Beyond the Legacy of the Missionaries and East Indians The Impact of the Presbyterian Church in the Caribbean (Caribbean, 36) [Illustrated] 9004416471, 9789004416475

Citation preview

Beyond the Legacy of the Missionaries and East Indians

Caribbean Series Series Editor Alessandra Benedicty-Kokken (The City College of New York) Editorial Board Anthony Bogues (Brown University) Laurent Dubois (Duke University) Camille Hernandez-Ramdwar (Ryerson University) Michiel van Kempen (University of Amsterdam) Luis Perez-Simon (University of Cambridge) Gloria Wekker (Utrecht University)

volume 36

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/cs

Beyond the Legacy of the Missionaries and East Indians The Impact of the Presbyterian Church in the Caribbean

By

Jerome Teelucksingh

leiden | boston

Cover illustration: Presbyterian Church in central Trinidad with students from nearby Presbyterian Primary School (Source: Mungal Chattergoon, 1985). The Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available online at http://catalog.loc.gov LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2019953210

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. ISSN 0921-9781 ISBN 978-90-04-41647-5 (hardback) ISBN 978-90-04-41708-3 (ebook) Copyright 2020 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi, Brill Sense, Hotei Publishing, mentis Verlag, Verlag Ferdinand Schöningh and Wilhelm Fink Verlag. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Dedicated to persons who received a primary and secondary school education

∵

Contents Preface  ix Acknowledgments  XII List of Illustrations and Tables  XIII Abbreviations  XIV Introduction  1 1 Conversion and Education of the Indians  9 1 Rural Schools  12 2 Conversion  16 3 Ordinances and Progress  29 4 Ethnicity and Integration  31 5 Secondary Schools  37 2 Caribbean Missions: The Spread of Presbyterianism in British West Indian colonies  40 1 Presbyterianism in Grenada  40 2 Presbyterianism in Jamaica  42 3 Presbyterianism in St. Lucia  44 4 Presbyterianism in Guyana (British Guiana)  46 5 Global and Regional Linkages  49 3 Rebuilding a Society: Preparing Foundations  53 1 Co-curricular Activities  55 2 Myths and Realities  64 3 Beacon in South Trinidad  74 4 Naparima Training College  77 5 Importance of Hindi  84 6 Turbulent Thirties  85 7 Church and School Linkages  88 8 More Beacons  91 4 Uneasy Transitions: Presbyterian Schools and Excellence  94 1 Brewing Trouble: Denominational versus Government Schools  97 2 Growth of the Presbyterian Schools  101 3 Primary Schools  108

viii 4 5 6

contents

Emergence of Hindu and Muslim Schools  111 Naparima Training College 1956–1975  119 Shortcomings of the Church  124

5 Culture, Ethnicity and Administration  127 1 Return to Cultural Roots  130 2 Primary School Administration  132 3 Allegations  136 4 Involvement in Pre-schools  137 5 Work Ethic in Secondary Schools  138 6 Church Administration and Women’s Liberation  149 1 Early Church Administration  156 2 Sense of Belonging  160 3 Catechists  163 4 Women’s Work, Teenagers and Children  168 5 Boards of Education  178 Conclusion  188 Appendices  191 Bibliography  198 Index  211

Preface This study attempts to highlight the educational endeavours of the Canadian Presbyterian missionaries among the East Indians1 which eventually extended to the rest of Trinidad and some Caribbean countries. It demonstrates the change and continuity of the mission work and evolution of the Presbyterian Church2 from the late nineteenth century to the early years of the twenty-first century. Undoubtedly, the educational efforts of the Canadian Presbyterian missionaries contributed to it being one of the most successful missions in the Caribbean region. The story of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad, in education, is one of tireless service to the East Indian and African diaspora. The Church’s mission in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries was founded on Christian principles coupled with an evangelical fervour to spread the Gospel. The steadfast diligence of missionaries, teachers and students embodied a Protestant ethic which transformed the educational and spiritual landscape of Trinidad and other Caribbean colonies. The research encapsulates critical periods in Trinidad’s history and incorporates the sociological and historical processes which helped to shape the ­education of the indentured East Indians and their progeny.3 It focuses on the parallels between educational and socio-political developments as Trinidad underwent noteworthy changes from a British West Indian colony to a selfgoverning territory, later gaining Independence and achieving Republican ­status. Among the Canadian Mission Indian (CMI) schools there were minor 1 The terms “East Indians” and “Indians” refer to persons imported from India during indentureship and their descendants. The original inhabitants of the Caribbean have been regularly identified as “indigenous” or “native” Indians. 2 The Presbyterian Church emerged from the Protestant Reformation during the 16th century. Those persons who departed from the Roman Catholic Church adopted a system of church government known as Presbyterianism. John Calvin was responsible for shaping the unique administration of the Church known as Presbyterian. These early churches adhered to the New Testament term “presbyter” or elder to designate their leadership. The Presbyterian Church with the “presbyter-leadership,” could either be a “teaching presbyter” (also teaching elder) who was an ordained minister or secondly, a “ruling presbyter” (also ruling elder) who was a layman. One of the unique features of Presbyterians is their belief that there are only two Sacraments – the Lord’s Supper (Communion) and Baptism. 3 Indians in the Caribbean were also influenced by ideas, persons and events in India, and later Pakistan. See Brinsley Samaroo, “The Indian Connection: the influence of Indan Thought and Ideas on East Indians in the Caribbean,”in David Dabydeen and Brinsley Samaroo, eds. India in the Caribbean (London: Hansib Publishing, 1987), 43–59.

x

preface

changes as they were referred to as CMI, CM and later Presbyterian schools. Likewise, during the twentieth century the administrator of the primary school was referred to as headmaster, head-teacher and principal. The research highlights two issues, firstly, the monumental changes experienced in a colonial society with the accompanying birth pangs in the emergence of an independent nation and the unfolding panoramic view of the history of the Presbyterian Church in education. Thus, the political, socio-economic forces that shaped the colony also influenced the future of Presbyterian institutions. Secondly, this book’s research serves to highlight the historical forces of continuity and change that influenced the Presbyterian educational system in Trinidad and Tobago. For instance, in the late nineteenth century, the ‘temporary conversion’ of non-Christians to gain acceptance as teachers in Presbyterian primary schools was a problem which continued to afflict the Presbyterian Church in the twentieth century. This study then sheds light on another aspect of continuity has been the inseparable relationship between religion and education in the Presbyterian institutions whilst an easily identified example of change would be the increasing role of students, parents and alumnae in the functioning of the Presbyterian schools. This work also offers revisionist perspectives on certain controversial issues such as the role of the missionaries in conversion and the seemingly sparse Afro-Trinidadian presence in its schools and churches. It is apparent that for the Canadian missionaries, conversion of the East Indians to Christianity, not specifically to Presbyterianism, was one of their foremost religious objectives. There is an absence of evidence to prove that Canadian missionaries attempted to persuade the few East Indians in the colony, who had already been converted to other Christian denominations as Anglicanism and Roman Catholicism, to adopt the Presbyterian faith. This work does not boast of being a detailed and comprehensive study. It is an attempt to highlight some of the achievements of the Presbyterian Church in education. Furthermore, it serves as a reminder of the trials and tribulations faced by missionaries and local leadership in their provision of, and quest for excellence in education. It is a tribute to those faithful Presbyterians and nonPresbyterians, at home and abroad, who supported and contributed to the building of a solid reputation and revered status of the church’s institutions. Throughout history, social movements, institutions, leaders and religions have depended upon a certain level of organisation, rational thinking and foresight. The meticulous organisational skills of the Canadian missionaries materialised in the phenomenal spread of churches and schools. The achievements at proselytising, successes at primary and secondary schools and training of teachers rested upon a system that was carefully planned and monitored.

preface

xi

Without the vital element of organisation and proper administration, the Presbyterian schools and training institutions would have certainly failed to attract teachers and produce a high quality of students. All bodies had a role to play in the development of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad– Local and Official Boards, Sessions, Presbytery, Secondary and Primary School Boards of Education, Board of Theological Education, Synodical Council and Synod. The early missionaries and catechists were blessed with organisational abilities which were instilled in the next generation of local ministers, teachers, principals and elders. In attempting to reconstruct a holistic account of the contribution of the Presbyterian Church to secular and religious education, a variety of sources have been utilised. These included biographies, unpublished papers, theses, dissertations, journal articles, diaries, interviews, reports, newspapers, newsletters, brochures and year books. Among the primary sources consulted were magazines such as The Hillviewer, The Augustinian, La Pique Revue, The Olympian and New Horizons. These highlighted the efficient internal functioning of the Presbyterian secondary schools and instutions as the Naparima Training College. Also utilized were the Trinidad Presbyterian, the newsletter of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad and Tobago along with anniversay brochures of the primary schools and churches. These proved to be of immense value in providing information on the early church workers and teachers. Additionally, biographies and autobiographies of prominent persons as Adella Archibald, Revs. C.D. Lalla and John Morton were useful in assessing the setbacks of the early mission and insight into the rationale for conversion. Excerpts from selected novels have been included to reflect the literary impact of the Canadian mission in postcolonial Trinidad. This is evident in the works of Indo-Caribbean novelists such as V.S. Naipaul, Seepersad Naipaul, Ramabai Espinet, Shiva Naipaul, Lakshmi Persaud, Shani Mootoo and Samuel Selvon. As a Presbyterian and academic, one of the challenges is presenting an objective analysis and interpretation of events. The critical engagements with the scholarship and historiography should not be viewed as an apologia for the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad and Tobago. The discourse presents positive evidence of the Church’s contribution but this work is neither propaganda nor hagiography. Jerome Teelucksingh Trinidad and Tobago 2019

Acknowledgments There are many persons who have contributed to this work. My many friends in the Presbyterian churches and schools provided valuable oral history on the operation of the various committees and boards. Active and retired teachers, principals, school supervisors and church workers provided an invaluable oral history. I am indebted to Professor Brinsley Samaroo, the region’s most prolific researcher on the Indo-Caribbean diaspora, for helpful insights and guidance. His pioneering works have dominated the historiography on the early Canadian missionaries and the impact of their schools. I am grateful to the archival staff at St. Andrew’s Theological College in Trinidad, the Victoria University in Toronto, United Church Archives in New Brunswick and West Indiana at the University of the West Indies, St. Augustine for their understanding and efficient service. I greatly appreciate the advice and guidance of the staff at Brill who ensured the pubilcation of this book.

Illustrations and Tables Illustrations 1

2

3 4 5 6

Indentured labourers cutting and loading sugar cane in central Trinidad during the 1930s (Source: Michael Goldberg Collection, The Alma Jordan Library, The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago, West Indies)  2 A sugar factory in south Trinidad in the early 20th century. (Source: Michael Goldberg Collection, The Alma Jordan Library, The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago, West Indies)  3 Morton memorial Presbyterian Church in north Trinidad (Source: Mungal Chattergoon, 1984)  13 A hymn in Hindi used by missionaries (Source: Hindi Hymn Book (Tunapuna: Canadian Mission Press, 1922), 3rd edition)  21 Presbyterian Church in central Trinidad (Source: Mungal Chattergoon, 1985)  23 Harvesting rice in Trinidad during the 1960s. (Source: Michael Goldberg Collection, The Alma Jordan Library, The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago, West Indies)  169

Tables 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Christian communities- statistical increase  29 Statistics for 191  30 Quality of the Government and Supported schools in Trinidad in 1913  54 Quality of Government and Supported Schools in Trinidad in 1937  88 Report on Primary Schools 1977–1978  111 Number of Hindu, Muslim, Christian and Government Schools in Trinidad  113 Pupils of other religions attending schools of a particular denomination  116 The qualifications of teachers in denominational schools 1973–1974  122 Top 100 students in Common Entrance attending Presbyterian primary school according to county  135 Overall percentage pass rate of Advanced Level and CXC Examinations for Presbyterian secondary schools in 1998  147 East Indian converts to Presbyterianism and school enrollment 1951–1959  159 The number of Unordained Catechists and Canadian lady missionaries serving in the Presbyterian schools  167

Abbreviations ACTT ATSE+FWTU AVI APS ASJA BGWILC BEW+CHRP CAP CCC CELTC CIC CM CMI CMTA COP CRIES CSO CUT CXC DLP EINA EINC GTC HOBA ISSA ISCF NAAC NGHS OWTU PAC PCTT POSTC PRESTA PTA PDP QRC SAGHS

Accrediatation Council of Trinidad and Tobago All Trinidad Sugar Estates and Factories Workers’ Trade Union Archibald Vocational Institute Arya Pratindhi Sabha Anjuman Sunnat-ul-Jamaat Association British Guiana and West Indies Labour Congress British Empire Workers and Citizens Home Rule Party Continuous Assessment Programme Caribbean Conference of Churches Christian Education Leadership Training Courses College of the Immaculate Conception Canadian Mission Canadian Mission Indian Canadian Mission Teachers’ Association Congress of the People Citizens for Rights and Partiality in the Education System Central Statistical Office Caribbean Union of Teachers Caribbean Examination Council Democratic Labour Party East Indian National Association East Indian National Congress Government Teachers’ College Hillview College Old Boys’ Association Inter-School Students Association Inter-School Christian Fellowship Naparima Alumni Association of Canada Naparima Girls’ High School Oilfield Workers’ Trade Union Parents’ Action Committee Presbyterian Church in Trinidad and Tobago Port-of Spain Teachers’ College Presbyterian School Teachers’ Association Parent Teachers’ Association People’s Democratic Party Queen’s Royal College St. Augustine Girls’ High School

Abbreviations SAT SATC SDMS TSC TGIT TIA TTTU TTUTA WARC WCC WCRC WFMS

Scholastic Aptitude Test St. Andrew’s Theological College Sanatan Dharma Maha Sabha Teaching Service Commission Trinidad Girls in Training Tackveeyatul Islamic Association Trinidad and Tobago Teachers’ Union Trinidad and Tobago Unified Teachers’ Association World Alliance of Reformed Churches World Conference of Churches World Communion of Reformed Churches Women’s Foreign Missionary Society

xv

Introduction Everything which made the Indian alien in the society gave him strength. His alienness insulated him from the black-white struggle. He was tabooridden as no other person on the island; he had complicated rules about food and about what was unclean. His religion gave him values which were not the white values of the rest of the community, and preserved him from self-contempt; he never lost pride in his origins. More important than religion was his family organization …. It protected and imprisoned, a static world, awaiting decay.1 V.S. Naipaul in The Middle Passage captures the alienation and insubordination facing the Indians in the colonial society. During 1838–1917, a total of 429, 623 Indians were imported from India into the Caribbean.2 In this period, a total of 239,149 Indians were imported into British Guiana.3 This colony received the most indentured labourers in the British West Indies. During 1845– 1917, a total of 143, 939 Indians were imported into Trinidad and 37,000 in ­Jamaica. Other West Indian colonies also employed indentured labour. During 1838–1917, approximately 1,550 Indians were introduced in St. Lucia, 1,820 in St. Vincent, 34,000 in Surinam, 39,000 in Guadeloupe and 21,500 in Jamaica. By 1884 when Indian immigration was abolished, the French West Indian colonies had a considerable number of Indians. Approximately 41,800 Indians had been introduced in Guadeloupe and 25,500 in Martinique. By 1917, the indentureship system had ended and Indians were no longer imported from India as labourers for overseas colonies, leading to the abolition of indetureship by 1921. The Caribbean societies experienced phases of intricate socio-economic evolution, cultural transition and religious dynamics under the heavy yoke of colonialism. One of the characteristics of colonialism was the rigid racial and class structures imposed upon the inhabitants of the British West Indies. The élite Whites comprised the colony’s upper class and were landowners, colonial officials and planters. The middle class consisted of black and coloured persons who were educated and some were property owners. Included among the 1 V.S. Naipaul, The Middle Passage (Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1978) 88. 2 Walton Look Lai, “The Chinese Indenture System in the British West Indies and its Aftermath,” in Andrew Wilson editor, The Chinese in the Caribbean (Princeton: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2004) 7. 3 Dale Bisnauth, The Settlement of Indians in Guyana 1890–1930 (Leeds: Peepal Tree Press, 2000) 11.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004417083_002

2

Figure 1

Introduction

Indentured labourers cutting and loading sugar cane in central Trinidad during the 1930s Source: michael goldberg Collection, The Alma Jordan Library, The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago, West Indies

middle class were civil servants, lawyers and journalists; whilst the lower class, at the base of the social pyramid, comprised working class Indians and Africans. Among the working class were the rural and urban poor and peasants. The inhumane conditions on the ships, intermingling of castes on estates and lack of separation in estate hospitals were the early phases of undermining the caste system. In the Caribbean it was inevitable that there would be inter-caste marriage and the shattering of long-held customs such as prejudices against marrying widows. There was also the infamous ‘wife murders’ that stereotyped Indian men as violent. These murders were largely due to the gender imbalance in the colony. Undoubtedly, the limitations and erosion of the caste system in Trinidad and the shabby treatment of women in India would have been influential pull factors which made many decide to forego the return passage to India and settle in their new adopted homeland. The existence of pujas, creation of murtis and emergence of pundits on the estates, provide a noteworthy insight into the adjustment, assimilation and acculturation of Indians in their new host society. Likewise, the possession of sacred texts and building of crude temples were additional proof that Indians were slowly constructing alternative religious and cultural models in a hybrid

Introduction

3

society. Interestingly, the village panchayats of India were used as models in the British West Indian colonies to resolve incidents like land disputes and marriage issues. The Indians received a hostile reception in the new host society. Diseases such as cholera, yaws, leprosy and typhoid were common among the Indian labourers.4 The cultural difference was obvious as the Indians retained their native dress. The women wore the orhni (head-covering), ghangri (long skirt), jhula (short-sleeved bodice) whilst the men wore the pagree (turban), kurta (jacket) and dhoti. One of the negative effects of immigration was the mutual distrust and tension between Africans and East Indians.5 The Africans, burdened by heavy taxes and decreased wages, resented the Indians because they were able to work for lower wages.6 Brinsley Samaroo described the indentured Indian as the “new slave” and contended, “The East Indian was to most

Figure 2

A sugar factory in south Trinidad in the early 20th century Source: michael goldberg Collection, The Alma Jordan Library, The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago, West Indies

4 Laxmi Mansingh and Ajai Mansingh, Home Away from Home: 150 years of Indian Presence in Jamaica 1845–1995 (Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers, 1999) 76. 5 See Bridget Brereton, “The foundations of prejudice: Indians and Africans in 19th century Trinidad,” Caribbean Issues no. 1 (April 1974) 15–28. 6 Madhavi Kale, “‘Capital Spectacles in British Frames’: Capital, Empire and Indian Indentured Migration to the British Caribbean,” International Review of Social History 41 (1996) 118.

4

Introduction

Trinidadians a most unwelcome intruder. He was an interloper, a competitor for the crumbs which fell off the planters’ table, he was physically and culturally different.”7 The different cultural and social traits were also factors which reinforced the hostility between the colony’s two major races. Additionally, the religious practices of Hindus and Muslims were sometimes mocked and degraded in the local press.8 It was obvious that since the inception of Indian immigration, nothing was done for their socio-cultural adaptation, so the Indians remained as pariah in the colony. After the abolition of slavery in 1834 and emancipation of slaves in 1838, the Crown Colony government failed to provide a suitable educational system both for the formerly enslaved Africans and Indian immigrants. Education seemed to be in a quandary, especially with the tension between the religious groups, the issue of whether education was to be secular or sectarian and the inherent fears and beliefs fostered by plantation life among the Indians. Another deterrent for the Indian child was language. The Indians spoke a variety of native tongues such as Bhojpuri, Urdu and Hindi whilst the government schools were specialising solely in English. Also, many Indians under the indentureship scheme did not appreciate the value of education because of their perceived imminent return to India. Plantation life had serious repercussions on the immigrants’ perception of education as, “In many instances both ­parents worked on the plantation and household chores were left in the hands of young children.”9 Undoubtedly, the social and economic conditions faced by Indians in the estate was also a major cause of concern for colonial authorities. It should not be assumed that when in 1868 the Presbyterian missionaries came, they adequately dealt with education of the Indians. The Anglicans and Roman Catholics had also made considerable and noteworthy progress in protecting and educating the Indians. By the late 1840s, the Anglican Church imported books and recruited teachers from India for the education of East Indians in Trinidad. And in 1862, through the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, the Anglicans employed Rev. E.B. Bhose from India to assist in the evangelisation and education of the Indian immigrants in the colony. 7 Brinsley Samaroo, “The Presbyterian Canadian Mission as an Agent of Integration in Trinidad during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries,” Caribbean Studies vol. 14. no. 4 (1975) 42. 8 See New Era 29 January 1877; Palladium 7 July 1877. 9 Idris Hamid, A History of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad 1868–1968 (San Fernando: St. Andrew’s Theological College, 1976) 69.

Introduction

5

­ erforming a similar yet humanitarian role was Father Etienne of the Roman P Catholic Church whose knowledge of Hindi enabled him to minister to the East Indian lepers who were scorned and alienated.10 The Presbyterian Church entered a society still grappling with the dilemma of the value and boundaries of religious education. Indeed, many were surprised that the unassuming entry of the Canadian missionaries would initiate radical reforms and transform the educational system of Trinidad and Tobago. This Presbyterian endeavour from Canada would not only complement the work of the Catholics, Anglicans and already existing Presbyterian missions in the colony but prove worthy of society’s respect and admiration. The history of Presbyterianism in Trinidad did not commence with the arrival of Rev. John Morton. In 1835, the congregation of the Greyfriars Church in Glasgow, Scotland, sent a missionary to the colony of Trinidad to minister not only to the Scottish planters and their families but also the Africans.11 On 31 January 1836, Rev. Alexander Kennedy arrived in Trinidad to begin the Presbyterian mission in Port-of-Spain. The work of the Scottish Presbyterians soon spread to San Fernando, Arouca and Sangre Grande.12 By 1843, the United Presbyterian Church of the u.s.a had established a mission in Trinidad at Iere Village and another in the adjacent village, Mt. Stewart. The congregations comprised mainly Africans. Unfortuantely, the Americans terminated their mission due ot the ravages of tropical diseases, primarily yellow fever. The tombs of some of their missionaries are in the Iere Village Church yard. These American churches were given to Rev. John Morton who used them as the base for his work. The focus of Chapter 1 is on the efforts of the Canadian missionaries among indentured Indians in Trinidad. The decision of the Canadian mission to ­importing Hindi literature from India, train missionaries in India certainly complemented the bilingual local teachers (in Hindi and English) in the British West Indies. Undoubtedly, this benefitted the indentured labourers who were eager to adapt and become part of their new homeland. The Canadian 10

11 12

E.B Rosabelle Seesaran, “The involvement of the Anglican Church in the Evangelisation and Education of Indo-Trinidadians 1870–1917,” Paper presented at iser-ncic Conference on Challenge and Change in its Historical and Contemporary Contexts, uwi, St. Augustine. Vol. 3 1995, 2–3. Greyfriars of Trinidad 1837–1987- A Historical Sketch of the Congregation of Greyfriars Church of Scotland, Port-of-Spain, Trinidad, to mark the 150th Anniversary (Port-of-Spain: Trinidad and Tobago Printing Works, 1987) 9. Also posg 23 January 1838. J.T. Harricharan, The work of Christian Churches among East Indians in Trinidad 1845–1917 (Trinidad: Artcrafts, 1976).

6

Introduction

­ issionaries used a variety of successful techniques in their outreach to this m segment of the despised working class. Schools and churches were built on nearby estates in rural areas. The emphasis on missionaries working with indentured labourers, whilst harmoniously working with colonial authorities and planters is a revisionist perspective that contradicts the prevailing view that missionaries did not condemn indentureship and instead chose to support the planters’ actions. There will also be an evaluation of the repercussions and resistance of conversion among Hindus and Muslims. An overwhelming majority of the Indian migrants welcomed the educational work of the mission but a significant percentage wre hesitant to relinquish their religions for Christianity. There will be an assessment, in Chapter 2, of the wider role of the Caribbean mission within the British West Indies. The work of the Canadian mission in Trinidad contributed to the relatively rapid spread of religion and education in Jamaica, Grenada, St. Lucia and British Guiana. Evidence of teaching of Hindi in the curriculum of primary and secondary schools, throught the Caribbean region, was proof of the partial tolerance of these missionaries and also an attempt to bridge the language barrier. Additionally, obtaining an education via the Canadian Mission schools positively impacted on those persons desiring social mobility. The creation of public spaces to educate children of the working class served to hasten the socialization process. Colonial authorites wanted to ensure the children of the indentured labourers, and others attending the schools would become passive citizens in the British Caribbean. Despite these attempts to create a docile work force, the social landscape was scarred with uprisings and protests. The rise of Presbyterian secondary schools and institutions and the journey to excellence is chronicled in Chapter 3. Colonial authorities continued to support Presbyterian schools because they understood the benefit of education, though limited, on the population. Education, provided by the Presbyterian Church, and other denominations, had a leavening effect on the population. It helped create a cadre of citizens who accepted the laws, social mores and customs of the colony. This was particularly vital in the early decades of the twentieth century. This chapter also addresses the accusation that the Presbyterian Church focused on Indians and thus contributed to the polarization of the ­Indo-Trinidadians and Afro-Trinidadians. There is evidence that within the Presbyterian primary and secondary schools there were significant numbers of Afro-Trinidadians and Mixed persons who comprised the students, academic, secretarial and ancillary staff. The non-Presbyterian and non-Indians were treated with respect and there is no historical evidence to prove otherwise.

Introduction

7

Chapter 4 examined the impact of religion and education in the colony’s transition as it underwent certain changes as election of a local prime minister, attainment of independence in 1962. The education provided by Presbyterian schools proved to be the intellectual tool to achieve social mobility. Due to the superior performance of Presbyterian and denominational schools, a subtle tension developed between denominational and government schools. This challenge was inevitable. There is an examination of the emergence of education and reformulation of religion among the Hindus and Muslims which challenged the multi-­faceted responses, of education and evangelism of the Canadian Presbyterian missionaries and the local church. The rise of Hindu and Muslim schools provided healthy completion for the Presbyterian schools that had become part of the educational lansdscape of Caribbean. Official reports on denominational primary schools reflect the high educational standards that were maintained. Presbyterian-run institutions such as the Naparima Training College provided a calibre of graduates who were needed to fill key positions in the country that was becoming politically conscious during the 1950s and 1960s. The decision of the missionaries to allow local Indians to head and manage its educational institutions was a well-planned strategy in succession planning. This allowed a smooth transition of power. In Chapter 5 there is the element of continuity. Tension between gov­ ernment and denominational schools continued into the 21st century. There will be an analysis of the controversy with respect to the selection and placement of teenaged students in denominational schools, including Presbyterian schools. The primary and secondary schools of the Presbyterian Church continued to contribute to the formulation of the Indian identity in Trinidad and Tobago. During the 1990s, as there was a cultural revival among Presbyterian schools as there was greater appreciation of the links with the early Indian immigrants. The Presbyterian primary and secondary schools have regularly celebrated such festivals as Divali and Eid. Two secondary schools- Naparima Boys and Hillview have included tassa drumming in their curriculum. Notweworthy political personalities, who were graduates of the primary and secondary schools, made viable contributions to the country. This was not a phenomenon limited to Trinidad and Tobago but also experienced in other Caribbean countries that had a presence of Canadian missionaries. The focus in Chapter 6 is the administration and organizational abilities of the missionaries and the locals. The Presbyterian Church in the Caribbean is a product of the burdensome, bureaucratic colonial system inherited parallel structures with its educational committees and boards. Presbyterians never

8

Introduction

lost sight of the role religion was to play in education. This was evident in the dual role of the cathecist who served as teacher and preacher. Such practices reinforced the indissoluble relationship between church and school. The Presbyterian Church offered Christian guidance and maintained a religious base for education as evident in the creation of the St. Andrew’s Theological College. Additionally, the work among teenagers, children and women was achieved as a direct result of a Church that was well-managed and orderly. The various Boards of Education were designed to allow a smooth operation of its institutions. However there were unfortunate incidents such as the questionable promotion of teachers, appointment of vice-principals and principals that resulted in controversy and bitterness.

Chapter 1

Conversion and Education of the Indians It did not, after all, require much intelligence to see that Hinduism, with its animistic rites, its idolatry, its emphasis on mango leaf, banana leaf and – the truth is the truth – cowdung, was a religion little fitted for the modern world…But it is enough, I feel, to state that at eighteen my eyes were opened. I did not have to be ‘converted’ by the Presbyterians of the Canadian Mission. I had only to look at the work they were doing among the backward Hindus and Moslems of my district. I had only to look at their schools, to look at the houses of the unconverted.1 This extract from the novel of V.S. Naipaul, A Flag on the Island, demonstrated the attractiveness of conversion, particularly its material benefits. In another work, The Middle Passage, Naipaul casually dismissed Hinduism as being inferior, “Hinduism is not organized; it has no fixed articles, no hierarchy…In Trinidad it could only wither; but its restrictions were tenacious.”2 Samuel Selvon, an Indo-Trinidadian novelist, also focused on the perceived benefits of converting to Christianity: Jaggernauth’s encouragement had resulted in him and Kayshee landing up in the sugar estate in Cross Crossing, along with all the other indentured labourers…and everytime he visited them, it was the same story, to join-up with the white Canadian missionary religion, as that was the only way they could get out of Cross Crossing, and come and live in town. ‘You got to turn Christian,’ Jagernauth said, ‘only those Indians who turn Christian making any headway. It not enough to talk the language…’.3 Such ideas might have possibly been present among the Hindus in the early twentieth century and contributed to their decision to convert. The Colonial Offic sent Patrick Keenan, an Irish expert on education, to Trinidad to investigate and report on the colony’s education system. Keenan’s comment on the state of education among the Indians presented a formidable challenge to which the Presbyterian Church responded: 1 V.S. Naipaul, A Flag on the Island (Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1981) 24, 25. 2 Naipaul, Middle Passage 88. 3 Samuel Selvon, Foreday Morning: Selected Prose 1946–1986 (London: Longman, 1989) 203.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004417083_003

10

Chapter 1

The Coolie’s mind was left a blank. No effort was made to induce him, through the awakening intelligence and dawning prospects of his child­ ren, to associate the fortune or the future of his family with the colony….I cannot call to mind any other case of a people who, having voluntarily come to a strange land which they enriched by their labour, were morally and intellectually-so completely neglected as the Coolies have been during the past twenty-four years.4 East Indian parents refused to send their children to ward schools and the arrival of Rev. Dr. John Morton (1839–1912) in Trinidad in 1868, increased his social awareness of the need for education among thousands of illiterate Indian children. By 1868, there were approximately 20,000 East Indians in the colony of Trinidad without an educational future.5 On 3 March 1868, the education of three East Indian children on the doorsteps of the home of Morton, at Iere Village, in south Trinidad, heralded an endeavour which would supplement the educational mission of other denominational schools. This simple gesture exemplified the willingness of Morton to sacrifice his home and time for the children of poor, uneducated, indentured labourers. This act was symbolic of the Church’s future commitment and dedication in an uphill task of reforming education in Trinidad. Morton sympathetically understood the plight of the East Indians and their lack of interest in colonial education at the ward schools. In 1869 Morton appealed to Governor Gordon for financial support for schools for the Indian immigrants. Subsequently, the government enacted the Education Ordinance of 1870 which established dual control of primary schools. This meant that the local administration financially supported two types of elementary school – denominational and government. On 22 November 1870, Rev. Kenneth Grant (from Scotch Hill, Pictou County in Nova Scotia) and his wife Catherine Copeland (of Merigomish in Nova Scotia) arrived in San Fernando, south Trinidad. The first Government-aided India nschool was established in San Fernando, in the mission field of Rev. Grant. The San Fernando cim School was established on 20 February 1871 in an old cinema on Cipero Street. There was initially sixteen studentson the roll and afe wmonths later, in April 1871, the student population had increasd to 70 ­students. 4 Patrick Joseph Keenan, Report Upon The State of Education in the Island of Trinidad (Dublin: hmso, 1869) 48. 5 Shelley R. Kalloo, “Second Generation Missionary Enterprise-The Presbyterian initiative in the Penal-Siparia Pastoral Region, 1900–1995,” in Brinsley Samaroo ed. Pioneer Presbyterians (St. Augustine: Institute of Caribbean Studies, 1996) 72.

