bus y shining my shoes. Anothe r was packin g my bedding roll. I n the midst of all this stir and confusion th e captain came i n fro m Pari s an d a t th e sam e tim e arrive d order s fro m head quarters relievin g m e fro m dut y wit h th e regiment . Th e captai n expressed sincer e regre t tha t I coul d no t accompan y them . I hav e never know n whethe r th e orde r wa s du e t o m y bein g colore d o r a casual. Some tim e afterward s I me t th e sam e captai n whil e h e wa s o n leave in Paris. A s soon a s he saw me, he rushed up and kissed me on both cheeks . "I certainly a m sorry tha t the y left yo u behind. Tha t would hav e been a rich joke t o have ha d a colored office r i n a white outfit u p in Germany. I swea r I believ e tha t I wa s th e onl y on e wh o kne w th e truth and I didn't car e a rap." Thus, th e on e perso n wh o apparentl y recognize d th e colore d gentleman i n th e corde d woo d appreciate d th e jok e to o muc h t o betray him.

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After th e war I decided to remain in France, where I would not, as I thought, run the risk of humiliating experiences. Bu t I counted without the thousands of Americans who were roaming over Europe during thos e halcyo n day s when th e Germa n an d Polis h mark , th e Austrian crown and the French franc were cascading toward zero. One da y i n Vienn a a woman, afte r eyein g m e rathe r intently , approached and said in German: "You have your Key?" When she had verified i n most minute detail my Phi Beta Kappa key, she informed me that her husband had been professor of German Literature at Universit y before the war. Withou t giving me an opportunity to express my delight at meeting a compatriot in such a distant land, she continued: "Of course, I lef t Americ a with m y husband, who i s a German. We are already planning to return—this was in 1921—since the feeling against us is rapidly declining. An d we have no bitterness against you Americans. Yo u were foole d int o th e war. Th e only thing that we can not forgive i s your using 'niggers' against us. I t was bad enough for th e Frenchme n t o us e Africans , bu t t o sen d 'darkies ' fro m America, tha t wa s a crime agains t civilization . An d fo r Woodro w Wilson to have committed suc h a folly! I t was all right to use them as stevedore s perhaps , bu t t o hav e the m kil l whit e men ! I s i t a wonder that they did not revolt when they returned to America. "And ever since the war, Vienna has been flooded with them. W e are hardl y abl e t o liv e fro m han d t o mout h whil e thes e jaz z band players strut around in fur coats and diamonds. I even saw one the other day driving an automobile . .. I t is positively disgusting the way the kid s have gon e craz y over them . Yo u ca n see twent y or more following one every time he goes out in the street. An d worst of all I have seen women dancing with them. I t makes my blood run cold. We ought to form a society here to teach the 'darkies' that they have no more rights than in America. / a m going back to America, where they know how to behave themselves." Naturally, th e riches t yar n comes last . I f i t doe s no t ran k with Baron Munchhausen's best, I'm a prevaricator. The stoc k exchang e pani c o f April , 1920 , foun d m e "long " on dollars. Th e blow was such a severe on e tha t my physician ordered me to Dax to take a rest cure. An d so I went down to that delightful town on the Adour, as renowned for the stentorian voice of the train

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announcer as for the celebrities who come to take the baths in order to rid themselves of their real or fancied pains . Amon g the persons in the firstclass dining room were Mme. Poincare and M. and Mme. Fallieres. A s fa r as I could judge ther e were n o Americans. I felt free therefore to mingle with the guests, most of whom spoke French and German. I enjoyed the theatre, the mock bull fight,came down to dinner every evening in tuxedo, as did the other guests, had a bank telephone m e th e quotation s fro m th e Bourse , playe d bridg e an d billiards. One evenin g a s I wa s knockin g th e ball s aroun d waitin g fo r dinner, a woman walked in. "Would Madame like to play?" I inquired in French. "Why, yes. I think that we have time for a short game, say twentyfive points. " The accent was not pure, but at the time my ear was not attuned sufficiently t o distinguish the nationality of the person speaking. W e had a rather exciting game, interspersing our shots with jokes about our ailments . Th e Maitre d'hotel announced dinne r just a s the last point was scored. I lai d asid e m y cu e an d steppe d bac k wit h m y mos t perfec t European bow in order to allow my charming opponent to pass. Bu t she had to satisfy her curiosity. "Pardon me, but is the gentleman Polish?" "Why, no, Madame, I am an American." "You American? Whoeve r saw an American who looked like you? Besides," she changed suddenly to English, "you can't fool me . Yo u may be able to fool these Europeans, but we Americans can recognize one another anywhere. Com e now, there is no use in continuing your incognito. W e all know that you are a Polish prince." When I had recovered, I blurted: "Since yo u ar e a n American , yo u wil l certainl y recogniz e a n American Negro." She nearly screamed with delight. "You a 'nigger' ! A 'nigger ' her e i n Dax , stayin g a t thi s hotel , speaking French better than I can, eating in the first class dining room while I eat in the second! Tha t is the cleverest disguise I have ever heard in my life. A Polish prince passing for a 'nigger.' Tha t is too funny." Once, however , I ha d t o establis h m y real identit y i n orde r t o

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escape too tangible evidence of "conduc t unbecoming an officer an d a gentleman." Bres t was likewise the scene of this episode. I t came about in this way. On July 4,1919, an American officer, temporarily a victim of eaude-vie, cognac and Pommery, threw a French flag from the window of a restauran t dow n int o th e Rue de Siam. "Ol d Gimlet Eye " had a harder tim e preventin g a pitche d battl e betwee n th e Frenc h an d Americans than he ever had chasing Chinese or bull-dozing Haitians. The feelings of the French, of course, remained extremely bitter. As I was returning to camp one night shortly after this unfortunate incident, I passe d fou r Frenc h sailor s o n th e diml y lighte d road . Without a word of warning one o f the m initiated m e into a taste of Brittany mire. Fortunately , all four tried at the same time to pommel me. The y made no effort t o rob me. Thei r one desire seemed to be to commit assaul t an d battery with th e greatest degre e of efficienc y and thoroughness , an d t o us e al l possibl e variation s o f "sale Americain" "sacreAmericain" and others that I hope I misunderstood. The effectiveness o f their blows and the repetition of their oaths finally reminde d m e that I was not a n American, but only a Negro. I told them so. I appealed to their friendship for Negroes. A punch on the nos e an d a jab to the rib s punctuated m y statement an d my appeal. Then , a s on e fist sought a n unbruise d spo t o n m y face, I grabbed it and rubbed it over my hair. "Tiens, he is colored. Hi s hair kfrises.. . . Mille pardons, mon ami ... W e thought you were white." Their apologie s wer e profuse ; thei r disma y touching . The y escorted me back to camp singing "La Madelon." I am opposed to segregation in any form. I am likewise opposed to clas s legislatio n o f an y description . Bu t i f Hefli n o r Bleas e succeeded in having passed a law requiring all anomalous Negroes to wear o n thei r exterio r garment s an d o n th e windshiel d o f thei r automobile a sign, "colored," I should comply most willingly. World Tomorrow (1927 )

Leadbelly with his guitar ca. 1947

LEADBELLY

Huddie William Ledbetter was born outside Mooringsport, Louisiana, on 21 January 1885 . H e learned music from his mother (a choir director) and two musical uncles , and becam e know n a s th e best guitaris t an d singe r i n th e region by the age of 16 . Afte r hi s first marriag e he moved to Texas, where he met the famous bluesman "Blind" Lemon Jefferson, wh o performed wit h him and taugh t hi m many songs. Quick to anger, Ledbetter spent three stretches in prison for murder or assault (1918-25 ; 1930-34 ; 1939-40) . I t was durin g hi s secon d imprison ment that folklorists John an d Alan Lomax discovered hi m while they were recording song s amon g Souther n chaingangs . Th e musicia n acquire d th e nickname "Leadbelly" because, in Alan Lomax's words, "he had guts of steel and coul d outwork, outsing and outlast anybod y else on a job." Ledbetter accompanied th e Lomaxes on a 6000-mile round of recording and performing , windin g u p i n New York Cit y and startin g a professiona l career. H e captivated both children and adults, and his visit to Harvard was followed by appearances on many college campuses. H e had an unsurpassed ready repertor y o f som e 50 0 song s o f al l types , man y origina l wit h him . Fortunately, h e recorde d a n enormou s numbe r o f the m fo r commercia l release. H e also did a series of radio programs in New York, and his singing graced a numbe r o f Hollywoo d films . Tennesse e Williams , i n hi s pla y Orpheus Descending, hailed Leadbelly as the "greatest man that ever lived on the twelve-string guitar," and the legendary Woody Guthrie called him "the best livin g folksinger. " Not lon g afte r a visit t o Paris , Ledbetter succumbe d t o Lo u Gehrig' s disease in a New York hospita l o n 6 December 1949 . H e was the subjec t of a biographical novel, The Midnight Special (1971), by Richard Garvin and Edmond Addeo, and of an effective film biography, Leadbelly (1976), starring Roger E . Mosle y an d directe d b y th e eminen t blac k man-of-many-art s Gordon Parks .

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Kenneth B. Murdock to John A. Lomax Leverett House Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts January 18, 1935 John A. Lomax, Esq. Wilton, Connecticut Dear Mr. Lomax: I a m delighted tha t ther e i s a chance o f gettin g yo u an d Lead Belly to come to Cambridge, and it will give me great pleasure to have you her e a t Leveret t House . W e ca n ge t a n audienc e fo r yo u o f undergraduates an d facult y members , an d I shall as k especiall y th e members of th e English Departmen t an d of th e Moder n Language Conference. Mr . Kittredge is an Associate of this House and will do his best to be here, since he is very eager to hear Lead Belly. It seem s possibl e tha t i f yo u were abl e t o come , a n afternoo n meeting, at which Lead Belly could sing, might be arranged in a small room for a small group as part of a regular series of lectures given in connection with a bequest of Mr. Gray for lectures on poetry. I f this were arranged , thi s meetin g woul d b e i n th e afternoon , an d fo r i t there would be a fee of, I should suppose, about $50—possibly more. Then, I should be delighted to have you dine with me and would plan a meetin g fo r th e evenin g a t Leveret t House . Unfortunatel y th e Houses have no funds to pay lecturers or entertainers, but we should, of course, be glad to have Lead Belly "pass his hat", and if there were a fee fo r the afternoon performanc e your trip would not be entirely unremunerative. I have to be away from the first of February until the 9th. I n the next week Professo r Copelan d is reading in the House, and we find

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ordinarily that one big event a week i s enough. S o far as I can tell now, however , th e evenin g o f th e 18th , or 19th , or 20th, would be entirely al l right , an d I think tha t probabl y one o f thes e afternoon s could b e arrange d fo r th e poetr y meeting . I f thes e date s ar e no t convenient for you, what about the 25th, 26th, or 27th? If you could possibly give me a choice of dates , it might make it a little easier to arrange both for the poetry meeting in the afternoon and might help to make sure that Mr. Kittredge could be present. H e would be very much disappointed not to be here and tells me that he has very few engagements for February. However , if I could have a choice of dates to offer him , it would be more convenient. I am hoping very much that all this can be arranged satisfactorily to you: th e prospect seems to us a delightful one. You r recent book has aroused a great deal of interest among undergraduates here, and I know that they will be most appreciative of the opportunity to hear you speak and to hear Lead Belly sing. I am going away on the first of February, but I think if you can give me an idea of possibl e dates for you, we can arrange it all before tha t time. Sincerely yours, Kenneth B. Murdock Master.

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Negro Who Sung Way Out of Southern Prisons Wins Two Harvard Audiences Lead Belly and His 12-String Guitar Heard in Folk Songs of South at Emerson Hall and Leverett House Lead Belly, Negro minstrel who won his freedom from two Southern penitentiaries with his plaintive, husky voice accompanying him on his 12-strin g guitar , san g hi s wa y int o th e heart s o f tw o Harvar d audiences yesterday. At Emerson Hall in the after-noon an d at Leverett House in the evening, he performed before capacity crowds. Th e Cambridge intellectuals, and numerous English students, flocked to hear him illustrate the folk songs of the South. He held them all, from Prof. George Lyman Kittredge to the lowliest freshman , spellboun d wit h hi s primitive chant s an d hi s unique harmony. They heard mor e than folk songs , they heard th e miracle voice of Lead Belly which has melted prison walls and wrung pardons from Governors. He was introduced by John A. Lomax, Harvard, 1907, collector of early American ballads, to whose service the troubadour has devoted his life since Lomax maneuvered his release from the Louisiana Prison at Angola last Summer.

Past Behind Him Lead Belly has put his past behind him. Gone are the days when he wandered abou t th e Southland , a battered guita r slung over his shoulder and a long knife protruding from the hip pocket of his only pair of pants. Today he is the chauffeur, servan t and handy man of Mr. Lomax, and applies his energies especially to the guitar. He has forgotten the knife. H e i s well dressed , an d he feel s tha t th e day s when hi s toes

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protruded throug h hi s onl y pai r o f battered , rust y shoe s ar e gon e forever. For his Cambridge debut he wore a colored shirt, red scarf, blue overalls, ta n shoes , an d sil k socks . Hi s guita r i s ne w an d polished, although it still has 12 strings, all of which he can set a-humming in a second. At each appearanc e he playe d an d sang for more than an hour, filling the halls with his powerful hoarse voice and vibrant music of his guitar. The applause justified his boast that he is the "King of the 12string guitar players—the bestest in the world." As he plays, his eyes are shut and his entire frame from head to toe rocks gently to and fro with his music. Lead Belly's feet ar e a musical education i n themselves. His left one beats the single tap from one end of a ballad to the other, while his righ t foo t beat s double , tripl e o r quadrupl e tim e a s occasio n demands. "If you don't think that's hard, try it yourself sometime," laughed Mr. Lomax. Several did and it is more than hard. It seems almost an impossible feat of muscular coordination. He ha s a repertoir e o f 50 0 fol k songs , ballads , adaptation s o f cowboy songs an d chants. Many of them , he asserts , are of hi s own composition. Mr. Lomax has been unable to find any other sources for them. They ar e mostl y "sinfu l songs, " whic h ar e distinguishe d fro m religious or spiritual songs by the Southern Negroes. Any song which lacks an ecclesiastical interpretatio n is a "sinful song." Lead Belly himself has been sinful in the days when he handled a knife as aptly as he handles his guitar. Therei n lies definite proof that he has composed at least two songs—one to Gov. Pat Neff o f Texas, the other to Gov. O.K. Allen of his native Louisiana. The forme r opene d th e gate s o f th e Texa s priso n where Lea d Belly was sent, sentenced to serve 35 years on a murder charge. The latter enable d hi m t o qui t th e Louisian a priso n wher e Mr . Lomax found him serving another extensive sentence fo r assault with intent to murder.

No Jazz in Ballads There i s but slight resemblanc e betwee n hi s singing an d that of

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the stag e an d radi o Negr o entertainers . Ther e i s a deep, primitiv e quality to Lead Belly's songs. He is really voicing the joys, sorrows and hopes of hi s race. Ther e i s no trace of jazz in his ballads an d folk songs, bu t hi s "blues, " which ar e quite different , posses[s ] th e basic foundations of American jazz. As for his guitar, he can do more things to it than Max Baer did to Camera. The guitar was purchased in New York, afte r day s of searching. It is not a common instrument. "Twelve strings—It sounds lik e a n eight-masted schooner, " Prof. Robert Hillyer, one of the sponsors of his Harvard visit, remarked yesterday. Dean Kenneth B. Murdock and other members of the English department also encouraged the Cambridge visit of Lead Belly. Toda y Lead Bell y an d Mr . Lomax will retur n t o thei r temporar y hom e in Wilton, Conn. Boston Globe (1935)

JOHN HOP E FRANKLI N

John Hope Franklin was born on 2 January 1915 in the tiny black Oklahoma town o f Rentiesville, where hi s fathe r wa s its postmaster an d onl y lawyer. Both parent s wer e college-educate d an d kep t plent y o f book s a t home . After th e family moved to Tulsa, Franklin attended th e all-black Booker T. Washington Hig h School , wher e h e wa s activ e i n debating , singing , an d trumpet-playing, and finished a s class valedictorian i n 1931 . A scholarship plus odd jobs enabled hi m t o attend Fis k University, where he found tim e to continue debatin g and singin g in addition t o serving as student-govern ment president. Majorin g i n history, he received his B.A. magna cum laude in 1935. H e pursued graduate work at Harvard, was a student of the famous historians Samuel Eliot Morison and Arthur M. Schlesinger Sr., and received his M.A i n 193 6 and Ph.D. in 1941. Starting i n 193 9 h e taugh t histor y fo r fou r year s a t St . Augustine' s College in North Carolina, moving to North Carolina College in Durham for another four years before accepting a professorship at Howard University in 1947. I n 194 9 h e becam e th e firs t Negr o t o rea d a pape r befor e th e Southern Historical Association, a body he would rise to head two decades later. H e hel d visiting professorships a t Harvar d (1950) , the University of Wisconsin (1952-53), and Cornell (1953), and in 1956 was persuaded to chair a feud-ridde n departmen t o f 5 2 white historian s a t Brookly n College—th e first black to head any college department i n the state. I n 196 4 he went t o the University of Chicago and retire d i n 1982 , when he accepted a n invitation to a history chair at Duke University, shifting t o its law school in 1985, where he has since remained. Among his many books are The Free Negro in North Carolina, 1790-1860 (1943); From Slavery to Freedom: A History of Negro Americans (1947), which quickly became the standard mainstream survey and reached it s 6th edition in 1987 ; The Militant South, 1800-1861 (1956) , th e firs t wor k b y a blac k scholar to appear in the Harvard Historical Series since Du Bois' slave-trade volume 60 years earlier; The Emancipation Proclamation (1963) , celebrating its topic's centennial; A Southern Odyssey: Travelers in the Antebellum North (1967), which won the Jules Landry Award; and George Washington Williams: A Biography (1985) , which garnered th e Clarence L. Holte Prize. Frankli n

John Hope Franklin ca. 1960

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also served for thre e years as national presiden t o f the United Chapter s of Phi Beta Kappa. Th e recipient of a host of honors at home and abroad, he was named t o the Oklahoma Hall of Fame in 197 8 and holds honorary degrees (a t las t count ) fro m 9 0 colleges and universities , including a n LL.D. from Harvard in 1981. H e is by common consent the foremost black historian of the past half-century . Franklin's 198 8 Charle s Home r Haskin s Lecture , whic h w e excerp t below, i s on e i n a serie s sponsore d annuall y b y th e America n Counci l o f Learned Societies , an d name d fo r th e Council' s firs t chairman , wh o was, appropriately, an internationall y renowne d professo r o f history at Harvar d (1902-31), dea n o f it s Graduat e Schoo l (1908-24) , an d on e o f Franklin' s predecessors as president of the American Historical Association. Frankli n included th e Haskin s lectur e i n hi s collectio n Race and History: Selected Essays 1938-1988 (1989) .

A Lif e o f Learnin g Since I was merel y passin g throug h [Fis k University ] e n rout e t o la w school, I ha d littl e interes t i n a n undergraduat e concentration . I thought o f English, but th e chairma n o f tha t department , fro m who m J too k freshma n English , discourage d m e o n th e groun d tha t I woul d never be able to command th e English language. (Incidentally , he was a distinguished authorit y in American literatur e an d specialized i n th e traditions o f th e Gullah-speakin g peopl e o f th e Se a Islands . I wa s vindicated som e year s late r whe n h e chaire d th e committe e tha t awarded m e th e Bancrof t Priz e fo r th e bes t articl e i n th e Journal of Negro History.) M y decision to major i n history was almost accidental . The chairma n o f tha t department , Theodor e S . Currier , wh o wa s white, had com e into tha t ill-fate d cours e i n contemporary civilizatio n and ha d delivere d th e mos t excitin g lecture s I ha d eve r heard . I decided t o se e an d hea r mor e o f him . During m y sophomor e yea r I too k tw o course s wit h Professo r Currier, an d m y deep interes t i n historical problem s an d the historica l process an d wha t h e ha d t o sa y was apparentl y note d b y him . Soo n we developed a close personal relationship that developed int o a deep friendship. Soon , moreover, I made the fateful decisio n to give up my plan t o stud y an d practic e la w an d t o replac e i t wit h a pla n t o study , write, an d teac h history . M y desir e t o lear n mor e abou t th e fiel d

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resulted in his offering ne w courses, including seminars, largely for my benefit. H e already entertained th e hope that I would go to Harvard, where h e ha d done hi s own graduat e work [AM . '28] . I had similar hopes, bu t i n the mid-1930 s wit h th e Depressio n wreakin g it s havoc, it was unrealistic t o entertai n suc h hopes . Wit h a respectable grad e point average (tha t C + prevente d my graduating summa cum laude), and stron g supportin g letter s fro m m y professors , I applie d fo r admission t o th e Harvar d Graduat e Schoo l o f Art s an d Sciences. Harvard required that I take an aptitude test that must have been the forerunne r t o th e Graduat e Record s Examination . I t wa s administered a t Vanderbilt University , just acros s town but on whos e grounds I had never been. Whe n I arrived at the appointed place and took my seat, the person in charge, presumably a professor, thre w the examination a t me, a gesture hardly calculated t o give me a feeling o f welcome o r confidence . I took th e examinatio n bu t canno t imagin e that my score was high. A s I left th e room a Negro custodian walked up t o m e an d tol d m e tha t i n his many years o f workin g ther e I was the onl y blac k perso n h e ha d eve r see n sittin g i n a room with white people. Th e recor d tha t Fis k mad e tha t yea r wa s mor e important . The Associatio n o f America n Universitie s place d Fis k Universit y o n its approve d list . O n th e basi s o f thi s ne w recognitio n o f m y alm a mater, Harvard admitted me unconditionally. Apparentl y this was the first time it had given a student from a historically black institution an opportunity to pursue graduate studies without doing some undergraduate wor k a t Harvard . Th e Universit y declined , however , t o ris k a scholarship o n me . Admission t o Harvar d wa s on e thing ; gettin g ther e wa s quit e another. M y parents were unabl e to give me more tha n a very small amount of mone y an d their good wishes . I was abl e t o make i t back to Nashville, where Ted Currier told m e that money alone would not keep m e ou t o f Harvard . H e wen t t o a Nashvill e bank , borrowe d $500, an d sent m e on m y way. Shortly afte r m y arrival i n Cambridg e i n September , 1935 , I fel t secure academically, financially, and socially. A t Fisk I had even taken two moder n foreig n language s i n orde r t o mee t Harvard' s require ment, and in Currier's seminars I had learned how to write a research paper. Sinc e I was secretary t o th e libraria n a t Fisk fo r fou r years, I had learne d ho w t o mak e th e bes t us e o f referenc e materials , bibliographical aids , an d manuscripts . Eve n when I met m y advisor, Professor A. M . Schlesinger, Sr. , I did not fee l intimidated , an d I was

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very muc h a t eas e wit h hi m whil e discussin g m y schedule an d my plans. Afte r I go t a job washin g dishe s fo r m y evening mea l an d another typin g dissertation s an d lectures , a feelin g o f long-rang e solvency settled over me. Althoug h I had a room with a Negro family that had taken i n black students since the time of Charle s Houston and Robert Weaver, I had extensive contact with white students who never showed th e slightest condescension towar d me. I set m y own priorities, however , realizin g tha t I ha d th e burde n o f academi c deficiencies dating back to secondary school. I had to prove to myself and t o my professors tha t the Associatio n o f America n Universitie s was justified in placing Fisk University on its approved list. I received the M.A . degre e i n nine month s an d won fellowship s wit h which I completed the Ph.D. requirements. There were few blacks at Harvard in those days. On e was completing hi s work in French histor y a s I entered. A s in Noah's Ark, there wer e tw o i n th e la w school , tw o i n zoology , an d tw o i n th e College. Ther e was one in English and one in comparative literature; there wer e non e i n th e Medica l School , an d non e i n th e Busines s School. The most traumatic social experience I had there was not racist but anti-semitic. I was quite active in the Henry Adams Club, made up of graduate students in United States History. I was appointed to serve o n th e committe e t o nominat e officer s fo r th e comin g yea r which, if one wanted to be hypersensitive, was a way of making certain that I would no t b e a n officer. Whe n I suggested th e mos t active , brightest graduate student for president, the objection to him was that although h e di d no t hav e som e o f th e mor e reprehensibl e Jewis h traits, h e wa s stil l a Jew. I ha d neve r hear d an y perso n spea k o f another in such terms, and I lost respect not only for the person who made the statement but for the entire group that even tolerated such views. Mos t of the members of the club never received their degrees. The Jewish member became one of the most distinguished persons to get a degree i n United State s histor y from Harvard in th e last halfcentury. The course o f stud y was satisfactory bu t fa r from extraordinary . Mark Hopkins was seldom on the other end of the log, and one had to fend fo r himself as best he could. I had no difficulty wit h such a regimen, although I felt that some of my fellow students needed more guidance tha n th e Universit y provided . I n m y presence , a t th e beginning o f m y second year , on e o f th e department' s outstandin g

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professors verbally abused a student, visiting from another institution, and dismissed him from his office because the student's question was awkwardly phrased the firsttime around. Another professor confessed to me that a doctoral committee had failed a candidate because he did not look like a Harvard Ph.D. Whe n the committee told him that he would have to study four more years before applyin g for reconsideration, the student was in the library the following morning to begin his four-year sentence. A t that point, the chairman of the committee was compelled t o inform the student that under no circumstances would he be permitted to continue his graduate studies there. When I left Harvard in the spring of 193 9 I knew that I did not wish to be in Cambridge another day. I had no desire to offend my advisor or th e othe r member s o f m y doctora l committee . I therefor e respectfully decline d suggestions that I seek further financial aid . I t was time , I thought , t o see k a teachin g positio n an d complet e my dissertation in absentia. ... It was necessary, a s a black historian, to have a personal agenda , as well as one dealing with more general matters, that involved a type of activism. I discovered thi s i n th e sprin g of 193 9 when I arrive d in Raleigh, North Carolina, to do research in the state archives, only to be informed by the director that in planning the building the architects did not anticipate that any Afro-Americans would be doing research there. Perhap s it was the astonishment that the director, a Yale Ph.D. in history, saw in my face that prompted him to make a proposition. If I would wait a week he would make some arrangements. Whe n I remained silent , registerin g a profound disbelief , h e cut the time in half. I waited from Monday to Thursday, and upon my return to the archives I was escorted t o a small roo m outfitte d wit h a table an d chair which was to be my private office fo r th e nex t fou r years. ( I hasten t o explai n tha t i t di d no t tak e fou r year s t o complet e m y dissertation. I completed i t the following year, but continued t o do research there as long as I was teaching at St. Augustine's College. ) The director also presented me with keys to the manuscript collection to avoi d requiring the white assistants t o deliver manuscripts to me. That arrangement lasted only two weeks, when the white researchers, protesting discrimination, demanded keys to the manuscript collection

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for themselves. Rathe r than comply with their demands, the director relieved me of my keys and ordered the assistants to serve me. Nothing illustrated the vagaries of policies and practices of racial segregation better than libraries and archives. I n Raleigh alone, there were three different policies : th e state library had two tables in the stacks se t asid e fo r th e regula r us e o f Negr o readers . Th e stat e supreme court library had no segregation, while, as we have seen, the archives faced the matter as it arose. I n Alabama and Tennessee, the state archives did not segregate readers, while Louisiana had a strict policy of excluding would-be Negro readers altogether. I n the summer of 194 5 I was permitted by the Louisiana director of archive s to use the manuscript collection since the library was closed in observance of the victory of the United States over governmental tyranny and racial bigotry in Germany and Japan. A s I have said elsewhere, pursuin g Southern history was for me a strange career. While Worl d Wa r I I interrupte d th e career s o f man y youn g scholars, I experienced no such delay. A t the same time, it raised in my min d th e mos t profoun d question s abou t th e sincerit y o f m y country in fighting bigotr y and tyranny abroad. An d the answer s to my questions shoo k m y faith i n the integrit y of ou r country an d its leaders. Bein g loath t o fight with guns and grenades, in any case, I sought opportunities t o serve in places where my training and skills could be utilized. Whe n the United State s entered th e war in 1941 I had already received my doctorate. Sinc e I knew that several men who had not been able to obtain their advanced degrees had signed on as historians in the War Department, I made application there. I was literally rebuffed withou t the Department giving me any serious consideration. I n Raleigh, where I was living at the time, the Navy sent ou t a desperat e appea l fo r me n t o d o offic e work , an d th e successful one s woul d b e give n th e ran k o f pett y officer . Whe n I answered the appeal, the recruiter told me that I had all the qualifications except color. I concluded that there was no emergency and told the recruiter how I felt. Whe n my draft board ordered me to go to its staff physicia n fo r a blood test , I was not permitted t o enter his office an d was told to wait on a bench in the hall. Whe n I refused and insisted to the draft board clerk that I receive decent treatment, she i n turn insisted tha t th e doctor see m e forthwith, which he did. By this time, I concluded that the United States did not need me and did not deserv e me . I spent th e remainde r o f th e war successfull y outwitting m y draf t board , includin g takin g a positio n a t Nort h

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Carolina College for Negroes whose president was on the draft appeal board. Eac h time I think of these incidents, even now I feel nothing but shame for my country—not merely for what it did to me, but for what it did to the millio n black men and women who served i n the armed forces under conditions of segregation and discrimination. One ha d alway s t o b e mindful , moreover , tha t bein g a blac k scholar did not exempt one from the humiliations and indignities that a society with more tha n its share of bigot s can heap upon a black person, regardless of education or even station in life. Thi s became painfully clear when I went to Brooklyn College in 1956 as chairman of a department of fifty-twowhite historians. Ther e was much fanfare accompanying m y appointment , includin g a front-pag e stor y wit h picture in the New York Times. Whe n I sought to purchase a home, however, no t on e o f th e thirty-od d realtor s offerin g home s i n th e vicinity o f Brookly n Colleg e woul d sho w thei r properties . Conse quently, I had t o see k showing s by owners who themselve s offere d their homes for sale. I got a few showings including one that we very much liked, but I did not have sufficient fund s to make the purchase. My insurance company had proudly advertised that it had $50 million to len d t o it s polic y holder s wh o aspire d t o hom e ownership . M y broker tol d m e tha t th e compan y woul d no t mak e a loa n t o m e because the house I wanted was several blocks beyond where blacks should live. I canceled my insurance and, with the help of my lawyer who was white, trie d to obtain a bank loan. I was turned down by every New York bank except the one in Brooklyn where my attorney's father had connections. A s we finallymoved in after th e hassles of more than a year, I estimated that I could have written a long article, perhaps even a small book, i n the time expended on the search for housing. Th e high cost of racial discrimination is not merely a claim of the so-called radical left. I t is as real as the rebuffs, the indignities, or the discriminations that many black people suffer. Many years ago, when I was a fledgling historian, I decided that one way to make certain that the learning process would continue was to write differen t kind s o f history , eve n a s one remaine d i n th e same field. It was my opinion that one should write a monograph, a general work, a biography, a period piece, and edit some primary source and some wor k o r works , perhap s b y othe r authors , t o promot e a n understanding of the field. I made no systematic effort t o touch all

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the bases, as it were, but with the recent publication of my biography of Georg e Washington Williams, I believe that I have touched them all. Mor e recently, I have started the process all over again by doing research for a monograph on runaway slaves. Another decision I made quite early was to explore new areas or fields, whenever possible, in order to maintain a lively, fresh approach to the teaching and writing of history. Tha t is how I happened to get into Afro-American history, in which I never had a formal course, but which attracte d a growing number of students of m y generation and many more in later generations. I t is remarkable how moving or even drifting into a fieldcan affect one's entire life. Mor e recently, I have become intereste d i n women's history , an d during th e pas t winter I prepared an d delivere d thre e lecture s unde r th e genera l titl e o f "Women, Blacks, and Equality, 1820-1988. " I need no t dwell on the fact tha t fo r m e i t was a very significant learnin g experience . No r should it be necessary for me to assure you that despite the fact that I have learned much , I do not seek immortality by writing landmark essays and books in the field of women's history. I hav e learne d muc h fro m m y colleague s bot h a t hom e an d abroad. Th e historical association s an d other learned societies have instructed m e a t great lengt h a t thei r annua l meetings , an d five of them have given me an opportunity to teach and to lead by electing me as their president. Thei r journals have provided me with the most recent finding s o f scholar s an d they have graciously publishe d some pieces o f m y own. Ver y earl y I learned tha t scholarship know s n o national boundaries, and I have sought the friendship and collaboration of historians and scholars in many parts of the world. Fro m the time tha t I taugh t a t th e Salzbur g Semina r i n American Studie s i n 1951, I hav e bee n a student an d a n advocat e o f th e view tha t th e exchange of ideas is more healthy and constructive than the exchange of bullets. Thi s was especially true during my tenure on the Fulbright Board, a s a member fo r seve n year s an d a s the chairma n fo r thre e years. I n suc h experience s on e learn s muc h abou t th e commo n ground that the peoples of the world share. Whe n we also learn that this country and the western world have no monopoly of goodness and truth or of skills and scholarship, we begin to appreciate the ingredients tha t ar e indispensabl e t o makin g a better world . I n a life o f learning that is, perhaps, the greatest lesson of all. (1988 ) From Race and History: Selected Essays 1938-1988 (1989 )

Muriel Snowden in 1981

MURIEL SNOWDEN

Muriel Sutherlan d Snowde n was born i n Orange , New Jersey, on 1 4 July 1916, one of three children of a dentist. Sh e grew up in nearby Glen Ridge and was class valedictorian at its high school. Sh e received he r A.B. from Radcliffe i n 193 8 with a concentration i n Romanc e Languages , but soo n decided that her future lay in social work. Fro m 193 8 to 194 3 she worked for a Ne w Jerse y welfare board , an d the n wo n a fellowshi p fo r graduat e study in community organization and race relations at the New York School of Social Work. Afte r a return to Cambridge in 1948 as executive director of th e city' s Civi c Unit y Committee , sh e an d he r husban d Ott o i n 194 9 conceived, founded , an d directe d Freedo m House , Inc. , a nationall y renowned civic center in the heart of Boston's black community, for 35 years until thei r retiremen t i n 198 4 t o becom e privat e consultants . Despit e indefatigably throwin g hersel f int o a n endles s serie s o f task s promotin g urban renewal and social betterment, Muriel Snowden made time to serve on countless committees and boards (she was the first black and only woman on the board of directors of th e Shawmut Bank ) an d to teac h community organization at Simmons College for more than a dozen years. In 197 2 sh e becam e th e all-tim e to p vote-gette r fo r directo r o f th e Associated Harvard Alumni, and in 1977 was the first black woman elected to the Board of Overseers. Sh e received many honors, including the College Alumnae Achievement Award from Radcliffe (1964) , and honorary degrees from the University of Massachusetts a t Amherst (1968 ) an d from Boston College (1984) . I n 198 7 sh e was th e recipien t o f a $375,00 0 no-stringsattached "genius " grant from the MacArthur Foundation. Sh e succumbed to cancer at her Boston home on 30 September 1988.

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Right to Participate

Despite everythin g tha t cam e afterwards , m y most vivid memory of Radcliffe i s of being denied access to a dormitory my freshman year. It continues to rankle to this day—despite the fact that Radcliffe was the only college to which I had applied; that I had graduated as valedictorian from one of th e best publi c high schools i n the country at the time ; tha t I had bee n admitte d withou t examinatio n unde r th e then existing "highest seventh plan" without the need for scholarship assistance—[that] the Radcliffe administratio n focused on my race as the rational e fo r concern abou t whether or not I would be "happy" living in a dormitory. For my mother, however, determined tha t I should not mis s out on the essence of college life, this was definitely a non-issue. Fo r her, the "quality" of my social life was our problem and not theirs; so after being forced t o live out my freshman year as a "day hop" commuting from Belmont, I was finally assigned a room in Whitman Hall. Thus, ( I believe) a s only the second Black woman in the history of the college up until that time who had been "allowed" to live in a dormitory, my life took on a somewhat different coloratio n from that of other Black students who commuted the entire four years. I remembe r thos e thre e year s i n Whitma n a s warm an d happy ones, where I shared with my dormitory mates the buzzing excitement of th e date one o f the m had with Joseph Kennedy, Jr.; the intense dinner discussions about whether one should accept religious dogma without question; gossipy sessions about sex, love, and marriage; the agony of studying all night for exams; the secret champagne celebrations on the stairs after lights outs; and the anxiety of getting back to the dorm by sign-in time. Although I was to lear n late r tha t m y presence sparke d special meetings about what would be the procedures should I decide to sign up for the dorm dances, who would exchange dances with me and my date, etc., there was very little open evidence of prejudice, hostility,

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or discrimination. Lif e was easier for me as the result of growing up in an all-white community, attending all-white schools, being carefully nurtured in self-esteem and self-confidence b y a close-knit family, and being shielde d fro m th e inevitabl e racia l incident s tha t n o Blac k family, no matter who they are, wholly escapes in this society. In reality, I came to Radcliffe carefull y wrapped in the cocoon of an "oreo," the nickname for those of us considered to be "black on the outside; white o n th e inside"— a living, breathin g reflectio n o f what whites thought Black people ought to be like. However, eve n I ha d anothe r lif e outsid e th e dormitory . Th e Black Gree k organization s a t the tim e activel y sought ou t th e newcomers at the start of each year and provided us with the opportunity to meet students from other colleges aroun d the New England area through the Interfraternal Council "mixers" (shades of today's students' Black Freshman Orientation?). Also , since I had been "properly" introduced to Boston's Black community by the couple with whom I had lived my freshman year, "racial isolation" did not become a problem. Radcliffe di d for me what college is supposed to do. I t gave me time to grow up and to star t finding ou t fo r myself who and what I was. Fro m an educational point of view, though, I do not have that sense o f challengin g intellectua l stimulatio n abou t whic h s o man y graduates rhapsodize. Th e excitement about "sitting at the feet of the masters" and finding directio n through the guidance and encouragement of professors and tutors eluded me completely. A s a matter of fact, I cannot now even recall the name of my tutor, an elderly gentleman who obviousl y coul d no t hav e care d les s abou t m e o r I about him. Essentially, I found my way through the educational maze alone, choosing courses, deciding on a major (the wrong one), and ending up with an AB in Romance languages and literature rather than in sociology and social relations, where I really belonged. Whe n I think about those days, the only names that come to mind are Pitirim Sorokin and Robert Merton , th e eminen t sociologists , wh o struc k a responsiv e chord in my soul and jogged me out of my middle-class complacency, and the legendary [Georg e Lyman] Kittredge under whom I did not study. As much as I chafed a t my liberal art s education a s not being a "salable product, " it ha s indeed provide d me with the disciplin e and inner resources that have enriched my personal life so immeasurably. I continue to believe that Radcliffe shoul d exist as Radcliffe i n order

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to give women the space they require even if they are now something called "Harvar d women." Above all , I have Harvar d an d Radcliffe t o than k fo r th e degre e that not only opened th e door to my first job, but also has commanded the respect and attention I have needed over the years to promote the cause s i n which I so deeply believe . There ar e undeniabl e pluses , bu t I hav e hope s tha t th e da y will come when I and other Black alumni/ae will be abl e to sing the Radcliffe and Harvard alma maters with a lump in the throat and nostalgic reverence fo r what "our " college mean t t o us . Tha t will als o b e th e day when th e statistics will no t sho w Black student s optin g fo r othe r educational institution s with a more sensitive an d welcoming climat e and where the y will no t hav e t o pa y the "oreo " price for acceptance . To paraphras e th e late Whitney Young, executive director of th e National Urba n League : Look at us, we are here. W e have our pride. W e have our roots. W e have our culture and rich heritage. W e insist, we demand your recognition and your respect and our right to participate in those decisions which affect our lives and those of our children. Radcliffe Quarterly (1986 )

ELIZABETH FITZGERAL D HOWAR D

[Gertrude] Elizabet h Fitzgeral d wa s bor n o n 2 8 Decembe r 192 7 i n Baltimore, Maryland. Movin g to th e Boston area , she attended Brooklin e High School . A t Radcliff e sh e concentrate d i n histor y an d develope d a lasting love of choral singing. Sh e was elected secretar y of the junior class and, th e next year, president an d class marsha l (th e first blac k in Radcliff e history to be so honored). Afte r he r graduation i n 1948 , she spent severa l years a s a children' s libraria n a t th e Bosto n Publi c Library . Late r a t th e University o f Pittsburgh , sh e earne d a Maste r o f Librar y Scienc e degre e (1971), followed b y a Ph.D. in th e sam e field , wit h a dissertation o n "Th e Reference Collectio n a s a Resourc e fo r Religio n Studie s i n Secondar y Schools" (1977). Sinc e 197 8 she has been a professor o f librar y science at the University of West Virginia i n Morgantown. He r interest i n the young is reflecte d i n he r stud y America as Story: Historical Fiction for Secondary Schools (1988) as well as her original fiction fo r children. He r recent boo k Aunt Flossie's Hats (and Crab Cakes Later) won a Parents* Choice Award.

Miss Radcliff e Even fo r Radcliff e College , which fo r 6 9 years ha s gon e abou t givin g women th e advantage s o f a Harvard educatio n wit h littl e fus s an d n o feathers, Bett y Fitzgeral d wa s somethin g special . I n he r freshma n year, thi s swee t an d seemingl y sh y Brookline , Mass. , gir l showe d leadership abilit y and moved int o extracurricular prominenc e by being elected t o th e boar d o f administratio n o f Brigg s Hall , he r dormitory . A membe r o f th e Studen t Assembl y in her sophomor e year , she wen t up t o th e Studen t Counci l i n he r junio r yea r an d wa s electe d class secretary.

Elizabeth Fitzgerald Howard in midcareer

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In December 1946 , Bett y wa s a Radcliffe representativ e a t the organizing convention of the National Students Association in Chicago and a founder of the permanent NSA at Madison, Wis., the following summer. O n the sid e sh e worked o n th e Radcliff e New s an d sang with the famous Choral Society. Las t spring she was elected president of th e senio r clas s and , t o doubl e th e honor , was chose n thi s year from a field of eleven candidates to be class marshal. For an y girl, Betty' s extracurricular recor d would b e considere d distinguished. Bu t though Radcliffe, traditionall y reticent, was wisely matter-of-fact abou t it , ther e wa s on e thin g whic h mad e he r eve n more noteworthy: Bett y was a Negro, a fact not mentioned in any of the newspaper publicity. Daughte r of a Harvard man, J. MacFarland Fitzgerald, an d sister of th e sophomore clas s vice president , th e 20year-old senio r ha d rise n i n schoo l politic s o n th e strengt h o f th e popularity-winning personal charm and ability which had made her a success in Girls Latin School in Boston and Brookline High and later the biggest of campus "big wheels" at Radcliffe. Last wee k Bett y Fitzgerald' s greates t collegiat e momen t cam e when, as class marshal, she headed the procession of 218 women who were awarde d degree s a t Radcliff e commencemen t exercise s i n Sanders Theater, Harvard . Althoug h ther e had been Negr o girls at Radcliffe sinc e its founding i n 1879, Betty was the first Negr o to be either senior president or marshal. He r reaction: "The best part of it is that when my class returns for its 25th and biggest reunion in 1973, I lead the whole caboodle into Sanders Theater again." Newsweek (1948)

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Three Generation s of a Black Radcliff e and Harvard Famil y PROLOGUE, APRIL, 1944 A Brookline High School senior snatches the letter from th e postman and tear s i t open . "I t give s m e grea t pleasure . . . . " Squeal s an d shouts. Bett y Fitzgerald ha s been admitte d t o Radcliffe College ! Her parents, John MacFarland and Bertha James Fitzgerald, have been expectin g this day. The y had often turne d t o the photo album page where two-year old Betty, in a bunny-eared snow suit, stood on the step s o f Whitma n Hal l i n th e Radcliff e Quadrangle . Ma c Fitzgerald ha d brough t hi s family bac k to Bosto n fro m Baltimor e in the middl e of th e depression . Here , perhaps , ther e migh t be a job. And here, at any rate, the public schools had renown and reputation . And he would be near Harvard. Bett y and her sister Barbara would be able to go to Radcliffe. Th e years had rolled by, and if Fitzgerald felt an y disappointmen t i n wha t Harvar d ha d don e fo r hi m h e stil l believed tha t fo r hi s daughter s a Harvar d educatio n promise d th e future. (Possibl y Bertha was thinking about Harvard husbands for the girls.) What make s this scenari o unique ? Sinc e 163 6 there hav e been generations of Harvard sons and grandsons. Bu t Mac Fitzgerald was different. H e was from Baltimor e and he was black. Ther e ar e fe w black families whose Harvard lineag e stretches t o thre e generations. How did it al l come about? Wha t was it lik e to be a Negro student in the 20s, the middle 40s, and early 50s? Ho w has it been differen t for a black student in the late 1970s and early/middle 80s? Wha t does Harvard mea n to these three generations ? ACT ONE. PLACE : HARVARD YARD. TIME: 1920. John MacFarlan d Fitzgeral d hadn' t mean t t o g o t o Harvard . H e hadn't gone to school at all until his teens. To o frail, his parents felt ,

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so he had been tutored at home. H e attende d Howard Preparatory in Washingto n bu t th e pre p schoo l folded . H e spen t on e yea r a t Howard University . Bu t the n Uncl e Irving , hi s mother' s brother , proposed tha t th e tw o of the m g o int o th e chicke n business . Ma c Fitzgerald gave u p college an d invested i n 500 chickens. Bu t when winter cam e Uncl e Irvin g hear d th e cal l o f sunshin e an d wen t t o Florida. Ma c did not want to deal with the chickens by himself, so he sold them and applied to Harvard, Brown and Dartmouth. Harvar d answered first. Fitzgerald recalls that he lived in a Cambridge rooming house with other blac k student s (includin g th e fame d lawye r Charles Houston ; William Hastie , late r governo r o f th e Virgi n Islands ; Ear l Brown , editor o f Life magazin e an d a Ne w Yor k Cit y councilman , e t al.) . Black students generally lived off campus, but occasionally one found his way to one of the Houses. Fo r social life, Negro students sought out eac h other . Fitzgeral d mention s on e whit e studen t who m h e knew quite well—Charles Poletti, late r governor of Ne w York—who had waited on tables in the Union. Although Harvard was not unfriendly it was generally acknowledged tha t th e peopl e wh o reall y belonge d wer e th e childre n o f th e establishment. Negr o student s definitel y wer e o n th e fringes , bu t Fitzgerald doesn' t remembe r an y rea l unpleasantness . Onc e a professor disallowe d a displa y o f innat e racis m b y a studen t wh o referred in class to "a white lady and a colored woman." Th e student was silence d b y th e instructor , wh o intoned , "Ther e isn' t an y such thing as a white lady. Al l women are women." Although Booke r T. Washington an d W.E.B. Du Boi s both had been guest s i n hi s parents ' home , i t wa s a t Harvar d tha t Ma c Fitzgerald first became trul y fire d u p b y th e struggl e fo r right s o f blacks. Al l Negro students were members of the Nile Club, a studentrun organization that sponsored occasional lectures and social events. One memorable evening the speaker was Marcus Garvey, crusader for a separate black state.. . . [See earlier selection, "A Note on Marcus Garvey at Harvard."] Th e unbreakabl e and yet not always admitted bond between privileged middle-class blacks and their less fortunat e brothers an d sister s wa s indelibl y impresse d upo n Fitzgeral d . . . Fitzgerald too k 1 1 course s i n economics . Bu t probabl y th e mos t important lesson was Garvey's. Fitzgerald soon found out that a Harvard AB was no guarantee of financial success . Th e business contacts that all white students took

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for granted were not there for Negroes. I n the years that followed h e worked variously in real estate and retailing, and tried writing, always struggling against the combination of recurrent ill health, bad luck and wrong skin color. (Sixt y years later Fitzgerald's feeling s fo r hi s alma mater ar e bitter-sweet.) ACT TWO. TIME: FALL, 1944. Betty Fitzgerald took to Radcliffe a s a mallard to the pond in Boston Gardens. Sh e had not even applied anywhere else. Hadn' t she been photographed o n th e steps of Whitma n Hal l a t ag e two ? Bu t what was it like to be here in the 40's, one of less than a handful o f Negro girls a t Radcliff e an d th e onl y on e i n he r class ? Unlik e Ma c Fitzgerald, wh o kne w who h e wa s an d wher e h e wa s comin g from , Betty was naive. Sh e had always attended virtually all-white schools, so Radcliffe woul d not be anything new. Furthermore , she had been totally programmed t o love the place. He r fathe r ha d taugh t he r t o sing "Hi t th e Lin e fo r Harvard " an d "O'e r th e Stand s i n Flamin g Crimson" when she was in elementary school. Sh e smiled at everyone and everyone smiled at her. I f there were any racially motivated barbs flung he r way—and surely there must have been—she just didn't notice. She san g wit h Choral , ra n fo r an d wo n clas s offices , includin g president o f her class . Sh e socialized wit h he r Radcliff e classmates , but she dated only the handful o f available black men at Harvard. O f course, there were other swains from th e greater Boston area, one of whom chided her. "Wh y do you bother about being friends with these white girls ? They'l l forge t al l abou t yo u whe n yo u al l leav e here. " Betty didn't agree. In thos e day s black student s avoide d th e appearanc e o f clinging together. Th e rule was to mix, to try to convince everyone that you were not any different. Bett y Fitzgerald didn't feel any different. O n retrospection, however, why was it that Dean Sherman dissuaded her from taking chemistry? Sh e had an A from Brookline High. An d why was she electe d t o al l those offices ? Wa s it partl y a way for whit e students t o assuag e racis t attitudes ? Tha t Bett y wa s presiden t an d marshal cause d muc h hoopl a i n th e loca l pres s an d eve n Newsweek magazine. Fancy , a Negro student! Bu t for Fitz at the time it was all glory. Short-live d glory , though , whe n i t cam e t o jo b hunting . Radcliffe was not a very career-oriented place in those days, and while

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that was all right for the privileged, it was not immediately satisfactory for the young women who would have to work after college. Wha t to do but sig n up for th e Radcliffe typin g and shorthand course . Afte r a summe r o f odd-jo b typin g an d a fruitles s fora y t o Ne w Yor k fo r something i n publishing , a suggestio n fro m Mis s Stedma n le d t o a filing jo b at the Boston Public Library. Hardl y the goal of a Radcliff e education, but i t was a step. Bu t a Radcliffe educatio n di d prov e to be a foundation fo r futur e caree r aspirations . Bett y now has a PhD in Librar y Scienc e fro m th e Universit y o f Pittsburg h an d teache s children's and young adult literatur e a t Wes t Virginia University . Betty's sister, Barbara, entered Radcliff e i n the Class of '51 . Sh e graduated wit h n o clea r caree r goals . Bu t afte r bein g a n instructo r with th e Bel l Syste m an d a high schoo l Lati n teacher , sh e i s now a nurse practitioner a t Upstate Medical Center i n Syracuse, N.Y. Most o f Betty' s blac k friend s fro m Bosto n hav e gon e eithe r t o Boston University or south to Howard or Fisk. Perhap s they thought it od d tha t sh e an d he r siste r Barbar a '5 1 were goin g t o Radcliffe . Betty an d Barbar a bot h selecte d Harvar d husbands . Bett y marrie d Lawrence C. Howard, PhD '56 , who is professor an d former dea n a t the Graduat e Schoo l o f Publi c an d Internationa l Affair s a t th e University of Pittsburgh. Barbar a married Otey M. Scruggs, PhD '58, who is professor o f history at Syracuse University. ACTTHREE. SCEN E ONE PLACE: COMSTOCK HALL. TIME: SEPTEMBER, 1975. Jane Elizabet h Howard , eldes t daughte r o f Bett y Fitzgeral d an d Lawrence C. Howard, whispers, "Bye, Mom," and walks down the hall to th e Comstoc k livin g room withou t lookin g back, leavin g Bett y t o swallow the lum p in her throa t an d t o muse about th e fulfillmen t o f a foreordaine d plan . I n he r earl y high-schoo l years , Jane ha d bee n determined t o study ballet somewhere. The n a t 1 5 she accompanie d her parents to the 25th reunion of the class of '48 , where a highlight was the daring college-y antic of sneaking a swim in the Adams House pool. B y the time Jane was ready for college, Radcliffe-Harvard wa s her first choice . Sh e knew she wanted t o go to law school. The worl d wa s vastl y different , withou t an d withi n Radcliffe . Coeducational livin g an d equa l acces s fo r wome n ha d occurred . Young wome n kne w fo r certai n tha t the y woul d b e plannin g fo r careers. An d Harvard had embarked on a serious campaign to attract

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black students , and ha d succeede d i n greatly increasin g th e numbe r who attended. Moreover , black students had definite theories on how to take on Harvard . Instead of trying to blend in, they developed a n all-encompassing sense o f community . Blac k student s congregate d togethe r a t th e dining room tables and nodded greetings to each other as they passed on th e street . Th e communit y wa s no t a n ope n one . Th e blac k students who led more integrated live s were largely ostracized by the rest. Fe w whites were able to penetrate thei r closed ranks. Jane enthusiasticall y immerse d hersel f i n thi s environment. Sh e had black roommates, started a Third World dance troupe, joined the Black Students' Association (successo r to the Nile Club) and lived in one o f th e House s wit h a larg e blac k population . Sh e say s i t wa s refreshing t o be part of a crowd, in contrast t o the isolation she had experienced a t he r smal l Pittsburg h pre p school . Fo r Jane , " . . . i t was like coming home." He r immersion in the black world at Harvard raised he r awarenes s o f who she was, and sh e became highl y politicized. Now , five years later , sh e say s tha t th e experienc e mad e i t possible for he r to have white friends again . The pressure to get good grades for graduate school caused black students t o help and bolster eac h other. A t th e black senior dinne r dance o n th e evenin g o f Commencemen t i n 1979 , each graduate' s name was called by the M.C., who announced which business, law, or medical schoo l h e o r sh e woul d b e attending . The y ha d mad e th e most o f Harvar d an d thei r them e son g rocke d th e Currie r dinin g room: "Ain' t n o stoppin g u s now! " Jan e Elizabet h Howar d 7 9 finished Harvard Law School in 1982, and is now married to Clarence A. (Gus) Martin 78, Duquesne Law School '81. Bot h are working in Washington, D.C. , where Jan e i s a n associat e wit h th e la w firm of Covington an d Burling , an d Gu s i s legislativ e assistan t t o Cong . Charles Rangel (D-N.Y.). ACT THREE. SCENE TWO. Mac Fitzgerald's grandson, Jeffrey Scruggs , son of Barbara Fitzgeral d and Ote y M. Scruggs PhD '58 , might hav e gone to baseball camp at the end of his junior year of high school in Syracuse. But , as he said to a friend, "Th e colleges aren' t intereste d i n baseball." S o he spent the summer as a research associate at The Roswell Memorial Cancer Research Institute in Buffalo. Salutatoria n and most valuable player,

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Jeff arrived at Harvard with the Class of 1985. H e says that things are different no w for black students even from the way they were when his cousi n Jan e wa s a n undergraduate . Th e tren d o f th e '80 s i s integrationist. "Yo u ca n b e friend s wit h whomeve r you'r e friend s with," he says. "N o longer do you look for a black table in the dining room." Th e college roomin g policy assigns freshmen t o the Yard in mixed batches. Ther e is at least an effort t o prevent concentrating a large number of blacks in one House. Jef f says that most blacks are in a rooming group with at least one other black. "Th e ultra preppy blacks associate mor e with just whites." Man y black students come from nearl y all-whit e hig h school s an d ar e accustome d t o bein g i n integrated situations . Ther e seem s t o b e littl e stigm a attache d t o interracial dating. All in all, Jeff senses there is more openness and ease in the '80s. Perhaps black students n o longer fee l s o strongly tha t the y have t o prove anything? A n economics major, Jeff has also taken a number of Afro-American Studies courses. H e does wonder about the scarcity of black varsity athletes and black faculty. However , being surrounded by talented , motivate d youn g black s i s a ne w experienc e fo r Jef f Scruggs, and as a result he feels that being at Harvard has made him more black than he was—and values this as one of the pluses in being here. H e als o feels very secure about his future. Ain' t no stopping us now! Radcliffe Quarterly (1984 )

[Editors' note: Jeffre y Matthew Scruggs received his A.B. cum laude in 1985 , and his M.B.A. with distinction fro m th e Harvar d Business School in 1991.]

Harold Scott, age 22, as King Lear in 1958

Harold Scott in 1976

HAROLD R . SCOT T

Harold Russel l Scot t Jr . wa s bor n i n Morristown , Ne w Jersey , o n 6 September 1935 . H e attended Phillips Exeter Academy, majored i n English at Harvard , an d receive d hi s degre e i n 1957 . A s a n undergraduat e h e demonstrated astonishin g versatilit y a s an acto r i n role s rangin g fro m th e adolescent Boy in Tennessee Williams' The Purification to the elderly Duke of Yor k i n Shakespeare' s Richard II, an d includin g th e titl e parts i n Sophocles' Oedipus Rex and O'Neill's Emperor lones along with the dancing role o f Pari s i n The Golden Apple an d th e singin g rol e o f Jupite r i n Offenbach's Orpheus in Hades. Withi n a year o f hi s graduatio n a highl y praised productio n o f Shakespeare's King Lear was mounted especiall y fo r him, in which he played the octogenarian monarc h a t 22 (a feat previousl y accomplished only by England's famed William Devlin). A few months later he appeared in Genet's Deathwatch in New York, which brought him a 1959 Obie Award fo r hi s "distinguished performance. " He wa s invite d t o becom e a membe r o f th e origina l compan y o f th e Lincoln Cente r Repertory Theatr e in 1964 , and began a career i n directin g in 1966. Sinc e then he has combined acting and directing on Broadway, off Broadway, at regional theatre s throughout th e country, and at more than a dozen universities, with occasional stints as teacher, lecturer, and producer . In Shakespear e he has played Macbeth, Othello, Hotspur, Claudius, Ariel, and Brutus , and performe d th e leading roles in the American premiere s of works by Wole Soyinka. Fo r five summers he was actor and director at th e O'Neill Memoria l Theate r Center , and fo r tw o seasons artisti c director of Cincinnati's Playhouse-in-the-Park . A t Harvard' s Loe b Dram a Center , h e has directed Genet' s The Blacks, Beckett's Waiting for Godot, Pinter's The Birthday Party, and Indians by Arthur Kopi t '59 . I n 197 2 the New England Theatre Conferenc e bestowe d a specia l awar d o n Scot t fo r excellenc e a s actor, director, and teacher . Hi s records includ e James Weldo n Johnson' s God's Trombones, along wit h mor e tha n thirt y "talkin g books " fo r th e American Foundatio n fo r th e Blind . I n 198 0 Scott joine d th e facult y o f Rutgers University , where h e i s now professor o f theatr e an d hea d o f th e graduate directin g program , whil e continuin g t o direc t i n Ne w Yor k an d elsewhere.

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Harvard an d the Performing Arts : "How Long, O Lor d . . . ? " Here w e ar e twent y year s later . An d thos e o f u s who lef t Harvar d determined to pursue a life in the performing art s are still the bastard children o f a n institutio n tha t ha s neve r embrace d th e concep t tha t performing i s a respectable occupatio n fo r more tha n extracurricula r hours. Woul d tha t one could say that it was merely a five/ify-year-ol d problem! Actors, dancers , an d ofte n singer s an d othe r musician s hav e a rather patheti c histor y wher e respectability , o r eve n acceptanc e o r acknowledgement a s responsible beings, is concerned. Performer s i n general ar e thought o f as emotionally unstable , financiall y irresponsi ble, morally depraved, and not too bright. Fascinatin g to watch, either clinically o r vicariously, bu t someho w dangerou s t o b e around . No t quite suitable fo r us e i n the home , muc h les s th e community . It is significant tha t to this day we in the performing art s still refer to ourselves affectionately , bu t with an unfortunate modicu m of self abnegation, a s "gypsies. " Thi s i s th e mythi c life-styl e tha t ha s bee n delegated t o us. Ho w tragic that Harvard insists on perpetuating that myth. I t is an annoyance an d an embarrassment . It is also an irony when one considers how "star"-oriented we have become a s a nation . Joh n Kenned y wa s th e firs t Presiden t i n m y memory t o b e describe d b y th e medi a a s havin g th e indefinabl e charisma o f a movi e star . Ho w doubl y ironi c tha t h e wa s als o a Harvard graduate. And , one might add parenthetically, a better actor has never graced th e Whit e House . Somehow that description seems to have a pejorative connotation when applie d t o a President , doesn' t it ? I ca n fee l som e o f yo u thinking: How dare he desecrate the memory of a great man by calling him an actor? Bu t what i s an actor? To paraphrase Tennessee Williams , an actor brings you reality in the form of a n illusion. Throug h his craft h e moves you emotionally ; he stimulates your thought; he commands your attention by his voice, his speech, hi s carriage; and if totally successful, h e gives you comfort

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and security by the ease, grace, and power with which he executes his skills. What does a President, a diplomat, a politician, a lawyer, a minister do? O r rather, what is it that we wish or hope a President will do when we cast our ballot? I s it not really one and the same thing? It i s alway s assume d tha t a performer' s worl d i s on e o f make believe. Pretendin g t o b e someon e else . I n fact , th e performer' s world is one of trut h on the mos t profound an d often painfu l level . We ar e observer s o f truth . W e ar e purveyors of truth . Whe n th e performance does not ring true you can be almost guaranteed that the actor will be panned and the play will close. A s Hamlet states in his address t o th e players , i t i s th e actor' s job "t o hold, a s 'twere , th e mirror up to nature." It i s interesting t o not e wit h th e adven t of televisio n an d other mass-oriented media how important "performance" has become. Elec tions have been lost because a candidate did not present a convincing "image." Nixon' s heav y bear d an d clos e eyebrow s were though t t o make hi m loo k untrustworthy ; correctiv e makeu p wa s immediatel y introduced. Kennedy' s wardrobe was chicly tailored with suppressed waists and elevated shoulders; that's costuming. Jimm y Carter's hair is not cut; it is styled. Th e White House is no longer redecorated; it is designed with the care and precision of a Hollywood set. Whe n a President's vocal delivery has been too monotonous or regional speech patterns to o extreme , i n com e th e voic e an d speec h therapist s t o modify th e image , theoreticall y s o tha t al l American s ca n relat e t o him. An d alway s a director is present t o sho w him how to us e th e camera as he reads his text. I think the metaphor is complete. In short, al l o f ou r live s ar e performance s o f sorts . Wh y does Harvard stil l persis t i n refusin g t o trai n peopl e t o dea l wit h thes e realities of performance a s a valid occupation? One read s th e Crimson: "Committe e o n Theatr e Recommend s Against Establishing Drama Department at Harvard . .. On e student opposed establishing a drama department because 'drama departments attract hacks.' " (Th e chairma n o f thi s committee i s a professor o f ancient and modern history.) On e reads the Radcliffe Quarterly: "For about te n years th e art s a t Radcliffe consiste d o f a program called Sports, Dance , an d Recreation , offere d b y th e Radcliff e Physica l Education Department." On e reads The Harvard Independent: "Being an actor at Harvard is one of th e most difficult thing s one could be. The director s her e thin k tha t i f you'r e seriou s abou t actin g yo u

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wouldn't b e a t Harvard , an d i f you ar e serious , yo u won't ge t any better since this is no place to learn." These quotations are from 1976 publications. The y could just as well have been written in 1956, which I understand i s now referred t o a s the core of Th e Golde n Age o f Theater at Harvard. "Nothin g has changed, John Brown, nothing has changed," wrote Stephen Vincent Benet. We have been brainwashed. One still hears the same perverse argument I heard as a freshman: If Harvar d ha s a theater department , woul d sh e hav e produce d a s many deeply talented , prominen t artist s a s she has ? M y answer is YES, probabl y more . San d i n th e oyste r i s no t th e onl y wa y t o produce a pearl. About a yea r ago , I receive d a lette r fro m Rober t Anderson , probably best known to you as the author of Tea and Sympathy. He is also the chairman of the Board of Overseers' Committee to Visit the Loeb Drama Center. (Not e th e verb. Th e italics are mine.) I t was a pitc h fo r fund s an d include d wha t Anderso n describe d a s "a n incomplete list of Harvard and Radcliffe graduates who have gone on to wor k i n th e performin g arts. " I wa s shocke d a t som e o f th e important names that appeared on that list. I had no idea that they were Harvar d graduates, an d yet I was one. I was als o shocked at some o f th e glarin g omissions . Bu t the n ho w coul d th e lis t b e complete when we have no departmental affiliatio n wit h the university? I n my anger I did not respond. Two more brief observations. I n 19721 was appointed to the Harvard faculty to teach a seminar in acting and to direct a production on the Loeb mainstage. Wha t to do with me? Ho w can you appoint a man to a faculty that has no department to embrace him? A title was invented. I was appointed "Visitin g Stage Director" (note th e verb again) an d give n a prope r officer' s card , #1-82168 , vali d throug h 10-72. A t last I was official a s an artist at Harvard, even temporarily. I cherish that red and white plastic card, even to this day. Bu t what is that title, and what is Mr. Anderson's committee? On e cannot be an instructor, much less a professor, nor even chairman of a committee of a building, a nondepartment. Bu t obviously the need for such appointments is there somewhere. More recently, I was elected a director of the Associated Harvard Alumni, a grea t honor . I attende d m y firs t meetin g las t fal l an d looked a t th e predominanc e o f lawyers , judges, scholars , an d bank presidents that surrounded me. N o MFA or PhD or any other initials or symbols could precede or follow my name to distinguish my status,

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even if I had wanted it, and I didn't particularly want it. However , I feel tha t decision should have been mine, not the university's. Oh Harvard, you glorious , perverse , stubborn conservative, you. You hav e learne d t o accep t women , blacks , Jews, an d a few othe r pushy minorities . I n addition , yo u hav e hidde n a fe w longhaired , bearded scientist s i n thei r laboratories . Yo u hav e bee n force d t o admit th e existenc e o f Ga y Liberatio n an d eve n t o grappl e wit h transsexualism i n your tenure d closet. Wh y is the performin g artis t and the reality of his dignity such a threat? We live in an age when Ronald Reagan nearly won the Republican presidential nomination, Pearl Bailey is a delegate to the UN, and Shirley Temple Black has been a major diplomat—to name but a few performers turned politicians. W e live in an age when former mayors John Lindsa y an d Car l Stoke s dis h ou t ou r mornin g an d evenin g news—to name but two politicians turned performers. We hav e al l hear d o f th e Georg e Pierc e Bake r odysse y a d nauseam. Tha t was 1925. W e know that the Yale School of Drama is now one of the most dynamic arts institutions in the country. Wha t kind o f revolutio n wil l i t requir e t o mak e Harvar d finally see th e importance o f providin g a training ground fo r th e performin g arts ? We as individuals have given Harvard the artists. Whe n will she give us back the simple dignity of a title we have earned and that the world at larg e recognize s a s valuable ? W e ar e you r performin g artists . Celebrate us. D o not hide us in "incomplete lists." Bernard Shaw closes his masterwork, St Joan, with these beautiful and prophetic words: " O God that madest this beautiful earth, when will it be ready to receive Thy saints? Ho w long, O Lord, how long?" The performin g artis t ma y no t b e a saint, i f indee d ther e ar e an y saints left i n our midst, but he can bring you beauty an d truth with grace and style, intelligence, and imagination—and that's a bold word in these computerized times. From Harvard College Class of 1957 20th Anniversary Report (1977)

[Editors' postscript: I t is of course impossible to gauge precisely what impact this and similar pleas had on the University community. Bu t it i s importan t t o not e tha t thre e year s late r Harvar d decide d t o import th e Yal e Repertor y Theatre' s compan y an d hous e i t i n the

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Loeb Drama Center as the American Repertory Theatre. I n addition, Harvard bega n i n th e fal l o f 198 0 t o offe r fo r credi t a grou p o f courses in "dramatic arts" that included the study of acting, directing, and designing.]