Conversion and Education of the Indians

11

The name of the school was later changed to San Fernando CM, then San Fernando Presbyterian School and in 1971, to honour its founder, changed to Grant Memorial Presbyterian School. By 1870, the religious bodies were allowed to establish schools which would be financially assisted by the government who administered the public schools. This was subsequently followed by the opening of the first government-­ supported East Indian school in San Fernando in 1871. In accordance with a provision in the school law, every Thursday, Morton was given the responsibility to oversee religious instruction at the ward schools. Furthermore, all teachers employed in schools throughout the colony were to be ranked and certified by the Board of Education. In his memoirs, Morton assessed the plight of Indian children in Trinidad, “The children were all black and coloured. Owing to race prejudice there was scarcely an East Indian child to be found in schools in the whole island.”6 Donald Wood in Trinidad in Transition supports the view that among East Indians there was a, “social and religious reluctance to have their children educated with those of a different faith and a different race.”7 Keenan was aware of the proselytism that would occur and emphasised that education in Coolie schools should be accessible to everyone and the pupils should not be exposed to evangelisation. Apparently, Keenan’s view on conversion was overlooked by the Canadian missionaries. The Presbyterian Church in Canada was fully aware of the need to educate their missionaries in Indian thought and gain practical training in India, before appointment to the British West Indian colonies, thus as early as 1854, “…the Canadians had sent a missionary to India to study its philosophy; before Canadians were sent to work in the Caribbean they had to undergo training in Indian thought; there was the constant importation of Christian Indian literature by Presbyterians in the Caribbean….”8 In Trinidad the long awaited Reformation in education was ushered in by the Presbyterian missionaries. An obvious challenge to the missionaries was the establishment of schools to cater for the special needs of these Indian 6 Sarah Morton, John Morton of Trinidad (Toronto: Westminster Company, 1916) 41. See also Kenneth Grant, My Missionary Memories (Nova Scotia: Imperial Publishers, 1962) 82. 7 Donald Wood, Trinidad in Transition (London: Oxford University Press, 1968) 231. 8 Brinsley Samaroo, “The Indian Connection: The influence of Indian thought and ideas on East Indians in the Caribbean,”in David Dabydeen and Brinsley Samaroo eds. India in the Caribbean (London: Hansib Publishing, 1987) 49. Reports by missionaries who served in India revealed that public meetings were conducted in Hindi and there were bhajan singing. Brinsley Samaroo, “Missionary Methods and Local Responses: The Canadian Presbyterians and the East Indians in the Caribbean,” in Bridget Brereton and Winston Dookeran eds. East Indians in the Caribbean. (New York: Kraus International Publications, 1982) 94–95.

12

Chapter 1

c­ hildren. The educational thrust and persistent efforts, of the missionaries, were focused on rural areas where mostly Indian immigrants resided. One notable feature of this pioneering effort was the willingness of these Canadian missionaries to work in tandem with the existing colonial government in educating a wide section of the population. The salaries of teachers and maintenance costs were usually borne by the government, whilst the Canadian missionaries were in charge of the schools’ administration. The amount of aid a school received was determined by the reports of school management, salary scale of the teaching staff and performance of pupils in annual examinations. In 1878 there was an estimated 30,000 Indians in a population of 100,000.9 In 1889, thirty-one of thirty-eight Indian schools were receiving government assistance and by 1890, the Education Ordinance abolished financial assistance on the basis of examination results and three-quarters of teachers’ salaries were paid by the government. Furthermore, the Ordinance of 1890 gave the Board of Education greater power in establishing schools for Indian children, denominational schools would be under strict inspection and their continued financial assistance would be determinant on adequate fulfilment of the colony’s educational requirements.10 In 1891, the Roman Catholic Church comprised approximately 42% of Indians. Among the other Christian denominations, 30% of the Indians belonged to the Church of England, and 27% were Presbyterians.11 1

Rural Schools

One of the most outstanding characteristics of the mission was its rapid educational expansion. Mission schools blossomed in rural villages such as Barrackpore, Coora, Fyzabad, Rousillac, Santa Cruz, Cumuto, Biche, Plum Road, Morichal, Cunaripo, Cumuto and Lengua. Central Trinidad was not excluded and in the 1870s the following schools were established – Esperanza cmi School in June 1871, Sevilla cmi School in April 1872 and Exchange cmi School in June 1873. These schools served an important function as it was reported that by 1880, only 590 East Indian children were enrolled in estate 9 10 11

Presbyterian Record December 1878. Great Britain, Colonial Office, Annual Reports on the Colonies 1889–1938/39 Annual Report for 1891 no. 66. Trinidad and Tobago. Report on the Blue Book for 1889 no. 108 Trinidad and Tobago (London, hmso, 1890). Marianne Ramesar, Survivors of Another Crossing: A History of East Indians in Trinidad, 1880–1946 (St. Augustine: School of Continuing Studies, 1994) 107.

Conversion and Education of the Indians

13

schools.12 The success of the educational drive was evident from the fact that in 1896 Presbyterians had 38 schools with 3,041 students on roll and an average daily attendance of 1,888 students.13 In 1898, the number of schools had increased to 44 and the average daily attendance was 2,137 students.14 During the 1890s, other schools were erected in Las Lomas in 1891, Chin Chin Savanna in 1894 and St. Helena Estate in 1890. The schools were built in areas which lacked proper roads. John Morton travelled by a horse-drawn buggy to Sangre Grande and Sangre Chiquito. In areas as Cunaripo which was mostly forested, some of the roads were mud tracks.15 In 1904, Rev. Joseph Gibbings used a donkey, mule and later a buggy with two horses whilst serving Biche, Coal Mine, Fishing Pond, Guaico-Tamana and Plum-Mitan.16 After the railway was extended from Arima to Sangre Grande, Morton established a mission in Guaico. He used this as a base to extend the mission to Caratal in 1901 and ­Cunaripo in 1904.

Figure 3

12 13 14 15 16

Morton memorial Presbyterian Church in north Trinidad Source: mungal chattergoon, 1984

Eric Williams, The History of the People of Trinidad and Tobago (London: Andre Deutsch, 1964) 207. Annual Report 1896 no. 201 for Trinidad and Tobago (London: hmso, 1897). Annual Report 1898 no. 272 for Trinidad and Tobago (London: hmso, 1899). Sunday Guardian 19 September 2004. Rev. H.F. Kemp, Trinidad Writings (Trinidad: Grace Kemp, 1960?) np.

14

Chapter 1

As a result of the lack of proper infrastructure, schoolhouses were built for head-teachers near to the cmi schools. For instance, Cunaripo and Biche cmi schools, built in 1904 and 1909 respectively, each had a “schoolmaster’s house,” “headmaster’s house” or “teacher’s house.” Sometimes in areas where there was no church, the headmaster’s house served as the place for Sunday worship. At Morichal cmi School the headmaster’s house served this dual purpose until 1939. There was a schoolmaster house at Felicity Presbyterian School but due to a lack of use it was eventually demolished. Schoolmaster houses also existed in the 1940s and 1950s at St. Helena, Maracas, Tacarigua, Tunapuna and Curepe Presbyterian schools.17 In addition to this accommodation for teachers there was often a separate residence for the catechist. Near the cmi schools at Guaico and Piparo there was a “catechist house.” At the Aramalaya Presbyterian Church, in Tunapuna, there was the Mission house, Minister’s manse and the catechist’s house.18 Often the assistance from the Presbyterian Church in Canada was insufficient and the planters in Trinidad supplemented the resources necessary to continue the educational mission. Morton noted that at the end of 1873 there were twelve cmi schools of which the government and the Canadian mission supported one each whilst ten were supported by planters.19 Jordan Hill cmi School was opened on 1 April 1873 in a room that was donated by an estate owner. Schools in the district of Couva were heavily supported by planters.20 Among the owners of sugar estates who supported the Canadian mission were Sir Charles Tennant, J. Cumming, W. Burnley and J. Lamont. Additionally, Charles Stollmeyer had donated half an acre of land in Santa Cruz in which the mission built a church and school. The Acono school in Maracas (later known as Maracas cmi School) was initially made of bamboo. In 1897, the owners of Cadbury Brothers of England, purchased land in Maracas, and assisted in the building of a new cmi school in Maracas.21 In 1906, the founding of Coal Mine cmi School, later known as Grosvenor cmi School, received considerable assistance from owners of a cocoa estate. Even among churches such as the Aramalaya Presbyterian Church, “Planters on neighbouring estates gave ready and generous assistance in carting 17 18 19 20 21

Interview with David Sukha, Tunapuna, 13 February 2006. Brochure of the Aramalaya Presbyterian Church, 1881–2001, 120 years of Presbyterian Witness in Tunapuna, 7. Morton 101. Home and Foreign Record. June 1871. Trevor Turner, The Work of the Presbyterian Church and its successor, the United Church of Canada, in the field of secular education in Trinidad, West Indies. M.Ed. thesis, University of New Brunswick, 1968, 22–23. Morton 335–336.

Conversion and Education of the Indians

15

materials.”22 Some of the owners of the sugar estates in Couva offered to defray the bulk of the missionary’s expenses.23 Thomas Christie, a Canadian missionary, who arrived in Trinidad in 1873 and served Couva for nine years, could have attested to this fact. Because of this urgently needed financial assistance and land from the planters, the Canadian missionaries did not condemn indentureship. Any criticisms of the treatment of Indians by planters or attempting to intervene in disputes between Indian labourers and planters would have affected the peaceful existence of the mission. Thus, the missionaries tolerated the unjust system and ignored complaints. Locally trained Bible Women and catechists also adopted a similar stance. The missionaries were grateful to the planters for allowing them to visit the estates to spread the Gospel among the Indians. The planters would have also seen the influence of the mission as having a socialising effect that would have reduced the incidence of protests or workers’ indiscipline. The shortcomings of the early Canadian missionaries aong the Indian immigrants might have been unduly criticised. For instance, Merle Davis in The East Indian Church in Trinidad argued that the missionary church was a ­middle-class institution from the West and in its evangelism (including Trinidad) inevitably reproduced the middle-class phenomenon. The acceptance and reliance on financial assistance from the missionaries has apparently tarnished the image of the Canadian mission.24 The mission appeared as being linked to the white, privileged sugar planters of the colony and thus the Canadian mission has been accused of failing to question the indenture system. Also, Anne Martell is of the opinion that John Morton and the mission have faltered in two areas. Firstly, they neglected to foster in the Indian working class self-determination and secondly, they overlooked the oppression of the lower, working class by the upper class.25 But in itself this is an erroneous assessment since it was that mission which planted sees of self-esteem and selfsufficiency among a people totally neglected by the new society. The Presbyterian missionaries functioned within the parameters of a plantation economy which made them heavily dependent on the financial support from the government and planters to supplement aid from the Presbyterian 22 23 24 25

Morton 274. Foreign Missions of the Presbyterian Church in Canada – New Hebrides, Trinidad and Demerara, Korea, Other Missions (Halifax: Nova Scotia Printing Company) 33. Merle Davis, The East Indian Church in Trinidad (New York: International Missionary Council, 1942), 86. Anne Martell, “The Canadian Presbyterian Mission to Trinidad East Indians 1868–1912,” MA Thesis, Dalhousie University, 1974, 179.

16

Chapter 1

Church of Canada. Some cmi schools initially did not receive government assistance. For instance, it was only a few years after being established that the Santa Cruz cmi School (founded in 1902) received financial assistance from the government. Similarly, the San Juan cmi School (established in 1901) began receiving government aid in 1906. In one instance, A. Agostini, was sent by W. Guppy (the Inspector of Schools) to visit the “Coolie School” at Mt. Stewart with the intention of providing financial assistance. However, Morton warns Grant that Guppy “carefully abstains from committing himself in writing.”26 He also advises Grant that during his visit to the governor of the colony to be careful and not implicate the Inspector of Schools because “it would be very awkward to perhaps bring down the Governor on him.”27 At the turn of the twentieth century, the government began to recognise the work of the schools. By 1900, there were sixty cmi schools serving 7,557 East Indian children from an East Indian population of 85,000.28 During this period, the cmi schools were staffed with 70 pupil teachers, 52 certified teachers and 16 graduates of its training classes.29 2 Conversion It was in Port-of-Spain that he became a convert to Presbyterianism and sloughed off the name of Ashok which his parents had given him and adopted Egbert in its stead (sic). Religious enlightenment had not determined the change: it was an integral part of his campaign and the motives behind it were severely practical.30 Shiva Naipaul, brother of V.S. Naipaul, in The Chip-Chip Gatherers made conversion to the Presbyterian faith seem casual and superficial as if it merely involved a change of one’s name. Similarly, V.S. Naipaul in A House for Mr Biswas briefly mentioned that a recent convert to Presbyterianism no longer used her Hindu name but was known as Dorothy.31 Indeed, to the relatives and the ­missionaries the name change signalled a new life, a new beginning which involved a spiritual and ritualistic change. 26 27 28 29 30 31

Letter from Morton to Grant 28 March (nd) United Church Archives, New Brunswick. Letter from Morton to Grant 28 March (nd) United Church Archives, New Brunswick. Presbyterian Record July 1900; March 1901. Presbyterian Record February 1901. Also Samaroo, “Missionary Methods” 100–101. Shiva Naipaul, The Chip-Chip Gatherers (London: Andre Deutsch, 1973) 15. V.S. Naipaul, A House for Mr Biswas (London: Penguin Books, 1969), 365.

Conversion and Education of the Indians

17

Despite the perceived benefits of offering education to East Indian children, it was given at a price. Islam and Hinduism and their accompanying beliefs, rites and customs were often denigrated to win converts to Christianity. Undoubtedly, certain segments of the East Indian population in Trinidad bitterly resisted these conversion attempts. The Muslims seemed more overtly protective of their religion and culture than the Hindus and this influenced the missionaries’ concentration of outreach activities among the Hindu element of the East Indians. The tension existing in the evangelisation drive was acknowledged in the correspondence of one of the Canadian missionaries: We have had our anxieties, and you will admit that they were not groundless, when I inform you of the existence of a secret, crafty, organized and active opposition by Mohammedans, which was designed to thwart our efforts and break up our Mission. Nearly every convert was tampered with, and in some cases fair promises of reward were made if Christianity were renounced.32 Despite this concern among the missionary, the Canadian mission did not ostracise the Muslims. In 1878, Morton reported on the attendance at the mission school in Tacarigua which had “some 70 children all of whom came out of Hindu and Mohammedan Homes.”33 Religious instruction was provided in all cmi schools to all ethnicities and religions. Interestingly, Hindus and Muslims gave substantial donations to the building of the Susamachar Presbyterian Church in San Fernando, “The East Indians themselves, composed of Mahommedans and worshippers of Idols, for then there were few Christians, contributed about £150 sterling.”34 This philanthropic gesture was probably because their children attended the mission schools. Others who contributed to the building fund of the Susamachar Church were Chinese, White merchants and planters.35 In 1901, Niamat Khan, a mullah (Muslim priest) from India was baptized and converted to Presbyterianism in Trinidad and upon conversion, had his name 32 33 34 35

Foreign Missions of the Presbyterian Church 32. One of the booklets owned by Rev. Grant was Proof of Prophet Mohammed From the Holy Bible (Georgetown: The Muslim Society). Letter from Morton to MacGregor, January 4, 1878. United Church Archives, New Brunswick. Mary Alice Clark, A Sketch of Trinidad – The Canadian Mission and the Opening of the Presbyterian College in San Fernando, Trinidad (Ottawa: James Hope and Company, 1892) 12. Also Grant 97. East Meets West in Trinidad (Toronto: Young People’s Missionary Education Committee, 1934) 93.

18

Chapter 1

changed to Paul Niamat. This event was unfavourably received by the Muslim community and increased the resentment against the Presbyterian missionaries. This would have fostered the belief among missionaries as Rev. K.J. Grant that Hindus in Trinidad were “much more approachable and amenable to Christian instruction.”36 However, often there was hostility from both nonChristian groups. In 1899, Joseph E. Gibbings, a former Head Driver of a sugar estate, became a catechist and later was ordained a minister by the Canadian Mission. In 1903, he confronted obstacles during his work in Chaguanas: “Hindoos and Mohommedans were aggressive there, and frequently challenged him to debate. He was threatened with violence. Kalloo Maharaj once ran at him with a sapat….”37 It is such incidents which would have influenced the view of Winston Mahabir, a Presbyterian, who felt it is a “solid historical fact” that the Canadian Mission were guilty of “raiding the ranks of the Muslims and Hindus.”38 Often the missionaries were approached by individuals who willingly and genuinely sought a new religion. For instance, Morton recounted in 1879: We have also a boy, Geoffrey Subaran, who is learning to be a cabinetmaker, but gives his evenings to study. Subaran asked Miss Blackadder for a book that would make him ‘feel sorry.’ ‘I like to feel sorry on Sunday,’ he said. I suppose he meant a book that touched his feelings; so, Indians have feelings and like a book that moves them. We greatly wish to see them moved to better thoughts, feelings and purposes.39 Furthermore, Adella Archibald noted that there was no forced conversion, “There is a ‘Conscience Clause’ posted on the walls of every day school, to the effect that there must be no coercion in the matter of Religious Instruction: but the children love the Bible Stories and the singing of the Christian hymns so they seldom or never retire.”40 The work of the Presbyterian missionaries among Hindus and Muslims generated controversy among scholars. Brinsley Samaroo noted the derogatory remarks made by the first pioneer of East Indian education, Morton, who condemned East Indians as worshippers of false gods, “Brahma was a liar, Vishnu an adulterer, Siva a drunkard, Krishna shameless, and even Ramchandra, one 36 Grant 70. 37 Kemp. 38 Winston Mahabir, “Our Diasporas: Sowers and Seed,” in I.J. Bahadur Singh ed. Indians in the Caribbean (New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1987) 75. 39 Morton 185. 40 Archibald, East Indian Mission 9.

Conversion and Education of the Indians

19

of the best, violent and murderous, while the character of Christ is our strong point.”41 In 1878 Morton in correspondence to Rev. MacGregor, of Canada, eagerly reported on the “progress” being made in conversion: Al through Leviticus and Hebrews the advantage of this lesson was felt by us all. All these young men had taken some part in heathen sacrifices + some of them as Brahmins were intimately acquainted with the Hindu ritual….And when I pointed out how accurately the Apostle Paul describes the heathenism of India when he says ‘The things that the Gentiles sacrifice, they sacrifice to deotas + not to God’ a murmur of approbation ran around the class. In treating of the plagues of Egypt they entered with zest into a comparison of the idolatry of Egypt and India….42 Furthermore, Samaroo commented on the work of Morton and compared him with another outstanding missionary, “Morton made no attempt to understand the people who came to these shores from India. Rev. Grant …went among the community learnt Hindi and developed a programme of education for East Indians.”43 For some Presbyterians this would appear as a harsh interpretation of Morton’s efforts to reach out to the Indians. Nevertheless there is prejudice displayed by Grant in one of his observations of the Indians, “…it must not be inferred from these statements that the Hindu shows an ardent desire for spiritual truth.”44 Despite criticism of Morton, Samaroo acknowledged the monumental work of Morton, who made some effort to understand the new language that the missionaries encountered. All Canadian Mission schools had reading and writing in Hindi during the Religious Instruction period. By 1870, Bibles and literature in Hindi were being imported from India by the Presbyterian missionaries in Trinidad.45 Morton had established the first Hindi press in the basement of his Tunapuna manse and his booklets were being used in day-schools and churches. His wife, Sarah, aided the cause by publishing a Hindi prayer

41

Samaroo, “Canadian Mission as an Agent of Integration” 46. Also Morton 232. Samaroo “Missionary Methods” 98. See also Rajnie Ramlakhan, “The Law and the Hindu Religious Question 1868–1962,” Seminar Paper, Department of History, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 2003, 17–18. 42 Letter from Morton to MacGregor, 4 April 1878. United Church Archives, New Brunswick. 43 Speech at Founder’s Day, cited in Trinidad Guardian 4 March 1995 (hereafter cited as TG) 44 Grant 73. 45 Samaroo, “Missionary Methods” 96.

20

Chapter 1

book  –  Garland of Prayers (Ratna Mala).46 In 1896, a high caste immigrant from India and convert to Presbyterianism, Rev. Babu Lal Behari47 reportedly sold 5,000 books and tracts in Hindi. Behari was appointed by the Mission Council as one of the instructors in “Hindi Literature Books” and was familiar with the Mahabharat, Balmiki Ramayan and Sukhsagar. Knowledge of such works was vital to “refute objectors who drew their arguments from these sources.”48 An illustration is Morton’s correspondence to MacGregor: And in dealing with Indians one has to be prepared for questions that would not be brought up by young men at home. Our text book in the principal class will be the Hindu Bible… If we succeed in opening up to them the Scriptures as a wide and very interesting field with a well defined purpose…to be explored at their leisure we will have attained the object we set before ourselves.49 East Indian men such as Andrew Guyadeen, who were high caste Hindus, assisted in bridging the language and cultural barriers. East Indians belonging to all castes including the Brahmins and Kshatriyas (both high castes) were openly accepted in the Presbyterian Church.50 Morton’s work was continued by his son, Harvey, who in 1901 used the Hindi press at Tunapuna to print a Hindi hymn book (Geeta Mala), International Sunday School lessons and various religious literature in Hindi.51 Two of the booklets published by this press were Presbyterian Manual of Forms in Hindi in 1908 and the Hindi Second Book in 1923.52 Furthermore, Morton and other missionaries took the initiative in holding church services in Hindi and other 46

Samaroo, “Missionary Methods” 96. Also Harricharan 29; Morton Memorial Presbyterian Church 97th Anniversary 11. 47 For more information see E.B.Rosabelle Seesaran, From Caste to Class: The Social Mobility of the Indo-Trinidadian Community 1870–1917 (Trinidad: Rosaac Publishing House, 2002) 116. 48 Clark 33. 49 Letter from Morton to MacGregor 6 March 1878. United Church Archives, New Brunswick. 50 Clark 9. 51 Samuel Doodnath, A short history of the early Presbyterian Church and the Indian immigrant 1845–1945 (San Fernando: Danprint Limited, nd) 28. Marianne Ramesar and Horace Bhupsingh, A Centenary History of Aramalaya Presbyterian Church Tunapuna, Trinidad 1881–1981 (Tunapuna: Cariflex, 1988) 34, 26. Trustees of K.E. Mahase, My Mother’s Daughter: The Autobiography of Anna Mahase Snr. (Claxton Bay: Royards Publishing Company, 1992) 11. Samaroo, “Missionary Methods” 95–97. 52 Wm. J. Jamieson, Presbyterian Manuel of Forms in Hindi (Tunapuna: Canadian Mission Press, 1908). Hindi Second Book (Tunapuna: Canadian Mission Press, 1923).

Conversion and Education of the Indians

Figure 4

21

A hymn in Hindi used by missionaries Source: Hindi Hymn Book (Tunapuna: Canadian Mission Press, 1922), 3rd edition „     Please check the inserted closing paranthesis in this sentence.

22

Chapter 1

­ ative tongues of the congregation, “An occasional service was conducted in n the Tamil dialect or in Chinese for the benefit of those who could not understand otherwise.”53 At cmi schools there was mandatory secular instruction for four hours which was required by the government. After this was completed, the missionaries had freedom to conduct any form of religious instruction.54 Agnes Morton, daughter of Rev. Morton, was fluent in Hindi and served at the Orange Grove School during the period 1882–1888.55 At the Iere Home, Hindi was a prominent item on the institution’s timetable. Each morning began with Hindi hymns and cathecism whilst Hindi writing and reading was conducted later in the day.56 Marianne Ramesar noted that English was the language used in schools but Hindi was used by the missionaries in adult church services. She describes this as “an important anglicizing and socializing process.”57 The recent converts took the initiative in bridging the language barrier. At the mission school in Couva, the language of the Indians was offered, “Good progress is made by the children here, George Jagganath, one of the teachers, recently a heathen but now a Christian of high caste and well educated in Hindustani, teaches the Hindi in the school.”58 Similarly, Charles Prayag, a catechist, benefitted from a class conducted in a humble setting, “Mr. Tilucksingh started a hindi class which I attended in his cattle pen every evening which he conducted after his work from the estate.”59 The missionaries’ effort in translation of Hindi texts would have served to highlight some of the parallels between Hinduism and Christianity and not necessarily to denigrate the religion of the Indians. The Presbyterian Church undertook other tasks to ensure the bridging of the cultural and language barriers. The teachers employed in its primary schools were persons selected from the East Indian community who were versed in English and Hindi. In 1886, the Monkey Town cmi School, serving Barrackpore, Patti Hill, Monkey Town and Transfer, adopted a teaching method tailored for the interests of their pupils, “An integral part of the church school curriculum was the teaching of Hindi 53 54 55 56

Harricharan 28. Doodnath, The early Presbyterian Church 21. Morton 100. Morton 355. Diary of Archibald, vol. 1, 7. Also Vashti Guyadeen, “Outstanding Women: The Iere Home for Girls,” in Pioneer Presbyterians 112. Mrs. Morton had a Bible class in English and Hindi. Morton 349. 57 Ramesar 106. 58 Clark 47. 59 A Brief Sketch of the life and work of Charles Prayag from 1877 to June 1907. Manuscript in United Church Archives, New Brunswick.

Conversion and Education of the Indians

23

and the East Indian culture of beating tassa drums and the singing of bhajans. Jeffrey Mungal and Edward Bissoo taught Hindi at schools.”60 Samaroo, in 2007, dubbed these early convert as “Presbyndus” because of the extent of their assimilation and acculturation. In its early editions, The Trinidad Presbyterian (first published in 1904) printed a Hindi version in which issues such as the evils of drug abuse and alcoholism were discussed.61 By 1900, schools such as the San Juan cmi School, opened at the Aranguez Estate under the catechist Henry Hanooman, initially taught Hindi. Similarly, at cmi schools at the Bon Intento and Fairfield Estates, there was an evening class of religious instruction and Hindi. It seemed that one of the underlying objectives of education provided by these mission schools was to act as an agent for social transformation, thus providing a desired stability for the volatile plantation society. In 1885, Rev. Morton’s report on the mission in Trinidad revealed the positive impact of Christianity on the native population, “Christian schools and Sunday schools are the special agency of the young and through the children they have a

Figure 5

60 61

Presbyterian Church in central Trinidad Source: mungal chattergoon, 1985

Krist Mandli Presbyterian Church, Monkey Town, 1886–1986. Centenary booklet. (Siparia: Sookhai’s Printery, 1986) 7. Trinidad Presbyterian April 1906. (Hereafter cited as TP).

24

Chapter 1

l­eavening effect upon their parents.”62 Likewise, Grant identified the positive influence of the Canadian teachers, “Their Christian life and character gave a high tone to the schools over which they were placed…” and that “Every teacher is a Christian worker, and on every Sabbath day provision is made for using him in Sunday School work….”63 These observations suggest that the conversion from one religion to another, from one culture to another within the education system made the Presbyterian schools appear as agents of deculturalisation, westernisation and socialisation. The transition from Hinduism and Islam to Presbyterianism suggested a partial loss of their “Indian identity.” One apologist of the Presbyterian Church, Rev. Roy Neehall believed that if the Indians were not introduced to education by the missionaries “the mobility would have been slower.”64 An illustration of this occupational mobility was evident in the island’s early legal system as the five Indians who were jurors in 1890 were Madrasi and belonged to the Presbyterian Church.65 The manipulative use of education as a tool for purposes other than simply education has been supported by Samaroo whose evaluation of the syllabus of the Canadian Presbyterian primary schools led him to classify these institutions as agents of socialisation.66 Ralph Premdass, a sociologist, and Rev. Harold Sitahal, a retired Presbyterian minister, examined the wielding of an English education by the Canadian missionaries believing that, “Morton and other Canadians to follow, set about breaking down the defenses of the Hindu and Muslim community by offering an English education through the mission.”67 However, to interact with the Africans and experience social mobility in the colony the Indians needed to learn English. These converts to Presbyterianism did not alienate themselves from their former religion. For instance, in the Woodbrook Debating Club, Patrick Akal, the headmaster of the Woodbrook cm School, presented the topic – “A History and Derivation of the Hindi language.”68 There is the assumption that ­Canadian 62 Presbyterian Record March 1885. 63 Grant 88,138. 64 Express 4 April 1995. 65 Seesaran, Caste to Class 196. 66 Brinsley Samaroo, “Education as Socialization, Form and Content in the Syllabus of the Canadian Presbyterian Schools in Trinidad from the late 19th century,” Caribbean Curriculum. vol. 6. no. 1 (1996) 23–38. 67 Ralph Premdass and Harold Sitahal, “Religion and Culture: The Case of Presbyterians in Trinidad’s Stratified System,” in Selwyn Ryan ed. Social and Occupational Stratification in Contemporary Trinidad (St. Augustine: Institute of Social and Economic Research, 1991) 343. 68 Seesaran, Caste to Class 195. The evening’s topic was “An Evening with Mother India” and another paper presented was “The Indians in Trinidad.”

Conversion and Education of the Indians

25

ministers spearheaded the evangelisation drive but natives played a major role. For example, in 1900 at Penal, recent Presbyterian converts were instrumental in founding the Presbyterian Church and school.69 The benefits of a primary school education contributed to the social and occupational mobility for many marginalised East Indians. Kathleen Kassiram, a retired teacher who taught in both primary and secondary Presbyterian schools, noted: The Government had found it necessary to employ bi-lingual Indians to act as interpreters for Hindi-speaking Indians in important business matters. In 1878 Rev. Morton made recommendations to Government for a training programme for Interpreters. In 1883, he was appointed Examiner of Hindi interpreters, a post he held until his death.70 Additionally, in his position as Government examiner of interpreters, Morton was able to successfully seek the appointment of educated East Indians to recognised posts in the colony.71 Among these interpreters in the 1880s included David Mahabir, a prominent elder of the Presbyterian Church. The positive impact of Morton’s work is evident in 1918, as among a total of 40 interpreters employed in the Civil Service, 35 were East Indians.72 Another example is William Dwarika who was born in India in 1897 and at the age of 6 travelled to Trinidad on the S.S. Ganges. He was educated at Princes Town CM School and Naparima Training College. Dwarika attained the positions of ward officer, interpreter and bailiff. He also served as a member of the East Indian National Association (eina) and treasurer of the East Indian Friendly Society. Thus, provision of an English education by the mission schools was compatible with the desired social advancement which some East Indians were seeking. It could be argued that, despite the fact that the Canadian missionaries operated through the educational curriculum in hastening the socialisation and integration of the East Indians, a religious input was important in the moral and spiritual development of the immigrants. By 1899 the Secretary of the 69

Penal Presbyterian Church, 90th anniversary brochure (Penal: Benco Printing and Publishing Company, 1990) 7. 70 K. Kassiram, “Rev. John Morton-A biography,” Morton Memorial Church 97th Anniversary 9. 71 E.B. Rosabelle Seesaran, “The Unfolding Panorama of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad 1868–1993,” in The Presbyterian Church in Trinidad 1868–1993 (San Fernando: CarVey’s Printery, 1993) 15. 72 Seesaran Caste to Class 212.

26

Chapter 1

State introduced agricultural training at primary schools, but Rev. Morton had already boldly initiated this practice in the cmi schools. Neither integration nor religious conversion was easily achieved as there was friction between the traditional teachings of Christianity and of East Indian culture. The missionaries were attempting to enrich and improve social and moral aspects of the lives of both the indentured labourers and their children by relying on the Bible. Thus, though the missionaries appeared to be offering an education with the “hidden agenda” of evangelism, the majority of the East Indians were not coerced into accepting Presbyterianism.73 In this context, the cmi school could be seen as the evangelising arm of the church.74 Gerad Tikasingh contends that the missionaries in Trinidad were cautious about their educational work, “…for there was always the fear by others that Indians were receiving too much education for their own good.”75 This was a scenario faced by missionaries in other British West Indian colonies. Certain criteria existed which created a link between conversion and occupational/social mobility for East Indians. One Canadian minister, Stephen Mathers, added credibility to the view that conversion to Christianity was one aspect of mobility. He cited the fact that only those Indians who were baptised Christians could serve as teachers.76 E.B. Seesaran supported the argument of education’s importance: Since education had always been a lever for upward social mobility, and primary school teaching a base from which the less wealthy could ascend, some Indians accepted conversion to gain comparatively lucrative, comfortable and prestigious jobs in the schools of the three established Christian churches, especially the Presbyterian Canadian Mission.77 This could be interpreted as subtle pressure by the missionaries for conversion to Presbyterianism as a means of socially advancing under the Crown Colony system. There is the argument by Premdass and Sitahal that some East Indians

73

See Nadine Manraj, “The History of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad and its role in society,” in Pioneer Presbyterians 14. 74 Stephen Mathers, A Meeting of Faiths: The Story of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad (Canada: Board of Information, 1964) 24. 75 Gerad Tikasingh, Trinidad During the 19th Century: The Indian Experience (La Romaine: rpl, 2012), 474. 76 Mathers 48. 77 Seesaran, Caste to Class 215.