William Melvin Kelley in 1965

WILLIAM MELVI N KELLE Y

William Melvin Kelley Jr. was born in New York City on 1 November 1937. After attendin g the private Fieldston School , he spent parts of five years at Harvard (Clas s o f '60 ) but lef t befor e completin g hi s degree . A n Englis h concentrator, he studied with novelist John Hawkes and three-time Pulitzer Prize winne r Archibal d MacLeish . Hi s shor t stor y "Th e Poke r Party, " published i n th e Harvard Advocate, won th e Dan a Ree d Priz e a s th e bes t piece of undergraduate writing. Kelley's novels range from the Faulknerianyi Different Drummer (1962), which won two awards, to the Joycean Dunfords Travels Everywheres (1970), which brough t hi m anothe r award . Fro m hi s collectio n o f shor t stories , Dancers on the Shore (1964), Langston Hughe s chos e "Th e Onl y Ma n o n Liberty Street" for inclusion in The Best Short Stories by Negro Writers (1967). 'The Ivy League Negro," which Kelley wrote for Esquire (August 1963), drew much comment . Kelley's writing has also appeared in Negro Digest, Saturday Evening Post, the New York Times Magazine, Mademoiselle, and other periodicals , and in numerous anthologies . W e reprin t hi s contributio n t o "Blac k Power : A Discussion," fo r whic h th e Partisan Review solicited 1 2 brief statement s i n 1968. Hi s short story "My Next to Last Hit" appears here for th e first time. Kelley has spent some time teaching college in this country and abroad, and much tim e livin g i n foreig n locales . I n additio n t o writing , h e ha s bee n active as a photographer an d sign maker. Currentl y he is a member of th e Department o f Creative Writing at Sarah Lawrenc e College.

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Black Power

Is it still necessary, in 1968, to discuss the differences between the two peoples, African and European, who inhabit the United States? I thought everybod y accepte d thos e differences. I thought that everybody kne w th e differenc e betwee n Jame s Brow n an d Elvi s Presley, o r Willi e May s an d Micke y Mantle , o r th e walt z an d th e guaguanco, or th e Temptations an d th e Beatles, or Leontyne Price and Joan Sutherland, or Duke Ellington and Aaron Copland or even old Nat Turner and Mr. Jefferson Davis . An d so I did not think we had to leaf back to Chapter One. Bu t we do. Please, sir, we are different, sir. Our ancestor s cam e fro m Africa , your s fro m Europe . Ou r ancestors did not want to come to the United States, yours did. Onc e we arrived in the United States, yes, we both worked—but separated from eac h other . W e di d no t mix . Yo u remained , essentially , a European people. W e remained an African people. We remaine d Africa n becaus e i n Afric a w e ha d possesse d a complex and highly-developed oral tradition. Knowledge—o f the past, of the environment, artistic traditions, philosophy, myth, cuisine—was passed from one generation to the next, orally. For the most part, we did not have written languages, books. Yo u had books, libraries, where knowledge of the past, the environment, artistic traditions , philosophy , myt h an d eve n cuisin e wa s boxed , packaged, stacked, catalogued, categorized, entombed and enshrined. In books. Yo u mus t have mone y t o ge t int o suc h places, t o study books, to buy books. Everybod y cannot do it. Many more people talk than write. Man y more people hear and see tha n read . An d we , thos e o f u s whos e ancestor s cam e fro m Africa, we had, still have, an oral tradition. Unlike man y immigrants , we di d no t suffe r th e shoc k o f bein g separated, b y English , fro m language s whic h wer e bot h ora l an d written. W e were torn only from spoken cultures.

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We missed the sounds of each of our languages, but the content, its meanings , staye d wit h us . A n importan t aspec t o f ou r Africa n cultures was the strong emphasis on Improvisation. Improvisation , in many different forms , is common to all of Africa. In the United States, we improvised. A n African, a grown man, taken in battle or kidnapped, marched to the coast in chains, forced onto a ship, carried across an ocean, unloaded, sold and told, finally, that h e mus t pic k somebod y else' s cotton , suc h a ma n ha d bette r improvise. He did. W e all did. W e improvised on English. W e improvised on Christianity. W e improvised on European dress. W e improvised on European instruments. W e improvised on European games. Orally. A n African woman may have learned to cook her owner's dinner the way he like d it, but when she cooked he r own food, sh e added a little pepper, as she had done in Africa. An d that's the food she fed he r children, or the African children she was feeding. An d she taugh t th e girls to cook tha t way, the ol d way. An d those girls taught their girls. Orally . T o our day. We talked. W e improvised. An d our ancestors came from Africa. That is why you cannot compare James Brown to Elvis Presley, or the Temptations to the Beatles, or Duke Ellington to Aaron Copland, or even th e Blac k Powe r Movemen t t o th e Abolitionist s an d th e Anarchists. We are different. Partisan Review (1968 )

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My Next to Last Hit by "C. C. Johnson"

My next to last hit got very personal in several ways. An d everybody in the Business knows he can't let the hit get personal. On e messes up, makes mistakes. I find I do better work when I don't care, but just d o i t dispassionately . I f m y Mo m hadn' t name d m e Calvi n Coolidge Johnson , sh e coul d hav e name d m e Cooley , mos t reall y meaning Coldly—the way I do everything I do. As k anybody if Cooley doesn't mean Dry Ice. I doub t I coul d hav e gotte n ver y fa r i n th e Busines s i f I ha d conducted myself in a passionate manner. Generall y Reupeons didn't trust Africamericans. Man y of them didn't like to have us around at all. Som e maintain that niggers lack courage and loyalty, that we talk too much . I broke man y barriers in those areas . Bu t I'll confes s I think I progressed i n th e Busines s becaus e I knew th e Dao n fro m childhood days, even before I worked in his father's bakery on White Plains Avenue in the Bronx, New York. Th e Daon and I grew up on the same block. Back in the Hiroshima summer of 1945 , to pinpoint i t exactly, I needed a job badly. Po p had died a few years before, leavin g Mom with me and my five-year-old brother , Hondo. A couple of kids had died between hi m and me. S o a t age fifteen I began t o look fo r a serious job, not just for extra but for ordinary. I went in and out of every Negro-owned store in Williamsbridge, from 233rd Street to Gun Hill Road, from Bronxwood Avenue t o the Bronx River, even tried the A&P, Safeway and Grand Union, but couldn't find anything , no deliveryboy or packer or sweeper needed. One night going home to Barnes Avenue, I said to myself, Why not tr y Mr . Capeurtao . Ever y tim e I wen t i n there , h e sa w me , recognized m y soul (hi s words, not mine), I could see i t in his eyes. Such white men do exist; take George Washington . Mr . Capeurtao always asked after my progress in school. I always did well and told him so and he always behaved like it truly pleased him; he'd give me

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a pastry or sometimes a small pie. S o that night, stifling tremor s of fear i n anticipatio n o f talkin g abou t Mone y wit h a whit e man , expecting him to say No, but willing to try, in I stepped. I found Mr. Capeurtao engaged in conversation with his son, Roff the Cowboy Capeurtao, the future Daon. He' d gotten the nickname Cowboy because as a child he'd often expressed the desire to go west to become one. A t seventeen he actually did it and spent tw o years in Texas. Bu t somethin g happene d an d he returne d t o th e Bronx. The nicknam e stuck , bu t onl y me n wh o kne w hi m fo r years , lik e myself, dared mention it. I don' t remembe r tha t the y converse d abou t anythin g o f grea t criminal importance, just Mr. Capeurtao—robust in his baker's whites, whitehaired but brown as a walnut, his face baked by years of looking into a flaming oven—behind the counter passing the time of day with his middle son, Roff. And in I stepped, halting two paces just inside the front doo r of the shop , by the cooki e section . The y stoo d nea r th e bac k o f th e rectangular store, near the bread. "Hello , Mr. Capeurtao." I took one step closer. "Wha t d'you know, Roff?" Roff shead swiveled slowly toward me like the turret of a tank. In his midtwenties, he still worked as a pianomover with his uncle and also delivered baked goods for his father, which he used as a cover for Hookers on Wheels. H e had two mattresses on the floor of the back of the bakery truck, and two females to fill them. H e could still wring a human neck like a chicken's with his bare hairy hands. H e had none of his father's craftsman's elegance, but took after his mother's people, no insul t intended . The y cam e fro m th e southernmos t regio n o f Reupeo. Fe w read or wrote. "You got money, Cooley? Gimm e some." "Shoosh, Roff , yo u stan d i n th e presenc e o f a scholar. " Mr . Capeurtao softly tapped his son's forehead across the counter. "Goo d evening, young Cooley." I had hoped to findhim alone, which happened sometimes, in the late afternoo n jus t u s tw o in th e bakery . Bu t th e stor e cloc k rea d eight-twenty an d I didn't hav e a speech worked ou t fo r this contingency, felt disheartened , the n angry with myself tha t I hadn't shown more foresight. "Mr . Capeurtao? " "Yes, Cooley?" Behind me , th e door opened. I turned t o see—saw a shotgun's barrel sneaking out from under a blue wool coat, coming up like an

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erection, right into my face. I dropped to a crouch and went for the icepick in my back pocket which I'd started to carry when I roamed around the city at night. A fool fille d with myself and my problems, I thought th e gunman had come for me . I lunged lo w at the open wool coat, plunged my icepick into the scrotum and testicles, heard a man scream and a gunshot. Th e bullet entering the gunman's brain caused graymatte r an d bonechips t o spra y me a s we lande d o n th e floor, m e sprawled atop the twitching, dying man. I rolled off him. He died. "Nice pickwork, Cooley." Rof f holstered his smoking Leurgo .357 and leane d ove r t o inspec t th e corpse' s face . "Teac h yourself tha t stuff?" I opened my mouth, started to shiver. Th e wooden handle of my icepick stood up from the dead man's groin. I' d thought the gunman had com e fo r me , t o brin g m e mor e grie f an d woe. A t fifteen , I realize now, I already felt hunted. "Hey, Pop, call the cops." Usin g a handkerchief, Rof f extracte d the icepick, carefully wrapped it and put it into his inside coat pocket. "Get a new one, Cooley." "But Roff, " Mr . Capeurta o objecte d softly . "He' s fro m th e Smepriroa Faction—" "I said call th e cops , Pop. " Rof f swivele d hi s cold eye s o n me. "Prick tried to stick us up and I plugged him. Right , Cooley?" When the cops came, Roff th e future Daon embroidered it a bit. "Officer Callahan, you should see this kid in action. H e fought for my father lik e hi s own. Thi s gunman woulda got awa y with the whole store if this kid didn't protect us. Suc h bravery should go in the News no less." Afte r the y took away the body, he gave me a $100 bill and a bag of groceries and sent me home, telling me to keep shut up and report for work at six in the morning. So I went to work for Mr. Capeurtao before and after school and learned the baker's trade. I n the daytime, I continued at high school, graduating in June 1948 with Honors. Ever y so often, I'd do a job for Roff th e futur e Daon , mostl y collecting number s receipts fro m th e Brothers allied with him, occasionally beating up guys, once sticking an icepic k throug h som e man' s palm , thoug h I didn' t d o m y firs t legitimate hi t til l afte r I returned t o th e cit y from Harvar d in 195 3 when no opportunities opened up. Perhaps i t seem s strang e t o recoun t ho w I firs t joine d wit h Capeurtao and Sons, took up baking and other Business, so near to

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the end of my story. Bu t the reason for this arrangement rests in the personal nature of this next to last assignment, first for the Daon and subsequently fo r myself. A s I stated earlier, though my first assign ments gav e m e som e persona l satisfaction , sinc e the y involve d avenging the assassination of Mr. Capeurtao, still I could maintain the necessary detachment, do the work efficiently an d exit in peace. Bu t this hit turned weird and personal fro m the second Roff Capeurta o the Dao n cam e into th e bakery, which I had run for hi m since th e death o f hi s fathe r an d afte r tha t sectio n o f th e Bron x went fro m Reupeoamerican to Africamerican. "Come in back, Cooley. " Th e Dao n hadn' t even waite d for hi s bodyguards, Laon and Saom, solid like two brass bookends, to check the premises . H e rolle d b y me , a n armore d vehicl e i n th e bes t worsted, through the swinging doors into the oven room. "Want s to bug out my broads . . ." Th e doors deadened his utterance. I nodded at Laon, his chief protector. "Whic h ones?" "The holes went on strike." "On strike?" I put down a tray of cookies I'd just brought to the front of the shop. "Nex t you'll say they formed a union." I' d started to despise unions when I found out how easily we corrupted them. "Laughing a t me? " Lao n scowled , hi s gun han d twitching . H e resented my close relationship with the Daon. "Huh? " "I better get in back." "Yaoh." I went in the oven room. "... wants to bug out my broads' brains." Th e Daon had removed his overcoat and jacket, stood in naked bulletproof vest and trousers. "Tell me about this Hamilton Dapper." I had to think a moment. Hamilto n Dapper. T V Host. Politica l pundit. Syndicate d columnist. Medi a Analyst. Professiona l feminist . Television spokesperso n fo r a t leas t on e financia l institution . A prepschool old boy and former Ivyleaguer. Scio n of a wealthy cracker (i.e. WASP) family. Frien d of Presidents. Worl d traveler. Sometim e war correspondent , bu t onl y i f th e wa r playe d wel l t o th e dinne r audience. Theate r critic. Boo k reviewer. Rof f the Daon could hardly have missed him as a fellow citizen of hi s time and place, but except for political fundraisers the y lived in two different orbits . An d even at politica l fundraisers , Dao n Rof f Capeurta o an d Mediamon d Hamilton Dappe r sa t i n tw o differen t sections , th e Dao n i n th e shadows, Dapper in the spotlight.

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"He has a couple of TV shows, Daon." "I want tha t yo u smas h him. " H e gav e th e orde r lik e a man switching a channel with a handheld remote control unit. "Giv e you ten thousand." My heart made my chest quake. Alread y I didn't like the feel of this assignment. Bu t I couldn't just say No. "Ho w much in the front, Daon?" "What's wrong, Cooley? Thin k I'll screw you?" "You might." A t moments like these in the Business, a man could speak honestly, but always respectfully. "Yo u still didn't give back my icepick." "Smart blac k so n o f a saint! " Hi s fac e cracke d int o a smile . "How's your Mom doing?" I couldn' t tel l i f he' d jus t threatene d m y mother , s o I gav e a neutral reply. "She' s in good health." "May she liv e man y more years." H e gav e m e a quick strange look, al l hardness , i n a n instant droppin g away . " I never tol d you about me and your mom. Doe s sh e still sit on the porch and read? One da y Po p bea t m e goo d wit h th e bel t fo r spillin g a basket o f bread. Fist s too. I ran out the house and down the block. Sa w your mom on the porch reading. S o I ran up on the porch. Begge d her to save me from Pop. You r little mom! S o here comes Pop. A belt in one hand and a broom handle in the other. Roff , get down here! I shit my short pants. Must a been maybe eleven. Bu t she stood up to him. Yo u don't supposed to beat'im that way Mr. Cap. H e said, Yes, Mrs. Johnson. Walke d me back home." Th e Daon stopped. I dared a question. "H e ever beat you again?" "Definitely." H e snorted. "Whe n we got home, he broke my jaw." I remembered then the real topic under discussion. "Wit h respect, Daon, Hamilto n Dappe r lead s a ver y publi c life. " I ha d othe r reservations too. "What d'you want? Publi c place or private?" The Dao n reall y wante d Hamilto n Dappe r dead . Usuall y th e assignment cam e i n a package. Tim e and place an d manner. Th e Daon ha d gon e dee p int o Specialization . A rar e Capeurta o ha d attended Harvar d Busines s Schoo l an d th e Dao n listene d t o him . "Private." "Easy. W e got a hole in his office. Wha t else?" H e sensed my hesitation, my weakness. "With respect, Daon, what does he have to do with our Business?"

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I'd stepped over a line. Troop s did not question the motives of the Daon. Yo u di d not want t o question hi s motive because the n you would kno w it , too . I t would becom e you r motive , o r i t wouldn't. Either way, knowing the Daon's motive made you less efficient. Yo u messed up. The Dao n reache d ou t an d tappe d m y forehead wit h hi s fore finger. "He bugs my broads' brains with his bulldung. Yo u know you start a revolt with women." "Laon told me the holes went on strike." I still couldn't conjure up his motive. "Dapper' s into one of them?" "That Dapper ha d thre e hole s o n hi s show one morning . No w they call themselves High Rise Hookers , want double their fee, and free cocaine. S o smash him, Cooley. I'l l toss in the icepick." I couldn't say No, at least not to his face. No t that I continued to believe th e icepic k coul d materiall y connec t m e t o a longforgotte n murder whic h al l concerne d preferre d t o lis t a s a foile d robber y attempt. Rathe r because for several years, I'd actually believed that it did. An d by the time, one chimelike evening skeed on cocaine and cold as dry ice, it occurred to me that the Daon had run a beautiful game o n m y mind , I ha d wel l embarke d o n m y Busines s career . Besides, I liked baking. The icepick meant nothin g as evidence. Th e Daon's bullet had surely killed the man in the blue wool coat, not my instrument in his scrotum. Bu t the icepick symbolized our attachment. Th e Daon had seen th e kille r i n m e an d brough t i t forth . Harvar d onl y pu t th e polish on the killer. No w the killer hesitated. He clutche d m y right earlob e wit h hi s lef t hand . "Hea r this , I make yo u judge . An d i f yo u decide , execute ! I f not , I ca n ge t somebody else." The Daon told me an address. I' d report there a t two the next afternoon, bringing my own weapon. Th e Business would get me into Hamilton Dapper. I might kill him in his bed. O r in his garage. O r taking a piss in the executive washroom. I might end up as his caddy and finish him on th e bac k nine. On e ma n I sold a poisoned por k sausage at a street fair, an out-on-loan assignment. Mos t of the time, they'd sli p m e int o a ma n a s a deliveryboy . Severa l times , I'v e delivered Death in a brown paper bag, especially when the Business wanted to muscle into Entertainment. At tw o the next afternoon , I reported fo r duty. Th e man there gave m e a pai r o f overalls , o n th e bac k o f whic h he' d stencile d

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SMITH CARPETIN G CO . I perceived th e pla n immediately , th e maintenanceman gambit. F d used the class structure and racism often to gain access to prohibited places. A few years ago, an Africamerican dressed i n clean coverall s an d carrying a toolkit coul d ge t int o any downtown Manhatta n building . Da y o r night . Nowaday s i t take s more ingenuity to penetrate places. After I dressed, I checked my weapon, a revolver with a silencer. I fired off a shot to make sure it worked. I hadn't spent much for the revolver, having bought a halfdozen on a recent trip to the South. F d paid a lot for the silencer which I always took away with me. Actually , I rather dislike the sound of firearms; a silent weapon would provide a breakthroug h fo r ou r profession . I n anothe r age , F d hav e use d knives exclusively . Th e revolve r I usuall y lef t a t th e scen e o f th e crime, where it could tell the police nothing. Sometime s it might even lead investigators to rule the death a suicide. Tooting some cocaine, I tried to make myself into a guided missile, a mind thing I do like an actor's sense memory. I imagine myself as a missile already fired and homing in on my target. Nothin g can call me back. I see myself whirling burrowing smashing into through skin fat muscl e bone , emerging o n th e othe r side i n a shower of blood, escaping with the life of my target. This time I had some difficulty getting myself into a mood to wipe out Hamilto n Dapper . Th e assignmen t ha d gotte n to o personal , ironically because the Daon wanted him squashed not for something really personal, a brother killed or a territory seized, but for causing his highprice d prostitute s t o think . F d neve r befor e hear d o f hi s ordering an assassination over an idea. I consider that kind of killing closer to politics. Wha t people thought did not usually concern him, only what they did. Peopl e made laws against drug selling and taking, against gambling , prostitutio n an d murder, the n brok e al l th e laws. The Dao n respecte d onl y the la w of huma n behavior. Wha t did a man want an d how badly did h e want it ? Woul d h e kil l fo r it ? I heard him ask such questions on several occasions of men with whom he ha d contradictions. Bu t firs t h e would ask , How much does h e want? The n he' d wan t t o kno w ho w muc h pai n th e ma n coul d endure. H e ha d only four weapons. Money . Fear . Pain . Death . With due respect fo r hi s criminal mind , I knew tha t Deat h di d not work well on Ideas. Especiall y if th e Idea had value, and even if it didn't. I pride myself on my logic, but found myself engaged in an illogical

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enterprise. Finall y I resolved to wait and see. Th e Daon had made me judge after all. I didn't have to tell him what I really thought. I could just say that I hadn't found Hamilton Dapper alone. I left for Dapper Enterprises at three-thirty and walked crosstown. I wondere d i f anybod y passin g coul d imagin e tha t I migh t tak e someone's lif e within the hour. Sometime s Death comes tha t close and we don't even know it. At Dappe r Enterprises , i n a townhous e h e owne d i n th e Eas t Sixties, the hole had made an appointment for Mr. Skippy Smith from Smith Carpeting to restaple the carpet in Mr. Dapper's office. Durin g the night , vandal s ha d broke n i n an d slightl y wrecke d th e place , pulling up the carpet as if looking for hidden riches. Th e receptionist told me this while I waited to get in. "Mr . Dapper's willing to endure the upset for one day, no more. Reasonabl e overtime won't bother us, if you finish tonight." "Yes, ma'am," I said politely. I had a few years on her, but I knew my role. "Definitel y will finishtonight." I sat for fifteen minutes, as the receptionist (I wondered if she was the hole) took phone calls and ran little errands. Sh e had a cute way of bouncing her first few steps getting up from her desk, a folded note clamped between thumb and index finger. I liked watching her little life dance. The fifth tim e sh e lef t he r desk , I stoo d an d walke d int o th e bowels of th e set-up. I carried my toolkit past cubicles and corners where youn g people , mostl y female , talke d o n phone s o r hunche d over reading matter or stared off int o space. Th e females staring off into space seemed to have the more attractive work places, provocative and evocative clippings and photos tacked to their walls, flowers on their desks. Th e thick smug carpets made my steps silent. I didn't know which office hel d Hamilton Dapper, but I knew enough about office hierarch y t o gues s correctly . I followe d th e powe r vibration right to hi s door, findin g i t slightly open. I put on workgloves and knocked softly, the n entered. Hamilton Dapper looked at me over his halflens reading glasses. "You came t o fix the rug. " H e sounde d disappointed . "Wil l it b e unpleasantly noisy?" "I work silently , Mr . Dapper. " I rese t th e door , slightl y open , where he'd had it. Th e vandals (I imagined younger clones of Laon and Saom gleefully going about destruction) had torn a sixteen-by-four foot sectio n of carpe t from the floor in front of Hamilto n Dapper's

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desk and piled it in a corner near the wall-to-ceiling bookshelves. I began to untangle it and spread it onto the naked wood floor. He sat at an electric typewriter, staring at the humming machine. He typed , the n stopped , the n type d agai n an d didn't seem please d with what he'd written. H e made more noise at his work than I did at mine. M Now I'm gonna try the gun, Mr. Dapper." I opened my toolkit and took out the giant stapler. "I f it makes too much noise, I'll come back tomorrow." "O god, no! D o it now and be done." I started stapling in the corner further away from him and where some passing female couldn't see me. Th e rug muffled th e thump of steel spike into wood floor. "Thi s okay, Mr. Dapper?" He typed to the end of his sentence. "Yo u said what?" H e typed another sentence. " O yes." I returned to my stapling, getting into the work. I didn't enjoy it as much as baking, but if I had to make a living at it, I wouldn't mind. I got some satisfaction from seeing the carpet going down smooth and blue. I' d almost finished when I became aware that I didn't hear his typewriter clattering. I looked up. Hamilton Dapper sat back, smoking a cigarette, studying me. "D o I know you from some place?" I looked hi m dead in the eye. "Tha t depends on the place, Mr. Dapper." I shot the last staple into the floor. "Stop tha t a minute . Le t m e ge t a goo d loo k a t you. " H e indicated a blac k woode n armchai r facin g hi s desk , th e officia l patented Harvard chair. Ever y suite of rooms at Harvard contained one fo r eac h man . Whe n h e left , h e ha d th e righ t t o bu y it . Everybody has a hustle. I sat facing him. "It seems I met you a long time ago." H e studied me some more. "I see th e fac e I know i n th e fac e I see." I saw tha t h e like d th e sentence he'd just created. "Di d you ever work in Cambridge?" "England?" I toyed with him a bit, way ahead of him now. He shook his head. "Massachusetts . Nea r Boston. Yo u couldn't have gone to Harvard." "Why not?" I enjoyed the flickerof shock in his eyes. "Clas s of fifty-three." "No shitting! Well , I'll be a horse's ass." After that, we got down. I got interested in him. An d I thought

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he got interested in me. Hi s office transforme d itself into a room in Adams Hous e a t Harvard , bac k i n th e earl y fifties whe n th e Africamerican knew his place and the Euramerican too. Me at Harvard. Talkin g to some young high class WASPs about Life, meaning Money and Power. W e hardly ever talked about Sex. Back the n the y didn' t eve n allo w female s int o a man' s roo m afte r seven p.m. on weekdays. A Harvardman had to get his snatch before dinner. Bu t no man talked about it. S o the B.S. ran to Money and Power. Com e t o think of it , we didn't talk to o much about Money either. Po p had worn out his heart and left some insurance. I had a scholarship. And I worked on the Dorm Crew, cleaning toilets with a brush. I could charge necessities like records and clothes at the Coop. Every so often, the Capeurtaos sent me a couple hundred. S o Money didn't bother me. Power. W e talke d abou t Power . Assumin g w e woul d hav e i t (even naive brown me) and attended Harvard to learn how to wield it. Th e Fin e Ar t o f Rulin g Others . Assumin g tha t admissio n t o Harvard signified permission to have and wield Power. The y gave you a diplom a whe n yo u go t in ! Eve n i f yo u didn' t ge t a degree, yo u didn't go away emptyhanded. You' d already reached the upperclass. Obviously th e god s ha d smiled . An d i f th e god s smile d o n a man, Cooley—my Pop would say—not only would a man get rich, he would get smart. I t followed the n if a man had money for more than one generation tha t smartnes s woul d stac k u p lik e interest , becomin g wisdom. My Pop (b.l894-d.l942) ha d prepared me to meet a n American nobility at Harvard. Somewher e back in Georgia before he ran away from childhood , Po p mus t hav e me t a cracker who ble w hi s mind, combining th e stature of Georg e Washingto n (wh o grew hemp and loved walnuts ) wit h th e brillianc e o f Thoma s Jefferso n (wh o gre w ideas an d love d swee t Sall y Hemings) , a n androi d o f Gar y Cooper with the streetsmarts of Humphrey Bogart. Evenings in the early forties, Pop and I'd sit at the yellow kitchen table, opening and munching walnuts. H e told me about one WASP he met in Chicago who gave him a job just because Pop had courage enough to ask for it. Po p had never done accounting work before but had confidence in his math, and said so, and the man had gone for it. Got the job. Di d well. Til l the Big (1917) War opened th e drafted Pop went to France to tend the Cavalry's horses. Neve r saw combat. Saw France sweeping up horse shit. Year s later, he still couldn't talk

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about it. I had to find out about it from Mom. Poor uptight Pop, he expected great things of the WASP. I f dealt with patiently an d tactfully, he' d do righteously. Onc e h e accepte d our humanity, he'd do well by us. He' d pay us our back wages. He' d brag to the world about our accomplishments. Ho w he couldn't have built America without us. Ho w the partnership between the Englishman (doing the planning) and the African (doing the plotting) resulted in a pi e bi g enoug h t o fee d th e wretche d an d poo r runaway s o f Europe. "We've been i n America longe r tha n anybod y but th e English," Pop stressed, early as I can remember. "An d before mos t of them." Pop disregarde d th e origina l People , displayin g racis m i n regard t o them. Pop raise d m e t o trus t th e WASP , wh o mostl y cam e straight . Either he hated you or he loved you, but never fibbedabout it. I f he called you nigger behind your back, he called you nigger to your face. Especially i f yo u worked fo r him . No w I foun d mysel f i n earnes t conversation with one of the exalted WASPs of my time. I f he knew, Pop's chest would swell with pride. I bega n t o genuinel y enjo y m y conversatio n wit h Hamilto n Dapper, an d th e pleasan t memorie s i t stirre d up . The n a strange thing happened. W e had conversed for fifteenminutes on the general state of the world, when I decided to get more specific, and so asked him about the state of the nation, as seen from his lofty perch, and its chances of survival. His blue eyes looked into my brown two, then his voice said, just simple and quiet: " I don't know, Skippy." "You don' t know . A grea t ide a totterin g o n th e edg e o f th e historical dustbin and you tell me you don't know if we'll make it or not?" He looke d a t m e acros s hi s typewriter , hi s eye s sorrowfu l an d sheepish. "Yo u needn't bother to heap recrimination on me. You r people certainly haven't fulfilled their responsibilities as citizens. Yo u rarely vote." 'You folks rarely vote your ownselves," I responded. "Everybody's bored," he said. "Everybody's bored," I agreed. "Eve n black folk s ar e bored. I f you don't hav e th e lates t attachmen t fo r your TV, forge t it . Vot e today? Tha t means they'll keep breaking into my TV tonight. Bu t in a class and race society, which you admit we have here despite great

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progress, it's the responsibility of your class and race not to get bored. If you're born with all th e breaks, you have a responsibility t o your subjects. Eve n the Bible says that." Hamilton Dapper shrugged, sighed, took a puff on his cigarette. Silence dropped her veil over his office. Afte r a time, I asked him if he'd met anybody lately would make a good President. "You see, Skippy , what i t take s a man to ge t electe d Presiden t practically make s i t impossibl e fo r a good Presiden t t o ge t elected . We get our good Presidents by accident. Wh o would've thought that Teddy or Harry would tur n out s o well? Onl y George Washingto n fulfilled ou r expectations. Bu t b y the en d of hi s terms , the peopl e disliked him . H e actuall y wanted t o fre e hi s slaves, an d finallydid. They didn't like him very much in Virginia." "But no one on the horizon?" H e shook his head. "N o one has any grasp or vision. Perhap s one doesn't need it. Th e Senate and the Supreme Court run the country by now. S o everything takes a long time an d comes ou t lookin g lik e a camel. Meanwhile , we al l slide down hill." "It's a bloody mess." Hamilto n Dapper lit a new cigarette. "Wha t would you do about it?" "If I knew I'd be the President's valet, whispering advice while I helped him with his hairpiece. Bu t I do notice you folks always do the same thing . Complicat e an d mystify . Thro w mone y a t problems . Form a committee. Wh y not be brave enough to simplify? Especiall y your class. Th e ruling class. Se t a new tone. Enoug h yachts already. Give u s a goo d exampl e o f diligenc e an d frugality . Neve r havin g known poverty , yo u can' t imagin e ho w demoralizin g i t get s fo r th e poor ma n to watch you folk s goin g throug h your wasteful changes . You giv e you r subjects n o choic e bu t t o believ e yo u eithe r incom petent o r corrupt. " Neve r scol d a WASP , Po p ha d taught . H e doesn't tak e scoldin g well. H e think s i t mean s you don' t lik e him. "Nothing personal, you understand." "I understand." Hamilto n Dapper peeped at his wristwatch. "Bu t you misunderstand one essential point , Skippy. M y class isn't raised to rule. W e don't consider you our subjects. We'r e merely raised to be polite and to say bright things at cocktail parties. W e have no class or race consciousness." H e stood an d extended hi s hand, blue eye s bright. " I guess you'd better get on with your work now. M e too." I remove d m y right glove , bu t grabbe d hi s righ t wris t wit h my gloved left han d and gripped it tight, at the same time reaching into

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my coveralls fo r m y weapon. Whe n h e sa w th e pistol , h e trie d t o squirm away, giving me his right temple for a target. Befor e he could utter a syllable, I put a bullet into his brain, silent as a puff of wind. The staple gun had made more racket. Dead, he slumped back into his chair, his head thudding forward onto his typewriter. Bloo d leaked out onto his halfdone page. I put my glove back on and wiped the pistol clean of fingerprints and removed th e silencer . The n I pressed th e pisto l int o hi s right hand, his smoking hand. I found the cigarette he'd just lit and mashed it out, then gathered up my toolkit and stepped out of his office. A few females glanced up, but seeing me and not Hamilton Dapper, returned to their reading and phonecalls. I closed the door behind me. "The ma n say s no t t o distur b hi m fo r a fe w hours, " I tol d th e receptionist. "Th e staple gun made too much noise, so he got behind in his work. Bu t I finishedthe job, so you can drop the check in the mail." "Fine." Sh e smiled, but through me. "Loo k for it around the first of the month." Next da y the tabloid s crowe d th e news . Eve n th e Time s mentioned it, though it made short shrift of Hamilton Dapper on its Obit page. T V HOST TAKES OWN LIFE. Typewritte n Note Expresses Pessimism. Recen t Divorc e See n a s Contributing t o Despondency . Bugged out her brain too. Rof f the Daon amazing perceptions about people. "Talente d as hell, but never a very stable character. H e had everything, money , powe r an d position , bu t non e o f i t mad e hi m happy," continued Mr. Lipshutt, longtime associate and agent of the deceased. "Som e men are just naturally morose. Mayb e it goes with the talent. " Reache d a t th e hom e of he r mother , th e forme r Mrs. Dapper broke down on receivin g th e devastating new s she ha d not heard before. "I t can't be true, just can't!" she shrieked. "I t must be some macabr e trick . Ha m alway s di d hav e a sick sens e o f humor . You wait. He'l l turn up in a few days, the bastard!" Wonde r if she gets an y doug h now . Bu t th e Heral d ha s obtaine d a cop y o f hi s bloodstained last testament to the world. Hi s head fell, thud ! Drip . Drop. I t reads in part: "Thes e recent revelation s recal l to remembrance my oft-used wheelbarro w image . Onl y now it turns out th e wheelbarrow w e approac h i n Hel l cost s seve n time s it s rea l value. And may not eve n las t unti l we ge t t o Hell . Ever y day we receiv e more evidence that our society hurdles headlong toward self destruction. W e all know it. W e complain. Bu t we don't change our ways."

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It all made interesting reading on my flight t o Colombia, where I went the next day for some rest and recreation. I n the following days I di d littl e bu t rea d account s o f i t i n Englishlanguag e periodical s coming in from the U.S. I' d snort fine cocaine , then sit by the pool ogling the young bodies an d reading about the Dapper Suicide. B y the tim e it faded to the back pages and into the Beyond, I knew the time had come to return to the Bronx and my baking. (1988)

Archie Epps in 1970

Herbert Denton in 1965

THE AFRICAN AND AFRO-AMERICAN SOCIETY CONTROVERSY

In the spring term of 1963, black students held informal meetings with a vie w t o establishin g a n officia l organization , th e Associatio n o f African an d Afro-America n Students . I n lat e April, the y adopted a constitution; bu t o n 6 May th e Harvar d Counci l fo r Undergraduat e Affairs vote d agains t approval , 14-5 , because o f th e "discriminator y membership clause. " O n 9 May, the Crimson printed a lette r fro m Archie C . Epps, the n a graduat e student . Thi s was followed b y an editorial advocating recognition, along with a series of four dissenting editorials, o f whic h w e reprin t th e last . I n October , th e AAAA S appealed t o the administration fo r forma l recognition . Afte r severa l postponements an d som e rewordin g o f th e membershi p clause , th e faculty voted approva l in December .

Archie Calvin Epp s HI was born i n Lake Charles, Louisiana, on 1 9 May 1937. Followin g hi s B. A fro m Talladeg a Colleg e i n 1958 , he earne d a Bachelor of Divinity degree from Harvard in 1961. Afte r six years as assistant dean of the College, he was in 1970 named Dean of Students, a post he still holds. H e also served as assistant conductor of the Harvard Glee Club from 196 4 to 1967, and as a trustee of the Boston Symphony Orchestra.

The Mail Ma

y 9, 1963 AFRICANS AND AFRO-AMERICANS

To the Editors of the Crimson: The line of argument put forth by the African an d Afro-America n

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students is strange to many. Th e argument is that the "association has not define d itsel f i n racia l term s b y using th e phras e 'Africa n an d Afro-American/ an d tha t th e group' s member s considere d rac e unimportant to their membership clause." Opponent s on the HCUA [Harvard Counci l fo r Undergraduat e Affairs ] sai d th e grou p wa s "racially discriminatory because in practice it would not admit whites." The white rac e is one o f man y races. I t is significant therefor e that the HCUA did not say the Association would discriminate against Chinese or Arabs, but only against the white race. Th e spokesman for the Association, Mr. [Ayi Kwei] Armah, said, "The terms African and Afro-American cove r man y race s includin g Arab s an d person s o f partial European descent." Thi s means there is no discrimination on the basis of race. Ther e is no discrimination on the basis of color or creed: Arma h pointed out that Africans and Afro-Americans include "people wh o ar e mor e whit e tha n black" ; th e Associatio n i s no t a religious organization. I suspec t tha t th e difficult y fo r th e HCU A an d othe r person s arises i n part from th e way in which the Association ha s chosen t o define itself and to select its members. Th e basis of the definition is that the members have a special relation to Africa, namely, that all of the members have ancestors who were from Africa o r the members themselves ar e from Africa o r both. Incidentally , th e ruling elite of South Afric a ha s by its ow n assertio n pur e European ancestr y and consequently would exclude itself from the Association by definition. If the proposed association were to be called "The European and Euro-American Association, " woul d thi s grou p b e discriminator y against Afro-Americans? Manifestl y not. Mos t of the members of the group known as Afro-Americans have noticeable traces of European ancestry, e.g. , th e grea t variation s i n ski n color . Therefor e th e inclusion o f on e race , th e European , ma y exclude others , e.g. , th e Chinese, but it does not follow that it will exclude them all. The HCU A argumen t tha t th e Associatio n woul d b e raciall y discriminatory contains a pivotal fallacy: I t assumes that geographical areas are racially homogeneous. Th e Association would include many races but not all . Th e position of th e Association i s that no matter whomever you will find in it, you will find the African and the AfroAmerican. Are those who have proposed the formation of the Association to be held responsible for the fact that there are other people who are not Africans? Ar e they responsible because others do not have the

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choice to join or not to join the Association because they are white? On the other hand , would the HCU A an d the Administration deny the right of these students to make a choice which is not available to persons who are "purely" white? Ar e Africans and Afro-Americans to be denied the freedom to associate as Harvard and Radcliffe students because they are not white? These student s ar e aske d t o giv e u p th e freedo m withi n th e University which goes with the right and the fact of being different. A principl e i s here involve d which challenges th e presumptio n tha t one rac e must be omnipresent an d that it shall be the "yardstick" by which the freedom of non-white races will be determined. Archie C. Epps III, 1G Harvard Crimson

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Herbert Howard Denton Jr. was born in Muncie, Indiana, on 10 July 1943. He grew up in Little Rock , Arkansas, where his father was principal o f a black elementar y school . A scholarshi p helpe d hi m finis h hi s secondary education at the Windsor Mountain School in Lenox, Massachusetts, where he was class valedictorian. A t Harvard he served on the editorial board of the Crimson, while majoring in American history and earning his 1965 A.B. with honors. I n 1966 he joined the staff of the Washington Post; and, after an Army tour of duty in Vietnam (wher e he received the Bronze Star) he did local reportin g and rose to city editor in 1976 . I n 1980 he joined th e national staff, and in 198 3 began a two-year stint as foreign correspondent in Lebanon . H e the n opene d th e paper' s Canadia n burea u i n Toronto , where he succumbed to AIDS on 29 April 1989.

On th e Othe r Hand Ma

y 14 , 196 3

AFRO-AMERICANS Some tim e ago , on e o f th e founder s o f th e newly-organize d African an d Afro-American Associatio n invite d me t o join his group. He argue d tha t existin g group s workin g fo r Negr o right s canno t effectively cop e wit h Negr o problem s becaus e o f th e influenc e o f white members. Hi s central point was that whites, however good their intentions, can never fully understand th e situation and aspirations of Negroes because , b y virtue o f thei r bein g white , the y canno t share , fully and directly, i n the experience o f Negroe s i n a white-dominated society. The y can only feel vicariously what Negroes feel directly, and, consequently, thei r approac h mus t contain distortions which severel y limit their ability to contribute t o Negr o endeavors . He carrie d hi s argumen t a step further : no t onl y ar e whites qua whites inherently excluded from an understanding of Negro problems, but Negroe s qua Negroes—whethe r o f America n o r African origin have i n common a n indefinabl e "experienc e o f oppression " which i n some essentia l sens e bind s the m togethe r a s a racia l group . The y

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stand apar t from othe r groups which hav e been oppressed , an d yet remain somehow together despite their disparate national origins and the differences betwee n colonial rule and American bigotry as styles of oppression. While one might agree that American Negroes have some things in common to justify their association in an exclusive group, the idea of a n internationa l unit y wit h Africa n Negroe s seem s fa r mor e dubious, particularly when it is argued that the unifying "experience of oppression" somehow does not apply to non-Negro groups which have been persecuted. Apar t from the color of their skins, what arguments can be adduced for a unity which implies that the experience of being oppressed as a Negro (whateve r th e actua l character of th e oppression) i s essentially different fro m the experience of bein g oppressed because one belongs to some other minority group? While this notion seems t o be gainin g fairly wide acceptanc e in some quarters, there seem to be strong and unanswered objections to it. Unles s on e adhere s t o som e notio n o f a racia l unconscious , i t would see m tha t th e experienc e o f eac h individua l consist s o f what happens to him within his own concrete social and cultural situation. The tribulations of his ancestors three hundred years ago become relevant onl y insofa r a s they ar e reflecte d i n hi s persona l situation , o r insofar as he is taught to believe them emotionally important regardless of his own position. Henc e i t would seem that what matters for the Afro-American "unity of oppression" is not a common "Negritude," but rather the degree to which the environmental situations of African and American Negroes are parallel. Considered objectively , an d withou t recours e t o th e somewha t obscurantist ide a that whites an d Negroes ar e intrinsically incapable of understanding one another (an idea which is always assumed, never demonstrated), th e notio n o f a n Afro-American Negr o unit y which transcends al l othe r tie s i s extremely questionable, t o sa y the least . African Negroe s have come from a social environment which is still by an d larg e triba l an d industriall y undeveloped , an d a politica l situation i n which absolute colonial rul e and rigid racial paternalism were until recently completely predominant. Thei r sympathies often tend to lie with Marxist notions of forced economic development, and with th e conception o f raciall y founde d nationalis t hegemony . Th e situation of American Negroes is quite different. Centurie s removed from triba l roots, the y liv e i n a n industrialize d societ y i n which th e idea o f equality , whil e hardl y realize d i n concret e terms , ha s bee n

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almost universally accepted as an ethical norm towards which society must, will an d can move. Th e personal experience s o f Africa n and American Negroes—and, in particular, the ways in which oppression has been experienced—cannot but reflect these striking differences in their social, economic, and political circumstances. I t is difficult to see what overridin g bon d o f experienc e America n Negroe s hav e wit h Africans which ties them closer to Africa than to their native land, or should caus e the m t o rejec t equall y clos e collaboratio n wit h othe r groups which have been oppressed. In the finalanalysis, the argument for American and African unity rests o n th e undemonstrable—an d perhap s slightl y paranoid—ac t o f pure faith which asserts a priori that whites and Negroes per se cannot understand one another nor collaborate in an atmosphere of equality and mutual respect. On e thing is certain: th e surest way to prevent equality is to convince everyone of such a thesis. Paranoi d presuppositions rapidly become self-fulfilling prophecies . Th e ideal of equality is no t refuted ; i t i s merel y rendere d historicall y impossibl e b y ideologies which generate racial distrust. One mus t questio n th e desirabilit y o f encouragin g suc h ideas— which may be understandable in the context of African experience—in a countr y where ethica l norm s an d historica l progres s poin t i n th e opposite direction . Th e questio n become s eve n sharpe r when on e notes that a principal strategy of conversion to these ideas is to allege that those Negroes whose experience has led them to different conclusions have "sold out" to the ofay "enemy": t o call them "Uncle Toms" and arouse, through emotional ideologizing, a sense of guilt designed to lead them to positions which, in an atmosphere less charged emotionally, might be wholly inconsistent with their personal experience and ethical norms. One must further question the desirability of fostering such a psychological pattern within the Harvard environment. Negr o students coming to the University are likely to be overwhelmed with the idea, promoted by the only "official" Negro organization on campus, that even th e mos t liberal an d interesting white students they may meet cannot possibly understand them, and may even be hypocrites—that the only place they are truly among friends is in an all-Negro organization strongly influenced by Black Nationalism. Suc h an outcome drastically curtails their ability to benefit from the central Harvard experience of association with an d exposure t o th e broadest possibl e spectru m of people, idea s an d movements . On e ma y seriously as k whethe r a n

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organization which so functions is in anyway compatible with the educational ideals of this University. Whether o r no t th e Colleg e shoul d recogniz e th e Africa n an d Afro-American Association , despite it s explicit racia l discrimination, remains an open question. Th e moral objection t o discrimination is not that it involves making distinctions between people, but that the racial distinction s involve d ar e rationall y indefensibl e an d lea d t o social evil . Th e mos t relevan t criterio n i n evaluatin g th e AAA A would thus seem to be, not the legalistic implications of its membership clause , bu t th e effec t th e grou p wil l hav e upo n th e concret e educational experienc e o f a n importan t numbe r o f undergraduate s —whether it will, in fact, lead to social evil within the Harvard community. Th e Association's representatives have not, so far, presented any cogent, rationall y outline d argument s t o thi s point . Barrin g th e explicit adoption of an across-the-board laissez-faire policy of University recognition , perhap s th e Colleg e authoritie s shoul d hol d th e AAAA charte r i n abeyanc e unti l th e club' s representative s hav e clarified thei r position on this question. Herbert H. Denton, Jr. (The above represents the opinion of a minority of the Editorial Board.) Harvard Crimson

Malcolm X addressing a Harlem rally in 1963

MALCOLM X

Born Malcolm Little on 19 May 1925 in Omaha, Nebraska, the self-educated Black Muslim minister became famous as Malcolm X. H e was assassinated in New York on 21 February 1965. Th e visits of Malcolm X came at important turning points in his intellectual development. H e came to Harvard to give speeche s o n thre e separat e an d significan t occasions : onc e i n 1961, when h e was deeply i n his Blac k Muslim period ; i n March 1964 , when h e had just resigned from the Black Muslims; and in December 1964, soon afte r he ha d returne d fro m a n extensiv e tri p t o Africa , tw o month s befor e hi s assassination, an d i n th e mids t o f th e perio d o f hi s partia l acceptanc e o f racial integration . On e o f th e mos t compellin g theme s i n Malcol m X' s literature i s th e explici t sens e o f exil e fel t b y Blac k American s whic h h e articulated s o well. Thi s theme lay at th e surface o f nearly all his Harvard speeches. H e often seeme d so surprised by the rough treatment that blacks had receive d a t th e hand s o f whites . An d i n thes e moment s hi s rhetori c stands with the great rhetoric of all literature that comes from th e everlasting struggle of men and women t o be free . It ha s becom e clea r sinc e hi s deat h tha t Malcol m X wa s th e mos t effective exponen t o f th e blac k nationalis t strateg y an d a man , strangel y enough, whose very being may be more integral to the American experience of hi s generation tha n an y other man's , white or black . Becaus e Malcolm X was so completely a man o f words, it i s in hi s speeches that h e must b e found, and in no other single group of speeches can his development as man and thinke r be so clearly seen than i n those he delivered a t Harvard . —Archie Epps

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The Leverett Hous e Forum of March 18 , 19641 Archie Epps, Moderator Academicians and layme n have often though t of Negro radicalism or nationalism in terms of pathology. I n other words, Negro personalities in radica l movement s ar e though t t o b e abnormal , o r shysters , o r freaks o f some sort. Accordingly , Negro radicalism is conceived of as the fervent produc t of systematic and protracted frustration ; it s ideology, a pathological response to economic, social, and cultural discrimination. Th e Negro radical movement is never credited with meaning what i t says. It s pronouncements ar e interpreted rathe r tha n heard . None o f it s argument s i s accorde d th e courtes y on e give s reality . They are tolerate d a s the angr y response of Negroe s t o white rejec tion. I t i s perhap s mor e nearl y correc t tha t wha t i s ofte n though t absurd abou t Negr o radicalis m turn s out t o be logical conclusions t o a line of reasoning and experience which are unknown and beyond the imagination of most observers who are not themselve s Negro. Negr o radicalism is , rather, the spontaneous and articulated answe r of some Negroes t o rea l problem s littl e appreciate d b y timi d an d peacefu l souls. It i s nearer th e truth , n o doubt, tha t som e o f you hav e come t o see and hear Malcolm X only to observe what you think is his curious pathology. Surel y some have come for th e reason on e would atten d a circus—to watch the dancing bear. T o be sure, revolutions, and this one, are full o f the inadequacies of men and of their pathologies; but, on the other hand, revolutions give rise to profound meditation on the problem o f evi l an d o n th e plac e o f ma n i n society . Specifically , revolutions demonstrate in the clamor of men the economic forces of the age; their molding of society and politics, of men in the mass and individual man ; and th e powerfu l reactio n o f al l thes e force s o n th e social environmen t a t on e of thos e rar e moments when society i s at a boiling point, fluid an d therefore discernibl e to man. Th e conflict s of this revolutionary age in America enable us, I think, to see the very bones of American society. An d it is no doubt incumbent on students and academicians, indeed, on all men to reconsider Negro radicalism,

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Negro movements , an d al l socia l histor y i n ligh t o f discoverin g th e social reality which is contained i n them. The speake r thi s evening i s Mr . Malcolm X , who live s i n Ne w York Stat e an d i s a t thi s tim e Ministe r o f Mosle m Mosque , Incorporated. MALCOLM X : Ninetee n hundre d sixty-fou r wil l probabl y b e th e most explosive year that America has yet witnessed on the racial front; primarily because th e blac k peopl e o f thi s country during 196 3 saw nothing bu t failur e behin d ever y effor t the y mad e t o ge t wha t th e country was supposedly on record for. Toda y the black people in this country hav e becom e frustrated , disenchanted , disillusione d an d probably more set fo r action no w than ever before—not th e kind of action tha t ha s been se t ou t fo r the m i n th e pas t b y some o f thei r supposedly libera l white friends , but the kind of actio n tha t will get some kind of immediat e results. A s the moderator has pointed out, the time that we're living in now and that we are facing now is not an era where one who is oppressed i s looking towar d th e oppressor t o give him some system or form of logi c or reason. Wha t is logical to the oppressor isn' t logical t o th e oppressed. An d what is reason to the oppressor isn't reason to the oppressed. Th e black people in this country are beginning to realize that what sounds reasonable to those who exploit us doesn't sound reasonable to us. Ther e just has to be a new system of reason and logic devised by us who are at the bottom, if we want to get some results in this struggle that is called "the Negro revolution." Not only is it going to be an explosive year on the racial front; it is going to be an explosive year on the political front. Thi s year it will be impossible to separate one from the other. Th e politicking of the politicians i n 196 4 wil l probabl y d o mor e t o brin g abou t racia l explosion than any other factor, because this country has been under the rule of th e politicians. Whe n they want to get elected t o offic e they com e int o th e so-calle d Negr o communit y an d mak e a lo t o f promises that they don't intend to keep. Thi s feeds the hopes of the people in our community, and after the politicians have gotten what they ar e lookin g for , the y tur n thei r bac k o n th e peopl e o f ou r community. Thi s has happened time and time again. Th e only difference between then and now is that there is a different element in the community; whereas i n the pas t th e peopl e o f ou r community were patient and polite, long-suffering an d willing to listen to what you call

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reason, 196 4 ha s produce d a n element o f peopl e wh o ar e n o longe r willing to liste n t o what you call reason . A s I said, what's reasonabl e to yo u ha s lon g sinc e cease d t o b e reasonabl e t o us . And i t will b e these fals e promise s mad e by the politician s tha t will bring about th e BOOM. During th e fe w moment s tha t I have I hop e tha t we ca n cha t i n an informa l way , becaus e I fin d tha t whe n yo u ar e discussin g thing s that are very "touchy," sometimes it' s best to be informal. And where white peopl e ar e concerned, i t has been m y experience tha t the y are extremely intelligen t o n mos t subject s unti l i t come s t o race . Whe n you ge t t o th e racia l issu e i n thi s country , th e white s los e al l thei r intelligence. The y becom e ver y subjective , an d the y want t o tel l u s how i t shoul d b e solved . It' s lik e Jess e Jame s goin g t o tel l th e Marshal ho w h e shoul d com e afte r hi m fo r th e crim e tha t Jess e committed. I a m not a politician. I' m no t even a student o f politics . I' m not a Democrat . I' m no t a Republican. I don't eve n conside r mysel f a n American. I f I could consider myself a n American, we wouldn't eve n have an y problem . I t woul d b e solved . Man y o f yo u ge t indignan t when yo u hea r a blac k ma n stan d u p an d say , "No , I' m no t a n American." I se e white s wh o hav e th e audacity , I shoul d sa y th e nerve, t o thin k tha t a black ma n i s radica l an d extremist , subversiv e and seditious i f he says , "No, I'm not a n American." Bu t a t the sam e time, thes e sam e whites hav e t o admi t tha t thi s man has a problem. I don' t com e her e tonigh t t o spea k t o yo u a s a Democra t o r a Republican o r an American o r anything that you wan t me to be. I' m speaking as what I am: on e of twenty-two million black people in this country wh o ar e victim s o f you r democrati c system . They'r e th e victims o f th e Democrati c politicians , th e victim s o f th e Republica n politicians. They'r e actuall y th e victims o f wha t yo u cal l democracy . So I stan d her e tonigh t speakin g a s a victi m o f wha t yo u cal l democracy. An d you can understand what I'm saying if you realize it's being sai d throug h th e mout h o f a victim; th e mout h o f on e o f th e oppressed, no t throug h th e mout h an d eyes of th e oppressor . Bu t i f you thin k we'r e sittin g i n th e sam e chai r o r standin g o n th e sam e platform, the n yo u won' t understan d wha t I' m talkin g about . You' d expect m e t o stan d u p her e an d say what yo u would sa y if you wer e standing u p here. An d I' d hav e t o be ou t o f m y mind. Whenever one i s viewing this political system throug h the eyes of a victim , h e see s somethin g different . Bu t toda y thes e twenty-tw o

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million blac k peopl e wh o ar e th e victim s o f America n democracy , whether you realize it or not, ar e viewing your democracy with new eyes. Yesterda y our people used to look upon the American system as an American dream. Bu t the black people today are beginning to realize that it is an American nightmare. Wha t is a dream to you is a nightmar e t o us . Wha t i s hop e t o yo u ha s lon g sinc e becom e hopeless to our people. An d as this attitude develops, not so much on Sugar Hill [in Harlem]—although it's there too—but in the ghetto, in the alley where the masses of our people live . . . there you have a new situation on your hands. There' s a new political consciousness developing among our people in this country. I n the past, we weren't conscious o f th e political maneuverin g tha t goes o n i n this country, which exploits our people politically. W e knew something was wrong, but we weren't conscious of what it was. Toda y there's a tendency on the part of this new generation of black people (who have been born and are growing up in this country) t o look a t the thing not a s they wish i t were, bu t a s i t actuall y is . An d thei r abilit y t o loo k a t th e situation as it is, is what is primarily responsible for the ever-increasing sense of frustration and hopelessness that exists in the so-called Negro community today. Beside becoming politically conscious, you'll find that our people are als o becomin g mor e awar e o f th e strategi c positio n tha t the y occupy politically . I n the past , they weren't. Jus t the righ t t o vote was considere d something . Bu t toda y th e so-calle d Negroe s ar e beginning to realize that they occupy a very strategic position. The y realize what the new trends are and all of the new political tendencies. During recen t year s a t electio n time , whe n th e Governo r wa s running fo r office , ther e wa s cal l fo r a recoun t o f vote s her e i n Massachusetts. I n Rhode Island it was the same way—in Minnesota, the sam e thing . Withi n America n politic s ther e i s no w suc h a similarity between the two parties that in elections the race is usually close enough to permit almost any single block to swing it one way or the other. No t only is this true in city, county, and state elections, but it's als o tru e i n th e nationa l elections , a s witnes s th e clos e rac e between President Kennedy and Nixon a few years back. An d everyone admits that it was the strategic vote of the so-called Negro in this country tha t pu t th e Kenned y administratio n i n Washington . Th e position in the political structure of the so-called Negro has become so strategic that whenever any kind of election rolls around now, the politicians are out there trying to win the Negro vote. I n trying to win

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the Negro vote, they make a whole lot of promises and build up his hopes. Bu t they always build him up for a letdown. B y being constantly built up for a letdown, the Negro is now becoming very angry at the white man. An d in his anger the Muslims come along and talk to him. Ye t instead of the white man blaming himself for the anger of the Negro, he again has the audacity to blame us. Whe n we warn you how angry the Negro is becoming, you, instead of thanking us for giving you a little warning, try to accuse us of stirring up the Negro. Don't you know that if your house is on fire and I come to warn you that your house is burning, you shouldn't accuse me of setting the fire! Thank m e rathe r fo r lettin g you kno w what's happening , o r what's going to happen, before it's too late. When thes e ne w trend s develo p i n th e so-calle d Negr o i n America, makin g the so-called Negr o aware of hi s strategic position politically, he becomes aware too of what he's not getting in return. He realizes that his vote puts the governor in office, o r the mayor in office, o r the president in office. Bu t he's beginning to see also that although hi s vote i s th e vital facto r tha t determine s wh o wil l si t in these seats, the last one those politicians try to help is the so-called Negro. Proof of which: Everyon e admits that it was the Negro vote that put Kennedy in the White House. Ye t four years have passed and the present administratio n i s jus t no w gettin g aroun d t o civi l right s legislation. I n its fourth year of office i t finallypasses some kind of civil rights legislation, designed supposedly to solve the problem of the so-called Negro. Ye t that voting element offered decisive support in the nationa l election . I only cite thi s to show the hypocris y on the part o f th e whit e ma n i n America, whethe r h e b e dow n Sout h or whether he be up here in the North. Democrats, no w after they'v e been i n the White Hous e awhile, use a n alibi fo r no t havin g kep t thei r promis e t o th e Negroe s who voted for them. The y say, "Well, we can't get this passed or we can't get that passed." Th e present make-up of the Congress is 257 Democrats and only 177 Republicans. No w how can a party of Democrats that received practically the full support of the so-called Negroes of this country and control nearly two-thirds of the seats in Congress give the Negro an excuse for not getting some kind of legislation passed to solve the Negro problem? Wher e the senators are concerned, there are 67 Democrats and only 33 Republicans; yet these Democrats are going to try to pass the buck to the Republicans after the Negro has

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put the Democrats in office. No w I'm not siding with either Democrats or Republicans. I' m just pointing out the deceit on the part of both when it comes to dealing with the Negro. Althoug h the Negro vote put the Democratic Party where it is, the Democratic Party gives the Negr o nothing ; an d th e Democrat s offe r a s a n excuse tha t th e fault lies with the Dixie-crats. Wha t do you call them—Dixie-crats or Dixo-crats or Demo-Dixo-crats! Look at the shrewd deceptive manner in which they deal with the Negro. A Dixo-crat is a Democrat. Yo u can call them by whatever name you wish, but you have never seen a situation where the Dixiecrats kick the Democrats out of the party. Rathe r the Democrats kick the Dixie-crats out of their party if there is ever any cleavage. Yo u oftentimes find the Dixie-crats "cussin g out" the Democrats, but you never find th e Democrats disassociatin g themselve s fro m th e Dixiecrats. The y ar e together an d the y us e thi s shrewd maneuverin g t o trick the Negro. No w there ar e some young Negroes appearin g on the scene, and it is time for those who call themselves Democrats to realize that when the Negro looks at a Democrat, he sees a Democrat. Whether you call hi m a Dixo-Democrat o r a Demo-Dixie-crat, he' s the same thing. One of the reasons that these Dixie-crats occupy such a powerful position in Washington, D.C., is that they have seniority. B y reason of thei r seniority an d primarily because the y hav e denie d th e loca l Negro hi s righ t t o vote , the y hol d swa y ove r ke y committee s i n Washington. Yo u call it a system based on democracy, yet you can't deny tha t th e mos t powerfu l me n i n thi s government ar e fro m th e South. Th e only reason they're in positions of power is because the Negroes in their area are deprived of their constitutional right to vote. But the Constitution says that when at any time the people of a given area are denied their right to vote, the representatives of that area are supposed t o b e expelled fro m thei r seat. Yo u don' t nee d an y new legislation; it' s righ t i n fron t o f yo u already . Th e onl y reaso n th e politicians want new legislation is to use it to further trick the Negro. All the y have to do is to go by that thing they call the Constitution. It need s n o mor e bills , it need s n o mor e amendments , i t need s n o more anything. Al l it needs is a little sincere application. As wit h th e South , th e Nort h know s it s ow n by-pas s fo r th e Constitution, whic h goe s b y th e nam e o f "gerrymandering. " Som e fellows gai n contro l i n th e so-calle d Negr o communit y an d the n change voting lines every time the Negro begins to get too powerful

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numerically. Th e techniqu e i s differen t fro m tha t i n Mississippi . There i s n o denyin g th e Negr o th e righ t t o vot e outright , a s i n Mississippi. Th e Norther n wa y i s mor e shrew d an d subtle ; bu t whether victi m o f th e Norther n wa y or th e Souther n method , th e Negro ends up with no political power whatsoever. Now , I may not be putting this in language which you're used to, but I'm quite sure that you get th e point. Wheneve r you give the Negro in the South the righ t t o vote , i t wil l mea n a n automati c chang e i n th e entir e representation fro m th e South. Wer e he abl e to exercise hi s right, some o f th e mos t powerfu l an d influentia l figure s i n Washington , D.C., would no t no w be in the Capitol . A larg e Negro vote would change th e foreig n polic y a s wel l a s th e domesti c polic y o f thi s government. Therefor e th e only valid approac h towar d revolutionizing American policy is to give to the Negro his right to vote. Onc e that is done, the entire future course of things must change. I might say this is how we look at it—how the victims look at it, a very crude an d what you migh t cal l pessimisti c view. Bu t I should rather prefer it as a realistic view. No w what is our approach towards solving this? Man y of you have probably just recently read that I am no longe r a n active member i n the Natio n o f Islam , although I am myself still a Muslim. M y religion is still Islam, and I still credit the Honorable Elijah Muhammad with being responsible for everything I know and everything I am. I n New York we have recently founded the Muslim Mosque, Incorporated, which has as its base the religion of Islam, the religion of Islam because we have found that this religion creates more unity among our people than any other type of philosophy can do. A t the same time the religion of Islam is more successful in eliminating the vices that exist in the so-called Negro community, which destroy the moral fiber of the so-called Negro community. So wit h thi s religiou s base , th e differenc e betwee n th e Musli m Mosque, Incorporated, and the Nation of Islam is probably this: W e have as our political philosophy, Black Nationalism; as our economic philosophy, Blac k Nationalism ; an d a s our social philosophy , Blac k Nationalism. W e believe tha t th e religio n o f Isla m combine d with Black Nationalism is all that is needed to solve the problem that exists in the so-called Negro community. Why ? The onl y rea l solutio n t o ou r problem , jus t a s th e Honorabl e Elijah Muhammad has taught us, is to go back to our homeland and to liv e amon g ou r ow n peopl e an d develo p i t s o we'l l hav e a n independent nation of our own. I still believe this. Bu t that is a long-

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range program . An d whil e ou r peopl e ar e gettin g se t t o g o back home, we hav e to liv e here in the meantime. S o in the Honorable Elijah Muhammad' s long-rang e program , there' s als o a short-range program: th e political philosophy which teaches us that the black man should control th e politic s of hi s own community. Whe n th e black man controls the politics and the politicians in his own community, he can then make them produce what is good for the community. Fo r when a politician in the so-called Negro community is controlled by a political machine outside, seldom will that politician ever do what is necessary to bring up the standard of living or to solve the problems that exist in that community. S o our political philosophy is designed to bring together the so-called Negroes and to re-educate them to the importance of politics in concrete betterment, so that they may know what the y shoul d b e gettin g fro m thei r politician s i n additio n t o a promise. Onc e the political control of the so-called Negro community is in the hands of the so-called Negro, then it is possible for us to do something towards correcting the evils and the ills that exist there. Our economic philosophy of Black Nationalism means that instead of our spending the rest of our lives begging the white man for a job, our people should be re-educated to the science of economics and the part tha t i t play s in our community . W e shoul d b e taugh t just th e basic fundamentals: tha t whenever you take money out of the neighborhood and spend it in another neighborhood, the neighborhood in which you spend it gets richer and richer, and the neighborhood from which you take it gets poorer an d poorer. Thi s creates a ghetto, as now exists in every so-called Negro community in this country. I f the Negro isn' t spendin g hi s mone y downtow n wit h wha t w e cal l M the man," "the man" is himsel f righ t i n th e Negr o community . Al l th e stores ar e ru n by the whit e man , who take s th e mone y ou t o f th e community as soon as the sun sets. W e have to teach our people the importance o f wher e t o spen d thei r dollar s an d th e importanc e o f establishing an d owning businesses. Thereb y we can create employment fo r ourselves , instead o f havin g to wait to boycott your stores and businesse s t o deman d tha t yo u giv e u s a job. Wheneve r th e majority of our people begin to think along such lines, you'll findthat we ourselves can best solve our problems. Instea d of havin g to wait for someone t o com e ou t o f your neighborhood int o our neighborhood to tackle these problems for us, we ourselves may solve them. The socia l philosoph y o f Blac k Nationalis m say s tha t w e mus t eliminate the vices and evils that exist in our society, and that we must

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stress the cultural roots of our forefathers, tha t will lend dignity and make th e blac k ma n cease t o be ashame d o f himself . W e hav e t o teach ou r people somethin g abou t ou r cultural roots . W e hav e t o teach them something of their glorious civilizations before they were kidnapped b y your grandfather s an d brough t ove r t o thi s country . Once our people are taught about the glorious civilization that existed on the African continent, they won't an y longer be ashamed of who they are. W e will reach back and link ourselves to those roots, and this will make the feeling of dignity come into us; we will feel that as we lived i n times gone by , we can in like manner today. I f we had civilizations, cultures , societies , an d nation s hundred s o f year s ago , before you came and kidnapped u s and brought us here, so we can have the same today. Th e restoration of our cultural roots and history will restore dignity to the black people in this country. The n we shall be satisfied i n our own social circles; then we won't be trying to force ourselves int o your social circles. S o the social philosoph y of Black Nationalism doesn't in any way involve any anti-anything. However , it does restore to the man who is being taunted his own self-respect. And the day that we are successful i n making the black man respect himself as much as he now admires you, he will no longer be breathing down your neck every time you go buy a house somewhere to get away from him. That i s th e political , social , an d economi c philosoph y o f Blac k Nationalism, and in order to bring it about, the program that we have in the Muslim Mosque, Incorporated, places an accent on youth. W e are issuing a call for students across the country, from coast to coast, to launch a new study of the problem—not a study that is in any way guided or influenced by adults, but a study of their own. Thu s we can get a new analysis of the problem, a more realistic analysis. Afte r this new study and more realistic analysis, we are going to ask those same students (by students I mean young people, who having less of a stake to lose , ar e mor e flexibl e an d ca n b e mor e objective ) fo r a ne w approach to the problem. Already we have begun to get responses from so-called Negro students from coast to coast, who aren't actually religiously inclined, but who ar e nonetheles s strongl y sympatheti c t o th e approac h use d by Black Nationalism, whether it be social, economic, or political. An d with this new approach an d with these ne w ideas we thin k tha t we may open up a new era here in this country. A s that era begins to spread, people in this country—instead of sticking under your nose or

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crying for civil rights—will begin to expand their civil rights plea to a plea for human rights. An d once the so-called Negro in this country forgets th e whole civil rights issue and begins to realize tha t human rights are far more important and broad than civil rights, he won't be going to Washington, D.C., anymore, to beg Uncle Sam for civil rights. He will take his plea for human rights to the United Nations. Ther e won't be a violation of civil rights anymore. I t will be a violation of human rights. No w at this moment, the governments that are in the United Nations can't step in, can't involve themselves with America's domestic policy. Bu t the day the black man turns from civil rights to human rights , h e wil l tak e hi s cas e int o th e hall s o f th e Unite d Nations in the same manner as the people in Angola, whose human rights have been violated by the Portuguese in South Africa. You'll find that you are entering an era now where the black man in this country has ceased to think domestically, or within the bounds of th e United States , and he's beginning to see tha t this is a worldwide issue and that he needs help from outside. W e need help from our brothers in Africa who have won their independence. An d when we begin to show them our thinking has expanded to an international scale, they will step in and help us, and you'll find that Uncle Sam will be in a most embarrassing position. S o the only way Uncle Sam can stop us is to get some civil rights passed—right now ! Fo r if he can't take care of his domestic dirt, it's going to be put before th e eyes of the world . The n you'l l fin d tha t you'll hav e nobod y o n you r side, whatsoever, othe r than , perhaps , a fe w o f thos e Uncl e Toms—an d they've already out-lived their time. . . . MODERATOR: I suggest we follow this format: W e will have reactions and responses to what Malcolm X has said from the members of the panel, then give Malcolm X a chance to discuss their views. The firs t membe r o f th e pane l t o addres s u s will b e Professo r James Q . Wilson , who has written a n important boo k abou t Negr o politics i n Chicago . A t present , Professo r Wilso n i s Associat e Professor o f Governmen t a t Harvard and also Director of th e Joint Center for Urban Studies [M.I.T. and Harvard], JAMES Q . WILSON : Malcol m X , Ladie s an d Gentlemen . I t i s impossible not to be impressed with the conviction, the sincerity, the force an d the vigor of th e ma n who has just spoken t o you. H e is protesting against outrages h e feels keenly . The y are real outrages.