Conversion and Education of the Indians

27

feigned conversion to gain employment in the mission schools.78 This was supported in the field work of Morton Klass for a doctoral thesis during 1957 and 1958. He examined a predominantly Indian village in Central Trinidad which he dubbed as “Amity” and discovered that most of the student-teachers, upon selection or soon after, at Amity CM School had become “voluntarily” converted to Presbyterians. Also, that the prevailing belief in Amity was that the Christian teachers had a better chance than the non-Christian teachers in being appointed to a respectable school or for promotion.79 In stating that the nonChristians “converted” to obtain jobs, Klass implied that they did this to achieve social mobility. Likewise, Arthur Niehoff in East Indians in the West Indies argued, “Conversion to Christianity offered quick rewards and mission schools were readily employing teachers.”80 Selwyn Ryan also shares the view that conversion offered an opportunity for social mobility.81 The attraction to these mission schools was not merely for monetary rewards but for escape from plantation life. Bridget Brereton believed, “…there was the old fear of conversion – but there were no Moslem or Hindu schools, and education for most Indians was the only route which led away from the plantations.”82 Additionally, the established link between the planters and missionaries increased the chances of procuring employment for graduates of the Canadian mission schools.83 However, scholars have failed to realise that if the motive of providing education was evangelism and the East Indians were not attracted to Presbyterianism, then – why did the Canadian missionaries continue building schools? Why were Presbyterian churches being established across Trinidad if the conversion rate was so disappointing? Apparently, there were sufficient converts to inspire the Canadian missionaries and teachers to continue and the possibility exists that the missionaries had witnessed the social benefits of providing education to the maligned immigrants. Gerad Tikasingh is accurate in arguing that the missionaries were “uncompromising” 78 79 80 81 82 83

Premdass and Sitahal 344–345. Morton Klass, East Indians in Trinidad-A Study of Cultural Persistence (Illinois: Waveland Press, 1961) 140. Arthur and Juanita Niehoff, East Indians in the West Indies (Wisconsin: Imperial Company, 1960) 9. This is also supported by Turner 8. Selwyn Ryan, Pathways to Power: Indians and the Politics of National Unity in Trinidad and Tobago (St. Augustine: Institute of Social and Economic Research, 1996) xxi. Bridget Brereton, “The Experience of Indentureship: 1845–1917,” in John La Guerre and Ann Marie Bissessar eds., Calcutta to Caroni and the Indian Diaspora (St. Augustine: School of Continuing Studies, 2005) 41. Seesaran, “Unfolding Panorama of the Presbyterian Church” 15.

28

Chapter 1

in “…their commitment to providing education to the Indians they had come to serve.”84 Conversion to Christianity is often viewed by academics and laymen as an ulterior motive of the Canadian educational mission. One seemingly ungrateful Indo-Trinidadian and President-General of the All Trinidad Sugar Estates and Factories Workers’ Trade Union (atse+fwtu), Basdeo Panday, in a 1989 article entitled, “Trade Unionism, Politics and Indo-Caribbean Leadership,” contended, “When such educational opportunities became available with the coming of the Canadian missionaries and the establishment of schools in the settlements, access to them meant conversion to the Christian faith.”85 This miscalculation of Panday is propagated by myopic and ill-informed individuals. In February 2000, at a service at Susamachar Presbyterian Church to celebrate 132 years of the Presbyterian Church being founded, Panday as Prime Minister, offered a seemingly contradictory view, “The mission of the Canadian pioneers…has played a significant role in the development of the people of Trinidad and Tobago.”86 Many persons have failed to appreciate the fact that conversion was an attractive option for students and teachers. Influential evidence for scholars would include an early report on the opening of the first East Indian school in San Fernando on 28 February 1871, which reported, “After six months, there were only three or four converts there.”87 Over a forty year period, (see Table 1) despite the reputation of the mission schools, the Presbyterians could boast of little success in evangelisation among the East Indians. Despite the disappointment in the low numbers of converts, the persistence of the Presbyterian mission provided an invaluable service to the colony. By 1880, there were 96 schools in Trinidad which included 52 government primary schools, 39 assisted primary schools, 3 secondary and 2 normal schools. The model and normal schools had a total population of 408 whilst Queen’s Royal College (qrc), College of the Immaculate Conception (cic) and St. Joseph’s Convent had 332 students.88 The Presbyterians had made monumental inroads into the secondary education of East Indians and the wider society.

84 Tikasingh, Trinidad During the 19th Century, 477. 85 Basdeo Panday, “Trade Unionism, Politics and Indo-Caribbean Leadership,” in Frank Birbalsingh, Indenture and Exile: The Indo-Caribbean Experience (Toronto: tsar, 1989) 56. 86 TG 15 February 2000. 87 East meets West In Trinidad (Toronto: Young People’s Missionary Education Committee, 1934) 94. 88 Williams, History of the People of Trinidad 207.

29

Conversion and Education of the Indians Table 1 

Christian communities – numerical increase

Year

RC

Ch. of England

Wesley.

Presbyt.

Baptist

Moravian and others

1851 1891

43,605 73, 405

16,216 47,095

2,508 6,326

1,017 3,363

448 3,942

231 851

Source: 1891 Census Part 1, p. 19. It should be noted that the figure in 1891 for Presbyterians would have included Scottish and Canadian Presbyterians.

3

Ordinances and Progress

The Education Ordinance of 1890 encouraged the construction of schools for East Indians. Despite considerable progress by some Indians, many still faced a bleak life in final decade of the nineteenth century. The neglect of education was an inherent flaw of the Crown Colony system in which other British West Indian colonies suffered. The 1891 census estimated that one half of the West Indian population over 5 years of age was deemed illiterate. And though the expenditure on education in the British West Indies had risen from £95,000 in 1882 to £180,000 in 1896, this was considered inadequate.89 Thus it was no surprise that by 1891 there was a bleak situation in Trinidad, with 36,286 of a total 62,954 children, not attending school. And, in 1889, a Committee was appointed by the Governor Sir William Robinson, to investigate Trinidad’s education system. It came as no surprise to many in the society that many of the earlier suggestions of Keenan were ignored, including the recommendation that denominational schools should be given more attention. In 1895, the government in Trinidad appointed another Commission, this time, to investigate the viability of compulsory and free education in the colony. One of the recommendations arising from the Commission’s findings was that primary education should be free, compulsory education be enforced for children between 6–10 years old and assisted schools paid, for compensation, an annual sum of $1.80 per child. The Education Ordinance of 1899 sought to assist the lower class by including a clause which exempted those families who were unable to afford the cost of education and children of indentured immigrants.90 In the 1890s, one of the 89 90

Paul Knaplund, The British Empire 1815–1939 (London: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1941) 405. Keenan 49–50.

30

Chapter 1

Table 2 

Statistics for 1911

Tunapuna School Total on roll Total no. (Enrolled per year).

20 3,228 4,414

San Princes Couva Total Fernando Town 17 2,044 3,044

14 1,736 2,332

10 61 1,072 8,080 1,485 11,275

Source: Sarah Morton, John Morton of Trinidad Toronto: Westminster Company, 1916, Appendix A, statistics for the fieldwork of early missionaries in 1911, 481.

Canadian missionaries – Grant, had spearheaded the movement for free education. Grant believed that the government should assist those schools with an attendance of at least 150 pupils and that education to the third standard should be free.91 His concerns did not fall on deaf ears because in 1902, fees were abolished. In 1902 there were 33,872 students in 237 elementary schools. The average attendance being 19,562 pupils but there was still irregular attendance and under-enrollment.92 Among the cmi schools there was a fairly good response. Table 2 offers a glimpse of the impact and attraction of these mission schools and the enrollment in four main districts in the early twentieth century. Apart from the statistical evidence of the high quality of education of these mission schools, the work of the schools quickly gained the public’s approval. In the School Inspector’s Report for 1910, the Presbyterian primary schools are praised as, “no group of schools is more successfully conducted or maintains a better standard.”93 The commendable performance of these mission schools was not single-handedly achieved by the missionaries. The existence of harmony between Church and State during this early era in education reform, particularly with the “Education Code” granted permission for missionaries to give religious instruction in Assisted schools. These mission schools, with their high academic performance, gained an advantageous position which changed the early days of the mission since liberal, financial support was given by the estate proprietors. 91 92 93

posg 1 February 1893. posg 9 September 1899. Seesaran, Caste to Class 60. See also Morton 169, 364–365. Mount 231. Carl Campbell, Colony and Nation: A Short History of Education in Trinidad and Tobago 1834–1986 (Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers,1992) 21. The Canadian Presbyterian Mission to East Indians (Trinidad: Canadian Mission Council, 1911) 29.

Conversion and Education of the Indians

31

The financial factor played an important role in motivating these schools. In the early years of the twentieth century, the headmaster/head-teacher was paid a grant based on the number of students passing the annual examinations. These tests were prepared and supervised by the Inspector of Schools. This became an incentive for rigorous academic training. The grading of schools, from A to F was based on attendance and determined the promotion and salary of a head-teacher. 1n 1913 the Report of the Inspector of Schools on Primary Education revealed that some teachers continued to retain the names of students on their rolls even though these students no longer attend the school.94 Rock River, Union and San Francique CM Schools were among the four which had an average attendance under 40% during 1912–1913. An Inspector would visit each school once a year and check the attendance records and if it was deemed satisfactory, the school’s status would be either demoted or upgraded. Generally, those head-teachers who were promoted to the position of Inspector were from the “A class” schools. Thus, on mornings it was normal to find teachers collecting and coaxing delinquent children from homes and seeking those who hid in the canefields. In 1917, from a total of 64 East Indians, there were 6 First Class, 34 Second Class, and 24 Third Class teachers from which 2 were employed in Anglican, 3 in Government, 4 in Roman Catholic and 55 in cmi schools. Though teachers’ salaries were seemingly small, it was sufficient to survive during this period. The salaries varied according to such factors as the era under consideration, rank attained and school attendance. For instance, in 1902 the head-teacher of Santa Cruz cmi School was paid $15.00 and at Sangre Chiquito the head-teacher earned $18.00 per month.95 By 1917, a Fourth Class Assistant Teacher was paid $10.00 a month, in 1919–1920 a head-teacher was being paid $35.00 whilst an Assistant Teacher earned $16.00 and a Pupil Teacher received a monthly income of $2.00.96 4

Ethnicity and Integration

Despite the educational achievements and reforms initiated by these early Presbyterian missionaries, in the historiography there are seemingly damaging criticisms of the Church’s divisive impact on education which concentrated on the education of East Indians and excluded Africans. Scholars such as Bridget 94 95 96

Council Paper no. 77 of 1914, 4. Centenary brochure of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad and Grenada. History of San Juan and Santa Cruz 37. Also Mahase 6. Mahase 37, 42, 46.

32

Chapter 1

Brereton provided evidence that the Canadian mission schools were not an integrating agent in the nineteenth century, “… it was a segregated education, for the teachers and pupils at their schools were almost exclusively Indian. They were not institutions in which young Indians met young Trinidadians of other races.”97 Likewise, Brinsley Samaroo noted that important areas of social interaction were blocked, “Conducting classes and religious services in Hindi was helpful in reaching the East Indians but was hardly conducive to the attraction of non-Indians. Hence an important area of social interaction was blocked.”98 In contrast, Carl Campbell argued, “The Indian community was already separated by culture from the rest of society, and would have continued in this condition with or without the Canadian Presbyterian church.”99 Even though there was an initial emphasis on East Indian children, the Canadian Mission schools, established in mainly rural areas, welcomed all children. Indeed, there were no caste, ethnicity/race, religious, gender or class barriers in the cmi schools. Prior to the work of the missionaries, many Indians were illiterate and thus did not correspond with their relatives and friends in India. However, due to the work and encouragement of the missionaries thousands of letters were despatched to India.100 Despite this apparent favoured status of the Indians, other races, especially the Chinese, were given an equal opportunity. There is evidence that Chinese shopkeepers in San Fernando contributed financially to the upkeep of the nearby Presbyterian primary schools.101 During the first year of its existence, the San Fernando cmi School in 1871 had six Chinese students.102 Furthermore in 1877, Jacob Corsbie, of Chinese descent, was sent to Galt, Ontario to be educated in teacher-training courses. Corsbie holds the distinction of being the first local of Trinidad to be sent abroad to further his education by the Canadian mission.103 During 1890–1891, in the Canadian mission’s Sabbath school in Tunapuna, non-Indian students were in attendance: “The Sabbath-School was held in the afternoon, composed of the young Hindus and Chinese, in all about 210, under twenty or more intelligent native teachers.”104 Additionally, the

97 Brereton, “The Experience of Indentureship” 42. 98 Samaroo, “Canadian Mission as an Agent of integration” 53. 99 Campbell, Colony and Nation 18. 100 The Mirror 20 July 1907. 101 Grant 97. George Adhar, A Sketch of the Ministerial Labours of the Rev. Kenneth James Grant (London: Bemrose and Sons Limited, 1899) 20. 102 Morton100. 103 Presbyterian Record April 1878. 104 Clark 17.

Conversion and Education of the Indians

33

r­ emarkable ability of these students was praised by a visitor to the school, “… five little girls, Hindus and Chinese, repeating distinctly the 52 titles and Golden Texts of the lessons, in English, without missing a word, which was truly, no small effort for little ones under nine years of age.”105 Most villages had a retail shop owned by Chinese and their children often attended the nearby cmi schools. Dennison Moore, a Canadian-based academic, in The Origins and Development of Racial Ideology in Trinidad critically assessed the cmi schools and the work of the missionaries as promoting segregation between Africans and ­Indians. He contended that Hinduism was mocked by the missionaries in the classrooms of the cmi schools.106 Moore strongly condemned the work of the ­Presbyterian missionaries among the East Indians, “The most vigorous and sustained attack on Hinduism was mounted by the missionaries of the Presbyterian Church of Canada whose schools were heavily supported by the colonial government.”107 It is a fact that the schools were also funded by the planters, the Presbyterian Church of Canada and individuals. Additionally, there is ample evidence proving that the missionaries sacrificed time and resources to learn Hindi, print booklets and ensure there were East Indian catechists to preach and sing in the native language of the immigrants. In formulating his arguments, Moore has selectively chosen evidence which could distort the goals of the mission.108 For example, in proving that cmi schools were unfriendly to African pupils he selectively used the attendance records from 1871 to 1878. These statistics reflected the racial composition at fourteen cmi schools located at in areas as Esperanza, Marabella, Union and Picton.109 However, there were predominantly East Indians in the vicinity of these schools, thus the school population would obviously reflect a higher percentage of East Indians than Africans. Statistics from the Fyzabad and Woodbrook cmi Schools would reflect a greater African presence. Secondly, Moore did not take into consideration persons of Mixed race and of Chinese descent who also attended these schools. Moore quoted extensively from Presbyterian literature as The Message and The Presbyterian Witness which made references to the intellectual, spiritual

105 Clark 17. 106 Dennison Moore, The Origins and Development of Racial Ideology (San Juan: Chakra Publishing, 1995) 172, 186, 354, 274. 107 Moore 172. 108 For a brief critique of Moore’s work see Selwyn Cudjoe, Basdeo Panday and the Politics of Race (Massachusetts: Calaloux Publications, 1997) 55–61. Also TG 28 August 1995. 109 Moore 250.

34

Chapter 1

and mental capacities of the East Indians and Africans.110 Moore cited literature of the Presbyterian Church of Canada, which contained derogatory references to Africans, was used “as reading books by the classes” in Trinidad’s cmi schools. In retrospect, the majority of the children at the mission schools would not have been able to grasp the technical language of the literature. Furthermore, parents would have complained if this racial propaganda was being taught in the cmi schools. It is possible that to ensure that funding continued, Morton and other missionaries in Trinidad would have deliberately deceived their Canadian counterparts that the material was being read in classrooms. Whilst there are racial overtones in the articles, this could be the personal opinion of the editor or a few individuals and does not necessarily mean that the entire Presbyterian Church and its missionaries were guilty of racism. Annie Blackadder (1876–1914) a dynamic Canadian teacher based at San Fernando recorded on 21 December 1876, “Thirty-eight children came on the first day to me; the faces of Indian, Chinese, and a mixture of other races presented a novel sight….”111 The Indian children were neither intellectually gifted nor possessed superior mental aptitudes over their African peers. The playful behaviour and occasional apathy among the Indian children is succinctly illustrated in a report from Blackadder, at the mission school in Tacarigua: “My school is large, children bright and interesting, some days they are good, other days bad. Some would sooner pitch marbles than search for wisdom.”112 In 1901, she reminisced, “Over 6000 young people of various races have pupils in the schools I have taught.”113 At Naparima Girls’ High School (nghs) the issue of race was not a deterrent to education and the school welcomed the idea that different races were peacefully coexisting in the institution. This was highlighted in East Meets West in Trinidad: The intermingling of the races in the day school provides a wonderful field for the teaching, and putting into practice, of the principles of World Friendship, and girls who go out from such a school, whatever the

110 Moore 243, 239. In correspondence, to Rev. MacGregor, Morton referred to the “mental superiority” of Indians. See letter from Morton to MacGregor, 4 April 1878. United Church Archives, New Brunswick. 111 Morton 145. 112 Letter from Annie Blackadder to Rev. MacGregor, 31 January 1878. United Church Archives, New Brunswick. 113 Brinsley Samaroo, “Women’s Work in the Canadian Presbyterian Mission to Trinidad and Tobago During the Century after 1868,” Paper presented at the Canadian Historical Association conference, Quebec, 2001, 13.

Conversion and Education of the Indians

35

v­ ocations they choose, must surely be better neighbours and citizens in this very cosmopolitan land.114 Scholars have overlooked the fact that if East Indian customs were being mocked or Hinduism denigrated, then – why was there an increasing enrollment and subsequent success of the mission schools? In any analysis of the racial composition of the cmi schools, certain factors influencing the attendance of Africans would be the density and distribution of both races in that particular location, level of income, class, prevailing attitudes to education, the government policies or other denominational schools and distance from the school. One assessment of the work of the missionaries acknowledges their shortcomings and attempts to reverse the negative images of the missionaries, “No doubt they attacked the Indians’ traditional religion as ‘heathen.’ They were paternalistic and some were racially prejudiced. But in religious matters they were generally sincere and well-intentioned.”115 Kelvin Singh in “Indians and the Larger Society” cited John Morton’s view of a poverty-stricken Indian whose “hoe awaited him.”116 Singh noted that such incidents revealed “…the missionaries were dealing with a people proud of their own cultural background and with enough intellectual capacity to meet the missionaries on equal terms.”117 This contemptuous treatment and aloof attitude of Morton would have influenced the Indian converts. John La Guerre noted, “The Presbyterian Indians, as the most educated segment though, tended to look down on the Hindus sometimes with the same degree of contempt as the host society .”118 Indeed, this cycle of scorn and division among Indians in a rigidly stratified colonial society was an unwritten rule in justifying and reinforcing one’s occupational and class mobility. In retrospect, the missionaries’ viewpoints and prejudices cannot be interpreted in isolation but in the context of political and social Darwinism which tended to influence the outlook of Whites. In fact, the notion of Christianity as being superior to other religions was a common Eurocentric belief that prevailed in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Thus, it was in this context that missionaries such as Grant would interpret differences among the 114 115 116 117 118

East Meets West 83. Ramesar and Bhupsingh 4. Morton 70. Kelvin Singh, “Indians and the Larger Society,” in Calcutta to Caroni 60. Singh, “Indians” 60. John La Guerre, “Foreword” in Devant Maharaj, Ranjanie Ramlakhan and B. Maharaj eds. Bhadase Sagan Maharaj: Hostile and Recalcitrant (St. Augustine: Prudential Printers, 2001) FW 3.

36

Chapter 1

Africans and East Indians as he referred to the Indian immigrants as belonging to “our Aryan race,” and of their “latent intellectual capacity.”119 The Anglicans could also be accused of promoting segregation by their separate schools. The Ecclesiastical Board had the responsibility to administer education to the “lower classes.” And, like the Canadian missionaries, it was through the medium of education that the Anglican Church’s Ecclesiastical Board hoped to evangelise and civilise the East Indian population.120 In 1888, Rev. R.H. Moor established an Anglican school in Belmont catering for 30–40 East Indian children. In his Mission Report for 1887–1888, Rev. Moor noted the futility of attempting to educate both races: …a mixed school, i.e for Creoles and Indians will be a mistake. An Indian will not send his child to a Creole school. He is afraid of injustice being done to his child (sic) from the Creole teacher, and of ill-usage from the Creole pupils. The Creole, as a rule, looks down on the Indian: he is a semi-civilised being, he speaks a barbarous language, and his manners are barbarous.121 Other Anglican Special Indian schools (eci) were also founded in Cedros, Phoenix Park, Rose Hill, Arouca, Poona and Peru Village.122 These schools were created on the belief that a racially mixed school was not beneficial to East Indians.123 The mutual separation of the colony’s two major races was evident at Iere where Rev. John Morton encountered a small congregation of Africans belonging to the earlier mission of the United Presbyterian Church of the u.s.a. At these church services, Morton discovered that though the Africans sang well and some were well-educated, both races refused to worship together.124 Thus, the alienation existed between the two major races before the arrival of the Canadian missionaries. An inherent element of the Crown Colony system was 119 Grant 81–82, 102. Morton’s treatment of Blacks at Iere has been interpreted as racism. See Anne Martell, The Canadian Presbyterian Mission to Trinidad East Indians 1868–1912, MA thesis Dalhousie University, 1974, 63–65. 120 Bernard Tappin, “From Chaplaincy to Diocese: A History of the Anglican Church in Trinidad 1797–1904,” Ph.D dissertation, University of the West Indies, 1997, 209. 121 Cited in Williams, History of the People of Trinidad 212. See also Shirley Gordon, A Century of West Indian Education (Bristol: Longman Publishers, 1963) 122. 122 The Mirror 21 June 1898. 123 Tikasingh 362. 124 Doodnath, The early Presbyterian Church 21. Morton Memorial Presbyterian Church 9. Morton 42.

Conversion and Education of the Indians

37

“divide and rule” which created divisions among the native population; for example, in 1890 the government ordered separate latrine accommodation for East Indians and Africans on the sugar estates. Hamid argued, “These two races destined to be the two major ethnic groups in the country stayed apart. Mutual distrust, suspicion, and dislike kept them so.”125 Among the East Indians, there were social, cultural and religious norms which excluded the education of their children from those of different races and faiths.126 The Africans and East Indians had distinctly separate identities and each group was acutely aware of itself as a unique group with a different culture and religion. Morley Ayearst in The British West Indies pinpointed the post-indentureship period as contributing to the resentment between the two races. He believed that as Indians began to enter such fields as the civil service and teaching profession, the Africans felt threatened and developed a hatred for the Indians.127 Thus, other factors must be taken into consideration before implying that Canadian Presbyterians were the only force contributing to a segregated education. 5

Secondary Schools

The need for a secondary school to serve the needs of teenaged boys in South Trinidad was first highlighted by Rev. Grant in 1883. Classes were held at his home and the first batch of students comprised his son and some friends including Charles Pasea, a recent graduate of Dalhousie University in Canada.128 Samuel Selvon in “Turning Christian” possibly alludes to the work of Grant as he describes one of the characters, “…he had been spending all his spare time attending classes that a Canadian missionary from San Fernando held in a small wooden house near the main road.”129 Despite the lack of infrastructure and teachers, this informal gathering was recognised as a secondary school. In 1889, Grant submitted an application for financial assistance from the government and sought affiliation with a school in Port-of-Spain. In 1894, South Trinidad welcomed the opening of the Presbyterian Training School for teachers. The secondary classes which became 125 Hamid 194. 126 See Gordon K. Lewis, The Growth of the Modern West Indies (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1968) 75. 127 Morley Ayearst, The British West Indies: The Search for Self – Government (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1962) 65–66. 128 http://www.naparima.org/ncgrant.htm. 129 Selvon 204.

38

Chapter 1

Naparima College were initially merged with classes of the Training School. At the close of the nineteenth century, in 1898, Grant was able to purchase buildings and land nearby his home, known as “Oriental Hall.” This served as the temporary home for Naparima College and the Presbyterian Training School. In 1900, Naparima College was formally inaugurated and its status enhanced as it was affiliated with the prestigious qrc located in the colony’s capital of Port-of-Spain. The early Naparima College retained a Canadian character as it was modelled on a similar institution in Pictou, Nova Scotia. By 1900, Naparima College was officially recognised as an assisted school, and had a population of fifty students and a relatively small staff of four teachers.130 In this year, Naparima College offered the Junior and Secondary Cambridge Examinations. The government provided £200 to assist with the headmaster’s salary and bonuses of £5 for each student who passed the government exams.131 And, in 1904, the first class graduated with the Cambridge Senior School Certificate which was issued by the Cambridge Examination Syndicate in Britain. The school was initially affiliated with qrc and received some financial assistance from the government and Canada. More than a decade later, in 1917 buildings were constructed at Paradise Pastures for Naparima Boys’ College and benefitted from a scenic view of the Gulf of Paria. Nearby an attempt was made to establish an institution similar to Naparima College. On 12 January 1912, nghs began as a single classroom at the present site of Grant Memorial Presbyterian School. One of the reasons for the school’s establishment was the changing attitude among Christians regarding the early marriage of girls. It was initially under the direction of Marion Outhit (1912– 1916) and later Grace Beattie (1916–1927, 1939–1950).132 Five years later, in 1917, the school moved to La Pique where it has remained for ninety years. At this time the older girls at Iere Home were transferred to nghs.133 Young ladies in South Trinidad now had the privilege of attending the newly opened nghs. Elodie Bissessar, of Claxton Bay, was one of the school’s successful graduates. She attended Mt.Allison University and returned to Trinidad where she taught at nghs during 1934–1939. Ramabai Espinet in The Swinging Bridge, a novel, referred to nghs as “La Pastora” and acknowledged its social importance, “The competition was steep, especially for prestige schools such as La Pastora. To us, failure meant early marriage and a life bound to a washtub, scrubbing dirty

130 131 132 133

http://www.naparima.org/ncfound.htm. East Meets West 65. East Meets West 82. East Meets West 81.

Conversion and Education of the Indians

39

clothes and smelly diapers.”134 Indeed, the years 1868–1913 constituted a milestone in the history of Trinidad’s education system. This successful experiment spearheaded by the Canadian missionaries had an indelible effect on the population of Trinidad and would play an important role in the future. 134 Ramabai Espinet, The Swinging Bridge (Toronto: HarperCollins Publishers, 2003) 135.

Chapter 2

Caribbean Missions: The Spread of Presbyterianism in British West Indian Colonies We look with satisfaction at the result of your training in the successful career of the Rev. Lal Bihari and others labouring here and in St Lucia, Grenada, and Jamaica in the work of the Lord: and it is gratifying to note that the good work in progress in these places was commenced by men from this district.1 This statement by a member of the Board of Managers of the Susamachar Presbyterian Church on 23 November 1895, endorsed the commendable work of the Trinidad-based missionaries. Indeed, Trinidad served as the base for the Canadian mission that gradually expanded to Grenada in 1884, British Guiana and St. Lucia in 1885, and Jamaica in 1894. It was a remarkable feat of the Trinidad Mission to simultaneously continue its work in Trinidad whilst initiating and assisting missionary work in other colonies. Undoubtedly, the work of the Trinidad Mission contributed to a rapid expansion of Christianity and also increased the educational growth in the region. These Canadian missionaries were unknowingly contributing to regional integration. Undeniably, the informal network among missions in the British West Indian colonies served to promote unity in an era when communication was mainly through the postal system. The Canadian mission in the region provided a foundation upon which the labour movement would build in the early decades of the 20th century. Their efforts in religion were the precursors to groups as the West Indies and British Guiana Teachers’ Union formed in 1935 and the British Guiana and West Indies Labour Congress (bgwilc) in 1938. 1

Presbyterianism in Grenada

The sturdy mission relationship which existed between Trinidad and British Guiana was duplicated with Trinidad’s relations with Grenada. During 1830– 1831, the Presbyterian Church in Grenada began as the “Scots Kirk.” In 1883, Rev. James Muir from Scotland, arrived in Grenada and began assisting the 1,200 1 Adhar, 18.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004417083_004

Caribbean Missions

41

Indians on the British colony. The challenging workload led to Muir’s appeals for manpower and in 1884, Rev. K. Grant and Lal Bihari (both from Trinidad) despatched East Indians to assist the missionary endeavour.2 The Grenada mission seemed encouraging and more catechists, fluent in Hindi, departed Trinidad to work in three rural communities in Grenada – Belair, Samaritan and Gouyave.3 Muir was transferred after 3 years to Demerara in British Guiana, and the new appointment was Rev. James Rae. A major obstacle facing the mission was the insufficient and irregular funding.4 One of the parish ministers, Rev. Francis Ross, contacted the Canadian Church seeking financial assistance. Subsequently, Ross received considerable donations from St. Andrew’s Presbyterian Church in Pictou, Canada. In 1955 Grenada was struck by a hurricane. There were a few “Church of Scotland” churches but no Scottish ministers. Rev. Dayfoot and his family were encouraged by Rev. Adamson of St. Ann’s Church of Scotland, in Port-of Spain, to conduct Christmas and New Year services in the four congregations in Grenada. After this stint, other ministers from Trinidad began to visit Grenada including Revs. Jack Thompson, Roy Neehall, and Jim (James) Seunarine. A retired minister from Trinidad, J.C. McDonald, who was living in Canada was also given the opportunity to serve in Grenada. During his stay, a secondary school was established and named McDonald College. A major event was the joining of the Presbyterian Church on both islands to form the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad and Grenada in 1955. Subsequently, in 1961 a synod of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad and Grenada was created and functioned for almost 20 years until Grenada opted for an independent status and withdrew from the union. Upon McDonald’s return to Trinidad, there were others such as Revs. Cornelius Kanhai, Michael Chandoo and Paul Sharma.5 On 21 January 1963, the Presbyterian Church established its first secondary school in Grenada – the McDonald College. Principal WellingtonFriday hoped to introduce Agricultural Science in the school’s curriculum which would increase “the status of agriculture in the community.” He also planned to open a bookshop which would serve the St. Patrick community. The school catered for the educational needs of the Indians and was located in Sauteurs, St. Patrick. Its location was vital because St. Patrick was on eof the two areas in which ­Indians were most concentrated. This educational initiative was assisted by 2 Grant 161. 3 Dayfoot, Shaping of the West Indian Church 196. 4 Grant 162. 5 Arthur Dayfoot, Life and Writings (Toronto: Coach House, 2002), p. 52.

42

Chapter 2

the Grenada East Indian Cultural Association and the Canadian Presbyterian mission in Trinidad. The latter was able to source funding from the Board of World Missions of the United Church of Canada. In 1961 a Synod of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad and Grenada was created and the relationship between both islands was strong as evident from the fact that the Presbyterian Church of Trinidad and Grenada celebrated its centenary in 1968. Samuel Sinanan, who served as the Business Manager of the Synod of Trinidad and Grenada from 1968 to June 1976, would regularly visit Grenada during the 1970s to attend meetings of the Board of Managers. This joint Synod functioned for almost twenty years until Grenada opted for an independent status and withdrew from the union because Trinidad was unable to provide ministers for their churches. 2

Presbyterianism in Jamaica

The Indians also faced a bleak scenario in Jamaica where there was a lack of health care. In 1867 the colony had a total of 1,625 Indian immigrants and after two years 279 immigrants had died. Indians were often accused of malingering, absenteeism and laziness. Residing in such an environment, it was no surprise that Indians were involved in protests and strikes during the indentureship era.6 Among the Christian denominations involved in education in Jamiaca were the Presbyterians, Anglicans and Quakers. The Anglicans began their missionary work in 1862, the Presbyterians in 1869 and the Quakers in the 1890s. During the 1870s, Rev. William Turner visited the Trinidad Mission and spent time observing the missionary methods of conversion. He departed for British Guiana and later accepted an appointment by the United Presbyterian Church of Scotland to Jamaica. Subsequently, in 1892 the Presbyterian Church in Jamaica decided to begin a mission among the country’s East Indians. An appeal for Indian evangelical workers was directed to the Trinidad Mission Council. Catechists trained in Trinidad were sent to Jamaica. For instance, in 1894 East Indian workers from Trinidad – Jonathan Lal and Simon Siboo, were appointed to Jamaica to strengthen the missionary efforts of the Scottish Presbyterian Church among the relatively small group of indentured Indians. Grant paid his first visit to the colony in 1894.7 Prayag mentioned in his diary 6 Verene Shepherd, Transients to Settlers: The Experience of Indians in Jamaica (Leeds: Peepal Tree Press, 1994) 71–78. 7 Morton 301.

Caribbean Missions

43

that Seboo (sic) returned to Fyzabad in Trinidad in 1899 for a holiday.8 Later, the Synod in Jamaica invited Rev. Grant and Behari who subsequently visited Jamaica in January 1903. On 8 February, at a Sunday service in Kingston, Behari spoke to 140 recent Indian converts in a newly established church.9 After 1903, there were occasional visits by Jamaican ministers and trainees to the Theological College in Trinidad. The visiting workers eagerly wanted to learn more of the evangelising techniques. Schools mushroomed in or near various sugar plantations after the recommendations of the 1897 Education Commission. However, Indians in Jamaica were reluctant to send their children to be educated in primary schools with Christian missionaries. As in Trinidad, they were given financial assistance from the planters. The labourers feared their children would lose their religion and identity.10 Laxmi and Ajai Mansingh in Home Away From Home identified the ulterior motives of the missionaries: They were not only interested in introducing Christ into religious syncretism of the Indians, but also in changing the entire person into someone who would look like an Indian but feel and act like a Euro-Christian with its package of faith and prejudices. They believed that such a person, having lost his/her sense of historical and cultural belonging, would always look up to Europeans as Saviour on earth.11 The Christian churches were not keen on allowing Indian Christians to attend Hindu and Muslim cultural activities.12 There was a gradual increase in attendance among elementary schools. In 1891, the rolls reported 238 students, in 1924 it had increased to 1,234 but dipped to 1,149 in 1934.13 In 1943, an estimated 49% of the Indian population were illiterate. This was relatively high when compared to 13.8% Coloureds, 3.2% Whites and 13.9% Chinese.14 After almost a decade an increase to 2,926 students in 1945 reflected the expansion in population but also suggested that Indians were realising the importance of education as a means of social

8 Prayag. 9 Grant 168. 10 Mansingh and Mansingh 64. 11 Mansingh and Mansingh 81. 12 Laxmi Mansingh, “East Indians in the Caribbean,” Indians in the Caribbean 321. 13 Mansingh and Mansingh 64. 14 Verene Shepherd, “Indian Women in Jamaica, 1845–1945,” in Indenture and Exile 102.

44

Chapter 2

­ obility. The gender differences were obvious since 13% of 1,368 boys when m compared to 23% of 1,192 girls attended primary schools in 1913.15 Despite their relatively small numbers, the Indians sought to preserve their culture and religion. On Sundays, under a community shed, they participated in religious activities as the sat sangh (meeting for the Truth) and reading of Suraj and Bhagwat purana (mythological stories). There were also gold, silver, clay or wooden images of the gods and goddesses.16 In the mid-1920s the first Indian organisation was formed – the East Indian Association (eia). This group trained priests, held pujas and celebrated festivals. Subsequently, during the 1930s the East Indian National Union was established. This organisation was concerned about the cultural, legal and economic status of Indians in Jamaica. 3

Presbyterianism in St. Lucia

In the second half of the nineteenth century, R.P. Cropper, a lay preacher of the Presbyterian Church, was the designated Protector of East Indians of St. Lucia. Additionally, Cropper was versed in Hindi and his son, James Cropper, initiated Presbyterian work among the East Indians. James trained catechists and teachers in St. Lucia and also briefly served in Trinidad.17 In mid-April 1883, Rev. J. Morton and his wife visited St. Lucia which had 1,300 indentured Indians. The Mortons visited a hospital in Castries, the island’s capital, and met Indian men and women of whom only two or three had heard the Gospel.18 The Indians at the hospital were surprised that the Mortons spoke their language. At the time of their visit there was one Protestant minister and 10 or 11 Roman Catholic priests but no major evangelising initiative among the Indians. Two workers, Jageshwar and George Sadaphal, who had previously worked with Rev. Grant, now assisted in St. Lucia. Jageshwar, an Interpreter, had been trained in Trinidad and visited sugar estates in Castries. The educational needs of the immigrants had been identified by Cropper and he applied to the government for assistance to build a school for Indian children. The government agreed to assist with an annual sum of £50. On 2 February 1886, Sadaphal and 15 16 17 18

Mansingh and Mansingh 64. Mansingh and Mansingh 66–67. Zander Dunn, “James Basnett Cropper Friend of the East Indians of British Guyana” Called to Witness ed. W. Stanford Reid (Erin: The Porcupine’s Quill, 1980) 86. Morton 276–277.

Caribbean Missions

45

his family arrived in the colony. He was employed as a teacher at the Indian school at Crown Lands Estate.19 In November 1886 Morton began his first preaching tour in St. Lucia. He met 40 pupils of the lone Indian school on the island and later had a service with 30 adults.20 On Sunday 7 November, in the school-house at the Crown Lands Estate, Morton baptized nine children, nine men and one woman. At Soufrière, Morton met John Allhadua who was one of Morton’s first students at the Iere Village school. Allahdua was employed in St. Lucia as a hospital dispenser and interpreter. Morton also held meetings with Indians at Dennery Hospital, Ruby Estate and Malgretout Estate.21 After Morton’s departure to Trinidad, Allahdua resigned his job as an interpreter and became employed as a teacher at the Roseau school which catered for Indians.22 Morton conducted preaching tours to St. Lucia in 1888 and 1891. By 1891, there were 2,000 Indians in St Lucia and Morton felt they should have an ordained Presbyterian minister.23 In 1894, a missionary from Trinidad, MacRae had a preaching tour of St. Lucia. A year later, John Nihall, a former pupil of Blackadder, was a teacher/catechist in Tunapuna and was transferred to St. Lucia. The expanding mission was evident in the two catechists and four schools in existence by 1895.24 In this year there was an estimated 500 Presbyterian Indians. Some ministers from Trinidad visited the island to assist in preaching and for communion services.25 In 1899, Rev. S.A Fraser who was based in Trinidad left for furlough in Canada. He was replaced by George Sadaphal who had returned from St. Lucia.26 The Canadian Presbyterian Church was giving an annual sum of $300 to support the efforts in St. Lucia. Some Indians migrated to other islands and those Indian Christians who remained were absorbed into Wesleyan or Methodist Churches.27 Nihall reported that only 1 school was in operation and that evangelising work was still being conducted at Crown Lands and Mabouya.28 Three Sunday Schools and a night school were in operation. By 1916, despite 650 Presbyterian Indians, the mission had declined due to a dwindling and scattered Indian population. 19 Morton 277. 20 Morton 278. 21 Morton 280–281. 22 Morton 283. 23 Morton 287. 24 See Foreign Missions of the Presbyterian Church 38–39. 25 Grant 163. 26 Prayag. 27 Grant 164. 28 Morton 290.

46 4

Chapter 2

Presbyterianism in Guyana (British Guiana)

In 1838 labourers were imported into British Guiana but the Colonial Office in Britain became concerned about the high mortality rates and intolerable working conditions of the initial migrants. This subsequently led to the imposition, in September 1838, of one month verbal contracts and one year written contracts. It also fostered the existence of a type of free wage labour system. However, the economic crisis of the late 1840s meant an irregular flow of labour would be unreliable and unprofitable. Thus, the planters persuaded the Colonial Office to adopt a different system in which labour would be guaranteed and sugar production would not be in jeopardy. This meant stricter terms of indenture, penalties for breach of labour contracts and bounties for reindentures. In British Guiana the Canadian mission to Indians underwent a similar line of development as Trinidad. The Canadian mission in British Guiana was not the first to minister unto the East Indians. In 1862, the Church of England (Anglican) invited E.H. Bhose, a Bengali, to work among the indentured Indians. This attempt by the Anglicans to create a native East Indian Church failed miserably as there were only 30 baptized Indians during 1865–1870.29 In the late nineteenth century, Rev. James B. Cooper felt the Indians should retain their culture and knowledge of Hindi.30 In 1868, Alexander Crum Ewing of Scotland built a school at Better Hope (on East Coast of Demerara). Services were conducted in Hindi and Indians, attended from the nearby estates. By 1871, there were 55,101 Indians in British Guiana with an overwhelming majority of 50,420 Indians employed on the sugar estates. Another Christian denomination, the Scots Presbyterian, also displayed an interest and in 1879 financed religious instruction in estate schools. A catechist from India was brought to work among the Indians but was soon fired because of his uncontrolled alcoholism. The main figure of the Presbyterian Missionary Society was Rev. Thomas Slater, who served as the minister from 1864–1887 at St. Andrew’s Kirk. Rev. and Mrs. Morton visited British Guiana in December 1880. Rev. Morton successfully convinced Slater to remain and not abandon the mission.31 Three years ­later, Slater contacted Rev. Morton seeking additional assistance from the 29 30 31

Dale Bisnauth, A Short History of the Guyana Presbyterian Church (Georgetown: Labour Advocate Printery, 1979) 17. Charles A. Dunn The Canadian Mission in British Guiana – The Pioneer Years 1885–1927, MA thesis, Queen’s University, 1971, 43. Morton 294.

Caribbean Missions

47

­ resbyterian Church in Canada which responded by appointing Rev. John GibP son (a graduate of Knox College, Toronto).32 Gibson arrived in Demerara in July 1885 and had to report his activities to the Mission Council in Trinidad and also the Eastern Section of the Overseas Missions Committee of the Presbyterian Church in Canada.33 Gibson spent a few months in Trinidad where he learnt the language of the Indians and visited various mission stations. In 1887, Gibson reported that weekly Sunday Services at Uitvlugt attracted 20–50 adults and 60–120 children and day school with an average attendance of 120 students. Unfortunately, in November 1888, Gibson died after contracting yellow fever. In 1891 the East Indian population had increased to 105,528 and there were additional demands on the mission. With reduced human resources, Ewing found it was difficult to provide for the spiritual interests of the Indians. He was advised by a friend of the Trinidad Mission to appeal to the Canadian Church for a missionary.34 Thus, in 1895 an application was made for a minister to succeed the aged Rev. Slater. The Foreign Mission Board of the Presbyterian Church appointed Rev. James Basnett Cropper who arrived in ­November 1896 and served at Better Hope. He held separate worship services and Bible classes in Hindi for the East Indians. The British Guiana Mission was initially under the jurisdiction of the Trinidad Mission Council. And, periodic visits to British Guiana were made by Morton and Grant. It was not unorthodox for the catechist to serve as a teacher in the mission field.35 In British Guiana, the missionaries were involved in education of East Indian immigrants because of the lack of proper facilities and the belief that through education the Gospel could be spread to the East Indians.36 But there should also be the acknowledgment that the missionaries in British Guiana and Trinidad made the choice of conversion more attractive and offered it as a means of social and economic mobility whilst those who refused were not ostracised or debarred from their schools. There was some separation of the colony’s two major races. For example, Sunday School for East Indian children was at 8.00 am whilst African children attended at 9.30 am.37 The work rendered by the Presbyterian Church to Indians was not a solo effort. The Salvation Army (a breakaway from the Methodist Church) which originated in England during the 1860s, was officially established in British Guiana in 1895. In 1896 the Salvation Army, under the leadership of a Scottish 32 Bisnauth, Guyana Presbyterian Church 17–18. 33 See Foreign Missions of the Presbyterian Church 39. 34 Grant 165. 35 Dunn, Canadian mission in British Guiana 87. 36 Dunn, Canadian mission in British Guiana 85. 37 Dunn, Canadian mission in British Guiana 43.

48

Chapter 2

officer, initiated work among the Indians. Almost a decade later, the Lutheran Church also decided to assist Indians. Presbyterianism in British Guiana was an “Indianised” expression of Christianity and there was a high degree of syncretism. For instance in the Yisu Katha (story of Jesus) the Indians identified Jesus Christ with the Nishkalanki (Spotless) Avatar.38 The Indian membership of the mission was also reflected in the names of churches as Akashbani (House of Salvation) and Kushalstan (Place of Peace). In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the Presbyterian missionaries and catechists used Hindi in their sermons and prayermeetings. However, by the 1930s this practice had declined and their services, with the exception of bhajans, were wholly in English. The feats of the Trinidad mission were not isolated achievements. By 1919, the Canadian mission in British Guiana was a resounding success with 79 school teachers, one high school, two high school teachers, 46 Sunday Schools, 38 day schools and 29 catechists. At the end of 1918, the Canadian mission boasted of 1,933 Presbyterians, including 59 congregations, 38 day schools, 46 Sunday schools and one high school.39 By 1921 there were 11 missionaries assisting in the rapidly expanding field. By 1923, the British Guiana Mission was no longer under control of the Trinidad Mission. It had its own Council and reported directly to the Mission Board in Canada.40 In 1922, the formation of the Hindu Society and also the sdms meant a resurgence of Hinduism. The impact was felt in the mission and The Presbyterian Record, in 1925, lamented that pujas (Hindu prayers) were increasing whilst conversions were declining.41 Despite only 500 communicants from a total of 127,000 Indians in 1927, the goal of the Canadian mission in educating the Indians seemed relatively successful. By 1927, the Presbyterian mission had 84 Sunday Schools with 2,893 pupils and employed 147 teachers. Also, the mission managed 34 primary schools with 3,636 students. By 1954, the spiritual endeavours had not been fruitful as there was a small communicant membership of only 1,667 Indians.42 The labour transition from emancipation to indentureship, under poor social conditions had the disastrous effect of polarising the two colony’s two major racial groups resulting in ethnicity becoming a powerful force which created a stratified society. Ralph Premdass, a Guyanese-born lecturer based at the uwi in Trinidad, offers illumination on the impact of the importation of 38 Bisnauth, Guyana Presbyterian Church 41. 39 Bisnauth, Guyana Presbyterian Church 22. 40 Grant 166. 41 Bisnauth, Guyana Presbyterian Church 44. 42 Bisnauth, Guyana Presbyterian Church 38.

Caribbean Missions

49

plantation labour in creating new multi-ethnic societies under the Crown ­Colony system, “Colonial institutions kept the immigrant groups residentially, occupationally and culturally apart… Indeed, the ethnic elements grew to ­distrust each other and were systematically manipulated by the colonial administration into antagonistic relationships.”43 This colonial manipulation was seemingly obvious not only in Trinidad but also in Guyana where there was a strikingly similar tension between Africans and East Indians. The educational legacy of the Presbyterian Church in Guyana was evident in the institutions of higher learning: Berbice (Boys’) High School (1916), Berbice (Girls’) High School (1920), Catechist Training Institute (1923, but closed in 1924) Corentyne (coeducational) High School (1939). By the mid-twentieth century, the government began to gradually gain control of the Presbyterian schools and by the early 1960s, Presbyterians transferred the management of their last school. On 19 May 1964, at Better Hope there was a function in which Canadian mission officials relinquished the schools to the government. The occasion marked the 61st anniversary of the existence of the Canadian Mission Council in this British West Indian colony.44 The reason for this action was that the Canadian Church undertook the burden of providing financial assistance to its schools whilst the local churches in Guyana were not making any input yet had control of the schools. Furthermore, it was time-consuming to manage the schools with only a few missionaries. In 2019, there is an estimated 5,000 Presbyterians in Guyana and the former mission schools are still respected for their high quality teaching. Today, there are two Presbyterian denominations in Guyana – the Guyana Presbyterian Church founded by the Canadian Presbyterian Mission and the secondly, the Presbytery of Guyana which was founded by the Church of Scotland. The Guyana Presbyterian Church comprises an overwhelming majority of East Indians and the Presbytery of Guyana is predominantly Africans. In areas with a mixed population, such as New Amsterdam, Clonbrook, Better Hope, and Georgetown, there is a small number of Afro-Guianese Presbyterians. 5

Global and Regional Linkages

During the 1950s and 1960s, the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad and Tobago (pctt) became involved in a number of regional and international ­associations. 43 44

Ralph Premdass, “Anatomy of Ethnic Conflict: Domination versus Reconciliation,” in The Enigma of Ethnicity: Race in the Caribbean and the World (St. Augustine: School of Continuing Studies, 1993) 8. TP April-May 1964.

50

Chapter 2

In 1957 a Consultative Assembly was formed among Caribbean churches. It met in Trinidad in 1957 and 1960 with delegates from British Guiana, Grenada, Jamaica and Trinidad. This was replaced by the Caribbean Assembly Presbyterian Churches in 1965. The church was also a member of the Caribbean Council of Joint Christian Action. This group comprised 9 denominations operating in 11 territories. By 1962 the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad was a member of the Federal Council of Evangelical Churches which had a membership of 9 denominations.45 Among its functions was to recommend to the government on the ­applicationof Protestant sects to be officially recognized, arrange weekly services at the St.Ann’s Mental Hospital and prisons, and appoint ministers to conduct religious Education at the government secondary and intermediate schools. Subsequently, in 1973, the Caribbean Conference of Churches (ccc) was formed with Rev. Roy Neehall, a Trinidadian, serving as the general secretary. The Presbyterian Church is a member of the World Alliance of Reformed Churches (warc). Two delegates of the, local church attended warc conferences- in 1954 in the United States and 1959 in Brazil. In 1961, the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad was accepted as a member of the World Council of Churches, at its meeting in India. Also, the Church is a member of the North American Area Council of the Alliance and two delegates attended a meeting in Atlantic City in 1962. In the 21st century, the ordained clergy of the pctt continued to be active in international gatherings. This included the consultation organized by the Council for World Missions held in November 2016, in India. This was to observe the five hundredth anniversary of the Protestant Reformation.46 During June to July 2017, delegates from the pctt attended the World Communion of Reformed Churches (wcrc) that was held in Germany. Indeed, the Church has made an effort to make a viable contribution to regional and international dialogues. Upon reflection, the pctt should appreciate the importance of being more proactive in its outreach activities in the Caribbean and rest of the world. There were instances when the Church recognized the need to act. A recent illustration is in early 2017, when the Presbyterian Church assisted in the relief 45 46

The denominations were Church of God (Anderson), Moravian, Baptist (London), Church of the Nazarene, African Methodist Episcopal, Salvation Army, Presbyterian, Methodist and Church of Scotland. TP March 2017.

Caribbean Missions

51

efforts in Haiti that was devastated by Hurricane Matthew. The Church collected foodstuffs and clothing and sent these to needy persons.47 A troubling question for some could be – why did the Presbyterian Church choose certain islands and not establish vibrant missions in other islands as Barbados, Dominica or Montserrat? Additionally, there were East Indians in Martinique, Belize, Suriname, Cuba and Guadeloupe but the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad decided not to extend its mission to these French- and Spanish-speaking territories. The language barrier should not have posed a problem since the missionaries were adept at learning new languages and had overcome the language barrier among the Indians. Undoubtedly, the decision to initiate missions in the Caribbean depended on the financial capabilities of the Presbyterian Church in Canada. In addition to the missionary work in the West Indies, support was also given to missionaries in Canadian provinces and overseas efforts in China, Japan and Korea. There is a dire need for a Presbyterian secondary school in Central Trinidad. Also there is considerable scope for a technical or vocational school managed by Presbyterians. The Church should also continue expanding its pre-school programme. Probably the Presbyterian Church could refurbish abandoned church manses to serve as centres to deal with persons suffering from drug addictions, half-way homes for battered women or an aids hospice. Some churches have a regular outreach, for instance during the past twenty-five years, Curepe Presbyterian has organized a monthly soup kitchen that caters for approximately 250 persons.48 Also, there is need to strengthen the Church’s outreach in Tobago. It is disheartening that the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad had initiated missions in Grenada, Guyana and Jamaica but overlooked nearby Tobago. Worship services in Tobago were initially held at a home of a Presbyterian on the fourth Sunday of each month. Subsequently, the venue moved to St. Francis Anglican Church in Bon Accord. A Presbyterian minister from Trinidad would travel to Tobago to conduct the service. Undoubtedly, Presbyterian churches and schools in Tobago would certainly benefit the island and also demonstrate that it cannot be stereotyped as an “Indian Church.” Throughout the British West Indian colonies, local servants of Christ sacrificed their homes and time for the children of poor, uneducated, indentured labourers. For instance these Christian workers assisted in the distribution of

47 48

TP March 2017. TP February 2018.

52

Chapter 2

magazines, clothes, Christmas cards and books which were sent from Canadian churches to the Caribbean missions and distributed to needy villagers and their children. These acts were symbolic of the Presbyterian Church’s future commitment and dedication in an uphill task of reforming education whilst caring for these ostracized children and adults.

Chapter 3

Rebuilding a Society: Preparing Foundations My Presbyterianism, then, though late in coming, affected me deeply. I was interested in teaching – there was no other thing a man of my limited means and limited education could do – any my Presbyterianism was a distinct advantage. It gave me a grace in the eyes of my superiors. It also enabled me to be a good teacher, for between what I taught and what I felt there was no discordance. How different the position of those who, still unconverted, attempted to teach in Presbyterian schools! And now that the time for frankness has come I must also remark on the pleasure my new religion gave me.1 In this fictional account by V.S. Naipaul, he demonstrated the direct linkages between conversion and obtaining a job and respect. The search for social mobility was common in the early decades of the twentieth century. By the beginning of World War One and the ensuing two decades, there were changes in Trinidad’s political and economic landscape. The discovery of oil in commercial quantities, the abolition of indentured servitude by 1920, a growing political consciousness among the working class after 1920, Trinidad’s first general elections in 1925, the 1937 riots and the granting of universal adult suffrage in 1946 were among the changes experienced. During World War One (1914–1918), the Depression years of the 1930s, and World War Two (1939–1945), there was limited funding from the Presbyterian Church of Canada. As a result, the missionaries had to utilise their resourcefulness and demonstrate self-sufficiency. Financial assistance from the planters began to gradually decline as fluctuating sugar prices played havoc on profits.2 These economic, social and political changes had profound effects on the development and direction of colonial education during this era. One minor change was that in the 1930s most of the mission schools were being referred to as ‘CM’ rather than ‘cmi.’ In the previous decades, a foundation in Presbyterian education had been laid and it would be periodically tested in the first half of the twentieth century. There was a serious crisis in illiteracy among the Indians. In 1911, less than 2% of the Indian population in Trinidad were literate. A decade later, 12.6% of 1 Naipaul, Flag on Island 25. 2 For more on the financial contributions of the government and planters to the missionaries see Turner Table 1, Appendix 1 and Table 5, Appendix 2. Also Hamid 46–50.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004417083_005

54

Chapter 3

Table 3 

Quality of the Government and Supported schools in Trinidad in 1913

School Authority Government Roman Catholic Church of England Canadian Mission

No. of No. very No. good number unsatisfactory schools good fair 54 72 36 58

37 42 30 48

13 31 4 8

4 2 2 2

Source: graeme mount, Presbyterian Missions to Trinidad and Puerto Rico Nova Scotia: Lancelot Press, 1983, 227. Based on the Report of the Inspector of Schools on Primary Education for the year ending 31 March 1913. Council Paper no. 77 of 1914

the Indian population was indicative of those who could read only (1,829) or were literate (13,563).3 Among the Presbyterians, their primary and secondary schools were able to maintain their exemplary performance during these decades. For instance, Table 3 reflects the high quality of education in the Canadian Mission schools when compared to the government and other denominational schools. The Roman Catholics with 72 schools were the closest rivals of the Presbyterian institutions, but the latter signalled its intention to pursue a course of excellence and to capture the first spot. By 1913, Presbyterian missionaries were in charge of 40 of the 43 special ‘Indian’ schools.4 In the remaining three, the Roman Catholics had two and the Anglicans operated one. In 1913, more than 8,000 students or 90% of the Indians in schools were in the Canadian Mission schools. In 1921, Presbyterians had 42.67% of Indian adherents, 33.92% were Roman Catholics and 21.63% were Anglicans.5 In the post-1920 period, the enrollment among Presbyterian schools increased by 5,000 for every decade until the 1950s.6 The colony witnessed two decades of reform in the education system which began in 1920. In this year, the contribution of the government to the Canadian mission was increased to $102,085 which meant that teachers’ salaries were doubled.7 Despite the government’s passage of the Compulsory Education 3 4 5 6 7

Ramesar 109. Ramesar 107. Ramesar 107. The United Church of Canada Year Book 1954. Minutes of the Presbytery vol. 3, Victoria University Archives, Toronto, Minutes of the Trinidad Mission Council of the Presbyterian Church of Canada.

Rebuilding a Society: Preparing foundations

55

­ rdinance in 1921, many Indian children were not enrolled in primary schools. O Expenses such as transport, clothes and books continued to be a burden for parents in the lower strata of society. One year later, in 1922, the Seventh Standard Examination ended in all primary schools. In 1926, new Nelson’s West Indian Readers were being prepared by Captain J.O. Cutteridge, Acting Director of Education. These books would include information relating to folk tales, geography, history, flora and fauna of the Caribbean.8 By the 1920s, the government had two methods in which interested persons could have become teachers and gain certification in their field. Firstly, before embarking on any teaching, the potential teacher could qualify for a bursary which granted them free education at a secondary school and then 2 years at a training college where they were expected to write an exam for the Teachers’ Diploma. In 1926, ten bursaries were awarded to students from denominational and government schools. Two candidates – Earle Kalloo of Tunapuna CM School and Kate Mungal of San Fernando CM School were among the ten who won bursaries.9 Secondly, the more common option was that they could begin their teaching career as pupil teachers and after receiving instruction from the head-teacher of the school, they must write and pass three Pupil Teachers’ ­exams – the two parts of the Preliminary exam and the examination for the Teachers’ Certificate. On 9 May 1944, the colony’s Board of Education met to discuss the powers of the Director of Education. By a majority vote of 8 to 4, the Director now had power to promote, appoint and transfer head and assistant teachers in all government and assisted schools. At the meeting, an application for the establishment of a secondary school in Chaguanas was rejected.10 This was evidence of the blatant disregard of the educational needs of the citizens in Central Trinidad. 1

Co-curricular Activities

Since 1901, a Carpenter’s Training School had been established at the Aramalaya Presbyterian Church in Tunapuna. Graduates of this school were sent to cmi schools to teach carpentry.11 In the early twentieth century there was a 8 9 10 11

TG March 19, 1926. The significance of the West Indian Readers was mentioned in the novel A House for Mr Biswas. Naipaul, Biswas 233, 463. Council Paper no. 49 of 1927, 17. posg 10 May 1944. Borchure of Aramalaya Presbyterian Church, 7.

56

Chapter 3

modification of the curriculum which comprised traditional academic subjects as Arithmetic, Reading and Writing. The additions were practical subjects as Hygiene, Crafts and Gardening. The officials in education felt this would allow the primary school education to be more relevant and practical to the needs of a colonial society.12 Indeed, in areas such as Felicity and St. Helena the people earned their livelihood by gardening and rearing animals. During 1910 to 1925, the Canadian Mission schools had undertaken the mammoth task of providing quality education armed with a diverse curriculum. This objective was evident in the organised garden competitions. This was an asset because in 1921, an estimated 40% of the population were employed in agriculture and 60% of those in agriculture were Indians.13 A simple botanical competition involving the collection and classification of insects later developed into an island wide inter-school garden competition. Both government and denominational schools competed during the early years and the victories of the Presbyterian schools in the agricultural competition became a regular feature. The gardens were usually fenced and divided into such as flower, orchard and vegetable sections. A variety of crops including celery, corn, peas, pepper and tomatoes were grown. In 1917, Rio Claro CM School topped an islandwide competition and was awarded the prestigious Agricultural Society’s Silver Challenge Medal.14 And almost three decades later, Curepe CM School won the Agricultural Shield in 1949.15 The Canadian Mission schools had earned a reputation for producing top gardens. Even today, the C.D. Lalla Trophy continues to be awarded to the school with the best garden. One of the reasons for the superb performance of the schools was the quality of leadership. A consistent winner in extra-curricular activities was Jordan Hill CM School under the leadership of Head-teacher Andrew Goberdhan. He was a graduate of Tabaquite cmi School and former head-teacher of Riversdale cmi School. Under Goberdhan’s leadership, Jordan Hill won the coveted Agriculture Shield for the best school garden in 1931, 1932 and 1933. This success continued at Jordan Hill and the school was awarded the Madoo Efficiency Gold Medal in 1934, 1935 and 1940; adding to its collection was the Grier Hand Work Shield for handicraft won in three consecutive years, 1941, 1942 and 1943.16 The Madoo Gold Medal, in memory of Egbert Madoo, a Presbyterian who was a government school teacher, was awarded for General Proficiency by the 12 Campbell, Colony and Nation 21. 13 Ramesar 72. 14 Council Paper no. 78 of 1917, 6. 15 TG 25 November 1949. 16 Doodnath, The early Presbyterian Church 97–98;

Rebuilding a Society: Preparing foundations

57

­ rinidad and Tobago Teachers’ Union (tttu). These achievements outside the T academic sphere were clear indicators that the Presbyterian primary schools worked in harmony with the government’s plan to offer a flexible and practical curriculum. The responsibilities of the head-teacher in Presbyterian schools were not limited to classroom teaching but included the superintendency of the Sunday School which was held on a monthly basis. In addition to the responsibilities at school, the head-teacher performed a pivotal role in the village and church, as Andrew Khan (1905–1975) recalled: As a Presbyterian Head Teacher I automatically assumed superinten­ dency of the Sunday School. Children of all religions attended. Church services were held on one Sunday in the month…. My work as a Head Teacher apart from school administration, regular class teaching and management, embraced a host of extra-class and extra-school activities… Whenever the people had problems they came to me. No matter what was the nature of the problem in the opinion of the people, the headteacher was capable of giving appropriate advice and counsel.17 Khan, a past student of Rousillac and Exchange cmi Schools. He became headteacher of the Jubilee cmi and Union cmi Schools. By 1937, Khan was appointed First Assistant Teacher of Princes Town CM School and later promoted to Acting head-teacher as a result of the appointment of the previous principal to act as Assistant Inspector of Schools. During Khan’s tenure, the school won the coveted Madoo Gold Medal and in August 1938, upon appointment as headmaster of the Union CM School, Khan guided the school to remarkable achievements. By 1944, Union had won the Madoo Gold Medal for topping the College Exhibitions among primary schools and placed third among the intermediate and primary schools.18 In Central, the Felicity cmi School began in 1922 and on Sundays the building was used for church services.19 Among the outstanding principals who served were David Jutla, Alfred Aliharan, James Bharat, George Rampersad and William Gyan. Similarly, Charles W. Debysingh, a former pupil of Warrenville cmi School was another remarkable leader in education. After a short stint as 17

Brenda Mohammed, Memoirs of Andrew Moonir Khan (San Fernando: CarVey’s Limited, nd) 44, 48. 18 Mohammed, Memoirs of Khan16, 37, 62, 63. Khan also served as Principal of San Fernando Presbyterian (Grant Memorial) and in 1956 was promoted to the post of Inspector of Schools. 19 Hardeo Ramsingh, The History of Felicity Village 1838–1996 (Trinidad: Ramsingh, 1996), 54.

58

Chapter 3

head-teacher of Warrenville cmi School, Debysingh was posted to Tacarigua cmi School and for the next fifteen years his school won garden competitions, the Agricultural Shield (1928,1937) and the Madoo Efficiency Medal (1934, 1937).20 He later served as Assistant Acting Inspector of Schools. In the South the CM schools earned considerable respect. Whilst Hamlin Mike was head-teacher of Fyzabad CM School the school won the Madoo Medal and agricultural competitions.21 Similarly, Paul Tilluckdharry, headteacher of Penal Rock CM School, was an outstanding figure in his school and community. He was an official of the Agricultural Credit Union which served Penal Rock and Mon Diablo districts, and also the tttu. In 1913, Lionel Akal was appointed head-teacher of San Juan cmi School and for thirty-seven years uplifted the school’s image and made it one of the best primary schools in north Trinidad. Samuel Lochan, a lecturer at uwi, interviewed past students and made an assessment of the legendary principal, “He was a hard worker, preached tolerance, spoke the truth fearlessly, never took no for an answer and hated to see children suffering for a lack of tuition. He was stern without being cruel or arrogant and demanded good work from his teachers.”22 David Sukha who taught in the CM schools remembered that some schools had a special fund and any prizes won in the garden competition would be placed in the fund to assist with purchasing tools or fertilizers.23 Sidney Budri who began teaching at Charlieville CM School in 1946, recalled the school winning the Lalla Trophy in a school gardening competition. Additionally, the school also participated in the competition for the Trinidad and Tobago Agricultural Shield. The head-teacher of Charlieville CM School, Stephen Lutchman, also encouraged the students to participate in games as volleyball, table tennis, Junior Red Cross, tgit, Scouts and Brownies.24 This trend continued into the 1950s as Ferdinand Ali, a former student of Siparia Road Presbyterian, recalled that both this Siparia Union and Siparia Road Presbyterian Schools eagerly participated in the garden competitions.25 The performance of the mission schools was always a source of pride among Presbyterians and they openly displayed their gratitude to the scholars who contributed to this reputation. For example, the 1925 edition of the monthly Trinidad Presbyterian periodically highlighted the scholastic achievements of its schools in the International Uniform Lessons and Scripture Knowledge 20 Doodnath, The early Presbyterian Church 100. 21 Interview with Dorinda Sampath, Valsayn, 20 March 2006. 22 Trinidad and Tobago Review 1 March 2004. 23 Interview with David Sukha, Tunapuna, 13 February 2006. 24 Interview with Sidney Budri, Charlieville, 20 January 2005. 25 Interview with Ferdinand Farouk Ali, San Fernando, 12 January 2005.