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They ar e outrages , echoe s o f whic h ca n b e foun d throughou t American history, echoes raised by white and Negro voices alike. The American political system, I suppose, is unique in many ways. One way it is unique is that it has a built-in resistance to fundamental, far-reaching change . Thi s resistanc e t o fundamenta l chang e ha s frustrated th e efforts o f people through two centuries of our history to achiev e a fundamenta l socia l revolutio n shor t o f forc e o f arms . The system is, I believe, as Malcolm X has said, based on the politics of hope—hopes which politicians do not intend to realize. I think the reason i s not because politician s ar e wicked men, an d certainly not because the y ar e mor e wicked tha n al l o f us , but becaus e ther e i s something inheren t i n th e syste m which, on th e on e hand , induce s them to offer promise s and, on the other hand, prevents them from keeping them . W e hav e ha d Populists , Socialists , Trotskyites , Greenbackers, and urban reformers, who for two centuries have railed against th e syste m an d thi s syste m ha s refuse d fundamentall y t o change—refused fundamentally to change for a variety of reasons. The chief reason, I suppose, is because politics in the long run has always paid off; tha t is, the politics of hope holds out to people in the long run the prospect, however dim and however uncertain, of freedom and of jobs and opportunity. An d enough people have received these so that eventually their energies have been sapped and their enthusiasms converted. The question, of course, is whether the politics of hope will work in this era when men such as Malcolm X are leading a new kind of social revolution in America. I n the 1930s we used to say, with a note of relie f i n ou r voices , tha t ther e wa s n o genuin e Negr o radica l movement. Ther e was no wholesale commitment of the Negroes to the Communis t Party , because a t tha t tim e ther e wa s n o educate d Negro middl e clas s t o provid e th e ideologica l cadre s o f suc h a revolutionary commitment . Whe n th e middl e clas s wa s born , w e pundits used to say, they would find the revolutionary consciousness in the event of a depression. Well , the revolutionary consciousness is now emerging, but not from the Negro middle class. Th e latter has been carried away with the politics of hope. I think Malcolm X would say it has been nicely "bought off b y the system. Th e revolutionary consciousness, we now find, is not a product of the middle class, but of the Negro lower class and of the young people, who have formed a kin d o f allianc e uniqu e i n America n politics , whic h propose s t o change fundamentally the system in the direction of basic goals seen

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in visionary terms—which means they will be imperfectly realized. A second question is how the American system will respond to this demand fo r fundamenta l change . Th e balanc e o f powe r theor y s o long fashionabl e i n discussions o f th e Negr o vote i s not true . Th e Negroes do not hold the balance of power in American politics for the same reason that no other single identifiable group holds the balance of power . An d the reason that none of the m do is that all of them do. Th e reaso n tha t al l o f the m d o i s tha t America n politic s i s so fragmented, s o decentralize d int o bit s an d piece s o f authority , s o widely distributed over the constitutional landscape, that at any point in tim e almos t an y grou p ca n sa y wit h som e plausibilit y tha t i t contributed t o th e succes s o f tha t politician . Ther e i s n o nationa l mandate. Ther e i s n o nationa l consensus . Ther e i s n o politic s i n which one voice and one vote is the marginal voice, the marginal vote that decides the election. The balance o f powe r theor y has been pu t t o th e tes t b y thirdparty movements throughout our history, and the record has been a record of failure. N o third party, with maybe one or two exceptions (which perhaps I tend to forget but conveniently ignore), has changed the outcome of any election in American history. N o third party has ever becom e a majo r party . N o thir d party , excep t fo r Tedd y Roosevelt's Bullmoosers, has ever become a second party. Onl y four ever receive d an y electora l votes , an d onl y thre e o f thes e wo n a s much as ten percent of the popular vote. T o be sure many of them were counte d ou t b y politician s whe n th e ballo t bo x wa s no t s o sacrosanct as it is today. Ver y few have ever won seats in Congress, and none have ever changed an election so far as we can be certain. One o f th e reason s wh y th e balanc e o f powe r theor y ha s no t contributed t o the influence o f thir d parties is because many groups within the two-party system can claim a whole share in this balance. It is true that in eight major northern industrial states, which together hold two hundred and ten electoral votes in the electoral college, the Negro vote fo r the Democratic candidate fo r Presiden t i n 196 0 was larger than the margin by which he defeated his Republican opponent in those states. Doe s this mean that Negroes are responsible for his victory? I t means they were only if you take into equal account that Catholics i n thos e eigh t state s als o cas t vote s fo r th e Democrati c candidate in excess of plurality, that the Jews cast ballots in excess of plurality, young people and perhaps even college professors, God help us, cast ballots i n excess of plurality . Al l these group s can say with

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equal plausibility that they hold the balance of power. Gerrymandering is not the reason. Ther e are many cities today in which Negroes are represented almost in proportion to their population. I t is usually those cities which have shown the least progress in the direction of civi l rights . Chicag o has seven Negroes i n th e city council an d nine Negroe s i n th e stat e legislature . The y ar e represented no t precisely but nearly in accordance with their population. Yet Chicago and Illinois have been the slowest in taking any steps in the direction of major civil rights legislation. Negroe s in New York are under-represented in politics. Ye t this state has done far more for the Negro. Why ? Becaus e civil rights legislation by and large has not been aime d a t capturin g th e Negr o vote . Th e Negr o vot e coul d already be taken for granted by the Democratic Party. Th e civil rights legislation wa s therefor e aime d a t capturin g th e vot e whic h wa s uncommitted, that independent vote which changes from election to election. An d that was a vote of "supposedly liberal white friends" of the Negro, to use the former speaker's words. It i s fashionabl e toda y fo r Negroe s t o dislik e an d distrus t thei r supposedly libera l whit e friends . I t i s just a s fashionabl e fo r thei r supposedly liberal white friends to dislike and distrust themselves, for we are going through a period of anxiety in which we doubt our own capacity fo r action . W e wan t somethin g don e collectively , bu t we cannot bring ourselves to act collectively. S o we engage dubiously in personal relationship s with students who need our help in Roxbury. The white liberal with his reticence, self-consciousness, and introspection today reflects precisel y the same concern and the same charges the previous speaker has thrown at us. H e does not need to indict us. WeVe indicted ourselves, and we know it. Th e question is where do we move in a system of this kind? Joh n F. Kennedy did not ignore the promises he made to all the other groups that hold the balance of power. Th e trouble is that those promises canceled out each other. And this is not said in criticism of Kennedy. I t is stated as characteristic of the system, and the question is how do you propose to change this? An d i s th e chang e worthwhile ? Perhap s i t is ; I don't kno w because I'm not a Negro, thank God. An d perhaps from their point of view it is. I' m skeptical, but I remain open, I think, to persuasion. It is not deceitfu l Souther n Democrat s with civi l right s filibusterin g who keep this legislation out of existence. Th e party label is about as meaningless as Malcolm X has so graphically pointed out. Whether puttin g Negroes i n office woul d change th e politics of

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hope to the politics of reality is the real question. Ther e are Negroes in offic e i n almos t ever y cit y an d stat e o f an y consequenc e i n th e United State s today . ( I automaticall y exclud e Mississippi. ) Wha t difference doe s thi s make ? I don' t know , bu t it' s certainl y no t dramatic. The white politicians cannot change the system. They'v e tried. I recall one time when there was a third party movement, an effort t o capture certai n ke y position s i n th e America n politica l syste m an d hold them long enough to force certain fundamental changes. I n 1912 the Socialis t Part y i n the Unite d State s capture d six percent o f th e presidential vote. Almos t nine hundred thousand people voted for its candidate fo r president. The y elected fifty-si x mayors , one hundred and sixty councilmen, one hundred and forty-five aldermen , eighteen state representatives , an d two state senators. Ther e were ove r one thousand Socialist Party members holding office i n the United States at the time. The y printed fourteen daily newspapers and two hundred ninety-eight weekl y newspapers . The y ha d on e hundre d eightee n thousand dues-payin g members . An d wher e i s th e Socialis t Part y today? The Negro Party, if that is what is being proposed this evening, is not going to have precisely this outcome. Socialist s can be lost in the American meltin g po t becaus e th e mar k of thei r identit y i s carried inwardly an d no t outwardly . Negroe s canno t b e los t i n thi s system because the mark of their identity is carried outward for all to see, for all time. Th e question is: Eve n though the spirit and the people and the movement continue to exist, what will happen if the strategy is a separatist strategy , a third-party strategy or even a strategy within a party to capture a party's leadership? Is a separatis t strateg y goin g t o accomplis h a s muc h a s thos e nonparty, an d in some cases nonlegal, methods by which th e system is challenge d directl y b y student s sitting-in , lying-in , kneeling-in , walking-in, o r whatever? Thi s attack s th e syste m i n th e on e plac e where i t i s vulnerable—it s conscience , it s slow , belated , fuzz y bu t existent conscience. Whe n you start to play the political game , then you're playing the game where the conscience is not involved for most people, because the political game is one which people believe must be interpreted and explained in cynical terms . .. cynical , because they know it hasn't made any difference i n the past; cynical, because they distrust the motives that go into politics and know that the best things in life, from their point of view, come from extra-political sources.

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MODERATOR: Th e second speaker this evening will be Dr. Martin L. Kilson. Dr . Kilson is Lecturer on Government at Harvard, and will soon publish hi s first book, Political Change in a West African State. MARTIN KILSON : Whe n I wa s workin g ou t m y note s fo r thi s evening, I thought tha t I would be th e only one o n thi s panel who would en d u p being rathe r pessimisti c an d somewhat cynica l abou t things, because I am rather pessimistic about things, and what I have to say begins on a pessimistic note and ends on a pessimistic note. Now the first negative note that I want to begin on is essentially about th e way we moder n Americans g o abou t politica l thing s in a modern social-cultura l system . I t seem s t o m e tha t th e whol e American politica l experimen t an d experienc e an d proces s alway s reflected wha t one woul d call a certain kin d of madness . B y this I mean ther e ha s alway s bee n a certai n kin d o f emphasi s upo n th e politically mundan e an d th e politicall y vile a s a means o f stakin g a claim for one's self or for one's group in the mainstream of American society. Thus , for instance, the Irish, the Italians, and all of the other nineteenth century white immigrant groups fashioned quite consciously what, I think , ca n b e calle d i n a genera l wa y thoroughl y corrupt , parochial politica l arrangements , i n orde r t o wres t ou t statu s an d prestige and influence from the established patricians, Protestant elite groups; and through thi s to enter into th e mainstream o f American social life . We'r e tol d no w tha t thes e whit e immigrant s hav e quite succeeded. The y have made it, so we are told; but unfortunately, the political arrangements they fashioned in order to succeed still persist at all levels of the American political system, and it is my feeling that they are about to strangle us all, including the sycamores on Memorial Drive. Wha t is more, these mundane, corrupt, inefficient method s of allocating th e resource s o f a modern societ y canno t reall y begin t o handle the problem which the Negro confronts. Then ther e cam e th e Negro . O f cours e w e cam e i n th e earl y 1900s from the South with great migration movements to the North and to th e cities—what som e though t t o b e th e promise d land . A s former slaves, an d therefore wit h immeasurably weaker positions in material an d physica l capacit y fo r makin g way in an urban context, significantly fe w o f thes e ne w Negroe s coul d reall y fashio n an y meaningful stak e in the mainstream of American society. Bu t some, as the early middle-class Negroes, did attempt to fashion a stake in the mainstream, and , curiousl y enough , i n clos e relationshi p wit h th e

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corrupt politica l institution s create d b y the immigran t groups ; who, indeed, tended to look upon the Negro as something less than a man. And s o thi s peculia r kin d o f relationshi p betwee n th e earl y Negr o middle class and national and state politicians appeared always to me a very curious kind of business. We'r e told too that this ten to fifteen or twenty percent of Negroes who have fashioned some kind of stake in American society have also "made it." However, there remains the mass of Negroes who, it seems, were in a small sense not so lucky. Fo r even they, I think, still wanted to establish an estate in the American material heaven. An d in a sense, why not? A t their own level of cheap and exploited labor and human souls, they essentially contributed as much to the development of the American mainstrea m a s an y other group . I n som e respects , the y contributed mor e tha n man y groups . An d thi s bring s m e t o th e question of the evening: th e question of Black Nationalist politics and the conception of it which is now being propounded and organized by our speaker, Mr. Malcolm X. Now it seems quite frankly that as another means of fashioning a foothold, a stake fo r th e Negr o i n th e America n mainstream , th e Black Nationalist , o r an y other blac k racis t politica l proposition , i s essentially as mundane and as vile as the institutions used successfully by the white immigrants. Yet , I think tha t th e peculia r madnes s in American societ y ha s lef t th e grea t mas s o f Negroe s n o reall y significant alternativ e method. What is the method behind this kind of Black Nationalist proposition? I am myself totally willing to grant a good part of th e description by Malcolm X and others of the position and experience of the Negro i n American society . Fro m such experiences ha s emerged a deep-seated frustratio n o n th e par t o f mos t Negroe s a s well a s an ambivalent, love-hate complex, as it were, toward the white American majority. I t is this frustration an d complex upon which Malcolm X's Black Nationalist proposition must either stand or fall. Now , one can certainly query this business in more particular terms, and I do query it. Bu t my thinking is that this is hardly a useful exercise , for as has been indicated , th e Blac k Nationalis t metho d is , at it s own level o f experience, a s "ethical" as techniques use d by immigrant groups. I n other words, self-styled maneuverin g i s basically a legitimate par t of this curious madness I have in mind as being so characteristic of the American politica l experiment . Therefore , i t seems t o m e that th e really importan t question , a t leas t fro m a social scientist' s poin t o f

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view, is whether or not Mr. Malcolm X's Black Nationalist proposition, or any other Black Nationalist proposition, can, in fact, make a greater claim for the Negroes in the American mainstream. No w Mr. X is necessarily optimistic on this point, or he wouldn't be in business. But I myself am rather pessimistic on the question. Bu t I hasten to assure Mr. X that my pessimism doesn't stem from any kind of unconscious wish tha t hi s Blac k Nationalis t metho d would fail . I t rather stems from m y own reading of th e complex and terrible pligh t that most Negroes encounter today. An d it also stems from my reading of the past circumstances and forces tha t gave rise to the first (a t least organizationally successful ) Blac k Nationalist propositio n a t the end of World War I (1918-1925)—the Garvey Movement. Now for on e thing , I am convinced tha t among the seventy-fiv e percent o f Negr o American s who m w e ca n safel y cal l th e Negr o masses—that is , th e poo r an d th e downtrodden—ther e remain s stil l some room for an effective Black Nationalist political appeal. Indeed , the political histor y of th e urban Negro i n this century, a s I read it, reveals tha t onl y th e blac k racis t appea l ha s eve r bee n abl e t o effectively mobiliz e around political an d social action any significant portion o f th e Negr o America n population . Thi s i s precisel y what Marcus Garve y an d hi s Universal Negro Improvement Association demonstrated, even though a t the level of concrete contributions t o the resolution of the Negro problem it contributed, I think, essentially very little . Bu t today , i n th e middl e o f th e twentiet h century , an y Black Nationalis t politica l grou p confronts th e evident fac t tha t the circumstances whic h facilitate d th e Garve y movemen t hav e bee n significantly altere d within th e socia l structur e o f th e urba n Negro. Now I do not mean, of course, that the basic caste relationship of the Negro t o th e over-all white American society ha s been significantl y altered. Thi s relationship is basically the same as it has been for one century. Wha t I do have in mind concerns the characteristics involved in the urban social structure of Negro society. At the end of World War I it was interesting to note that urban Negro society was evolving basically along lines comparable to that of other groups . Tha t i s t o say , i t ha d a n expandin g structur e o f voluntary associations, which were slowly but surely meeting some of the basic day-to-day needs and problems of the urbanized mass. Al l the fact s whic h I kno w revea l tha t th e Garve y movemen t evolve d within th e framewor k o f thi s expandin g infrastructur e o f Negr o voluntary associations , especiall y amon g th e Negr o masses . Eve n

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among th e early smal l middle-class elements, some importan t middle class personalities finally went ove r t o the Garve y movement—peopl e like Emme t J . Scott . Scot t wa s a n eminen t Uncl e Tom . H e wa s a private secretar y t o Booke r T . Washington , an d upo n Booke r T . Washington's deat h inherite d th e whole structure o f influenc e o f tha t man; with that Scot t became a partisan o f the Garvey movement. Bu t essentially, there were very few people this high up in the middle class who wen t ove r t o th e Garve y movement . Today, however , yo u hav e a ver y differen t situation . Wit h th e exception o f tha t twent y o r twenty-fiv e percen t o f middle-clas s Negroes who have some kind of stake in American society , who "hav e it made," for mos t Negroes thi s emergent an d lively social structure o f voluntary associations no longer prevails. Th e Grea t Depression deal t a deadly blow to al l spheres of the social structure of the urban Negr o masses. An d toda y thi s structur e stand s i n essentiall y permanen t disintegration. I n fact, I wonder i f we cannot pu t i t in the category of social pathology. Bu t no t i n the sens e i n which Mr . Epp s was talkin g earlier. B y social patholog y I mea n somethin g whic h i s disintegrate d permanently, i n a stat e o f flux , incoherent , an d al l th e rest . . . Dat a on al l spheres o f th e poo r urba n Negr o socia l structur e attes t t o this . Church attendanc e amon g poo r Negroe s i s essentiall y nonexistent . The famil y structure i s so weak, so fluid, as to be meaningless; and th e same hold s tru e fo r almos t an y inde x o f effectiv e meaningfu l socia l structure amon g th e sevent y percen t o f poo r urba n Negroes . What i s equally significan t i s th e manne r i n whic h th e America n system impinges upon thi s poor Negr o social structure; and how it has done nothin g bu t intensif y thi s state o f socia l patholog y o r o f perma nent socia l disintegration . Fo r instance , al l indice s o f socia l an d economic well-being fin d sevent y percen t o f th e Negr o populatio n a t rock bottom . Economi c recession s o f th e forties , fifties, an d o f th e sixties hav e playe d havo c wit h thi s population , hittin g i t a t a rat e normally tw o o r thre e time s tha t o f th e res t o f th e population . I n some urban center s i n the pas t fifteen years , where on e finds a heav y Negro concentration , unemploymen t ha s stood a t twenty-fiv e percen t and mor e o f th e adul t mal e population . Thus , I mysel f canno t hel p questioning whether a Black Nationalist propositio n ca n be successfu l in thi s stat e o f tragi c an d terribl e socia l disintegration . Frankl y i t i s beyond comprehensio n tha t th e Natio n o f Islam , Mr . X' s movement , or an y other exclusivel y racis t propositio n coul d i n an d o f itsel f eve n begin t o contribut e a dro p i n th e bucket . No r d o I thin k tha t th e

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politically mundane and the politically vile methods which the white immigrants have bequeathed us can handle the job. I n fact, I myself can see no basic, lasting, or meaningful resolution to the terrible plight of most Negroes within the present political arrangements and modes of thought that the American market place of political ideas has given us. MODERATOR: Mr . X, I wonder i f you'd lik e t o repl y t o eithe r Professor Wilso n or Dr. Kilson. MALCOLM X: A s I said in my opening statement, I'm not a student of politic s no r a politician , bu t I di d lear n a lo t listenin g t o th e speakers. [Mr . Wilson] pointed out very decisively that politics won't solve the problem . . . this is what I got out of what he said . .. th e politicians can't do it. I n fact I can see now why the Honorable Elijah Muhammad sai d tha t complet e separatio n i s th e onl y answer . Fo r what I got from what he was saying is that Uncle Sam sees no hope within his political system of solving this problem that has become so complex that you can hardly even describe it. An d this is why I said that we are issuing a call to youth, primarily, to get some new ideas and a new direction. Th e adults are more confused than the problem itself. I t will take a whole generation of new people to approach this problem. I would not like to leave the impression that I have ever, in any way, proposed a Negro party. Whoeve r entertains that thought is very much misinformed. W e have never at any time advocated any kind of Negro party. Th e idea that I have been trying to convey is that Black Nationalism is our political philosophy. I didn't mention "p arty-M B y Black Nationalism I meant a political philosophy that makes the black man more conscious of the importance of his doing something to control his own destiny. Th e political philosophy maintained now by most black people in this country seems to me to leave their destiny in the hands of someone who doesn't even look like them. So , you see, the political philosophy of Black Nationalism has nothing to do with party. It is designed to make the black man develop some kind of consciousness or awareness o f th e importanc e o f hi s shaping hi s own future, instead of leaving it to some segregationists in Washington, D.C., who come from the North as well as from the South. I n pointing out that we are putting an accent on youth, we wish to let you know that our minds are wide open. W e don't think we have the answer, but we are

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open-minded enoug h t o tr y to see k th e answe r no t fro m thes e ol d hicks, whom I think have gone astray , but from th e youth. Fo r the young may approach the problem from a new slant and perhaps come up with something that nobody else has thought of yet. In repl y t o Dr . Kilson , wh o pointe d ou t ho w Marcu s Garve y failed: Marcu s Garve y faile d onl y becaus e hi s movemen t wa s infiltrated b y Uncle Toms , sent i n by the governmen t a s well a s by other bodies to maneuver him into a position wherein the government might have him sent t o Atlanta, Georgia, put in a penitentiary, then deported, an d his movemen t destroyed . Bu t Marcu s Garve y never failed. Marcu s Garvey was the one who gave a sense of dignity to the black people i n this country. H e organized one o f th e largest mass movements that ever existed in this country; and his entire philosophy of organizin g an d attractin g Negroe s wa s base d o n going-back-to Africa, which proves that the only mass movement which ever caught on in this country was designed t o appeal t o what the masses really felt. Mor e of them then preferred to go back home than to stay here in this country and continue to beg the power structure for something they knew they would never get. Garve y did not fail. Indeed , it was Marcus Garvey's philosophy that inspired the Nkrumah fight for the independence of Ghana from the colonialism that was imposed on it by England . I t i s als o th e sam e Blac k Nationalis m tha t ha s bee n spreading throughou t Afric a an d tha t ha s brough t abou t th e emergence of the present independent African states. Garve y never failed. Garve y plante d th e see d whic h ha s poppe d u p i n Africa— everywhere you look! An d although they're still trying to stamp it out in Angola, in South Africa, and in other places, you will soon be able to se e fo r yourselve s whethe r o r no t Garve y failed . H e ma y have failed i n America , bu t h e didn' t fai l i n Africa ; an d whe n Afric a succeeds, you'll find that you have a new situation on your hands here in America. I can't abide anyone referring to Black Nationalism as any kind of racism. Wheneve r white people get together they don't call it racism. The European Common Market is for Europeans; it excludes everyone else. I n that case you don't call it racism; all the numerous blocks and groups and syndicates and cliques that the Western nations have formed ar e neve r referre d t o a s racist. Bu t whe n w e dar k peopl e want to form some kind of united effort t o solve our problem, either you or somebody you have brainwashed comes up with "racism." W e don't call i t racism ; we cal l i t brotherhood. T o not e just on e mor e

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small point : i t i s tru e tha t a larg e middle-clas s grou p o f so-calle d Negroes has developed i n this country, and you may think that these Negroes are satisfied or that they want to stay here because they have a "stake." This is the popular misconception. Th e middle-class Negro in this country is almost more frustrated, disillusioned, and disenchanted than the Negro in the alley. Why ? Th e Negro in the alley does not even think about integrating with you because he knows that he hasn't enough money to go where you are in control. S o it doesn't enter his mind; he's less frustrated when he knows it's impossible. Bu t this middle-class Negro, sharp as a tack with his Harvard accent and with his pocke t ful l o f your money , think s he shoul d b e abl e t o go everywhere. Indeed , he should be able to go everywhere, so he will try. MODERATOR: I will take questions from the floor. STUDENT QUESTION : I hav e a questio n fo r Mr . Malcol m X . What is your view of the Freedom Now Party, whic h is certainly a third party movement ? Ho w d o yo u fee l abou t thi s alternativ e wa y o f solving the Negro problem? MALCOLM X: I have met Negroes of th e Freedom Now Party, al l of whom seem to be very militant. The y are young and militant and less likely to compromise. Fo r these reasons it offers more hope than other alternative s bein g dangle d i n fron t o f th e so-calle d Negro . I couldn't say I would endorse the Freedom Now Party, bu t my mind is wide ope n t o anythin g tha t wil l hel p gai n progress . I n addition , members of th e Freedom Now Party see m t o b e mor e flexible tha n members o f th e Democrati c an d Republica n parties . I don't thin k anything can be worse than the Democrats and Republicans. STUDENT QUESTION: Mr . Malcolm X, do you support a bloody revolution and, if not, what kind do you have in mind, especially when the Negro is at a numerical disadvantage? MALCOLM X : Don' t tel l m e abou t a six-to-one disadvantage . I agree i t i s a six-to-on e disadvantag e whe n yo u thin k i n term s o f America. Bu t i n th e worl d th e nonwhit e peopl e hav e yo u a t a n eleven-to-one disadvantage . W e blac k peopl e conside r ourselve s a part of that vast body of dark people who outnumber the whites, and

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we don't regard ourselves as a minority. STUDENT QUESTION: Mr . Malcolm X, you said the type of civil rights agitatio n w e se e no w ha s no t altere d th e moralit y o f whit e people. Coul d you comment on that? MALCOLM X: Whe n exposed to the methods of civil rights groups, whites remain complacent. Yo u couldn't appeal to their ethical sense or their sense of legality. But , on the other hand, when they hear the analysis o f th e Honorabl e Elija h Muhammad , whites becom e mor e sharply attuned to the problem. Yo u can appeal to what intelligence whites have. Le t the black man speak his mind so that the white man really knows how he feels. A t the same time, let the white man speak his mind. Le t everyone put his facts on the table. Onc e you put the facts on the table, it's possible to arrive at a solution. The civi l right s movemen t ha s pu t th e whit e ma n in a position where he has to take a stand contrary to his intelligence. Man y whites who do not support integration are afraid to say so when face to face with a Negro for fear the Negro will call him a bigot or a racist. S o that even thoug h a white i n his intelligence ca n see tha t this force d integration wil l neve r work , he' s afrai d t o sa y thi s t o a black man; whereas if the white could speak his mind to the black man, he might wake that man up. M y contention i s that the approach used by the Honorable Elija h Muhamma d i s mor e realistic . A whit e ma n can speak his mind to a Muslim, and a Muslim is going to speak his mind to a white man . Onc e yo u establis h thi s honest , sincere , realisti c communication, you'll get a solution t o the problem. Bu t don't you give m e that you love me and make me do the same thinking when there's nothing in our backgrounds nor anything around us which in any way gives either of us reason to love each other. Let' s be real! MR. WILSON: You r skill at numbers is accurate . .. I f you want to add Cleveland and St. Louis to the list, I would double the argument in spades . .. (Laughter ) Ther e was no pun intended. I t seems to me that mor e progres s i s foun d i n state s wit h a lowe r proportio n o f Negroes . . . MODERATOR: Malcol m X, would you like to comment? MALCOLM X: No , I don't think I'd better. I don't know whether

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to commen t o n spade s o r . . . (laughter) . Bu t yo u ca n se e wh y I believe i n separation. Malcolm X an d Martin Kilso n als o had a very funny exchange . Malcolm X had made th e point earlier that middle-class Negroes an d Negro intellectuals really distrusted whites as much as the more frank and courageou s Negroe s h e knew . Thes e well-establishe d Negroe s told hi m thing s i n th e "closet " which woul d surpris e th e whites , h e reported. Mr . Kilson , wh o i s a Negro , an d Malcol m X ha d a n exchange o n jus t thi s assessmen t o f th e well-establishe d Negro . Malcolm X ha d just commente d o n Kilson' s speech , an d a questio n had suggeste d tha t Mr . Kilso n ha d no t reall y sai d wha t h e believed . The questioner wen t o n t o as k fro m wha t vantag e poin t di d Mr . Kilson speak . MR. KILSON : A s Malcol m X ha s suggeste d t o yo u . . . it' s no t s o easy fo r a Negr o intellectua l t o discus s thes e problems , a s yo u ma y expect. I happen t o b e a n academi c an d a s such I adhere t o certai n canons o f observatio n an d discourse, an d of behavior. Bu t [ I am an] academic who i s quite consciou s o f bein g a Negro, an d rathe r prou d of it . Whe n you ask me from what vantage point I speak, I [must tell you] that I speak fro m whatever tha t vantage poin t i s [whic h permits me] t o effectivel y integrat e th e difficul t positio n o f bein g bot h a n intellectual an d a Negro . I can' t satisf y everybod y i n wha t I say . Essentially, therefore , I [am ] very individualisti c abou t suc h matters . I seek essentiall y t o satisf y Marti n Kilson . (Applause ) MALCOLM X : Ma y I comment o n hi s comment? (Laughter ) Well, h e i s actually proving my point tha t this middle-class Negr o is more frustrate d tha n anybod y else . If you were abl e t o hea r on e o f the m i n the closet , with non e o f you around , you would . . . realize ho w serious thi s problem is. You can't be an individual; no black man in this country can be an individual. Dr . Ralp h Bunche , a n internationall y recognize d an d respected diplomat , was segregated i n Atlanta, Georgia . MR. KILSON : I must comment! Her e I think Malcol m i s perfectl y right. I' m no t unde r th e illusio n tha t with respec t t o white societ y I can b e a n individua l i n th e sens e tha t h e ha s i n mind . I' m a Negr o with respect to white society. Bu t I still argue that an intellectual ha s

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certain function s t o perform an d carries a certain kin d of burden. Le t me als o sa y i n m y own self-defens e tha t I a m no t on e wh o say s on e thing i n publi c an d anothe r thin g i n th e closet . MALCOLM X : I a m happ y tha t I hav e foun d a Negr o intellectua l who will come ou t o f th e closet . (Laughte r an d applause ) From Malcolm X: Speeches at Harvard (1968 )

lf

The Leverett House Forum was an interesting event. Mos t of Malcolm X*s performances o n public platforms with opponents had seemed to me, at least, sort of public rituals: Malcol m X would give the Black Muslim lin e and th e opponent woul d disclai m an y interest whatsoever i n th e weight of the Malcol m X positio n an d woul d certainl y no t conside r i t a n alternat e popular Negro strategy. I t was my duty as moderator of the Leverett Forum to try and arrang e a more honest an d hopefully productiv e public meeting. My colleagues, Martin Kilson and James Q. Wilson, were most cooperativ e in thi s regard . The y agree d t o participat e i n th e Forum . And , what was most important, I knew they took the subject of Negro affairs seriousl y both from a personal and intellectua l poin t o f view. The manuscrip t yo u hav e her e i s almos t complet e excep t fo r th e question an d answe r period . I hav e lef t ou t a paragrap h o f min e i n th e introduction which seemed redundant. Som e criticism might be made of my choice of the questions and answers. Mos t were actually more exciting and even hilariou s tha n th e one s include d here . Fo r example , thi s exchang e between Mr . Wilso n an d Malcol m X , with a pla y o n th e word "spade, " a colloquial ghetto term for Negro, had everyone in stitches. Mr . Wilson was responding t o a questio n a s t o whethe r a greater proportionat e Negr o population i n a city did manifes t itsel f i n actual progres s for th e group.

James Alan McPherson in 1968

JAMES ALAN McPHERSO N

James Alan McPherso n wa s born i n Savannah , Georgia , on 1 6 September 1943. Workin g as a dining-car waiter during the summer, he earned a B.A in Englis h an d histor y fro m Morri s Brow n Colleg e in 1965 . Recruite d by Harvard Law School, he financed his Cambridge studies in part as janitor of an apartment house next door to the Harvard Crimson building, and received his LL.B in 1968 . Lik e Archibald MacLeish , he went fro m a Harvard la w degree to a distinguished career in creative writing. Hue and Cry, a volume of short stories, appeared in 1969 and won the National Institute of Arts and Letters Awar d i n literature . A secon d collection , Elbow Room, wa s published i n 1977 and won both the National Book Award and the Pulitzer Prize. I n 1976 , McPherson an d Miller Williams published Railroad: Trains and Train People in American Culture. McPherson earne d a n M.F. A degre e fro m th e Universit y o f Iow a i n 1971. H e serve d shor t term s teachin g o n th e Sant a Cru z campu s o f th e University o f Californi a an d a t Morga n Stat e University , wit h a stin t a s teacher of fictio n writin g at th e Harvard Summe r Schoo l in 1972 . H e was a professo r i n th e Englis h departmen t o f th e Universit y o f Virgini a fro m 1976 to 1981 , when h e move d t o th e Universit y o f Iow a an d it s famou s Writers* Workshop, where he remains. H e has received a Rockefeller gran t and a Guggenheim Fellowship; and in 1981 he was honored with a five-year n geniusw grant fro m th e MacArthur Foundation .

On Becomin g a n America n Write r

In 1974 , during th e las t month s o f th e Nixo n Administration , I live d in Sa n Francisco , California . M y publi c reaso n fo r leavin g th e Eas t and goin g ther e wa s tha t m y wif e ha d bee n admitte d t o th e Sa n

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Francisco Medical Cente r School o f Nursing , but my private reason for goin g wa s tha t Sa n Francisc o woul d b e a very goo d plac e fo r working and for walking. Actually , during that time San Francisco was not that pleasant a place. W e lived in a section of the city called the Sunset District, but it rained almost every day. Durin g the late spring Patricia Hearst helped to rob a bank a few blocks from our apartment, a psychopath called "the Zebra Killer" was terrorizing the city, and the mayor seeme d abou t t o declar e martia l law . Periodicall y th e FB I would com e t o m y apartment wit h picture s o f th e suspecte d ban k robbers. Agent s cam e several times , until i t began t o dawn on me that they had become slightly interested i n why, of al l the people in a working-class neighborhood, I alone sat at home every day. The y never asked any questions on this point, and I never volunteered that I was trying to keep my sanity by working very hard on a book dealing with the relationship between folklore and technology in nineteenthcentury America. In the late fall of the same year a friend came out from the East to give a talk in Sacramento. I drove there to mee t him , and then drove him back to San Francisco. Thi s was an older black man, one whom I respect a great deal, but during our drive an argument developed between us. Hi s major worry was the recession, but eventually his focus shifted t o people in my age group and our failures. Ther e were a great many of these , and he listed the m point by point. H e said, while we drove through a gloomy evening rain, "When the smoke clears and you start counting, I'll bet you won't find that many more black doctors, lawyers, accountants, engineers, dentists. ..." The list went on. H e remonstrated a bit more, and said, "White people are very generous. Whe n the y start a thing the y usuall y finish it . Bu t after all this chaos, imagine how mad and tired they must be. Bac k in the fifties, when thi s thin g started, the y mus t hav e know n anything could happen. The y must have said, 'Well, we'd better settle in and hold on tight. Her e come the niggers/" Durin g the eighteen months I spent i n San Francisco, thi s was the only personal encounte r that really made me mad. In recent years I have realized that my friend, whom I now respect even more , was speakin g fro m th e perspectiv e o f a tactician . H e viewed the situation in strict bread-and-butter terms : a commitment had been made to redefine the meaning of democracy in this country, certain opportunities ha d been provided , an d people lik e hi m were watching to see what would be made of those opportunities and the

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freedom they provided. Fro m his point of view, it was simply a matter of fulfillin g a contractua l obligation : takin g ful l advantag e o f th e educational opportunitie s tha t ha d been offere d t o achiev e middle class status in one of the professions. Bu t from my point of view, one that I never shared with him, it was not that simple. Perhap s it was because o f th e difference s i n our generations an d experiences. O r perhaps it was because each new generation, of black people at least, has to redefine itsel f even while it attempts to grasp the new opportunities, explore the new freedom. I can speak for no one but myself, yet maybe in trying to preserve th e uniqueness of m y experience, as I tried to do in Elbow Room, I can begin to set the record straight for my friend, for myself, and for the sake of the record itself. In 1954 , when Brown v . Board of Education wa s decided, I was eleven year s old . I live d i n a lower-clas s blac k communit y i n Savannah, Georgia, attended segregated public schools, and knew no white people socially. I can't remember thinking of this last fact as a disadvantage, but I do know that early on I was being conditioned to believe that I was not supposed t o know any white people o n social terms. I n ou r tow n th e childre n o f th e blac k middl e clas s wer e expected to aspire to certain traditional occupations; the children of the poor were expected not to cause too much trouble. There was in those days a very subtle, but real, social distinction based on gradations of color, and I can remember the additional strain under which darker-skinned poor people lived. Bu t there was also a great deal of optimism, shared by all levels of th e black community. Besides a certain reverenc e fo r the benign intentions of th e federa l government, there was a belief i n the idea of progress , nourished, I think now, by the determination of older people not to pass on to the next generatio n to o man y storie s abou t racia l conflict , thei r ow n frustrations and failures. The y censored a great deal. I t was as if they had made basic and binding agreements with themselves, or with their ancestors, that for the consideration represente d b y their silence on certain points they expected to receive, from either Providence or a munificent federal government, some future service or remuneration, the form of which would be left t o the beneficiaries o f thei r silence. Lawyers would call this a contract with a condition precedent. An d maybe because they did tell us less than they knew, many of us were less informed than we might have been. O n the other hand, because of this same silence many of us remained free enough of the influence of negative stories to take chances, be ridiculous, perhaps even try to

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form our own positive stories out of whatever our own experiences provided. Thoug h our s wa s a limite d world , i t wa s on e ric h i n possibilities for the future. If I had to account for my life from segregated Savannah to this place and point in time, I would probably have to say that the contract would b e n o bad metaphor . I a m reminded o f Si r Henry Maine's observation tha t th e progres s o f societ y i s fro m statu s t o contract . Although he was writing about the development of English common law, th e revers e o f hi s generalizatio n i s mos t applicabl e t o m y situation: I am the beneficiary of a number of contracts, most of them between th e federa l governmen t an d th e institution s o f society , intended to provide people like me with a certain status. I recall that in 1960, for example, something called the National Defense Student Loan Program went into effect, and I found out that by my agreeing to repay a loan plus some little interest, th e federal government woul d back m y enrollment i n a small Negr o colleg e i n Georgia. Whe n I was a freshman at that college, disagreement over a seniorit y clause between th e Hote l & Restaurant Employee s and Bartenders Union an d the Great Northern Railway Company, in St. Paul, Minnesota, cause d management t o begin recruiting temporary summer help. Befor e I was nineteen I was encouraged to move from a segregate d Negr o colleg e i n th e Sout h an d throug h tha t ver y beautiful part of the country that lies between Chicago and the Pacific Northwest. Tha t year—1962—the World's Fair was in Seattle, and it was a magnificently diverse panorama for a young man to see. Almost every nation on earth was represented in some way, and at the center of th e fair was the Space Needle . Th e theme of th e United States exhibit, a s I recall , wa s draw n fro m Whitman' s Leaves of Grass: "Conquering, holding, daring, venturing as we go the unknown ways." When I returned to the South, in the midst of all the civil rights activity, I saw a poster advertising a creative-writing contest sponsored by Reader's Digest and the United Negro College Fund. T o enter the contest I had to learn to write and type. Th e first story I wrote was lost (and very badly typed); but the second, written in 1965, although badly typed, was awarded firstprize by Edward Weeks and his staff at the Atlantic Monthly. That same year I was offered th e opportunity to enter Harvard Law School. Durin g my second year at law school, a third-year ma n named Dav e Marsto n (wh o was in a contest with Attorney Genera l Griffi n Bel l earlie r thi s year [1978] ) offere d me , through a ver y conservativ e whit e fello w studen t fro m Texas , th e

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opportunity t o tak e ove r hi s ol d jo b a s a janito r i n on e o f th e apartment buildings in Cambridge. Ther e I had the solitude, and the encouragement, t o begi n writing seriously. Offerin g m y services in that building was probably the best contract I ever made. I hav e no t recalle d al l th e abov e t o sin g m y own praise s o r t o evoke the black American version of the Horatio Alger myth. I have recited thes e fact s a s a way o f indicatin g th e haphazar d natur e o f events during that ten-year period. I am the product of a contractual process. T o put it simply, the 1960s were a crazy time. Opportunitie s seemed t o materializ e ou t o f thi n air ; and if you were lucky , i f you were in the right place at the right time, certain contractual benefit s just naturall y accrued . Yo u wer e assure d o f a certai n status ; you could becom e a doctor , a lawyer , a dentist , a n accountant , a n engineer. Achievin g these things was easy, if you applied yourself. But a very hard price was extracted. I t seems to me now, from the perspective provide d b y ag e an d distance , tha t certai n institutiona l forces, actin g impersonally, thre w together black peasants and white aristocrats, peopl e wh o operate d o n th e plan e o f th e intellec t an d people who valued the perspectiv e o f th e folk. Ther e were peopl e who wer e frightened , threatened , an d fel t inferior ; ther e wer e light-skinned people who called themselves "black" and darker-skinned people who could remember when this term had been used negatively; there were idealists and opportunists, people who seemed to want to be exploited and people who delighted in exploiting them. Ol d identities were thrown off, o f necessity, but there were not many new ones of a positive nature to be assumed. Peopl e from backgrounds like my own, those from the South, while content with the new opportunities, found themselve s tryin g t o mak e sens e o f th e growin g diversit y o f friendships, o f thei r increasin g familiarit y wit h th e variou s politica l areas of the country, of the obvious differences betwee n their values and thos e o f thei r parents . W e were becoming doctors , lawyers , dentists, engineers; but at the same time our experiences forced us to begin thinkin g o f ourselve s i n ne w an d differen t ways . W e neve r wanted to be "white," but we never wanted to be "black" either. An d back during that period there was the feeling that we could be whatever w e wanted . But , w e discovered , unles s w e joine d a group , subscribed to some ideology, accepted some provisional identity, there was no contractual process for defining and stabilizing what it was we wanted to be. W e also found that this was an individual problem, and in order to confront i t one had to go inside one's self.

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Now I want t o return to my personal experience , t o one of th e contracts tha t too k m e fro m segregate d Savanna h t o th e Seattl e World's Fair. Ther e were many things about my earliest experiences that I liked and wanted to preserve, despite the fact that these things took place in a context of segregation; and there were a great many things I liked about the vision of al l those nations interacting at the World's Fair. Bu t the two seemed to belong to separate realities, to represent two different world views. Similarly , there were some things I liked about many of the dining-car waiters with whom I worked, and some things I liked about people like Dave Marston whom I met in law school. Som e of these people and their values were called "black" and some were called "white," and I learned very quickly that all of us tend to wall ourselves off from experiences different fro m our own by assigning to thes e term s greater significance tha n they should have. Moreover, I foun d tha t tryin g t o maintai n friendship s with , say , a politically conservative white Texan, a liberal-to-radical classmat e of Scottish-Italian background , m y oldes t blac k friends , an d eve n members o f m y own famil y introduce d psychologica l contradiction s that became tense and painful as the political climate shifted. Ther e were no contracts covering such friendships and such feelings, and in order t o kee p th e friend s an d maintain th e feeling s I ha d to forc e myself t o find a basis other tha n rac e on which suc h contradictory urgings could be synthesized. I discovered that I had to find,firstof all, an identity as a writer, and then I had to express what I knew or felt i n suc h a wa y tha t I coul d mak e somethin g whol e ou t o f a necessarily fragmented experience. While i n Sa n Francisco , I saw in th e imag e o f th e nineteenth century American locomotiv e a possible cultura l symbo l tha t coul d represent my folk origins and their values, as well as the values of all the peopl e I had seen a t the World's Fair. Durin g that same time, unconsciously, I was also beginning to see that the American language, in its flexibility and variety of idioms, could at least approximate some of th e contradictor y feeling s tha t had resulted fro m m y experience. Once again, I could not find any contractual guarantee that this would be th e most appropriat e and rewarding way to hold myself, an d my experience, together. I think now there are no such contracts. I quoted earlier a generalization by Sir Henry Maine to the effect that human society is a matter of movement from status to contract. Actually, I have never read Sir Henry Maine. I lifted hi s statement from a book by a man named Henry Allen Moe—a great book called

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The Power of Freedom. In that book, in an essay entitled The Future of Liberal Arts Education," Moe goes on to say that a next step, one that goes beyond contract, is now necessary, but that no one seems to know what that next step should be. Certain trends suggest that it may well be a reversion to status. Bu t if this happens it will be a tragedy of majo r proportions, becaus e mos t of th e peopl e i n th e worl d are waiting for some nation, some people, t o provide th e model fo r the next step. An d somehow I felt, while writing the last stories in Elbow Room, that th e conditio n preceden t th e ol d folk s i n m y hometown wanted i n exchang e fo r thei r censorin g wa s no t jus t statu s o f a conventional kind . I want to think that after havin g waited so long, after having seen so much, they must have at least expected some new stories that would no longer have to be censored to come out of our experience. I felt that if anything, the long experience of segregation could be looked on as a period of preparation for a next step. Thos e of us who are black and who have had to defend our humanity should be obliged to continue defending it, on higher and higher levels—not of power , whic h i s a kin d o f tragi c trap , bu t o n highe r level s o f consciousness. All of this is being said in retrospect, and I am quite aware that I am rationalizing many complex and contradictory feelings. Neverthe less, I do know that early on, during my second year of law school, I became conscious of a model of identity that might help me transcend, at least in my thinking, a provisional or racial identity. I n a class in American constitutional la w taught by Paul Freund, I began to play with the idea that the Fourteenth Amendment was not just a legislative instrument devised to give former slaves legal equality with other Americans. Lookin g a t the slo w but steady way in which th e basic guarantees of th e Bill of Rights had, through judicial interpretation, been incorporated into the clauses of that amendment, I began to see the outlines of a new identity. You will recall that the first lin e of Sectio n 1 of th e Fourteenth Amendment make s a n all-inclusiv e definitio n o f citizenship : "Al l persons born or naturalized i n the United State s and subject t o the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States...." The rights guaranteed t o such a citizen ha d themselves traveled fro m th e provinces t o th e World' s Fair: from th e tria l an d error of earl y AngloSaxon folk ritual s to the rights of freemen established by the Magna Carta, t o thei r slo w incorporatio n int o earl y America n colonia l charters, and from these charters (especially George Mason's Virginia

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Declaration o f Rights ) int o th e U.S . Constitutio n a s it s firs t te n amendments. Indeed , thes e sam e right s ha d serve d a s th e basi s fo r the Charte r o f th e Unite d Nations . I saw tha t throug h th e protea n uses made of the Fourteenth Amendment , i n the gradual elaboratio n of basi c right s t o b e protecte d b y federa l authority , a n outlin e o f something muc h mor e comple x tha n "black " an d "white " ha d bee n begun. It was many years befor e I was t o g o t o th e Librar y of Congres s and rea d th e brie f o f th e lawyer-novelis t Albio n W . Tourge e i n th e famous cas e Plessy v . Ferguson. Argue d i n 189 6 befor e th e Unite d States Suprem e Court , Tourgee' s brie f wa s th e firs t meaningfu l attempt t o breathe life into the amendment. I will quote here part of his brief, which i s a very beautiful piec e o f literature . This provisio n o f Sectio n 1 of th e Fourteent h Amendmen t creates a new citizenship o f th e Unite d State s embracin g new rights , privilege s an d immunities, derivable in a new manner, controlled by new authority, having a new scope and extent, depending on national authority for its existence and looking to national power for its preservation. Although Tourge e los t th e argumen t before th e Suprem e Court , his mode l o f citizenship—an d i t i s no t a racia l one—i s stil l th e mos t radical idea to come out of American constitutional law. H e provide d the outline , th e clothing , i f you will, fo r a new level o f status . Wha t he was proposing in 1896,1 think, was that each United States citizen would attemp t t o approximate th e ideals of th e nation, be on a t least conversant term s wit h al l it s diversity , carr y th e mainstrea m o f th e culture insid e himself . A s a n American , b y tryin g t o wea r thes e clothes h e would be a synthesis of high and low, black and white, city and country , provincia l an d universal . I f h e coul d liv e wit h thes e contradictions, h e would be simpl y a representative American . This was the model I was aiming for in my book o f stories. I t can be achieve d wit h o r withou t intermarriage , bu t i t wil l cos t a grea t many mistakes and a lot of pain. I t is, finally, a product of culture and not o f race . An d achievin g i t will requir e tha t on e b e consciou s o f America's cultur e an d th e complexit y of al l it s people. A s I tried t o point out , suc h a perspective woul d provid e a minefield o f deliciou s ironies. Why , for example, should black Americans raised in Southern culture not fin d tha t som e o f thei r response s ar e geare d t o countr y music? Ho w else , excep t i n term s o f cultura l diversity , a m I t o

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account for the white friend in Boston who taught me much of what I know about black American music? O r the white friend in Virginia who, besides developing a homegrown aesthetic he calls "crackertude," knows more about black American folklore tha n most biack people? Or the possibility that many black people in Los Angeles have been just as much influenced by Hollywood's "star system" of the forties and fifties as they have been b y society's respons e t o th e colo r o f thei r skins? I wrote about people like these in Elbow Room because they interested me , and because they help support my belief that most of us are products o f muc h more complex cultural influence s tha n we suppose. What I hav e sai d abov e wil l mak e littl e sens e unti l certai n contradictions i n th e nation' s backgroun d ar e face d u p to , unti l personal identitie s ar e allowe d t o partak e o f th e complexit y o f th e country's history as well as of its culture. Las t year, a very imaginative black comedia n name d Richar d Pryo r appeare d briefl y o n nationa l television in his own show. H e offended a great many people, and his show wa s cancele d afte r onl y a fe w weeks . Bu t I remembe r on e episode tha t ma y emphasiz e m y ow n group' s confusio n abou t it s historical experience . Thi s wa s a satiri c takeof f o n th e popula r television movi e Roots, and Pryor played a n African triba l historia n who was selling trinket s an d imprompt u histor y t o blac k America n tourists. On e tourist , a middle-clas s man , approache d th e triba l historian an d said , " I wan t yo u t o tel l m e wh o m y great-great granddaddy was. " Th e Africa n hande d hi m a picture . Th e blac k American looked at it and said, "But that's a white man!" Th e tribal historian said, "That's right." The n the tourist said, "Well, I want you to tel l m e where I' m from." Th e historia n looked har d at hi m and said, "You're from Cleveland, nigger." I think I was trying very hard in my book to say the same thing, but not just to black people. Today I am not the lawyer my friend in San Francisco thought I should be , but thi s is th e recor d I wanted t o represen t t o hi m that rainy evening bac k i n 1974 . I t ma y illustrate wh y the term s of my acceptance of society's offer ha d to be modified. I am now a writer, a person who has to learn to live with contradictions, frustrations and doubts. Still , I have another quote that sustains me, this one from a book called The Tragic Sense of Life,by a Spanish philosopher named Miguel d e Unamuno . I n a chapte r calle d "Do n Quixot e Today, " Unamuno asks, "How is it that among the words the English have borrowed from our language there is to be found this word desperado!"

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And he answers himself: "I t is despair, and despair alone, that begets heroic hope, absurd hope, mad hope." I believe that the United States is complex enough to induce that sort o f despai r tha t beget s heroi c hope . I believ e tha t i f on e ca n experience it s diversity , touc h a variety o f it s people , laug h a t it s craziness, distill wisdom from its tragedies, and attempt to synthesize all this inside oneself without going crazy, one will have earned the right to call oneself "citizen of the United States," even though one is not quite a lawyer, doctor, engineer, or accountant. I f nothing else, one will have learned a few new stories and, most important, one will have begu n o n tha t necessar y movemen t fro m contract t o th e next step, from province to the World's Fair, from a hopeless person to a desperado. I wrote about my first uncertain steps in this direction in Elbow Room because I have benefited fro m all the contracts, I have exhausted all the contracts, and at present it is the only new direction I know. Atlantic (1978)

THE FOUNDING OF THE AFRO-AMERICAN STUDIES DEPARTMENT The Crisis of 196 9 LAWRENCE E . EICHE L

"I think , an d i t wouldn' t b e unfai r t o sa y befor e this bod y and befor e th e world, tha t a t on e tim e this week w e ha d th e powe r t o seriousl y disrup t this university . . . " Skip Griffin, Presiden t o f Afr o [Leslie F. Griffin Jr. , 70 ] On April 9, 1968 , a year t o the da y before th e seizure o f Universit y Hall, 80 black students stood alone on the steps of Memorial Church. Inside the church, President Puse y led more than 120 0 mourners, all but a handful o f them white, in eulogizing Martin Luthe r King , slain five day s before i n Memphis. Outside , the members of th e Association o f African an d Afro-America n Student s (Afro ) commemorate d Dr. Kin g i n thei r ow n way , with demand s o n Harvard , mad e i n th e spirit o f th e movemen t fo r whic h Kin g ha d stood . Inside , th e President spoke of the man, not of the movement: f, We are not met here to prove anything or to assert anything—certainly not to demand anything; but rather simply to honor a great man and a great citizen," a man who "never came among us but as a man of God." T o the students assemble d outside , Dr. King had bee n somethin g mor e than a man o f God ; h e ha d bee n a black man . "I f the y come ou t o f ther e with tear s i n thei r eyes, " sai d Jef f Howar d ['69 , Ph.D . '80] , the n President of Afro, as he pointed to the church, "we want it to be plain

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that we don't want their tears. W e want black people to have a place here a t Harvard." Th e plac e o f th e black ma n at Harvard was far from the President's mind as he spoke; he praised the tactics, not the goals of Dr. King. Fo r Afro, the occasion demanded a reaffirmation of th e black revolution. Ski p Griffin, soo n to become Afro's president, reserved judgment on the white man's service inside: "I f they're really sorry, they'll change this school." Tha t same day, Afro issued "Four Request s o n Fair Harvard"; th e issu e o f Blac k Studie s ha d finally come to the nation's oldest university. On Thursda y evening , Apri l 17 , 1969 , Afr o foun d itsel f alon e again. Th e Faculty had deferred a decision on Afro's Blac k Studies demand until the following week. Th e community as a whole, clearly, would vote th e nex t day to end th e strike, despite the fac t tha t the Faculty had left th e issue of Black Studies unresolved. Most o f th e Facult y di d no t understan d wha t th e fus s wa s al l about. The y thought that they had disposed of the sensitive question of Afro-America n Studie s i n February by their endorsement o f th e substantive recommendations of The Report of the Faculty Committee on African and Afro-American Studies, popularl y know n a s th e Rosovsky Report} Harvar d Afro had hailed the Report as a landmark in student-facult y cooperation . T o understan d wh y th e blacks ' exhilaration in February had turned to threats of militant confrontation in April is a long and complicated story that requires a brief study of the black man's recent history at Harvard. Harvard Afr o wa s create d i n April , 1963 , t o "promot e mutua l understanding betwee n Africa n an d Afro-America n students , t o provide ourselves a voice i n the community . . . and to develop the leadership capable of effectively copin g with the various problems of our peoples." Membershi p in the new organization was to be "open to African and Afro-American students currently enrolled." I n May, Afro sought recognition a s an official campu s activity. Bu t to many white liberal s a t Harvar d i n th e sprin g o f 1963 , th e notio n o f a n organization fo r blac k student s onl y wa s completel y unpalatable . Harvard's student Council on Undergraduate Activities reflected this sentiment b y votin g t o den y recognitio n t o Afro , citin g Afro' s lr

The Report was written by a nine-member Faculty committee, chaired by Henry Rosovsky, Professor of Economics.