Rebuilding a Society: Preparing foundations

59

­examinations.26 Further incentives, including bursaries were offered to the top 5 students to foster excellence in examinations. However, these examinations were not exclusively for students in CM schools but included other schools in San Fernando.27 In June 1930, the Acting Assistant Inspector of Schools, A. Brown, visited Poole River CM School in South Trinidad to monitor the institution’s progress. The head-teacher presented certificates to Brown. These were won by students in 1929 at the Trinidad and Tobago Sunday School Association. All the students had passed and earned either honours or were in the first class list. Brown was pleased with the work of the school and the article in the East Indian Weekly reported “He further told the pupils that their Teacher is an ambitious man who looks keenly to their progress.”28 Certain teachers also provided leadership in the community. For instance, on 10 October 1930, the 2nd Fyzabad group of Boy’s Scouts held their Camp Fire and presentation of badges. The Scout Master who delivered an address was Francis Smart, head-teacher at Moruga CM School. He spoke of his visit to the Scouts in British Guiana.29 Pupil teachers from San Juan cmi School formed the San Juan Literary and Debating Association in 1936. The Association’s name was changed to Himalaya Club and is today located on Third Avenue, Barataria in North Trinidad.30 Also in the academic sphere, the keenly competitive Exhibition Examination written by students in the 5th Standard was open to both government and denominational schools. The progress of schools in the colony was being closely monitored and by 1916, the colony had 65 cmi schools. Nine years later in 1925, the educational work of Canadian missionaries had expanded and the Trinidad Presbyterian offered an insight into the mission’s recognition: “There are over 17,000 pupils getting their instruction from teachers trained by the mission and boarding schools and four high schools with 262 students.”31 The achievements of the mission schools in education intensified the inseparable relationship between religion and education. Belonging to this remarkable genre is Isaac Sinanan (1913–1998), a former school supervisor, who benefitted from a primary school education at the Piparo cmi School in the South from 1920–1928. Sinanan fondly recalled the unique feature of the mission school being its Bible lessons and emphasis on 26 27 28 29 30 31

TP August 1925. TP August 1925. East Indian Weekly 28 June 1930. East Indian Weekly 18 October 1930. Trinidad and Tobago Review 1 March 2004. East Indian Weekly 18 October 1930.

60

Chapter 3

the singing of Christian hymns in both English and Hindi. He subsequently received a gold medal from the tttu for his contribution to education. Sinanan believed that during the period 1935–1945, the Presbyterian schools were academically better than the Government and other denominational schools in Trinidad.32 During 1942–1949, he was an assistant teacher at the Jordan Hill CM and Chaguanas Government Schools. In 1950, Sinanan was appointed principal of Phoenix Park Government School. During 1954–1960 he was principal of Longdenville Government School and from 1960 to 1962, he was head of California Government School. In 1962, he was appointed a Supervisor and worked in the North Eastern Counties, Victoria and Caroni. He was later promoted to Supervisor ii and worked in the S.E. Counties. There were other outstanding teachers in the primary school system such as Lionel Mahadeo from Sangre Grande. Mahadeo, a graduate of Guaico CM School and ntc, began as a Pupil Teacher in 1936 and taught at Jubilee, Tacarigua and Fishing Pond CM Schools located in the North and East. Discipline and quality work led to his later appointment as Schools Supervisor 1. During his teaching career, he served as Clerk of the Presbytery, Acting Secretary of the Presbyterian Board of Management and Chairman of the Scouts Association. He was also a member of the Board of Directors of the Cultural Centre in Sangre Grande.33 The Woodbrook CM School, in Port-of-Spain, is a shining example of a school that owed its success to capable leadership. During 1927, there were 243 boys and 178 girls enrolled with a daily average attendance of 232 students.34 The renowned principal, Patrick Akal began the ‘House System’ which generated keen competition and a sense of discipline within the Woodbrook CM School. His ability was recognised as, “The school excelled academically and attained the status of ‘very good’ in the Inspector’s report of that period.”35 Another example, is the Siparia Union CM School, in South Trinidad, founded by the Presbyterians, Anglicans and Methodists in 1930. A Presbyterian connection dominated in 1941, and under the guidance of Claudius Niamath, a former headmaster of Erin Road CM School, the school at Siparia emerged in the proud Presbyterian tradition. And like other principals, Niamath was an elder and lay-preacher of the Presbyterian Church.36 Winston Sankar, one of the first 32 33 34 35 36

Interview with Mr. Isaac Sinanan, Chaguanas, 18 March 1996. He also attended the Caparo cmi, Longdenville Government and Todd’s Road R.C Schools. Address to the North Eastern Education Division, on Lionel Mahadeo, 9 May 1980. Woodbrook Presbyterian Church: Celebrating 100 Years of Witness in Woodbrook 1895–1995 (Port-of-Spain: Woodbrook Presbyterian Church, 1995) 93. Woodbrook Presbyterian Church 94 Akashbani Presbyterian Church, Siparia 75th Anniversary 22.

Rebuilding a Society: Preparing foundations

61

students who attended Siparia Union CM School in 1930, (later becoming the school’s principal) vividly recalls his fascination with the singing of hymns and Bible stories.37 Carl Campbell was accurate in arguing, “The Presbyterian-educated Indians were prominent in the march of Indians towards middle-class status.”38 Selwyn Ryan adds that the graduates of these CM schools were the first to go abroad to Canadian universities and qualify as professionals in medicine and law.39 A cursory glance of the early history of nghs would reveal that it has produced its share of worthy graduates, many who attended cmi and CM schools. Among the graduates who attended Rousillac cmi School were Marion Ramraji a registered nurse, and two opticians – Evelyn Lucky and Celestina E. Lucky.40 Likewise, both Pearl Roopchand and Agnes Ramcharan became medical doctors after graduation from nghs.41 Other renowned alumni from Presbyterians schools included Stella Abidh (first East Indian female doctor in Trinidad and Tobago) who attended nghs and later St. Joseph’s Convent. She would later serve as the government’s Medical Officer in South Trinidad. Abidh’s father, Clarence Abidh was the head-teacher of Charlieville CM School and during the 1940s was involved in the atse+fwtu. Other prominent persons from Presbyterian schools included Jules Mahabir, who attended Princes Town CM School and Naparima College. Mahabir became a lawyer and later a magistrate. He was a member of the Naparima College Board from 1930–1933, and served as the president of the eina in 1910. Another graduate was Chandra Bahadoor Mathura who was associated with the Trinidad Workingmen’s Association (known as Trinidad Labour Party from 1934) during 1928–1942. Mathura was foremost amongst the early Indian leaders who identified with the labour movement in Port-of-Spain. He lived in Woodbrook and owned a small printery on St. Vincent Street next to the offices of the Trinidad Guardian. Educational opportunities were limited for him as his formal education ended when he left the Woodbrook Presbyterian Primary (also known as the ‘Akal School’).42 But this was no hindrance for young 37 Cited in interview in the TP November 1998. 38 Campbell, Colony and Nation 18. 39 Ryan, Pathways to Power xxii. 40 Murli Kirpalani, Mitra G. Sinanan, S.M. Rameshwar and L.F. Seukeran eds. Indian Centenary Review: One Hundred Years of Progress 1845–1945 (Port-of-Spain: Guardian Commercial Printery, 1945) 147. 41 Kumar Mahabir, East Indian Women of Trinidad and Tobago (San Juan: Chakra Publishing House, 1992) 237, 238, 239, 240, 241. 42 See Jerome Teelucksingh, “The Contribution of Labour to the Social and Political Development of Trinidad and Tobago 1897–1950,” diss., University of the West Indies, 2004, 277, 278.

62

Chapter 3

Mathura who was proficient in Hindi and English and became a Sanatanist pundit. He founded the Young Indian Party in 1921, he served on the Executive Committee of the einc in 1930 and was Secretary of the Pundits’ Association in 1932.43 In 1932, the father of Winston Mahabir, a Presbyterian, was appointed the first Indian magistrate in the colony. Naparima College produced graduates who would comprise the early Indian magistrates.44 The editorial of the East Indian Weekly in October 1926 expressed unhappiness over the involvement of persons such as Revs. Lalla and Imamshah in the colony’s politics: “Our advise (sic) to the Canadian Mission Board will be that they should follow the example set by the other denominations and that is to keep away their Ministers and active officials from the realms of politics.”45 Ex­ pression of such viewpoints reflected envy over the involvement of the Presbyterian hierarchy in politics and the failure to realise that these Presbyterians were involved in undermining colonialism. The Sukbir family is an illustration of Presbyterian education being a vital asset. Two brilliant medical doctors – Percival and James Sukbir attended Waterloo CM School during 1941–1945 and later Naparima College. Percival would later become a Lay Preacher at Susamachar Presbyterian Church.46 Their father, Harold Sukbir was educated at Canaan CM School and later became Principal of Waterloo CM School from 1941–1949. He began the first Scout Troop in Carapichaima and served as Assistant Scout Commissioner. This pioneering work in scouting was continued during the 1970s, by another principal of the school – Roy Mootoo. Another illustrious graduate of Waterloo CM School, Hatim Gardner, served as the first principals of both Pleasantville Senior Comprehsnsive in 1976 and Carapichaima Senior Comprehensive School in 1979. He would later be promoted to School Supervisor iii and Acting Director of School Supervision. After retirement Gardner served as Manager of the Rudranath Capildeo Learning Resource Centre in Couva. In 1945, the centenary of the beginning of Indian immigration into Trinidad, 139 of the 223 prominent Indians were graduates of Canadian Mission schools. In the political sphere many of those persons involved were educated at Presbyterian schools or were members of the Presbyterian Church’s laity.47 Indian

43 44 45 46 47

Brinsley Samaroo, “The Vanguard of Indian Nationalism in Trinidad: The East Indian Weekly, 1928–1932.” Paper read at the annual conference of the Association of Caribbean Historians, April 1977, The U of the West Indies, Cave Hill. 6. Mahabir, “Our Diasporas” 73. East Indian Weekly 26 October 1929. Waterloo Presbyterian School, 64. Hamid 107.

Rebuilding a Society: Preparing foundations

63

leaders such as James Mungal and Sarran Teelucksingh attended CM schools.48 Ajodha Singh, a product of Rousillac CM School and Naparima College, was a tremendous social worker and served for two terms as a councillor for the ward of La Brea in the St Patrick County.49 He successfully contested the elections in 1950 and was appointed the country’s Minister of Works and Communications during 1950 to 1956. George Fitzpatrick, the first East Indian in the Legislative Council (nominated in 1912), was once a pupil of Rev. Grant. Additionally, Fitzpatrick was a lawyer and President of the eina. His son, George Albert, was a graduate of ntc and vice-president of the eina. The younger George was also a member of the San Fernando Borough Council (1940–1944), served on the elected Franchise Committee in 1942 and was a Junior Member of the Legislative Council for Victoria (1944). He was a founder and patron of the Southern East Indian Debating Association. Indeed, the Presbyterian schools quickly built a reputation for producing a cadre of quality citizens and professionals. But John La Guerre, a Presbyterian, casually dismissed the role of educated Presbyterians in the colonial society: The more educated Presbyterians turned up for staff parties, toasted the Queen, sang about ‘lakes and fells,’ piano lessons were sought out and young girls even wore bonnets. At ‘bazaars’ young and old would have tea. However the Presbyterian-educated endured a fugitive relationship with their ancestral culture, turning up sometimes clandestinely at religious and other cultural occasions among the Hindus and Muslims. This educated segment should have been natural leaders of the Indian community. Instead they were far more occupied with the benefits of assimilation.50 La Guerre should have realised that those Presbyterians who made the sacrifices to attend classes, diligently prepare for examinations and save their earnings, were simply enjoying the fruits of their labour and had a right to determine their mode of recreation. The headmaster or headteacher was respected in the community. He was the arbitrator who would be called upon to settle domestic disputes and offer advice. For instance, whilst Akal was at San Juan CM School, he advised

48 Campbell, “East Indian Revolt” 120. 49 Doodnath, East Indian Progress 22. 50 La Guerre, “Foreword” in Hostile and Recalcitrant FW 3–4.

64

Chapter 3

t­ eachers on purchasing property and marital issues.51 The headmaster or headteacher was the unofficial ‘mayor’ of each village who would advise on community projects and ensure there were no criminal activities. His image and reputation was important and thus he was not supposed to be an alcoholic and womaniser. Usually the head-teacher was well-dressed in ‘jacket and tie’ whilst at school and for public occasions. 2

Myths and Realities

Despite signs of progress there were reports of problems in the Presbyterians Church and its schools. In April 1930, the East Indian Weekly reported on problems confronting the Canadian Mission at Tunapuna. Some of these included the attempted suicide by two teachers, the low attendance of the Presbyterian Church on Communion Sundays, removal of the St. John School and appointment of a ‘non-certificated’ teacher at St. Joseph.52 Two weeks later there was a strong reply from an individual who sought to dismiss allegations and defend the Church’s reputation. The removal of the St. John School was due to the district being too thinly populated, thus the school was moved closer to the homes of children, especially those in residing in Coconut Trace and Curepe districts. Secondly, the persons who attempted suicide were not teachers. The Mission Board or Council approves all appointments to schools and these persons are suitably qualified, and the teacher at St. Joseph is a fully qualified Second Class Teacher. Finally, there was no evidence of a scanty attendance on Sundays at the Aramalaya Presbyterian Church in Tunapuna.53 In May 1930, the East Indian Weekly reported that Rev. Morton disapproved of a Presbyterian member playing cricket on Sundays. The young man was a college student who had been “connected in a secretarial capacity to some church committee” and was a member of a local cricket club. Morton summoned the boy and asked him to choose between his job and cricket. The editorial appealed to Morton to be liberal and broadminded and added that on Good Friday a number of Presbyterians from South Trinidad had indulged in the playing of cricket.54 Even though the early efforts of the missionaries seemed to have concentrated on East Indians at the expense of racial integration, the Presbyterian 51 52 53 54

Trinidad and Tobago Review 1 March 2004. East Indian Weekly 12 April 1930. East Indian Weekly 26 April 1930. East Indian Weekly 10 May 1930.

Rebuilding a Society: Preparing foundations

65

Church cannot be accused of being prejudiced in the early decades of the twentieth century. There were equal opportunities for both races as Africans held prominent positions at the cmi schools. Alston Mike, was the first African teacher at Piparo CM School although he later went to the Fifth Baptist Company School. Another African, Cuffie did not face discrimination and was allowed to become a head-teacher at Piparo cmi School. In the Chaguanas CM School (now closed and housing a Health Clinic) another hardworking African teacher-Haynes, had been fully socialised and comfortable in the teaching environment of the mission. During 1912–1913 a young African woman taught the Infant class at Rousillac cmi School.55 Among these Blacks there was no coercion to be baptised or to become communicants even though this was an important criterion for promotion. In one instance at the Registrar of the Supreme Court, Rev. Charles Lalla defended A. Rowans, an African, who met all the requirements for promotion to headmaster of a CM school including fluency in Hindi, but was denied the position. Lalla came to his rescue and ensured Rowans received the promotion.56 Rowans served as head-teacher at Milton CM School, in Central, and was also a member of the Hindi Examination Board in Trinidad.57 During the 1940s and 1950s, Rowans conducted Hindi services in Presbyterian churches at Indian Trail, Balmain and Calcutta.58 Such qualities would have earned him the respect and trust of Lalla. The CM schools never underscored the importance of selecting the academically superior monitors and thus, did not allow the issue of race to influence its appointments. Black pupils, despite being few in number, stood an equal chance as East Indians in being appointed as monitors in the CM schools.59 Former students, retired teachers and principals from Presbyterian schools have dismissed that race was a problem in their schools. Margaret Scrimgeour, principal of nghs and member of the wms, recounted the appeal of the educational institution: In the days when the church was still considered a ‘Canadian Indian Mission,’ the Naparima Girls’ High School and its Kindergarten and Preparatory Department were inter-racial and inter-denominational, including 55 56 57 58 59

Mohammed 16. Charles D Lalla Jr. Biography of the late Rev. Charles David Lalla (Trinidad: C.D Lalla, 1983) 12. Arunodai Presbyterian Church Centennial Anniversary brochure 1903–2003, 14. Interview with Desmond Baxter, Balmain, 6 June 2006. Interview with Desmond Baxter, Balmain, 6 June 2006. See Claudius Fergus, “Education and the movement for self-government in Trinidad and Tobago 1931–1956,” MA thesis, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 1986, 73.

66

Chapter 3

Hindu and Moslem students, too. Recognized as one of the best institutions of higher learning in the south, not only Indian and Negro, but Chinese and European also attended n.g.h.s.60 Florient Naranjit, retired teacher of a private secondary school in Couva, attended nghs in the 1940s. She recalled that there were teachers from racially diverse backgrounds, “I had a Chinese teacher, Miss Sylvia Aqui who taught Maths. She was a graduate of Naparima Girls. There was also Miss Carmen Carter who taught French. Some of the local White girls were from the Montano family in San Fernando attended the school also. There were many Negro girls including Rennete Woodley and Ann Davies.”61 Dorinda Sampath, a graduate of nghs, Naparaima College and ntc, indicated that whilst a student at Fyzabad CM School, the issue of race was not a problem: My best friends were Louisa Smith, a Negro, and Eileen Lum Yu, a Chinese girl. Among the boys of other races there was also good friendships. There was a high percentage of Negroes in the school because of the nearby oilfield area. The non-Indians were treated fairly and equally by the teachers and other students. There were no complaints of discrimination whilst my father was principal of Fyzabad CM School. My mother who was also a teacher there never received any complaints of racism.62 Novelist Ramabai Espinet, a past student of nghs, in one of her novels mentioned a teacher, Miss Camilla Lee, who was of African and Chinese heritage.63 Espinet also recalled others – Chinese, mixed, Black and “the few white girls in the school.”64 Stephen Seepersad, elder of the Aramalya Presbyterian Church and retired principal of Hillview College in Tunapuna, attended and taught at Presbyterian schools. He provided an explanation for the relatively low percentage of non-Indians in the first half of the twentieth century. Seepersad, a graduate of Mt. Allison University, used the illustration of Tunapuna CM School in which there were mostly Indians who were Hindus:

60 61 62 63 64

Brandow 85–86. Interview with Florient Naranjit, Valsayn, 6 January 2005. Interview with Dorinda Sampath, Valsayn, 20 March 2006. Espinet 143. Espinet 138.

Rebuilding a Society: Preparing foundations

67

During the 1930s and 1940s nearby there were Anglican and Catholic schools so the Blacks usually went there and as a result there were only about 1–2% of Blacks attending Tunapuna CM. In Standard 5 my teacher was Edna Martin, A Negro lady. There was another Negro teacher – Miss Elaine Ifill. There were two Negro teachers at Tunapuna CM and one female Negro teacher at Tacarigua CM.65 During the 1930s and 1940s, Ralph Bharath attended and later taught at the Tunapuna CM School. He remembered African students such as Wilfred Hyacinth and Fitzroy Durand. Additionally, an African teacher at Tunapuna CM School, Edna Martin was respected, “She lived at Anna Street in Woodbrook. She taught the students to sew and sing. The school won competitions under Martin’s guidance and beat the orphanage and government schools.”66 Bharath, a retired primary school teacher, resided in England. The nearby Tacarigua CM School had an estimated 20 to 25 Black students from a school population of 300 during the 1930s. Sukha who attended the school during this era remembers some of his non-Indian friends and staff: “Arthur and Alfred Brown, Lucy Montenegro, and Esther Williams were some of my playmates at school. They did not face any racial discrimination from the students and teachers. We even had Negro teachers at school – Miss Yorke and her sister.”67 Whilst a teacher at Maracas CM School in 1947, Sukha recalled that in his class there were Black students – John Pollard and Peter Hill. There was also O’Reilly, a Black teacher, on the staff. The ethnic composition of the school was 40% Afro-Trinidadians, 55% Indians and the remaining being Mixed or of Spanish descent. As a teacher at St. Helena CM School, Sukha recalled that there were only one or two Blacks in the school’s population. He claimed that at these CM schools there was no evidence or complaints from parents of racial discrimination.68 During 1946–1947 whilst a student of Waterloo CM School, Hatim Gardner, a member of San Juan Presbyterian Church, was taught by Jarvis, a teacher of African descent. Gardner mentioned that Jarvis was the only Black teacher in the school and was responsible for bringing the Christian faith into Orange Valley. Jarvis, who resided in Carapichaima, was also a respected figure in the

65 66 67 68

Interview with Stephen Seepersad, Tacarigua, 16 January 2004. Interview with Ralph Bharath, Tacarigua, 26 January 2005. Interview with David Sukha, Tunapuna, 13 February 2006. Interview with David Sukha, Tunapuna, 13 February 2006.

68

Chapter 3

community and many would attend the Bible classes which he regularly conducted.69 Rev. Samaroo, a graduate of Mt. Allison University and Pine Hill Divinity College, attended Ecclesville CM School and recalled that though there was a majority of Indians, a significant percentage were of Spanish, Mixed and African descent.70 Similarly, at Guaico CM School there were a considerable number of Black and Chinese students during the 1930s and 1940s, “Also there were Black teachers as David Toney and Bismarck Rogers.”71 Toney became headteacher of Oropouche Government School and Rogers attained the position of Deputy Town Clerk of Arima.72 In the nearby Cunaripo CM School there were non-Indians such as Andrew Cassimire. He later served as the Member of Parliament for Toco/Manzanilla.73 The presence of Africans in the classrooms did not suggest that race relations in the CM schools were better than other schools. Usually, due to location and convenience, Africans would attend the nearest school. For instance, in the early twentieth century Cecil Fergus attended Guaico CM which was opposite his home. The Presbyterian community was in the line of fire in October 1929. The editorial of the East Indian Weekly focussed on the discontent among Hindus and Muslims over the Presbyterian involvement in the appointment of a secretary to the Caroni Local Road Board and the visits of Rev. C.F. Andrews and Mehta Jaimini.74 The religious link between Trinidad and India was considerably enhanced when two members of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad – ­Benjamin Balaram and John Netram, decided to return to India and become evangelists. Netram, the son of an indentured labourer, had been converted by John Morton. After serving his indentureship contract Netram returned to India but was rejected by his Hindu relatives. He subsequently decided to return to Trinidad.75 The editorial of the East Indian Weekly, in August 1930, condemned the remarks by Rev. Netram who was invited by the Canadian Presbyterian Church to deliver a series of lectures. The editorial claimed: “It is very regrettable that it took an Indian in the person of Rev. Netram, a full blooded son of India to

69 70 71 72 73 74 75

Interview with Hatim Gardner, San Juan, 6 June 2006. Interview with Bert Samaroo, Valsayn, 31 March 2006. Interview with Lenore Mahase-Samaroo, Valsayn, 31 March 2006. Mahase 54, 57. Cunaripo Presbyterian Church 100 Years of Witness 1904–2004 (np, nd). East Indian Weekly 26 October 1929. Samaroo, “Education as Socialization” 28. See United Church of Canada Yearbook, 1931, 80. Samaroo, “Indian Connection” 49.

Rebuilding a Society: Preparing foundations

69

come to these parts and to openly flout and criticise the faith of a people who have always been peace loving and loyal both to their faith and their King.”76 One month later, certain segments of the East Indian population continued to bitterly oppose the proselytism of the visiting missionary. In September 1930, angry parents removed 105 children from the CM school in St. Thomas Village, Chaguanas and transferred them to the nearby Government school. The reason for this uproar was that parents felt insulted by the comments of Rev. Netram, an East Indian evangelist, on religious instruction in the mission school.77 Headteacher C. Debi refused to give the certificates for transfer from the cmi to the government school. The incident in Chaguanas should not be used as a yardstick to judge the CM schools in the early decades of the twentieth century. There were many positive accounts of a Presbyterian schooling in the 1930s and 1940s. Ralph Laltoo, who attended Rock River CM School and in 1933 taught at Canaan CM School, could not recall any antagonistic incidents involving Hindus and Muslims or Africans.78 Similarly, David Sukha was born into a Hindu family and attended Tacarigua CM School in the 1930s. Later, whilst a teacher in one of the CM schools, he voluntarily decided to be baptised in 1948 by Rev. George Murray.79 Interestingly, as a boy, Sukha served as an assistant of Doon Pandit at his temple in Tacarigua during 1936–1940.80 Similarly, both Berla and Stephen Seepersad, during their teaching careers never witnessed any effort by the catechists, Bible Women or missionaries attempting to convert non-Christians in the schools.81 Berla recalled, “I attended Sunday School under Pooransingh’s house. It had about 60 students and nobody was forced to attend. Not all the students were Presbyterians.”82 Her husband, Stephen, originally a Hindu belonging to the sub-caste Ahir in the Vaishya section of the caste system, recounted his voluntary decision to change religious beliefs: After teaching for two years I decided to convert to Presbyterianism. I started reading the Bible, attended Christian churches in Tunapuna and 76 77 78 79 80 81 82

East Indian Weekly 16 August 1930. posg 2 September 1930; TG 4 September 1930. Interview with Ralph Laltoo, New Brunswick, 9 August 2002. Interview with David Sukha, Tunapuna, 13 February 2006. For more on Doon Pandit see D.H. Singh, Doon Pandit: His Life and Times (1900–1958) (­Chaguanas: Indian Review Press, 2006). Interview with Stephen Seepersad, Tacarigua, 16 January 2004. Interview with Berla Seepersad, Tacarigua, 20 January 2004. Interview with Berla Seepersad, Tacarigua, 20 January 2004.

70

Chapter 3

based on that made the decision that the Presbyterian Church was the best choice. The person who was instrumental in me becoming a Presbyterian was Myrtle Haqq who invited me to the Presbyterian church. I was one of the first in my family to become a Christian.83 Seepersad also noted that whilst teaching at Tunapuna CM School there were Hindus such as Ajodha Raghubir, Hosnarine Dalipsingh and Muslims as Verona Alladin. They were not asked to convert to Presbyterianism and did not change their religion.84 This complements the findings of Klass in a study of a CM school in a predominantly Hindu district, “Not all the teachers in such schools are Christians, nor does the Canadian Mission School system demand conversion as the price of a position as teacher.”85 There were incidents of non-Christian teachers at Presbyterian schools not being forced to convert. For instance, in 1953, an addition to the staff of saghs was a Hindu – Kamla Naipaul, sister of V.S. Naipaul. In 1953, Seepersad Naipaul, father of Kamla, contacted M.A. Scrimgeour seeking to have his daughter hired as a teacher at nghs. On 25 June 1953, Scrimgeour replied to Seepersad stating that the Presbyterian Board was aware of Kamla’s religion and were interested in hiring her as an assistant teacher at saghs.86 A month later, Seepersad revealed that Kamla had been offered a job with the Mahasabha but at an elementary school, and noted that the Hindu organisation did not even have a high school or a Teachers’ Training College.87 In correspondence between her father and brother, it was obvious that Seepersad preferred Kamla to attend the Presbyterian institution, “I hear Simbhoo is trying to get for Kamla a starting salary of $240…But I’m afraid this St. Augustine offer must have him rather peeved. But he shouldn’t be. He never replied to Kamla’s application, whereas the Naparima people were more prompt and courteous.”88 A few weeks before Kamla began teaching at saghs, her father confided to Vidia that he felt the decision was a good one, “I do feel Kamla will be better off working with the Presbyterian people here than with Messrs Bhadase and Capildeo and their henchmen. They have nothing good for us….”89 Another teacher at saghs from a prominent Hindu family was Lakshmi Persaud who resides in England. 83 84 85 86

Interview with Stephen Seepersad, Tacarigua, 16 January 2004. Interview with Stephen Seepersad, Tacarigua, 16 January 2004. Klass 139. V.S. Naipaul, Between Father and Son: Family Letters (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2000), 232–233. 87 Naipaul, Family Letters 232. 88 Naipaul, Family Letters 244. 89 Naipaul, Family Letters 248.

Rebuilding a Society: Preparing foundations

71

After a brief teaching stint at saghs, she earned her doctorate and has won acclaim as a novelist. Both Kamla and Lakshmi remained as Hindus. The Muslim population benefitted from the work of the Presbyterian schools. For instance, Macsooman, the mother of Shamshu Deen (a teacher and author), attended Preysal CM School in the 1920s.90 In his younger days, Deen recalled the respect accorded to other religions: “When the Presbyterian Church was being built just opposite our home in Cocoa Street, the church people found a base for their tools and keys at our home. And when the church was opened, my father made sure that Sunday mornings were as quiet as possible….”91 Furthermore, Deen and some of his brothers and sisters attended either Naparima College or nghs.92 On the curriculum of the Cambridge courses being offered at both nghs and Naparima College, one of the regular subjects was Scripture. In Trinidad the exam was written by Christians and non-Christians. Similarly, Ferdinand Farouk Ali, a former Muslim, attended Siparia Road CM School in the 1940s. He voluntarily converted to Presbyterianism, and during 1958–1972 taught at Fyzabad Presbyterian, Siparia Road Presbyterian and Union Presbyterian Schools. As a student and later teacher he cannot recall any conversion efforts: There was no real conversion agenda. In mornings at the school there was the singing of Christian hymns and some were translated to Hindi. The teachers who taught at the school never condemned anyone or their religion as pagan or heathen. The Hindu and Islamic texts were not ridiculed. Often the teacher would invite students to Sunday School but of course this was entirely optional.93 The view of Ali contradicts the findings of Klass who claimed that at a school in Central Trinidad, “Christian C.M. teachers make a practice of referring to Hinduism as “heathenism,” and to its religious practices as “idolatry.”” It seems odd that these preposterous statements could not be recalled by other teachers and graduates of CM schools scattered throughout the island. Mobarack Ali, a Muslim, attended Waterloo CM School during 1945– 1953.  He  later served as President of the Caroni Principals’ Association, 2nd 90 91 92 93

Shamshu Deen, Solving East Indian Roots in Trinidad (Freeport: H.E.M. Enterprises, 1994) 195. Deen 199. Deen 200–202. Interview with Ferdinand Ali, San Fernando, 12 January 2005.

72

Chapter 3

­ ice-President of the National Primary Schools Principals’ Association and as V School Supervisor for Victoria county.94 Another Muslim graduate of Waterloo CM School who later became a principal was Ibrahim Ishmael. Whilst at Waterloo CM School, both men did not experience religious discrimination. Zalayhar Hassanali (nee Mohammed) and her two sisters, of a staunch Muslim family, attended nghs. They attended Form 6 classes at Naparima College, and were under the tutelage of Ralph Laltoo who taught at Naparima College from November 1943 to August 1953. After graduation, the girls obtained teaching jobs at nghs, Siparia Road Presbyterian and Erin Road Presbyterian Schools.95 Noor (1918–2006) and Fyzul Hassanali attended Canaan and Corinth cmi Schools and later Naparima College. Their two brothers attended Grant cmi School in San Fernando.96 The Hassanalis belonged to a devout Muslim family from South Trinidad. As a young lawyer Noor served on the Naparima College Board.97 Garth Legge in his report on the Presbyterian Church of Trinidad in 1965 noted that for many years Hindu and Muslim students in Presbyterian schools “absorbed their eduation in the context of Christian faith.”98 He believed they was allowed to continue because of the difficulty of getting admission in other schools and due to “the excellent record of Presbyterian schools academically.”99 The shortcomings of the early Canadian missionaries among the East Indian immigrants might have been unduly criticised. For instance, Merle Davis in The East Indian Church in Trinidad argued that the missionary church was a middle class institution from the West and in its evangelism (including Trinidad) inevitably reproduced this middle-class phenomenon.100 The acceptance and reliance on financial assistance from the missionaries has apparently tarnished the image of the Canadian mission.101 The mission appeared as being linked to the White, privileged, sugar planters of the colony and thus the Canadian mission has been accused of failing to question the indenture system. Furthermore, Rev. John Morton and the mission have been judged as having failed in two areas. Firstly, it deliberately neglected to imbue the Indian working class with self-determination and secondly, overlooked the oppression of 94 95 96 97 98 99 100

Waterloo Presbyterian School, 110th Anniversary 1890–2000, 62. Ralph Laltoo, unpublished manuscript, 117. Interview with Fyzul Hassanali, Santa Cruz, 21 April 2005. Laltoo 118. Legge Report 80. Legge Report 80–81. Merle Davis. The East Indian Church in Trinidad (New York: International Missionary Council, 1942) 86. 101 Turner, 22–23, Appendix 1 and 2.