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membership clause as "discriminatory." The Council's action provoked heated debate on campus until November when a Faculty committee moved to confront the issue. Th e committee also rejected Afro's bid, stating that the Faculty was "unwilling at this critical time to put the weight of Harvard's approval behind the principle of racial separatism and exclusion." Finally , in December, eight months after the controversy had begun, Afro wa s recognized o n th e sam e standing a s the exclusive "final clubs": i t was entitled to admit members by "invitation only." During th e firs t fe w year s of it s existence, Afr o wa s little mor e than a social and cultural group to which black students could come to discuss ideas like black nationalism, ideas that were still taboo for general consumption. A s the number of blacks at Harvard increased, and as the civil rights mentality began to be replaced on campus by an emphasis o n blac k powe r an d black pride , th e black s gained confi dence i n thei r abilit y t o "mak e it" at th e university . The y asserte d their identity openly by eating together at the first "soul table" in the freshman dinin g hall. The y published th e Harvard Journal of Negro Affairs, a periodical in which black men wrote about black subjects for the entire academi c community. No t until after th e assassination of Dr. King , however , di d the controversia l ide a emerg e tha t i t was a black student's duty to devote his primary extracurricular energies to Afro. Onl y then did Afro become an active political organization. Another facto r tha t contribute d t o Afro' s changin g natur e was Harvard's intensifie d recruitin g effort s i n ghett o neighborhood s o f America's largest cities, especially in th e preceding two years. I n the past, Harvard's few blacks had come from a limited number of established families. Youn g militants, fiercely proud of their identity, now brought a new political consciousness to Afro. Although the issue of Black Studies,2 an issue which has become a sine qua non for most student confrontations, was not broached at Harvard until April, 1968, the leadership of Afro had spent much time during the previous seven months talking, without progress, to faculty and administrators about making the Harvard curriculum more relevant t o blac k people . Afte r th e publi c expressio n o f th e "Fou r Requests on Fair Harvard" in the demonstration after the King assas2

Members of Afro generally prefer the term "Afro-American Studies" to "Black Studies." W e shall use the terms interchangeably.

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sination, the effective channel s of communication, for which Afro had been searching, suddenly materialized. Tw o days after the publication of th e demands , Dea n o f Admission s Chas e Peterso n ['52 , M D '56 ] met with Afro an d explained hi s plans, to Afro's satisfaction , fo r th e class of 197 3 (in fact, for the class of 73, Harvard accepted 10 9 blacks out o f a tota l o f 136 0 acceptances ; 9 6 enrolled ; 5 1 black s wer e enrolled i n the clas s of 72) . Actio n o n th e other request s was mor e complex and longer in coming. Conference s betwee n Afro and Dean [Franklin] Ford' s staf f resulte d i n th e appointmen t o f th e Rosovsk y Committee. Th e Committee was charged with several responsibilities, including th e establishment o f a program leadin g t o th e A.B . degre e in Afro-American Studies . Th e announcement of a new course, "The Afro-American Experience, " came a week later . The Rosovsk y Committe e worked throughou t th e fall. It s report was release d o n Januar y 20 , 1969 ; perfunctory Facult y endorsemen t followed o n Februar y l l . 3 Abidin g by the lette r of th e Report, Dea n Ford appointe d a Standin g Committe e o n Afro-America n Studies , consisting o f seve n facult y member s an d n o students . Th e dea n himself chaired the Committee, which would govern the Black Studies program. Included in the Reports recommendation s was the suggestion that men and women, with "considerable competence and national reputations" in aspect s o f th e blac k experience , shoul d b e offere d facult y appointments eve n i f the y lac k "norma l academi c credentials. " A search committe e compose d o f thre e facult y an d thre e studen t members wa s establishe d immediatel y t o hun t fo r qualifie d facult y members. Th e universit y wanted t o mak e a degree i n Blac k Studie s available t o th e class of 72 , the n freshmen . But perhap s mor e importan t tha n th e actua l substanc e o f th e Rosovsky Report was an intangible entity that would be known during the crisis a s "the spirit" of th e Report. Professo r Rosovsk y describe d that spirit t o th e Faculty : The wor d tha t shoul d b e stresse d i s cooperative . I t wa s a cooperativ e venture on the part of everyone who participated in the program.

3

The 51-page document covered four topics: th e quality of black student life at Harvard, Afro-American Studies, African Studies, and the recruitment and financing of black graduate students.

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Two member s o f Afro , Ernes t "Chico " Wilso n [70 ] an d Octavi a Hudson [71, Ph.D. 79] attended every meeting of the Rosovsky Committee while it was formulating th e Report. Wilso n and Miss Hudso n were offere d votin g right s durin g th e deliberations ; the y refused . Faculty member s me t constantl y with other blac k student s an d twic e with the full executive committee of Afro . Th e Rosovsky Committe e set up these extraordinary arrangement s because the y recognized th e special expertis e whic h blac k student s woul d brin g t o th e tas k o f establishing a progra m dealin g wit h th e blac k experience . Eve n though the fina l draf t o f th e Report di d not contai n al l that th e blac k students had sought, th e spirit of th e Report prevailed. Wit h the kind of informa l consultatio n tha t ha d brough t abou t th e Report, th e remaining problem s coul d b e worke d out , despit e th e absenc e o f student members on the Standing Committee. Bu t between Februar y 11 and April 9, tha t scheme o f informa l consultatio n brok e down . When the newly appointed Standing Committee assembled on the morning o f Marc h 5 , Da n Fox , Assistan t Professo r o f History , mentioned th e need t o draw up the outline of a Black Studies major. The Committe e decide d t o adop t th e recommendatio n o f th e Rosovsky Report: The most feasible way to make such a degree program possible for this class may be to conceive the program as a combination of Afro-American Studies and an existing concentration. Th e Committe e would offer colloqui a and possibly tutorial for the evaluation of students in these combined programs. We emphasize that this is not necessarily the final form the undergraduate degree program will have. That very afternoon, on behalf of the Committee, Fox's secretaries put this program for the class of 7 2 int o suitably dry bureaucratic jargon. At a meeting of the search committee later the same day, Fox told the committee's three student members—Chico Wilson, Bob Hall [Rober t L. Hall, '69], and Craig Watson [72]—that a "tentative and temporary" decision ha d bee n made . Wha t Fo x mean t b y "temporary " was tha t those freshmen who entered the program in April would not be bound to fulfil l th e "tentative " degre e requirement s i f th e progra m wer e revised in the next year. Wha t Wilson, Hall, and Watson understood by "temporary" was that th e Standin g Committe e ha d no t yet formu lated th e fina l pla n t o presen t t o prospectiv e concentrators . The y were wrong. Fo x thought tha t b y informing th e studen t member s o f

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the search committee h e was in fact informin g al l of Afro. " I assumed that the y wer e accountabl e a s well a s representative, " h e observe d later. Wilso n though t tha t Fox' s vagu e descriptio n o f th e propose d program meant the information wa s not definitive and , therefore, "no t the kin d o f thin g yo u tal k abou t t o outsiders, " no t eve n t o othe r members of Afro. Thus , the information mean t fo r al l black student s never go t pas t Wilson , Hall , an d Watson . Later, Henr y Rosovsk y woul d assur e hi s fello w professor s tha t there ha d been "n o betrayal of an y kind" by the Standin g Committee . "We wer e doin g i n Apri l exactl y wha t w e sai d w e wer e goin g t o b e doing in the Report." Bu t the Standing Committee ha d departed fro m the spiri t o f th e Report. I t ha d deal t wit h th e delicat e issu e o f th e program fo r Harvard' s firs t recipient s o f a degre e i n Afro-America n Studies in a closed, unresponsive manner . Wit h the benefit o f similar hindsight, Chic o Wilso n wa s prepare d t o admi t tha t th e misunder standing migh t wel l hav e bee n a n administrativ e foul-up , but , h e added, "administrativ e foul-up s ar e drivin g thi s universit y straigh t t o hell." The spirit of cooperation tha t ha d taken a full year t o build would be destroye d o n on e mornin g i n April. 4 In lat e March , Da n Fo x called u p Burri s Young , Assistan t Dea n of Freshmen , t o se t a tim e fo r th e meetin g fo r prospectiv e con centrators i n Afro-America n Studies . B y sheer coincidence , Youn g suggested th e evenin g o f Apri l 9 . That meetin g too k plac e Apri l 9 as scheduled, just acros s Quinc y Street fro m th e locke d gate s o f Harvar d Yard . A t th e gathering , outlines o f a three-yea r progra m fo r curren t freshme n wer e distrib uted. Entitle d Afro-American Studies Combined with One Allied Field, the outlin e describe d what , b y normal Harvar d standards , seeme d a n 4

On othe r fronts , Afr o was developing an increasingl y militant style of involvement i n campu s issues . I n December , Afro' s Radcliff e member s staged a sit-in i n th e office o f President Mar y Bunting to push fo r a mor e vigorous black recruiting effort. I n February, 85 Afro member s and sympathizers disrupte d th e opening meetin g o f a Desig n Schoo l cours e entitle d "An End t o Urba n Violence. " Th e semina r o n "th e architecture o f urba n peace" seemed t o Afro a s decent an academic discipline as "studying target practice." Th e course was scrapped; the professor an d Afro leaders worked out a new topic.

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unduly heavy set of requirements for an undergraduate degree. Man y members o f Afr o ha d alway s foun d th e ide a o f combinin g Blac k Studies with another field to be more than slightly insulting. Later , in the crisis, Fran [Francesta E.] Farmer [71, J.D. 74], a black Radcliffe sophomore, would explain this feeling: This communique presupposes that Afro-American Studie s is less than a legitimate and valid intellectual endeavor . W e reject this notion. Afro American Studies needs no prop from so-called allied fields. Members of the Afro leadership were never shown the outline. Lee [A. ] Daniel s [71] , a blac k sophomore , first sa w th e pla n shortly before 7:00 A.M. in Harvard Yard on the morning of April 10, after he and other members of Afro had watched the police clear the demonstrators out of University Hall. Lik e every student who saw the bust, Daniels was angered by what he had seen, but when he saw the outline for the Black Studies program, he was furious. I n the minutes after the police left the Yard, the question of who was responsible for the bust was in everyone's minds. A similar question seemed equally applicable to the program in Black Studies which Daniels held in his hands: Wh o had made the decision? Wh o had been consulted? As the situation in the Yard cooled, Daniels returned to his room. He wanted to call members of the Standing Committee; he wanted an explanation. Whe n he entered th e room he foun d Bo b Hall of th e search committee lying semiconscious on the bed. Hal l was bleeding from a nightstic k woun d h e ha d suffere d whil e watchin g th e bust . Ignoring Hall for the moment, Daniels called Dan Fox whom he knew to be involved in the freshman program. H e found Fox's explanation of th e progra m unsatisfactor y an d reporte d t o th e leader s o f Afro . Copies o f th e Afro-America n Studie s outlin e wer e Xeroxed , alon g with an announcement: Brothers and sisters—We are being sold out! There is a meeting—1:00 P.M. at PBH. Please be there! That leaflet touched off 1 2 days of virtually round-the-clock meetings for Afro a t Phillips Brooks House (PBH) , beginning April 10. Initially, the police, not Black Studies, were the primary topic of discussion. Bo b Hall was not the only black bystander clubbed in the bust. Mar k [D.] Smith [72] had been standing in front of Matthews

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Hall, watching the operation when a policeman came racing across the Yard i n pursui t o f a smal l grou p o f whit e student s wh o ha d escape d University Hall . Somehow , th e policema n ende d u p strikin g Smit h instead. T o Afro , thi s inciden t wa s a clea r exampl e o f th e racis m o f white police . The blacks at that firs t Apri l 1 0 meeting considered themselve s t o be o n strik e agains t th e us e o f polic e an d th e beating s o f Hal l an d Smith. Th e member s o f Afr o wer e angry ; the y wer e read y t o d o anything. Eve n th e possibilit y o f takin g ove r a buildin g wa s consid ered. I f th e blacks ha d seized a building, they would hav e taken gun s with them , t o protec t themselve s fro m "whit e racis t cops. " Bu t fe w blacks wer e ye t prepare d t o d o battl e wit h police . Someon e asked , "How man y o f yo u kno w ho w t o us e guns? " Fe w did , an d th e ide a was dropped . Characteristic o f th e moo d i n tha t meetin g wa s " A Persona l Statement," writte n b y "thre e concerne d blac k students. " Fo r th e authors of the statement, Black Studies was already an issue of highes t priority. "Blac k students must tell the university what Afro-America n Studies i s t o b e a t Harvard. " The y spok e o f th e possibilit y o f futur e militant actio n i f th e moderat e an d SD S strike s faile d t o provok e constructive responses : Black student s shoul d the n mov e t o occup y Universit y Hall , o r anothe r suitable sit e an d presen t th e universit y with a lis t an d descriptio n o f ou r demands as regards Afro-American Studies , African Studies , as well as the university's involvemen t i n the community. It is self-evident tha t if the administration moves against members of the Black community at Harvard i n the same brutal fashion tha t it used against white dissenters, Black students would not accep t it. Blac k students would be forced to call on their brothers in the greater Boston area for moral-andother support. Shoul d storm troopers be used against us, we must retaliat e in kind. Meanwhile, within th e Afr o organization , a process o f significan t political change was takin g place, a process tha t Da n Fo x would labe l a coup. Th e thre e member s o f th e searc h committee—Wilson , Hall , and Watson—ha d bee n Afro' s representative s t o th e Faculty . Thes e students wer e responsibl e fo r informin g Afr o o f th e action s o f th e Standing Committee , t o giv e warnin g before unfavorabl e decision s were reached . I n a s muc h a s communicatio n betwee n th e Standin g Committee an d th e thre e black s ha d broke n down , Wilson, Hall, an d

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Watson had failed to perform their delegated duties. The y would not be entrusted with leadership positions during the black strike. This failure of the negotiators discredited the whole idea of negotiations. Confrontatio n represented a more appealing and potentially more productive course of action. By Friday, Afro had focused its attention on its relationship with the rest of the students. Ski p Griffin spoke at the Memorial Church Group rally , announcin g th e blacks ' suppor t o f th e strik e o n th e moderates' demands but urging that SDS [Students for a Democratic Society] not be abandoned. Durin g the day, Afro sent representatives to examin e th e Universit y Roa d apartment s an d th e Affiliate d Hospitals site in Mission Hill, to check out the substance of the SDS demands. Th e representatives were satisfied, and Afro announced its support of the SDS demands "because they are based on fact." Since th e Standin g Committee' s progra m i n Blac k Studie s ha d been foun d unacceptable , Afr o decide d t o tak e advantag e o f th e situation an d propos e a n alternativ e structur e o f th e Standin g Committee fo r th e Faculty' s immediat e consideration . Th e black s elected a ten-member strik e steerin g committe e t o mak e short-ru n strategy decision s an d t o draf t a proposal tha t woul d giv e student s control over the Black Studies program. While waiting for the expiration of the three-day moderate strike, Afro joined SDS in some delicate political maneuvering. O n Saturday morning, April 12 , a member of th e SD S strike steering committe e informed Skip Griffin, Afro president, that SDS had decided to offer Afro tw o seat s o n it s 15-ma n steerin g committee . Griffi n neve r contemplated a binding alliance with SDS, but he agreed to send Lee Daniels an d Suzann e Lyn n [71 ] a s observer s t o thei r steerin g committee meetin g on th e thir d floo r o f Emerso n Hall . On e SD S member asked the Afro representatives to outline the terms on which Afro would agre e t o join force s with SDS . Daniel s an d Miss Lynn told their hosts that an endorsement of Afro's demand for a meaningful Blac k Studie s progra m was the absolut e minimum . Thei r statement triggered a heated debate amon g the members of SDS. Jare d Israel, a member of PL [Progressive Labor Party], called Black Studies a "very bourgeois" demand. H e argued that Afro was not revolutionary, that the blacks merely wanted to get their own place in the power structure. Insulte d and impatient, the blacks left the meeting with no commitments an d further convince d tha t cooperation with SDS was

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impossible. The inabilit y of Afro an d SDS t o agree o n a joint strike demon strated th e ver y rea l difference s betwee n whit e an d blac k studen t radicals a t Harvard . Despit e thei r occasiona l us e o f militan t tactic s and style , Harvard' s blac k radical s wer e reformers . Harvard' s whit e radicals sa w themselve s a s revolutionaries , seekin g victorie s o n "substantive" issues, while building a movement designed to overthrow "the system. " Thi s contras t le d th e group s t o tak e fundamentall y different approache s t o problems . I n th e aftermat h o f th e Kin g assassination, Afro sought four specific changes directly affecting black students a t Harvard. SD S talke d i n terms of developing strategies t o combat racis m an d demande d a n en d t o th e oppressio n o f black ghetto dwellers by the forces of law and order. Member s of Afro fel t that SDS' s casua l us e o f word s lik e "racism " indicate d a lac k o f knowledge and genuine concern for the problems of the black man in America. "W e just don' t trus t SDS, " explaine d on e blac k student . "It's just a group feeling. W e supported their demands but not them." The issu e o f restructurin g th e universit y reveale d th e essentia l difference i n outlook betwee n Afr o an d SDS. A s a member of Afr o told SDS: The issue of restructurin g i s very important t o u s as black students. Th e reason we're in the mess we are now, the reason the Standing Committee on Afro-American Studie s was able to hand us that piece of bullshit the y did a few nights ago is because the y had the sole powe r to decide what AfroAmerican Studie s wa s goin g t o b e . . . w e fee l tha t suc h a thin g canno t happen again and we plan to incorporate into our demand structural reforms so that it can never happen again. We'r e going to have power over how the Black Studies program is set up. Members of SDS, on the other hand, were suspicious of restructuring. As lon g a s th e presen t economi c syste m remained , the y reasoned , marginal changes in the decision-making process would be unlikely to affect outcome s substantially . Studen t representative s woul d b e co opted b y th e system . Discussion s o n restructurin g consume d lon g periods o f tim e an d distracte d attentio n fro m th e origina l demands . No quick , decisive , movement-buildin g victorie s coul d b e wo n o n restructuring. Afro als o disagree d wit h SD S o n th e valu e o f a Blac k Studie s program. Accordin g to Afro, a Black Studies departmen t serve d th e

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black revolution (an d thus all blacks) by increasing black awareness and by training community organizers. Bu t the WSA [Worker Student Alliance Caucus]-PL Faction of SDS viewed Black Studies as a "bad" demand, postponing the revolution by pacifying the blacks, who were viewed a s potentiall y th e mos t revolutionar y secto r o f th e society . The WS A leaflet , "Figh t t o Win, " made th e followin g critiqu e o f Afro's request for representation on a Faculty committee: A movemen t fo r black studen t power , like white or any student power, builds a bourgeois attitude toward workers. Tha t movement teaches students to play games with the rulers for a bigger slice of stolen pie. Th e bourgeoisie hope s to mistrain black students as it's long done with whites, using them later to hold down the magnificent struggle s of black working people. Nonetheless, SDS, attempting to expand its base while keeping its politics pure, invited Afro to offer a proposal for Black Studies to the general membership of SDS. Tha t opportunity came at an SDS meeting Sunday night, April 13 , just after Afro had finished a draft of the Black Studies proposal. Afte r an hour of discussion, 1200 supporters of the SDS position made Black Studies the eighth demand by a virtually unanimous vote. SD S hoped that the blacks would now join the white radicals , bu t Afr o neve r agai n participate d formall y i n SD S activities. Afr o had used SDS to increase student awareness of and support for Afro's own demand. Afro met again Monday morning. Th e first mass meeting was set to conven e a t 1:30 . Th e consensu s wa s tha t Afr o woul d hav e t o remain o n strik e unti l th e Blac k Studie s issu e ha d bee n settled , regardless o f wha t cours e o f actio n th e majorit y o f th e universit y community chose to follow. Afr o decided to attend the mass meeting anyway, hoping to gain further support from the huge crowd expected. Members were instructed to "yell as loud as you can," on voice votes at the stadium. I n order to exert pressure on the Faculty, Afro also decided to conduct several demonstrations before th e mass meeting. Shortly before noon, the blacks started off en masse from PBH toward the stadium, but there were to be a few stops along the way. First stop: Universit y Hall. F . Skiddy von Stade ['38] , Dean of Freshmen, me t th e demonstrator s o n th e step s o f th e buildin g and invited the m upstair s t o th e Facult y Room . There , Ski p Griffi n presented their Black Studies proposal, completed th e night before,

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to vo n Stade , wh o wa s fillin g i n fo r Dea n Ford . Th e grou p the n headed for its second stop: th e Registrar's Office. T o emphasize th e intensity of thei r emotion, th e black students demanded an d received applications for withdrawal from the university. The n the group went back throug h th e Yar d t o th e Freshma n Unio n fo r lunch . Sinc e Saturday night , th e member s o f Afr o ha d bee n eatin g mos t o f thei r meals a s a bloc a s a gesture o f solidarit y an d for th e "protection " of the group. Finally , at 1:30 , th e group marched over to Soldiers Field. With mor e tha n 500 0 peopl e alread y i n th e stadium , th e black s dramatically continue d thei r marc h int o th e stand s an d ont o th e uppermost ro w o f seats . A s soo n a s the y seate d themselves , the y stood up , bega n t o cla p rhythmically , an d change d t o a curren t rhythm-and-blues tune : Hey, hey! We're all on strike! One time. STRIKE! Hey, hey! We're all on strike! Two times. STRIKE!STRIKE! Hey, hey! We're all on strike! Three times. STRIKE!STRIKE!STRIKE! "Back to the trees, jungle bunnies!" yelled a voice from below, but the insult went unheeded . After th e mass meeting voted a three-day extension of th e strike, Afro decided to leaflet th e Faculty meeting on Tuesday. Representa tives distribute d copie s o f thei r proposa l o n th e futur e for m o f th e Standing Committee on Afro-American Studies to most of the professors, bu t the y were no t grante d entranc e t o th e meeting . Presiden t Pusey promised t o give the m a hearing a t the Thursday session. On Wednesday, April 16 , Afro put Wes [Wesley ] Profit ['69 ] an d Jeff Howard , bot h seniors , i n charg e o f th e presentatio n t o th e Faculty. First , they had to find a Faculty member to introduce Afro' s proposal t o th e meeting . Profi t an d Howar d receive d a positiv e response from professors Stanle y Cavell and John Rawls, members of the Philosoph y Department , wh o agree d t o handl e th e pro forma responsibilities o f movin g an d seconding thei r resolution . The proposa l tha t Profi t an d Howar d discusse d wit h Cavel l an d Rawls ha d fou r majo r sections . Par t on e woul d guarante e tha t a Black Studies program would "embody an interdisciplinary approach," that curriculum standards would be flexible enough "t o allow courses that are radical both in subject matter and approach." Par t two would give the Committee full powers over faculty appointments. Par t three would assur e i t o f a n independent budget . Thi s recommendatio n

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would supplement the Standing Committee with a temporary governing board o f Afr o members , concentrator s i n th e field, and facult y members. Thi s governing board would have the totally unprecedented power t o revie w facult y candidate s fo r tenur e i n th e department . Never before ha d students been given any formal role in the tenure process. Cavel l and Rawls worked through Wednesday night and into Thursday morning on a draft of the Afro proposal, omitting the clause that gave students power over faculty appointments. I n so doing, they changed the motion's numbering system, a change that would be one of the many sources of confusion on the floor of the Faculty meeting. The third special meeting of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences had lasted over three hours before th e subject of Blac k Studies was discussed. I n formulating th e agend a fo r th e Apri l 1 7 meeting, Dea n [Edward] Mason [actin g Dean o f Faculty , 1 6 Apr.-20 May '69 ] had thought tha t Blac k Studie s wa s "clearl y thir d priority, " belo w th e Committee of Fifteen elections and ROTC [Reserve Officers' Training Corps]. Onl y after the meeting did he realize how hot an issue it had become. Jeff Howard presented the organization's case to the Faculty. "We are here," he began, "in a spirit of cooperation." H e summarized the history of Afro-American Studies at Harvard, assuring the Faculty that the new Afro motio n was not a repudiation of th e Rosovsky Report, but only "a friendly amendment concerning the implementation of that report." Th e origina l progra m fo r th e Blac k Studie s majo r ha d precipitated the crisis, but "the possibility of such mistakes cannot be removed until students are adequately represented in bodies making decisions concernin g them . W e com e her e neithe r belligeren t no r rigid," Howard concluded, "but our backs are against the wall." A fe w minute s later , Henr y Rosovsk y donne d hi s black , horn rimmed readin g glasse s an d approache d a floo r microphone . H e explained his view of the misunderstanding: "Student s did not play an active role in the formulation of the major, because, first of all, time pressure to get a multifaceted and rich program rolling was extreme." Besides, h e said , "Th e effort s o f thi s sprin g ar e highl y transitory. " Rosovsky expresse d hi s opinio n tha t th e Afr o proposa l wen t fa r beyond the Rosovsky Report. Wes Profit replie d that the Report had stressed cooperation ; event s ha d shown tha t institutiona l structure s were required to assure that such cooperation took place. Stanley Cavel l ha d bee n workin g withou t slee p o n th e Afr o

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motion fo r th e las t 24 hours. Th e popula r philosoph y professo r wa s in no condition t o address the Faculty. H e did so anyway. Fro m this moment on , th e meetin g move d quickl y towar d a stat e o f chaos . Cavell explaine d th e backgroun d o f th e proposal , rea d i t hurriedly , and without clarification . Whil e Cavel l ramble d o n irrelevantly , th e meeting was in a state of tragicomi c bedlam. Facult y member s were scurrying i n th e aisles , comparin g copie s o f th e apparentl y identica l Cavell draf t an d the Afr o motio n distribute d tw o days before. The y besieged Cavell with a barrage of questions. The n Professor Anthon y Oettinger got t o the microphone. "Mr . President," he began, " I have the feelin g tha t I hav e los t al l comprehensio n o f wha t i s goin g o n [applause]. Wha t on eart h i s going on? I simply do no t understan d it except tha t I know a lot of peopl e ar e angry. We' d better find out a littl e bit mor e abou t what's going on. I move we tabl e this." "No, let' s hav e i t rea d again! " shouted a libera l voic e fro m th e back rows. "Well, there is a motion on the . .. I s there some way that we can ..." Oettinger groped for words. "Hav e you made a motion, Professor Cavell?" Cavell's answe r wa s somethin g les s tha n direct : " I cal l th e question, Mr . President." "On what?" rejoined Oettinger . The meetin g stumble d alon g unti l Osca r Handlin, quiverin g with rage, reached th e microphon e t o reques t adjournment : The Faculty has been in session for well over four hours. I t has considered a variety of questions. I t is now being asked to make a change which alters the fundamental practice s of this Faculty and one which, in all earnestness, will prejudice the future of this department. I don't have any doubts in my mind but that the changes of the order that are now suggested will make it increasingly difficult t o attract scholars of the first order to come here. I can not see how the Faculty at six-ten can now begin fully to consider this issue. First th e Facult y vote d t o exten d debate ; still , fe w professor s wer e able t o understan d wha t wa s goin g on . Finally , a 23 9 t o 15 0 vot e postponed discussio n o f th e Afr o proposa l unti l Tuesday , Apri l 22 , five long day s away. Without waitin g fo r forma l adjournment , We s Profi t an d Jef f Howard hustle d of f t o PB H wher e ye t anothe r Afr o meetin g wa s scheduled t o convene. Th e evenin g of Apri l 17 , 1969 , would be on e

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of th e longes t an d most anxiou s night s i n Harvard history. Afr o wa s very, very angry. The meetin g i n PBH wa s long , bitter , an d stormy. T o th e mor e militant members of Afro, th e Faculty meeting had demonstrated th e deeply racis t natur e o f th e university' s almos t totall y whit e Faculty . The professor s ha d deal t wit h a demand o f whit e student s (ROTC) , had give n th e Afr o issu e onl y toke n attention , an d the n ha d "ad journed fo r cocktails " withou t reachin g a decision . Fo r th e les s militant members , th e Facult y meetin g ha d bee n equall y revealing . Some degre e o f confusio n o n th e Faculty' s par t woul d hav e bee n understandable. Bu t their insulting and almost total ignorance of th e subject indicate d tha t fe w Facult y member s ha d eve n rea d th e Rosovsky Report b y which al l o f the m swore . Fo r th e militants , th e obvious tactic was dramatic and immediate confrontation. Fo r the less militant, th e solutio n wa s t o educat e th e faculty , t o giv e the m on e more opportunit y t o reac h a n intelligen t decision . I f tha t decisio n were stil l unacceptable , th e militant s would hav e thei r way. "Folks were just letting off steam, " said one black looking back at the nigh t o f Apri l 17 . Group s o f black s lef t PB H periodicall y an d marched through the Yard, chanting and singing, lighting bonfires, and generally makin g thei r presenc e felt . Rumor s fle w aroun d th e campus. Afr o was plannin g t o seiz e Universit y Hall , th e Computin g Center, o r Widene r Library. 5 Outsid e PBH , knot s o f reporter s huddled together, waiting to follow the blacks if they seized a building. At one poin t during the evening, a black student emerged fro m PB H and strolle d ove r t o th e reporters . H e stopped . "Reall y up-tight , aren't you?" H e turne d an d walked bac k t o PBH . About midnight , th e meetin g adjourne d wit h a compromis e decision. Afr o woul d tak e ove r Universit y Hal l fo r thre e hour s th e next mornin g t o tal k with professors : "W e want t o mak e i t perfectl y clear that this is the las t talking we will do with the Faculty . I t would

5

Had Afro, or any group for that matter, tried to enter Widener Library, they woul d hav e bee n astonishe d t o fin d a smal l contingen t o f Facult y members confronting them, asking them not to damage any of the 8,000,000 volumes in the building. Anticipatin g the anger of Afro that night, several Faculty members , includin g la w professo r Archibal d Cox , feare d fo r th e safety of the library's irreplaceable volumes. The y set up an all-night guard that remained on duty for several evenings and were ready to do so again.

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be an understatement t o say that we were outraged b y what happene d at th e Facult y meeting . I t adde d insul t t o longstandin g injury. " On e Afro membe r calle d Dea n Maso n t o infor m hi m o f Afro' s plans . Hoping t o avoi d a confrontation, Maso n invite d Afr o t o hol d suc h a session. Earl y th e nex t morning , th e dea n calle d severa l doze n professors, urgin g the m t o atten d an d t o sprea d th e wor d t o thei r colleagues. The Facult y Roo m o f Universit y Hal l ha d bee n pu t t o unprece dented use s durin g th e crisis , bu t non e s o curiou s a s "offic e hours. " A fe w minute s afte r 9:0 0 A.M., about 8 0 black students arrived . Ski p Griffin, dresse d i n wor k jacket , jeans , an d hi s ever-presen t wire rimmed sunglasses, sat in what was customarily President Pusey' s chair and proppe d hi s fee t o n th e ancien t an d massiv e mahogan y table . About 80 Faculty members filtered i n and out of the room throughou t the morning . Afte r th e session ha d begun , Henry Rosovsky , the ma n whose nam e ha d bee n synonymou s wit h Blac k Studie s a t Harvard , entered. On e blac k studen t recognize d hi m immediately: "Wha t yo u did yesterda y [referrin g t o hi s speec h t o th e Faculty]—tha t wa s th e cheapest thin g you eve r di d i n your life. " "Office hours " marked the introduction of a new character into th e black drama: Professo r o f Sociology Alex Inkeles. Inkele s sympathiz ed with many of the proposals suggested i n the Cavell motion of Apri l 17. Bu t he found th e motion vague in its terminology and uninforme d in its examination o f the process of granting tenure . Inkele s preface d his own specifi c proposal s with a brief speech , offering hi s services t o achieve th e goal s se t fort h b y Afro . Th e majorit y o f th e blac k stu dents said that they did not want a faculty member writing a resolution for them , but Inkele s assure d Afr o tha t hi s services were nonetheles s very muc h available . The purpose of "office hours " was for Afro t o provide informatio n for th e faculty , no t t o negotiat e wit h them . A t noon , Ski p Griffi n lifted hi s leg s of f th e tabl e an d go t u p t o leave . Som e facult y members aske d tha t Afro sta y so that th e tw o groups migh t find mor e common ground. "Offic e hour s ar e over," Griffin replied . "WeV e go t nothing mor e t o tal k about . Thi s was a n educationa l sessio n fo r you about our proposal . We'r e leaving. " An d the y left . If nothin g else , "offic e hours " had show n Afr o tha t thei r curren t resolution wa s unacceptable i n languag e an d perhap s i n substance t o most Facult y members . Th e Afr o proposa l woul d hav e t o b e rewritten. Bu t man y black s wer e fe d u p wit h debatin g ove r th e

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selection o f word s for th e sensitiv e ear s of th e faculty . Th e blacks were also unhappy with the student body as a whole. A t the second mass meeting, Friday afternoon, the community had voted to suspend the strik e despit e th e fac t tha t th e Blac k Studie s issu e remaine d unresolved. Afr o planned to stay on strike until the Faculty reached its verdict. Afro's strike steering committee convened early Saturday morning, April 19, to rewrite the legislation. Afte r spending most of the day in the agonizing process of writing a document by committee, the blacks emerged with a draft to be presented to all of Afro Sunday afternoon. But there would be other proposals as well. Sunday morning, two Afro members met Alex Inkeles at his house in a n effor t t o wor k ou t a mutuall y acceptabl e resolution . The y returned to the Afro meeting with a second and somewhat differen t suggestion fo r th e governanc e o f th e Blac k Studie s progra m a t Harvard. Meanwhile, anothe r small group of black s had drawn up a third draft which they felt combined the best points of the original Afro and original Inkeles proposals. None o f thes e thre e resolution s coul d command the support of the grou p tha t assemble d a t PB H Sunda y afternoon . Al l tha t th e members of Afr o could agre e on was the establishment o f a special committee to write a fourth draft. Tw o emotional meetings, two more proposals, an d 3 0 hour s later , Afr o finall y gav e it s approva l t o a document that had been voted on line-by-line by the entire membership of the organization. With th e hithert o elusiv e consensu s solidl y forme d aroun d a precise proposal, Afro turned Monday night to questions of tactics for the Tuesday afternoon Faculty meeting that would pass judgment on Afro's case. Ski p Griffin, Myles Lynk, Jeff Howard , Wes Profit, and Clarence [L. ] James [72 , lef t afte r freshma n year ] were chose n t o address th e meetin g an d t o answe r question s abou t specifi c points . All other members were asked to listen to the meeting in the lobby of th e Loeb , where the y would b e availabl e fo r immediat e consul tation. Th e frustrated and exhausted blacks decided that any attempt by th e Facult y t o amend , ad d to , o r delet e fro m thei r handiwor k would be considered a "No" vote. I f the Faculty did vote "No," Afro would meet earl y Tuesday evening to consider militant action. An d the blacks expected a "No" vote. By Sunday evening, Alex Inkeles knew that Afro had chosen not

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to support his motion. Spurne d by the constituency of his first choice, Inkeles sough t a new source o f support: th e Facult y itself. H e spen t Sunday night calling the members of the original Rosovsky Committe e and representative s o f bot h th e libera l an d conservativ e caucuses , asking the m t o mee t Monda y i n Universit y Hall . Thi s emergenc y session assemble d promptl y a t 9:0 0 A.M . an d bega n t o debat e ove r what kin d o f compromis e th e Facult y coul d i n clea r conscienc e offe r to Afro . Inkele s painstakingl y reworke d hi s motio n unti l h e ha d th e endorsement o f mos t member s o f th e Rosovsk y Committe e an d o f Dean Mason . Th e onl y reservation cam e from Professo r Ernes t Ma y of th e conservativ e caucus . Inkeles use d Monda y evenin g t o delive r copie s o f hi s final proposal t o Afro an d t o both caucuses . Hi s meeting with representa tives of Afro produce d nothing ; Afro wa s on th e verge of reachin g it s own consensu s an d ha d n o us e fo r ye t anothe r proposal . Th e libera l faculty caucus received Inkeles enthusiastically and committed its votes to hi s motion . Th e conservative s wer e les s enthusiastic ; the y reluc tantly consented t o endors e th e motion , if it were amende d t o delet e all mention o f Afro pe r se. Th e conservatives did not object t o giving representation t o black students, only to giving it explicitly to member s of a politica l organization , suc h a s Afro . Faculty members started arrivin g at the Loeb just before 4:00 P.M. Tuesday afternoon . The y filed throug h th e crowd o f 7 0 blacks i n th e lobby and picke d u p copies of tw o resolutions: on e was presented b y Inkeles, the other b y Afro. Bot h motion s would expan d th e Standin g Committee, th e program' s temporar y governin g board , t o includ e three member s o f Afro an d thre e student s majorin g i n Black Studies . But whil e th e Inkele s motio n gav e student s equa l representation , i t also reduced drasticall y the power of tha t body. Student s would hav e no contro l ove r facult y o r curricula . Afr o als o demande d equa l student representatio n i n the permanen t governanc e o f th e program . Inkeles woul d allo w n o student s i n suc h positions , guaranteein g tha t student powe r would b e relatively harmless and absolutel y temporary . At th e Facult y meetin g th e tw o motion s woul d b e considere d separately.6 Bot h Maso n an d Puse y agree d tha t i t wa s essentia l t o 6

During th e crisis , th e Facult y ha d considere d severa l motion s simultaneously. Befor e the April 22 meeting, the President had announced his intentio n t o retur n t o th e Faculty' s rule s tha t calle d fo r disposin g o f motions one at a time.

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give the Afr o motio n a full hearing , and , therefore, the y put i t first on the agenda . Ala n Heimert , Maste r o f Elio t House , introduce d th e resolution; and Zeph Stewart , Master of Lowell House, rose to second it. A s a membe r o f th e Standin g Committee , Stewar t spok e knowl edgeably abou t th e specifi c origin s o f Afro' s grievances : Having collaborated throug h every part of Professor Rosovsky' s report and having bee n assure d tha t the y woul d continu e t o d o s o especiall y i n th e devising of the program, how could the black students feel that anything less than a complet e breac h o f fait h ha d occurred ? Ho w coul d the y fee l an y trust in the further functionin g o f a mechanism which had betrayed them so soon and might betra y them again ? Afro's demand , Stewar t argued , wa s a specia l case , an d "no t merel y another par t o f th e movemen t o f violen t protes t an d disruptio n b y which th e universit y i s being racked. " A s a result , "th e Facult y mus t go a s far a s reason an d generosit y will allow to meet th e proposal s o f a specially qualified grou p which sincerely believes i n th e reasonable ness an d justice o f wha t the y ask. " When Stewar t ha d finished , Presiden t Puse y recognize d Myle s Lynk, th e first o f Afro' s speakers . Black people, students or otherwise, know more about what a Black Studies program could be than most members of this Harvard Faculty. An d because a universit y community should be less concerned with past precedent s tha t are inadequat e t o th e presen t tha n wit h constructiv e chang e applicabl e t o the future , th e Afr o proposa l shoul d b e passe d becaus e i t bes t meet s th e needs of the Afro-American Studie s Department. I t must be passed if black people ar e t o maintai n fait h i n thi s segmen t o f whit e America . An d I believe that i t will be passed, as you gentlemen ar e honorable men. Skip Griffin , Afro' s president , followe d Lyn k wit h a reminde r abou t "my brothers an d sister s who wai t outside" : I think , an d i t wouldn' t b e unfai r t o sa y befor e thi s bod y an d befor e th e world, that at one time this week we had the power to seriously disrupt this university, an d I don't thin k w e use d i t becaus e tha t wasn' t ou r goal , ou r goal was a meaningful Blac k Studies program. I think we held off becaus e we wanted just suc h a program . .. No t t o make a decision i n favor o f th e proposal tha t we have put her e before you is to commit a serious mistake, to perhaps play a part in creating a tragic situation which this university may never be able to recover from [hisses] . I just hope that you would consider

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seriously the gravity of the situation before acting. Many members of the Faculty saw Griffin's remark s as a threat. Next, it was the opposition's turn. Ernes t May, the first of three history professor s wh o woul d spea k agains t th e Afr o resolution , stepped to a microphone near the front of the theater. A s much as he wanted t o suppor t th e blacks , May said, h e could no t do so fo r three reasons. First , he saw a danger in giving students the right to recommend candidates for faculty appointment, not because students were irresponsible but because they were untrained. Second , granting such powers to blacks would set a precedent; students in all departments woul d deman d simila r privileges . Third , Ma y feare d tha t outstanding scholars would not come to Harvard if their careers were made dependent on student opinion. Laurence Wylie, Professor of the Civilization of France, rebutted May's argumen t ove r th e questio n o f preceden t involved . Wyli e argued tha t the histor y of Harvard contained precedent s fo r almost anything. "It' s like th e Bible, " he said , "yo u can fin d anythin g you want in it." During the course of the debate, the blacks accepted two minor amendments. On e change d th e descriptio n o f course s i n th e Afr o motion fro m "radica l an d relevant " t o "innovative. " Th e othe r subjected th e entir e Blac k Studie s progra m t o a full revie w b y the Faculty during the 1971-7 2 academic year. Neithe r amendment, the blacks felt , weakene d th e substance o f thei r motion: "W e still fee l that we have the chance of making a good department here and that department will stand any test this Faculty cares to give it." At 6:00 P.M., it was time for the Faculty to decide. A voice vote proved inconclusive. "All in favor, please rise," the President asked. "Al l opposed." I t was still too close to call. Th e President asked for a head count. While the counting proceeded, the members of Afro in the lobby huddled nervously around their transistor radios. Moment s later, the verdict came. "The motion i s carried by a vote of tw o fifty-one for , on e fiftyeight against... " In th e lobb y outside , th e black s wer e ecstatic . Thei r shou t drowned out the voice of the President insid e the theater. Shakin g hands of sympathetic professors as they left, the five Afro spokesmen hurried from the theater to join the party outside. I t was an electric

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moment. Jeff Howar d was elated. "It' s a hell of a victory and we're al l very happy wit h it . Thi s i s a great victor y no t onl y fo r Afro , bu t fo r thi s university. It' s going t o recreat e a trus t tha t wa s failing, an d I hop e that togethe r th e facult y an d students ca n mov e on an d tak e contro l of thi s university. " And al l ove r Cambridg e tha t evening , whil e Afr o celebrated , concerned member s o f the Harvard communit y breathe d a collectiv e sigh of relief . The Faculty' s extraordinar y vot e provoke d severa l questions . Al l of Harvar d wondere d wha t woul d hav e happene d ha d th e Facult y passed th e Inkele s motio n o r n o ne w motio n a t all . Later , Myle s Lynk ha d some answers : The effect o f the rejection o f the Afro proposa l would have outweighed the acceptance o f th e Inkele s proposal . W e were prepare d t o tak e militan t action but it would hav e been an indication o f frustration, ou t of anger. I f the Faculty had rejected our proposal, it would have been a slap in the face. Therefore, we would slap them back . "Militant action " migh t hav e mean t th e seizure o f a building, and , in the wak e o f th e Cornel l inciden t th e previou s weekend , tha t migh t have mean t a n arme d takeover . Militan t actio n migh t hav e mean t individual "act s o f sabotage " (a s on e blac k calle d them) , suc h a s withdrawing fro m th e colleg e o r urgin g potentia l freshme n no t t o come t o Harvard . Perhaps no group was so surprised b y the outcome of the April 22 meeting a s the Faculty itself . Wh y had the Faculty take n thi s radica l step? Certainly , fea r wa s a n elemen t i n th e vote . Jus t on e da y before, professor s ha d see n i n th e New York Times th e frightenin g picture o f arme d blac k student s leavin g a seized buildin g a t Cornell . They coul d easil y visualiz e th e sam e thin g happenin g i n Cambridge . Skip Griffin' s speec h t o the Faculty an d the intimidating presenc e o f 70 Afro member s i n the lobby must hav e mad e tha t threa t eve n mor e real. 7 Bu t Afr o als o appeale d t o th e Faculty' s sens e o f reaso n an d 7

On th e da y afte r th e vote , th e Crimson showed on e blac k studen t leaving th e theate r wit h a mea t cleave r i n hand . [Se e phot o belo w by Timothy G. Carlson 71—Eds. ]

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fairness; fo r th e mos t par t Afro' s presentatio n wa s clear , calm , an d rational, eve n i n th e Faculty' s ow n terms . Clearly , som e facult y members were convince d tha t th e Standin g Committe e ha d broken it s brittle covenan t o f fait h wit h th e blacks . Other s wante d t o restor e a sense o f communit y t o Harvar d b y dramatically reassertin g thei r fait h in a grou p o f students . Finally , th e actua l vot e showe d a preponder ance o f natura l scientist s votin g i n favo r o f th e Afr o resolution . Natural scientists , alway s suspicious o f socia l scientists , were prepare d to endorse such academic experimentation precisel y because the y considered Blac k Studie s t o b e les s tha n a legitimat e field o f intellectua l endeavor. On th e evening of April 22 , however, on e crucia l fac t mad e al l thi s speculation see m remot e an d unimportant . Th e las t majo r threa t o f violence o n campu s ha d bee n overcome . Fo r everyon e excep t SDS , the crisi s wa s over .

From Eichel , Jost , Luski n an d Neustadt , The Harvard Strike (1970 )

Students cross Brattle Street on leaving faculty meeting in Loeb Drama Center on 22 April 1969 (photograph by Timothy G. Carlson '71).

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Excerpt from the "Rosovsky Report," January 20, 1969

The Facult y Committee o n African an d Afro-American Studie s has made the following major recommendations: 1) Among black students there is a strong and definite desire for creation o f a social an d cultural cente r fo r black students . Suc h a center is conceived as something of a counterpart to Hillel House, the Newman Center, or the International Center. I t is recommended that the Dean urge all appropriate elements of the University to use their good office s i n securin g an d financin g a buildin g an d providin g continued support to the activities of such a social and cultural center. 2) W e recommend tha t the University create a standing Faculty Committee o n degree s i n Afro-America n Studie s t o develo p an d supervise a combine d majo r i n thi s field. Thi s degre e shoul d b e available to students in the class of 1972, and the most feasible way to make such a degree possible is to start the program as a combination of Afro-American Studie s and an existing concentration. 3) A central point of the Faculty Committee's work should be the establishment o f a Center for Afro-American Studies . Th e purpose of thi s institutio n woul d b e t o provid e intellectua l leadership , a physical locale and sufficient materia l resources for consideration of all aspects of the Afro-American experience. 4) W e recommen d tha t th e Universit y establis h a co-ordinating Committee o n Africa n Studie s t o overse e th e futur e increas e an d stabilization of courses in this area. 5) A t presen t blac k enrollmen t i n th e graduat e schoo l i s very

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small. I t is recommended that GSAS make a major recruitment effort, and in addition, that it set asid e fifteen t o twenty fellowships a year for black students who possess the potential to become scholars of the first rank . Faculty and administrative review of these recommendations is a matter o f urgency . Hopefully , thei r implementatio n wil l als o b e accomplished as quickly as possible. Whil e our report—as all university committee reports—necessaril y use s man y unspecifi c term s an d qualifiers typica l o f institutiona l language , i t would b e tragi c i f this obscured th e sens e o f urgenc y fel t b y th e Committe e an d b y our witnesses. We know that the adoption of our recommendations would cost Harvard a great deal o f money . However , that is true of nearl y all projects and programs. Th e real issue is one of intellectual and social priorities. W e believ e tha t ou r are a o f concer n shoul d hav e n o difficulty i n moving near the top of an y priority list. A special fund drive i n suppor t o f th e Committee' s recommendation s woul d b e a most appropriate step. Respectfully submitted, C. T. W. CURLE DANIEL M. FOX GEORGE W. GOETHALS ALAN HEIMERT H. STUART HUGHES MARTIN L. KILSON, JR. GARY T. MARX J. W. M. WHITING HENRY ROSOVSKY, Chairman

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Faculty Vote of April 22, 1969

At a meeting of th e Faculty of Art s and Sciences on April 22, 1969 the following votes were passed: VOTED: Tha t Station WHRB be given permission to broadcast live the meetin g o f Apri l 22 , 196 9 an d t o rebroadcas t th e meeting in its entirety, with the provision that any speaker who wishe s no t t o mak e hi s statement s publi c ma y s o announce and his statements will not be broadcast. VOTED: I . Tha t the Faculty intends th e Afro-American Studie s Program t o b e a department , interdisciplinar y i n nature, offering a standard field of concentration. A t the sam e time , the Facult y urge s tha t othe r depart ments enrich their course offerings in Afro-American studies a s well. Thi s field of concentratio n shal l be made available to students in the class of 1972. II. Tha t to aid in the development of the Afro-American Studies Departmen t th e Standin g Committe e shal l have the following functions: A. T o oversee expansion of library resources in the Afro-American Studie s field, B. T o develo p th e Afro-America n Researc h Institute, C. T o solicit funds for Departmental Chairs, D. T o work towards a greater-Boston consortium of university Afro-American resources, E. T o see k ou t an d hir e immediately , temporar y consultants knowledgeabl e i n Afro-America n Studies an d personall y involve d i n th e Afro American experience to assist in the development of this program,

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Afro-American Studies F. T o nominate the firstfour to six appointments in the department, two of which must be tenured. That th e Standin g Committe e o n Afro-America n Studies shal l b e expande d t o includ e thre e student s chosen b y th e Associatio n o f Africa n an d Afro American Student s a t Harvar d an d Radcliff e an d three student s chose n fro m an d b y potentia l concentrators i n the field. Thes e students will have full votin g right s o n th e Committe e an d wil l b e guaranteed funds for summer work in developing this program. Whe n the two permanent appointments to the Department have been nominated and appointed, and sufficient facult y members have been secured to constitute the Executive Committee described below, the Standing Committee will be dissolved. III.

That responsibility for this fieldof concentration shall be vested initiall y in a n Executive Committe e t o be established a s soon a s the first four members of th e Department have been appointed and have taken up their duties . Thi s Committe e wil l consis t o f fou r members o f th e Departmen t faculty , tw o student s elected b y th e Associatio n o f Africa n an d Afro American Students at Harvard and Radcliffe, and two students elected by concentrators in the fieldof AfroAmerican Studies. Whe n formed, this Committee will assume al l o f th e responsibilitie s o f th e Standin g Committee except item F, paragraph II above. Whe n the Standin g Committe e i s dissolved , ite m F , paragraph II, will also be subsumed by the Executive Committee. Thi s Committee will also be responsible for curriculu m development , standards , an d cours e requirements i n Afro-America n Studies . Course s should b e innovativ e an d relevan t bot h i n subjec t matter an d approach . Th e initia l committe e wil l function throug h the academi c year 1971-72 . A t an appropriate tim e durin g tha t yea r thi s Facult y i n consultation with the committee will review all aspects of the program and make recommendations as to the

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membership, operatin g rules , an d responsibilitie s o f the permanent Executive Committee. IV. Tha t official discussion of concentration requirements and curriculum development b e suspended unti l th e Executive Committee is formed.

ROBERT SHENTON, Secretary

Muriel Morisey Spence in 1986

Herbert Nickens in 1969

Godfred Otuteye in 1971

THE 196 9 YEARBOO K In Harvard' s Yearbook 333, honorin g th e Clas s o f 1969 , th e editor s included a specia l sectio n presentin g essay s b y eigh t blac k students . Of thes e w e her e reprin t three—tw o b y seniors an d on e b y a sopho more.

A Feminin e Hel l MURIEL MORISE Y SPENC E Muriel Morise y Spenc e wa s bor n i n Greensboro , Nort h Carolina , o n 7 September 1947 , attende d schoo l i n Philadelphia , an d wa s a histor y concentrator a t Radcliffe , fro m whic h sh e wa s graduate d i n 1969 . Afte r short stint s a s a teache r i n Bosto n an d a journalis t i n Washington , sh e worked i n several capacities fo r Congressma n Walte r Fauntroy , the Hous e Judiciary Committee, the Black Women's Community Development Foundation, and Representative Shirley Chisholm, during which time Spence earned a J.D . degre e fro m Georgetow n Universit y La w Center . Followin g he r graduation i n 1977 , she lectured i n Afric a unde r th e auspice s o f th e U.S. Information Agency . Fro m 197 8 to 198 3 she was an attorne y i n th e U.S. Department o f Justice, receiving a Special Commendation Awar d fro m th e Attorney General for "outstanding service" to the Civil Rights Division. I n 1983 she joined th e legal staff o f th e American Civi l Liberties Union , and in 198 5 returned t o Harvard a s Director of Policy Analysis in the Office o f Government, Communit y an d Publi c Affairs , servin g als o a s Lecture r o n Education an d o n th e boar d o f freshma n advisor s an d th e La w Schoo l Committee o n Studen t Services . Sh e joine d th e la w facult y o f Templ e University i n 1991. The relationshi p o f an y Radcliff e studen t t o Radcliffe' s deans ,

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advisors, residents , etc . i s abou t a s clos e a s th e relationshi p o f a Harvard student t o Nathan Pusey . T o th e problem s o f adjustmen t each Cliffi e mus t work ou t he r ow n solutions , bu t i n doin g s o th e black Cliffie i s faced with a greater psychological challenge than her white counterpart ca n possibly be. Ther e are definite factor s about Radcliffe and its policy towards black students which have contributed to the problems faced here. Bot h the admissions procedure and the realities o f Radcliffe' s relatio n t o Harvar d wor k t o intensif y th e distances betwee n th e blac k Radcliff e studen t an d he r Harvar d counterpart, and to make even more strained and difficult her attempt to defin e he r role s a s campu s politica l activis t an d a s woman . Radcliffe doe s no t ye t understan d he r black students , an d Harvard does no t yet kno w what t o d o with it s women, an d a s a result th e black Cliffie doe s not yet know what to do with herself. Radcliffe does not yet understand her black students. Th e admissions policy works on blacks in much the same way that it does whites. The old cliche tha t Cliffies ten d t o be a s a group more intellectual, better prepared academically , an d more frequently fro m middle and upper income families tha n Harvard men is borne out by four years of careful thoug h informal observation. Lookin g at the four classes in Radcliffe a t any one time , one i s tempted to say that we ar e not chosen for the same reasons as the men at all. Th e discrepancies are too real to be accidental. Harvard's blacks are a surprisingly heterogeneou s group . Wha t they do have in common in each case, whether because of middle class advantages of schooling, genuine brilliance, or rare and extraordinary personal qualities, is something which appeals to the white liberal and makes him feel tha t he sees the potential for leadership and success in the old Harvard manner. The senior looks at seven classes of Cliffies an d wonders what in the world we are supposed to be headed for. Surel y the admissions board does not expect to create a generation of black Radcliffe Club presidents, women's college deans, research scientists, and community leaders. Eve n more surely they cannot be projecting us into the role of black housewife and family mainstay. Perhap s at some earlier point it would have been reasonabl e to expect black counterparts fo r the standard Radcliffe success stories. Bu t today such expectations are at best outdated, and at worst indicative of a serious insensitivity to what has been happening lately in the black community. Th e admissions policy which chose th e classe s throug h 197 2 has been basicall y th e

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same as the one which chose th e one or two blacks per class in the previous few decades. Par t of the meaning of this fall's confrontation between blac k student s an d th e Radcliff e administratio n wa s a n attempt to communicate the need for revised admissions criteria. I t will be interesting to see what difference this confrontation will make. The problems the black Cliffie faces not only are the result of the selection process, but also reflect a strained and somewhat segregated life throughou t th e year . A s i s similarl y th e cas e fo r ou r whit e counterparts, blac k Cliffie s find tha t bein g "u p there" at th e Cliff e creates physical barriers to meeting and relating to men in a natural and relaxed setting. Ther e was a time when people assumed that Afro was a kind o f socia l club , where blac k student s talke d politics , but more often got together and partied a lot. Thi s has not been true for at least the four academic years the seniors have experienced. I t is in fact indicativ e of th e seriousness of th e dilemma tha t the degree t o which a Cliffie i s deeply involved in the activities of Afro seems to be inversely proportional to her chances for a full and meaningful social life with blacks at Harvard. There are different ways which each individual finds to approach this problem , but eac h i s i n itself a sacrifice wher e non e shoul d be necessary. Som e thrus t themselve s full y int o th e politica l struggle , apparently on an equal footing with the men. Bu t very few who make this decision would deny that they feel deeply and painfully the need for a real sense of femininity as well. However , those who pursue the fulfillment o f their femininity cannot deny that their social life is very much dependent upo n political activity . Tha t is to say that without being a t leas t somewha t activ e i n Afro , one' s socia l lif e i s stifled . Striking the balance between the two is a problem for which a viable solution is rarely found. The black Cliffie lives in a unique world, carrying much more than her own weight in the activities of the black students on campus, and at the same time cheated in many ways of a meaningful yet genuinely feminine role in the total community of black students. Hopefull y this situation is a temporary one. Today , however, it is at best a greater psychological challeng e than one usuall y bargains for an d at worst a kind of particularly feminine hell. It makes extra demands (like the combined expectations of making serious intellectua l contribution s whil e neve r interferin g wit h th e growing dominance of the black man). I t requires sacrifices, and worst of all , i t seem s nearl y impossibl e fo r th e blac k Cliffi e t o fin d bot h

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emotional an d intellectual fulfillmen t a s a woman. Th e dilemma of the black Cliffie i s a source of severe frustration and anger. Most black students at Radcliffe see their society as the black one which is awakening to itself and its endless possibilities for growth and development. W e wish to fulfil l ou r persona l need s an d make our social contribution within the context of that black community. Unles s the preparatio n fo r thos e goal s can be better achieve d a t Radcliff e than seems possible t o man y here now , Radcliffe an d its black students wil l continu e t o fai l eac h other . Radcliff e doe s no t ye t understand her black students, and Harvard does not yet know what to do with its women, an d as a result th e black Cliffie doe s not yet know what to do with herself. From Harvard Yearbook (1969 )

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Travels with Charlie : In Search of Afro-Americ a HERBERT W . NICKEN S Herbert Wallace Nickens was born on 28 December 194 7 in Washington, D.C, wher e h e attended St . John's Colleg e Hig h School . A t Harvar d he concentrated i n biology, was an assistant edito r of th e Harvard Journal of Negro Affairs, and received his AB. i n 1969. I n 1973 he earned both M.D. and M. Adegree s at the University of Pennsylvania. Followin g a psychiatric residency at Yale, he pursued graduate work in sociology and taught at the University of Pennsylvania. I n 1982 he began working on problems of aging for the National Institut e of Mental Health, and in 198 6 became Director of Minorit y Healt h i n th e Publi c Health Service . A t th e end of 198 8 he took office in Washington as Vice-President of the Association of American Medical Colleges, dealing especially with minority health. For Harvard' s blac k communit y th e Clas s o f 196 9 wa s on e o f transition. Blac k enrollmen t reache d a critical mass . Th e declin e o f integrationism and the growth of militancy and black consciousness on campus responde d t o an d paralleled tha t in society a s a whole. Ou r awareness ha d advance d t o th e poin t tha t th e fac t o f ou r blacknes s was a n issue , bu t fe w o f u s kne w wha t t o d o abou t it . Bein g blac k exacerbated th e alread y difficult freshma n adjustmen t i n additio n t o raising question s al l it s own . W e no t onl y ha d t o lear n t o liv e wit h strangers, bu t wit h whit e stranger s whos e attitude s towar d u s wer e rarely indifferen t t o ou r color . W e ofte n bor e th e burde n o f bein g cultural an d anthropologica l curiosities : inspected , sometime s devaluated, frequentl y overvalued , bu t neve r regarde d i n absenc e o f the blac k conversio n factor . W e foun d ourselve s spread-eagle d between blac k an d white , eac h cultur e offerin g it s ow n values , aspirations, life-styles , an d rewards. To appreciate what it has meant to be black at Harvard over these last fou r years, it is necessary t o see tha t th e transitio n fro m integra tionism t o blac k powe r was no t merel y a change o f politics , bu t ha d

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profound implications for one's life as a whole; what has happened to the black seniors is missed unless the ambivalences of being black in white America are constantly kept in mind. One such ambivalence was manifested early in our freshman year. For some, comfort wa s derived fro m th e "sou l table " in the Union . Many felt tha t to be themselves, to be regarded simply as a person, they needed to be in the company of other blacks. Others , however, would no t si t there . Fo r the m thi s wa s a re-segregation , a ste p backwards, contrary to what they had come to Harvard to accomplish. But, th e either/or character of thi s actio n did not reflec t th e mixed state of our minds. Mos t of us felt both ways about eating only with blacks. W e felt similarly mixed about other aspects of Harvard life. Since black freshmen were rarely assigned to live together almost all o f u s face d th e proble m o f gettin g alon g wit h white s i n clos e quarters. Th e major problem was bridging the cultural gulf: problems of communicatio n frequentl y wer e substantial . I hav e ofte n hear d friends remark, "I like him, but I get tired of having to explain things, and myself." Though one might say that this interchange is part of the richness of th e Harvard experience, the divisions between black and white are too deep to support such a judgment. All too frequently, th e cultural interchange was one-way. I t is a fact o f lif e i n Americ a tha t whil e black s hav e ha d t o absor b th e dominant white culture in order to function, whites have had no such reciprocal need . Som e o f u s began t o fee l lik e th e "loca l curiosity shop," which might have been all right if we had been foreign students who are frequently surrounded by those ignorant of their culture, constantly called upon to explain it. Bu t our foreignness was contradictory because we were ostensibly in our own country. Whit e interest in u s usuall y reflecte d insensitivit y an d obtusenes s rathe r tha n sympathy and curiosity. Despite thes e difficulties , meaningfu l relationship s wer e ofte n achieved, usuall y betwee n a sensitiv e whit e an d a toleran t black . Thus, when it came time for us to move from the Yard many of us chose white roommates. Sometimes , however, it was less because of friendship tha n becaus e w e wer e to o self-consciou s t o see k ou t actively other blacks. I t would have seemed too separatist, not then acceptable. A t this time most of us still wanted to be a Harvard man as we saw him modelled for us by other students and by tradition. It wa s probabl y i n th e are a o f datin g tha t ou r abilit y t o cop y Harvard models ran into the most conflict. On e of the first things we

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noticed about our sister school was that there was a dearth of "sisters." Not only were there only a half dozen black Radcliffe students in our class, but there really wasn't a significant numbe r of black women in the othe r school s Harvar d me n ordinaril y plunder . Th e obviou s solution, then, was to date whites. Dating whites solve d on e proble m but created others. Thoug h many meaningful interracial relationships developed, the tendency was strong for blacks and whites to relate to each other with an extensive set o f predetermine d responses , whic h when couple d wit h externa l social factors further complicated the already difficult proces s of two people getting to know one another. Our society i s hostil e t o interracia l unions , an d s o ar e parents. This tended to cast a pall on all such dates. Mixe d couples ar e very much caught betwee n tw o worlds. I f a couple wished t o g o somewhere outside the Square there was the likelihood that they would be stared at, and the small but real possibility that they could be insulted or even attacked. I f they wanted to go to a party there was always the question of whose . . . black parties were quite different fro m white ones. Not to be ignored were other factors which plagued the establishment of genuin e relationships . Man y of th e unions were a form of experimentation. Fo r man y student s interracia l datin g ha d bee n impossible because of inavailability, parental opposition, or, depending on where one lived, fear for your life. Fo r many white women, dating blacks wa s a way o f proclaimin g thei r liberalism , an d serve d a s a mechanism for rebellion against their parents and society. Adde d to this was the allure of th e "black buck" factor, th e myth of th e black males' sexual superiority. No t surprisingly , there was also operating on black men a sexual myth , that of th e "white goddess" which sees white wome n a s th e ultimat e sexua l prize . Datin g was a problem. There wer e to o fe w "sisters, " too man y myth s . . . th e anxiet y o f defining self deepened. Traditionally, w e ha d bee n taugh t t o valu e conventiona l self improvement. "Ge t the diploma," we had been told. Ou r people have always though t o f educatio n a s a ke y t o enabl e u s t o escap e ou r origins or, in some cases, to perpetuate them, but in any case to flee our blackness, t o wear a "white collar," to eke ou t th e securit y and stability that seemed so precious. Som e of u s sought invisibility . . . many were onl y semi-involve d i n "civil-rights. " Th e majorit y o f us , however, had not even begun to seek a real commitment to blackness

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from ourselves, much less from institutions and organizations. In time we began to receive fallout from Southern summer experiences; Stokely announced that SNCC was henceforth black, might get violent, an d sent th e blue-eyed legion s of summe r freedom fighter s home. Th e burgeoning concept of black power suggested to us that black strivin g fo r th e whit e lif e styl e reflecte d empt y values , a misdirection of energy, and a denial of the embryo self within us that was not to be compromised, but asserted. W e began to suspect that becoming a black white man was not "making it" after all. W e paused mid-stride o n th e wa y t o co-optation . A s th e call s fo r relevanc e became mor e striden t w e were force d int o a n increasingly difficul t position, and black power's counter-ethos left none of us untouched. It was , however , th e assassinatio n o f Marti n Luthe r Kin g tha t ultimately serve d t o alienat e an d fuse blac k student s i n a cohesive, self-conscious community. Dr. King was killed in the Spring of our junior year. Thi s was the watershed o f rac e relation s a t Harvard . Suc h was th e statur e an d meaning of the man. H e was the symbol and the leader of "revolution by the rules." H e was God-fearing an d nonviolent. Man y who had sought to avoid the pain of being black in our society were caught up short. Th e defenses which all of us had erected to escape the loneliness of social consciousnes s were seriously weakened i n the fac e of this devastating evidence . Dr . King died because h e threatene d t o alter the social order. Non e of u s felt tha t he was killed by a small group of conspirators. Hi s murder was only made possible by a pathological environmen t hostil e t o al l blac k people . Thi s realizatio n snapped us from somnambulism. W e felt alone and we felt revulsion. Black students sought th e support an d comfort of their brothers and sisters. W e became acutely aware that the number of black men and women a t Harvard ha d increased. Th e meetin g tha t was held following Dr. King's death was attended by over a hundred students, many of whom had not previously been involved politically or socially with the main body of blacks on campus. I n addition to the political effects o f thi s meeting , an d those tha t followed , ther e wa s a social reorientation. The Class of 1969's center of gravity had shifted toward Blackness; individuals are distributed variously along the spectrum, but a change is discernible i n nearly all. W e have suffered an d survived a crisisridden period of transition in search of a more viable social identity. If we want black roommates we choose them, and whites are begin-

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ning to as k themselves abou t thei r own racism rather than query us about "Negritude. " No w when th e myth s surroundin g u s ar e mos t vivid, and opportunities for social maneuvering and sexual manipulation ar e greatest , w e find the m leas t satisfying . W e ar e wear y o f bankrupt values and dead-end desires. W e share a sense of mission even in our interrelations and a dream for which there is no model in the society around us. Blac k people are seriously interested in loving themselves and one another. From Harvard Yearbook (1969)

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Part of a Longer Stor y GODFRED PEHUE R OTUTEY E Godfred Pehue r Otuteye was born on 6 June 194 9 in Akplabanya, Ghana, and prepared for college at the Adisadel School 14 0 miles away in the city of Cape Coast. A t Harvard he concentrated in applied mathematics and was also associate editor of the Harvard Journal of Afro-American Affairs. Afte r being graduate d wit h honor s i n 1971 , he attende d th e Harvar d Busines s School fo r on e year , eventuall y completin g hi s M.B. A degre e a t th e University of Southern California in 1974. I n 1974 he began working for the Union Bank in the Los Angeles area, and served as Vice-President in charge of commercia l loan s fro m 197 7 t o 1982 . Afte r a year a s chie f financia l officer for the Brinderson Corporation, he became Vice-President and chief financial officer fo r Micro D, Inc. in 1983, being promoted to Senior VicePresident i n 1985 . I n 198 8 h e assume d responsibilit y fo r th e company' s international operations. All o f Harvar d wa s engulfe d i n on e o f thos e tar-dark , glue-thic k winter nights ; th e porc h lamp s struggle d helplessl y agains t th e encircling gloom . Th e onl y audibl e sounds , besides th e traffic , cam e from th e tire d protests of what must have been a n ancient typewrite r irritated at being called to duty this late hour of the night. I t was hot inside, most of the heat coming from th e tension tha t our debate had created. Th e ai r was a s tens e a s th e ski n o f a tom-to m whe n wet . What had started a s a harmless exploratio n int o th e causes an d early developments o f th e Vietna m Wa r ha d degenerate d int o subjectiv e emotional outbursts , accusation s an d counter-accusation s abou t th e C.I.A., foreig n aid , and race. "If Americans are as bad as you say they are," he accused me, "why did you accept their scholarship offer? I t is American money from the pockets o f voluntar y donor s an d th e taxpayer . Tel l me , t o wha t advantage is it to the United State s to offer assistanc e to hundreds of foreign student s lik e you?"

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I related this incident t o put on recor d my full awarenes s of the resentment that Americans feel toward s aliens who justly or unjustly criticize United State s adventures abroa d as well a s social inequities here at home. I n what follows I am going to concern myself mainly with Harvard University, and although Harvard is not the U.S. there are those who love it too. I t is my hope that they will read in these remarks mor e tha n just cynicis m an d ingratitude . Finally , i n thes e introductory remarks , I wish to emphasiz e tha t th e views expressed here are mine alone and not the consensus of African undergraduates at Harvard. The scene was the Freshmen Union—it was Orientation Week for the class of 71 . Parent s an d their sons were chattering abou t Tom this and Dick that who did not make it to Harvard. I gathered that Harvard was unfamiliar t o some of the m as it was to me. Bu t there was an important difference. The y were Americans and regardless of where they came from they could talk about Boys' State, summer jobs or cherry pie. I was an outsider—even the names of some of the items on th e men u tempte d m e t o g o fasting . I remembe r writin g t o a friend t o tel l hi m how muc h "living chlorophyll" we were bein g fe d daily. Durin g one meal I was asked by a guy I had just met to come meet a student from Liberia. M y heart soared. I was delighted at the prospect of meeting an African student at last. I t turned out that the "Liberian" i n questio n wa s no t a Liberia n a t all . Hi s fathe r ha d worked i n tha t country fo r a long tim e a s a missionary an d h e had lived ther e man y years too . Afte r th e usua l hi-how-are-yo u an d a handshake, he looked me up and down the way a frustrated cop would look at an intractable petty criminal: "I hope you will go back to your country when you are through," he said seriously. Tm plannin g to." "Yeah? That' s what you all say when you firstcome here. I knew one kid right from the jungles; he came to the States on scholarship, got his degree and then instead of going back to the jungle where his people needed him, he stayed on in the States to work.. . and he was right from the jungles . . . !" He shrugge d an d gesticulate d helplessl y a s i f t o sa y " I cannot understand you people." Thi s lecture which I had neither requested nor expected just about blew my mind. I turned and walked away to carry my tray back to the conveyor belt. I t would not have been so bad i f I ha d not alread y gotte n sic k an d tired of hearin g tha t same

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nauseating litan y fro m certai n Harvar d official s an d others includin g a salesman at the Coop who on learning from me that I was interested in mathematic s looke d a t m e har d a s thoug h m y head neede d fixing and said: "You ough t t o b e i n biolog y o r nutrition , yo u know . I hav e a friend i n you r countr y wh o wrot e t o sa y tha t th e greates t proble m facing your people i s malnutrition. You r people nee d health y bodie s before the y can study mathematics." In late r month s I was t o encounte r th e sam e mentalit y i n man y more people i n the Harvard Community. The y seem t o know exactly why Africa n student s com e t o th e Unite d State s an d the y ar e eve r ready to volunteer muc h verbiage and insult to keep them from going astray. Her e i s a skeleton of their line of thought: Afric a i s ignorant, sick, coup-ridden, wallowing in a mud of poverty, underfed and unable to rul e itsel f eve n badly . Th e Africa n student , especiall y i f h e i s a t Harvard, being a promising member of a small elite comes to the U.S. to soak up, like a sponge, th e technological civilizatio n and pluralistic democracy fo r whic h Americ a i s famous . The n h e goe s bac k t o hi s country an d wit h thi s miracl e wate r h e transform s a brow n barre n backward lan d int o gree n prosperit y an d th e spac e age . Specifi c instances o f thi s kin d o f attitud e toward s African student s ar e man y and varied. I will just mentio n on e exampl e a s an illustration : I sat a t lunch with the headmaste r of on e o f th e prestigious pre p schools i n thi s area . H e ha d come t o Harvar d t o d o a brief stud y on behalf o f th e Harvard Boar d of Overseers . W e talke d abou t studen t power an d campu s confrontation s durin g whic h tim e h e maintaine d adamantly tha t colleg e student s wer e to o youn g an d fickl e t o b e trusted wit h th e kind s o f responsibilitie s tha t the y wante d t o shar e with professiona l administrators . Th e only digression fro m this topi c (the ROTC debate was raging at the time) was a brief mention on his part of Kwame Nkrumah. H e tol d me how he had heard of Nkrumah as oppressor of the Ghanaian people and one who wasted, squandered and mismanage d hi s country' s resources . I kne w wher e h e go t hi s misinformation (fro m th e American Press ) an d I tried i n vain t o give him a mor e balance d pictur e o f wha t happene d i n Ghan a unde r Nkrumah. Hi s put-o n toug h approac h annoye d m e a s h e seeme d t o be saying tha t h e ha d al l th e answers . Suddenl y h e aske d if I was in government. "No," I replied without volunteerin g m y field o f concentration. "In any case, you will go back to your country and become a great

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leader an d al l your ideas , you wil l hav e picke d u p a t Harvard, " he concluded with a nod and a conspiratorial grin. I excused myself and went away to class, irritated and amused at the same time. A s far as he was concerned, I had it made because I came to Harvard! The recor d ha s i t tha t th e majorit y of Africa n leader s who had their university education in the United States ended up being strong advocates of all that falls under the umbrella term "African socialism," which some Americans have christened communism . Althoug h i t is not communism, African socialism is a far cry from American democracy, and as far as I know it was not taught as a political science in the American college s thes e leaders went to . Th e point her e is not to dispute Harvard's potential a s a reliable incubator producing topnotch leaders an d leadership. Indee d one o f m y complaints against Harvard is that it is too elitist in its admissions policies, a fact which gives its students a false sense of self-importance. B e that as it may, the point her e is to expos e a basic fallacy in the reasonin g outlined above, that what is good for America should be at least a s good for Africa! There i s no doubt tha t Africa toda y i s in a mighty state o f flux ; nothing seem s t o hav e muc h stabilit y i n politic s an d government . (Much however remains stable. Th e vast majority of Africans still live away from urban centers with traditions and customs that have offered stony resistance to all threats of change.) Coup s and counter-coups, civil war and border disputes have occurred with alarming frequency. Here agai n some people like Senator Allen J. Ellender of Louisiana know exactly why: i n contradiction of al l history, current affairs and common sense , h e suggeste d a few year s ag o tha t Africa n politica l instability exists because Africans were not yet mature enough for selfdetermination. T o Ellender, who was obviously at a complete loss in the face of what he saw in Africa, this pat formula explains "the white man's burden." Other s may not b e quite s o candi d a s Ellender but they have their doubts too. I woul d lik e t o sugges t t o suc h peopl e tha t Afric a i s quit e a different phenomenon than the United States. Th e political question "which way Africa?" does not have for an answer the simple alternatives, th e politica l lef t o r right . I do no t agre e wit h th e ma n who called a radio program to spill his political ignorance: "Ther e are two forms of government: American and communist." I n fact, the way for Africa ma y not be eithe r of these . I hope i t is not. Frant z Fanon, one o f th e mos t formidabl e writer s o n th e colonia l experience , ha s

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warned African nation s against imitating Europe or worse still, others who hav e imitate d Europe . That , h e argued , would b e catastrophe . But neithe r i s communism th e panace a fo r Africa' s ills ; in fac t ther e are n o panaceas . African s wan t an d Afric a mus t hav e a for m o f government tha t i s harmoniou s wit h Africa n institution s an d socio economic factors . For example, some short-sighted western sociologists have blasted our extended family system as suffocative o f individual initiative. The y refuse t o see that the extended family has done things for its members which th e father-mother-childre n arrangemen t ca n neve r hop e t o match. Orphanage s ar e unheard-o f i n traditiona l Africa n society ; neither ar e ther e man y ol d peopl e wh o liv e al l alone . An y Africa n government tha t does no t tak e accoun t o f thi s social institutio n o r of widespread polygam y ma y not se e tomorrow . Anyone wh o ha s been followin g event s o n th e Africa n continen t is awar e tha t th e Africa n peopl e hav e consistentl y rejecte d foreig n doctrines that were hastily transplanted into their midst. Wha t all this means fo r th e Africa n studen t a t Harvar d i s tha t h e ha s a whole lo t to unlear n o n hi s retur n home . N o realis t ca n hop e t o buil d Afric a from blueprints drawn up in Cambridge, Mass. Thi s point becomes all the more significant when one realizes how backward Harvard is with respect t o African Affairs . The Rosovsky Committe e i n its report wrote: "Africa n Studies at Harvard—unlike Afro-America n Studies—ha s ha d th e advantag e o f satisfactory and congenial growth withi n establishe d disciplines " (emphasis m y own) . Th e evidenc e offere d i n suppor t o f thi s bol d claim i s shaky, t o say the least . A fe w historica l collection s her e and a fe w margina l course s ther e i s all that constitute s Harvard' s Africa n Studies program , i f on e ma y call i t that . Th e trut h i s tha t ther e i s a dearth of knowledge on Africa in the Harvard Community as a whole. The reaso n i s partly historical. Africa , fo r man y western people , has alway s bee n th e sourc e o f chea p labor , minera l resource s lik e uranium an d gold , timbe r an d agricultura l products . Nothin g els e except wild tropical jungles. Tal k of African civilizations , histor y and culture i s a s recen t a s today . Anothe r possibl e explanatio n fo r Harvard's backwardnes s wit h respec t t o Africa n Studie s i s tha t s o much is changing so fas t i n Africa tha t those who are only marginally interested i n African affair s ge t lef t behind . There i s a n eve n mor e patheti c sid e t o thi s ba d situation . Th e average Harvard student, with the aid of th e mass media, is positively

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misinformed abou t Africa and its people. I am always wary of using words like "tribe" because of what it connotes to the American mind. A lot of thes e peopl e just do not care to check th e validity of what they hear and read. I wonder how many Harvard students ever listen to Africa n radi o stations broadcastin g dail y t o th e Nort h America n continent. O f course, I am aware of efforts to acquaint students with Africa, such as V.T.A., BROTHER, and the International Ministry at Harvard. Th e fact still remains that many Harvard students conceive of Africa, in the words of David E. Apter, as a land of "dense jungle or ari d plateaus , pestilen t swamp s an d miasmi c mists , al l unde r a sweltering su n whic h alway s shines, eve n whe n i t i s raining. " I t i s barely a decade ago that a Ghanaian jazz musician visiting the United States was asked if Africans lived in trees. "Yes," he replied, "and your ambassador lives in the tallest tree." African Studie s ha s no t ha d "satisfactor y growth " a t Harvard . Whether thi s i s "congenial " i s a questio n tha t Harvar d mus t face . Personally, I do not thin k it is . A s a leader in American education Harvard, with the resources it commands, can and should lead the way in opening up Africa from the inside to American students, professors and the American people in general. B y "from the inside" I mean that opportunities shoul d b e created fo r Harvar d students t o se e Afric a from the African's point of view. For example , American s ar e generall y an d officiall y avers e t o polygamy. I t is difficult to see how someone with this bias can present polygamy i n a fai r light . I remembe r a conversatio n wit h tw o American girl s wh o go t upse t whe n I talke d sympatheticall y o f polygamy. Wha t they and many others do not seem to realize is that the mai n differenc e betwee n polygamou s societie s an d America n monogamy i s on e o f vocabulary : wha t th e Africa n call s secon d o r third wif e th e America n call s mistress . Thi s i s no t a defens e o f polygamy. I believe that the student and faculty exchange programs between Harvard and African universities is one effective way to approach the problem. Ther e ar e quit e a fe w African s i n Harvard' s graduat e schools, bu t thes e number s ca n b e expanded . Africa n professor s should b e invited t o Harvar d a s guest lecturer s fo r a year, an d vice versa. Ther e are a number of young promising African writers whom Harvard can invite here as writers-in-residence. The y can then teach seminars i n th e House s wher e the y live . I t shoul d b e possibl e fo r Harvard student s with strong interest s i n Africa t o spen d a year or

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summer studyin g a t a n African universit y fo r credit . Wit h carefu l planning and coordination a program of this sort would not cost too much money, nor would it inconvenience th e administrations of the universities involved. There is need for a more vigorous push for courses in Africa than was recommended in the Rosovsky report. Thi s raises the question of shortage of American professors in the field. I would hate to see Harvard "buy" professor s away from African colleges. Th e best plan may b e t o allo w Harvar d graduat e student s i n Africa n Studie s t o spend two years or so working at an African university. Thi s has been done i n isolated case s fo r students intereste d i n economic development i n countries lik e Pakistan . A mor e forma l arrangemen t with African universitie s would hel p the situation enormously. I am not advocating thi s pus h fo r Africa n Studie s becaus e th e lac k thereo f strikes m e a s " a negative judgmen t b y Harvar d universit y o n th e importance of these areas of knowledge and research." Tha t may or may not be so. M y concern here is to draw attention t o what is, in essence, mere lip service paid to African Studies. I ma y mentio n tha t ther e i s a comic sid e t o thi s ignoranc e o f Africa as well. I still remember the coed who refused to believe that there is not "Thanksgiving" in Africa. Sh e thought Africans must be missing the greatest fun in the world. Somebod y else aske d me last summer if we have 4th of July celebrations in Africa! The n there are those who believe anythin g you tel l them . A n African freshma n at another Iv y Leagu e Colleg e wen t t o bu y som e liquo r an d foun d himself confronted by the law. "May I see your ID, sir?" he was asked. "What's that?" It was the manager's turn to be surprised. Slowl y he explained, after learning where my friend was from. "Oh yeah." Koj o said cooly, "Yo u see, i n Africa w e don' t hav e birth certificates bu t I was told I was born in the year of th e Great Fire, and that was a long time ago." Koj o got his liquor and has been buying there regularly ever since. Being black at Harvard is like being nine feet tall. Peopl e always want to know what the atmosphere is like up there. The y query you about th e Ne w Yor k schoo l strike , Plannin g 113b , th e Rosovsk y Committee, and Afro, all in one breath. The y are "concerned" about the separatis t tendencie s o f som e blac k student s wh o lik e t o si t together at meals. Wha t do you think? The y do not seem to see that

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most white students follow definite sittin g patterns at meals. I know some student s wh o hav e gotte n addicte d t o specifi c table s i n ou r dining hall. Black admissions is another perennial issue: "What' s all this noise about minimum quotas? Isn' t it unreasonable? Wha t if the Poles, the Jews, th e Italians , th e Irish , th e Armenian s an d everybod y els e demanded quota s t o Harvard? " "Wh y don't yo u dat e whit e girls?" These an d a zillion other s ar e throw n a t you a t ever y opportunity. The black experience is perceived as uniform, thus every black student must feel th e same way about all issues that affect hi s race directly. Hence when Prof. Martin Kilson writes a letter to the Crimson tha t disagrees with statements made by black student leaders there is wild commotion. "Wha t do you think ? Certainl y Kilson must be right." The students are dismissed as emotional militants who have crucified reason and resurrected confrontation an d force as the only means of solving campus problems. It i s a gros s understatemen t t o sa y tha t thi s stat e o f affair s i s intolerable or sickening. Man y a time I have had to kill a question with a put down to save myself the loss of time and energy that past fruitless discussions of "the problem" have cost me. I t is not that the questions ar e not legitimate . The y are , an d I a m willing t o discuss them with anyone genuinely interested. However , they are generally ill-posed by white students. Yo u are queried as though you should be capable of reading other black men's minds. Tak e the example of the white studen t wh o complained t o m e abou t a black studen t leade r who "acte d hostile " t o hi m whe n h e (th e whit e student ) onc e approached him. Wha t did I think of it? Nothing . Can' t a black man be an individual? Another problem with these questions is that the same people ask them continually . Apparentl y blac k student s d o no t thin k abou t anything else! T o those who are quick to point out that even if these questions ar e ill-posed , the y com e fro m peopl e wh o ar e genuinel y curious, let me say that when you are being accosted, as is often the case with race issues, it is irrelevant what the motives of your assailant are. Th e world i s too ful l o f example s of destructiv e action s which were initiated with good intentions for black students to accommodate what is an unpleasant situation. I once had the misfortune of being, for a while, the advisee of a man who had no advice to give, and who was not interested in giving whatever else he had. Once , when I turned in my study card for his

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signature, he inspecte d i t and told me that my course selection was "too tough." Woul d I drop Physics 12 and take Humanities 3 instead? I said "no." Tha t blew his cool for some reason. H e told me my SAT scores were not spectacular and that I should take it easy. Thi s was Harvard. B y thi s tim e h e ha d crosse d ou t Physic s 1 2 an d written "Hum. 3" in red ink above it an d went on t o sign the card. I went ahead and took the physics course anyway. A t the end of the term he congratulated m e o n m y grade s (the y wer e no t reall y tha t good ) adding: " I did not think you could handle it. I clearly underestimated your ability." Face d with a situation such as this it should be understandable why some black students request that they be assigne d t o black tutors. I n fairness t o the "adviser system" I must admi t that I have received very useful advice informally from one white gentleman affiliated wit h the Admissions Office. H e has never told me what to do. H e simply tells me what the alternatives are and what it costs to choose on e rathe r than th e other. I make the decision and , in this respect a t least , h e i s treatin g m e a s a n individua l an d no t a s hi s conception of a black man from Africa. How abou t relation s betwee n Africa n student s an d thei r black American counterparts ? Le t m e poin t ou t a t th e outse t tha t n o matter how many dashikis they ma y wear, black Americans ar e not Africans who happen to be in the United States; they are Americans even if in the minds of some people the content of that word amounts to something other than what it connotes for white America. A s such there i s a definite cultura l differenc e betwee n th e Africa n an d his black American brother, although we share a common heritage. One sometime s catche s blac k America n student s interpretin g African happenings under the presuppositions of western philosophy. Who ca n blame them ? The n ther e ar e thos e amon g the m whos e conception of Africa i s about as mythical as Tarzan. Afric a was the land of mighty kingdoms, Ghana, Mali, Zimbabwe, to mention a few, till it was plundered an d balkanized by evil white men. Thi s is true but there were weak African kingdoms too; there were tribal scuffles, divisions, dissension and destruction. Wha t I am suggesting is that it is wrong to say that if the African was not a savage (Tarzan) he must be a mighty angel of a man. No , the African is human. Since Malcol m X (Marcu s Garve y was born ahead of hi s time), black Americans an d black Africans hav e been working together t o reestablish thos e broke n historica l an d cultura l link s tha t no w li e buried in the Atlantic sea bed and the plantations of the South. Thi s

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is happening at Harvard too. Africa n students have worked on th e Ad Hoc Committee of black students. I have had numerous informal discussions with black students abou t Africa n governments , politics, schools, custom s an d tradition s righ t dow n t o th e popula r high-lif e dance. I n Atlanta, Georgia, last summer I was warmly received by all the black folks I met. Th e West Side of that city, for all its Americanness, was very much like some part s of Accra . I n short, t o borrow from Kwam e Nkrumah' s words , bot h blac k American s an d blac k Africans realiz e tha t th e freedo m o f blac k peopl e anywher e i n th e world i s meaningles s unles s i t i s linke d wit h th e tota l liberatio n o f black people everywhere. It i s possibl e tha t ther e ar e a s man y Africa n experience s a t Harvard as there are African students in the college. Th e foregoin g is only part of a longer story. A s we do in Ghana, some day I shall tell the rest over plenty of roasted cocoyams and plantains. Tswa manyeaba.* From Harvard Yearbook (1969)

| *A solemn greeting of farewell—Eds. ]

Ernest /. Wilson III in 1970

ERNEST J. WILSON m

Ernest Jame s Wilso n II I wa s bor n o n 3 Ma y 194 8 in Washington , D.C. , where h e attended th e Capito l Pag e School. A t Harvar d h e was business manager of the Harvard Journal of Negro Affairs, and edited its special issue on "Th e Black Press/ A concentrator i n government, h e received hi s AB. in 1970 . Pursuin g graduat e studie s i n Berkele y a t th e Universit y o f California, he earned his M.A in 1973 and Ph.D. in political science in 1978. For a time he served as legislative assistant t o Congressma n Charle s Diggs Jr., and in 1974 was the first-prize winner in the first D u Bois Essay Awards established by Black Scholar magazine. A specialist in the oil market, he has traveled an d lecture d i n Europe , Afric a an d Lati n America , an d bee n a n energy consultan t fo r th e Worl d Ban k an d th e U.S . Departments o f Stat e and Interior. Fro m 197 7 to 198 1 he was on the faculty of the University of Pennsylvania. Sinc e then he has been a professor o f political science at th e University o f Michigan , where h e als o became Directo r o f th e Cente r fo r Research o n Economi c Development i n the fall o f 1988.

The Refor m o f Tradition , th e Traditio n o f Refor m

Two influences, outsid e o f th e family , di d th e most t o for m m y character. The first was the educational and religious enthusiasm at Howard University, Washington, D.C., where my father was professor of Latin, and where I lived on th e campu s fro m birt h unti l I entere d Harvard . Th e secon d grea t influence wa s th e atmospher e o f tolerance , justice, an d trut h a t Harvard . Endeavoring no t t o swerv e unde r th e stres s fro m th e principle s thu s engendered, sometime s t o th e detrimen t o f materia l an d officia l advance ment, has been th e greatest satisfactio n o f my life.

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This quotation fro m m y grand-uncle, Harvard class of 1897 , expresses at least two interesting elements relevant to this essay. First , it acknowledges the formative role that Harvard College can play in an individual's life. Thi s is a traditional refrain in the writing of black and white college graduates—Harvard shaped their lives. Seventy years later, the black student experience at Harvard College pu t a twis t o n thi s refrain . Fo r i n th e mi d t o lat e 1960 s we changed Harvard as Harvard changed us. I n our own selective acceptance and rejection of th e traditional Harvar d experience, m y fellow students and I challenged Harvard in unprecedented ways, and in the process we changed the scholarly structure of the University. Some o f u s were als o guided by the second elemen t o f Eugen e Gregory's clas s report—hi s fir m groundin g i n autonomou s Afro American values an d the support s provide d by an indigenous black institution—Howard University. These values of cultural autonomy and worth also informed our own time at Harvard College. In my freshman year there was no Department of Afro-American Studies, no D u Bois Institute, no cultural cente r for black students. Racial issues were not high on the priority of the University administration. Th e subject of Afro-Americ a wa s not widely treated in the traditional disciplines and departments. M y freshman year there were few blac k student s i n leadershi p position s i n majo r campus-wid e organizations. I n other words black campus life was not unlike what it had been in the 1930 s when Ralph Bunche was a student, or , for that matter , whe n W.E.B . D u Boi s wa s a student i n th e lat e 19t h century. Whe n Du Boi s and others wrote of thei r lives at Harvard they usually described themselve s a s black refugees t o fair Harvard. They came ; the y studie d wha t th e Universit y offered ; the y left . Harvard in those years admitted the occasional blac k student, but it did not admit the study of black life and culture as an important and legitimate element of the curriculum. Thi s was the Harvard I found in 1966. B y the end of the 1960s , these conditions were to change. I have elsewhere described the political an d institutional histor y of Afro-American studie s a t Harvard [Harvard Magazine, Sept.-Oct . 1981]. Here , I want to indulge the personal side of that history and to indicat e some of th e persona l motivation s an d values tha t led at least one undergraduate into student activism. I n my own case these values include an assumption of the validity of Afro-American life and culture, an d tha t thei r stud y wa s a hig h calling . Wit h thi s cam e another family-instille d value— a stron g belie f tha t excellenc e i n

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scholarship could, and should, be combined with intellectual activism. Third, I benefitted i n m y student day s from a long familiarit y with university life. Through the decade of the 1960 s dozens of white and black students participated in challenges to fair Harvard's traditional sense of itself an d they pressed to make Harvard more open t o the scholarly examination o f gende r an d race. Man y found commo n purpos e t o press for educational reform. The y came from a variety of places and from differen t backgrounds . The y wer e motivate d b y a variety o f personal and political reasons. In my freshman year (1966), I often sensed more than a whiff of condescension towar d black students . Som e white s acte d a s i f we were a blac k tabul a ras a read y t o b e fille d wit h Ne w Englan d education an d high culture. Other s caricatured us as the carriers of the culture of Jame s Brown; any interest i n the written word, or in Beethoven, wa s someho w disappointin g an d inauthentic . The n i n 1967 an d 196 8 the black rebellion s i n the cities an d the upsurg e in nationalism and activism among black students created conditions ripe for a black studen t movemen t a t Harvard , a s a t other colleges an d universities. What we accepted and what we rejected during this highly politicized period reflected th e personal history that each of us brought to the institution . Man y blac k student s eventuall y seize d o n simila r political values , usuall y reformis t an d nationalist ; al l too k differen t roads to get there. M y own experience at Harvard certainly reflected my personal—and family—history. Some of the values and interests that I brough t fro m hom e Harvar d positivel y reinforced—intellectua l curiosity, deligh t i n a spirited an d partisa n argument , a breadth o f experiences, social and political engagement. Som e skills and outlooks I learned for the first time. However , other personal values Harvard denied—especially the validity and autonomy of Afro-American cultural life, an d the importance of studying it. Nonetheless , I strengthened my commitment t o these values as I struggled to give them a reality and meanin g withi n th e University . Indeed , strugglin g agains t th e rejection of values that I took to be self-evident became an important part of my Cambridge education. I grew up on th e campus of Howar d Universit y i n Washington, D.C., born in Freedman's Hospital , livin g in campus housing. Eac h day I walked throug h th e cente r o f th e campus , pas t th e clustere d classroom building s name d fo r Frederic k Douglas s an d Sojourne r

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Truth, an d unde r th e imposin g i f familia r presenc e o f Founder' s Library, t o atten d Lucreti a Mot t School , th e segregate d elementar y school jus t catercornere d fro m Freedman' s o n Fourt h Street . M y young world was well contained on the campus, and Howard University was home . I had a proprietary fee l fo r th e place , an d as a child I felt i t was (almost literally ) my own an d my home. M y father worked in th e ne w re d bric k administratio n buildin g overlookin g Benjami n Banneker Schoo l jus t acros s Georgi a Avenue . M y materna l great grandfather was in Howard's first graduating class of five students and later taught there; my maternal grandfather taught Latin and English, and co-founded the Howard University Players, the first drama society. In th e 1940 s m y father studie d a t Howar d wit h E . Frankli n Frazier , Alain Lock e ['08] , [William ] Leo Hansberr y [A.M . '32 ] an d Rayfor d Logan [Ph.D . '36] . An d int o the 1960s , siblings an d assorted cousin s passed throug h it s gates . Universit y lif e fo r m e was immediat e an d personal. In that community, an d around our warm and constantly crowded kitchen table, came professors and poets and students and friends (fo r example, poet-professo r Sterlin g Brow n [A.M . '23] , my grandfather's student an d friend, an d my father's teache r an d friend). Discussion s were debates and all were engaged, enthusiastic an d loud. M y father led discussions that ranged from Negro spirituals to Nietzsche, and an important constan t wa s th e everpresen t threa t an d fac t o f racia l inequality i n a racist society . Tha t externa l threat , an d th e values o f my extende d family , mean t tha t learnin g an d scholarshi p wer e fro m the earlies t day s tie d t o socia l relevance . Howar d Universit y ha d a mission—to bette r th e rac e throug h medicine , throug h law , throug h philosophy. I t was to demonstrate to o that black people coul d excel . Relevance di d no t mea n an y less excellence . O n th e contrary . Ou r best scholar s devote d themselve s t o superio r socia l an d natura l science, an d to mora l uplift . If I felt proprietar y abou t Howar d University , an d if it nourishe d in me a strongly critical sense of committed learning , I felt somewha t the same way about Harvar d University. No t i n an immediate sense, but as a place I was familiar with but hadn't yet visited. M y maternal grandfather, T . Montgomer y Gregory , was a member of th e Harvar d class of 1910 , a friend of John Reed an d Walter Lippmann, to whom he introduce d m e i n 1966 . H e wa s active o n th e debatin g tea m an d a lifelon g loya l so n o f Harvard . Hi s so n [Thoma s Montgomer y Gregory, Jr.] was a member of th e class of '44 , and his older brother,

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Eugene, was in the class of 1897. It was assumed that after high school I would follow one par t of the family tradition and become the fourth member of th e family to go to Harvard, I would take with me a tradition of critical thinking, a predispositio n t o teach , a familiarit y wit h universit y life , an d a n abiding belief i n the importance of studying Afro-American life . Al l of this helped me, I now believe, in helping to bring Afro-American studies to Harvard. As an underclassman at Harvard, I felt a mixture of sheer delight and naiv e surprise . Th e forme r wa s promote d b y th e enormou s wealth of things to do and learn in Cambridge—lectures, recitals, and plays, people t o tal k t o an d to liste n to . Th e surpris e (an d several years later, as race relations deteriorated nationally, outrage) flowe d from th e invisibilit y o f th e thing s I too k fo r grante d a t home—th e disciplined an d serious an d sustained study of blac k culture, politics, and life. Part o f tha t struggl e betwee n 196 6 an d 197 0 involve d m e an d other undergraduates as negotiators with a not inconsiderable array of faculty, administrators , overseer s an d alumni . Thos e o f u s o n th e negotiating tea m (mos t notabl y Robert Hal l ['69] , now professor o f history a t Universit y o f Maryland , wh o als o gre w u p o n a colleg e campus an d ha d experience s simila r t o m y own; Francesta Farme r [71], President of Crossroads Africa; business executive Craig Watson [72]; and Harlan Dalton ['69], on the Yale Law School faculty) drew up lists of those from whom we expected opposition, and support, and we visited each in turn to lobby and to discuss the merits of bringing Afro-American Studie s to Harvard. In retrospect, we had a lot of gall even to attempt such changes; we were just wet-behind-the-ears undergraduates. Par t of the hubris came from ou r feeling that , a t last, histor y was going our way. W e knew tha t we were ridin g th e cres t o f a wave. Wit h Nin a Simon e singing that all of us were "young, gifted and black,M we felt our newly assertive blackness was not just an extra burden, as it was for many of our predecessors, but also at times a decided social benefit. An d after all, cities were literall y burning over the questio n o f blac k equality; and the real heroes of the black revolt, courageous black students in the Deep South, were engaged in far less genteel and more dangerous battles a t O F Miss and Texas Southern. Fo r us, pressing fo r AfroAmerican Studies in Cambridge seemed the least we could do. An d the excitemen t o f creatin g somethin g new , scholarl y an d sociall y

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relevant was exhilarating. Part of my own self-confidence cam e from my earlier experiences as a page in the U.S. Supreme Court between 1963 and my graduation from high school in 1966. Durin g those three and a half years, I met senators an d congressme n o n a regula r basis , lunche d wit h Chie f Justice Warren, met President Johnson and Vice President Humphrey, and go t t o kno w man y i n th e Washingto n diplomati c community . Fortunately, some of these contacts were substantive and not merely ceremonial, an d I graduall y assume d tha t talkin g t o one' s elders , including putatively distinguished ones, was not in the least unusual. Washington and the Page School were good preparation in other ways. Whil e enjoyin g a successful high-schoo l caree r i n a student body that , lik e Capito l Hil l a s a whole i n thos e days , was entirel y dominated by southern whites, I was able to sustain my close friendships with friends i n my northwest Washingto n neighborhood . No r did being a page prevent me from joining the "Free DC" movemen t led b y activis t Mario n Barry , o r othe r progressiv e causes . I als o developed life-long friends in Washington's diplomatic community. I relished the rich multicultural life of the city, and I was determined to continue that life in Cambridge. Thus , while I was very active in and head of several campus black-student organizations and publications, I also joined the Harvard Lampoon, wrote for the Crimson, ate at the Signet, was elected a Class Marshal and joined one of Harvard's final clubs [th e Fly] , well-know n locall y fo r it s splendi d sprin g garde n parties. All of this seems very neat and tidy in retrospect, and I suppose I view it as such today. Bu t re-reading my diaries and journals from that period I can also see i t in a different light . I recall feeling the demands and pulls from different directions by different communities. In the late 1960 s bigoted nationalist students would taunt and insult other black students walking across the Yard with a white friend. I refused t o b e taunted , or a taunter. Nonetheless , th e pressure s t o conform t o narro w an d preconceive d notion s o f racia l o r socia l categories were intense. I and others resisted as best we could. Harvard did not teach me these particular "balancing" skills, but it certainly sharpened them. Harvar d reinforced my love of politics and of the intellectual life, and, however imperfectly, showed me that the intellectual lif e an d th e lif e o f commitmen t can , wit h effor t an d imagination, be combined. I left Harvard with the usual complement of new intellectual skills

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and classroom learning . I also learne d valuable lesson s abou t institutional change. Blac k students in this topsy-turvy time did succeed in expanding the realm of the possible and opening new possibilities for choice in the College and the University. W e helped to legitimate and expand the study of Afro-American lif e at the University. In retrospect , I als o lef t Cambridg e somewha t naiv e abou t th e resilience of big institutions and their ability to follow their own worn paths, and the manifold ways that institutions resist and thwart change. Inertia, racism, and unhealthy elitism proved harder to change than we as undergraduates realized. Forcin g choices into seemingly choiceless conditions still does not guarantee that the choices made will be the most desirable ones. Th e imperfect an d odd choices that all parties made in the early days of the Afro-American Studies Program and the Du Bois Institute at Harvard, including some that students made, are cases in point. The Harvard I left i n 197 0 (and revisited in 1980 as a Fellow at the Kennedy School of Government) is different from the one I found in 1966 . No w ther e i s a niche i n which interested blac k an d white faculty an d students can more easily find programs and materials on black lif e i n America . The y ca n als o find an eve n mor e preciou s present than that which those of us in that time tried to leave behind— the institutional and intellectual legitimacy of studying black life without fea r of being mocked or marginalized. TTia t struggle is not yet completely won at Harvard or at other universities. I t is, however, an important beginning that we bequeath to students and scholars who follow us. I am confident the y will continue the tradition. (1989)

Cover of 42-page career guide for Harvard blacks, prepared by black student Eric L. Jones '70 for the Office for Graduate and Career Plans in 1969.

EMORY J . WES T

Emory Junior Wes t was born o n 5 February 195 0 and gre w u p i n Miami , where he attended the Dorsey Junior High School and Miami Central High School. A t Harvard he won two Hatch Prizes for his poetry, which appeared in th e Advocate an d th e Harvard Journal of Afro-American Affairs. Hi s ardent interes t in the early history of blacks at Harvard yielded two exhibits in Widener Library and two articles in the Harvard Bulletin (November 1971; May 1972) . I n 197 2 he receive d hi s A.B. in anthropolog y cum laude, and proceeded t o a n M.A . at Berkele y i n 197 3 and a certificate i n health-car e administration from George Washington University in 1977. Fo r some years he was a research associate and later a project director in policy analysis for the National Urban League in Washington, D.C. H e also held a fellowshi p at M.I.T. , wher e h e concerne d himsel f wit h housin g an d community development problem s facin g blacks.

Harvard an d th e Blac k Man , 1636-185 0

The religiou s belief s o f th e Puritan s shape d th e societ y o f seven teenth-century Ne w England an d provide d th e initiative tha t founde d many America n institutions . Harvar d Colleg e wa s on e suc h institu tion. Slaver y was another . It was only two years from th e foundin g o f th e College , in 1636 , to the Ne w Englan d beginning s o f th e slav e trade . Th e importatio n o f a fe w slave s b y Captai n Willia m Pierc e i n th e Sale m shi p Desire , i n December 1638 , was a simpl e start ; bu t th e slav e trad e develope d a system that brought great wealth an d the necessary leisure for cultura l and intellectual leadership to New England. Th e "peculiar institution " of slavery was not onl y accepted a s custom. I t als o had lega l sanction .

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"In the Body of Libertie s of 1741 , Massachusetts gav e slavery, as well as servitude, statutory recognition," writes the Black historian Lorenzo J. Green e i n The Negro in Colonial New England. "Th e wealt h an d culture of Newport and Boston reflected t o a great extent the 'golden harvest' reaped fro m th e Negr o traffic. " Massachusetts , with Bosto n as it s chie f port , wa s th e cente r o f th e slav e trad e i n seventeenth century New England. Harvard , a few miles upriver from Boston, was involved very early in slavery. Many of the prominent families of Boston had one or two slaves as servants an d handymen . Increas e Mather , Purita n minister , states man, an d Presiden t o f Harvar d (1685-1701) , wa s a slave-master . Greene notes that "prominent persons of good standing like Benjamin Wadsworth, President of Harvar d College [1725-1737 ] might even b e permitted to pay the first installment a month or so after the slave was delivered." Slaver y was a primar y supportive facto r i n th e develop ment o f Boston' s elite . Harvard reaped its share of the "golden harvest" early, in the direct form o f labo r provide d t o th e College , an d th e indirec t for m o f financial suppor t from Massachusetts residents and English merchants. The firs t recor d o f th e presenc e o f a Blac k ma n a t Harvar d . . . appears in the Confession of Mistress Eaton, writte n in 1639: "Fo r the Moor hi s lying in Sam. Hough's sheet an d pillow-bier, i t hath a truth in it : h e di d s o on e time , an d i t gav e Sam . Houg h jus t caus e o f offence." Samue l F . Batchelder , i n Bits of Harvard History (1924) , poses some importan t questions—i n a n offensive manner—abou t thi s passage: What ebony face with rolling white eyeballs grins sheepishly at us from this mildewed page ? Wh o wa s thi s blackamoo r wh o surreptitiousl y helpe d himself to beer and (possibly under its influence) made so free of little Sam Hough's bed ? Hav e w e no t her e th e firs t darke y "scout " o f Harvard , progenitor of the whole tribe of college coons and great-grandfather of all Memorial Hal l waiters ? Wha t fluk y breez e o f fortun e wafte d thi s dusky child o f natur e fro m a languorou s cora l stran d t o th e gri m confine s o f Calvinistic Cambridge? Wer e colored brethren already hanging round the Square lookin g fo r od d job s er e tha t classi c foru m ha d becom e clearl y distinguishable fro m th e encircling wilderness? An d i f th e Moo r slept i n Sam Hough's pillow-bier, then by the shade of Othello (who used a pillow for quite a different purpose) , where did Sam sleep? W e must fill in the picture for ourselves. Histor y in its surviving fragments offers us no further aid, and tradition, still so young as to be inarticulate, avails us no whit.

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In answe r t o Batchelder' s questions , w e ca n sa y tha t th e "fluk y breeze" was th e slav e trade , an d tha t thi s Blac k ma n ma y have bee n the first t o serv e i n a labo r forc e tha t woul d b e vita l t o th e mainte nance o f Harvar d College . In accor d wit h it s Purita n beginnings , th e Harvar d o f th e seven teenth an d eighteenth centurie s probabl y fel t tha t th e cleanin g o f it s halls was a fitting occupatio n fo r a Black man. Bu t i t was no t recep tive t o th e ide a o f an y Blac k ma n walkin g thos e hall s a s a student . Writes Lorenzo J . Greene , According t o th e racia l philosoph y o f th e Puritans , Negroe s an d Indian s were an inferior race whom God had given them as part of their inheritance. Not onl y was th e Negr o regarde d a s a sub-species, bu t a s lat e a s 177 3 a member of the graduating class of Harvard University, debating the legality of enslaving the Africans, justified the institution partly on the ground that the Negro was a "conglomerate of child, idiot, and madman." The custom s of Ne w Englander s operate d t o kee p Black s i n their place, an d t o preven t the m fro m attainin g freedo m o f though t an d association—two important prerequisites of higher education. Green e points ou t tha t th e powe r o f custo m wa s effectivel y invoke d b y th e Reverend Gurdo n Saltonstall , A.B . 1684 , a n ancesto r i n th e longes t continuous lineag e o f Harvar d graduates : Saltonstall successfully convinced the court that despite Abda's white blood, the child had the same status as the mother. Althoug h Saltonstall admitted that ther e wa s n o la w specificall y providin g fo r th e enslavemen t o f mulattoes, he added that the custom of enslaving them had the same force as law. Thi s case was extremely important because it set a legal precedent for holding mulattoes in bondage. Such paternalism toward Blacks was shared (and fostered by) many benefactors an d graduates of Harvar d College; they in turn exercised great influence o n th e though t o f colonia l Ne w England . Ther e was always fea r amon g whites tha t th e Black s migh t violently resis t thei r enslavers. Ruling s in 1656 and 169 3 prevented Blacks from receivin g military trainin g i n Massachusetts ; th e secon d include d Black s an d Indians i n a privilege d clas s wit h "member s o f th e Council , th e representatives . . . secretary , justice o f th e peace , President , fello w students an d servant s o f Harvar d College, " who wer e excuse d fro m military training . Thi s ma y have bee n a privilege fo r th e others, bu t

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it was no t intende d a s such fo r th e Blacks . There was an increasing effort t o pacify feeling s o f resentment an d rebellion, b y indoctrinatin g th e Blac k ma n t o accep t hi s conditio n o f slavery. "Durin g th e perio d betwee n 173 0 and th e Revolution , man y Negroes wer e baptize d an d accepte d int o th e churche s o f thei r masters," write s Greene . "Sinc e colonia l Ne w Englan d wa s over whelmingly Congregationalist , a majorit y o f th e slave s becam e members i n th e churche s o f tha t denomination. " Le d b y Cotto n Mather, th e Congregationalist s mad e progres s i n converting slave s t o Christianity, an d th e dut y o f th e slav e t o lov e an d obe y hi s master . There wer e specia l classe s fo r slaves , and the y were allowe d t o si t i n the galler y of th e churc h o n Sunda y (seatin g was arrange d accordin g to social status, and th e gallery was the lowes t position). "Eve n in th e galleries Negroe s wer e no t alway s tolerated, " note s Greene . "Th e Corporation o f Harvard Colleg e objected t o their sitting in the galler y of th e Firs t Paris h Churc h a t Cambridg e i n 1756. " Yet slaves in New England demonstrated thei r ability in many ways. They showed business acumen in trading, and managing the businesses of their enslavers. Som e used their knowledge of roots and herbs, and became medica l practitioners ; other s serve d a s apprentice s t o physicians. A s pressmen , Black s aide d i n printin g som e o f th e firs t newspapers in New England. Literar y talent foun d expressio n i n th e stories an d poetr y o f Luc y Terry , slav e o f Ensig n Ebeneze r Well s o f Deerfield. Philli s Wheatley' s poetr y wa s widel y acclaime d i n Ne w England an d Londo n (on e o f he r poem s i s addressed t o th e student s of Harvard College) . [See p. 10.] Suc h achievements contradicted th e generally hel d assumptio n tha t Blacks , b y nature, wer e intellectuall y inferior t o whites . A s a n educationa l institution , Harvar d seem s t o have share d i n thes e assumptions , a postur e tha t no w appear s a s irrational, racist , an d defensive . Whites wer e willin g t o us e th e service s o f Blac k men , bu t no t t o offer the m the educational, political, and social opportunities availabl e to other s i n th e society . Whe n th e Revolutionar y Wa r began , fre e Blacks joined ranks with white men in Cambridge. Congres s approve d the arrangement , bu t attempte d t o restrict th e practice. Th e Revolu tion wa s a battle fo r freedo m an d self-determination , ye t whil e som e Blacks were freed a s compensation fo r thei r services in war, they were still denied self-determination . In spit e o f th e lowl y position s reserve d fo r them , fre e Black s achieved distinctio n an d some success. A t Harvard , the y took advan -

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tage o f opening s tha t followe d th e Revolution , an d influence d th e institution significantly. Bu t althoug h Blacks provided valued services, proved capable of scholastic achievement, and demonstrated loyalt y to Harvard, it s educationa l door s remaine d close d t o them . Hereditar y distinctions amon g student s ha d bee n abolishe d i n admission s requirements i n 1773 ; but th e powe r o f custo m remaine d operative , and hereditar y distinction s wer e stil l mad e betwee n Blac k an d white . For nearl y a centur y afte r th e Revolution , Blac k me n serve d Harvard student s a s "scouts. " Ever y elit e studen t ha d one , unti l th e system wa s supersede d b y regula r janitoria l servic e i n 1879 . On e scout, Charle s Lenox , bega n b y sellin g pie s an d cakes ; h e wa s a conscientious man who served the College by making loans to student s and professors . Willia m Emmons , wh o peddle d pickle s an d a drin k called eg g pop , was renowne d fo r hi s eloquence. 1 H e printe d som e of hi s addresse s o n standar d topics , an d sol d the m alongsid e hi s po p and pickles . A Blac k ma n name d Lewi s sol d home-brewe d bee r o f two varieties , spruc e an d ginger . Whic h wa s spruc e an d whic h wa s ginger was a common topi c of debate, wrote Jame s Russel l Lowel l i n his Fireside Travels: Cambridge Thirty Years Ago. Lewi s seemed t o b e the onl y on e wh o coul d discern , bu t h e coaxe d hi s customer s int o purchasing wit h gratifyin g courtesy . Around th e beginnin g o f th e nineteent h century , Blac k me n ha d begun takin g mor e initiativ e t o fre e themselve s fro m whit e domina tion. I n Ne w England, thes e endeavors were mos t eviden t i n Boston , which ha d th e larges t populatio n o f Blacks . I n The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861 the Black historian Carte r G . Woodson, Ph.D . '12, surveys som e o f thes e efforts : In 179 8 a separate school fo r colore d children , under th e charge of Elish a Sylvester, a white man, was established i n tha t cit y in the hous e of Primus Hall, a Negro of very good standing. Tw o years later sixty-six free blacks of that cit y petitione d th e school , but th e citizen s i n a specia l tow n meetin g called to consider the question refused t o grant this request. Undaunte d by this refusal , th e patron s o f th e specia l schoo l establishe d i n th e hous e of *When a mock honorary degree was conferred o n Emmons by the Med. Fac, a n undergraduat e burlesqu e o f a learne d society , th e citatio n read : Guglielmus Emmons, Praenominatus Pickleius, Qui Orator Eloquentissimus Nostrae Aetatis , Poma , Nuces , Panem-Zingiberi s [gingerbread] , Sua s Orationes, Egg-Popque Vendit. D.M. Med. Fac. Honorarius.

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Primus Hall , employe d Brow n an d [Williams ] o f Harvar d Colleg e a s instructors, until 1806. The schoo l was moved t o th e recentl y complete d Africa n Meetin g House o n Belkna p Stree t i n 180 6 an d remaine d ther e unti l 1835, when a schoo l buildin g wa s erecte d wit h fund s contribute d b y Abie l Smith. A Blac k ma n name d Princ e Saunders , forme r diplomati c official o f Empero r Christoph e o f Haiti , wa s brough t t o Bosto n b y Professor Willia m Ellery Channing of Harvard, and became instructo r of the school in 1809 . Joh n B . Russwurm [a n 182 6 Black graduate of Bowdoin] was als o a n instructo r fo r a time . Black men established successfu l businesses—barber shops , clothing shops, gymnasiums . I n 1831 , at a conventio n i n Philadelphia , plan s were mad e t o establis h a Colleg e fo r Colore d Yout h i n Ne w Haven . This brough t intens e oppositio n fro m th e Mayor , Commo n Council , and Yal e College , an d suggestion s fro m Bosto n tha t th e colleg e b e located there . Th e city' s merchant s sa w benefit s fro m propose d commercial dealing s wit h th e Wes t Indies , an d th e Massachusett s Colonization Societ y saw an opportunity t o help the recently founde d Colony o f Liberia . Th e peopl e o f Bosto n seeme d amiable , bu t the y had self-interes t a t heart . Ther e i s no indicatio n tha t the y genuinel y intended t o exten d libert y an d justic e t o Blacks . On e objectio n t o having th e colleg e i n Ne w Have n ha d bee n incipien t rivalr y betwee n Blacks an d whit e yout h a t Yale . Th e sor t o f reactio n Black s migh t have expected from Harvar d students is suggested by this excerpt fro m the diar y Charleston Goes to Harvard, writte n o n Jun e 13 , 1831: . . . Afte r retirin g to my room, about 1 0 o'clock th e sound of distant musi c broke upon my ear. I t was the New York black band, returning from Fres h Pond, where, I understood , the y ha d bee n spendin g th e afternoon . The y were persuaded t o come into the College yard, and after playin g "the coalblack Rose," and some other tunes of the same cast, much to our edification, and having collected a hat full of cents, they wheeled about and marched out again. I t was amusing, or rathe r ridiculous , to see these "niggers," tall and short, blowing away with their thick lips as if their lives depended upo n the force with which the y produced th e sounds. A black band i s no new thing to me, who was accustomed t o see nothing but black bands in Charleston . The diarist' s amusemen t obscure s th e fac t tha t h e wa s writing i n a time o f mountin g turbulence . I n [1829] , a fre e Blac k name d Davi d Walker ha d appeale d t o Blac k me n t o ar m themselve s an d thro w of f

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their oppressors . Thi s helpe d fue l th e Blac k movemen t fo r self determination. I n 1831, William Lloyd Garrison started his abolitionist newspaper , The Liberator, whic h wa s t o arous e publi c opinio n through-out th e nation . Reactio n followe d quickly . Ther e wer e demands tha t Walke r b e murdered , an d The Liberator banned . Th e situation was serious an d tragic. In Freedom's Birthplace, b y Joh n Daniels , reveal s ho w Boston' s mayor, Josiah Quincy , replie d t o thes e demands : . . . a s a result of his inquiries he found the paper had only an "insignificant countenance and support" in the community, and that it "had not made, nor was likely to make converts among the respectable classes." H e said he had "ferreted out the paper and its editor, that his office was an obscur e hole, his only visible auxiliary a Negro boy and his supporters a very few insignificant persons of all colors." Quincy became Presiden t o f Harvar d in 1829 . "H e was one o f th e first... amon g norther n me n t o denounce th e slave-holding interes t as a risin g an d dangerou s tyranny " (Bush : The Harvard Presidency). The anti-slaver y movemen t tha t Quinc y ha d deeme d insignifican t a s mayor was to gro w an d cause conflic t a t Harvard. An earl y manifestatio n involve d th e Reveren d Henr y Ware , A.B . 1812, a Divinity School professor who founded a n anti-slavery society. The Bosto n pres s demande d tha t h e b e fired; students ridicule d hi m and pelted him with nuts. War e was considered damaging to the University, but Quincy , espousing academic freedom, refuse d t o fire him. Near th e en d of Quincy' s presidency, th e cas e of Beverl y William s promised t o forc e th e issu e o f educationa l acces s t o Harvar d fo r Blacks. I n a letter to Quincy written August 16 , 1844, W. A. Stearns, chairman of the School Committe e of Harvard College, discussed th e overabundance o f applicant s t o Hopkin s Classica l Schoo l (founde d primarily t o prepar e boy s fo r Harvard) . On e o f th e applicant s wa s Beverly Williams, "a ward of the Reverend Mr. Parker's in Cambridge Port. William s i s a colored boy , but a bright scholar an d of unexcep tionable character." William s was accepted at Hopkins and might have entered Harvar d with th e Clas s of 1851 , but h e die d o f consumptio n on Jul y 17 , 1847 . There i s n o wa y o f knowin g whethe r William s woul d hav e bee n accepted at Harvard. Hi s attendance at Hopkins was an anomaly, and it would hav e bee n s o a t Harvard . O n Apri l 4 , 1847 , Mr . J. Cowle s

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of Georgia had written Edward Everett, then President of the College, inquiring about the possibility of Williams being admitted. Cowle s was perturbed: hi s son would be entering in the same class, he said, and he was considering sending two more sons within another year. O n April 13 , Everet t wrot e Cowle s tha t i t wa s uncertai n whethe r Williams's friend s intende d t o offe r hi m for admission , bu t tha t h e would certainly be fitted to attend—whereas Cowles' son Henry was so academically deficien t tha t h e coul d no t b e admitte d unde r an y conditions. Everett's repl y probably reflected hi s convictions abou t Africans' capacity fo r intellectua l achievement , a s well a s hi s regar d fo r th e principle of academi c freedom, so staunchly supported by Quincy in the Ware case. Everet t favored returnin g Blacks to Africa, but in a speech delivere d i n 185 3 to th e American Colonizatio n Society , h e spoke highl y o f Blacks ' potentia l fo r intellectua l attainment . A s examples, he cited Paul Cuffe, th e first Black separatist, and Beverly Williams. In 1848, members of the U.S. House of Representatives had heard another testimonial to Williams's excellence of character and scholarship. Joh n Gorha m Palfrey—proponen t o f th e Ne w Englan d con science, forme r Dea n o f th e Harvar d Divinit y School , edito r an d statesman—had astounde d th e Hous e b y speaking o f William s a s a "charming boy" who had attended classes with his son and was fit to continue o n t o Harvard . Palfre y offende d th e sensibilitie s o f th e Congress b y applaudin g to o graciousl y th e mora l an d intellectua l qualities of Williams. Andre w Johnson, who was to become President after Lincoln's assassination, checked Palfrey by appealing to the white man's ultimate logic: "Woul d the gentleman fro m Massachusetts be willing to see that interesting, talented, charming Negro boy become the married companion of his own daughter?" Th e next day, Johnson assured Palfre y tha t h e ha d intende d n o offense , bu t wante d t o establish that men of honor, discrimination, and high morality would accept a gifted Negro like Beverly Williams in theory, but not entirely in practice. When Black students were finally permitted at Harvard, it was not at the Colleg e bu t a t th e Medica l School . Thre e Blac k me n were there fo r a few month s i n 1850-51 , an d one ma y have bee n ther e earlier. No t until 186 5 did the College open its doors to a Black. For th e mos t part , students , professors , an d administrator s wer e guilty of supporting or tolerating the degradation of African peoples.

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Harvard, after all , was an elite institutio n i n a society that generally condoned human bondage for political, economic, and social reasons. The rational e tha t slaver y was justified b y the natura l inferiorit y o f Africans t o Anglo-Saxons—prevalen t sinc e th e beginning—seem s t o have remained an accepted position at the Harvard of the 1840 s and 50s. Harvard Bulletin (1971 )

[See als o Emor y J . West , "Harvard' s Firs t Blac k Graduates : 1865 1890," Harvard Bulletin 7 4 (May 1972): 24-28.-Eds.]

Andrea Lee in 1984

ANDREA LE E

Andrea Nancy Lee was born in Philadelphia on 27 April 1953 , and prepared for college at the Baldwin School for Girls in nearby Bryn Mawr. Majorin g in English, she was graduated magna cum laude from Radcliff e Colleg e in 1974 and receive d a n AM . ther e i n Comparativ e Literatur e i n 1978 . A writer for th e New Yorker•, she is best known for her report Russian Journal (1981), which won the Jean Stei n Award from th e American Academ y and Institute of Arts and Letters; and fo r he r nove l Sarah Phillips (1984) , fro m which the chapter "Fine Points" is here reprinted. Andre a Lee has for some time lived i n Italy, and i s currently writing another novel .