Rebuilding a Society: Preparing foundations

73

the lower, working class by the upper class.102 In retrospect, the Presbyterian missionaries encountered a class-based and racially segmented society in Trinidad. Their functioning within the parameters of a plantation economy made them heavily dependent on the financial support from the government and planters to supplement aid from the Presbyterian Church of Canada. Among the mission schools there was the belief that the education of the East Indians did not extend beyond the 3 R’s (Reading, Writing and Arithmetic).103 However, it should be noted that the Canadian Presbyterians were not only educating the citizens of Trinidad but attempting to reform the colonial education system. The mission’s educators were identifying obvious flaws in the education system and attempting to rectify them. One such enterprising soul, Grant, in his autobiography – My Missionary Moments, identified these shortcomings in secondary education: “…almost all existing secondary schools in the West Indies were institutions which had been imported lock, stock and barrel from the United Kingdom…primarily for the purpose of providing the necessary preparation for such privileged children.”104 This is supported by Morley Ayearst who observed that, “West Indian education is on the British model and secondary schools emphasize British history and literature so that even an education confined to the West Indies has its accultural process.”105 There were questionable reports of subtle attempts to encourage conversion of non-Christian teachers employed in the Canadian Mission schools. Satnarine Maharaj, General Secretary of the Maha Sabha, had attended Chandernagore CM school and bitterly recalled an incident whilst he was employed as a teacher at Caroni CM School, “…I have been a victim of discrimination in many forms – firstly because of my religion. In 1949, when I refused to convert to Christianity, I was transferred by the Presbyterian Board from Caroni to Biche and it was only through the intervention of Mr. Bhadase Sagan Maharaj that I got a transfer back nearer home.”106 Maharaj condemned the Canadian Mission, “To benefit from their education the Hindu had to convert. Even to get a job as a teacher in their schools, one had to convert.”107 Lionel Seukeran, a Presbyterian convert, provided a similar account, “I was told in no unmistakable terms that turning Christian was one of the requirements for teaching in a Canadian Mission school…. It was the price we had to pay for acceptance and 102 103 104 105 106

Martell, 179. Tikasingh, 342. Grant, 141. Ayearst 152. Sunday Guardian 2 March 1997. Interestingly, Sat’s son, Vidya Maharaj, is critical of aspects of Hinduism. See Sunday Mirror 27 November 2005. 107 Maharaj, Ramlakhan and Maharaj 186.

74

Chapter 3

for the possibility of advancement.”108 In the late 1920s, Seukeran served as a monitor at St. Julien CM School and First Year Teacher at Elswick CM School. If religion was the basis for Maharaj’s transfer then it seemed strange that other Hindu teachers in CM schools were not being transferred. Upon retrospection, the reason for the transfer could be due to a number of reasons including the need for capable teachers in Biche. Probably the transfer was recommended because Maharaj was a delinquent. It should have been viewed as an opportunity to share his expertise in another area of Trinidad, or probably the Church officials felt his teaching ability would be of greater benefit in Biche than Caroni. It is most unfortunate that some individuals are trapped in the mentality of victimhood and eager to cast aspersions on the efforts of Presbyterian schools. It is not surprising to learn that the Hindu children and relatives of both Bhadase Sagan Maraj and Maharaj attended Presbyterian primary schools and secondary schools such as saghs. Rev. Samaroo believed that the method of dealing with delinquents was to transfer them to schools in rural areas, and that Ecclesville CM School was one of these “punishment centres.”109 This view is supported by a retired Presbyterian primary school principal, Lloyd Persaud, who claimed it was a measure for the teacher to realise that a wrong was committed.110 Carl Campbell noted that “Sabbath-breaking, addiction to drink, or suspicion of immorality were met with speedy punishment.”111 The Canadian missionaries should be lauded for promoting the highest standards of morality and conduct. Undoubtedly, they earned respect from others in the society because they refused to compromise their standards or dilute their teachings. 3

Beacon in South Trinidad

Breaking from tradition, Naparima Boys’ College attempted to carve its niche in society, “Naparima developed not as a school for the privileged but as one where emphasis was laid upon the education of the working man’s child.”112 In terms of leadership, during its early history, Naparima College was fortunate to 108 Ken Ramchand ed., Mr. Speaker Sir An Autobiography of Lionel Frank Seukeran The SliverTongued Orator, (San Fernando: Chandrabose Publications, 2006), 29. 109 Interview with Bert Samaroo, Valsayn, 31 March 2006. 110 Interview with Lloyd Persaud, Chase Village, 22 April 2006. 111 Carl Campbell, “The East Indian Revolt Against Missionary Education 1928–1939,” Calcutta to Caroni 175–176. 112 H.N. Sobey, “The Origins and Development of the Public, Primary and Secondary School System in Trinidad and Tobago,” Diploma in Education, uwi St. Augustine, 1975, 85.

Rebuilding a Society: Preparing foundations

75

have been blessed with such exemplars as Revs. Dr. Coffin, Dr. J. Scrimgeour, Dr. H.F. Kemp, J.C. MacDonald and Victor B. Walls. Undoubtedly, they played a pivotal role in the religious and secular enlightenment of the young minds under their tutelage. Interestingly, Naparima College began to develop not as a school for the upper class, elite or privileged but one in which the children of the working class could obtain a quality education. During 1922, whilst Rev. W.A. Hunter was principal, 60 students wrote the Cambridge Lower Forms Examination and 5 wrote the Senior Local Examinations. Hunter hoped to add a Science course to the curriculum if he was able to obtain the necessary funds.113 In 1923, Walls of Blackville, New Brunswick in Canada, was appointed principal of Naparima College.114 The Walls moved into residence on Paradise Hill and began to work with the school’s population. From 1927–1948, they were ably assisted by Rev. J. Scrimgeour who served as Second Master and headmaster of Naparima College.115 In 1924 the total enrollment was 122 and the average daily attendance was 90 students. During this year, 13 boys wrote the Cambridge Junior Examinations and 9 passed with 2 receiving Honour certificates.116 The two top students were awarded the Senior Cambridge Medal and Junior Cambridge Medal. In the Middle School, 18 students sat the Cambridge Syndicate Examinations. During the 1920s, five bursaries were awarded by Naparima College, to the boys attaining the highest marks. The Naparima College Bursary Examinations was open to boys from schools in San Fernando and East Indians who attended CM schools. In 1933 the College had a “resident student’s government” with a nonChristian student as its president.117 Walls served in the Canadian Army Medical Corps where he met his future wife, Marion Smith, an Australian who served as an army nurse during World War One. Whilst at Naparima College, Mrs. Walls continued her medical tradition. She attended to ulcers, fractures, scorpion stings, jiggers, cuts and sprains. Subsequently, Mrs. Walls spearheaded the establishment of the Naparima College Infirmary which comprised an office, three independent rooms, and two small wards.

113 Council Paper no. 81 of 1923, 21. 114 For more on the administration of the College during the tenure of Revs. Coffin and Walls see East Meets West 65–69. 115 Kirk Kalloo, “St. Andrew’s Theological College: The Evolution of Presbyterian Theological Education in Trinidad 1892–1991,” Caribbean Studies thesis uwi, St. Augustine, 24. 116 Council Paper no.71, 1925. 117 East Meets West 69.

76

Chapter 3

As medical cases increased the Walls began training the college’s students in First Aid and Home Nursing. Such activity led to the publication of A Handbook on First Aid and Home Nursing and the creation of the Naparima College First Aid Ambulance Corps. Exams were held and certificates distributed to participants and in 1935 a special course was held at Naparima College for instructors who desired to train others in First Aid. The outstanding work of the Walls did not go unrecognised. In 1938, a committee under the chairmanship of Rev. Walls applied to London for a “Trinidad and Tobago Branch of the B ­ ritish Red Cross Society.” A year later in 1939 the group was approved and inaugurated. Not surprisingly, Rev. Walls was also an active member of the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, the Horticultural Society and Society for the Deaf and Dumb.118 Physical expansion was on par with the internal progress of the college. Among the buildings constructed were a dormitory, dining hall in 1925, infirmary in 1927 and central part of the “U” layout in 1931. In 1939, the first Founders’ Day celebration was held and 2 classrooms originally built in 1917 were replaced by the wings of the “U” structure.119 Two of the outstanding teachers were James S. Sammy and Ivan Bissessar. Sammy entered the college as a student in 1904 and joined the staff in 1910. Two years later, he departed to study at Dalhousie University in Canada. However, Sammy did not complete his studies in Canada and eventually rejoined the staff at Naparima College where he was later promoted to Vice-Principal in 1929. Ivan Bissessar, a Mathematics teacher, served as Dean of Discipline and Sportmaster. He also held a post on the Trinidad Amateur Football Association and the Trinidad Cricket Council.120 There was a correlation between the college’s increasing reputation and the enrollment which increased from 70 boys in 1911, 85 in 1925, 120 in 1926 and to 640 students in 1953. Furthermore, the school’s administrative system can be credited as contributing to its success, for instance, a supportive dedicated staff of teachers produced outstanding achievers as the winner of the Jerningham Silver Medal in 1945, whilst in 1952, two of its graduates served as Ministers of Government.121 In 1950, at Naparima’s Golden Jubilee (and Wall’s 25th year as the school’s principal), Trinidad Leasehold Limited, a major oil company, presented a 118 The Nation 25 March 1960. 119 Jerome Teelucksingh, “Educating the descendants of Indentured Labourers,” Yatra Journey (Claxton Bay: East Indian Cultural Promotions, 2005) 37. 120 TG 26 June 1994. 121 The Olympian 1952.

Rebuilding a Society: Preparing foundations

77

f­ lagstaff as a gift to the school. A few years later, in 1953, Rev. Walls retired and was replaced by the competent Rev. Edward T. Lute of Toronto. During the first year of Lute’s principalship, a public address system (the Blue Circle Network) was installed in classrooms. In this memorable year, Rev. Lute administered over 640 students. The graduates of the College were able to procure places at universities in Canada, Britain and United States. By 1955, Naparima was poised to become the leading educational institution in South Trinidad. 4

Naparima Training College

The Board of Foreign Mission of the Presbyterian Church in Canada recruited Headmasters to fill leadership positions at the Presbyterian Training School and Naparima College. Often the staff was shared between both institutions.122 Initially, the entrants to ntc were Pupil Teachers chosen from CM schools and later, high school graduates were also accepted.123 Among the early teachers at the Training School was Dr. H. Kemp, C. Pasea, Dr, J. Scrimgeour, Dr. Cummings, Dr. T. Baillie, Dr. J.C. MacDonald. During the first five years the student body comprised among others, of J.Birbal, Edmund Ragbir, Donald Bissessar, P. Dookie, E. Mulchansingh, Rev. J. Rampersad, C. Sanowar and L. Ragbir.124 The extracurricular activities included training in Sunday School and Bible study. The curriculum was similar to the Government Training School and there were gradual changes which included emphasis on Methods of Teaching. Two of the early illustrious graduates of ntc who switched from teaching to the ministry were Charles D. Lalla and Henry Ramcharan. Lalla was a graduate of the nearby Theological College. Lalla began his teaching career as a Pupil Teacher at Exchange cmi School.125 He later served as head-teacher at the Tunapuna cmi School in 1900 and also at Balmain cmi School in 1905.126 In 1931 Lalla was the first East Indian minister to be Moderator of the Presbytery of Trinidad.127 Lalla was the founder of two organisations: the Bharat Bhaiwadi Sabha (East Indian Brotherhood) in the district of Charlie-Bejucal and ­secondly, the Canadian Mission Forward Movement. Additionally, he was the 122 123 124 125 126 127

New Horizons 1962, 28. New Horizons 1962, 29. New Horizons 1969, 25. Arunodai Presbyterian Church 15. TP October 1960. Hamid 107. There is another claim that Lalla first became moderator in 1924. Campbell, “East Indian Revolt” 176.

78

Chapter 3

first President of the East Indian National Congress (einc), the first local President of the Beekeeper’s Association, Vice-President of the Agricultural Society of Trinidad and Tobago and was elected to the Legislative Council in 1921.128 Secondly, Ramcharan, born in India, was educated at Ste. Madeleine CM School. He served as headteacher of Bonne Aventure and Ste. Madeleine CM Schools. Ramcharan was trained as a minister at the Theological College in San Fernando, and served in the Penal pastoral charge. He was also president of the Agricultural Society in Ortoire during 1930–1932 and a member of the Agricultural Advisory Board in Princes Town from 1932–1934.129 The ntc also demonstrated a keen desire to reform the outlook on education that was envisioned by other institutions in society. In 1915 a landmark decision was made with the admittance of females at ntc. They were accommodated at the dormitory of nghs.130 Among the educational endeavours of the Canadian mission, this was its first co-educational institution at the secondary level.131 The government recognised the gender barrier which was being traversed: The Presbyterian Training School at San Fernando has added a branch for female students. There were six in training in 1916. This will be a most useful adjunct to the Educational work of the Canadian Mission. At present, from the lack of Female Teachers, the Infant Departments in their schools are taught by Male Teachers. In consequence few Indian girls attend school, and that only while infants, with the result that the female Indian population grows up uneducated.132 One of the early female students at ntc was Anna Chandisingh-Mahase (1899–1978) who was the daughter of a head-teacher. She was educated at the Princes Town cmi School and the Iere Home of Girls. In 1919, Anna proceeded to nghs and upon the successful completion of her exams entered ntc. She was one of the first four women who were trained with men at the College. In May 1917 Anna became the first East Indian Assistant Teacher to be employed at an assisted primary school in North Trinidad and two years later was the first 128 129 130 131

Lalla 7, 14, 19. Kirpalani et al 157. New Horizons 1962, 28. Adella Archibald, The Trinidad East Indian Mission in connection with the Presbyterian Church in Canada (San Fernando: Southern Printery, 1922) 7. See also The Women’s Missionary Society of the United Church of Canada, Forty-Eight Annual Report of Women’s Missionary Society of the Presbyterian Church in Canada 1923–1924 (Halifax: McAlpine Publishing Company, 1924) 37; 132 Council Paper no. 78 of 1917, 6.

Rebuilding a Society: Preparing foundations

79

qualified female teacher in Trinidad and Tobago.133 She taught at Sangre Chiquito CM School which is located in East Trinidad.134 She was employed as a Fourth Class Assistant Teacher and earned $10.00 per month. The impact of Anna’s role as a teacher was recorded in her autobiography, “In those early days all the teachers went out every morning to visit and bring out the children to school. I did my share of it and the result was that all the little Hindoo and ­Moslem girls began attending school when they saw a afeamle East Indian Teacher.”135 Indeed, the priority of the missionaries was to ensure there were suitably trained and qualified teachers in the CM and secondary schools. A good ­illustration is the Kalloo family. Nicholas Kalloo (1882–1939) and his three brothers – Arthur, Charles and Daniel, attended the ntc and all four were ­subsequently appointed as headmasters of cmi schools. Daniel (1898–1957) attended ntc during 1916–1917 and his brother, Nicholas was appointed headmaster of Biche cmi in 1906. Charles Morton Bharath was another graduate of ntc. He served at Cunaripo and Cunupia cmi Schools. His friend and classmate at ntc, Henry Buddhoo, later became a minister.136 In 1919 the Training School was relocated from Grant Hall on Coffee Street to Paradise Lands nearby Naparima College. On the top floor of a building known as ‘The Chapel’ teacher training classes were held. Later a new dormitory was erected and training was conducted on the ground floor in two rooms. In 1921 the Presbyterian Training School became a branch of the Government Training College. However, the Presbyterian School retained considerable independence.137 Until Coffin retired in 1925, he held the post of Principal for the three institutions – Naparima College, Presbyterian Training School and the Theological College. In 1925 the institution’s name was changed from “The Presbyterian Training School” to the Naparima Training College (ntc). Six years later, in 1921, the ntc became a branch of the Government Training College. In the islandwide government examinations of 1947, the ntc gained 3 of the 4 available first places and 6 of its graduates were chosen as Education Officers employed by the government.138 For one hour after school, from 3.30 pm to 4.30 pm, the headmaster or head-teacher would often give lessons to pupil teachers and monitors. These lessons were for the provisional

133 Mahase, 38. 134 V.G. Guyadeen, “Outstanding Women: The Iere Home for Girls,” in Pioneer Presbyterians 131. 135 Mahase 38. 136 Interview with Berla Seepersad, Tacarigua, 20 January 2004. 137 New Horizons 1962, 29. 138 The United Church of Canada Yearbook 1948 (Toronto: United Church of Canada, 1948).

80

Chapter 3

exams which had to be passed to become eligible for entry into ntc. Some head-teachers as Lionel Akal, of San Juan CM School, gave lessons in the mornings, before school began, to his junior teachers. During this era, there were dedicated persons who laid the foundations for the ntc in the early decades of the twentieth century. One of the Agricultural instructors at ntc was Nathaniel Goberdhan, a graduate of Naparima College. He served as vice-president of the Canadian Mission Teachers’ Association (cmta) and as principal of ntc’s Practice School at San Fernando. Another was Peter Dookie, a member of Susamachar Presbyterian Church, who attended Harmony Hall CM School and ntc. During 1909–1938, he served as principal of the Practice School. Furthermore, Dookie served as president of the cmta and the San Fernando branch of the Teachers’ Union. At the ntc there were neither teachings nor attempts to convert anyone to Presbyterianism. A former student, Ralph Bharath, recalled that there was a person of mixed race, Kenny Akal in his class.139 Bharath also recalled the involvement in teaching religious classes, “On Sunday mornings, I went to nearby Golconda and Esperance in the sugar cane areas to teach Sunday School to children of the indentured immigrants. There was a special grass hut made for this purpose. The missionaries encouraged me to use secular methods in spreading the Word.”140 Other nearby areas such as Tarouba, Cedar Cottage, Retrench and Union Hall also benefitted from the Sunday School efforts of the principal and students of ntc. One of the outstanding graduates of ntc was Lionel Akal. He initially served as a pupil teacher at Sangre Chiquito cmi School and Rev. John Morton asked one of the Presbyterian families living in the area to allow Akal to live in their home during the week. Akal then proceeded to ntc and after graduation he was invited by Morton to accept the position as headmaster of San Juan CM School.141 Akal also served as secretary of the cmta and was involved in the Port-of-Spain Literary and Debating Clubs. The students entering the ntc from its inception to the 1950s were Presbyterians or Christians.142 This selective admission posed a problem but some such as Kenneth Mahase of Sangre Chiquite CM School decided to be baptized to enter the ntc. Seukeran, who attended ntc during 1931 and 1932, noted the

139 140 141 142

Interview with Ralph Bharath, Tacarigua, 26 January 2005. Interview with Ralph Bharath, Tacarigua, 26 January 2005. Trinidad and Tobago Review 1 March 2004. Nadine Manraj, “The History of the Presbyterian Church and its role in society,” in Pioneer Presbyterians 16.

Rebuilding a Society: Preparing foundations

81

diversity of the student population, “They were drawn from every caste and class, from every family background and cultural heritage.”143 In evidence before the Marriott-Mahew Commission, during the early 1930s, the Board of the Canadian Mission claimed it was willing to allow non-­ Christian trainees but they had to pay fees.144 The missionaries had envisioned an institution where Christian teachers could be properly trained for secular and religious education. Campbell claimed, “Only the very faithful could hope, it was alleged, to gain places in Naparima Training College….”145 This view appears flawed because there is no tangible evidence that the missionaries rejected any application from Presbyterian teachers who desired to enter ntc. The Presbyterians did not hold a monopoly over teacher training because there was the Government Training School in existence. The First Year students at ntc had teaching practice at nearby Grant Memorial CM School and Second Year students had their sessions at different schools.146 Grant School was also informally known as the ‘Practice School.’ Isaac Sinanan, a 1935 graduate, admired the dedication of the Presbyterian teachers at ntc and their desire to maintain a high standard of academic work. Discipline was one of the hallmarks of ntc and the occasional pereptrators were severely punished. Whilst Seukeran was a student at ntc he recalled that a student who contracted syphilis from a prostitute was expelled. The disgraced student, before departing the institution, asked Seukeran, who complied, to conduct a ceremony for his reconversion to Hinduism.147 Some pioneering work was also achieved at the College. One of ntc’s teachers, Rev. Swann, introduced volleyball to the College (and Trinidad) and hoped that the students would later teach the game to their schools.148 Samuel Lochan belived that the solidarity kindled at ntc had positive consequences on the society, “If all the teachers bonded at the ntc, went out to Presbyterian schools while also serving in the Church and socializing together, the bonds of community merely grew stronger. In the process, Church and School became inseparable.”149 Evidence of this community bond could be seen in the life of Sherman Ramsingh (1921–1994) who attended ntc during the 1930s. He was a 143 Seukeran 43. Seukeran recalled some of the students during his time at ntc – Morgan and George Basanta of Guaico, Ramkissoon of Lengua, Baxter from Carapichaima, Rowan from Felicity and Elodie Bissessar from Claxton Bay. 144 Campbell, “East Indian Revolt”182. 145 Campbell, “East Indian Revolt” 175. 146 Interview with Ralph Bharath, Tacarigua, 26 January 2005. 147 Seukeran 43–44. 148 Interview with Stephen Seepersad, Tacarigua, 16 January 2004. 149 Trinidad and Tobago Review 3 April 2006.

82

Chapter 3

former student of Elswick CM School and pupil teacher. Whilst serving as a teacher in Presbyterian schools, Ramsingh became a respected Scout Master and Scout Commissioner of Trinidad and Tobago. Other illustrations are Clarence Hubah, a graduate of Naparima College and ntc, who served as District Scoutmaster and acted as Scout Commissioner.150 Roy Mootoo, a graduate of Canaan cmi and Naparima College, was a member of the Trail Rangers and later as a teacher at Penal Rock Presbyterian School. Mootoo later graduated from ntc in 1952. At Naparima College he joined the 3rd Trinidad Sea Scout Group in 1942, which was started by the Canadian missionaries. He eventually became the Scout Master (later the title was changed to Scout Leader) and District Commissioner for Naparima. As a result of his long and meritorious service in the Scout movement he received the Golden Poui Award and the Hummingbird Silver Medal. He is an honorary elder of the Canaan Presbyterian Church.151 Ralph Laltoo, Laltoo attended Rock River CM School (now Penal Rock Road Presbyterian School) and later Naparima College from 1928–1932. He was a graduate of ntc in 1937, had topped the colony in the final examinations. Upon graduation he briefly served as a student teacher at Canaan and Riversdale CM Schools.152 Laltoo recalled the close friendships which developed among the students at the College, “There was no discrimination between teachers who taught in rural and urban schools. Also after we began teaching we did not discriminate between Presbyterian and non-Presbyterian teachers. Everyone was treated with respect.”153 In January 1938 he was appointed to the Rio Claro CM School but only served for seven months and then departed to further his studies at Dalhousie University at Halifax in Canada.154 Laltoo joined the staff of Naparima College in 1943 and later became Dean of Studies and head of the English Department. Another outstanding individual was John Ramsaran who attended Jordan Hill CM School. In 1948, he entered ntc and began a one year course for teachers. Upon completion he taught at Reform, Inverness, Lengua, Princes Town and Jordan Hill Presbyterian Schools.155 During the 1970s and 1980s, Ramsaran served as vice-principal and acting principal of the San Fernando Technical Institute. One of the outstanding female students of ntc was Mary Naimool. She had attended the Tunapuna CM School and nghs. She served as a teacher at San 150 151 152 153 154 155

Kirpalani et al 141. Interview with Roy Mootoo, Canaan, 4 March 2007. Sunday Guardian 9 April 2000. Interview with Ralph Laltoo, New Brunswick, 9 August 2002. Sunday Guardian 9 April 2000. Interview with John Ramsaran, San Fernando, 1 October 2006.

Rebuilding a Society: Preparing foundations

83

Juan, Curepe and Tunapuna CM Schools. She entered ntc in 1994 and after graduation taught at the St.Helena CM School. However, Naimool’s teaching career was abruptly ended as she was persuaded by Mabel brandow, a missionary, to enter the ministry. After receiving training abroad, Naimool returned to Trinidad in 1957 and was ordained in 1968.156 On 5 May 1944, ntc celebrated its golden jubilee at Grant’s Hall in San Fernando. Among those present was Mayor Timothy Roodal who addressed the crowd and revealed that he was a graduate of ntc and proud of its successes.157 Among those welcomed to the staff of the College were N. Goberdhan, C. Harnarayan and R. Laltoo. ntc’s vice-principal and lecturer, S. Moosai-Maharaj, resigned to undertake the position of Health Education Officer. Two past graduates of ntc who received awards were Rev. Henry Laltoo and E. Mahabir.158 The head-teacher of the Practice School, N. Goberdhan, moved the vote of thanks to end the function. Not all who trained at ntc remained as teachers. For instance, James Gopaul upon graduation, acted as headmaster of Picton Government School in 1910. However, two years later he departed the teaching profession and became a proprietor and shopkeeper in Diamond Village.159 Likewise, Frank Mohan, who was baptized at the Morning Star Presbyterian Church in Fyzabad, entered ntc in 1940. But he did not remain in teaching and instead entered the legal profession and became a magistrate in 1958. Foster Bissessar who attended ntc in 1948 and 1949 taught at Torrib Trace Presbyterian (1950–1954) and San Juan Presbyterian Schools (1954–1957). Bissessar, a retired public servant of the Ministries of Finance and Agriculture, served on the Presbyterian Primary Schools’ Board and Presbyterian Secondary Schools’ Board.160 The novice teachers who entered ntc were not only taught religious and secular subjects but learnt a valuable lesson in classroom management. In addition to regular classes, the students also received guest lectures on issues such as First Aid, Child Welfare and Culture. Among the principals who guided ntc during this era were: Revs. K. Grant (1894–1907), E.J. Coffin (1907–1925), V.B. Walls (1925–1928) and H.F. Swann (1928–1953). The importance of visual aids such as charts, drawing and posters served to enhance teaching skills. ­Furthermore, a congenial disposition when interacting with parents, headteachers and school supervisors were also highlighted. The value of discipline, 156 157 158 159 160

Brandow 45–47. posg 7 May 1944. posg 10 May 1944. Kirpalani et al 139. Interview with Foster Bissessar, Valsayn, 24 March 2006.

84

Chapter 3

­ unctuality, patience, being appropriately attired and having a monogamous p relationship were part of the informal education which was readily absorbed by the students at ntc. 5

Importance of Hindi

During this era of the church’s history, the teaching and appreciation of Hindi continued to be part of the worship services and meetings. At Morichal Presbyterian Church, established in 1880, the catechists initially preached in Hindi and later used both Hindi and English. One of the local East Indian ministers, Lalla, (ordained in 1915), was instrumental in the promotion of Hindi during this period. In the 1920s, “He conducted Hindi services, preached in Hindi and the singing of Hindi bhajans was often accompanied by eastern music instruments especially at the Calcutta Mission School room.”161 Lalla gave introductory and advanced Hindi lessons and sometimes held night classes. Other ministers such as Revs. Kemp and Walls were proficient in Hindi and assisted in its instruction at schools and churches. Grant was one of the visionaries who saw the need to train teachers in the language of the Indians. In July 1907 members of the Susamachar Presbyterian Church praised him, “The necessity of having better qualified Elementary School teachers, in English as well as in Hindustani…you agitated for a Teachers’ Training School.”162 At ntc, Hindi was a compulsory subject. Singing classes in Hindi were held on Saturdays whilst teachers such as Coffin instructed the students in Hindi. And, at the school’s graduation ceremonies, three prizes were awarded for commendable performance at the senior, intermediate and junior levels.163 Students from ntc would sing in the choir at Hindi services in Susamachar Presbyterian in San Fernando.164 At the Presbyterian Theological College, there were courses in Hindi.165 During the early 1920s, Hindi was taught at Naparima College by Rev. J.E. Forbes.166 Additionally, Hindi was prominently included in the prize-giving ceremony of nghs in 1926 and in

161 Lalla 5. 162 Letter from Elders, Chairman, and Board of Managers of Susamachar Presbyterian Church to Grant on his retirement from active service, 12 July 1907. United Church Archives, New Brunswick. 163 TG 10 March 1926. 164 New Horizons 1962, 29. 165 Archibald East Indian Mission, 9. 166 Council Paper no. 81 of 1923, 21.

Rebuilding a Society: Preparing foundations

85

1933, Archibald devoted time for the translation of Hindi hymns for the benefit of her students.167 The end of indentureship meant Indians were no longer imported from India to work on the sugar estates in the British West Indies. The job requirement of being versed in English, the language of the British West Indies, resulted in a gradual reduction in the teaching and use of the Hindi language in churches and schools. Furthermore, the government and society tended to favour English rather than Indian dialects, as the colony’s official language. During the 1940s, Hindi was still being taught in a number of CM schools. An illustration is Lloyd Persaud who attended Chandernagore CM during the 1940s and recalled that Principal Edward Dwarika taught the Hindi a­ lphabet.168 Similarly, a pupil teacher at Tunapuna CM School in 1948, remembered that Hindi was included in the curriculum, “It was not taught from 2nd Year upwards. The students learnt the Hindi alphabet. It was taught by Indians who were on the school’s staff. The Principal, Nicholas Gobin Kalloo also knew and taught Hindi.”169 At Guaico and Ecclesville CM Schools, Hindi was also taught to the entire school.170 In the village of Ecclesville, there was a kutiya where Pundit Sahadeo taught Hindi for the villagers during the 1940s.171 Interestingly, even though Hindi was being taught in Presbyterian schools, Divali and Phagwa were not celebrated by these schools. Also, despite the presence of East Indians belonging to the Muslim faith, the missionaries did not teach Urdu and the fervour of evangelism remained limited to Hindus. Even though Hindi was no longer taught in Presbyterian schools there was the continuation of bhajan singing at special occasions and prayer-meetings. 6

Turbulent Thirties

Most of the oil and sugar workers lived in shabby huts or dilapidated barracks on the companies’ lands,172 whilst the White employers, overseers and managers resided in large bungalows. The lifestyle of the White managerial staff, with their exclusive golf courses, clubs and swimming pools, of which workers were quite aware, made the latter more resentful about their oppressive living and 167 TP April 1926. See also Diary of Adella J. Archibald, April 30, 1969 to January 15, 1960, mimeo at West Indiana Division, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 18. 168 Interview with Lloyd Persaud, Chase Village, 22 April 2006. 169 Interview with Berla Seepersad, Tacarigua, 20 January 2004. 170 Interview with Bert Samaroo and Lenore Mahase-Samaroo, Valsayn, 31 March 2006. 171 Interview with Bert Samaroo, Valsayn, 31 March 2006. 172 The People 21 May 1938.

86

Chapter 3

working conditions. The protest of 800 sugar workers on 6 July 1934, at Brechin Castle and Esperanza Estates, later joined by Central and Northern Estates, set in motion a series of civil demonstrations of workers which eventually culminated in the violent social explosion of June 1937. Although thwarted by police, the proposed hunger march of sugar workers on 20 July 1934 from Caroni to Port-of-Spain was planned to unite Indian sugar workers and African hunger marchers in a massive city demonstration.173 There was considerable unity among the Africans and Indians during the 1930s. Samaroo in “Politics and ­Afro-Indian relations in Trinidad,” emphasised the unity between the colony’s two major races during the 1930s when “class considerations took pre-­eminence over race.”174 The creation of a united front was to resist colonialism. During this decade of agitation there was still a relatively high rate of illiteracy among Indians in the colony. The 1931 census indicated that 60% of Indians, who comprised 33% of the population, were illiterate. Not surprisingly the rate of literacy among Christian Indians was 50% but only 17% among the nonChristians.175 The higher percentage among Christian Indians was a direct result of the work of the CM schools. The Indians and Africans who had attended cmi schools and were employed in the oil factories and sugar estates were able to read the working class newspapers such as The Labour Leader and The People. Armed with this new knowledge, the oppressed labourers become more outspoken and radical in their ideas. For instance, a major figure in the June 1937 disturbances was Adrian Cola Rienzi (formerly Krishna Deonarine), a product of the San Fernando CM School. Samaroo in his professorial lecture, in March 2005, noted that Rienzi attended Naparima College but due to poverty was forced to leave in Form Three.176 Rienzi was initially a member of the twa one of the colony’s foremost labour organisations during the 1920s and early 1930s. He later became President of both the Oilfield Workers’ Trade Union (owtu) and the All Trinidad Sugar Estates and Factories Workers’ Trade Union (atse+fwtu).177 During the late 1930s, Rienzi also assisted in the 173 O.N. Bolland, The Politics of Labour in the British Caribbean (Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers, 2001), 253. 174 Brinsley Samaroo, “Politics and Afro-Indian relations in Trinidad,” Calcutta to Caroni 133. 175 Ramesar 141,142. Mount 307. 176 Brinsley Samaroo, “East Indian-West Indian: The Public Career of Adrian Cola Rienzi,” Sunday Guardian 10 April 2005. Also Brinsley Samaroo, East Indian-West Indian: The Public Career of Adrian Cola Rienzi, (uwi, St. Augustine: Faculty of Humanities and Education, 2006), 4–5. 177 For more on Rienzi see Kelvin Singh, “Adrian Cola Rienzi and the Labour Movement in Trinidad (1925–1944)” Journal of Caribbean History 16 (1982)10–35. Sunday Express 27 August 2006.

Rebuilding a Society: Preparing foundations

87

f­ormation of other unions such as the Civil Service Association and the Railway Workers Trade Union.178 In the aftermath of the strike, whilst Butler was in jail, his lawyer was Mitra Sinanan, a Presbyterian. Sinanan had attended both the San Fernando CM School and briefly Naparima College.179 Both Mitra and his brother Ashford later joined Butler’s political party – British Empire Workers and Citizens Home Rule Party (bew+chrp) and successfully contested the 1950 elections. Ashford won the Naparima seat whilst Mitra won Caroni East. Another prominent Presbyterian of this era was Timothy Roodal. He was educated at San Fernando CM School and was a close friend of Captain Arthur Cipriani and successfully contested the elections from 1928 to 1946. Roodal initially supported the twa (later the Trinidad Labour Party) and also served as vice-president of this organisation. However, by the 1946 general elections he had joined Butlers’ bew+chrp and was victorious in the country of St. Patrick. The Presbyterian institutions such as the San Fernando CM School and Naparima Boys’ College were instrumental in producing a cadre of educated Indians who filled leadership roles in labour and politics. Within the educational sphere the teachers had a vibrant union. The tttu had been established on 29 November 1919. It had been affiliated to the National Union of Teachers in England and the British West Indies and British Guiana Teachers’ Association. During this period of considerable growth in the colony, it was important to have a reliable supply of teachers to fill vacancies in primary schools. By 1937, the Presbyterian schools in Trinidad had the highest average of schools rated as ‘very good’ and ‘good’ when compared to the other denominational and government schools. (See Table 4). In the 1930s, the publication of the Pupil Teachers’ examinations of the first, second and third years in the daily press, served as an incentive for young teachers to perform admirably.180 In 1932, the Marriott-Mayhew Report revealed that Trinidad and Tobago’s education system was far superior to that of the Eastern Caribbean. This was good news and the CM schools deserve some credit for the country’s favourable ranking. The Commission heard evidence from the Board of Management of the Canadian Mission who refuted the claim that they did not hire nonChristian teachers. The Board claimed that it did not hire non-Christian

178 Samaroo, “East Indian-West Indian” 4–5. 179 Samuel Doodnath, A Short History of the West Indian Progress in Trinidad and Lives of ­Famous Indians 1845–1984 (La Romain: Danprint, np) 38. 180 TG 23 October 1930.

88

Chapter 3

Table 4 

Quality of Government and Supported Schools in Trinidad in 1937

Schools Gov’t RC Anglican Can.Mission

Very good

Good

Fair

23 35 18 32

22 59 27 36

–  3 12 –

Poor Unsatisfactory Total – – – –

– – – –

45 97 57 68

Source: samuel doodnath, A Short History of the Early Presbyterian Church and the Indian Immigrant 1845–1945 La Romain: Danprint, 1983, 42

­ ead-teachers as this would affect the Christian tone of the schools.181 Addih tionally, the Report acknowledged the dual system of education and the contribution of denominational schools.182 The Report would have influenced government’s expenditure on education which in 1933 was £161,000 and increased to £185,000 by 1937.183 By 1939 there were 293 primary schools in the colony with 248 being ass­ isted and 45 controlled by the government. During 1937 and 1939, the educational landscape had changed with the addition of two government operated schools – the Mason Hall School in Tobago and an elementary school in San Fernando. Furthermore, new denominational schools were being offered 50% financial assistance from the government.184 Despite positive changes and optimism there were undercurrents of discontent among Hindus and Muslims who were clamouring for their denominational schools. 7

Church and School Linkages

The teacher also played a pivotal role in evangelism. Winston Sankar, retired school principal of Siparia Union Presbyterian School, fondly recalled life in the 1930s and 1940s. He categorically stated, “To be a Presbyterian school teacher in those days was to be fully committed to the Church. I used this o­ pportunity

181 Campbell, “East Indian Revolt” 182. 182 Campbell, Colony and Nation 23. 183 Commission on Trinidad and Tobago Disturbances 44. 184 Campbell, Colony and Nation 23.

Rebuilding a Society: Preparing foundations

89

to evangelize to my pupils and others in the community.”185 The missionaries never overlooked their mission to spread the Gospel as pupils of the cmi schools were encouraged by their teachers to attend the Sunday Schools. Indeed, it became accepted among those attending mission schools that, “…the Bible is the text book for the first hour of the day, and instruction is given in righteousness and morality.”186 Parents also played a pivotal role in ensuring their children regularly attended Sunday School. Initially, many of the buildings of these Canadian Mission schools were in close proximity to a church or served as a church on Sundays. Physically this mirrored the close relationship between religion and education among the early Presbyterians. An illustration was the Woodbrook Presbyterian Primary School which served as a multipurpose institution, “The school building was the centre for the evangelistic site of the Canadian Mission work in Woodbrook…The school-house was also the meeting place of the Friendly Society and Literary clubs which influenced the non-Christians into the fold.”187 In the South, Sunday church services were held at the schoolhouses in Bien Venue, Hermitage, Rochard Douglas, Fyzabad, Siparia and Canaan. This image of the church and school being intrinsically united and having a mutual interest in the betterment of society was ironically due to a lack of proper infrastructure, as church members needed a venue on Sundays. By November 1925, it was common knowledge that, “The church and the school grow together and are dependent upon each other.”188 There were innumerable examples of a close and cordial relationship as the church and school were nearby. These included the Fyzabad CM School and Morning Star Church (Bhor Ka Tara), Rousillac CM School and Sun of Righteousness (Dharm Ka Surj), San Francique CM School and San Francique Church (Jewan Ka Sota), Siparia Road CM School and Light of the World Church (Jagat Ka Prakash), Penal Rock CM School and Penal Rock Presbyterian Church, and Erin Road CM School and Erin Road Presbyterian Church. At the secondary level, there was also a similar relationship. An illustration is Hillview College which was initially housed in the Church Hall of the Aramalaya Church in Tunapuna. Basdeo Rampersad, a retired teacher, noted the close ­relationship existing in 1899 in Balmain, “…students received their training in

185 Cited in interview in TP November 1998. 186 Seventy-fifth Anniversary of the Canadian Mission, Trinidad (San Fernando: Sultan Khan, 1943) 7. 187 Woodbrook Presbyterian Church 94. 188 TP November 1925.

90

Chapter 3

theology, teaching and Sunday School in a large hall in a huge wooden Manse which housed the Missionaries upstairs.”189 The association between religion and education seemed inescapable. On Paradise Hill in San Fernando, the proximity of the Theological College, ntc, nghs and Naparima College fostered cordial relationships between students and teachers. The introduction of courses common to the interests of both teachers and preachers assisted in cementing the relationship between the secular and religious spheres. Thus, it was no surprise that during the early twentieth century, headmasters and head-teachers left the teaching profession to enter the ministry. Among the teachers who joined the ministers dur­ ing 1932–1935 were Stephen Ramrekha, H.D. Imamshah, T.A. Hosein, H.M. Boodhoo, James Rampersad and A. Sultanti.190 During the 1940s, at Charlieville CM School, once every fortnight Rev. Albert Sultanti taught Religious Education to the school. He was assisted by catechists and also the Bible Woman, Nora Rattansingh.191 At Tunapuna CM School, Rev. J.M. Kirkpatrick, the field missionary for the area, would occasionally visit the school, “The students would be dismissed and the staff would remain to listen to Kirkpatrick. He would inform the staff on how to conduct religious worship and offer advice in other areas.”192 As in previous years, the missionaries’ work was highly appreciated primarily because of their concern for the personal welfare of the children attending the rural schools. They taught hygiene among the students at mission schools and there were cases where Epsom and Gluber salts were freely distributed. Additionally, the missionaries collected clothes and books from Canadian schools and these were distributed to the disadvantaged children in rural villages. Ralph Bharath whilst a student at Tunapuna CM School recalled that during Christmas the students received clothes from Canada. The manager of the school, Rev. George Murray would collect the clothes via the postal office and distribute it to the students. The clothes included dresses, jackets and trousers.193 Among the churches there was a similar humanitarian program. The Canadian missionaries, who began worship services at Brothers’ Estate Barracks in 1889, regularly distributed clothes and foodstuffs to the members. Such actions of the Presbyterian Church further increased the attraction of East Indians to the Canadian Mission schools. By identifying problems ­affecting 189 Arunodai Presbyterian Church 15. 190 Kemp. 191 Interview with Sidney Budri, Charlieville, 20 January 2005. 192 Interview with Stephen Seepersad, Tacarigua, 16 January 2004. 193 Interview with Ralph Bharath, Tacarigua, 26 January 2005.

Rebuilding a Society: Preparing foundations

91

the East Indians and offering solutions, the missionaries were further demonstrating the continued concern for ensuring their assimilation into society. The government complemented the missionaries’ efforts as the Education Ordinance of 1918 specified the building standards and toilet facilities for all schools. Individuals such as Akal of San Juan cmi School also demonstrated a humanitarian attitude. He assisted poor students to pursue commercial subjects. During the week, he temporarily offered his home to senior pupil teachers and senior boys who could not afford to pay rent or fare for travelling.194 8

More Beacons

By 1950, the Presbyterian Church had expanded its sphere of education by attempting to educate young boys and girls through its various institutions and social groups. However, even though there were many well-known Presbyterian primary schools in the South there were no Presbyterian secondary schools in North and Central. During the years 1919–1950, a Presbyterian education had become synonymous with quality education because of its sterling contributions in the academic, extra-curricular and public domain. In the North, with internal migration from rural to urban areas there was a clamour for secondary level institutions with the Presbyterian trademark of excellence. It was obvious that the Presbyterian schools had excelled in human resource management. The leaders in schools and institutions easily adapted to a society in transition and maximised and harnessed the available expertise to achieve superior academic and extra-curricular performances. By producing talented individuals with leadership qualities, the Canadian missionaries ensured the human potential was efficiently utilised. This was critical in an environment overburdened with social and economic limitations. During this period, it was evident that the interlocking relationship between church and school became stronger. There were also financial incentives by the government in 1950 which reduced the burden among Assisted secondary schools. The government offered staff grants of $2,500 per year for the principal and $500 to $1,500 for each staff member, coupled with capitation grants of $10 to $40 per term. At the secondary schools, the Presbyterians seemed to be duplicating their successes at the primary level. The agitation for equality among the native Presbyterian ministers in the 1920s and 1930s was beneficial in the later ­decades, as the mantle of leadership of its secondary schools was passed to locally 194 Trinidad and Tobago Review 1 March 2004.

92

Chapter 3

trained individuals. In the late 1950s, the Presbyterian Church steadfastly continued to fulfill its educational mandate. In response to the growing demand for secondary education among Presbyterian boys residing in the North, the church transformed an old Presbyterian primary school building at Sheriff Street into Naparima College, Tunapuna branch, which was opened on 17 January 1955.195 In the 1950s, young boys and girls in the Presbyterian schools in the North experienced the revolutionising power of a Presbyterian secondary school education. The aura of excellence in education surrounding these schools enveloped and embraced Trinidad. On 19 September 1950, a secondary school accommodating 59 girls in North Trinidad began at the Practice College of the Archibald Institute building on Austin Street in St. Augustine.196 Subsequently, in January 1951 the school moved to a two-storeyed house at the corner of the Eastern Main Road and Austin Street. During this time, the Presbyterian Church was fortunate to have obtained fourteen acres of leased land from Caroni Limited. The land was located to the North of the Churchill Roosevelt Highway. This would be the future site of St. Augustine Girls’ High School (saghs). Miss Beattie was Principal but VicePrincipal Constance Wagar unofficially took over leadership duties in January 1952. This strategy was to allow Beattie to be involved in the construction of a new school. On 12 May 1953, newly installed Acting Principal Wagar, the staff and school population dedicated the new building on its present site.197 Part of the dedication ceremony was a prayer offered by the Moderator of the Presbyterian Church, Rev. James Sieunarine. A few months later in the year, in September, Wagar was appointed Principal and Giuseppi was Vice-Principal. Undine Giuseppi, one of the first teachers at saghs, briefly served as music teacher and trained the school’s choir. In December 1951, the choir was invited to Radio Trinidad where their carols and choral readings were broadcast to the nation. Soon saghs was a regular contestant in the annual Music Festivals. In 1953, Giuseppi also supervised the publication of the school’s first magazine The Augustinian. In the North, both Hillview and saghs became twin beacons for a society forging ahead in the educational race for excellence. Unknowingly, the Presbyterian missionaries had embarked on a project which would blossom into one of the country’s top secondary schools. This secondary school, with additional 195 The Hillviewer 1980, 27. 196 Undine Giuseppi I Remember: An Autobiography (Port of Spain: Caribbean Specialist, 2005) 149. 197 Giuseppi 153.

Rebuilding a Society: Preparing foundations

93

accommodation, established and maintained a distinguished academic record from its inception. It was like the light of the wilderness setting afire and illuminating the minds of young girls in the Central and North. In the South, nghs was on a firm footing due to the outstanding work of administrators as Irene Thompson-Kerster, Margaret Scrimgeour, Bessie Bentley and Maude Howell-Dales. In the sphere of education, the humanistic impulse of the Presbyterian Church remains unrivalled. There is little doubt that the philanthropic desires were satisfied in the dedicated work in Presbyterian schools. The showers of blessings duly appropriated for the Presbyterian Church benefitted its schools as its graduates left an indelible impression on the landscape of Trinidad.

Chapter 4

Uneasy Transitions: Presbyterian Schools and Excellence The Indian Christian was more liberal and adaptable in every way; but, following far behind the Negro on the weary road to whiteness he was more insecure …. The Trinidad Indian who was concerned about the Independence struggle and contributed large sums to various funds, washed his hands of India in 1947. The struggle was over, the shame was removed, and he could settle without self-reproach into the easy undemanding society of Trinidad.1 In the post-1950 era Trinidad and Tobago witnessed radical changes in its society. The emergence of full-fledged political parties in the late 1950s, the granting of Independence in 1962, the Black Power Revolution of 1970 and the attainment of Republican status in 1976 were historic changes which made the leaders and citizens of Trinidad and Tobago more acutely aware of their identity, ethnicity and the pressing need to seek social, political and economic improvements. The “oil boom” years contributed to the upsurge of infrastructure which included the erection of numerous government institutions which assisted in the dispensation of knowledge and reduction of illiteracy. The voting patterns of Presbyterians appeared to have changed. During the early elections from 1925, Presbyterians would have willingly supported working class candidates of East Indian descent such as Sarran Teelucksingh, F.E.M. Hosein, Timothy Roodal or Adrian Cola Rienzi. A shift in allegiance seemed to have occurred in the post-1956 era. Some Presbyterians would not have been willing to support a Hindu leader and gave their support to the Christiandominated pnm but this fear among Presbyterians might have been exaggerated. Maharaj overlooked the fact that many Presbyterians were reluctant to support Bhadase Maraj, leader of the People’s Democratic Party (pdp) and former student of Caroni CM School who was perceived by many middle class Presbyterians and others in society as uneducated, crude, uncouth and a local gangster. Interestingly, in the early 1960s, many Presbyterians supported the dlp with its Hindu leader – Dr. Rudranath Capildeo (1920–1970) who had 1 Naipaul, Middle Passage 88–89.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004417083_006

Uneasy Transitions: Presbyterian schools and excellence

95

­attended Chaguanas CM School during 1925–1931.2 But the internal squabbling over leadership, within the dlp, would have disillusioned many Presbyterians. The Presbyterian Church always placed considerable emphasis on the value of education, thus some principals and teachers in Presbyterian schools would have willingly supported Eric Williams (1911–1981), Trinidad and Tobago’s first prime minister. Their overt support of the pnm was necessary to ensure support at special functions and that funding was guaranteed for repairs, equipment and extensions to their schools. Selwyn Ryan in Social and Occupational Stratification in Trinidad identified this Christian denomination undergoing another change in voting during the 1970s. Ryan identified the “re-Indianisation of the Presbyterian” which resulted from socio-economic factors. Firstly, the oil-boom had a levelling effect as the Hindus attained a similar economic level as the Presbyterians. Secondly, the politically racial climate created solidarity among East Indians as, “The capture of the power by the pnm and its perceived discriminatory policies against Indians released a powerful motivation for Indian unity.”3 He concluded that these two forces removed cultural and social barriers among Presbyterians, Hindus and Muslims. The existence of any such “barriers” would not have been significant. Ryan seemed to have overlooked the glaring fact that Presbyterians were not an isolated and close-knit denominational group. They had relatives who were Hindus and/or Muslims and some intermarried with both Hindus and Muslims. Some Indians had been quietly equipped with “Brown Power” as they armed themselves with education from the Presbyterian primary and secondary schools. They used this intellectual power as a lever, their passport to escape unemployment and/or the myopic racial politics of the Caribbean. The cultural baggage of a primary and/or secondary Presbyterian education of the Indo-Caribbean diaspora proved to be a major asset in their acculturation and assimilation in Canada which increased their chances of social mobility. Some Indo-Trinidadians departed for job opportunities. Among the graduates of Naparima College and nghs who migrated to Canada in the post World War Two era were Dr. and Mrs. Francis Premdas, Hamilton Bhola, Dr. Auyub Mohammed, Dr. Ram S. Boodoosingh.4 Similarly, Ramabai Espinet, a lecturer and novelist, was educated at nghs. She migrated to Toronto and became 2 For evidence of his attendance of a CM school see http://www.nalis.gov.tt/Biography/bio_ RudranathCapildeo_scientist.html. See also The School Paper of Trinidad and Tobago, June 1986, 4. Brochure of Facilitators of Mathematics Pedagogy Mental Mathematics Marathon 2000, Rudranath Capildeo and Einstein’s Unfinished Revolution. 3 Ryan, Social and Occupational Stratification 347. 4 Laltoo, 123, 124, 125.

96

Chapter 4

e­ mployed as a lecturer in Literature at Seneca College and York University in Toronto. Also, Dr. Dilmohan Chandi Singh, a medical doctor who obtained his secondary education at Naparima College in Trinidad during the 1950s. In 1956, a Canadian missionary and teacher at Naparima College, Rev. Weldon Grant (1919–1999), advised him to go abroad and study medicine in Winnipeg, Canada. Singh agreed and briefly returned to Trinidad during the 1970s, but decided to return to Canada where he served in the hospitals in Toronto.5 Others who benefitted from a Presbyterian schooling and teaching experience included Tom Ramautarsingh, a Trinidadian educated at the ntc. He migrated to Canada, became employed as a teacher in the secondary school system and taught at various schools in Ontario including the Georgetown High School.6 Selwyn Chatee attended ntc during 1964–1966 and migrated to Canada in 1970. He taught at primary and secondary schools in Queens County and Lockeport in Nova Scotia.7 Others such as Donald Amichand, taught at Presbyterian schools in Trinidad before migrating to Canada and served as the International Student Advisor during 1968–1994 at the University of Guelph.8 Rosana Mohammed, former student of Riversdale Presbyterian School, graduate of ntc and teacher at Bonne Aventure Presbyterian School, migrated with her family to Toronto in the late 1980s. She later moved to Brampton and regularly attends services at a nearby Presbyterian Church. Similarly, Ralph Laltoo taught for thirty years in Trinidad and then migrated to Canada where he continued teaching in Shelburne, Nova Scotia. Whilst in Canada, he attended the Mt. Royal United Church and sang in its choir.9 Also, Harold Naphtali (1929– 1999), a graduate of Naparima College and ntc, had served as headteacher at Torrib Trace, Inverness, Piparo and Riversdale Presbyterian Primary Schools. He was encouraged by a Canadian missionary, Rev. Russell Alcorn, to migrate to Canada. Subsequently, Naphtali and his family migrated to Canada where he taught at schools in Quebec, Ontario and Nova Scotia.10 Undoubtedly, the rapid socialisation of Trinidadian immigrants in Canada was greatly enhanced by their exposure to Western values through a Canadian-based education.

5 6 7 8 9 10

Interview with Dilmohan Singh, Toronto, 18 July 1998. Jerome Teelucksingh, “Scarred and Exiled: Race and the Caribbean Immigrant in Toronto 1970–2004” in Ray Hutchison and J. Krase editors Research in Urban Sociology volume 8: Ethnic Landscapes in an Urban World (Netherlands: Elsevier) 133. Interview with Selwyn Chatee, Nova Scotia, 19 July 2002. Robert Nancoo, and Stephen Nancoo, Indo Caribbean Canadian Who’s Who: Profiles of Achievement. (Mississauga: Canadian Educators’ Press, 1995) 12. Sunday Guardian 5 September 2004. Broadcast Fall 1999.

Uneasy Transitions: Presbyterian schools and excellence

97

It can be argued that the exposure to this Canadian-based education from the missionary schools in the West Indies prevented a culture shock among many of the Indo-Caribbean migrants. Educated graduates experienced a faster rate of socialisation and acculturation and easier assimilation into the host society. They were more appreciative of the value and quality of education for their children and grandchildren. Within a decade of their arrival in Canada many West Indian immigrants had achieved the “Canadian Dream” of becoming homeowners and securing a stable job. An overwhelming majority of Presbyterian migrants were absorbed into the still expanding Canadian economy. They were reluctantly welcomed in Canada where there was a need for skilled labour especially electricians, plumbers and carpenters. The mistake of many of these migrants was in not realising that Canada was not colour-blind and racism was entrenched in the society. Indeed, the racial bogeyman accompanied the West Indian immigrants to their new homeland. 1

Brewing Trouble: Denominational versus Government Schools

The flaws and stigma of a colonial education were obvious, “The high rate of illiteracy that continued well into the 1950s was only superficially a result of inadequate school places and the inability to effect compulsory education especially in rural areas, it was more fundamentally a function of the colonial agrarian economy”11 However, such viewpoints have overlooked the fact that the standard and quality of the nation’s British-based primary and secondary education in spite of numerous handicaps is equivalent and arguably superior to the North American educational system. The onset of the 1950s and 1960s therefore, brought a wind of change which swept through the entire country. During the 1950s, in the Presbyterian community, the term “CM school” was changed to “Presbyterian school.”12 There emerged the growing and popular belief that colonial rule was oppressive and colonial education was designed to deculturise the colonised people and create persons who were British in culture, language and values. The college exhibition had been replaced by the Common Entrance Examination which ­allowed 3,000 students to enter secondary schools.

11 12

Fergus 9. Arthur Dayfoot, The Shaping of the West Indian Church 1492–1962 (Jamaica: The Press, University of the West Indies, Florida: University Press of Florida, 1999) 213.

98

Chapter 4

The denominational schools became embroiled in a controversy to reform education so that it would reflect a native Trinidadian flavour and thus better serve society. A sign of the times and to some, an impending omen, was the “Great Debate of 1955” between Eric Williams, a graduate of qrc and Oxford University, and Dom Basil Matthews, a Benedictine monk. This signalled a watershed which would shape future discourse on the role of the state and denominational schools. The young, charismatic Williams was anticlerical and strongly condemned denominational schools as being élitist and a “breeding ground for disunity” as he contended that the state schools reflected the true spirit of nationalism.13 In contrast, Matthews argued in favour of denominational schools. Both intellectuals failed to acknowledge the fact that both state and denominational schools were given the herculean task of reducing illiteracy and freeing a people from the shackles and bonds of colonialism. Interestingly, in 1959 the view of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad was one supportive of Williams. Rev. Roy Neehall, the Moderator, felt the schools posed a heavy burden to the Presbyterian Church: We are disappointed that the party in power in Trinidad did not pursue more vigorously its hinted policy of state control of schools. We wonder whether this is not due to a fear of losing the large Roman Catholic vote. But until we do have a government that the majority of people are willing to entrust with the educating of their children, the present system of denominational schools will be maintained. What are we going to do to save our Churches from the internal troubles that come about in the main because of our involvement in education?14 It was an oversight of Neehall not to realise that without the primary and secondary schools, the Presbyterian Church would have suffered a serious, irreversible setback in terms of membership. This was acknowledged by Legge in 1965 with his revelation of criticisms from some Presbyterians who viewed the school system as one in which “the educational system dominates the life of the church.” Other responses from Legge’s interviews were “we haven’t got a Church here; we are a school” and “we are trying to build Christian schools with pagan tools.”15 A significant component of the membership attended church because of their involvement in schools and/or attempts to obtain employment or promotion. Indeed, the Church’s sustenance largely depended on 13 Campbell, Young Colonials 290. 14 TP July 1959. 15 Legge Report 81.

Uneasy Transitions: Presbyterian schools and excellence

99

the existence of its schools but not necessarily the same could hold true for the schools relying on the churches. The views of Williams had obvious repercussions on his support among the colony’s Roman Catholic population. For instance, Undine Giuseppi recollected that at her daughter’s school, Arima Girls’ Roman Catholic School, the nuns advised students to refrain from attending the pnm’s political meetings: They had been strictly warned that they should not accompany their parents who attended meetings held by Dr. Williams, and corporal punishment was the threat held over their heads if they dared defy that warning….I listened to a report from her that a number of her friends had been flogged that day for having attended a pnm meeting on the previous night, in spite of the Nun’s threat.16 Interestingly, no such reprisals and incidents occurred at Presbyterian primary and secondary schools. One of the significant changes in education during this period was the shift in political attitudes. Williams was heavily critical of the Concordat and its 80–20 formula as being unjust to students who were denied places on the basis of their religion. The Concordat of 1960, approved by the government, in December 1960, provided assurance that the character of denominational schools would be preserved. This legislation sought to clarify the reorganisation of the education system and the effect on Denominational Boards of Management, the governing bodies and principals of assisted secondary schools. Also, students who did not belong to the denomination of the school were not obliged to participate in religious activities of the school. The 20% selection at Common Entrance, which stemmed from the Concordat signed in 1960, generated some controversy. Like other denominational schools under the Concordat agreement, the 20% quota of children accepted must come from bonafide Presbyterian families recommended and approved by Official Boards and acknowledged by the residing Presbyterian minister. In order for a student to gain a place in the 20% allocation, the student must perform above the district’s cut-off mark. After the government has selected its 80% from a list in order of merit, the principals of denominational secondary schools are given the list for further selection. However, some families would begin attending church a few weeks or months before the examination, to ­ensure their son or daughter is on the 20% list. After attaining a place at a P ­ resbyterian 16

Giuseppi 159.

100

Chapter 4

secondary school, the family would abruptly curtail their church attendance and involvement. The division between denominational and government schools gradually widened. By 1965, various denominational Boards of Management were in existence reflecting the religious diversity of the island. The Roman Catholics, Presbyterians, Hindus, Muslims, Moravians, Methodists, American Baptists and Seventh Day Adventists had an established presence in education. Williams persistently attacked the exclusiveness of the denominational schools by highlighting the tendencies of parents to send their children to the school of their faith. According to Williams, this percentage was highest among the Presbyterians with 61% of Presbyterian children attending Presbyterian schools, whilst 60% of Catholics, 48% of Methodists and 44% Anglicans adopted a similar criterion in choosing a school.17 During his public lectures in 1965, Williams continued to highlight the insubordination fostered by denominational schools with the solution being government secondary schools as the main agent of integration. Based on the 1965 Common Entrance Examination results, Williams emphasised that the placement at secondary schools was indicative of denominational schools having a negative effect on integration in Trinidad and Tobago. That year, in the secondary school placing of the Common Entrance Examination, a total of 1,734 children were placed in 17 Government schools, 1,084 in 11 Roman Catholic, 336 in 4 Anglican and 487 in Presbyterian schools. And, of considerable significance to this study is the fact that Hindus were the single largest religious group in the Presbyterian schools. Of the 487 placed in Presbyterian schools, 184 were Hindus, 138 were Presbyterians, 55 were Roman Catholics and 77 were Anglicans.18 Williams used this illustration of religious distribution of students to emphasise the urgency of Government secondary schools to integrate the population. During the 1960s, a number of significant decisions were taken in the name of education reform. The Education Act of 1966 signalled a victory and the ambitions of the administration of the pnm to gain greater control of the ­nation’s education system. The Act allowed the “inspection” of d­ enominational secondary schools by the government. As a result of this legislation, the ­government had to approve the hiring, firing and promotion of teachers.

17 18

Eric Williams, “Reorganization of the Public Service” Public Lecture, Arima 28 October 1965 in Paul Sutton ed. Forged from the Love of Liberty-Selected Speeches of Dr. Eric Williams (Trinidad: Longman Caribbean, 1981) 241. Williams. “Secondary Schools” Public lecture, Woodford Square, 26 October 1965 in Forged from the Love of Liberty 242.

Uneasy Transitions: Presbyterian schools and excellence

101

The government also gained the right to monitor the admission procedure of the denominational secondary schools. Despite criticisms of the role of denominational schools, the Presbyterian Church did not lose its focus, and with the introduction of free secondary education, it continued to maintain a high quality of education among its schools. As in the earlier decades the focus on religion and education was echoed during 1950–1970. Rev. C.F. Beharry, a supporter of evangelism through education, openly expressed his view that schools would be an excellent medium for the continuing mission of the Presbyterian Church.19 2

Growth of the Presbyterian Schools

Certain problems in the education system were apparent. Insufficient primary school places seemed to be a chronic problem as there was an estimated shortage of some 30,000 primary school places. Williams, as Premier of Trinidad and Tobago and Minister of Finance, in 1960 proceeded to implement certain educational reforms.20 On 23 March 1960, Williams, in his Budget presentation, announced free secondary education for the population. The historic year of 1961 marked the first year of free secondary education in Trinidad and Tobago as the fee of $16 per term was removed from denominational schools. This modification to the school system would have been welcomed because at the secondary level, enrollment was limited to 15,000 students as compared to 187,000 places at the primary school level.21 The serious attitude in dealing with education was evident in the government’s Draft Plan for Educational Development (1968–1983).22 The transferring of the reins of leadership from the Canadian missionaries to native men and women was inevitable. By 1962, Rev. J. Seunarine had been appointed to Naparima College, and Anna Mahase to saghs. In 1953 Mahase was awarded a wms scholarship to pursue a degree at Mt. Allison ­University. Mahase, a graduate of nghs, holds the unique distinction of being the ­youngest

19 20 21 22

TP April-May 1964. Williams served as Chief Minister from 1956–1959 and as Premier of Trinidad and Tobago during 1959–1962. Eric Williams, “Education and Decolonization in Trinidad and Tobago” Address to the Caribbean Union Conference, August 29, 1974 in Forged from the Love of Liberty 247. Draft Plan for Educational Development in Trinidad and Tobago 1968–1983 (Port-of-Spain: Government Printery, 1968).

102

Chapter 4

person to serve as Principal of a denominational secondary school.23 Other locals appointed to Presbyterian secondary schools included Dr. Stephen Moosai-Maharaj to Hillview College, Samuel Meighlal to ntc, Allan McKenzie at Naparima College and Beulah Meghu at nghs. The hosting of Presbyterian groups such as the Girls’ Work Board by nghs proved that within the Presbyterian Church there were no boundaries to isolate the school and church.24 Further evidence of this “open-door” policy occurred in the districts of Retrench, Golconda, Friendship, Victoria Village and St. John which were served by three Sunday Schools ably assisted by students from Naparima College.25 And in 1962 a conference involving 200 primary school teachers, held at the Susamachar Presbyterian Church, was sponsored by the Christian Education Board of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad and Grenada. A similar conference for teachers was held at St. Andrew’s Church in Princes Town.26 Prior to 1956, the Naparima College Old Boys’ Association (ncoba) was a loose organisation. A transformation occurred in 1956 as the group began to flourish under the presidency of Carl Mohan. The group later established a Naparima College Trust Fund and sponsored medals and trophies for the school’s annual Sports Day.27 In 1958, Rev. Lute’s Principal’s Report for Naparima College in 1958 would have been the envy of other secondary schools. Based on the results of the 1957 examinations, the institution boasted of a remarkable 77% success rate in Higher Certificate examinations and 71% passes of Second Division certificates in School Certificate exams. Another noteworthy achievement was the winning of an Island Open Scholarship by Larry Lutchmansingh, who was the first boy in a school outside Port-of-Spain to achieve this feat. This was not the first scholarship for Naparima since three scholarships had been previously won by girls attending the college. The principal also revealed that new laboratory facilities which enabled the subjects of Physics, Chemistry and Biology to be offered for the Higher Certificate exams.28 Two noteworthy features of the college’s extracurricular life was the introduction of The Olympian, the college’s magazine, and the annual S­ hakespearean Festival. In 1959, the school’s enrollment was 700. During this year two important events in the school’s history occurred. New steel and concrete buildings 23 24 25 26 27 28

For more on Anna Mahase see Sunday Guardian September 29, 1991. Also Sunday Guardian 6 November 1988. TP March 1958. TP April-May 1958. TP February 1962. The Olympian 2005, 106. TP November 1958.