Fine Point s

One grea t thin g abou t Margare t wa s tha t sh e wor e exactl y th e sam e size clothin g tha t I did , a n excellen t qualit y i n a roommate ; sh e had , however, completel y differen t taste , wit h a n inclinatio n towar d plunging necklines , crimso n tights , an d minidresse s i n big , bol d Scandinavian prints . M y own wardrobe ra n t o jeans an d blac k turtle necks, od d littl e somber-colore d tunic s tha t I fel t mad e m e loo k lik e a wood nymph , an d shor t pleate d skirt s tha t seeme d t o m e t o conve y a sexy jeune fille ai r worthy o f Claudin e a t school. "Yo u literary type s are alway s trying to loo k understated, " Margare t woul d sa y wheneve r she sa w m e dresse d fo r a seminar, fo r a n Advocate meeting , o r fo r a date. Sh e wa s a chemistr y majo r fro m Wellesley , Massachusetts , a n avid lacrosse playe r with a terrific figure an d a pair of unabashe d blu e eyes tha t reveale d a forceful , stubbor n nature—Margare t coul d kee p an argumen t goin g fo r days . Sh e adore d fres h ai r an d loathe d reti -

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cence an d ambiguity , an d she ha d littl e patienc e wit h a roommat e who, languid from lack of exercise, spent weeks reworking a four-word line of poetry. "It's a question of fine points," I would retort loftily, though I had only a vague idea of what that might mean. Margaret and I got along well for young women with such different souls. W e spent a lot of time together in our cramped dormitory suite, squabbling comfortably over clothes and discussing romance—the one subjec t o n which we were, to some extent, i n agreement. Th e suite was on the fourth floor of Currier House; it consisted of two tiny rooms, a bathroom we' d decorate d fo r a giggle wit h pinup s o f th e bustiest Playboy Playmates we could find, and a kitchenette filled with moldy orange s stole n fro m th e cafeteria . Ou r windows face d east , toward th e corne r o f Garde n an d Linnaea n streets— a lovel y view, really, with the Observatory woods, the flat-bottomed, whale-shape d clouds tha t cam e sailin g dow n fro m Maine , an d th e tall , sombe r Cambridge houses back of the trees. In the winter of 1973 , our junior year at Harvard, on afternoon s when Margaret was back from the lab and I was supposed to be at my desk readin g Donne an d Herber t fo r semina r or writing poetr y fo r Professor Hawks's versification class, we would hang out in Margaret's room an d drin k oolon g tea , whic h Margare t brewe d s o blac k i t became a kin d o f solvent . Loungin g o n Margaret' s bed , belo w a periodic table she'd tacke d u p on th e wall, we'd complain a t length about our boyfriends. These young men, a couple of blameless seniors from Adams and Dunster Houses, were certainly ardent and attentive, but they bored us because they seemed appropriate. W e yearned, in concert, t o replac e the m with unsuitabl e men—a n arra y of Gothic novel type s who didn't see m a t all hackneye d t o Margare t an d me. (Margaret, the scientist, had in fact a positively Bronteesque conception of the ideal man.) W e envisioned liaison s with millionaires the age of our fathers, with alcoholic journalists, with moody filmmakers addicted to uppers; Margaret's particular thing was depraved European nobility. A few years earlier it might have been possible for me to find the necessar y thril l simpl y i n goin g ou t wit h whit e boys , th e forbidden frui t o f m y mother's generation ; but i n th e art y circles I frequented at Harvard, such pairings were just about required, if one was to cut any dash at all. What our fantasies boiled down to was that Margaret and I, in the age-old female student tradition, ended up angling for members of the

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faculty. "It's just a question of day s before Dr . Bellemere tumbles, " said Margaret one afternoon. (Sh e flirted shamelessly with her adviser, but for some reason could not bring herself to call him by his firstnameDon.) "An d then, what naughty delights!" As a matte r o f fact , I wa s th e on e wh o firs t wa s offere d th e chance t o tast e thos e delights . I n Februar y a genuin e instructo r —Geoffrey Knacker , wh o ha d taugh t m y semina r o n metaphysica l poetry the previous semester, and who shared an apartment in Central Square with Millicent Tunney, another junior faculty member—asked me to meet him for a cup of coffee. Margare t sat cross-legged on my bed while I got dressed for th e date—we were to mee t a t six at the Cafe Pamplona—and grew snappish when I refused the loan of a pair of re d tights . Sh e tol d m e tha t i f I hi d m y light unde r a bushel, I wouldn't even get him to kiss me. I didn't listen to her. I was busy making myself look as beautiful an d mysterious as I could, and when I ha d slicke d m y hair bac k int o a bun, rimme d m y eyes wit h dark pencil, and put on a severe gray dress with a pair of black high heels I ha d bough t i n a thrif t shop , eve n Margare t ha d t o applau d th e result. "If Hopalong calls , tel l hi m I'm riding in the Tour de France," I said. Hopalon g Cassid y wa s th e nam e w e ha d privatel y give n my boyfriend, who had what I thought was an unnecessarily jaunty gait. "You're a cold, hard thing," said Margaret in an approving tone. I owned a rather rubbed-looking sealskin jacket that had belonged to my mother; when I had wrapped it around me, waved goodbye to the gir l who stoo d studyin g behind th e bells des k o f th e dormitory, and stepped outsid e int o th e Februar y twilight , I had a n agreeabl e feeling o f satisfactio n abou t th e wa y I looked , an d a n agitate d romantic feeling abou t the meeting to come. "Perhap s I'm in love," I thought , thoug h i n fac t I coul d barel y remembe r wha t Geoffre y Knacker looked like. It was ten minutes t o six. I walked down Garden Street toward Cambridge Common, listening to the unaccustomed click of m y high heels on the brick sidewalk, slippery with melted snow and patches of dirty ice . I n th e darknes s aroun d me , student s ridin g bicycle s o r walking wit h boo k bag s wer e returnin g t o dinne r fro m classe s i n Harvard Yard. Th e sky over th e dar k buildings an d narrow streets was a deep lustrous blue, streaked at the edges with pinkish light, and the ai r wa s col d an d damp . Nea r Folle n Stree t a smal l battere d

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Datsun was trying unsuccessfully t o park between a jacked-up Riviera and a Volvo plastered with psychedelic stickers. The sound of grinding gears mad e m e thin k of th e tim e during m y sophomore yea r when a precursor o f m y boyfrien d Hopalon g ha d gotte n ver y stone d a t th e Dartmouth game and had pursued me along Garden Street by backing up his car for a whole block , al l the while declaimin g th e words fro m the Temptations ' song "M y Girl.1' Th e inciden t ha d infuriated m e at the time, bu t now I thought o f i t as something gay and romantic, th e sort o f thin g tha t happene d constantl y t o a woma n destine d t o exercise a fatal influenc e upo n men . My feelin g o f agitatio n increase d a s I approache d th e Common . The usua l shout s an d guffaw s wer e comin g fro m th e war monumen t in the middle, where Cambridge townies liked to hang around smoking dope an d drinking wine, but they seemed fa r away. I looked throug h the row s o f leafles s maple s a t th e universit y tower s an d traffi c light s clustering ahead of me, and felt an unreasonable, blissful happiness to be walkin g i n hig h heel s an d a fu r coa t o n a clea r evenin g t o a meeting wit h a ma n wh o wa s likel y t o mea n trouble—th e kin d o f trouble that mothers and magazine articles particularly warned against. I fel t a bit lik e Ann a Karenina , burnin g with a sinful glow ; an d a s if someone besid e m e i n th e darknes s ha d spoke n a fe w passionate , muted words , i t seeme d t o m e tha t I wa s ravishingl y beautiful . I began t o preten d tha t someon e was walkin g wit h me : a love r wh o didn't resembl e m y boyfriend , o r eve n Geoffre y Knacker . Thi s imaginary lover , i n fact , didn' t hav e muc h o f an y appearanc e a t all , only a compelling simplicity of character that granted every dangerous wish I had ever had. A s I walked through the Common, giving a wide berth t o th e monument , wher e tw o long-haire d girl s wer e gigglin g beside a guy who looked lik e Jimi Hendrix, I crooked m y fingers very slightly insid e th e pocke t o f m y fur jacket, a s if I were holdin g hand s with someone. An d then I did something I never afterward admitte d to anyone , no t eve n Margaret : I recite d a poe m t o m y invisibl e companion—Donne's "Th e Flea." By th e tim e I go t t o th e Pamplona , I ha d almos t forgotte n Geoffrey Knacker , who ros e fro m hi s tiny table t o greet me , with an air of bein g slightl y startle d b y m y appearance . H e wa s a tall , thi n man wit h a mournful , rathe r handsom e fac e an d gra y halfmoon s o f skin unde r hi s eyes ; i n th e white-tiled , low-ceilinge d interio r o f th e Pamplona, surrounded by graduate students chatting over cappuccino, he appeared curiously yellowish and misanthropic, as if he'd lived most

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of his life in a remote tropical outpost. H e helped me with my coat and I ordered an ice cream. The n the two of us began to talk, rather constrainedly, about metaphysical poetry until Geoffrey began paying me heavy-handed compliments. M I always felt that behind your reserved manner in class was a rare sensitivity of nature, " he said, giving me a slow, gloomy smile, and I, who had been attracted by just that smile in the seminar, found myself filled no t wit h raptur e bu t wit h a n inexplicabl e annoyance . I t occurred to me that this meeting was just like a coffee dat e with any callow comp lit major, who would begin by throwing out portentous hints about his ideal woman and end, ritually, by suggesting we drop mescaline and swim nude in the Adams House pool. I tried to think of the romantic fact that Geoffrey Knacker was an instructor, and that both of us were flouting lovers in order to meet, but all I could seem to feel was irritation at a flat, straw-colore d mol e that Geoffrey ha d where hi s jaw me t hi s neck , an d a t th e wa y tha t a s h e talked , h e joined the tips of his fingers together and pumped them in and out in a tiny bellowslik e motion. W e were sitting at an inconspicuous table in a corner, but it seemed t o me, in my hypersensitive state, that all the othe r student s i n th e Pamplon a coul d se e th e mol e an d th e working fingertips, an d were laughing discreetly at them. As I rattled my spoon in my ice-cream dish, some demon prompted m e t o say , "Bu t certainl y yo u mus t hav e see n hundred s o f exceptional student s i n al l you r year s a s a teacher. " "Hundreds? " repeated Geoffrey Knacke r in an injured tone. "Why , no. I finished my dissertation three years ago. I am only thirty-one." We didn't really have much to say to each other. I t was clear, in fact, that our initial attraction had become puzzling and abortive, and that this meeting was one of those muted social disasters that can be devastating i f on e cares . I didn' t car e much ; nor , i t seemed , di d Geoffrey Knacker. W e shook hands and parted outside the Pamplona without eve n th e polit e device o f mentionin g plan s to get i n touch. When h e zippe d u p hi s jacke t and , wit h on e las t unhapp y smile , trudged off in his L.L. Bean boots toward Central Square, I clicked off back to Radcliffe in my high heels, feeling positively elated. Geoffre y Knacker, I decided, was a bore, but the fact of Geoffrey Knacker was exciting. A s I cam e int o Harvar d Squar e an d threade d m y way through the slush and evening traffic o n Massachusetts Avenue, the romantic sensatio n I' d ha d whil e walkin g throug h th e Commo n returned to me in full force. I seemed, agreeably, to be taking up the

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strands o f a n interrupte d idyll , an d i n m y right palm , dee p i n th e pocket of the fur jacket, was the pleasant tickling feeling that denoted the grasp of my imaginary lover. When I got back to the suite, Margaret was working on a problem sheet fo r Che m 105 , and her boyfriend—a youn g man with such an earnest, childlik e gaze that we'd nicknamed hi m Christopher Robin —was seated cross-legged on her bed, using a metal mesh contraption to sif t seed s an d stem s ou t o f a n ounce o f gras s he' d just bought . (One of Margaret's complaints about him was his methodical attitude toward se x an d drugs. ) "Oo-la-la—ver y thirties, " sai d Christophe r Robin, giving my outfit the old once-over, and then Margaret dragged me into the bathroom. "Well, what happened?" she demanded, locking the door, turning on bot h faucets , an d settling herself o n th e sink counter unde r th e enormous bosom of one of the Playmates we'd pinned up. "H e must have kissed you—or did you fall into bed together? You'r e absolutely beaming." "Knacker was actuall y kin d of a fizzle,"Isaid. "Bu t it was fun anyway." "Idiot child," said Margaret. "Tak e off that coat—you've wasted it. I knew you should have worn red stockings." When I tried to explain myself, she leaned back against the bathroom mirror , close d he r eyes , an d giggled s o tha t th e fram e o f th e mirror shook . "M y artistic roommate, " she said . "Th e woma n o f epiphanies. You'r e going to kill me with your fine points." A fe w weeks late r Margare t was dancing t o a Stones tap e a t a party in a converted airplane factory up near MIT when she ran into her adviser, Dr. Bellemere, whom she at last succeeded in calling Don. Bellemere, who was a post-doc a bit older than Geoffrey Knacker, and who fluttered hearts all through th e chem labs with his leather vest and Buffalo Bil l mustache, had had a lot of th e punch, which was a Techie grape-juice concoction laced with acid. H e led Margaret out of the strobe lights into a dark corner of the loft, kisse d her passionately, and told her he spent every lab session thinking about her legs. A triump h fo r Margaret—excep t tha t sh e inexplicabl y discovere d a preference fo r Christopher Robin , an d so th e thin g with Bellemere went no further, except for a bit of embarrassment in lab. "But there was something really solid there—a kiss, not just daydreams," Margaret told me pointedly when we discussed it later. Fo r a change, we were sitting among the scattered books and papers of my

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room while I packed my book bag to go down and visit Hopalong at Adams House. "I don't thin k th e tw o situations were so different," I said. T m afraid, sweetheart , tha t whatever we tr y to do , in our two differen t ways, we end up being just a couple of nice girls." "Oh, I hope not! " said Margaret, flopping backward on the bed. "But anyway," she went o n stubbornly afte r a minute, " a real kis s is better than an imaginary one." And she thumped her booted feet on my bedspread for emphasis. I wanted to contradict her, but then I remembered how bullheaded and tenacious Margaret could be in an argument, how tiresomely withholding of her oolong tea and the little English butter biscuits that her mother sent her , an d that I loved. I n the end I just raise d my eyebrows wit h th e ai r o f on e t o who m ha s bee n grante d highe r knowledge, and kept my mouth shut. From Sarah Phillips (1984 )

LEIGH JACKSON

Leigh Alexandra Jackson was born on 29 October 1960 in Washington, D.C., where she prepared for college at the Sidwell Friends School. A t Radcliffe she concentrated in philosophy and received her degree in 1982. For a while she worked in New York City for the Columbia University Press and for an advertising firm , an d late r too k graduat e course s a t Stanfor d University . Returning to Washington, she served from 198 6 to 1988 as assistant editor and boo k edito r o f th e fledglin g American Visions, a magazin e o f Afro American culture . I n th e summe r o f 198 8 sh e bega n writin g fo r th e Washington Post, moving in 1990 to the Philadelphia Daily News. Your Poet I s on Television I had long wanted to meet her. Whe n I was in high school, I devoured her poems. The y were exuberant, odd, written only as a true nosethumber would write them. Th e words she chose were phonetic and sassy parodies of grammatical propriety: wuz for was; cuz for because; i for I . Interest becam e a n obsession . I clippe d article s an d interview s and bits of poems, pressing the papers between th e pages of a book, like a pro m corsage . I copie d he r phrase s an d outrageou s spellin g into m y notebook wit h meticulou s reverenc e an d a favorit e pen . I memorized al l the words to the Smokey Robinson song s she quote d so lovingly. And I wondered a t her pictures. Ther e were few blacks like her in th e demurel y privilege d Washington , D.C . neighborhood wher e I grew up . Th e son s an d daughter s o f first-generatio n comfort , w e shunned flamboyance and controversy. W e learned t o hold onto our privileges a s ou r parent s ha d gaine d them : cautiously , quietly , carefully. But ther e sh e was . Photographer s snappe d he r onstag e i n

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rainbow-colored outfit s o r readin g befor e throng s o f open-mouthe d admirers. He r hai r flowe d a s freely a s her syntax . I t curled aroun d her brow n fac e i n thick , copper y dreads , an d a bras s nose-rin g sparkled ami d her freckles . There wer e th e storie s abou t he r tha t I loved . Th e rumor s o f weekend Concord e flights to Paris. O f witheringly smart debates with retrograde men , unapologeti c an d suspiciou s me n whos e criticism s I couldn't quit e understand . She was the writer I hoped t o be, and I took this fascination with me t o Harvard , packe d i t u p wit h m y cloc k radi o an d prep-schoo l yearbook, wit h m y dog-eare d cop y o f Jea n Toomer' s Cane an d m y French primer , with m y Temptations album s an d my violin. Like man y o f m y blac k classmates , I grope d fo r a sturd y bu t pliable sens e o f m y blackness, on e tha t woul d accommodat e bot h a general histor y o f oppressio n an d ou r specifi c case s o f Harvard-fe d opportunity. I t wasn't easy. We shared hardworking parents, many of whom even attended the same blac k college s an d segregated hig h schools ; we share d connec tions to southern towns—spiritual hometowns—fro m which parents or grandparents came ; w e share d favorit e singin g groups , dishe s tha t cropped u p o n famil y dinne r tables ; an d w e share d ou r Harvar d education. Who knew what this new mixture, this recombinant histor y would mean? Wh o kne w what th e creature tha t embodied thes e seemingl y contradictory experience s would loo k like ? We didn't, and we searched each others' faces nervously for signs of tha t perfec t embodimen t o f Harvar d an d black. An d we searche d our own mirrors for flaws, imbalances i n the Harvard/black equation . But there was no paradigm, no one example. Blac k came in such rich varieties at Harvard. Ther e was the swan-necked dancer, the smoothtalking Chicag o outrage , th e quietl y ambitiou s pre-med , th e sweetl y pious Mississippian. Ther e was the Detroit actor with his red painter's pants, th e charmin g Republican , th e sof t midwester n architectur e student who nodded off durin g meals, like a dormouse. Together , we defied histor y an d yet challenged eac h othe r t o meet it s standards o f blackness. W e tease d each other about dancing prowess an d diction, grades of hai r and choices o f girlfriends . No, i t wasn' t easy . Fe w coul d disentangl e thi s particula r angs t from th e knott y anxietie s tha t seeme d t o plagu e al l students : A m I smart enough? A m I disciplined enough? Wha t do I want to do with my life?

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Throughout that first year, I clung to m y poet, wore her defiant words like an amulet. When I hear d sh e wa s comin g t o rea d a t a nearb y school , I summoned th e courage t o approac h the professo r wh o invited her . "Well, why don't you come to dinner with us?" he asked. I decided I would write abou t her for the newspaper, do for her, I hoped, what she had done for me: animat e some quivering, nascent emotions; awe. The night I was to meet her, I dressed up in my tweed skirt and loafers an d me t he r a t th e downtow n hotel . Sh e wa s splendidl y draped in a spotted leopard blouse, bright turquoise cowboy boots and feather earrings that brushed her cheeks. She wa s beautifu l bu t strangel y quiet . W e struggle d throug h dinner; I, counting the greenbeans on my plate and she, jingling her bracelets with every emphatic shake of her hand. Dinner swallowed but not tasted, I followed her to the university dining hall where she was to read. Students , perched on couches and crumpled on the floor, straightened their spines as she began to read. Her hand balled into a fistthat swung before her like a pendulum, she beat out the meter of her verse. Sh e spoke softly but fiercely. The audience gasped quietly after each poem. When sh e finished , th e professo r le d he r t o a sofa wher e sh e could receive her admirers. I crept up to her. "Coul d we sit together for a few minutes to talk?" "What do you mean, talk?" she shouted. "Yo u had your chance." Her bracelets jingled on her arm as she waved her fingerat me. Th e room fell silent—except for the tinny sound of those bangles. M y face felt ho t an d sweaty. I backed awa y from her , into th e snac k table, into th e student s clustere d aroun d th e celer y stick s an d por t salu t cheese. "Excuse me," I mumbled and fled, back to my dorm room, back to Harvard. My roommate , a sloe-eye d pre-la w studen t fro m Tennessee , greeted me. Sh e had filled our room with the blue haze of a pressing comb, the biting smell of slightly seared flesh. I coughed. "Your poet is on television," she said. Sh e paused, as though to say something, and then returned to her hair. I turne d t o th e TV . Ther e was m y poet, talkin g an d gesturing with a familiar energy. Th e colors of those exotic, wonderful clothe s were gone , turned black an d white by the picture . I couldn't make out what she was discussing, but I turned the set off . (1988)

Christopher Edley in 1991

Derrick Bell in 1971

THE GREENBERG-CHAMBERS INCIDEN T HARVARD LAW SCHOOL, 1982-S3

Third Worl d Coalitio n Lette r

May 24, 1982

To the Harvard La w School Community: The Third World Coalition of Harvard Law School feels strongly that th e cours e create d an d taugh t b y forme r Harvar d La w Schoo l professor Derrick Bell, Constitutional Law and Minority Issues, should continue to be instructed by a Third Worl d professor. Thi s course is concerned wit h th e lega l syste m an d Thir d Worl d peopl e i n th e United State s and , therefore , i t i s extremel y importan t tha t i t b e taught by an instructor who can identify and empathize with the social, cultural, economic , an d politica l experience s o f th e Thir d Worl d community. The Law School community would greatly benefit i f Third World professors were brought to the School. Thir d World instructors would bring muc h neede d diversit y t o th e faculty , a s well a s improv e an d further th e La w School's academi c an d scholarly pursuits . Th e lac k of Thir d Worl d professor s a t Harvar d La w Schoo l i s no t du e t o a vacuum of qualified Third World legal professionals, but rather to the institution's inadequate search methods and the biased criteria it uses to judge prospective Third World faculty candidates. Ther e are many Third World lawyers, judges, and professors who possess the academic skills and talent t o teach a t Harvard Law School. The Third World Coalition will urge the members of its constitu-

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ent organization s t o boycot t Constitutiona l La w and Minority Issue s for th e followin g reasons : (1 ) th e extremel y lo w numbe r o f Thir d World professor s a t th e La w School , (2 ) th e appropriatenes s o f a Third World instructor to teac h the Constitutional La w and Minority Issues course , (3 ) th e availabilit y o f qualifie d Thir d Worl d lega l professionals t o teac h thi s course i n particular an d teac h a t th e La w School i n general , an d (4 ) th e inadequat e effort s o f Harvar d La w School t o fin d thes e professional s an d th e biase d criteri a i t use s t o judge prospectiv e Thir d World facult y candidates . The lack of a Third World professor t o teach Constitutional La w and Minority Issues is a manifestation o f th e larger problem of Third World appointments t o the Harvard La w School faculty . I n fact, th e entire appointment s proble m i s par t o f a large r affirmativ e actio n problem that exists at Harvard Law School. Th e Law School als o has significant affirmativ e actio n problems in admissions and the hiring of Third Worl d administrators . Thes e affirmativ e actio n problem s ca n only b e solve d i f th e institutio n i s willin g t o chang e som e o f it s structure and procedures. A n excellent way to begin addressing thes e problems woul d b e wit h th e affirmativ e actio n proposal s whic h th e Third Worl d Coalitio n ha s alread y introducte d t o Dea n [James ] Vorenberg an d various facult y members . The frustration s o f Thir d Worl d student s wit h affirmativ e actio n problems a t th e La w Schoo l i s a t it s highest leve l sinc e an y o f u s in the Third World Coalition have been here. A foru m must be provided where faculty, administrators , and students can come together and reasonably discus s solution s t o th e problem . I f suc h a foru m i s no t provided, we fear that frustrations and antagonisms will only increase. The Thir d World Coalito n

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James Vorenberg Letter

Office o f the Dean Harvard Law School Cambridge, MA July 21, 1982 Dear Second and Third Year Students: You have received today a set of materials from the School that included a new two-hour cours e on Racia l Discriminatio n an d Civil Rights taught by Julius Chambers and Jack Greenberg. A course description and biographical notes on the instructors are attached. Thi s course has been added since Preliminary Registration. Ther e is some further information relating to the course that I feel you should know. Late i n th e sprin g th e Executiv e Committe e o f th e Blac k La w Students Associatio n an d th e Thir d Worl d Coalitio n decide d t o recommend a boycot t o f th e course . I enclos e th e lette r fro m Muhammad Kenyatta, BLSA's President, to Julius Chambers and the Coalition's statemen t settin g fort h thei r respectiv e reason s fo r th e boycott. I also enclose letters from Messrs. Chambers and Greenberg responding to Mr. Kenyatta's letter. I fully understand and support the desire to increase the number of minorit y teachers at the School. Th e faculty is committed t o this goal and is actively pursuing it. I am very pleased that since the end of classe s a black lawye r ha s accepted , effectiv e nex t summer , th e School's offer of an assistant professorship, and I am hopeful that our offer to another black lawyer will be accepted. W e will continue these efforts, an d I hop e an d expec t tha t BLS A an d th e Coalitio n wil l continue to press for progress. However, I believe tha t t o boycott a course on racia l discrimination, becaus e par t o f i t i s taugh t b y a whit e lawyer , i s wron g i n

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principle and works against, not for, shared goals of racial and social justice. T o boycott a course abou t fighting discrimination, becaus e there are not more minority teachers at the School, seems inconsistent with the purpose sought. An d I believe the suggestion in the BLSA letter tha t Mr . Greenberg's views and his continuing a s Director of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund warrant an organized boycott aimed at keepin g student s fro m takin g thi s cours e i s inconsisten t wit h important principles of academic freedom. It i s importan t t o bea r i n min d who thes e tw o instructor s are . Both men—one black and one white—have devoted their working lives to using the legal system to fight fo r the rights of black people. W e are ver y please d tha t w e hav e arrange d t o hav e the m teac h a t Harvard, becaus e w e believ e ther e ar e man y student s wh o wil l welcome the opportunity to use the Winter Term to explore litigation strategy an d skill s wit h tw o o f th e nation' s mos t experience d an d effective civi l right s litigators . The y hav e als o bee n successfu l la w teachers. I hope that between now and Registration in September each of you wil l rea d th e attache d material s carefull y an d wil l decid e fo r yourself whether to take advantage of this opportunity. I apologize for intruding on your summer, which I hope is going well for you. Sincerely, James Vorenberg Dean

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Black and White at Harvard MUHAMMAD KENYATT A

Regarding th e appointmen t o f Jac k Greenber g t o teac h minorit y issues at Harvard, we are not protesting Greenberg's race [Aug. 23]. Black student s an d other s ar e lobbyin g fo r desegregatio n o f th e virtually all-white faculty at Harvard Law. A t issue is the rectitude of affirmative actio n a s a remedy fo r raciall y exclusive hirin g patterns. If Harvard and its defenders ca n convince the American people that affirmative actio n equal s anti-whit e racism , the n ever y affirmativ e action policy at any school or workplace is in jeopardy. I f this issue has "no validity" to Jack Greenberg, what must be questioned i s not his color but his competence to represent critical black interests. Muhammad Kenyatta, President Harvard Black Law Students Association Harvard Law School Cambridge, Mass. Time (September 27, 1982)

[Muhammad Isaiah Kenyatta (1944-92), A.B. (Williams) 1981, received his J.D. from Harvard in 1984.—Eds.]

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The Boycot t a t Harvard : Should Teachin g B e Colorblind ? CHRISTOPHER EDLE Y JR .

Christopher Fairfiel d Edle y Jr . wa s bor n i n Bosto n o n 1 3 January 1953 . After receivin g a B.A. from Swarthmore College in 1973 , he followed i n his father's footstep s by entering Harvard Law School, where he had the honor of being elected t o the Harvard Law Review and earned hi s J.D. cum laude in 1978. Simultaneousl y he garnered a Master of Public Policy degree from Harvard's Kenned y Schoo l o f Government . Follo w governmen t job s i n Washington, D.C. , h e accepte d appointmen t t o th e Harvar d La w Schoo l faculty i n 1981 , receiving tenure in 1987.

Yes, it' s preposterou s o n it' s face : blac k student s a t Harvar d La w School boycottin g a civi l right s cours e t o b e taugh t b y tw o visitin g superstar civi l rights attorneys , because on e o f th e attorney s i s white. The uproa r fro m al l over has been remarkabl e t o those of us who ar e always surprise d t o se e ho w muc h attentio n th e rea l worl d pay s t o events i n Cambridge . Bu t a s yo u migh t imagine , thing s ar e mor e complicated tha n the y appear . First, m y abbreviate d versio n o f th e "facts. " Fo r severa l years , Harvard's first tenure d blac k law professor taugh t a successful cours e on race , racism an d th e law. Bu t when Derric k Bel l left i n Decembe r 1980 to become dean of Oregon's law school, black students and some others began pressin g the facult y t o ensur e both tha t Bell' s course b e continued in some manner an d that the one black who was left amon g some 6 5 professors di d no t remai n i n solitary splendor. N o problem , so far. Withi n a couple of months, in the spring of 1981 , the faculty' s continuing bu t desultor y hirin g proces s actuall y produce d offer s t o three young blacks . I accepted ; th e othe r tw o neede d mor e tim e t o

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think. So, this past year, my first as an untenured assistant professor, there were tw o o f u s on th e faculty . Ther e wa s n o cours e analogou s t o Bell's, but others covered some of that material. Throughou t the year, students became increasingly concerned that there was no convincing faculty commitment either to the course or to minority hiring. O f the two minority job offers still outstanding, one person foolishly decided to go teach at Yale, and the other continued to play hard to get—the students were, as always, told virtually nothing about what was going on. An d the faculty had a series of discussions about having visitors teach a course on race, but those discussions occurred rather late in the year, leaving little maneuvering room for the dean and his advisers to solve the course coverage problem for this coming year. Ultimately, the faculty approved a list of possible visiting instructors to teach the course during the school's intensive January semester, in which a full course is compressed into three weeks, meeting every day and occupying th e students ' full credi t loa d fo r tha t mini-semester . (It's often a more practical teaching schedule for visiting teachers with regular employment elsewhere, like judges and lawyers.) Dea n James Vorenberg, himsel f a membe r o f th e boar d o f th e NAAC P Lega l Defense an d Educatio n Fun d (LDF) , aske d Juliu s LeVonn e Chambers, LD F president , t o teac h th e course . Chambers , who is black, is a legendary figure among civil rights attorneys of this or any generation, havin g handle d countles s majo r cases, includin g severa l landmark Supreme Court cases. Chamber s considered, but decided his schedule would not allow him to take on the whole burden, and suggested that Jack Greenberg, who is white, be appointed to teach the course jointly . Greenberg , director-counse l o f LDF , ha s bee n th e chief executive officer of LDF since succeeding Thurgood Marshall in 1962 and , lik e Chambers , ha s bee n a majo r figur e i n civi l right s litigation since the dawn of the modern movement. Th e dean agreed to the package deal, and many of us were excited at the prospect of a cours e coverin g fou r area s tha t thes e tw o towerin g figure s hav e been absolutely central in shaping: school desegregation, voting rights, capital punishment and employment rights. Th e plot thickens. Meanwhile, o n th e appointment s front , th e schoo l announce d a slew of white male appointments for the coming year, with no apparent progres s o n minorit y hiring . B y th e en d o f th e spring , th e Chambers-Greenberg package was arranged, but when the black students hear d abou t it , man y o f the m wer e dismayed . Ther e wer e

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several reactions—and remember that this is a collection of some 140 people, not a monolithic political cell: ange r that the best the faculty seemed abl e o r willing t o d o o n th e hirin g fron t wa s t o appoin t a temporary visitor, Chambers , who is avowedly uninterested i n being considered fo r a regular professorial appointment ; ange r that ther e was no solution to the problem of findingaregular faculty member to teach a course on rac e and the law , only this stop-gap measure for 1982-83; ange r tha t th e schoo l fel t i t necessar y t o hir e a whit e instructor for a course black students felt wa s a particularly natural target for minority hiring, and which they felt would be more suited to their needs if taught by a minority instructor (more on this later). After interna l discussions , th e Blac k La w Student s Associatio n decided to organize a boycott of the Chambers-Greenberg course for early September when students return to Cambridge and register for their full year of courses . Bu t thi s all occurred a s May exams were getting under way, and there was no time for it to develop into a great cause for th e whole community . Ther e was, however, tim e fo r the faculty to think about the boycott and the reasons BLSA gave for it. Their reactio n wa s t o focu s o n BLSA' s personalize d attac k o n Greenberg and his participation i n the course, attacks that many on the faculty feel violated basic principles of academic freedom as well as th e libera l integrationis t ethic—th e ide a tha t someon e otherwis e superbly qualifie d t o teac h a cours e shoul d b e barre d becaus e o f ideology or especially race is anathema. Beyond this , however , th e manne r i n which th e student s frame d their justification fo r a boycot t di d littl e t o cal l attentio n t o thei r essential objections : hirin g part-time people is an unacceptable way of dealing with the need for more minority faculty members and for course offerings concernin g problem s of race . A furthe r argument , admittedly mor e problemati c t o many , i s tha t a cours e o n racis m taught b y a white wil l probabl y b e differen t fro m a similar cours e taught by a black; the students want at least th e latter, and will not settle fo r th e forme r alone—nor , the y insisted , fo r th e Chambers Greenberg joint venture, which they viewed as a half-measure. All of this became a matter of public discussion when the dean sent a mid-summe r lette r t o th e entir e studen t bod y that , i n a sense , warned the m tha t thi s controversy would awai t them in September. He enclose d th e basic exchange of correspondenc e betwee n BLSA, Chambers and Greenberg. It is important to discern what this controversy is not about. I t is

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not, despit e ill-considere d word s b y som e students , abou t whethe r Chambers and Greenberg have done great things for civilization or are capable o f teachin g a n inspirin g course : anyon e who woul d doubt these propositions i s just stupid, in my view, an d should be ignored. Nor is it a controversy about race as a criterion fo r selecting faculty members in the abstract, because no one I have spoken to at Harvard argues tha t certain subjects should b e taugh t only by people with a particular complexion, ethnicity, political persuasion or configuration of reproductiv e organs. An d finally, this is not a controversy about either th e nee d fo r mor e tha n tw o minority professor s a t th e huge Harvard Law School, o r the need fo r courses concerned with problems of minorities. O n all of these matters, there is consensus if not unanimity. Tha t is a tribute to all of the members of that community, and certainly could not have been said a few short years ago. (I n late spring, b y th e way , th e unanswere d minorit y jo b offe r wa s finall y accepted, and an offer was made to an additional person, who has all but accepted. S o it now seems likely that in 1983-8 4 the number of minority faculty will double from two to four. Student s have yet to be fully informed about the details of these developments.) There is, however, an important debate about whether race should be a consideration whe n th e schoo l matche s instructor s t o cours e offerings. I t is not dissimilar to the question of assigning minority and white reporter s t o differen t storie s a t a newspaper , o r matchin g Foreign Servic e officer s t o diplomati c posts . D o th e precept s o f academic freedom an d liberalism mea n tha t curricular an d teaching decisions should be colorblind? Well, ideally, but not now. D u Bois was right about the continuing importance of race in this century, and students and practitioners of law shoul d b e amon g th e first to recogniz e that . Rac e remain s a useful prox y fo r a whole collectio n o f experiences , aspiration s an d sensitivities, in at least as strong a way as anyone's ethnic heritage or professional experience s shap e the way he understands and explains life. It' s not just a matter of having a particular slant on things; it's a question of what kind of glasses you've been wearing as the years roll by. There i s no question that I teach administrativ e law the way I do in part because of my experiences in government an d my training as a polic y analyst ; a colleague teache s corporat e financ e th e wa y he does i n part because hi s many years of experienc e a s a practitioner give hi m a perspective o n what i s really important i n the field, and

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how it should be handled. Ther e is a familiar expression: "yo u are what you eat." I t is similarly true that we teach what we have lived, and this may be particularly true in a field like law, which is, after all, about life and how it is or ought to be ordered. Greenberg an d Chambers have been idol s of min e since I was a very small kid. Man y is the night Fve paced around tangled in frustration because it seems so incredibl y unlikely that in my life I will be able to make anything remotely approaching the magnitude of their contribution t o th e caus e o f justice fo r blac k Americans . Bu t i t is undeniable, though ironic, that despite their accomplishments race still matters a great deal. An d for some subjects, the courses will probably be different, and certainly be perceived as being different, when taught by a white rather than a black. Bot h courses could be valuable. Both , for now, may be necessary. Washington Post (August 18 , 1982)

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A Question of Credential s

DERRICK BEL L JR.

Derrick Albert Bel l Jr. was born in Pittsburgh o n 6 November 1930 . H e received an A.B. in political science from Duquesne University in 1952, and an LL.B. from the University of Pittsburgh Law School in 1957. Followin g several jobs in government and with the NAACP, he became lecturer at the Harvard La w School i n 1969 . Sinc e 197 1 he ha s been professo r o f law, except fo r 1981-85 , when h e was dean o f th e Universit y o f Orego n Law School. H e was named t o th e Wel d Chai r i n 1989 , and hold s honorar y degrees from Tougaloo College, Northeastern University, and Mercy College.

Denigration by much of the white community appears to be the usual price of progres s by blacks in this country. Harvard' s black la w students are learning this curious racial fact of life first hand in the wake of th e lates t i n a decade-lon g effor t t o convinc e th e facult y o f th e country's mos t prestigiou s la w school t o hir e mor e blac k an d othe r minority law teachers. In recen t weeks , newspaper s acros s th e countr y hav e enlivene d their page s during the summer doldrums with reports tha t Harvard' s black students plan to boycott a civil rights course next year in order to protest the school's hiring of a white civil rights lawyer to teach the course. Withou t botherin g t o intervie w studen t leaders , editoria l writers have condemned th e boycott a s reverse racism. Belated Intensity In general, the media have adopted a self-righteous stanc e agains t this suppose d discriminatio n b y black s that , i f levele d wit h equa l intensity agains t whit e racism , migh t hav e eliminate d tha t evi l lon g

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ago. Bu t ther e i s a special joy , motivate d b y guilt, tha t come s t o whites when they can interpret actions by the black victims of racism as somehow small manifestations o f th e massive discrimination the y have committed or condoned since the country's birth. It was not a happy summer for boycott proponents, but there may be a lesson in another recent news story reporting that the late Jackie Robinson had been honored at Cooperstown, New York, for his pivotal role in breaking the color line in professional baseball. Perhap s the message from Cooperstown to Cambridge is that Harvard's affirmative actio n policie s will continu e t o rais e fears abou t los s of th e vaunted Harvar d qualit y unti l th e La w Schoo l ca n locat e an d hire academic equivalents of Jackie Robinson. Last year, the country's best-known law school caused consternation in some circles when the student-run Law Review decided to consider race as a factor in selecting its membership. Th e Law Review's action was frankly intended to increase the small number of blacks and other minorities who have served on the prestigious legal periodical's staff. Critics of the decision predicted a fall t o mediocrity of one of the last institution s i n whic h applicant s fo r membershi p wer e judge d strictly on thei r grades and the quality of unsigne d writing samples. For their part, black law students, the supposed beneficiaries o f th e plan, viewed it as a patronizing means of protecting with a thin veneer of tokenis m a selection syste m tha t favor s students who come from elite, upper-clas s backgrounds . Bot h side s agree d tha t th e Review should have more black students, but how qualified applicants were to be determined was the critical issue. In th e mos t recen t controversy , Harvard' s Blac k La w Studen t Association and a Third World Coalition of minority law students have called fo r a boycot t o f a racia l discriminatio n cours e primaril y t o protest wha t seeme d unacceptabl y slo w progres s i n locatin g an d offering full-tim e teachin g positions t o black lawyers. Th e students were disappointe d tha t Harvar d di d no t us e th e civi l right s cours e opening t o hire and take a close loo k a t a black teacher who might later be considered for a permanent faculty position. During th e summer , th e La w Schoo l announce d tha t on e blac k lawyer had accepted a n offer t o join th e regular faculty in 1983-84, and another black lawyer has been given an offer for the same year. If they both come, the number of regular black faculty would increase from tw o t o four . I t seem s saf e t o assum e tha t minority-studen t persistence played more than a minor role in this faculty recruitment

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effort. In retrospect , i t ma y no t hav e bee n tacticall y wis e fo r th e blac k students to frankly indicat e displeasure with the two well-known civil rights lawyer s hire d t o teac h a civil rights cours e durin g th e Winte r Term. The y hav e take n thei r lump s fo r thei r candor , an d i t i s now appropriate t o examine more carefully an d calmly the basis for thei r concerns. Specifically, the black students believe that the two appointees, Jack Greenberg an d Juliu s Chambers , who are , respectively, th e directo r counsel and president of the Board of the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc., are too committed t o the civil rights goals of the 1950s to effectively delineat e contemporary racial issues in the law for blac k students. Request for Turnover Again, the issu e is qualifications. Bot h Greenber g an d Chamber s have exemplar y record s i n civi l right s litigation , bu t th e student s question the Legal Defense Fund's litigation priorities in recent years. They als o express th e vie w that whil e Greenberg' s contribution s t o civil rights have been great, he should long since have recognized th e symbolic value of his position to the black community and turned over the leadership post to a black lawyer. Ji m Lorenz, a white lawyer who helped star t th e highl y successful Californi a Rural Lega l Assistanc e program i n the 1960s , turned ove r hi s director's positio n afte r a few years to a Mexican-American lawye r for precisel y this reason. Civil right s organization s generall y hav e integrate d staffs , but virtually al l o f them , includin g th e majo r Jewis h groups , ar e le d b y members o f th e minorit y th e organizatio n wa s establishe d t o serve . The value of such leadership for blacks is not merely symbolic. Whe n Thurgood Marshal l wa s director o f th e Lega l Defens e Fund , blac k lawyers aroun d th e country , bu t particularl y th e South , place d hi s photograph i n a prominen t spo t i n thei r office s a s a reminde r t o clients that black lawyers could and did handle cases competently and gain victories in the court. We now know that dozens of editorial writers and, we must assume, a substantial portion of the literate citizenry, take strong exception to the black students' evaluation of Greenberg's value to civil rights and his potential a s a teacher. Tha t th e students als o objected t o Julius Chambers raised fa r les s comment. The phenomenon is not new. Ther e is a tendency to elevate whites

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who have done substantial service in the civil rights cause to a quasisacred statu s tha t i s beyon d criticism , a t leas t b y blacks . Thes e individuals ar e heroe s t o whites . The y hav e don e fo r black s wha t blacks have not been abl e to do for themselves. The y are proof tha t not al l white s ar e racist . Black s shoul d sho w a prope r respec t fo r their accomplishment s undilute d b y petty carping over the details of their performance . When th e blac k law students ignore d thi s unwritten rul e of racia l conduct, the y incurre d thi s summer tha t characte r o f publi c outrag e which Frederic k Douglas s experienced i n th e 19t h century when h e dared to suggest that the assistance of white Abolitionists, while muchappreciated, di d not entitle them t o an unchallenged leadershi p rol e in the movement t o end slavery. Qualifications a t Issue But while self-appointed defender s o f Jack Greenberg's civil rights credentials were taking blind-side shots at the students all summer, the real issue remained qualifications. Harvar d officials insist that they are searching for qualified , minorit y faculty, an d Dean James Vorenber g reportedly told the students that he would prefer "a n excellent white teacher" for th e civil rights course over a "mediocre black one." N o one can disagree with the dean's preferences, but obviously, the black students defin e excellenc e an d mediocrit y ver y differentl y fro m th e way their dean does. One coul d wish that abilit y in th e classroom coul d b e determine d as clearly an d a s directly a s it i s on th e playin g field . Whe n Jacki e Robinson finally made it to the major leagues, his outstanding perfor mance, as measured by his batting average, bases stolen, and fielding plays made, left n o room fo r debat e abou t qualifications . Robinso n was a super-star , an d hi s consistentl y outstandin g pla y ende d al l reasonable argumen t abou t th e inferiorit y o f black s i n professiona l sports. But ther e ar e fe w performanc e statistic s i n la w schoo l teaching . Faculty ar e hired , i n th e main , base d o n potential , an d potentia l i s determined i n large part b y where th e applican t wen t t o la w school and how well he or she performed there . Th e law school equivalent of Jacki e Robinso n wh o lacke d thes e credentials , i n th e absenc e of vigorous insistenc e b y black students , would likel y no t ge t a secon d look from Harvard . It shoul d b e sai d tha t Harvar d ha s don e abou t a s well i n hirin g

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minority la w teachers a s most othe r mainly-whit e la w schools. Lik e other schools , Harvard ende d generations of all-white-mal e teachin g staffs i n th e lat e 1960 s i n respons e t o th e rathe r vigorou s protes t activities of minority students, aided by the effective suppor t of some faculty members. In 1969 , afte r a doze n year s o f litigatio n an d administrativ e experience with both privat e an d government civi l rights agencies , I became th e first blac k o n th e Harvar d La w School' s permanen t faculty. Grante d tenur e in 1971, 1 taught ther e for eleven years, and developed a civil rights course based o n my law text, "Race, Racism, and America n Law. " Whil e I taugh t othe r course s i n th e Constitu tional La w area , m y major contributio n wa s i n th e la w of race , th e area of both m y practice and lif e experience. My academic record, good grades and a law review editorship at the University of Pittsburgh Law School, ordinarily would not have gained me muc h consideratio n fo r a facult y positio n a t Harvard , wher e qualifications includ e extraordinary grade s fro m Harvar d o r anothe r major law school, a clerkship on the U.S. Supreme Court, and perhaps a few years at one of the country's prestigiou s law firms. Fallen Barriers There i s a strong presumptio n tha t applicant s with credential s o f this characte r hav e teachin g an d scholarl y potential . Becaus e ther e are no longer any overt racial barriers at Harvard, some faculty believe it i s a s wron g t o conside r rac e a s a positiv e qualificatio n i n hirin g teachers a s i t wa s t o us e i t a s a n excus e t o ba r black s lik e Jacki e Robinson fro m professiona l sports . But lega l education i s more complicated tha n baseball . Rac e can create a s legitimate a presumption a s a judicial clerkshi p i n filling a teaching position intended t o interpret t o law students the impact of racial discrimination o n the law and lawyering. Th e special and quite valuable perspective on law and life in this country that a black person can provid e i s no t limite d t o civi l right s issues , a s Suprem e Cour t Justice Thurgood Marshall's thundering dissents have proven over the years. Quite often durin g my years at Harvard, my views on policy matters differed substantiall y fro m thos e hel d b y m y colleagues. Whil e my minority positions seldom prevailed, I like to think they made possible a fuller discussio n of issues than would otherwise have been possible. Is it onl y fortuitous tha t Prof . Chris Edley' s Washington Post Op-ed

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piece provide d almos t th e onl y enlightene d commen t o n th e blac k student boycott publishe d thi s summer? Stymied Efforts My effort s a t Harvar d t o recrui t mor e black s wit h background s similar t o min e wer e stymie d b y facult y wh o preferre d t o wai t fo r applicants wit h academi c credential s lik e thei r own , bu t wh o jus t happened to be black. Black s with high-level academic credentials do exist. Understandably , some prefer th e far mor e lucrative life of biglaw-firm practic e to teaching. Three blacks with outstanding academic credentials were hired, and two were tenured , a t Harvar d durin g the years afte r I arrived . Th e first wa s Prof . Clyd e Ferguson , a n exper t i n civi l procedur e an d international law. Th e second, Harry Edwards, is now a federal judge on the U.S. Court o f Appeals for th e District of Columbia . A third, Christopher Edley Jr., was one of the handful of blacks who served on the Harvard Law Review, an d las t yea r joine d th e facult y a s a n assistant professor . But neithe r Ferguso n no r Edle y i s currentl y a specialis t i n civi l rights law. Afte r I left Harvar d at the end of 1980, some 500 students petitioned th e schoo l t o hir e someon e t o "teac h Derric k Bell' s civil rights course. " The y specificall y requeste d tha t a black teache r b e hired fo r th e course. Unique Insidiousness As two of the more than 15 0 black students put it in a letter to the dean in March, 1982, "While the Civil Rights movement or experience has touched many, we feel strongly that the course we seek should be taught b y a professo r wh o ha s personall y experience d th e uniqu e insidiousness of racism in the United States." Rather clearly , the reques t i s not revers e racism . I t i s a call for a teacher whose credentials includ e experiences i n and with American racism simila r t o thos e th e student s hav e alread y suffered . Unles s there i s a miraculou s racia l refor m quit e soon , thes e student s a s lawyers, and thei r blac k clients , will likely have t o fac e suc h experi ences for th e remainder of their lives. Harvard's black students do not wish to decide who should be hired to teach there. Thi s is properly a faculty responsibility. The y do not even begrudg e th e subtl e bu t rea l eg o gratificatio n tha t mus t com e when Harvar d facult y selec t ne w teachers with credentials quite lik e

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their own . Obviously , som e person s wit h outstandin g academi c records become good teachers and some do not. Similarly , not every black lawyer can bring to the classroom the insights and understanding the students seek. Bu t some clearly can. The y are needed, and a civil rights course is an ideal means to test tha t ability . Index of Success The correlation betwee n goo d grade s and academi c success is not so close that the school should reject th e students' suggestion that at least one civil rights teacher, in a school with so large a faculty, should have experienced, as well as worked to end, racial discrimination. Th e racial outlook fo r Harvard' s blac k students, an d fo r tha t matter , th e country, is not so bright that there is no need for a teacher who in the context o f a n academi c offering i s able t o speak i n depth an d detai l about th e contradiction s an d dilemma s tha t wil l com e wit h blac k professional status. Indeed, early in the course, this teacher might try to explain why a society which , afte r sanctionin g centurie s o f slaver y an d th e mos t debilitating policies of racial discrimination, needs to believe that th e deep racial injustices it has condoned may best be cured by convincing black victims that what they and theirs have experienced has no significance, an d surel y i s not th e credentialin g equivalen t o f straight- A grades in a mainstream, mainly white law school. Harvard Law Record (1982)

Far ahGriffin in 1985

FARAH GRIFFI N

Farah Jasmin e Griffi n wa s born i n Philadelphi a o n 2 3 February 1963 , and prepared fo r colleg e a t th e Baldwi n Schoo l fo r Girl s i n Bry n Mawr , Pennsylvania. A s a n undergraduat e sh e wa s a reporte r fo r th e Harvard Crimson and was also active in several black organizations. Sh e received her degree in 198 5 with honor s in History an d Literature. Followin g a period as research associat e for Judg e A Leo n Higginbotha m Jr . i n Philadelphia , she embarked o n a Ph.D. program i n America n Studie s at Yal e in th e fal l of 1986 . Sh e receive d a fellowshi p fro m th e America n Associatio n o f University Women to complete a dissertation on migration and urbanization in African-American cultur e and obtained he r doctorate i n 1992.

On Hai r an d Harvar d

Upon enterin g Holworth y 2 2 i n th e fal l o f 1981 , I wandered int o th e bathroom an d confronte d a big, old , whit e urinal . Thi s buildin g wa s not erected wit h me in mind, I thought. So , after thre e weeks of dail y confrontations wit h tha t contraptio n an d al l that i t came t o represen t for me , I left on e institution o f education an d acculturation—Harvard , in searc h o f another—a n old-fashione d blac k hairshop . I foun d Lucielle's i n th e no t ye t gentrifie d Sout h End . Whereve r I've travele d i n thi s country , I'v e bee n abl e t o fin d place s lik e this , where funk , jazz , rhyth m an d blue s o r gospe l emanat e fro m well equipped soun d systems , or ol d radios , and where nex t door there' s a fried chicke n joint, on the corner a Chinese take-out place , and acros s the street a bar. Lucielle's wa s no different, bu t it was special becaus e it was my first. Afte r thre e week s a t Harvar d i t fel t goo d t o hea r th e

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heartfelt laughte r an d melodi c voice s o f blac k women . Th e plac e reminded m e o f m y grandmother' s kitche n an d tha t wa s criterio n enough fo r me. Luciell e was a small honey-brown woman of about sixty years or so who coddled me, called me baby and fussed over "all that thick, beautiful hai r on your head, Child!" Poor, black and female, I sought out black beauticians in search of my sanity for the next four years: me n and women, young, old, gay, straight, conservative, radical, even a few evangelists featured in this motley cre w tha t reaffirme d m y value a s a thinking , feeling , an d growing youn g woman . Throug h hour s o f pres s an d curl s (n o chemicals, than k you), cuts, trims, and braids I sat and prepared for another tw o weeks o f Harvard . W e would tal k abou t politics , sex, relationships and God. Afte r one of these sessions I always returned to Cambridge feeling relaxed and renewed. If hairshop s wer e place s wher e I establishe d m y equilibrium , Harvard was the place where it was again shattered. Fo r me this was both a triumph and a tragedy. Harvar d was a sea of contradictions. On the one hand , I sat in a lecture given by a noted historia n who painted a portrai t o f th e Ol d South , sentimenta l an d ful l o f littl e "playful pickaninnies " (those wer e hi s words); on th e othe r hand , I came to know and love "my professor" Nathan Huggins, who taught me t o begi n takin g mysel f seriousl y a s a n intellectua l an d t o b e committed to establishing African-American subject matter as material worthy of scholarly inquiry. In th e journa l entrie s I kep t fo r m y Histor y an d Literatur e sophomore tutoria l I found myself engaged in a written debate with one o f m y tutors. I n response to my frustration ove r the dearth of black authors on his syllabus, he wrote that he was forced by time to limit his selection to major American authors. "Henr y James, my dear, is major because people like you have made him so," I thought. Whe n I aske d this same tuto r i f I could write m y paper on D u Bois ' The Souls of Black Folk, h e said no because he had never read Du Bois. In contrast, I also met an exciting recently arrived professor who brought suc h energy , enthusias m an d dedication t o hi s teachin g o f African-American literatur e that he inspired me to want to stimulate a group of students the way he stimulated me. H e made me want to teach, t o writ e an d h e an d Professo r Huggin s encourage d m e t o pursue graduate study. Thei r confidence i n my intellectual abilitie s sustained me in much the same way as did those Thursday afternoons in hairshops.

Farah Griffin

All

At Harvard, a reader of my senior thesis complained of my failure to place Frances Harper, a 19th-century black novelist, poet, essayist and political activist , i n the contex t o f large r white women's move ments. I n fact, I thought the thesis was problematic because I spent so much time placing Harper in this context that I neglected t o deal with her in the depth she so well deserved. Ou r differing perceptions of the weakness of the essay reflected our different understandings of Harper's significance a s a historical figure. Between 198 1 an d 1985 , th e deconstructionis t literar y criti c Barbara Johnson was the only Harvard professor doing work on black women. However , through the various lectures, dinners and master's teas sponsored by the Afro-American Studies Department, Radcliffe, and interested individuals , I met Toni Morrison , Alice Walker , and Paule Marshall. A t Radcliffe, where the Black Women's Oral History Project was underway, I came into contact with scholars of the newly emerging field o f Blac k Women' s Studies: Valeri e Smith , Deborah McDowell and Linda Perkins were all fellows at the Bunting Institute during my years in Cambridge. Durin g a lecture give by Perkins at the end of my freshman year I first learned of those dynamic 19th-century black women an d i t was the n tha t I decide d t o write m y thesis o n Frances Harper. The culmination of this avenue of my intellectual curiosity was the conception and organization of the first Radcliffe Conference on the Study o f Blac k Wome n i n America n History . Wit h Jane t Bixby , a political whit e feminist , I dreamt, lobbie d an d helpe d t o brin g into fruition a two-day conference tha t drew on scholars from th e entire country. Ou r greatest resource was past and present Bunting Institute fellows. Her e were the models for whom I had been searching. The y weren't visible at Harvard, so with financial assistance from Radcliffe, Education fo r Action , th e Harvar d Foundatio n fo r Rac e Relations , and th e Radcliff e Unio n o f Students , an d wit h th e suppor t o f m y mentors, Professors Huggins and Sollors, and Radcliffe's Dean Phillipa Bovet, Janet and I imported them. In short, the contradictions of Harvard taught me Mto make a way out of no way." Tha t was one of the most valuable lessons I learned during my four years in and around Beantown. I t was reiterated in black hairshops in Roxbury, Mattapan, Dorchester, Medford and the now gentrifie d Sout h End . Th e secon d mos t valuabl e lesso n wa s taught me by five sister/roommates. W e were as different a s could be in demeanor, opinio n an d economic status . Som e o f ou r commo n

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threads were our blackness, our femaleness an d Harvard. W e were six spoiled littl e divas who had always been th e stars in somebody's world, suddenl y throw n togethe r an d formin g wha t woul d becom e possibly the most importan t relationshi p o f ou r lives. Fo r eighteen years we had been the "Only." Suddenly, we were forced to recognize that there is no "only"; there are always more smart, talented, black girls out there. W e also grew to understand that there was no threat in our newly discovered numbers, just strength and to some extent a certain degree of power. These two lessons of my Harvard years prepared me in unexpected ways to mee t a world ful l o f contradiction s wher e equilibrium s ar e always on the brink of destruction. No w I simply paraphrase Aaron Copland's "New York": I f I made it there (in Cambridge) I'll make it anywhere—provided, o f course , I fin d a littl e music-fille d blac k hairshop. (1988)

JUDITH JACKSO N

Judith Barbar a Jackso n wa s bor n i n Chicag o o n 3 Novembe r 1965 , and prepared fo r colleg e at th e Universit y of Chicag o Laborator y Schools . A t Harvard sh e won several scholarships , participate d i n black organizations , served fo r tw o years as a freshman prefect , an d hel d post s on th e business board o f the Harvard Crimson. I n 198 7 she received he r A.B. in Literature magna cum laude. Followin g graduatio n sh e bega n wor k a s a financia l analyst for Morgan Stanley & Co. in Chicago before embarking on graduate work in English a t Princeto n University .

Trying t o Brea k Ou t o f th e Isolatio n

I cam e t o Harvar d thinkin g I coul d becom e a s muc h a par t o f thi s environment a s anyone else. I envisioned mysel f maturin g intellectu ally, personall y an d sociall y i n Cambridge . I ha d attende d whit e schools—public, private an d parochial—al l m y life an d ha d excelled . I worked har d an d was admitted here . Why , I thought, should Harvar d be s o muc h differen t fro m m y previou s educationa l experiences ? After fou r years, I realize the biggest joke I ever played on mysel f was thinking tha t I could in fact becom e a s comfortable i n this place as an Eliot o r a Cabo t o r a n Agassiz . I arrive d her e freshma n yea r wit h som e ver y unrealisti c expecta tions. I thought , o r a t leas t I ha d bee n told , tha t colleg e woul d b e filled wit h compassionat e roommate s an d friends, a n activ e social an d extracurricular lif e an d enlightened intellectua l pursuits . M y first sla p in the fac e cam e from m y two white roommates (bot h fro m suburban , middle-class families). The y obviously felt uncomfortabl e with me and

Judith Jackson in 1987

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the fact that we were now equals, peers even, since Harvard Admissions had given us all their stamp of approval. I think it was the first time the y ha d encountere d someon e blac k who was fro m a similar family background and was smart enough to get in here. W e all went our separate ways when May rolled around. My next blo w occurre d whe n I steppe d int o th e office s o f th e Harvard Crimson. I worked on both the newspaper and yearbook in high school. I felt prepared. Nothin g could have been further from the truth. I had never met so many uptight people until I decided to "comp" business. M y peer s o n th e new s an d editoria l staff s wer e amazed tha t I kne w what th e New Republic wa s an d tha t th e New York Times did indeed come all the way to Chicago. I interacted with "Crimeds" who had problems dealing with me since it is possible that the only other black woman they had previously encountered was a maid. I began to doubt myself for wanting to join a staff where there were so few blacks or women or anyone who acted reasonable. M y love-hate relationshi p wit h th e pape r continues . Th e wor k ca n be exhilarating, though the people usually are not. I wish in many ways that I had been abl e to recruit mor e minorities here, but maybe my inability (or unwillingness) speaks for itself. Wh y did I need to bring people of color here for them to be listened to only when an editorial needed a "minority" perspective? My third slap in the face came when I sought out members of my own racial community. I naively thought that th e blacks I had been unimpressed by in high school would be miraculously transformed into together, committe d peopl e i n college. Needles s t o say , th e Black Students Association meetings freshman year were long, boring, repetitive and poorly attended. I stopped going when the supposedly wise upperclassmen officers starting asking us what they were supposed to be doing. Ho w was I to know when I had just arrived? I turned to the better-organized Associatio n of Blac k Radcliffe Wome n instead and later became a steering committee member. Looking back, I wonder why I though t everyon e els e shoul d be together if I was confused, too. A s my expectations have moved from hopelessly idealistic to relatively realistic during the last three years, I have become les s and less ambivalent abou t my place in the black community. I t i s th e onl y hom e an y of u s hav e ami d th e cultura l storm of a n isolating Harvar d world, an d if I do no t tr y to mak e it better, who will? My fourt h blo w cam e whe n I trie d t o tak e a n Englis h cours e

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offered b y the Afro-America n Studie s Department . A n advise r tol d me i n n o uncertai n term s tha t th e departmen t wa s on shak y groun d and their courses were not successful. I was learning fast that Harvard was no t providin g m e wit h th e have n tha t al l m y other school s ha d and som e innocen t expectation s crumble d befor e m y eyes . I wa s between a rock and a hard place, finding no institutional support from my adviser , an d havin g littl e camaraderi e wit h m y roommate s o r cultural support from the black community. I finally stopped listenin g solely t o m y expectations an d hear d mysel f fo r th e firs t tim e durin g the winte r o f sophomor e year . I lef t m y initial concentratio n i n th e social science s fo r th e humanities . Literature provided me not only with a safe haven and some theoretical tools , bu t als o a wa y t o discove r th e depth s an d breadt h o f Afro-American literatur e afte r findin g th e courag e t o ignor e m y adviser's earlie r statement s abou t th e departmen t an d it s offerings . Harvard may have attempted to squelch my interest in a discipline that it ha s onl y grudgingl y recognize d i n th e las t twent y years, but i t was only afte r I shrugge d of f m y adviser' s advic e tha t m y brai n starte d functioning. It is no wonder that I have since realized that I can only be in this place, not of it. Afte r freshman year and the intellectual, personal and social successe s an d failure s of th e nex t thre e years tha t tempered it , perhaps i t shoul d no t surpris e anyon e tha t I sometime s thin k tha t maybe, just maybe , anothe r school migh t hav e served m e just a s well as, i f no t bette r than , thes e hallowe d Ne w Englan d halls . Wha t i s even mor e frightenin g tha n thi s initia l realizatio n i s th e memor y o f how committe d I was an d ho w I nearly fough t t o com e her e when I could hav e gone t o a Howard o r a Spelman or a Fisk or a Hampton, predominantly blac k college s tha t offe r a nurturin g environmen t i n which t o gro w intellectually , personall y an d socially . The y ar e th e schools wher e thos e friendship s fo r lif e ar e mad e tha t m y parent s (alumni o f blac k colleges themselves ) alway s brag about. So now I wonder why I deluded myself into thinking that Harvard would pande r t o m y need s whe n instea d I coul d hav e attende d a smaller, more supportive institution in which the flashes of intellectual brilliance I experienced here might have metamorphosed into sustained sunlight. I wonder why I kidded mysel f when I could have been a part o f a n activ e socia l lif e lik e th e on e i n whic h m y olde r siste r matured a t Fisk . I wonder wh y I foole d mysel f whe n I coul d hav e graduated fro m a college wher e bein g blac k an d summa cum laude

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were no t mutuall y exclusive events . I wonder why I chose Harvard when I could have gone to a school were my personal views would not always be taken as gospel and therefore "representative" of my entire race. I wonder why I attended this university when I could have gone South t o a college where white student s i n black literature course s would not seem to take so much obvious pleasure in being able to say "nigger" because it was written in the assigned reading. Yet, fo r a s muc h a s I berat e mysel f an d th e bitte r sid e o f m y experience, I know that there must have been something reasonable and logical in my original decision to come to Cambridge instead of Washington. D.C. or Nashville or Atlanta. I am obviously ambivalent about this place and my accomplishments an d failures here, but now I wonder if that ambivalenc e is a lesson i n itself or maybe I am just rationalizing. Harvar d has a monopoly o n whatever i t is the y have been tryin g t o teac h fo r th e las t 35 0 years . I bot h enjoye d an d suffered throug h four years of that curriculum and now understand a little of what Harvard is all about as well as the culture in which it was created. My lessons of th e last fou r years include th e never-endin g story that dominant culture—which to my mind is predominantly white and male—tells about itself and its members taught from its own point of view. I t is the tale of Western civilization from Homer and Cicero to Jesus Christ to the Crusades to the founding of the New World to the Founding Fathers to Ralph Waldo Emerson to T.S. Eliot and beyond. It is also, more specifically, th e Harvard story of Phillips Exeter and the Delphic Club and Collegiate and L.L. Bean and Brooks Brothers and The Game and the Eastern Sprints and a 350th birthday party. I have learned a vocabulary completely alien to my native environment, but one that enables me to function in a place that I am in, but not of. Th e isolation I experienced a t Harvard will not go away, not if I want to function in society where the rules are written by someone else. Comin g here gives me invaluable insights about those rules and how I can better comprehend my own alienation. I am better able to figure ou t ways to shield the black organizations I am involved in from being tagge d "separatist," though we congregate t o find suppor t just as actors and athletes and journalists do. I begin to understand how dominant culture views me and others in my community. Harvar d has been my first complete taste of life in the fast lane of white, JudaeoChristian America. Though i t i s tempting , I canno t directl y compar e m y Harvard/-

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college experience to anyone else's whether here or at a black college. And realistically speaking, I know that being an alumna of Harvard and Radcliffe wil l not hurt and will probably help me in whatever I want to do. Bu t if thi s place has taught me anything, I understand that in any of my attempts to comprehend dominant culture I cannot afford to forget the black community that I am both always in and of. Even afte r fou r years here, Harvar d Yard is not a place I can call home. Harvard Crimson (1987 )

SHANNAH V. BRAXTON

Shannah Vaness a Braxto n was born o n 25 August 196 6 in Staten Island , New York, where she attended Curti s High School. A t Harvard she was active with the Third World Student Alliance and the Harvard Foundation on Rac e Relations , als o servin g a s presiden t o f th e Blac k Student s Association in 1986-87. A concentrator in government, she wrote a thesis on housing and received her AB. cum laude in 1988. Sh e then began work in Boston as public relations officer fo r Elizabeth Stone House, a center for battered and mentally ill women.

Painting with Fresh Stroke s

Historically, members of the Asian, Black, Mexican, Puerto Rican, and Native American—minority—communitie s a t Harvard-Radcliff e hav e claimed tha t th e universit y fail s i n it s responsibilit y t o provid e th e setting fo r satisfactor y racia l understandin g an d constructiv e racia l interaction. Thi s allegation has resurged i n the 1980s . Since 1980, Harvard has created numerous committees and undertaken man y studie s o f rac e relation s o n it s campus . Althoug h th e administration ha s made these efforts t o explore racial tensions, they have succeeded in little more than constructively discussing a potentially explosive problem. To "wor k towar d fosterin g a bette r understandin g o f th e issue s that are of vital concern to minority America an d the global societies of the Third World" (as written in the Brown University Center's manifesto), several universities have established Thir d World centers and incorporated the m int o their academi c communities. Brown , Yale,

Shannah Braxton in 1988

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Princeton (even Princeton!), Dartmouth and Stanford all have Third World Centers o r Afro-American Studen t houses , usually equipped with offices, lounges , and kitchen space, and full-time directors. Other universitie s hav e establishe d "them e dorms, " suc h a s Cornell's Ujaama, and MITs Chocolate City (even MIT!) to provide Afro-Americans with the space necessary for extensive activities and planning, and the centrality that allows distraught individual members to find suppor t fro m th e group . Residenc e i n thes e dorm s i s voluntary, competitive and not limited to minorities, Whether or not one likes the idea of minority student centers or theme dorms , i t i s undeniabl e tha t th e institutionalizatio n o f suc h entities—with central location and university resources—has served to create stronger minority communities, and to complement the ethnically diverse college community in general. Harvard also neglects the available academic means to encourage racial awareness and understanding. Th e Core Curriculum, as it now stands, practically endorses notions of racial and cultural inferiority of minorities by virtually excluding the study of thei r history, literature and art. If Historical Studies A is to offer "broad ranging courses" to study "through history some of the great issues . .. o f our modern world," then wha t doe s i t mea n whe n th e historica l experienc e o f today' s American minorities that could "explain the background and development o f majo r aspect s o f th e moder n world " an d thei r curren t situations are virtually overlooked? D o not topics such as Racism and U.S. Conquests, the History and Legacy of Slavery, or the History of U.S. an d Britis h Colonizatio n qualif y a s "grea t issues " an d "majo r aspects" that coul d hel p student s bette r comprehen d th e dilemma s plaguing minorities today? If Historical Studies B courses sharply focus on periods when "the way i n whic h individua l aspiration s an d individua l decision s hav e interacted with circumstances—economic, cultural, political—to shape a significant portio n of the world," how can the Mexican Revolution or The Strange Career of Jim Crow possibly not qualify ? If Literature and Arts B (my favorite) includes courses that study "the relation o f th e art s t o th e socia l an d intellectua l context s tha t gave them birth," then isn't i t incomprehensible tha t courses on the Jazz Tradition , Ragtime , Reggae , 'Geish a Girls, ' o r Sals a an d Merengue are not included?

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Is it not ironic that minoritie s culturally and racially discriminated against an d oppresse d fo r centurie s ar e nowher e deal t wit h i n th e Moral Reasonin g sectio n o f th e Core ? Th e topi c o f Racis m an d Rational Ma n warrants a most extensive study of moral reasoning (o r lack thereof ) i n the U.S . an d elsewhere. What messag e i s sent whe n particula r minoritie s o r Third Worl d groups hav e thei r histor y an d cultur e no t regarde d a s "indispensabl e to undergraduate education," though they compose over 20 percent of the studen t body ? (Kee p i n min d tha t America n minoritie s ar e no t "Foreign Cultures, " and shoul d no t b e place d i n tha t categor y of th e Core.) The onl y way for minoritie s t o us e th e Cor e t o defin e thei r ow n modern experiences—on e o f th e state d purpose s o f th e Core—i s b y relying on the Western traditional though t that floods th e Core. Thi s thought fostere d th e racism and oppression that put these groups and cultures a t th e disadvantage s tha t stil l oppres s the m today . Th e message directed toward minorities is that, as a course must "confor m to faculty guidelines," so should minorities conform to majority faculty and student though t an d preference . We mus t address the lack of minorit y faculty. I will not bombar d you with numbers and percentages to prove a point; rather, let me just inform thos e o f yo u wh o d o no t alread y kno w tha t Harvar d ha s n o (zero, zip , zilch) tenure d Blac k wome n professors , no r an y MexicanAmerican or Puerto-Rican senior faculty. Th e minority junior faculty is equally pathetic in term s of numerica l representation , etc. , e t c . . . . There are two crucial points to make when discussing the need for increased minority faculty representation. First , the fact i s that othe r Ivy Leagu e school s mysteriousl y overcom e th e constraint s o f wha t Harvard claim s i s th e smal l poo l o f minoritie s fro m which t o choos e in academics. Second , the plea for more minority faculty is not based on naiv e claim s that they will kno w more abou t minorit y courses an d cultures, but on the argumen t tha t Harvard needs t o commi t itself t o diversity i n th e rea l world : tha t o f hirin g an d tenurin g facult y members who could relate to minority students and possible enlighten majority students an d faculty pron e t o ignorance . What conclusio n ca n anyon e dra w fro m al l this ? Well , as k yourself, wher e doe s a minority studen t g o onc e victimized b y verbal racial attacks ? Wha t racis m o r form s o f racis t expressio n warran t a registered complaint , followe d b y disciplinary actio n o n th e adminis -

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tration's part? How do you convince a faculty member that you insist on writing "Black," not "Negro, " and with a capital 'B ' (so h e o r she wil l sto p wasting that God-forsaken re d ink on your papers!)? How d o you convinc e a department tha t bringing a top Puert o Rican historian to Harvard once a month for a half-credit, full course seminar at a mere one thousan d dollars, total cost, is the bargain of the century? Finally, what do you do when you want more than the 5.33 friends that would just squeeze int o your Mem Hall sub-basement offic e t o attend you r organization's two-hou r semeste r plannin g meeting s o f general discussions? These dilemmas constantly taunt and tease many minority students at Harvard. Th e students could fundraise, beg, borrow or steal to get centers, courses, or visiting professors (an d oh, have we ever!). Bu t is i t no t Harvard' s responsibilit y t o preven t Currie r Hous e "strik e force" double agents from multiplying before they attack? Yo u should start asking yourselves how you are going to function a s responsible, representative leaders , parent s an d educator s i n th e futur e i f yo u maintain the same level of racial ignorance you had on Day One. Harvard ha s th e money , th e clout , th e connection s an d th e resources t o establis h thos e institutionalize d bodie s tha t hav e improved the lot of minorities and educated general student communities at schools comparable in status. Wh y has it not even developed its own Course Catalogue to meet the challenge of cultural diversity in the latter part of thi s century? Canno t higher education a t least mean a lower level of that ignorance from which racism grows? Haward Independent (1987 )

Martin Kilson in 1969

MARTIN KELSO N

Martin Luther Kilson Jr. was born on 1 4 February 193 1 in East Rutherford , New Jerse y an d educate d i n a smal l tow n i n Pennsylvania . H e entere d Lincoln Universit y (Pennsylvania ) i n 1949 , and becam e class valedictorian, receiving his B.A. magna cum laude in 1953. A t Harvard he earned an M.A. in 195 8 and a Ph.D. in political science the next year. H e started teachin g at Harvar d a s lecture r i n governmen t i n 1962 , was assistan t professo r o f government, 1964-68 , and was appointed professo r o f government i n 1969. He wa s name d t o th e Fran k G . Thomso n chai r i n 1988 . I n 197 0 he was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and of the Black Academ y o f Ar t an d Letters , an d ha s serve d a s consultan t t o th e Fulbright exchang e program an d th e Ford Foundation . Hi s writings cover the fields o f political development, American urba n politics, Black Africa n politics, and Afro-America n intellectua l patterns . H e is without doubt th e Harvard faculty' s champio n writer o f letters-to-the-editor .

Harvard an d th e Small-Towne r

I cam e t o Harvar d firs t a s a graduat e studen t (1953-1959) , returne d in 1961—afte r a yea r an d a hal f researchin g i n Wes t Africa—a s a Research Fello w a t th e Cente r fo r Internationa l Affairs , starte d teaching i n 196 2 as a Lecture r i n Governmen t an d late r (1964-1968 ) as Assistant Professo r o f Government, an d became tenure d professo r in 196 9 (the firs t Afro-America n t o teac h a s full professo r i n Harvar d College). Durin g th e 1950 s an d wel l int o th e 1960 s th e numbe r o f Afro-American student s her e wa s neve r enoug h t o constitut e a critical-mass—a self-consciou s stratu m capabl e of generating claim s of

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its ow n withi n th e wide r Harvar d community . Bu t thi s woul d al l change with a vengeance b y the lat e 1960 s an d early 1970s . B y 197 0 some 10 % of th e 11,17 6 freshme n offere d admissio n t o th e fifteen elite college s i n th e Eas t wer e Black . Yale' s freshma n class , fo r example, was 12% Black; Princeton's 16% ; Barnard's 22%; Radcliffe' s 17%; and Harvard's 10% . Thi s enormous infusio n o f Black s into th e White world o f elit e WAS P college s occurred , moreover , simultane ously wit h th e politica l an d ideologica l upheava l i n th e civi l right s movement tha t eventuall y brok e th e bac k o f legalize d racis m i n American life , Sout h an d North , an d lai d th e basi s fo r th e mor e protracted struggl e t o smas h behaviora l racis m i n America n institu tions (i n firms, schools, colleges, government, etc. ) an d in individuals' actions. This the n i s the raw boundary-of-fact tha t delineates m y entry t o Harvard i n th e earl y 1950 s an d m y professiona l caree r her e since . What shaped m y character and thus much of my professional identit y and ethni c identit y prio r t o m y lon g Harvar d sojour n i s m y small towner background—a background tha t clearly influenced s o muc h of how I hav e conducte d m y Harvar d journey . I n general , America n small-towners diffe r fro m American big-towners , especiall y i n regard to bein g les s give n t o fashio n an d mor e circumspec t towar d establishment-pretenders, whether old ones like Harvard or new ones like th e neo-conservativ e o r Reaganit e intellectual s an d elites . O f course, small-towner s hav e n o monopol y o n thi s attribute; some big towners posses s i t too—thoug h les s frequently—an d thos e wh o di d numbered amon g m y graduate schoo l buddie s (amon g the m Everet t Mendelsohn, Arthu r Rosenthal, Robert Moses) . Ethnically or racially, the Black small-towner at the Harvard of my day—the 1950s—wa s caugh t betwee n competin g establishment pretenders. First , there was the mainstream establishment-pretender , made u p o f th e typica l graduat e studen t (an d undergraduate , too ) entering Harvard , seeking knowledg e preparatio n an d status-peckin g preparation fo r a careerist entry to some institutional o r power nich e (university, la w firm, bank, multinational , government , etc.) . Ethnic ally this category was WASP-skewed an d comprised mainly of WASPs and the careerist-minded high-achievin g Whit e ethnics (Jews , Irish, a few Italians) . I n addition , ther e wer e secondar y establishment pretender networks—e.g. , amon g first generatio n elite-college-goin g Jewish students , amon g simila r Iris h students , an d amon g big-cit y upper-middle-class Blacks , ofte n light-skinne d an d linke d t o Greek -

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letter fraternities. In fact, man y Afro-Americans a t the Harvar d of m y day wished full-fledged entr y t o th e firs t categor y o f establishment-pretenders . But, alas , th e mainstrea m establishment-pretender s wer e no t muc h different in their neurotic embrace of racist habits from the rest of the country. S o I don't remember any Black among the 25 or so in graduate schools (FAS, School of Education, Law School, Business School) and the nearly 20 in the College who gained status-pecking entry to mainstream establishment-pretender category. Thoug h a few certainly had at least a friendship-nexus to this category—among them, if I recall correctly, were Andrew Brimmer (economic s gra d student), Cliffor d Alexander (undergraduat e student) , Natha n Huggin s (histor y gra d student), Lil a Fenwic k (la w student) , Harol d Scot t (undergraduat e student) an d Gai l Jone s (undergraduat e student—Len a Home' s daughter). For myself, my native skepticism toward American establishmentpretenders precluded even contemplating the careerist route to these ranks. M y roots are deep in the Black variant of smalltown American skepticism, startin g fro m lat e 18th-centur y o r earl y 19th-centur y free-Negro lineag e (both maternal and paternal). Initiall y located in eastern Maryland, th e Kilsons-Martins-Lees-and-Laws wer e yeoman farmers, carpenters , teachers , an d th e clergyma n (m y great-great grandfather) wh o founde d th e firs t Africa n Methodis t Episcopa l Church in Kent County , Maryland. M y maternal great-grandfather , Jacob Laws, left Philadelphia in the 1850s for smalltown Pennsylvania (Ambler, in Montgomery County) where h e was a housebuilder and stalwart o f a breakaway denominatio n fro m th e Africa n Methodis t Episcopal Church that was called African United Methodist Protestant (formed aroun d 1812) , locating a branch in Ambler an d building its church wit h hi s ow n hand s shortl y afte r returnin g fro m th e Unio n Army (Pennsylvani a divisio n o f 24t h Regimen t o f U.S . Colore d Infantry). This small-towneris m surel y helpe d m e kee p m y distance fro m both th e mainstrea m an d secondar y establishment-pretender s a t Harvard in the 1950s , and thus tilted me toward the intellectual and ideological deviants, namely, leftist graduate students, foreign graduate students (especiall y African , Indian , an d Lati n America n students), and civil rights activists among Black students. Thi s deviant skewing of m y self-definition i n graduate school meant , amon g other things, that my White an d Black network s were concentric. The y included

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intellectual Marxist s lik e A . Norma n Klei n (anthropolog y gra d student), leftist an d pacifist activist s like Everett Mendelsoh n (histor y of scienc e gra d student ) an d Rober t Heifet z (architectur e gra d student), an d civil rights activists lik e Wally Carrington (la w student), J. Ma x Bond 1 (architectur e gra d student) , an d Kennet h Simmon s (architecture gra d student) . Th e latte r three , all Black, ha d th e sam e small-town backgroun d I did—Carringto n wa s fro m small-tow n Massachusetts, Bon d fro m small-tow n Kentucky , an d Simmon s fro m small-town Oklahoma. W e shared the skeptical view of establishment pretenders in American society—whether old ones or newcomers—an d thus sough t anti-mainstrea m network s a t Harvard . Wit h som e progressive Whit e student s lik e Michae l Tanze r (economic s under graduate) w e joined force s t o for m a n NAAC P chapte r a t Harvard , though becaus e o f Harvar d rule s o n organization s w e calle d i t th e Harvard Societ y fo r Minorit y Rights . My graduate studen t year s a t Harvar d close d i n 195 9 when, afte r marrying a Whit e graduat e studen t i n anthropolog y (Mario n Dusse r de Barenne) , I went o n th e firs t o f man y research trip s to Africa. M y professional caree r at Harvard begins in mid-1961, following my return from Africa . I t ca n b e treate d i n tw o phases—1962-1969 ; 1969 present. Thes e tw o periods couldn't b e mor e different . I was one o f two Blac k junio r facult y member s teachin g a t Harvar d i n th e 1960 s until th e Afro-America n Studie s facult y wa s pu t togethe r i n 1969 . The othe r wa s Alvi n Labat , a n assistan t professo r i n Romanc e Lan guages an d Literature . Professionally , I decide d t o rejec t severa l invitations fro m libera l Democrati c administration s i n Washingto n under President s Kenned y an d Johnso n t o assum e policy-makin g posts. I wa s aide d i n thi s rathe r difficul t decisio n b y m y graduat e school facult y adviso r an d intellectua l mento r an d job-broke r Ruper t Emerson, professor i n the Department o f Government an d a quiet bu t keen progressive . I therefor e turne d wit h tota l attentio n t o teaching , scholarship ,

lr

The Bon d clan' s anti-establishmen t skepticis m overlappe d m y own at several points—durin g tw o year s i n graduat e schoo l Ma x Bond' s brothe r George Bond, an anthropology student at Boston University, was my roommate; and during my undergraduate years at Lincoln University (1949-1953) Max's and George' s uncle , Horace Mann Bond-Julia n Bond' s father—wa s president o f Lincoln an d one of my intellectual mentors .

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and especiall y t o sharpenin g a n intellectua l identit y an d styl e fo r myself. Th e latter task involved a five-year endeavor to help a small group of Black undergraduate students shape for themselves an intellectually valid approach to the emergent Black-ethnic awareness and solidarity activis m surfacing nationally . Aide d by a couple o f Black graduate students—especiall y Archi e Epps , a theology student—an d several undergraduate students (Lee Daniels, Charles Beard, Ayi Kwei Armah, Charles J. Hamilton) I helped to form the Harvard-Radcliff e Afro-American Student s Association, actin g as faculty adviser . Th e Afro-American Student s Association als o launched a magazine, the Harvard Journal of Negro Affairs, edite d b y Le e Daniels , Charle s Lovell, Henry Binford and others and financed heavily from my small assistant professor salary. Curiously enough, this bid to give vigorous intellectual formatio n to students' Black-ethnic awarenes s got shanghaied a t two points in time, the early period—1963-1965—and the later period—1968-1972. In the earl y period , a leadin g figur e amon g th e Blac k establishment pretenders who wrote for the Harvard Crimson—Herbert Denton, now on th e editoria l boar d o f th e Washington Post— argued agains t th e founding of the Afro-American Student s Association and its journal. His grounds were that the association's purposes were mainly Black, not trans-ethnic , an d thus , i n thi s pristin e viewpoint , the y wer e undemocratic. I wrote numerou s defense s o f ou r associatio n an d journal i n pieces t o th e Harvard Crimson, arguin g that while clearly Black-skewed, th e Afro-America n Student s Associatio n an d th e journal were progressively Black-skewed, open to trans-ethnic contributions, not ethnocentrically Black-skewed. W e won this battle with Denton. I n fact, this victory netted me something I didn't seek (and still don't ) a s a Blac k intellectual—popularit y amon g rank-and-fil e Blacks. A s a Black intellectual of small-towner skeptical outlook, I've always considere d mysel f firml y insulate d agains t popularity grubbing—whether for Black-solidarity purposes or for power-grubbing among national power structures. In the late period—1968-1972—the trauma among Black students emanating from Dr. Martin Luther King's assassination in the spring of 196 8 produce d anothe r kin d o f criticis m o f th e Afro-America n Students Association . Whil e no t ope n enoug h t o White s fo r Herb Denton we became too open to Whites for the new Black-solidarity militants who quickly gained leadershi p of th e Associatio n o f Afro American Student s between lat e 196 8 and the summer of 1969 , the

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summer the Afro-American Studie s Departmen t was put together . I figure d sizabl y i n the militan t Blac k students' opposition t o th e old forma t o f th e Afro-American Student s Association, owin g t o th e independence an d pragmatism I applied t o my role as the only Black faculty membe r involve d i n th e facult y committe e tha t designe d th e Afro-American Studie s Department . Th e militan t student s wante d lots of political activism in the operation of the Afro-American Studie s Department an d were disdainful o f rigorous intellectual an d scholarly values ("White y values, " some calle d them) . I , o n th e othe r hand , favored n o ethnocentri c militanc y i n th e characte r o f th e Afro American Studies Department and stood firm for the highest intellectual and scholarly criteria. I lost out, as did the Rosovsky Committee's original desig n fo r th e Afro-America n Studie s Department . Th e militant student s als o wo n contro l o f th e Afro-America n Student s Association an d it s journal, thoug h t o thi s day no comparabl e Blac k students' journal ha s emanated fro m th e rank s of th e militants . Since th e mid-1970 s I hav e argue d ofte n i n th e page s o f th e Harvard Crimson tha t th e militan t students ' catharti c ethnocentris m produced a dreadful intellectua l malaise among Black students generally. Man y hav e academi c performanc e wel l belo w thei r potential . Recently my viewpoint on this matter—for long a minority viewpointgained support from two members of the Black ethnocentric element s at Harvar d Colleg e i n th e earl y 1970s—Jef f Howar d an d Ra y Hammond, now psychologist an d physician respectively. I n an article in th e New Republic (Septembe r 9 , 1985 ) Howar d an d Hammon d reveal thei r metamorphosi s ou t o f th e infantil e rank s o f Blac k ethnocentrism an d int o a more pragmati c viewpoint . The y describ e the widespread intellectual malaise among Black students and attempt to accoun t fo r it . I lik e thei r characterizatio n o f th e malais e bu t question thei r explanation . The y clai m tha t racis t rumor s o f Blac k inferiority ar e internalized b y Black students , cripplin g thei r intellec tual agility . My disagreement with this explanation does not mean I doubt the existence o f viciou s racis t rumor s bu t th e importanc e Howar d an d Hammond giv e t o suc h rumors . The y forge t tha t suc h rumor s wer e even mor e pervasiv e i n th e 1920s-1950 s era , a n er a whe n Blac k students a t Harvar d an d othe r top-leve l college s performe d a t an d above thei r potential . I f th e rumors-of-inferiorit y hypothesi s i s correct, Black students in the 1920s-1950s era should have performe d even wors e tha n durin g th e curren t malais e amon g Blac k student s

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today. Thus, what the Howard-Hammond argument misses is that during the late 1960 s to early 1970s era, something happened t o the willingness o f Blac k student s t o tak e academi c an d intellectua l pursuit s seriously, an d thi s something occur s i n a perio d o f declining , no t increasing racism . Wha t happened was in large part of Blacks ' own making, o r rathe r makin g o f Blac k ethnocentrist s wh o convince d themselves an d othe r Black s tha t th e catharsi s associate d wit h mau-mauing "Whitey's values" was preferable to a pragmatic employment of ethnic militancy. Howard an d Hammon d onc e favore d thi s dead-en d catharti c ethnocentrism. The y backed the shortsighted attacks of militant Black students—led at one point by Ernest Wilson, now a political scientist at University of Michigan—against the Rosovsky Faculty Committee's proposals fo r the Afro-American Studie s Department. (Thes e proposals integrate d th e Afro-America n Studie s curriculum with established departments and faculty.) Tha t these two men have found their way back from the ethnocentric abyss, as it were, reflects a new era of pragmatic approache s t o Blacks ' presenc e a t Harvar d University . Latent racist patterns surely still prevail around Harvard—among which I count the Harvard administration's refusal t o divest its investments in the vicious South African economy. Bu t I still believe, as I did 15 years ago, that a progressive pragmatic response to these latent racist patterns is the more effective response , an d along with it is the progressive cosmopolitanizing of Black students' lifestyles and networks. (1986)

Eileen Southern in 1975

EILEEN SOUTHER N

Eileen Jackso n Souther n wa s bor n o n 1 9 February 192 0 i n Minneapolis , Minnesota. Sh e attende d publi c school s i n severa l midwester n cities , completing high school in Chicago. Scholarship s enabled her to attend th e University of Chicago, where she earned a B.A. in 194 0 and M. A i n 1941. Owing to institutional racism and discrimination in northern colleges at that time, she was obliged t o seek employment a t historically blac k institution s in th e South , wher e fro m 194 1 to 195 1 she taugh t a t Prairi e Vie w Stat e College, Southern University, Alcorn College , and Claflin Universit y while also concertizing as a pianist. Decidin g to curtail performing, she moved to New York City in 1951 , and embarked on graduate work at New York University, financing her studies by teaching in the public schools. I n 1961 she became the first black recipient of a Ph.D. in musicology from a n American institution. Sh e began teaching at Brooklyn College in 1960, transferring in 1968 to York College, where she set up and headed the music program until 1975. Sh e then cam e t o Harvard , fro m whic h sh e retire d a s Professo r o f Afro-American Studie s and of Music at th e end o f 1986. She ha s publishe d widel y i n th e area s o f Renaissanc e an d Afro American music. He r Music of Black Americans: A History (1971; 1983) and Biographical Dictionary of Afro-Americanand African Musicians (1982) have become standard references . I n 197 3 she and her husband Joseph founde d the scholarly journal The Black Perspective in Music, which they edited until it suspended publicatio n i n 1990 .

A Pioneer : Blac k an d Femal e

In 197 5 I becam e th e firs t blac k woma n t o b e appointe d a ful l professor wit h tenure a t Harvard . M y position on th e Facult y of Art s and Sciences (FAS), a joint-professorship i n the departments of Afro -

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American Studies and Music, brought me immediate membership into two highly select, though unorganized groups. Th e first,which might be designated th e "black presence" on FAS, consisted of four males, one of whom was a member of Afro-American Studies . Th e second group, whic h migh t b e calle d th e "femal e presence " o n FAS , was composed of a dozen or so women, of whom two were in the Music Department. Neithe r group paid much attention to my presence as a new member; indeed, the attitude of the black men (including two or three administrators) generally was that of indifference, shiftin g at times t o outrigh t hostility . Considerin g tha t FA S ha d abou t 35 0 tenured professors i n 1975-76 , it is obvious that Harvard hardly was committed t o attractin g minorities t o it s faculties. An d t o me , as a newcomer, i t seemed tha t the minorities already at Harvard did not welcome th e ide a o f bein g joined b y others. I t was as if they were reluctant t o los e thei r statu s of bein g "th e only one. " I t shoul d be observed that while the number of tenured women on Harvard's FAS has increase d dramaticall y durin g the pas t decade, ther e were onl y three tenured black professors, all males, when I retired in 1986. It did not help matters that my first appointmen t at Harvard was to chair the highly controversial Afro-American Studies Department. I foun d th e student s an d junior facult y o f th e Departmen t t o b e almost paranoid in their position against "outsiders"—that is, those at Harvard who disapproved of the Afro-American Studies program and were committed to its dissolution. A s a lecturer in the Department in 1974-75 and the Fall term of 1975,1 had been vaguely aware of the controversy, but had not been involved. Th e concentrators and junior faculty fough t m e bitterl y fro m th e beginning ; the y wante d Ewar t Guinier [33] to continue as chairman, even though his retirement was imminent. M y first hard decision was to defer my appointment until January 1976 , when Guinie r would tak e a sabbatical leav e prio r to beginning the retirement process , because I felt ther e would be to o much tension in the Department with both of us present. The situation worsened with the passage of time. Th e concentrators and junior faculty ha d been allowed to exert much more power over departmental actions than was permissible in other departments (as a member of the Music Department, I knew how governance was handled elsewhere) , an d the y resente d an y suggestions fo r change . But of course changes had to be made! Th e department curriculum did not measure up at all to Harvard standards, the requirements for concentration wer e muc h to o low , an d ther e wer e n o link s t o th e

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"outside" Harvard world, such as joint concentrations, for example, or course offerings in the General Education program. Librar y holdings over the campus were meager in the area of Afro-American Studies, and th e AA S Readin g Roo m i n Lamon t Librar y was closed. On e librarian informed m e that no black-studies books would be ordered for he r librar y because sh e expecte d th e Departmen t t o disappea r within a year or so. Eve n the Department's physical facilities needed attention; the general attitude seemed to have been, "Why bother to attend to the building, even though there was a budget, when soon it would no longer be in use?" Eventually, o f course , change s wer e mad e i n th e curriculum , belligerent concentrators graduated, hostile junior faculty left for other institutions. A t times the going was rough: I had confrontation afte r confrontation, some of them quite intense, even violent, with students, the administration, an d faculty members. Bu t by 1979, the last year of my three-year tenure as chairman, at least some good results could be seen . Ou r concentratio n requirement s wer e respectable ; th e Reading Room was open and stocked with the important books in the field; w e offered a Gen Ed course, Hum 7 (Afro-American Folk Arts), that attracted good enrollments; and the number of concentrators had increased from about seven or eight in 1976 to more than thirty. I canno t sa y tha t ther e wer e n o fu n time s i n al l this . I reall y enjoyed meeting with students to explain our program; working with the junio r facult y t o improv e th e Departmen t an d interviewin g candidates for appointments; buying furniture, installing carpet, storm windows, and air-conditioners; and testing my powers of persuasion in trying to get others to allow us time to develop. On e black professor, for example, regularly attacked the Department i n the Crimson, bu t not onc e di d h e eve r offe r suggestion s fo r improvement . Anothe r wrote slashin g critique s t o th e Administration , o f whic h copie s eventually came across my desk, but he said nothing to me personally. In th e Sprin g o f 1979 , I too k a much-needed leav e i n order t o recuperate fro m thre e stressful years . Whe n I returned, th e junior faculty seeme d t o hav e gon e berserk , an d th e Departmen t wa s i n chaos. Lookin g back, I realize th e situation probably resulted from efforts bein g mad e t o observ e th e tent h anniversar y o f th e black student uprising s a t Harvard , bu t a t th e tim e I was dumbfounded . The events o f tha t hot spring an d summer were to o complicate d t o recount here : I should simply state that , before i t was all over, not only ha d th e Administratio n becom e involve d bu t als o th e Depart -

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ment's Visiting Committee and eventually the Board of Overseers—to say nothing o f th e medi a al l ove r th e nation . Afte r meetin g wit h various committees through the summer, I reluctantly concluded that my contribution to the governance of Afro-American Studies was no longer wanted or needed. I n effect, m y withdrawal (in spirit if not in physical presence) lasted until my retirement in December 1986 , and it wa s no t totall y voluntar y o n m y part. A t leas t on e goo d thing , however, cam e ou t o f th e chaos : th e Administratio n decide d t o appoint three full professors to Afro-American Studies, thus giving the Department a full complemen t o f fou r professors . Whe n I lef t i n 1986 th e Departmen t ha d one blac k an d one whit e professor ; two slots remained to be filled. As I reflect on my years at Harvard, I have to admit that, despite the ever-present racis m and sexism, which I gradually learned simply to endure, my "minority status" at times brought special dividends. I n the first place, if there had been no Afro-American Studies program, it is doubtful tha t Harvard would have offered m e a tenured professorship despit e m y hig h qualifications . Som e honor s came , i n my opinion, not only because I was qualified, but also because as a black woman I was highly visible: fo r example, election to Faculty Council, appointment t o th e Genera l Educatio n Committe e an d othe r important committees, election to the prestigious faculty Shop Club, election t o Phi Beta Kappa , and appointment a s a Commencement Faculty Aide ( I hoste d [NAAC P Executiv e Secretar y Roy ] Wilkins through the two-day ceremonies when Harvard gave him an honorary degree in 1978). M y husband and I were invited to glamorous dinner parties and receptions, where we met the great leaders of our time, the celebrated and the obscure. Bu t these were the high points; I had to live each day at a time. When from time to time I became too depressed with having to cope with Harvard, I would turn to my role model, W.E.B. Du Bois, and reread his account of hi s days at Harvard. Lik e him, I went to Harvard because it was a great opportunity for me as a black female scholar, and I accepted the reality of racial and sex discrimination. I n its role as nurturer of scholars, Harvard never let me down! I could feel myself growing from year to year, almost from month to month— not only because I had access to those wonderful libraries, particularly the Widene r stacks , an d th e enthusiasti c cooperatio n o f th e Inter library Loa n Office , bu t als o becaus e o f th e man y othe r kind s o f assistance given to Harvard professors. Ther e were grants to encour-

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age innovativ e teachin g whe n I wanted t o introduc e a new course, teaching fellows to relieve the drudgery parts of teaching, and student research assistants. Then , when I decided to go for the "big one," an NEH grant of over $100,000.00 to develop Research Tools in my field, Harvard gave me every conceivable support. I n the later years of my tenure, enterprising colleagues had begun to organize interdisciplinary seminars for faculty, which, in addition to the long-established Music Department seminars, offered me more opportunities for professional contacts. Becaus e o f Harvard' s nurturing , I publishe d dozen s o f articles in the major professional journals and dictionaries during my tenure, an d completed th e researc h fo r five major books, thre e o f which were published before I left. My only regret about my "Harvard Experience" is that it came so late in my career; what couldn't I have done with ten more years? (1988)

Nathan I. Huggins in 1981

NATHAN IRVI N HUGGIN S

Nathan Irvi n Huggin s wa s bor n i n Chicag o o n 1 4 Januar y 1927 . Th e University of California a t Berkeley conferred o n him an A.B. in 195 4 and an MA . i n 1955 . A t Harvar d h e receive d a secon d M. A i n 195 9 and a Ph.D. in history in 1962 . H e taught a t Californi a Stat e University at Long Beach (1962-64) , Lake Forest Colleg e (1964-66) , the University of Massa chusetts a t Bosto n (1966-69 , during which period h e was also president of the American Museum of Negro History), and Berkeley (1969-70) prior t o his tenure a s professo r o f history at Columbi a Universit y (1970-1980) . I n 1980 he returne d t o Harvar d a s the W.E.B . Du Boi s Professor o f Histor y and of Afro-American Studie s as well as director of the Du Bois Institute holding both posts until he succumbed to pancreatic cancer at his Cambridge home on 5 December 1989 . H e had been a Fulbright lecture r in France, a visiting professo r a t th e Universit y o f Heidelberg , an d ha d hel d For d Foundation, Guggenheim , Noyes , an d Whitne y fellowships . Hi s boo k Harlem Renaissance (1971 ) became the standard work in its field .

Two Decade s o f Afro-America n Studie s a t Harvar d

The yea r 198 9 marke d twent y year s o f Afro-America n Studie s a t Harvard. Bor n i n th e tumultuou s day s o f th e takeove r an d "bust " a t University Hal l an d th e "strike " tha t followed—whe n th e ai r wa s freighted wit h charges , claim s t o principle , an d non-negotiabl e demands—the Afro-America n Studie s Departmen t i s on e o f th e fe w recognizable survivor s o f th e "studen t revolution " of th e 1960s . A s i t presently stands , i t would hardl y b e recognize d o r perhap s approve d of by its original student advocates . It s survival, in fact, ha s been du e

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to modifications an d adaptations of those "demands": the nurturing of that germ within the students' concept which had sufficient legitimac y within th e Universit y t o roo t itsel f an d take hold. The student demand for Afro-American Studies was essentially an extension o f th e civi l right s movement , whic h ha d b y th e lat e 1960 s come ou t o f th e Sout h an d se t itsel f t o expos e an d attac k racis m endemic i n America n societ y an d institutions . Thos e student s wh o would not go on a "freedom summer" in the South could attack racism in th e college s an d universitie s wher e the y were. Universitie s wer e attractive targets for good reason. The y pretended to be better, more rational, more tolerant, more liberal than the rest of the society. The y were mor e read y tha n mos t segment s i n th e societ y t o b e publicl y embarrassed an d apologetic fo r the historical racis m they shared with other American institutions, but they were no more ready than others to chang e i n more tha n superficial ways . Harvard, like most American colleges and universities, was willing to ope n it s admission s t o a broade r socia l spectru m tha t migh t increase th e number s o f black s an d others fro m th e inner-city . Th e numbers o f blac k undergraduate s di d increase i n mos t majo r institu tions by the end of the sixties, and with larger numbers came differen t expectations, problems , an d tensions . I n earlie r years , whe n ther e were seldom more than six blacks in any Harvard class (one or two at Radcliffe), expectation s o f "fittin g in " encouraged blac k students , to suffer an y racia l problem s privately . Wit h large r number s an d wit h fundamental change s i n nationa l sensibilitie s abou t race , however , even persona l malais e coul d b e take n a s symptomati c o f th e broad , social pathology . Certainly, blac k student s o f th e fiftie s an d earlier decade s woul d have notice d tha t Harvar d offere d littl e abou t blac k Americans , o r other non-white s fo r tha t matter . Ver y littl e scholarl y attentio n was paid to Africa, Lati n America, or what we now call the Third World. 1 Western Europ e an d th e Unite d State s wer e th e hu b o f Harvard' s universe, an d everyon e seeme d satisfie d tha t wa s a s i t shoul d be .

1

In this particular regard, Harvard has hardly improved in the past thirty years. Afric a and Latin America were better represented in the fifties than they are in the eighties. A strong and important traditio n i n Asia (China and Japan) guarantees Harvard continuity and leadership in that region.

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Harvard was little different fro m other universities in these regards; ubiquity fed complacency. Th e newly enrolled undergraduates in the late sixties, however, ha d little reverenc e fo r a n order an d tradition that seemed t o the m t o be par t of th e problem , defining th e world and civilizatio n s o a s to sustai n an d encourag e gentee l bigotr y and even racism . The y woul d deman d change s i n curriculu m s o a s t o make thei r educatio n "relevant " to thei r lives . Tha t would requir e focusing o n blac k peopl e an d issue s affectin g the m i n way s fe w scholars in the United States were interested (or equipped) to do. The painfu l iron y wa s tha t th e gestur e o f th e college s towar d greater inclusion and uplift was met not only with little gratitude but with hostilit y an d non-negotiable demands . I t i s littl e wonde r tha t faculty a t Harvard an d elsewhere recoile d a t th e though t o f undergraduates, hardly any from college-educated households, presuming to challenge th e fundamenta l principle s o f libera l art s education . I t seemed as if some were saying that Langston Hughes was as important to read as Shakespeare, Eldridge Cleaver as important as Machiavelli. Doubtless, some said as much; reasonableness was nowhere in great supply. Bu t the central issue was the shattering of the complacency of th e "hub, " tha t self-create d an d self-sustainin g cente r o f th e universe which was exclusively white and male, all else being relegated to the margins. Harvard responde d positivel y t o th e nee d an d th e demand . A faculty committee led by Henry Rosovsky (which included students as non-voting members) issued a report that recommended a "program" of study in Afro-American Studies. Tha t program would call upon the various department s t o provid e course s an d appoin t faculty. 2 Th e report als o recommende d increase d graduat e fellowship s fo r blac k students an d a variety of measure s to improv e black student lif e o n campus. Th e studen t member s o f th e Rosovsk y Committe e wer e unable to win for the report the general approval of Harvard's black students. Nevertheless , the report was adopted by the Faculty and a committee was established to implement it. In two months, however, unrelated matters of the University Hall sit-in, th e bus t an d th e strik e radicall y change d th e politica l atmo sphere, and the Association of African and Afro-American Student s 2

The model was similar to one later adopted by Yale, which for over a decade exemplified the best of Afro-American studies programs.

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was emboldened t o mak e new demands. I t wanted Afro-America n Studies t o b e a department rathe r than a program, an d it wanted a student voic e i n th e selectio n an d appointmen t o f it s faculty . O n April 22, 1969, the faculty were asked to vote on these propositions without altering them. Althoug h deeply divided, the faculty voted for the changes the students demanded. It was a bitter decision , man y of thos e voting i n favor doing so under a sense of intimidation . I n that mood of crisis and perceived threat, the department was born. I t would suffer, during its first ten years, from the lingering doubts and resentments harbored by faculty never fully convinced of Afro-America a s a legitimate field o f study, doubtful of it as a "discipline," and suspicious of what often appeared to be separatist tendencies on the part of its advocates. Adding to the problem was a general confusion of aims by student advocates. Ther e seeme d t o b e thre e underlyin g (no t necessaril y compatible) expectations. 1. To Have Something That Is Ours: Ironically, the larger number of black undergraduates seemed to increase or intensify their feeling of isolation . Th e institutio n i n al l it s aspects—courses , studen t activities, facilities—coul d easil y b e divide d int o "theirs " and "ours." Black students could call little of what normally existed at Harvard as "ours." Amon g a range of other demands for reform, that for black studies was a demand fo r legitimac y o f place . I n such a view, th e traditional curriculu m i n th e libera l arts—excludin g non-white s an d non-western cultur e wit h scarcel y a thought—wa s "theirs. " I t wa s assumed tha t courses on African an d Afro-American history , literature, etc . woul d b e th e answer . Som e advocate s care d abou t th e content of thos e courses; others cared mainly that the College make room for them, that they appear in the catalogue. Fo r the former, it would not matter much who taught the courses. Fo r the latter, it was often of great importance that the subject matter be taught by blacks. In both senses, however, black studies was a matter of defining "turf1 in the university community. 2. Quest for Identity: Ironically, it was the very liberalization of America—residential desegregatipn , greate r prospect s o f upwar d mobility—that threatene d blac k identity . I n the past , al l blacks had been pretty much in the same boat, regardless of class and education. Now, prospect s fo r th e fortunat e fe w seeme d t o includ e admissio n into th e bes t colleges , position s i n corporat e America , an d escap e from th e ghetto. Di d a step alon g thi s road to a n "integrated" and

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mainstream future mean the abandonment of one's people and one's past? Increase d mobilit y mad e th e question , "Wh o a m I? " all th e more compelling. Th e identity crisis was exacerbated in white colleges where little if anything was taught about blacks, and where teachers would announc e without embarrassmen t tha t William Faulkne r was the best delineator of "Negro character" in American literature. To o often, however , th e ques t fo r identit y intende d th e discover y an d veneration o f blac k heroe s an d heroines , th e celebratio n o f blac k people's "contributions," running counter to the recognized scholarly values of disinterested analysis. 3. Field of Study: Too often lost in the rhetoric was the idea that Afro-American life , history, and culture constituted a legitimate field of study independent of the demands of the time. Fe w of the student advocates would have known about th e lifelong commitmen t t o th e promotion o f tha t fiel d b y such majo r figure s a s W.E.B . D u Bois , Carter G . Woodson , Arthu r Schomburg , J . Saunder s Redding , Benjamin Quarles , an d John Hope Franklin . Th e centra l ide a was that the Afro-American experience was worthy for what it told about black peopl e an d thei r histor y i n Americ a an d fo r wha t i t tells , through refraction, about American history and culture. I t should be studied by scholars, like any other area of huma n experience, an d it should be drawn from the remote edges, from oblivion, to the center of America n studies. Tha t was a concept differen t fro m what most students advocated, and it is interesting to note that respected black scholars, suc h a s Joh n Hop e Franklin , wer e mor e tha n a littl e suspicious o f th e program s tha t were bein g created i n the nam e of black studies. As w e ente r th e twentiet h year , muc h o f th e dus t ha s settled . Afro-American Studie s seem s a n establishe d fac t a t Harvard . Arguments abou t its legitimacy as a field o f study or a suitable fiel d of concentration for undergraduates are no longer heard. It s students, in course enrollment as well as concentrators, are remarkably racially balanced. It s faculty contribute t o the Core and to other universitywide offerings. Ther e is every reason to believe that the department will remain at about its present strength for some time into the future. Although it was created in an atmosphere of crises, with confusing and conflicting justification, the present ground on which the department stand s i s soli d an d rathe r conventional . I t represent s an d advances Afro-American life, history, and culture as an important field for scholarl y inquir y an d study . An d i t i s sustaine d i n thi s b y a

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remarkable growt h of interes t i n the field over th e past tw o decades. Increasingly, th e fiel d ha s been recognize d i n th e Unite d State s an d throughout th e world . A glanc e a t an y o f th e majo r professiona l journals in the humanities and the social sciences will reveal a growing scholarly interest in problems and questions centered in what we now call Afro-America n studies . Student s o f America n lif e i n Europe a s well as in the Third World have increasingly turned to topics of AfroAmerican histor y an d literature. One sees the changes (often clums y and insufficient) i n textbooks of America n histor y o r literature . I n literatur e th e "canon " is bein g challenged and opened to include black writers among others. Cours e content in American history and American literature are beginning to reflect th e change. An d interdisciplinary program s such as American Studies and Comparative Literature are often leadin g the way for the mainstream disciplines . Problems remain , nevertheless . Th e mos t difficul t tas k w e wil l have i n th e futur e i s th e recruitmen t o f youn g peopl e t o becom e scholars i n th e field , an d th e identificatio n an d appointmen t o f th e best o f a very small grou p t o facult y positions . Fo r th e pas t decad e and more , th e best an d the brightes t o f undergraduate s hav e chose n law, medicine, an d business ove r academic an d scholarly careers, and that ha s bee n a n eve n mor e exaggerate d tren d amon g minorit y students. A t th e same time , the demand for scholars i n Afro-America n studies ha s bee n growin g a s ne w school s an d program s establis h themselves.3 A n additiona l proble m o f recruitmen t i s tha t al l to o often institutions see appointments in Afro-American studie s as a way to addres s affirmative-actio n needs . Tha t i s t o say , goo d whit e scholars ar e likel y t o b e rejecte d eve n i f a blac k schola r canno t b e found. Th e Harvar d department ha s stressed tha t we ar e intereste d in making the best possible appointments, regardless of race, and that the University' s legitimat e affirmative-actio n goal s b e me t throug h university-wide recruitment . Our strength into the future will be a measure of our meeting th e challenges: t o maintai n a n unwaverin g focu s o n ou r principa l

3

Demographic factors will be important. California , for instance, expects that in the 1990 s it will becom e a state with a majority of it s populatio n non-white. It s state colleges and universities are reconsidering and reinvesting in a variety of ethnic studies programs, including Afro-American studies.

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responsibility—the development and enrichment of our field of study; to maintai n th e highes t standard s o f teachin g an d scholarship ; t o explore the intriguing frontiers of interdisciplinary scholarship. (1989)

NOTE ON THE TEXTS

The original place s o f publicatio n o f th e selection s appea r i n th e sectio n below. I n many cases the editors have compared the documents to variant printed version s o r origina l manuscrip t sources . Som e passage s wer e omitted, usuall y t o avoi d duplicatio n i n thi s volume . Som e error s were silently correcte d o r note d i n bracket s [ ]. Excep t fo r th e Malcol m X sketch, the short biographica l introduction s t o the selections were drafted by Caldwell Titcomb, who also assembled the readings. Th e editors wish to thank Bet h Pinsker , who helped t o research , prepare , and proofrea d thi s volume; Lauren Gwin who provided superb editorial and technical assistance and supervised the assembling of the index; Despina Gimbel for copyediting the manuscript and making many valuable suggestions; and Kay Shanahan for typing and designing the camera-ready copy of the text. W e are grateful to Robert Kiely for awarding the project a grant from the Hyder E. Rollins Publication Fund at Harvard University to pay the permissions fees. Blacks at Harvard originate d i n a much shorter 198 6 collection title d Varieties of Black Experience at Harvard, a wor k underwritte n b y th e Presiden t an d Fellows of Harvard College for the university's 350th anniversary.

Citations

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CITATIONS AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Caldwell Titcomb , "Th e Blac k Presenc e a t Harvard , 350 Years: Historical Notes on Harvard (Harvard Universit y News Office, 1986) , 49-51. Revise d version. Rptd . b y permission . Philli s Wheatley , "T o Th e Universit y o f Cambridge, in New-England," rptd. in The Poems of Phillis Wheatley yrevised and enlarge d edition , ed . wit h a n introductio n b y Julia n D . Mason , Jr . (Chapel Hil l an d London : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1989) , 52. Theodore Parson s an d Eliphale t Pearson , " A Forensi c Disput e o n th e Legality of Enslavin g th e Africans , Hel d a t th e Publi c Commencemen t i n Cambridge, New-England , Jul y 21st , 1773, " is excerpte d her e withou t th e accompanying notes. (Boston : Thomas Leverett, 1773 ; New York: Reader Microprint, 1985) , 3-8 , 21-24 , 35-42 , 46-48 , Houghto n Library , Harvar d University. "Troubl e Among the Medical Students of Harvard University, " Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 43 (18 December 1850) : 406. Petitio n to th e Medica l Facult y of Harvar d University , November-Decembe r 1850 , from th e Countway Library, Dean's File, Harvard Medical Archives. Phili p Cash, "Pride , Prejudice, an d Politics, " Harvard Medical Alumni Bulletin 5 4 (December 1980) : 20-25 . Rptd . b y permissio n o f th e Harvard Medical Alumni Bulletin an d by permission of Philip Cash. Marti n R. Delany, "The Slave Factory," ch. 49 from Blake; or, The Huts of America, with a n intro duction b y Floy d J . Mille r (Boston : Beaco n Press , 1970) , 214-217 . "Fo r Good Governmen t & Urba n Politics : The Caree r o f R . T . Greene r 70, " Harvard Alumni Bulletin 67 (1 2 Decembe r 1964) : 266-268 ; n o autho r o r sources cited . Copyrigh t • 196 4 Harvard Magazine, Rptd . b y permission. Richard T . Greener , "Th e Whit e Problem, " Lend a Hand: A Record of Progress 12 (Ma y 1894) : 354-367 . Richar d T Greener , Speec h a t th e Harvard Clu b of New York, excerpted i n Georg e Washingto n Williams , A History of the Negro Race in America, vol. 2 (Ne w York : G . P. Putnam' s Sons, 1883; rpt. New York: Bergman Publishers, 1968), 442-444. "Harvard' s Negro Orator," New York World, 21 October 1889, p.l. C . G. Morgan, "Class Day Oration," from the booklet for the Class of 1890 Baccalaureate Sermon, Baccalaureate Hymn, Class Day Oration, Class Poem, Ivy Oration, Ode, Class Song (Cambridge: William H . Wheeler , 1890) , 19-25 . Harvar d Universit y Archives, HUD 290.04.6. W.E.B . Du Bois, "A Negro Student at Harvard at the End of the 19t h Century," Massachusetts Review 1 (May 1960): 439-458.

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Copyright • 196 0 The Massachusetts Review, Inc. Excerp t from Stephen R. Fox, The Guardian of Boston: William Monroe Trotter (New York: Atheneum Press, 1970) , 15-19 . Rptd . withou t footnote s wit h th e permissio n o f Atheneum Publishers, an imprint of Macmillan Publishing Company. Copy right • 197 0 Stephen R. Fox . [Monro e Trotter], "Negro Delegate Tells of His Work," Christian Science Monitor, 25 July 1919, p. 14. W.E.B . Du Bois, "William Monro e Trotter, " The Crisis 41 (Ma y 1934) : 134 . Booke r T . Washington, Up From Slavery (1901), i n Three Negro Classics (rpt., Ne w York: Avo n Books , 1965) , 189-194 ; b y permission o f th e Universit y o f Illinois Press we have substituted the fuller (and annotated) version of "An Address at the Harvard University Alumni Dinner" rptd. in Louis R. Harlan et al. , eds. , The Booker T Washington Papers, vol. 4 , 1895-9 8 (Urbana : University o f Illinoi s Press , 1975) , 183-185 . Booke r T . Washington , "Principal Washingto n a t Harvar d University, " 1 2 March 1907 , vol. 9 and "Extracts from an Address at Harvard University," 4 February 1914, vol. 12 from Louis R. Harlan et al., eds. The Booker T Washington Papers (Urbana: University o f Illinoi s Press , 1975) , 229, 434-435, respectively. Willia m H. Ferris, "Douglass as an Orator," Champion Magazine: A Monthly Survey of Negro Achievement 1 (February 1917), 296-299. Lesli e Pinckney Hill, "[The Place of] Religion in the Education of the Negro," Harvard Advocate 75 (24 June 1903) : 128-130 ; ful l titl e fro m origina l manuscrip t i n th e Harvar d University Archives. Lesli e Pinckney Hill, "To William James," in The Wings of Oppression (Boston : Th e Stratfor d Co. , Publishers , 1921) , 61 . Alai n Locke, Two letters to his mother from Harvard [ 7 December 190 5 and 15 December 1905], Alain Locke Papers, Moorland-Spingarn Research Center, Howard University. Alai n Locke, "Youth Speaks," Survey Graphic 6 (March, 1925): 659-660. Alai n Locke, "Sterling Brown: The New Negro Folk-Poet," in Nancy Cunard , ed., Negro: An Anthology [1934] , ed. an d abridge d with intro. by Hugh Ford (New York: Frederick Ungar Publ. Co., 1970), 88-92. Copyright • 197 0 by Hugh Ford. Rptd . by permission. Willia m H. Ferris, "The Myt h o f th e Ne w Negro, " Spokesman 2 (July-Augus t 1925) : 9-10 . Edward Smyt h Jones , "Harvar d Square, " i n The Sylvan Cabin (Boston : Sherman, French, & Co., 1911), 86-95. Ev a Beatrice Dykes, Conclusion to The Negro in English Romantic Thought or A Study of Sympathy for the Oppressed (Washington , D.C. : Associated Publishers , Inc. , 1942) , 153-155, 183. Rptd . by permission of the publisher. Prefac e to Readings fromNegro Authors, Otelia Cromwell , Lorenz o Do w Turner , an d Ev a B . Dykes , eds. (New York : Harcourt , Brac e an d Co. , 1931) , iii-v . Carolin e Bon d Day , Selections from.4 Study of Some Negro-White Families in the United States, Varia African a V , Harvar d Africa n Studies , Vol . X , Par t I I (Cambridge , Mass.: Peabod y Museu m o f Harvar d University , 1932) , 31-32 , 39 , an d accompanying plate s (34 , 35, an d 50) . Rptd . with th e permissio n o f th e Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology. Carolin e Bond Day, "The

516

Citations

Pink Hat,M Opportunity: A Journal of Negro Life 4 (December 1926): 379-380. Caroline Bond Day, "Race Crossings in the United States," from The Crisis 37 (March 1930), 81-82, 103. Joh n M. Fitzgerald and Otey M. Scruggs, nA Note o n Marcu s Garve y a t Harvard , 1922 : A Recollectio n o f Joh n M . Fitzgerald," Journal of Negro History 6 3 (Apri l 1978) : 157-160 ; rptd . b y permission of Karen A Robinson , Executive Director of the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, Inc. Raymon d Wolters, The New Negro on Campus: Black College Rebellions of the 1920s (Princeton , NJ: Princeton University Press, 1975), 324-331. Copyrigh t • 197 5 by Princeton University Press. Rptd . b y permissio n o f Princeto n Universit y Press . "Colore d Students a t Harvard, " Harvard Alumni Bulletin 25 (1 8 Januar y 1923) : 456-457. "Attack s Harvard on Negr o Question . J . Weldon Johnson De nounces the Exclusion of Negroes from Its Dormitories," New York Times, 13 January 1923, p. 5. "Negr o Graduate Protests. Say s University Forsakes Freedom fo r Rac e Oppression, " Ibid. Raymon d Pac e Alexander, "Voices from Harvard's Own Negroes," Opportunity: Journal of Negro Life 1 (March 1923): 29-31. W.E.B . Du Bois, "Harvard," The Crisis 25 (March 1923): 199. Charles W . Chesnut t t o Rosco e C . Bruce , 1 0 Apri l 1923 , Charle s W . Chesnutt Papers , Western Reserv e Historica l Society , Microfil m Edition , 1972, ed. Olivia J. Martin. "Charle s Chesnutt an d Harvard" [our title fo r excerpt] from J. Noel Heermance, Charles W. Chesnutt: America's First Great Black Novelist (Hamden , Conn.: Archon Books , 1974) , 86-87. "N o Racial Discrimination at Harvard," excerpted from Harvard Alumni Bulletin 2 5 (12 April 1923) : 826-827. "Negroe s i n the Freshman Halls," Harvard Alumni Bulletin 2 5 (12 April 1923) : 830. Marit a O. Bonner, "On Being Young—A Woman—And Colored, " The Crisis 3 1 (Decembe r 1925) : 63-65. Rptd . by permission of Joyce Flynn, Literary Executrix. Sterlin g A Brown , "I Visit Wren's Nest," Phylon 6 (1945): 225-226. Rptd. by permission. Fro m Collected Poems of Sterling A, Brown (Ne w York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1980), selected b y Michae l S . Harper , "Souther n Road, " copyrigh t • 198 0 b y Sterling A Brown ; rptd. by permission of Harpe r & Row Publishers, Inc. From On These I Stand by Count6e Cullen, "The Shroud of Color," copyright • 192 5 by Harper & Row, Publishers, Inc., renewed 195 3 by Ida M. Cullen; rptd. by permission of Harper & Row Publishers, Inc. Fro m The Medea and Some Poems (New Yor k an d London : Harper & Brothers, 1935) , 43-47, excerpt from "The Medea of Euripides," copyright • 193 5 by Harper & Row Publishers, Inc. , renewe d 196 3 by Id a M . Cullen ; rptd . by permission o f Harper & Ro w Publishers , Inc . Ralp h Bunche , "Th e Virtu e o f Color Blindness" [originally titled , "Human Relations I n World Perspective"], in Philip S. Foner, ed. The Voice of Black America: Major Speeches by Negroes in the United States, 1797-1971 (Ne w York : Simo n an d Schuster , 1972) , 882-888. Rptd . by permission. Willia m H . Hastie , "Th e Black Mystique Pitfall," The Crisis 7 8 (Octobe r 1971) : 243-247. Rayfor d W . Logan, "The

Citations

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Confessions o f an Unwilling Nordic," from The Negro Caravan: Writings by American Negroes, selecte d an d edite d b y Sterlin g A. Brown , Arthu r P . Davis, and Ulysses Lee, with an intro. by Julius Lester (New York: Dryden Press, 1941; rpt. Arno Press and the New York Times, 1970), 1043-1050; rptd. from World Tomorrow 1 0 (July 1927) : 297-300. Kennet h B , Murdoc k t o John A. Lomax, 18 January 1935, Eugene C. Barker Texas History Center, University of Texas at Austin Center for American History; special thanks to Jerrold Hirsch. "Negr o Who Sung Way Out of Souther n Prison s Wins Two Harvard Audiences, " Boston Globe, 14 March 1935 , p. 12 . Excerpt s from Joh n Hop e Franklin , " A Lif e o f Learning, " rptd . a s "Joh n Hop e Franklin: A Life of Learning," in Race and History: Selected Essays 1938-1988 (Baton Rouge : Louisiana Stat e University Press , 1989) , 277-291; 282-285, 288-291. Copyrigh t « 198 9 Louisian a Stat e Universit y Press , rptd . b y permission. Murie l Snowden, "Right to Participate," Radcliffe Quarterly 72 (September 1986) : 32-33. Copyrigh t « 198 6 Radcliff e College . Rptd . by permission of Radcliffe Quarterly. "Miss Radcliffe," Newsweek 35 (21 June 1948), 25 . Elizabet h Fitzgeral d Howard , "Thre e Generation s o f a Black Radcliffe and Harvard Family," Radcliffe Quarterly 70 (September 1984): 11 13. Copyrigh t • 198 4 Radcliffe College . Rptd . by permission of Radcliffe Quarterly. Harol d R. Scott, "Harvard and the Performing Arts: 'How Long, O Lor d . . . ?* " Harvard College Class of 1957 20th Anniversary Report (Cambridge: Crimson Printing Co., 1977, printed for the class), 25-27. Rptd . by permission. Willia m Melvin Kelley, "Black Power," Partisan Review 3 5 (Spring 1968): 216-217. Rptd . by permission of the Partisan Review and the author. Willia m Melvi n Kelley , "M y Next t o Las t Hi t b y C.C. Johnson" appears here for the first tim e and is printed by permission of the author. Archie C. Epps HI, "Africans and Afro-Americans," Harvard Crimson, 9 May 1963. Herber t H. Denton, Jr., "Afro-Americans," Harvard Crimson, 1 4 May 1963, p. 3. "Th e Leverett House Forum of March 18,1964," from Malcolm X: Speeches at Harvard, rev. ed. by Archie Epps (New York: Paragon House, 1991 [Ne w York : Morrow , 1968]) , 131-160 ; 189-190 . Copyrigh t * Bett y Shabazz. Specia l thank s t o Archi e Epps . Jame s Ala n McPherson , "On Becoming an American Writer," The Atlantic 242 (December 1978) : 53-57. Copyright • b y James Alan McPherson; rptd. by permission. Lawrenc e E. Eichel, "The Crisis of 1969 " [originally titled "Th e Eighth Demand"], from The Harvard Strike, b y Lawrence E . Eichel , Kennet h W . Jost, Rober t D . Luskin and Richard M. Neustadt (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1970): 261-288. Copyright • 197 0 b y Lawrenc e E . Eichel , Kennet h W . Jost , Rober t D . Luskin and Richard M. Neustadt. Rptd . by permission of Houghton Mifflin Co. Excerp t fro m th e "Rosovsk y Report, " i n th e "Facult y o f Art s an d Sciences, Harvard University: Report of the Faculty Committee on African and Afro-America n Studies , Januar y 20 , 1969, " pp . 33-34 . Harvar d University Archives . Facult y Vot e o f Apri l 22 , 1969 , Appendi x I in th e

518

Citations

"Faculty of Arts and Sciences, Harvard University: 'The First Three Years of the Afro-American Studies Department, 1969-1972,* October 16, 1972.," Harvard University Archives. Murie l Morisey Spence, n A Feminine Hell," from th e 196 9 Harvard Yearbook, p. 93 . Copyrigh t • 196 9 Harvar d Yearbook Publications. Rptd . by permission. Herber t W. Nickens, "Travels with Charlie: In Search of Afro-America," from the 1969 Harvard Yearbook, pp. 96-97 . Copyrigh t • 196 9 Harvard Yearboo k Publications . Rptd . by permission. Godfre y Pehue r Otuteye , "Part of a Longer Story," from th e 1969 Harvard Yearbook, pp . 98-101. Copyrigh t • 196 9 Harvard Yearbook Publications. Rptd . by permission. Ernes t J. Wilson III , "The Reform of Tradition, the Tradition of Reform" [1989], appears here for the first time. Emory J. West, "Harvard and the Black Man, 1636-1850 : The First Stages of Struggle," Harvard Bulletin 7 4 (22 November 1971): 21-26; reprinted here in condense d for m wit h mino r emendations . Copyrigh t • 197 1 Harvard Magazine. Rptd . b y permission. Andre a Lee , "Fin e Points," from Sarah Phillips (Ne w York: Random House, 1984) , 96-102; rptd. by permission of Random House , Inc . Leig h Jackson, "Your Poet I s on Television" [1988] appears here for the first time. "T o the Harvard Law School Community," from the Third World Coalition, 24 May 1982; James Vorenberg to "Second and Thir d Yea r La w Students, " o f Harvar d La w School , 2 1 Jul y 1982 . Muhammad Kenyatta , "Blac k an d Whit e a t Harvard, " Time 12 0 (2 7 September 1982) : 6 . Christophe r Edley , Jr. , "Th e Boycot t a t Harvard : Should Teaching be Colorblind?," The Washington Post, 18 August 1982 , p. A32. Derric k A. Bell, Jr., "A Question of Credentials," Harvard Law Record 75 (1 7 Septembe r 1982) : 6-7, 14 . Fara h Jasmin e Griffin , "O n Hair and Harvard" [1988] appears here for the first time. Judit h Jackson, "Trying to Break Out of the Isolation," rev. version of an article that appeared in the Harvard Crimson, Jun e 10 , 1987 , p . Al, B3 . Rptd . b y permission o f th e author. Shanna h V . Braxton , "Paintin g wit h Fres h Strokes, " Harvard Independent, 1 9 February 1987 , p. 17. Rptd . by permission of the Harvard Independent. Martin L . Kilson , "Harvar d an d th e Small-Towner " [1986] , Eileen Southern, "A Pioneer: Black and Female" [1988], and Nathan Irvin Huggins, "Two Decades of Afro-American Studies at Harvard" [1989] appear here for the first time. The editor s gratefull y acknowledg e th e source s fo r th e illustrations , a s follows. B y permission of the Harvard University Archives: Greener (both), Morgan, Du Bois in 1888 (Dudley Sargent plate #3129), Du Bois in 1915, Trotter in 189 1 (Sargen t plate #4138), Hill (Sargen t plate #8183), Locke (both), Bruce. B y permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University: Jones. B y permission o f th e Harvard Law School Art Collection : Hastie. By permission o f th e Harvard La w School Communication s Department : Kennedy. B y permission of the Harvard News Office: Bell, Epps, Huggins,

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Kilson, Southern. B y permission of Harvar d Yearbook Publications , Inc.: Braxton, Denton , Griffin , J . Jackson , Nickens , Otuteye , Wilson ; specia l thanks to photo edito r Juha P. Maijala '9 3 for reproducing th e Yearbook photographs. B y permission of the Radcliffe College Archives: Bonner, Day, Dykes, Snowden (photo by Judith Sedwick). B y permission of the Radcliffe Office of Public Information: Howard, Spence (photo by Lillian Kemp). B y permission o f th e Photograph s & Prints Division , Schombur g Cente r fo r Research in Black Culture, The New York Public Library (Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations): Cullen in 1920. B y permission of Robert C. Hayden and th e Bosto n Publi c Library : Trotter i n midcareer . B y permissio n o f photographer Hugh Bell, New York City: Cullen's gravestone. B y permission o f photographe r Timoth y G . Carlso n 71 : student s leavin g meeting , 1969. B y permission of Scurlock Studio, Washington, D.C.: Brown, Logan. Wm. J . Simmons , Men of Mark (1887) : Delany . Nationa l Par k Servic e (Booker T. Washington National Monument): Chesnutt, Washington (both). Who's Who in Colored America (192 7 ed.) : Ferris ; ibid . (195 0 ed.) : Alexander. Frederic k Douglass, My Bondage (1855), frontispiece: Douglass. United Press International: Bunche, Garvey, Malcolm X. Colored American magazine: Johnson. Ne w Yor k Dail y News : Culle n i n 1932 . Leadbelly Songbook (1962) : Leadbelly. Negro Almanac, 1st ed. (1966): Kelley (photo by Edwar d N . Barnett) . Dustjacke t o f Hue and Cry (1968): McPherso n (photo by Bill Troyer). Dustjacke t o f Sarah Phillips (1984) : Lee (photo by Steven Olivie r Cojo t Goldberg) . Christophe r Edley : Edley . Caldwel l Titcomb: cover, Up From Harvard (1969), Scott (both). Sourc e unidentified: Franklin.

READINGS (Some general an d miscellaneou s works are listed, followe d b y a sampling of books by or about contributor s t o thi s anthology. I n the case of works by black Harvard alumni who are not represented b y selections in the body of this collection, the Harvard affiliation ha s been indicated. Fo r reasons of space, articles are not included.—C.T. ) General Aptheker, Herbert , ed . A Documentary History of the Negro People in the United States, 3 vols. (Secaucus, N.J.: Citadel Press, 1951, 1973). Bailyn, Bernard, Donald Fleming, Oscar Handlin, and Stephan Thernstrom. Glimpses of the Harvard Past (Cambridge , Mass./London : Harvar d University Press, 1986). Ballard, Alle n B . [A.M . 1957 , Ph.D. 1962] . The Education of Black Folk (New York: Harper & Row, 1974). Bardolph, Richard. The Negro Vanguard (New York: Holt, Rinehart, 1959) [reprint Ne w York: Vintage, 1961], Barksdale, Richar d [AM . 1947 , Ph.D. 1951] , and Kenet h Kinnamon , eds. Black Writers of America: A Comprehensive Anthology (Ne w York : Macmillan, 1972). Beckham, Barry , ed . The Black Student's Guide to Colleges , 2nd ed . (Providence: Beckham House , 1984). Bell, Bernar d W . The Afro-American Novel and Its Tradition (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1987) [Include s sections on Marti n Delany, Charle s Chesnutt , W.E.B . D u Bois , James Weldo n Johnson , Count6e Cullen, and William Melvin Kelley]. Bond, Horace Mann. Black American Scholars: A Study of Their Beginnings (Detroit: Balamp, 1972). . The Education of the Negro in the American Social Order\ 2n d ed. (New York: Octagon, 1966). Brawley, Benjami n [AM . 1908] . The Negro Genius (Ne w York : Dodd , Mead, 1937 ; reissued 1966) . . A Short History of the English Drama (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1921). Brignano, Russell C. Black Americans in Autobiography, rev. ed. (Durham : Duke University Press, 1984). Campbell, Doroth y W . Index to Black American Writers in Collective Biographies (Littleton , Colo. : Libraries Unlimited, 1983) . Chambers, Fredrick, comp. Black Higher Education in the United States: A

522

Reading?

Selected Bibliography (Westport , Conn.: Greenwood, 1978). Clark, Edward . Black Writers in New England: A Bibliography (Boston : National Park Service, 1985). Cunard, Nancy, comp. Negro: An Anthology (London : The Author, 1934 ) [reprint, ed . & abridged, wit h a n introduction , b y Hug h Ford , Ne w York: Frederick Ungar, 1970]. Davis, Allison [AM . 1925] . Leadership, Love and Aggression (Ne w York: Harcourt Brace, 1983) [Deals with Frederick Douglass, W.E.B. Du Bois, Richard Wright, Martin Luther King, Jr.]. Davis, Arthur P. From the Dark Tower: Afro-American Writers 1900-1960 (Washington: Howar d Universit y Press , 1981 ) [Include s chapter s o n W.E.B. Du Bois, Alain Locke, Count6e Cullen, and Sterling Brown]. [Epps Report.] A Study of Race Relations at Harvard College. Committee on Race Relations, Harvard College, May 1980. Ferguson, Jeffrey [AB . 1985] . "Blac k Student Identit y at Harvard and the Rising Black Elite." Senio r thesis, Afro-American Studies Department, Harvard University, 1985. Fine, Els a Honig . The Afro-American Artist: A Search for Identity (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1973) [reprint New York: Hacker Art Books, 1982]. Fleming, Jacqueline [Ph.D . 1974] . Blacks in College: A Comparative Study (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1984). Foner, Philip S., ed. The Voice of Black America: Major Speeches by Negroes in the United States, 1797-1971 (Ne w York: Simon & Schuster, 1972). Foreman, Christopher H., Jr. [AB. 1974 ; AM. 1977 ; Ph.D. 1980] . Signals from the Hill: Congressional Oversight and the Challenge of Social Regulation (Ne w Haven: Yale University Press, 1988). Gatewood, Willar d B . Aristocrats of Color: The Black Elite, 1880-1920 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990). Gossett, Thoma s E . Race: The History of an Idea in America (Dallas : Southern Methodis t Universit y Press , 1963 ) [reprin t Ne w York : Schocken, 1965]. Greene, Harry Washington. Holders of Doctorates Among American Negroes (Boston: Meador, 1946). Greene, Lorenz o J . The Negro in Colonial New England (Ne w York : Columbia University Press, 1942) [reprint New York: Atheneum, 1968]. Hayden, Rober t C . African-Americans in Boston: More Than 350 Years (Boston: Boston Public Library, 1991). Jaynes, Gerald D. , and Robin M . Williams Jr., eds. A Common Destiny: Blacks and American Society (Washington, D.C. : Nationa l Academ y Press, 1989).

Reading?

523

Johnson, Charles S. The Negro College Graduate (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolin a Press , 1938 ) [reprin t Colleg e Park , Md. : McGrat h Publishing Co., 1969]. Kallenbach, Jessamine S., ed. Index to Black American Literary Anthologies (Boston: G.K. Hall, 1979). Katz, William Loren. Eyewitness: The Negro in American History, rev . ed. (New York: Pitman Publishing Corp., 1971). Kellner, Bruce, ed. The Harlem Renaissance: A Historical Dictionary for the Era (Westport , Conn. : Greenwoo d Press , 1984 ) [reprin t Ne w York : Methuen, 1987]. Lamar, Jake [A.B. 1983]. Bourgeois Blues: An American Memoir (New York: Summit Books, 1991). Lerner, Gerda, ed. Black Women in White America: A Documentary History (New York: Pantheon, 1972). Lipset, Seymou r Martin , an d Davi d Riesman . Education and Politics at Harvard (Ne w York: McGraw-Hill, 1975). McMillan, Terry, ed. Breaking Ice: An Anthology of Contemporary AfricanAmerican Fiction (Ne w York: Penguin Books, 1990) [Includes William Melvin Kelley and James Alan McPherson]. McPherson, Jame s M . e t al . Blacks in America: Bibliographical Essays (Garden City: Doubleday, 1971). Meier, August , an d Elliot t Rudwick , eds . The Making of Black America: Essays in Negro Life and History, 2 vols. (New York: Atheneum, 1969). Miller, Elizabeth W., comp. The Negro in America: A Bibliography, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970). Page, James A., and Jae Min Roh. Selected Black American, African, and Caribbean Authors: A Bio-Bibliography (Littleton , Colo. : Librarie s Unlimited, 1985). Peterson, Marvin W., Robert T. Blackburn, Zelda F. Gamson et al. Black Students on White Campuses: The Impacts of Increased Black Enrollments (Ann Arbor : Institut e fo r Socia l Research , Universit y o f Michigan , 1978). Pierson, William D. Black Yankees (Amherst : University of Massachusetts Press, 1988). Porter, Doroth y B. , comp . The Negro in the United States: A Selected Bibliography (Washington : Library of Congress, 1970). Robinson, Willia m H. [Ph.D . 1964] . Black New England Letters (Boston: Boston Public Library, 1977). Roses, Lorraine Elena, and Ruth Elizabeth Randolph. Harlem Renaissance and Beyond: Literary Biographies of 100 Black Women Writers 1900-1945 (Boston: G.K . Hall , 1990 ) [Include s Marit a Bonner , Carolin e Bon d

524

Reading?

Day, and Eva Dykes]. Rush, Theressa G. , Caro l F . Myers, and Esther S. Arata. Black American Writers Past and Present: A Biographical and Bibliographical Dictionary, 2 vols. (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1975). Sammons, Vivia n Ovelton . Blacks in Science and Medicine (Ne w York : Hemisphere Publishing Corp., 1990). Shockley, Ann Allen, and Sue P. Chandler. Living Black American Authors: A Biographical Directory (Ne w York: R. R. Bowker, 1973). Singh, Amritji t e t al. , eds . The Harlem Renaissance: Revaluations (New York/London: Garland , 1989 ) [Include s essay s o n W.E.B . D u Bois , Alain Locke, Sterling Brown, and Count6e Cullen]. Snowden, Frank M., Jr. [A.B. 1932, M.A. 1933 , Ph.D. 1944] . Before Color Prejudice: The Ancient View of Blacks (Cambridge , Mass. : Harvar d University Press, 1983). Sowell, Thomas [A.B . 1958]. Black Education: Myths and Tragedies (Ne w York: David McKay, 1972). _ . Choosing a College: A Guide for Parents and Students (Ne w York: Harper & Row, 1989). . Ethnic America (Ne w York: Basic Books, 1981). Spradling, Mar y Mace, ed. In Black and White, 3r d ed., 2 vols. (Detroit : Gale Research Co., 1980) [Bibliography of 15,000-plus black individuals and groups]. Synott, Marci a Graham . The Half Opened Door: Discrimination and Admissions at Harvard, Yale, and Princeton, 1900-1970 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1979). Tate, Merze [Ph.D . 1941] . The United States and Armaments (Cambridge , Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1948) [reprin t New York: Russell & Russell, 1969] . Thorpe, Earl E. Black Historians: A Critique (New York: William Morrow, 1971). Turner, Darwi n T. , comp . Afro-American Writers (Ne w York : AppletonCentury-Crofts, 1970 ) [ A bibliography]. Wesley, Charle s H . [Ph.D . 1925] . Neglected History: Essays in NegroAmerican History (Washington: Association for the Study of Negro Life & History, 1969). Whitlow, Roger. Black American Literature: A Critical History (Totowa, N.J.: Rowman & Allanheld, 1984) [Includes Martin Delany, W.E.B. Du Bois, Count6e Cullen, and William Melvin Kelley]. Wintz, Cary D. Black Culture and the Harlem Renaissance (Houston : Rice University Press, 1988). Woodson, Carter G. [Ph.D. 1912]. The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861,

Reading?

525

2nd ed . (Washington : Associatio n fo r th e Stud y o f Negr o Lif e an d History, 1933 ) [reprin t Ne w York: Arno, 1968]. . The Mis-Education of the Negro (Washington: Associated Publish ers, 1933 ) [reprint Ne w York: AMS Press, 1972]. Wright, Nathan Jr. , ed. [S.T.M . 1951 , Ed.D. 1964] . What Black Educators Are Saying (New York: Hawthorn, 1970) . Derrick Bell Bell, Derrick. And We Are Not Saved: The Elusive Quest for Racial Justice (New York: Basic Books, 1987; enlarged ed . 1989). . Faces at the Bottom of the Well: The Permanence of Racism (New York: Basic Books, 1992). . Race, Racism and American Law (Boston: Little, Brown, 1973; 2nd ed. 1980). . Shades of Brown: New Perspectives on School Desegregation (Ne w York: Columbia University , Teachers Colleg e Press, 1980). Marita Bonner Flynn, Joyce, and Joyce Occomy Stricklin, eds. Frye Street & Environs: The Collected Works of Marita Bonner (Boston: Beacon Press , 1987). Sterling A. Brown Brown, Sterling A. The Collected Poems, ed. Michael S. Harper (New York: Harper & Row, 1980). . The Negro in American Fiction (Washington : Associates i n Negro Folk Education, 1937 ) [reprint New York: Atheneum, 1969]. . Negro Poetry and Drama (Washington: Associates i n Negro Fol k Education, 1937 ) [reprin t Ne w York: Atheneum, 1969]. Brown, Sterlin g A . e t al. , eds . The Negro Caravan: Writings by American Negroes (New York : Dryde n Press , 1941 ) [reprin t Ne w York : Arno , 1970]. Ralph J. Bunche Bunche, Ralph J. The Political Status of the Negro in the Age of FDR [1940], ed. Dewey W. Grantham (Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1973). . A World View of Race (Washington : Associate s i n Negr o Fol k Education, 193 6 [reprint Port Washington , N.Y: Kennikat, 1968].

Reading?

526

Edgar, Rober t R. , ed . An African American in South Africa: The Travel Notes of Ralph /. Bunche (Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1992). Kugelmass, J. Alvin. Ralph J. Bunche: Fighter for Peace (New York: Julian Messner, 1952 ; reissued 1962) . Mann, Peggy . Ralph J. Bunche: U.N. Peacemaker (New York : Coward , McCann, 1975). Rivlin, Benjamin . Ralph Bunche: The Man and His Times (Ne w York : Holmes & Meier, 1990). Charles W. Chesnutt Andrews, Willia m L . The Literary Career of Charles W. Chesnutt (Baton Rouge/London: Louisiana Stat e University Press, 1980). Chesnutt, Charle s W . The Colonel's Dream (New York: Doubleda y Page, 1905) [several reprints, 1968-1977]. . The Conjure Woman (Boston : Houghto n Mifflin , 1899 , 1929 ) [several reprints, 1968-1977]. . Frederick Douglass (Boston: Small Maynard, 1899) [reprints, 1970, 1977]. . The House Behind the Cedars (Boston : Houghton Mifflin , 1900 ) [reprints, 1968 , 1969]. . The Marrow of Tradition (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1901 ) [several reprints, 1968-1977]. . The Wife of His Youth and Other Stories of the Color Line (Boston: Houghton Mifflin , 1899 ) [several reprints, 1967-1977]. Ellison, Curtis W., and E.W. Metcalf Jr. Charles W. Chesnutt: A Reference Guide (Boston: G.K. Hall, 1977). Heermance, J . Noel . Charles W. Chesnutt: America's First Great Black Novelist (Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books , 1974). Keller, France s Richardson . An American Crusade: The Life of Charles Waddell Chesnutt (Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 1978). Render, Sylvi a Lyons , ed . The Short Fiction of Charles W. Chesnutt (Washington, D.C.: Howard Universit y Press, 1981). Countde Cullen Baker, Housto n A. , Jr . A Many-Colored Coat of Dreams: The Poetry of Countee Cullen (Detroit : Broadside Press, 1974). Cullen, Countee, ed. Caroling Dusk: An Anthology of Verse by Negro Poets (New York: Harper & Row, 1927 ; reissued 1974) . . On These I Stand (New York: Harper & Row, 1947).

Readings

527

Early, Gerald, ed. My SouVs High Song: The Collected Writings of Countie Cullen (New York: Doubleday, 1991). Ferguson, Blanch e E . Countee Cullen and the Negro Renaissance (Ne w York: Dodd, Mead, 1966). Perry, Margaret . A Bio-Bibliography of Countie P. Cullen, 1903-1946 (Westport, Conn.: Greeenwood, 1971) . Shucard, Alan R . Countie Cullen (Boston: Twayne, 1984). Caroline Bond Day Day, Caroline Bond. A Study of Some Negro-White Families in the United States [wit h forewor d an d note s b y Earnest A . Hooton ] (Cambridge , Mass.: Peabody Museum of Harvard University , 1932). Martin R. Delany Delany, Marti n R . Blake; or, The Huts of America [serialize d 1859-1862 ] (Boston: Beacon Press, 1970). . The Condition, Elevation, Emigration, and Destiny of the Colored People of the United States (Philadelphia: Th e Author , 1852 ) [reprin t New York: Arno, 1968]. Delany, Marti n R. , an d Rober t Campbell . Search for a Place: Black Separatism and Africa (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1969). Ellison, Curti s W. , and E . W . Metcalf, Jr., eds . William Wells Brown and Martin R Delany: A Reference Guide (Boston : G. K. Hall, 1978). Griffith, Cyri l E. The African Dream: Martin R Delany and the Emergence of Pan-African Thought (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1975). Rollin, Frank A. [pseud , of Frances Rollin Whipper] , The Life and Public Services of Martin R Delany (Boston: Le e & Shepard, 1868 ) [reprin t New York: Kraus, 1969]. Sterling, Dorothy. The Making of an Afro-American: Martin Robison Delany, 1812-1885 (Garde n City : Doubleday, 1971) . Ullman, Victor . Martin R. Delany: The Beginnings of Black Nationalism (Boston: Beacon Press , 1971). W.E.B. Du Bois Aptheker, Herbert . Annotated Bibliography of the Published Writings of W.E.B. Du Bois (Millwood, N.Y.: Kraus-Thomson, 1973) . , ed . Contributions by WE.B. Du Bois in Government Publications

Readings

528

and Proceedings (Millwood , N.Y.: Kraus-Thomson, 1980). , ed . The Correspondence of W.E.B. Du Bois, 3 vols . (Amherst : University of Massachusetts Press , 1973, 1976, 1978). Broderick, Franci s L . W.E.B. Du Bois: Negro Leader in a Time of Crisis (Stanford: Stanfor d Universit y Press, 1959). Du Bois , W.E.B . Against Racism: Unpublished Essays, Papers, Addresses 1887-1961, ed. Herbert Aptheker (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1985). . The Autobiography of W.EB. Du Bois, ed. Herbert Aptheker (New York: International Publishers , 1968). . Book Reviews, ed. Herber t Aptheke r (Millwood , N.Y. : Kraus Thomson, 1977). . The Souls of Black Folk (Chicago : McClurg , 1903 ) [frequentl y reprinted]. . Writings, ed . Natha n Huggin s (Ne w York : Librar y o f America , 1986) [Contains The Suppression of the African Slave- Trade, The Souls of Black Folk, Dusk of Dawn, and selected essays]. Foner, Phili p S. , ed . WEB. Du Bois Speaks: Speeches and Addresses [1890-1963], 2 vols. (New York: Pathfinder Press , 1970). Lester, Julius, ed. The Seventh Son: The Thought and Writings of WEB. Du Bois, 2 vols. (New York: Vintage, 1971). Logan, Rayford W., ed. WEB. Du Bois: A Profile (New York: Hill & Wang, 1971). Marable, Manning . W.EB. Du Bois: Black Radical Democrat (Boston : Twayne, 1986). Paschal, Andrew , ed . A W.EB. Du Bois Reader (New York : Macmillan , 1971). Rampersad, Arnold [A.M . 1969 , Ph.D. 1973]. The Art and Imagination of W.EB. Du Bois (Cambridge: Harvard Universit y Press, 1976). Rudwick, Elliott M. W.E.B. Du Bois: A Study in Minority Group Leadership (Philadelphia: Universit y o f Pennsylvani a Press , 1960 ) [reprin t Ne w York: Atheneum, 1968]. Walden, Daniel , ed . W.EB. Du Bois: The 'Crisis' Writings (Greenwich : Fawcett, 1972). Weinberg, Meyer , ed . WE.B. Du Bois: A Reader (New York : Harpe r & Row, 1970). Eva B. Dykes Cromwell, Otelia, Lorenzo D. Turner [A.M . 1917], and Eva B. Dykes, eds. Readings fromNegroAuthors (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1931).

Reading?

529

Dykes, Ev a B . The Negro in English Romantic Thought (Washington : Associated Publishers , 1942). William H. Ferris Ferris, Willia m H . The African Abroad; or, His Evolution in Western Civilization, 2 vols. (Ne w Haven: Tuttle, Morehouse and Taylor, 1913) [reprint Ne w York: Johnson Reprints , 1968]. . Alexander Crummell, An Apostle of Negro Culture (Washington, D.C.: American Negro Academy, 1920) [reprint New York: Arno Press, 1969]. Martin, Tony , ed . African Fundamentalism: A Literary and Cultural Anthology ofGarvey's Harlem Renaissance (Dover, Mass.: The Majorit y Press, 1991 ) [Contains 1 5 articles by W.H. Ferris]. John Hope Franklin Anderson, Eric , and Alfre d A . Moss, Jr., eds. The Facts of Reconstruction: Essays in Honor of John Hope Franklin (Bato n Rouge : Louisian a University Press, 1991). Franklin, Joh n Hope . The Emancipation Proclamation (Ne w York : Doubleday, 1963). . The Free Negro in North Carolina, 1790-1860 (Chapel Hill : University o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1943 ) [reprin t Ne w York : W.W . Norton, 1971]. . From Slavery to Freedom: A History of Negro Americans, (Ne w York: Knopf, 1947; rev. eds. 1956,1967,1974,1978; 6th ed. with Alfred A. Moss, Jr., 1987). . George Washington Williams: A Biography (Chicago/London: University of Chicago Press, 1985). . The Militant South, 1800-1861 (Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press, 1956,197 0 with new Preface). . Race and History: Selected Essays, 1938-1988 (Bato n Rouge/London: Louisian a Stat e University Press, 1989). . Racial Equality in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976). . Reconstruction: After the Civil War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961). . A Southern Odyssey: Travelers in the Antebellum North (Bato n Rouge: Louisiana Stat e University Press, 1976). Willie, Charle s V . [hon . A.M . 1974] . Five Black Scholars: An Analysis of

Reading?

530

Family Life, Education, and Career (Lanham , Md.: University Press of America, 1986 ) [Chapter 2, "John Hope Franklin: The Historian Wh o Understands"]. Marcus Garvey Burkett, Randal l K . Black Redemption: Churchmen Speak for the Garvey Movement (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1978). Clarke, Joh n Henrik , ed . Marcus Garvey and the Vision of Africa (Ne w York: Random House , 1974). Cronon, Edmund David. Black Moses: The Story of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association (Madison : Universit y o f Wisconsin Press, 1955; reissued 1969) . Davis, Lenwoo d G. , an d Jane t L . Sims , comps . Marcus Garvey: An Annotated Bibliography (Westport , Conn. : Greenwood, 1980). Essien-Udom, E[ssien] U[dosen] and Amy J. Garvey, eds. More Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey (London : Frank Cass , 1977). Fax, Elton C . Garvey: The Story of a Pioneer Black Nationalist (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1972). Garvey, Am y Jacques . Garvey and Garveyism (Kingston, Jamaica : Th e Author, 1963) . Garvey, Amy Jacques, ed. Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey, 2 vols. (New York: Universal Publishing House, 1923-1925) [2nd ed., 2 vols, in 1, London: Frank Cass, 1967; reprint 2 vols in 1, New York: Atheneum, 1974]. Garvey, Marcus. Message to the People: The Course of African Philosophy, ed. Tony Martin (Dover , Mass.: The Majority Press , 1986). . The Poetical Works of Marcus Garvey, ed . Ton y Martin (Dover , Mass.: The Majority Press , 1983). Hill, Robert A , ed . The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers, 7 vols. (Berkeley : Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1983-1991). , ed . Marcus Garvey: Life and Lessons (Berkeley : Universit y o f California Press , 1987). Lewis, Rupert . Marcus Garvey: Anti-Colonial Champion (Trenton, N.J. : Africa Worl d Press, 1988). Lewis, Rupert , an d Patric k Bryan , eds . Garvey: His Work and Impact (Trenton, N.J.: Africa Worl d Press, 1991). Martin, Tony . Literary Garveyism: Garvey, Black Arts and the Harlem Renaissance (Dover , Mass.: The Majority Press , 1983). . Marcus Garvey, Hero (Dover, Mass.: The Majority Press , 1983).

Readings

531

Sewell, Tony. Garvey's Children: The Legacy of Marcus Garvey (Trenton, N.J.: Africa Worl d Press , 1990). Smith-Irvin, Jeannette. Marcus Garvey's Footsoldiers of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (Trenton, N.J.: Africa Worl d Press, 1989). Stein, Judith . The World of Marcus Garvey: Race and Class in Modern Society (Baton Rouge/London: Louisiana State University Press, 1986). Vincent, Theodor e G . Black Power and the Garvey Movement (Berkeley : Ramparts Press, 1971). Richard T. Greener Class of 1870: Report VI (1895), pp. 25-28. Harvar d Universit y Archives. Greener, Richar d T . Charles Sumner: The Idealist, Statesman and Scholar (Columbia, S.C.: Republican Printin g Co., 1874). William H. Hastie Chadbourn, Erika S. The High Mountain: William Henry Hastie (Cambridge, Mass.: Manuscript Division , Harvard La w School Library, 1984). Chadbourn, Erika S., Lynne Hollyer, and Richard McNally, comps. William Henry Hastie: An Inventory of His Papers in the Harvard Law School Library (Cambridge , Mass.: Harvard La w School Library, 1984). Hastie, William H . The William H Hastie Papers (Frederick , Md.: University Publications of America, 1988) [107 microfilm reels and two printed guides]. Ware, Gilbert . William Hastie: Grace Under Pressure (Ne w York: Oxfor d University Press, 1984). Leslie Pinckney Hill Hill, Lesli e P . Toussaint UOuverture: A Dramatic History [verse drama ] (Boston: Christopher, 1928) . . Wings of Oppression and Other Poems (Boston : Stratford , 1921 ) m [reprint Freeport , N.Y.: Books for Librarie s Press, 1971]. Elizabeth Fitzgerald Howard Howard, Elizabet h Fitzgerald . America as Story: Historical Fiction for Secondary Schools (Chicago: American Librar y Association, 1988). . Aunt Flossie's Hats (and Crab Cakes Later) (Ne w York: Clario n Books, 1991).

Reading?

532

. Chita's Christmas Tree (Ne w York: Bradbury Press, 1989). . The Train to Lulu's (Ne w York: Bradbury Press, 1989). Nathan L Huggins Huggins, Natha n I . Afro-American Studies (New York: For d Foundation , 1985). . Black Odyssey: The Afro-American Ordeal in Slavery (Ne w York: Pantheon, 1977 ; reprint Ne w York: Random House , 1990 , with a new preface b y the author). . Harlem Renaissance (Ne w York: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1971; several reprints, 1973-). . Protestants Against Poverty: Boston's Charities, 1870-1900 (Westport, Conn. : Greenwood, 1971) . . Slave and Citizen: The Life of Frederick Douglass (Boston : Little, Brown, 1980). , ed . Voices From the Harlem Renaissance (New York : Oxfor d University Press, 1976). Huggins, Nathan I. , Martin Kilson , and Danie l M . Fox, eds. Key Issues in the Afro-American Experience, 2 vols . (Ne w York : Harcour t Brace , 1971). James Weldon Johnson Fleming, Robert E . James Weldon Johnson (Boston: Twayne, 1987). . James Weldon Johnson and Arna Wendell Bontemps: A Reference Guide (Boston: G.K. Hall, 1978). Johnson, James Weldon. Along This Way (New York: Viking, 1933; reissued 1968). . The Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man (Boston : Sherman , French, 1912 ) [reprin t Ne w York: Hill & Wang, I960] . . Black Manhattan (New York: Knopf, 1930 ) [reprin t Ne w York: Atheneum, 1968]. , ed . The Book of American Negro Poetry, rev . ed . (Ne w York : Harcourt, Brace , 1931 ; reissued 1959) . . God's Trombones: Seven Negro Sermons in Verse (New York : Viking, 1927 ; reissued 1969) . Levy, Eugene. James Weldon Johnson: Black Leader, Black Voice (Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1973).

Reading?

533 Edward Smyth Jones

"Invincible Ned" [E. Smyth Jones]. The Rose That Bloometh in My Heart and Other Poems (Louisville: The Author, 1908) . Jones, Edward Smyth. The Sylvan Cabin and Other Verse (Boston: Sherman, French, 1911) . William Melvin Kelley Kelley, Willia m Melvin . Dancers on the Shore (Garden City : Doubleday , 1964) [reprin t Washington : Howard Universit y Press, 1984]. . dem (Garden City : Doubleday, 1967 ) [reprint Ne w York: Collier, 1969]. . A Different Drummer (Garden City : Doubleday , 1962 ) [reprin t Garden City : Anchor, 1969]. . A Drop of Patience (Garde n City : Doubleday, 1965). . Dunfords Travels Everywheres (Garde n City : Doubleday, 1970). Martin Kilson Cartey, Wilfred , an d Marti n Kilson , comps . Africa Reader (Ne w York : Random House , 1970). Emerson, Rupert, and Martin Kilson . Political Awakening of Africa [1965] (Westport, Conn. : Greenwood, 1981) . Hill, A. Cromwell [Ph.D . 1952] and Martin Kilson , eds. Apropos of Africa: Sentiments of Negro American Leaders on Africa from the 1800's to the 1950's (London: Cass, 1969). Kilson, Martin . African Diaspora: Interpretive Essays (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard Universit y Press, 1976). , ed. New States in the Modern World (Cambridge , Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1975). . Political Change in a West African State (Cambridge , Mass. : Harvard Universit y Press , 1966). Kilson, Martin , an d Rober t I . Rotberg , eds . The African Diaspora (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Universit y Press, 1976). Huddie (Lcadbelly) Ledbetter Asch, Moses, and Ala n Lomax , eds. The Leadbelly Songbook (New York : Oak Publications, 1962). Garvin, Richar d M. , an d Edmon d G . Addeo . The Midnight Special: The

Readings

534

Legend ofLeadbelfy (Ne w York: B. Geis, 1971). Jones, Max , an d Alber t McCarthy , eds . A Tribute to Huddie Ledbetter (London: Jazz Music Books, 1946). Lomax, John A . Adventures of a Ballad Hunter (New York : Macmillan , 1947). Lomax, Joh n A. , an d Ala n Lomax . The Leadbelly Legend (Ne w York : Folkways, 1965). . Negro Folk Songs as Sung by Leadbelly (Ne w York: Macmillan , 1936; 3rd ed. 1959). Andrea Lee Lee, Andrea. Russian Journal (Ne w York: Random House , 1981 ) [reprin t New York: Vintage, 1984]. . Sarah Phillips (Ne w York: Rando m House , 1984 ) [reprin t Ne w York: Penguin, 1985]. Alain LeRoy Locke Butcher, Margaret Just. The Negro in American Culture ["Based on Materials Left b y Alain Locke"], 2nd ed. (New York: Knopf, 1972). Harris, Leonard, ed . The Philosophy of Alain Locke: Harlem Renaissance and Beyond (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989). Linnemann, Russel l J. , ed . Alain Locke: Reflections on a Modern Renaissance Man (Bato n Rouge : Louisiana Stat e University Press, 1982). Locke, Alain. Critical Temper and Aesthetic Vision: Selected Essays, ed. with Jeffrey C . Stewar t (1940 ; reprin t Ne w York : Garland , 1981) . . Negro Art: Past and Present (Washington: Associates in Negro Folk Education, 1936 ) [reprint Ne w York: Arno, 1969]. . The Negro and His Music (Washington: Associates in Negro Folk Education, 1936 ) [reprint Ne w York: Arno, 1969]. , ed. The New Negro (New York: Boni, 1925 ) [reprin t Ne w York: Atheneum, 1968 , and (wit h new introd.) 1992]. Locke, Alain, and Montgomer y Gregor y [A.B . 1910], eds. Plays of Negro Life (Ne w York: Harper, 1927) . Locke, Alain, and Bernhar d J . Stern, eds. When Peoples Meet: A Study in Race and Culture Contacts, rev. ed . (Ne w York : Hinds , Hayde n & Eldredge, 1946; reprint 1977) . Rayford W. Logan Logan, Rayfor d W . The African Mandates in World Politics (Washington , D.C.: Public Affairs Press , 1948). , ed. The Attitude of the Southern White Press Toward Negro Suffrage,

Readings

535

1932-1940 (Washington, D.C.: Foundation Publishers , 1940). . The Betrayal of the Negro (New York: Collie r Books , 1965 ) [A revision of The Negro in American Life and Thought: The Nadir, 18771901 (New York: Dial, 1954)]. . Diplomatic Relations Between the United States and Haiti, 17761891 (Chapel Hill : Universit y o f North Carolin a Press , 1941 ; reprint Millwood, N.Y.: Kraus, 1969). . Haiti and the Dominican Republic (Ne w York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1968). . Howard University: The First Hundred Years, 1867-1967 (New York: New York Universit y Press, 1969). . The Negro in the United States (Princeton, N.J. : Van Nostrand , 1957). . The Senate and the Versailles Mandate System (Washington: The Minorities Publishers , 1945 ; reprin t Westport , Conn. : Greenwood , 1975). Logan, Rayford W. , and Irving S. Cohen. The American Negro: Old World Background and New World Experience (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1967, 1970). Logan, Rayford W. , and Michael R. Winston, eds. Dictionary of American Negro Biography (New York/London: Norton, 1982) . McNeil, Genn a Rae , and Michael R . Winston , eds . Historical Judgments Reconsidered: Selected Howard University Lectures in Honor of Rayford W. Logan (Washington : Howar d Universit y Press , 1988 ) [Include s contributions b y thre e blac k Harvar d alumni : Joh n Hop e Franklin , Ph.D. '41; Nathan I. Huggins, Ph.D. '62; and Frank W. Snowden Jr. '32, Ph.D. '44.]. Malcolm X [Malcolm Little] Breitman, George, ed. By Any Means Necessary: Speeches, Interviews and a Letter by Malcolm X (Ne w York: Pathfinder, 1970) . . Last Year of Malcolm X (Ne w York: Merit, 1967) . , ed. Malcolm X Speaks (New York: Merit, 1965). Carson, Clayborne. Malcolm X: The FBI File (New York: Carroll & Graf, 1991). Clarke, John Henrik , ed. Malcolm X: The Man and His Times (New York: Macmillan, 1969). Davis, Lenwood G . Malcolm X: A Selected Bibliography (Westport, Conn. : Greenwood, 1983) . Epps, Archie , ed . The Speeches of Malcolm X at Harvard (Ne w York: Morrow, 1968 ; 2nd ed. with new preface, New York: Parago n House , 1991). Gallen, David. Malcolm XAs They Knew Him (New York: Carroll & Graf, 1992).

536

Readings

Goldman, Peter. The Death and Life of Malcolm X (Ne w York: Harper & Row, 1973 ; rev. 1979). Johnson, Timothy V. Malcolm X:A Comprehensive Annotated Bibliography (New York: Garland Publishin g Co., 1986). Karim, Imam Benjamin, ed. Malcolm X: The End of White Supremacy—Four Speeches (Ne w York: Arcade Publishing, 1989). Malcolm X and Alex Haley. The Autobiography of Malcolm X (Ne w York: Grove, 1965 ; expanded ed., New York: Ballantine Books, 1992). Perry, Bruce . Malcolm: The Life of a Man Who Changed Black America (Barrytown, N.Y.: Station Hil l Press, 1991). Randall, Dudley, and Margaret G. Burroughs, eds. For Malcolm: Poems on the Life and Death of Malcolm X, 2n d ed. (Detroit: Broadside, 1969). Wolfenstein, Eugen e V . The Victims of Democracy: Malcolm X and the Black Revolution (London : Free Association Books , 1989). Wood, Joe, ed. Malcolm X: In Our Own Image (New York: St . Martin' s Press, 1992). James Alan McPherson McPherson, James Alan. Elbow Room (Boston : Little, Brown, 1977). . Hue and Cry (Boston : Little, Brown, 1969). McPherson, James Alan, and Mille r Williams . Railroad: Trains and Train People in American Culture (Ne w York: Random House , 1976). Harold R. Scott Ross, Lillian an d Hele n Ross . The Player: A Profile of an Art (Ne w York: Simon and Schuster, 1962; reprint New York: Limelight Editions, 1984) [Chapter "Harol d Scott, " pp. 326-333]. Eileen Souther n Southern, Eileen . Anonymous Pieces in the MS El Escorial IV.a.24 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart: HSnssle r Verlag, 1981). . Biographical Dictionary of Afro-American and African Musicians (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1982). . The Buxheim Organ Book (Brooklyn: Institute of Medieval Music, 1963). . The Music of Black Americans, 2nd ed. (New York: Norton, 1983). . Readings in Black American Music (New York: Norton, 1983). Southern, Eileen, and Josephine Wright, eds. African-American Traditions in Song Sermon, Tale and Dance, 1600-1920s: An Annotated Bibliography

Readings

537

of Literature, Collections and Artworks (Westport, Conn. : Greenwood , 1990). Wright, Josephine, and Samuel A. Floyd Jr., eds. New Perspectives on MusicEssays in Honor of Eileen Southern (Warren, Mich. : Harmoni e Par k Press, 1992). William Monroe Trotter Fox, Stephe n R . The Guardian of Boston: William Monroe Trotter (New York: Atheneum, 1970). Trotter, Willia m Monroe , ed . The Two Days Observance of the One Hundredth Anniversary of the Birth of Charles Sumner (Boston : Ne w England Suffrag e League , 1911). Booker T. Washington Harlan, Loui s R . Booker T Washington: The Making of a Black Leader, 1856-1901 (Ne w York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1972). . Booker T Washington: The Wizard of Tuskegee, 1901-1915 (Ne w York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1983). Harlan, Loui s R . e t al. , eds . The Booker T Washington Papers, 14 vols. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1972-1988). Hawkins, Hugh . Booker T Washington and His Critics (Boston: Heath , 1962). Mathews, Basil J. Booker T Washington: Educator and Interracial Interpreter (Cambridge: Harvard Universit y Press, 1948). Scott, Emmett J., and Lyman Beecher Stowe. Booker T Washington: Builder of a Civilization (Garde n City : Doubleday, Page, 1916). Smock, Raymon d W. , ed . Booker T Washington in Perspective: Essays of Louis R. Harlan (Jackson, Miss.: University Press of Mississippi, 1988). Spencer, Samue l R. , Jr . Booker T Washington and the Negro's Place in American Life (Boston : Little, Brown, 1955). Washington, Booke r T . Character Building (Ne w York: Doubleday , Page , 1902). . The Future of the American Negro (Boston: Small, Maynard, 1899) [reprint Ne w York: Negro Universities Press , 1969]. . My Larger Education (Garde n City : Doubleday , Page , 1911 ) [reprint Miami : Mnemosyne, 1969]. . The Negro in Business (Boston: Hertel , Jenkins , 1907 ) [reprin t Chicago: Afro-American Press , 1969]. . The Story of the Negro: The Rise of the Race From Slavery, 2 vols.

Readings

538

(New York : Doubleday , Page , 1909 ) [reprin t Ne w York : P. Smith , 1940]. . Up From Slavery [autobiography ] (Ne w York: Doubleday, Page, 1901) [frequentl y reprinted] . . Working With the Hands (New York: Doubleday, Page, 1904). Phillis WheaUey Mason, Julian D. , Jr., ed. The Poems of Phillis Wheatley yrev. ed. (Chape l Hill/London: University of North Carolin a Press , 1989). Renfro, G . Herbert , ed . Life and Works of Phillis Wheatley (Washington , D.C.: Robert L . Pendleton, 1916 ; reprint Miami : Mnemosyne, 1969). Richmond, Merle A. Bid the Vassal Soar: Interpretive Essays on the Life and Poetry of Phillis Wheatley and George Moses Horton (Washington, D.C.: Howard Universit y Press, 1974). Robinson, Willia m H . Critical Essays on Phillis Wheatley (Boston : G.K . Hall, 1982). . Phillis Wheatley and Her Writings (Ne w York/London : Garlan d Publishing, 1984). . Phillis Wheatley in the Black American Beginnings (Detroit: Broadside Press, 1975). Phillis Wheatley . The Collected Works, ed. Joh n C . Shield s (Ne w York / Oxford: Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1988). Ernest J. Wilson m Kemezis, Paul, and Ernest J. Wilson III. The Decade of Energy Policy: Policy Analysis in Oil Importing Countries (Ne w York: Praeger, 1984).

INDEX Abbe, Edward Payson 21 , 26 Abbott, Lyman 13 4 Adams, Charles Francis 7 2 Adams, John Quincy 7 2 Addeo, Edmond 28 1 Agassiz, Alexander 7 1 Agassiz, Louis 1 Alexander, Charles 11 0 Alexander Jr., Clifford L . 3 , 493 Alexander, Lewis 14 8 Alexander, Raymond Pace biographical sketch 21 1 5, 198 , 211-18 Alexander, Sadie T.M. 15 9 Alger, Horatio 37 3 Allen, O.K. 28 5 Allen, Samuel W. 4 Ames, Fisher 4 5 Anderson, Robert 163 , 314 Apter, David E. 42 1 Aristophanes 7 6 Armah, Ayi Kwei xxiv , 4, 336, 495 Babbit, Irving 24 1 Bailey, Pearl 31 5 Baker, Bessie 7 7 Baker, Frazier B. 15 0 Baker, George Pierce 31 5 Baldwin, Maria 99 , 151 Baldwin, Roger Nash 10 8 Banneker, Benjamin 4 2 Barnes, Albert C. 14 8 Barry, Marion 43 2 Bartlett, Harley H. 13 5 Bassett, E.D. 11 8 Batchelder, Samuel F. 43 6 Baxter III, James Phinney 27 1 Beard, Charles 49 5 Beatles 318 , 319 Beck, Charles xix , 1 Beckhard, Bruno 13 0

Beethoven, Ludwig von 42 9 Bell, Alexander Graham 10 6 Bell Jr., Derrick biographical sketch 46 7 5, 457, 462-63, 467-73 Bell, Griffin 37 2 Benchley, Robert 19 9 Ben6t, Stephen Vincent 31 4 Bigelow, Henry J. 23,28,2 9 Bigelow, Jacob 23 , 28, 29 Binford, Henry 49 5 Bixby, Janet 47 7 Black, Shirley Temple 31 5 Blackwell, Elizabeth 2 6 Blake, George Albert 2 1 Bland, Bertram C. 198 , 212 Blue, Cecil A 4 , 198, 212, 215 Bogart, Humphrey 32 9 Bond, George 494 n Bond, Horace Mann 494 n Bond Jr., J. Max 3 , 494 Bond, John 16 9 Bond, Julian 494 n Bonner, Marita O. biographical sketch 22 9 xvii, 3, 229-34 Bonner, Willis 11 8 Bowden, Samuel 16 3 Bowser, Hallowell 4 Boyd, Theodora R. 4 Braithwaite, William Stanley 148 , 190 Braxton, Shannah V. biographical sketch 48 5 485-489 Brawley, Benjamin G. 4 Brewer, William Leo 4 Brimmer, Andrew 49 3 Brisbane, Robert H. 4 Brooks, Charles 2 4 Brooks, Phillips 72 , 99 Brown, E.D. 20 2

540 Brown, Earl 30 5 Brown, James 318,319,42 9 Brown, John 67 , 117 Brown, Sterling A. biographical sketch 23 5 xvii, 4, 140, 235-40, 430 Bruce, Blanche K. xx i Bruce, Roscoe Conkling 123 , biographical sketch 20 3 200, 203, 207, 219, 220-21 Bruce Jr., Roscoe Conkling xxi , 198, 210, 215 Buchanan, Walter S. 11 0 Bunche, Ralph biographical sketch 25 5 6, 255-59, 366, 428 Bunting, Mary 38 4 Burke, Edmund 5 2 Burlingham, Charles C. 20 7 Burns, Anthony 11 7 Burns, W. Haywood 3 Burse, Raymond M. 5 Bustamante, John H. 5 Carey, Isaac 4 7 Carlson, Timothy G. 39 9 Carlyle, Thomas 16 4 Carmichael, Stokely 41 4 Carr, James D. 15 1 Carrington, Wally 49 4 Carter, James Coolidge 11 7 Carter, Jimmy 31 3 Cash, Philip 22-3 1 Cavell, Stanley 390-91 , 392, 394 Chambers, Julius 457-7 3 Chaning, Walter 23 , 29 Channing, Edward 7 2 Channing, William Ellery 44 0 Chapman, John Jay 20 0 Chase, Philip P. 21 3 Chesnutt, Charles Waddell biographical sketch 22 0 149, 220-21, 222-23

Index Chesnutt, Edwin, J. 22 2 Child, Francis 7 2 Childs, Henry 2 6 Chipman, William Allen 2 1 Chisholm, Shirley 40 7 Clapp, Lucretia 3 7 Clark, Kenneth 26 9 Clarke, Horace 2 4 Cleaver, Eldridge 50 7 Clifford, Harry E. 22 4 Coleman, William T. 5 Coleridge, John 5 7 Coolidge, Calvin 77 , 189 Cook, John 2 6 Cook, Maria S. 3 8 Cooper, Gary 32 9 Copeland, Charles T. 22 9 Copland, Aaron 318 , 319, 478 Cordeiro, Joaquim Barbara 2 1 Corrothers, James D. 15 0 Cowan, A.C. 15 1 Cowles, J. 441-4 2 Cox, Archibald 39 3 Croly, Herbert 7 7 Cromwell, Otelia 165-6 7 Crummell, Alexander 14 9 Cuffe, Paul 44 2 Cullen, Countte biographical sketch 24 1 xvii, 4, 144-45, 148, 241-53 Cummings, Edward 9 3 Cuney, Maud 7 7 Curie, GT.W. 40 2 Currier, Theodore S. 28 9 Curwood, Stephen T. 4 Cutler, Elbridge Jefferson 5 8 Dalton, Harlan 43 1 Daniels, John 44 1 Daniels, Lee 4 , 385, 387, 495 Davis, D. Webster 15 0 Davis, Griff 23 7 Davis, Jefferson 83-84 , 318

Index Day, Aaron 16 9 Day, Caroline Bond biographical sketch 16 9 3, 169-8 7 de Grassa, John V. 3 0 Delany, Martin R. xix , 2, 19-35 Denton Jr., Herbert H. biographical sketch 33 8 xxv, 4, 338-41, 495 Dickerman, Charles H. 13 0 Dickinson, William 21 , 27 Diggs Jr., Charles 42 7 Dixon, George T. 18 1 Domingo, W.A. 14 8 Donham, Wallace B. 22 4 Dorsey, George 7 7 Douglas, William O. 5 Douglass, Frederick 22 , 25, 47, 101, 220, 429, 470 Drummond, Eric 9 7 Du Bois, W.E.B. biographical sketch 6 9 xviii, xx, xxi, xxii, xxiii, xxx, xxxi, xxxii, 3, 4, 50, 59,69-89, 97-100, 148, 149 , 150 , 169 , 171 , 190 , 219, 229 , 271 , 274 , 305 , 465 , 476, 502, 509 Dunbar, Paul Laurence 142,149 , 191, 203, 220 Dvofak, Anton 4 8 Dykes, Eva B. biographical sketch 15 9 3, 159-67 , 165-67 Edgeworth, Maria 16 2 Edley Jr., Christopher biographical sketch 46 2 462-66, 471, 472 Edley Sr., Christopher F. 5 Edwards, Harry 47 2 Eichel, Lawrence 379-40 0 Eliot, Charles William 6,72,105 , 153-54, 205, 219

541 Ellender, Allen J. 41 9 Ellington, Duke 318 , 319 Emerson, Ralph Waldo 52 , 126 Emerson, Rupert 49 4 Emmons, William 43 9 Epps III, Archie C. biographical sketch 33 5 xxiv, 7, 335-37, 343-67, 495 Eustis, Henry xviii , 1 Evans, David L. 7 Everett, Edward 2 , 442 Evers, Medgar 26 5 Fagain, Georgia 17 1 Fagain, Harold 17 0 Fagain, James 17 0 Fairbanks, Charles 15 3 Fanon, Frantz 41 9 Farmer, Francesta E. 385 , 431 Fauntroy, Walter 40 7 Fauset, Arthur Huff 14 8 Ferguson, C. Clyde 5 , 472 Ferris, William H. biographical sketch 11 3 113-122, 148-51 Fenwick, Lil a 49 3 Fifield, William 2 7 Fish, Hamilton 20 0 Fisher, Rudolf 14 8 Fitzgerald, Barbara 304 , 307 Fitzgerald, Bertha James 30 4 Fitzgerald, John MacFarland 189-94, 303-6 Fleming, Raymond R. 4 Floyd, Silas 15 0 Folks, Homer 7 7 Forbes, George W. 77 , 98, 151 Ford, Franklin 38 2 Fortune, T. Thomas 15 0 Fox, Daniel M. 383-85 , 402 Fox, Stephen R. 92-9 4 Francke, Kuno 8 6

542 Franklin, John Hop e biographical sketch 28 7 xviii, xxiii, 4, 287-95, 509 Frazier, E. Franklin 43 0 Freeman, Robert Tanner xx , 2 Freund, Paul 37 5 Fuller, Margaret 6 6 Gannett, Lewis 19 9 Garfield, Jame s 21 5 Garrison, William Lloyd 46 , 47, 91, 441 Garvey, Marcus Mosiah biographical sketc h 18 9 113, 189-94, 305, 360, 361, 363, 424 Garvin, Richard 28 1 Gates Jr., Henry Louis 7 Gazzam, Joseph 2 4 George, Lloyd 21 1 Gerima, Haile 23 5 Ghee, Euclid P. 21 0 Glasco, Anita L . 5 Goethals, George W. 40 2 Gomer, Nina 17 6 Gomes, Peter J. 7 Gourdin, Edward O . 5 Grandgent, Charle s H. 22 4 Grant, Frances Olivi a 3 Grant, George F. 6 Green, Samuel Abbott 2 9 Greene, Lorenzo J. 436-3 7 Greener, Richard T. biographical sketch 37-4 1 xx, xxix, 2, 37-58 Greenberg, Jack 457-7 3 Greenough, Chester N. 22 4 Gr6goire, Henri 4 2 Gregory, Eugene 428 , 431 Gregory, Sophfronia Scot t 5 Gregory, T . Montgomer y xxxiii , 430

Index Gregory Jr., Thomas Montgomery 430 Griffin, Fara h biographical sketch 47 5 475-78 Griffin Jr. , Leslie F. 379 , 380, 387, 389, 394-95, 397-99 Griffith, D.W . 9 1 Grimk6, Angelina 14 8 Grimk6, Archibald 5 Guinier, Ewart G . 7 , 500 Guinn, Dorothy C. 3 Guthrie, Woody 28 1 Hale, Edward Everett 11 7 Hall, Primus 43 9 Hall, Robert L . 383-8 6 Hall, Robert 43 1 Hamilton, Charles J. 49 5 Hammen, Jupiter 9 Hammond, Ray 496 , 497 Hand, Augustus 7 7 Handlin, Oscar 39 2 Hansberry, William Leo 43 0 Hapgood, Norman 7 7 Harlan, Louis R. 10 6 Harper, Frances 47 7 Harris, Joel Chandle r 23 7 Harrison, William xx v Hart, Albert Bushnell 72 , 73, 81, 84, 85, 271 Hartley, James Wardlee 2 1 Haskins, Charles Homer 28 9 Hastie, William H. biographical sketch 26 1 xvii, 5, 192, 261-69, 305 Hawkes, John 31 7 Haydon, Benjamin 16 1 Hayes, Lola Wilson 4 Hayes, Rutherford B . 86 , 87, 89 Haygood, Atticus G. 8 8 Haynes, Lemuel 10 2 Hearst, Patricia 37 0

Index Heermance, J. Noel 222-2 3 Heifitz, Rober t 49 4 Heimert, Alan 397,40 2 Henderson, Charles T. 222-2 3 Henderson, Lawrence J. 22 4 Herrick, Robert 7 7 Hewlett, A. Molyneaux 6 Higginbotham Jr. , A. Leon 47 5 Higginson, Thomas Wentwort h 58, 117 Hightower, Marvin A. 4 Hildreth, Richard 1 Hill, Anthony C . 4 Hill, Leslie Pinckney biographical sketch 12 3 xxi, 4, 123-28 Hilliard, Constanc e B. 4 Hillyer, Robert S . 241,28 6 Hinton, William A. 6 Holmes, Edward L . 2 9 Holmes, Henry W. 22 5 Holmes, Oliver Wendell xix , 23, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 72 Hooton, Earnest A . 16 9 Hopkins, Mark 29 1 Home, Lena 49 3 Horsford, E.N . 23,2 9 Houston, Charles Hamilton 5 , 191, 192, 261, 291, 305 Howard, Edwin Clarence Joseph Turpin xx , 2, 29 Howard, Elizabeth Fitzgeral d biographical sketc h 30 1 4, 301-9 Howard, Jane Elizabeth 307- 8 Howard, Jeff 379 , 390-91, 392, 395, 399, 496, 497 Howard, Lawrence C. 30 7 Howe, Julia War d 11 7 Hudson, Octavia 383-8 4 Huggins, Nathan I . biographical sketc h 50 5 xviii, 4, 476, 477, 493, 505-11

543 Hughes, Langston 141,148 , 317, 507 Hughes, Stuart H . 40 2 Humphrey, Hubert 43 2 Hurlbut, Byron S. Hurston, Zora Neal e 14 8 Inkeles,Alex 394-95,396,39 9 Jackson, Andrew 4 4 Jackson, George H. 15 0 Jackson III , Isaiah A. 3 Jackson, John B.S . 23 , 29 Jackson, Judith biographical sketc h 47 9 479-84 Jackson, Leigh biographical sketch 45 3 4, 453-55 Jackson, Marie Oliver 5 James, Clarence L. 39 5 James, Henry 47 6 James, William 72 , 73,81, 84-85, 93, 123 Jane, Mandy 14 3 Jefferson, "Blind " Lemon 28 1 Jefferson, Thoma s 9 , 42, 329 Johnson, Andrew 44 2 Johnson, Barbara 47 7 Johnson, Charles S. 14 8 Johnson, Fenton 14 4 Johnson, Georgia Dougla s 14 8 Johnson, James Weldon biographical sketch 20 6 xxii, 148, 198, 207-8, 311 Johnson, Luke 14 3 Johnson, Lyndon Baines 432,49 4 Johnson, Weldon 14 6 Johnston Jr., James H. 181-8 6 Jones, Edward Smyt h biographical sketch 153-5 4 2, 153-58 Jones, Eric L. 43 4

Index

544 Jones, Gail 49 3 Jones, Hawk 15 3 Jones, Jerome W. 4 Jones, K.C. 6 Jones, Rebecca 15 3 Jourdain Jr., Edwin B. 199 , 210, 213 Jules-Rosette, Bennetta Washington 4 Kant, Immanuel 8 1 Kelley, William Melvin biographical sketch 31 7 4, 317-33 Kellog, Paul U. 14 8 Kendell, E.A. 18 2 Kennedy, John F. 312-13 , 347, 348, 356, 494 Kennedy Jr., Joseph 29 8 Kennedy, Randall biographical sketch xxxi v xvii-xxxiv Kenyatta, Muhammad 459 , 461 Kerr, Philip 21 1 Khayyam, Omar 15 1 Kidder, Charles 2 1 Kilson, Marion Dusses de Barenne 49 4 Kilson, Martin biographical sketch 49 1 xxiv, xxix, xxxi, xxxii, 6, 358-67, 402, 423, 491-97 King Jr., Martin Luther xxvi , 3, 265, 379, 381, 414, 495 Kittredge, George Lyman 235 , 241, 282, 284, 299 Klein, A. Norman 49 4 Klugh, David 21 5 Klugh, Pritchett 198,21 2 Knight, Nancy 17 0 Knox, Clinton E. 4 Knox Jr., William J. 198 , 212, 213

Kopit, Arthur 31 1 Labat, Alvin 49 4 Laing Jr. Daniel xix , 24, 28, 30 Lamar, Jacob V. 4 Lane, William Nourse 2 1 Lawrence, William 10 6 Laws, Jacob 49 3 Leadbelly biographical sketch 28 1 281-86, Lee, Andrea biographical sketch 44 5 xvii, 4, 445-51 Lee, Roger I. 22 4 Le Moyne, F. Julius 2 4 Lenox, Charles 43 9 Lewis, Lillian 15 0 Lewis, William H. 5 , 94, 98, 216 Lincoln, Abraham 43 , 120 Lincoln, J. Randolph 26 , 28 Lippman, Walter xxiii , 430 Lindsay, John 31 5 Locke, Alain biographical sketch 12 9 xvii, 3, 129-51, 235, 430 Lodge, Henry Cabot 62,106,15 0 Logan, Rayford W. biographical sketch 27 1 xviii, 4, 271-79, 430 Lomax, Alan 28 1 Lomax, John 281,282,284-8 6 Longfellow, Henry Wadsworth 1 , 153 Lorenz, Jim 46 9 Louverture, Toussaint 16 3 Lovell, Charles 49 5 Lowell, Amy 16 5 Lowell, Abbot Lawrence xxi , 5, 195-202, 203-5 , 206-8 , 209-10 , 212-13, 219, 224-25 Lowell, James Russell 1 , 50, 72, 439

Index Lyman, Theodore 22 4 Lynk,Myles 395,397,39 9 Lynn, Suzanne 38 7 MacLeish, Archibald 317 , 369 Magee, Walker Warren 62-6 8 Maine, Sir Henry 372 , 374 Manning, Kenneth R. 4 Mantle, Mickey 31 8 Marshall, Paule 47 7 Marshall, Thurgood 463 , 469, 471 Marston, Dave 372 , 374 Martin, Clarence A. 30 8 Martineau, Harriet 162 , 163 Marx, Karl 73,8 0 Marx, Gary T. 40 2 Mason, Edward 391 , 394, 396 Mason, George 375-7 6 Mather, Cotton 43 8 Mather, Increase xviii , 1 , 436 Matheus, John 14 8 Matthews, Charles 25 8 Matthews, Victoria Earl e 15 0 May, Ernest 396 , 398 Mays, Willie 31 8 McCarthy, Joseph 25 6 McClendon, Rose 24 2 McCree Jr., Wade H. 5 McDowell, Andrew N. 2 5 McDowell, Deborah 47 7 McKay, Claude 144 , 148 McKinley, William 15 0 McLean Jr., L. Deckle 4 McNeil, Genna Rae 19 3 McPherson, James Alan xvii , 4, 369-78 Mendelsohn, Everett 492 , 494 Menkiti, Ifeanyi 4 Merton, Robert 29 9 Miles, Nelson A, 10 6 Millay, Edna St. Vincent 24 1 Miller, A.P. 11 8

545 Miller, Kelly 148 , 149 Miller, Melvin B. 4 Minerbrook, Scott B. 4 Mitchell, Edward 2 Moe, Henry Allen 374-7 5 Monroe, Sylvester 4 Moore, Alice Ruth 15 0 Morgan, Clement G. biographical sketch 5 9 xxi, 61-68, 78, 79, 87, 153 Morison, Samuel Eliot 28 7 Morris, Charles Satchell 11 8 Morrison, Toni 47 7 Moses, Robert 49 2 Mosley, Roger E. 28 1 Moton, Robert Russa 5 Miinsterberg, Hugo 8 6 Muhammed, Elijah 350,351,362 , 365 Murdock, Kenneth B. 282 , 286 Myrdal, Gunnar 25 5 Neff, Pat 28 5 Nell, William 25,4 4 Newman Jr., Theodore Roosevelt 5 Nickens, Herbert W. biographical sketc h 41 1 xxix-xxx, 411-15 Nixon, Richard M. 313 , 347, 369 Nkrumah, Kwame 418 , 425 Norton, Charles Eliot 7 2 Northrup, H.M. 2 1 Nugent, Bruce 14 8 Nutter, George R. 20 0 Occomy, William 22 9 Oettinger, Anthony 39 2 Okorodudu, Margaret T. 5 Opie, Amelia 16 3 Otuteye, Godfred Pehuer biographical sketc h 41 6 416-25

546 Palfrey, John Gorham 44 2 Palmer, George Herbert 38 , 72, 81,83 Parkman, George 2 3 Parks, Gordon 28 1 Parsons, Theodore 11-1 7 Peabody, Andrew Preston 5 8 Peabody, Francis 72 , 93 Peaker, James W. 15 0 Pearson, Eliphalet 11-1 7 Pennypacker, Henry 22 4 Perkins, Linda 47 7 Perry, Bliss 23 5 Peters, John 9 Peterson, Chase 38 2 Pfromm, David A 13 0 Phillips, Wendell 6 2 Pierce, William 43 5 Pindell, Deenie 77,9 8 Poletti, Charles 30 5 Pottinger, David T. 13 0 Poussaint, Alvin F. 7 Presley, Elvis 318 , 319 Price, J.C. 8 8 Price, Leontyne 31 8 Profit, Wesley 390 , 391, 392, 395 Pryor, Richard 37 7 Pusey, Nathan xxvi , xxviii, 379, 390-91, 394, 396, 397, 408, 509 Quincy, Josiah 441-4 2 Rawls, John 390-9 1 Raynal, Abb6 4 5 Reagan, Ronald 31 5 Redding, J. Saunders 50 9 Reed, John 43 0 Reese, Caroline 17 0 Reed, John xxxii i Reiss, Winold 14 8 Rice, Lois Dickson 4 Richards, Kate A 2 5 Rickey, Branch 26 7

Index Robertson, Charles Archibald 2 1 Robinson, Edwin Arlington 24 1 Robinson, Jackie 259 , 468, 470 Robinson, Randall M. 5 Robinson, Smokey 45 3 Rockefeller, John D. 10 5 Rollins, Hyder 24 1 Roosevelt, Franklin D. 20 1 Roosevelt, Theodore 35 5 Rosenau, Milton J. 22 4 Rosenthal, Arthur 49 2 Rosovsky, Henry xxvii , 380, 382, 383, 391, 394, 397, 402,4%, 507 Royce, Josiah 72 , 81, 84, 93 Ruffin, Birdi e 7 6 Ruffin, Georg e L. xx , 2, 5 Ruffin, Mrs . 7 6 Russwurm, John 2 , 27, 440 Sachs, Paul J. 22 4 Saltonstall, Gurdon (Rev.) 43 7 Sanborn, Frank 11 7 Sanborn, Franklin B. 3 8 Sanders, Tom 6 Santayana, George xxv , 72, 81 , 84,93 Sargent, Dudley A 10 1 Saunders, Keith A 3 Saunders,Prince 44 0 Savage, Minot J. 10 6 Schlesinger Sr., Arthur 271 , 287, 290 Schomburg, Arthur A 148 , 509 Schurz, Carl 6 2 Scott, Alberta V. 2 Scott, Emmet J. 36 1 Scott, Harold R. bibliographical sketc h 31 1 3,206,311-16,493 Scott, James Brown 7 7 Scott, Johnie H. 4 Scruggs, Jeffrey 308- 9 Scruggs, Otey M. 4 , 189-94, 307

Index Seeber, Edward 16 3 Seeger, Alan 24 1 Shaler, Nathaniel xviii , 1 , 72, 81 Shaw, George Bernard 31 5 Shaw, Robert Gould 5 8 Shenton, Robert 40 5 Simmons, Kenneth 49 4 Simone, Nina xxviii , 431 Simpson, Georgianna R. 15 9 Smith, Israel N. 2 1 Smith, Mark D. 38 5 Smith, Sydney 4 6 Smith, Valerie 47 7 Snowden, Isaac H. xix , 19, 24, 28, 30 Snowden, Muriel biographical sketch 29 7 xvii, 4, 297-300 Snowden, Otto 29 7 Sorokin, Pitirim 29 9 Soule, Gideon Lan e 3 8 Southern, Eileen biographical sketch 49 9 xxxii, 499-503 Sowell, Thomas 3 Soyinka, Wole 31 1 Spence, Muriel Morisey biographical sketc h 40 7 407-10 Spencer, Anne 14 8 Sprague, Rosette 12 1 Stade, F. Skiddy von 38 9 Stanley, Henry Morton 8 0 Stearns, W.A. 44 1 Steward, Charles G. 9 1 Steward, Georgia 16 9 Stewart, Moses 169 , 171 Stewart, Zeph 39 7 Stockton, Rufus A. 2 1 Stokes, Carl 31 5 Stone, Arthur P. 15 3 Storey, Moorfield xxii , 199 , 200, 208

547 Sullivan, Reverend Leon 26 7 Summer, Charles 6 2 Sutherland, Joan 31 8 Swedenborg, Emanuel 12 6 Sylvester, Elisha 43 9 Talbot, Israel Tisdale 2 9 Tanzer, Michael 49 4 Tate, Merze 4 Taussig, Frank 72 , 73, 79 Taylor, Alrutheus A. 4 Taylor, Samuel H. 3 8 Temptations 318 , 319, 448, 454 Terrell, Robert R 3 Terry, Lucy 43 8 Thomas, Gerald E. 3 Thomson, Virgil 24 2 Thrasher, Max Bennett 10 2 Titcomb, Caldwell xvii , 1- 7 Toomer, Jean 144-46 , 148 , 149, 454 Toomey, Richard E.S. 15 0 Tourg6e, Albion W . 37 6 Trotter, Maude 9 1 Trotter, W. Monroe biographical sketc h 9 1 xvii, xxi, 3, 77, 91-100, 150 , 199, 209 Trowbridge, John 7 2 Truth, Sojourner 43 0 Tucker, Anna 17 0 Tucker, Dexter Mills 2 1 Turner, Lorenzo Dow 165-6 7 Turner, Nat 86 , 318 Twilight, Alexander 2 Tyson, Edwin French 11 0 Unamuno, Miguel de 377-7 8 Van Doren, Carl 14 9 Vesey, Paul (se e Samuel W. Allen) 4 Villard, Oswald Garrison 9 3

Index

548 Vincent, John Hey l 10 6 Vorenberg, James 458 , 459-60, 463, 470 Wade, Robert W . 4 Wadsworth, Benjamin xviii , 1, 436 Walker, Alice 47 7 Walker, David 47,44 0 Walrond, Eric 14 8 Walters, Alexander 15 0 Ware, Henry 44 1 Ware, John 23,2 9 Warren, Earl 43 2 Washington, Booke r T. biographical sketc h 10 1 xvii, xxiii, 5, 50, 77, 91, 98, 101 12, 218, 273, 305, 361 Washington, Georg e 9 , 329, 331 Washington, Kenn y 25 9 Watson, Crai g 383 , 387, 431 Weaver, Robert C . 3,29 1 Webb, AJ. 2 1 Webster, D . Macon 15 0 Webster, John Whit e 2 3 Weeks, Edward 37 2 Wells, Ebenezer 43 8 Wendell, Barrett 72 , 81, 82, 102, 133 Wesselhoeft, Conra d 2 9 West, Emory J. biographical sketc h 43 5 xviii, 435-43 Wharton Jr. , Clifto n R . 3 Wheatley, Phillis biographical sketc h 9 xvii, 9-10, 438

Whitaker, Mark T. 4 Whiting, John Samue l 2 1 Whiting, J.W.M. 40 2 Whitman, Walt 37 2 Whittaker, Leon 25 8 Wiley, Adams 2 7 Wilhelmll 8 1 Wilkins, Roy 50 2 Williams, Beverly G. 2 , 441-42 Williams, George Washingto n 44, 58, 295 Williams, Miller 36 9 Williams, Tennessee 281 , 31 2 Williston, Samue l 22 4 Wilson, Edward W . 21 2 Wilson III , Ernest J . biographical sketc h 42 7 xxviii, xxxii, xxxiii, 383-84, 42733, 497 Wilson, James Q . 353-57 , 365 Wilson, Woodrow 97,27 7 Winsor, Justin 7 2 Wolcott, Roge r 10 6 Wolo, Plenyolo Gb e 3 Wolters, Raymond 195-20 2 Wolfson, Harr y A. 22 4 Woodson, Carte r G . 4 , 439, 509 Wylie, Laurence 39 8 X, Malcolm biographical sketc h 34 3 xvii, xxvi, 265, 343-67, 424 Young, Buriss 38 4 Young, Whitney 30 0

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