Uneasy Transitions: Presbyterian schools and excellence

103

were constructed and wood from the old buildings was used to construct a gymnasium (which was used until 1995). Secondly, Lute is credited for introducing the “house system.” Each student was assigned to a house – Wall House (red), Sammy House (blue), Flemington House (gold), Grant House (green).29 In 1960, Naparima College celebrated its Diamond Jubilee (60 years) with a week of activities including a Thanksgiving Service at Susamachar Presbyterian Church and a tea party. In this year, the progressive nature of the educational institution was obvious. A building which once served as the college office and the library was converted to a much needed “Student Centre.” This addition had rooms for games, handicrafts and club/society meetings. There were various non-academic activities such as the Art Club which met in “The Garret,” the Camera Club and Radio Club. Other groups in existence included the First Naparima College Scout Group and the Naparima Geographical Society. The year 1960 was also a milestone since a decision was made to form a student co-operative and open a snack bar (tuck shop). Secondly, a Volkswagen bus, The Big Blue Ox, was added to the development of the school’s chaplaincy. In August 1960, ten college students learnt various aspects of vacation school work such as crafts, games and handicrafts. They were trained for the first College Youth Caravan for Leadership and Education (cycle) and organised a five day vacation school at Iere Village in which 65 boys and girls received certificates of attendance. The College’s radio system, the Blue Circle Network, launched the careers of Sir Trevor McDonald, Bobby Thomas and Ashton Chambers. Among the staff were non-Indians such as M.K. Hall, the Latin teacher.30 In 1962, Naparima College had an enrollment of 688 students and like other Presbyterian primary and secondary schools, proudly maintained its strong religious ties. Experiencing a similar growth was nearby nghs with 854 students in 1960 and this enrollment had gradually climbed to 900 in 1982.31 For instance in March 1962, at its service for Founder’s Day, among those participating were Rev. C.F. Beharry, Chairman of the Presbyterian Secondary Education Board, Rev. E.E. Newcombe, the Principal of ntc, who gave a pastoral prayer and Rev. L.A. Purdy, the college chaplain.32 The chaplain was responsible for conducting worship services in the chapel or school. He also planned and taught classes in Christian teachings. A month later, the Gideon Society visited the school

29 30 31 32

Teelucksingh, “Educating descendants of Indentured Labourers” 37. The Olympian 2003, 9. Brandow 1. TP March 1962.

104

Chapter 4

and donated 700 copies of the New Testament and 22 Bibles.33 This magnanimous gesture was warmly received by the school’s Principal, Rev. James F. Seunarine, who was also a member of the Presbyterian clergy. In 1962, the college could boast a noteworthy 72% of School Certificate graduates. These included 12 First Grades, 41 Second Grades, 41 Third Grades and 7 received the gce. In the Higher School Certificate examinations, nineteen students received full certificates whilst 20 obtained statements.34 In 1966, Mathematics at gce Advanced Level was introduced at Naparima College. This was a choice which paid immediate dividends since in 1968 and 1970, the school won Mathematics scholarships. Students witnessed two changes in 1967, firstly, it marked the last year for girls at the College and also a new uniform was introduced. In sports as in academics, the college was also impressive. During the 1950s, Naparima College participated in football, particularly the Southern Amateur Football Association. In 1973, the school won the national Intercol Football Championship and the Shell Intercol Trophy. A few years later, in 1977, the school also won the coveted National Cricket Championship title and holds the distinction of being the first school to win consecutive National Intercol finals whilst in the Senior Division.35 Nearby nghs also produced a cadre of diligent ladies who contributed to the betterment of the young nation. This prestigious school also produced a calibre of scholars during the 1960s. For instance, seven students from the Caribbean were selected for the award of scholarships under the Government of India’s General Scholarship Scheme 1962–1963 for higher studies. Among the students selected were Veda Seegobin of Naparima College and Sheila Ramoutar from nghs.36 The success of this institution from the late 1950s to the 1970s was due to the sterling leadership of Principal Beulah Meghu. She was a graduate of Naparima College and ntc. A former student, Deanne Butchey (nee Gopeesingh) who attended the school during 1972–1979, recalled the work of Meghu: She initiated a period of recognition, scholarship, schooling, and the general upliftment of women…. As students we may have disliked that ­far-reaching critical eye but it has led to several accomplishments of so many ‘Naps’ girls who have been making important contributions in 33 TP May 1962. 34 TP May 1962. 35 See TG 13 May 2002. 36 TP July 1962.

Uneasy Transitions: Presbyterian schools and excellence

105

v­ arious fields throughout the world. It has instilled in us a sense of decorum, ethics and decency which we need to utilise in order to achieve good citizenship.37 The work of teachers such as Agnes Rampersad and Nolo Moottoo proved to be a foundation for the institution. Rampersad, a leader of tgit and member of the Girls’ Work Board, served 39 years at nghs. Mootoo, a graduate of nghs and Mt. Allison University, taught Religious Knowledge classes at nghs. At saghs during the 1950s, a reformation in music was experienced. On 1 February 1956, Lenore Mahase, a graduate of nghs and McGill University, joined the staff of saghs as a music teacher. She had a demanding but fulfilling duty: From Forms 1 to Upper 6, I gave music classes. There wasn’t a syllabus and I composed one for my students. Later, the Ministry of Education asked for a copy of my syllabus and used it to devise one very similar to mine. Forms 1 to 3 wrote a music exam at the end of each term. They were tested on various areas such as Theory of Music, History of Music and Instrumental Playing. Students could choose the instrument they were interested in playing, be it guitar, cuatro, cello, piano, violin or steelpan.38 Mahase continued the work of Giuseppi who was now able to concentrate on other areas such as Public Speaking, Choral Speaking and Recitation. Additionally, Giuseppi was instrumental in training students for the Junior Arts Festival.39 One of the early features of saghs was the dormitory for girls who did not reside nearby. This residence was known as “The Dorm” and provided a comfortable environment to nurture their physical and mental development. Deidre Prabha Nancoo, a former Dorm girl who attended saghs during 1­ 956–1961, reflected on the significance of the residence: “The demographic diversity of the Dorm impelled us to become more tolerant, accepting and, indeed, appreciative of each other’s individuality. Growing up in this, one might say, embryonic global village gave us the skills and confidence to flourish in whatever corner of the globe our destiny decreed.”40

37 38 39 40

TG 3 November 2004 (letter to the editor entitled “A woman of true integrity”). Interview with Lenore Mahase-Samaroo, Valsayn, 31 March 2006. Giuseppi 158. Broadcast Spring 2000.

106

Chapter 4

Giuseppi in her autobiography recalled that after teaching at saghs for eight years and being responsible for Religious Knowledge, she was approached by Wagar to consider converting to Presbyterianism. Later in 1958, Wagar again raised the issue of conversion since this would have made Giuseppi eligible for principalship.41 Giuseppi declined the offer of conversion but more importantly bore no grudge against Wagar and the Presbyterian Church. Furthermore, Giuseppi praised the teaching environment which existed at the school, “Over the years, the staff comprised members who were Anglicans, Presbyterians, Roman Catholics and Hindus, and there had been no difference whatsoever in the treatment which any of us had received from the Administration because of the difference in our religion. Presbyterians were given no preferential treatment.”42 This evidence from a stalwart of saghs provided evidence that a non-Presbyterian could hold the influential post of vice-principal and that the staff would be hired on the basis of merit and talent rather than religion or race.43 This is one of the most positive, published accounts of teaching experiences emanating from a non-Presbyterian teacher at one of the Church’s schools. She also provided yeoman service to the community through her involvement with the Soroptimist Club of Port-of-Spain. During the 1960s and 1970s, she also taught English Language to police officers at the barracks in St.  James. By 1970 the staff had 28 teachers of whom one third were nonIndians including Margaret Cipriani, Gemma Waithe, Cheryl Henry, Vera Warner and Jennifer Benjamin. In 1959, noteworthy academic successes were recorded at saghs, as 56 of the 60 candidates passed the Senior Cambridge exams and 3 of the 4 students attempting the Higher School Certificate were successful.44 In this year, the enrollment of the school was 405 students. In the Principal’s Report of 1969– 1970, Mahase stated that the school’s enrollment was 600. Of the 22 students who sat Advanced Level examinations, 18 gained 1 to 3 subject passes (excluding General Paper) and there were 100% passes in English Literature.45 The Principal of Iere High School, Constance E. Wagar, in her annual report emphasised the academic merits of the school. The school copped 85% passes in the Senior Cambridge exams in 1962, and of the 33 candidates sitting the exam, twenty-eight passed with grade 1, eight with Grade 2 and eleven with

41 42 43 44 45

Giuseppi 178. Giuseppi 161–162. For more on Giuseppi see Sunday Newsday 15 October 2000. TP January-February 1959. The Augustinian 1970, 27.

Uneasy Transitions: Presbyterian schools and excellence

107

Grade 3. Also, there was an overall of eight distinctions – 5 in Geography, 1 in Literature and 2 in Language.46 There were numerous advantages of attending Presbyterian high schools, particularly in the sphere of extra-curricular activities and the influence among the impressionable young minds. One example was the charismatic group – the Inter-School Christian Fellowship (iscf) which included such activities as educational games, leadership training and Bible study. Such meetings created viable opportunities for interaction, discussion, building confidence and were thus deemed spiritually rewarding exercises. Each of the five Presbyterian secondary schools founded a vibrant branch of the iscf to foster better human relations which was reminiscent of the zeal of the early Canadian missionaries to improve the society. A tolerance of other Christian denominations was fostered among the Presbyterian schools. For instance, nghs had the Legion of Mary Club comprising Roman Catholic students. Presbyterian schools and institutions were not only recognised for their academic pursuits but also their non-academic achievements. An illustration is saghs in 1964, which became the first secondary school in Trinidad and Tobago to celebrate Carnival.47 By 1970, the school had various clubs and societies such as the Scientific Society, Handicraft Society, First Aid, Instrumental Group and the Modern Languages Society. Likewise, Naparima College pioneered the introduction of activities which would create holistic citizens. In the 1950s, the appreciation of the arts was evident with the existence of a dormitory drama group and senior literary associations.48 Such avenues provided ample opportunities for the artistically gifted and the college has been fortunate to benefit from the services of such men as James Lee Wah who has been instrumental in promoting cultural activities. An addition to the family of Presbyterian secondary schools was welcomed in south Trinidad with the completion of Iere High School in Siparia. This marked a milestone as it was the first denominational co-educational secondary institution founded by the Canadian mission. This novel system brought many positive experiences as identified in a commemorative brochure of the ntc, “…boys and girls should be educated together because such education will promote wholesome friendships and will add variety and interest to the intellectual and social life of the school.”49 The birth of Iere High School began 46 47 48 49

TP August 1963. Sunday Guardian 24 September 2000. The Olympian 1956, 40–52. A. M Khan, “Problems of Mixed Adolescent Classes in Naparima Teacher’s College,” New Horizons 1966, 79.

108

Chapter 4

in 1954 with a meeting convened at Siparia Union Presbyterian School to discuss the establishment of a branch of Naparima College. There was no delay in ensuring the school gained a stable foothold. By 1956, an auditorium was erected and by May 1957, Iere High School became a government assisted school.50 Even though Iere High School was not as prominent as the other Presbyterian secondary schools, it has faithfully served the South and is part of the success story of the Presbyterian Church. Rev. John Grant, who founded Iere in 1955, served as its first principal from 1955 to 1961. This secondary school benefitted from a firm leadership base with such principals as Dr. Constance Wagar (1962–1964) and Rev. C. Beharry (1964–1980). By 1963, Iere was able to offer Advanced Level classes but had to wait for sixteen years before it received its first scholarship (Natural Science) in 1979. Iere had adopted the customs and practices of its Presbyterian peers in the education system. For instance, in 1983 the revival of the Student Council was appreciated by the school’s administration as essential in the creation of a wholesome student life. The tgit which began at Iere in 1975, contributed significantly to the moulding and shaping of character and morals. Members in this branch of the tgit participated in the creative arts and made visitations to the Penal Home for Retarded Children.51 Despite evangelical setbacks, by 1968, the Church had an impressive record of building and administering 73 primary schools with an enrollment of 38,000 pupils and 1,000 teachers, five secondary schools and a Teachers Training College.52 3

Primary Schools

The total enrollment of primary schools and assisted schools had increased from 104,936 in 1950 to 145,512 in 1956.53 By 1958, the best 400 students in the country were awarded free exhibitions to secondary schools. Teachers at primary schools were required to be neatly attired and men had to wear a tie. Lloyd Persaud, a member of Nistar Presbyterian Church in Chase Village and former principal of Union Presbyterian School, had to wear a tie and from the late 1970s but explained that some men opted for the shirt-jacket (shirt-jac).54 50

K. Kalloo, “Iere High School, Siparia,” in Akashbani Presbyterian Church, Siparia 75th ­Anniversary Brochure. pp. 38–40. 51 Iereview. 1989–90. pp. 19–27; Iereview. 1981–82. p. 4 52 Brandow. History of our Church Women. p. 123. 53 Education Report 1959 of Committee on General Education. (Port-of-Spain: Guardian Commercial Printery, 1959) 139. 54 Interview with Lloyd Persaud, Chase Village, 22 April 2006.

Uneasy Transitions: Presbyterian schools and excellence

109

In 1946, the salary of a First Year Pupil teacher was $16.50 and after First Year examinations were passed, it was increased to $19.50. This would rise to $26.50 if Third Year examinations were passed. Upon qualifying in this level, the teacher was automatically promoted to Fourth Year status and given a monthly salary of $50.00. The monitor system ensured students of the school would be trained and prepared to become full-fledged teachers.55 The legacy of the Presbyterian primary schools served as an incentive for ­students. In 1958, at San Juan Presbyterian, a remarkable total of 13 of the 25 pupils who wrote examinations secured the prestigious Government College Exhibitions.56 In 1958, Siparia Union Presbyterian School celebrated Pioneers’ Day, likewise, ntc and the Theological College observed Founders’ Day.57 In 1960, three students of Cunaripo Presbyterian School won island scholarships.58 Furthermore, 29 passes were obtained in the Primary School Leaving Certificate Examination and from this group, two won government teaching bursaries. This school also held the honour of winning the George Fitzpatrick Shield for the highest aggregate in the annual cmta Education Test in 1961.59 Jubilee Presbyterian School (built in 1924) had a relatively impressive record with a noteworthy attendance of 215 pupils on roll. Since its inception, Jubilee Presby­ terian had not won a College Exhibition but in 1961 it achieved 3 passes to “Grammar schools.”60 Sidney Budri, a former elder of St.Charles Presbyterian Church in Chaguanas, taught at a number of Presbyterian schools throughout Trinidad. He provided insight into the effective functioning of these institutions, and recalled that from the 1950s to the 1970s there was streaming of students at Charlieville Presbyterian School. This meant that students were placed in classes according to their intellectual abilities, “The students were not informed of this because it would have affected the psychological development.”61 Whilst serving at Arima Presbyterian School, during 1981 to 1984, Budri noted that 90% of the student population comprised Indians and the rest being Afro-Trinidadians and Mixed. Budri estimated that at this school, there were only 10% Presbyterians, 60% being Hindus and 30% consisting of Christian denominations as Catholics, Methodists, Anglicans and Jehovah Witnesses. Budri taught from 1985 to 1988 at Grosvenor Presbyterian Primary School in Sangre Grande. He observed 55 56 57 58 59 60 61

Interview with Sidney Budri, Charlieville, 20 January 2005. TP January-February 1959. TP April-May, 1958. Sunday Guardian 19 September 2004. TP December 1961. TP February 1962. Interview with Sidney Budri, Charlieville, 20 January 2005.

110

Chapter 4

that a considerable number of students at this school were from the lower class, as their parents worked on cocoa and coffee estates. Children from nearby Biche also attended classes at Grosvenor. The results of the two Common Entrance classes had a relatively high number of failures. As a result of his sterling teaching career and church involvement, Budri was appointed as Principal of Chandernagore Presbyterian Primary in 1986.62 The catchment area of Chandernagore Presbyterian School included Carlsen Field, Lange Park, Edinburgh, St. Agostini Settlement and Chase Village. The Report on Primary Schools for the period 1977–1978 illustrated the fact that Presbyterian schools had the highest aggregate in the pupil/teacher ratios reflecting the extra demand for school places in Presbyterian schools (see Table 5). Furthermore, the Presbyterian schools boasted of leading attendance figures in the counties of Victoria, St. Andrew/St. David, Nariva/Mayaro whilst it ranked second in Caroni and third in San Fernando. Once again, Presbyterians continued to be a formidable presence in the sphere of primary and secondary education. Even though the Presbyterian mission was associated with the liberation of women in the educational and social spheres, there were inconsistencies. Women were not appointed to the position of head-teacher or principal in the schools. As late as 10 March 1970, Marjorie Dubarry Cameron, a graduate of ntc became the first woman principal in Presbyterian schools.63 Her appointment to Guaico-Tamana Presbyterian Primary School signalled a major breakthrough for women in the teaching profession. Other women principals who served with distinction in this period included Winnifred Gyan, Victoria Moledar, Dorinda Mike Sampath, Myrtle Hosein Haqq, Sybil Ramlochansingh, ­Lynette Mahadeo, Miriam S. Mohammed and Margaret L. Jagessar. In the early Presbyterian primary and secondary schools, the ordained minister served as teacher or principal. A continuing link between the Presbyterian Church and its schools has been the role of the chaplain in its five secondary and 72 primary schools. This link between education and religion has been strengthened in recent years with the creation of the Board of Christian Education. Each ordained Presbyterian minister is assigned the responsibility of the primary and secondary schools in his/her region. One minister saw the role of the College Chaplain in the 1960s as that of ­being responsible for conducting worship services and planning academic 62 63

One of the graduates of this school is Rodney Harnarine, the Managing Director of Chase Foods. Brandow, 100.

111

Uneasy Transitions: Presbyterian schools and excellence Table 5 

Report on Primary Schools 1977–1978

Type of school

Pupils

Teacher s

Pupil/ Teacher ratios

School Pupils per Places 100 places.

Government Roman Catholics Presbyterian Methodist Moravian Seventh Day Adventist Hindu

48,311 52, 041 29, 560 2,410 508 1, 654

1,650 1,865 975 91 82 52

28 29 30 26 26 29

56,682 59, 395 31, 514 2,980 531 273

85 88 94 81 96 74

18, 207

624

29

20, 562

88

Source: Report on Primary Schools 1977/78, Pupil Teacher Ratios, Pupils per 100 school places by type of school. cso, Trinidad and Tobago,13

courses.64 During the mid-1950s, whilst Bert Samaroo was a student minister, he would be occasionally invited by the head-teacher to conduct services in CM schools in Hermitage and La Romaine. Later, as a teacher at saghs, Samaroo conducted services in the Aramalaya region including San Carlos during 1967–1970.65 This role has undergone minor changes as the Presbyterian minister no longer has an input in academic issues but continues to inculcate morals and values at morning worship services, school functions, anniversaries and annual graduations, thereby strengthening bonds between religious and educational activities. 4

Emergence of Hindu and Muslim Schools

In 1932 there was the incorporation of various non-Christian bodies such as the Kabir Panth Association, Sanatan Dharma Board of Control, Tackveeyatul Islamic Association of Trinidad (tia) and the Sanatan Dharma Association of Trinidad. Three years later the Anjuman Sunnat-ul-Jamaat Association of Trinidad (asja) was incorporated. In the 1930s, the district jamaats (congregations) 64 65

Mathers 40. Interview with Bert Samaroo, Valsayn, 31 March 2006.

112

Chapter 4

served as socialising agents for Islamic customs and also instilled religious education.66 During this era, schools were established in areas where Hindus and Muslims were in predominance. Hindi and Urdu were the two languages taught. However, these schools were not recognised by the government and thus did not receive financial assistance.67 Winston Mahabir believed that the Canadian Mission might have been the model “…which helped to inspire the proliferation of Hindu and Muslim schools in the 1940’s.”68 Canadian Mission schools were the recipient of pupils of different religious faiths but this was eventually modified as Muslim and Hindu schools mushroomed from the 1940s to the 1960s. During the early 1940s, the Hindu Mahasabha urged parents to send their children to evening classes to learn Hindi and religious scriptures.69 In 1946, there were 32,615 Muslims and 126,345 Hindus in a total population of 557,970 persons.70 The passage of the Ordinance No. 10 of 1946 and also permission granted to the Islamic Board of Management, in 1952, for non-Christian schools to be built had a positive effect, “It saved the government revenue, alleviated the overcrowding in schools, and gave the nonChristian denominations the chance to establish their own educational ‘space.’”71 The establishment of a Muslim school in Charlieville in 1956 led to a decline in the Muslim population at the Charlieville Presbyterian School and eased overcrowding. Charlieville Presbyterian School received students from nearby Warren Road, Bejucal Road, Munroe Road, Warner Village, Sumaria Road, Baboonie Road and Pierre Road.72 The fifties and sixties witnessed the emergence of vibrant religious Hindu groups such as the Sanatan Dharma Maha Sabha (sdms) who were intent on establishing primary schools for children of their faith.73 The Kabir Panth Association established two primary schools in Thicke Village in Siparia (1954) and Agostini Settlement in Chase Village (1959).74 Similarly other religious 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74

Halima Kassim, “Education and Socialization Among Indo-Muslims of Trinidad, 1917– 1950,” Paper presented at Asian Migrations To The Americas Conference, August 2000, University of the West Indies, Trinidad, 3. Kassim, “Education and Socialization” 13. Mahabir, “Our Diasporas” 75. Hindu Mahasabha Bulletin June 1940, 4. Halima-sa’adia Kassim, Education, Community Organisations and Gender Among IndoMuslims of Trinidad, 1917–1962, Ph.D diss. University of the West Indies, Trinidad, 1999,132. Kassim, Community Organisations and Gender Among Indo-Muslims, 135. Interview with Sidney Budri, Charlieville, 20 January 2005. By the passage of Ordinance No. 46 of 1952, the two existing Hindu bodies, the Hindu Sanathan Dharma Association of Trinidad and the Sanathan Dharam Board of Control were incorporated as one organisation – the Sanathan Dharma Maha Sabha. Sunday Express 19 March 1995.

113

Uneasy Transitions: Presbyterian schools and excellence Table 6 

Number of Hindu, Muslim, Christian and Government Schools in Trinidad

Year

Muslim

Hindu

Government

Christian

1949 1952 1955 1958 1962

 1  2 11 14 15

-- 2 38 43 46

50 66 67 67 93

250 252 265 281 283

Source: Halima-sa’adia Kassim, Education, Community Organisations and Gender Among Indo-Muslims of Trinidad, 1917–1962, Ph.D diss. University of the West Indies, Trinidad, 1999, 132

groups as the Arya Samajists were instrumental in building a number of primary schools, including Montrose Vedic in Chaguanas (1952), the Memorial Vedic in San Juan and the Avocat Vedic in 1960.75 Between 1952 and 1967, the non-Christians had established forty primary schools, three secondary schools with a total enrollment of 17,000 students and 700 teachers. In 1949, one of the first beneficiaries of the introduction of educational grants to non-Christian schools was the tia which allowed the building of schools for Muslim and other students. Despite the offer of financial aid from the government to the Islamic groups, the contribution of labour, money and land from wealthy Muslims and humanitarians was critical in this early stage of development. One such individual was Kamalludin Mohammed, a former pnm representative for San Juan and devout Muslim, and also Bhadase Sagan Maharaj, a Hindu leader and politician.76 By 1962, the Muslims had erected 15 schools with the Trinidad Muslim League (tml) controlling three, asja had seven and the tia had five (see ­Table  6). Included among these were the Rio Claro-Libertville tml School (1957), San Fernando tml (1953), asja Boys College (1960–1962) and asja Girls College (1962–1967) and the Aranguez tia School (1951). Some of these early classes were held in mosques. For instance, before the establishment of the Aranguez tia School, the tia School Board of Management received permission for classes to be held at the Masjid hall of the El Socorro Mosque. L­ ikewise, 75 76

Express 12 March 1995. For more on the Arya Samaj see Richard Forbes, “Hindu Organizational Process in Acculturative Conditions: Significance of the Arya Samaj Experience in Trinidad,” in Indians in the Caribbean 193–216. Kassim, Community Organisations and Gender Among Indo-Muslims, 141.

114

Chapter 4

others schools as the San Fernando tml and asja Boys College began at masjids in South Trinidad.77 This was strikingly similar to the Presbyterian Church in which the school building served as a church on Sundays. These educational institutions primarily targeted the education of East Indians in the post-indentureship era. They filled a void among those East Indians who were more responsive to an education in schools which taught their language, faith and beliefs. This posed little or no threat to the Presbyterian schools which were already firmly established at both primary and secondary levels. It was evident that non-Christian groups had grasped the significance of ensuring their religion’s survival and education of the younger generation in an atmosphere identical to their faith. Despite the increase in non-Christian denominational schools, the Presbyterian primary schools continued to attract a respectable number of students. In 1953 there were 2,600 pupils in Muslim schools, 6,200 attending Hindu schools and an enrollment of 23,400 in Presbyterian schools. There was a noteworthy change in 1957 as the salaries of teachers in Assisted secondary schools were made equal to those teachers in government secondary schools. The total had increased in 1961 as the population among Hindu schools witnessed a meteoric increase with 17,300 students whilst Muslim schools recorded 5,150 and remaining on top was the Presbyterians with an enrollment of 32,250.78 Morton Klass in East Indians in Trinidad: A Study in Cultural Persistence revealed the importance of Presbyterianism over other religious groups: “The few Christian Indians belong to one of two groups: ‘Presbyterian’ Christians, and ‘Church of God’ Christians. The category of ‘Presbyterian’ Christians in Amity is composed entirely of young men and women who work as teachers in some Canadian Mission School, in Amity or elsewhere….”79 Klass revealed that after a Hindu school was built in Amity, “…a number of Christian C.M teachers announced their reconversion to Hinduism and joined the staff of the Hindu school.”80 This occurrence was not unique and occurred in other institutions. Halima-sa’adia Kassim believed that during the decade 1952 and 1962, the existing number of Muslim schools were insufficient for the population, 77

78 79 80

Kassim, Community Organisations and Gender Among Indo-Muslims, 135, 137. For more information see Halima-sa’adia Kassim, “The Hindu-Muslim Education Crossroads: A (Re) Examination of the Hindu-Muslim Education Efforts,” in Construction of an IndoCaribbean Diaspora 158–181. Garth Legge, The Report of a Preliminary survey of the Presbyterian Church of Trinidad and Grenada. October 18-November 14, 1965 (unpublished manuscript) 93. Klass 139. Klass 141.

Uneasy Transitions: Presbyterian schools and excellence

115

“­Consequently, a significant number of Muslim children attended Christian denominational and government elementary schools.”81 However, Kassim failed to consider non-religious factors which influenced the choice of schools. There were a plethora of valid and practical reasons for the choice of a Presbyterian primary school during the 1950s and 1960s. Some of the explanations for enrollment at a Presbyterian school included the previous attendance of parents, grandparents or relatives. For many parents, this exposure to the Presbyterian school system had etched a positive impression and these felt it was imperative that another generation should follow in their educational footsteps. Secondly, in some communities the Presbyterian schools were highly ranked as a result of their reputation in winning exhibitions and passes at the Common Entrance Examinations. Families would prefer to send their children to an academically superior school of a different religion or denomination rather than choose a nearby school compatible with their faith and of a lower standard. Furthermore, the parents of Hindu and Muslim children, who attended Presbyterian schools, were not overly concerned about the religious environment. Usually, on mornings the Hindu and Muslim children would attend the CM schools and later be immersed in teachings related to their religion. On evenings, Muslim children would attend makhtabs where they would learn about Islam and writing Urdu. For instance, Kamaludin Mohammed attended adhan (Muslim call to prayer) on mornings before attending San Juan CM School. He also attended makhtab classes.82 Similarly, at the pathsalas, the children from Hindu homes would be schooled in Hindi and exposed to stories from the Mahabharata and Ramayana.83 One of the prominent scholars from a Brahmin family, Rudranath Capildeo, experienced this unofficial dual system of education, “Rudranath’s education had been divided between Hindi and Sanskrit at home and Christianity and secular education at the Chaguanas Presbyterian school.”84 Many of these children participated in public religious celebrations such as commemoration of the birthday of Prophet Mohammed, Divali, Ramleela and

81 82 83 84

Kassim, “Education and Socialization” 21. Hamid Ghany, Kamal: A Lifetime of Politics, Religion and Culture (St. Augustine: Kamaludin Mohammed) 4, 5. Gietree Kistow, “Hindu and Muslim Education in Trinidad 1930–1950,” Paper presented at Graduate Seminar, Department of History, University of the West Indies, January 2006, 10. Sunday Express 30 August 1992.

116

Chapter 4

Hosay.85 Kamaludin Mohammed recalled the religious festivities at San Juan CM School: The Canadian Mission Board were strict Presbyterians. They taught Hindi and made us sing Bhajans. One of the features of their programs was huge Diwali, Eid and Xmas functions, where the children will take part with their parents particularly for Diwali. Hundreds of diyas will be lit all over the school located at Saddle Road and Mission Road corner in San Juan.86 Indeed, the Canadian missionaries and Indo-Presbyterian teachers were aware of this involvement and did not ridicule or discourage the children from participating in these religious classes or celebrations. Neither teachers nor students were disciplined for attending these non-Christian events. There were instances when Presbyterian teachers and students were invited and attended mawluds (readings from the Koran), Ramayana yagnas (reading from the Ramayana), Divali and Eid. Indeed, this exposure to both Christianity and Hinduism or Islam made the children more tolerant and appreciative of other religious faiths. Thus, they received a double dose of religious education which had been denied to their parents. In 1959, a survey of students attending schools of a different religion revealed that 23,818 children (87%) attending Presbyterian schools did not belong to the Presbyterian faith (see Table 7). Table 7 

Pupils of other religions attending schools of a particular denomination

(a) Christians R.C

Pres.

E.C

Methodist

Mor.

Baptist

a.m.e

S.DA

11,518 26%

23,818 87%

10,412 40%

2,191 61%

328 80%

234 49%

177 70%

413 34%

85 86

TG 15 September 1936. Hindu Mahasabha Bulletin November 1940, 4. Kamaludin Mohammed, “Message from Kamaludin Mohammed” in Swaagatam, November 2005, 14. Klass noted that one teacher at a CM school did not attend such celebrations because he was fearful that the Canadian Mission was monitoring his activities. Klass, 141.

117

Uneasy Transitions: Presbyterian schools and excellence

(b) non-Christians Hindus

Muslims

s.d.m.s

a.p.s

k.p.a

Islamic

Anjuman

Muslim League

1,586 17%

963 34%

57 44%

508 30%

254 16%

169 30%

Source: Education Report 1959 of Committee on General Education. Port-ofSpain: Guardian Commercial Printery, 1959, 50

Abbreviations sdms – Sanatan Dharma Maha Sabha aps – Arya Pratindhi Sabha kpa – Kabir Panth Association Mor. – Moravian EC – Anglican RC – Roman Catholic sda – Seventh Day Adventist ame – African Methodist Episcopal tia – Tackveeyatul Islamic Association asja – Anjuman Sunnat-Ul-Jamaat Association This total among Presbyterians was the highest in comparison to other denominational schools. Among non-Christians, the latent fear of their children being converted seemed to have receded or not given priority as factors such as performance of the school and location became important determinants in the decision of attaining a primary education. This would provide evidence to prove Satnarine Maharaj was misled into believing “The Presbyterian Church was unable to fulfil the needs and desire for education by the Hindus of Trinidad and Tobago.”87 He would subsequently, in December 2004, make a contradictory statement, “Presbyterians schools are symbols of excellence” and

87

Maharaj, Ramlakhan and Maharaj 185.

118

Chapter 4

“The high performance of Presbyterian schools at the primary and secondary levels is evidence of the quality of the teaching.”88 Often, for convenience and to reduce transportation costs, the proximity of a primary school was an influential factor. There was a racially unbalanced composition of schools in racially mixed areas. For instance, the Education Report of 1959 discovered that in racially heterogeneous areas as Couva, Tunapuna and San Fernando the schools were racially unbalanced as 97 of 100 pupils in the same school was one of the same ethnicity. The findings of the report condemned this phenomenon believing, “This is not a healthy prospect in so mixed a racial population and does not envisage or ensure the harmonious mixing of the society outside the school.”89 It seemed that the report was trying to implicate certain schools as deliberately excluding a certain race. The government should have sought to reduce the racism spewed on the political platforms and this would have encouraged more racial harmony among the population and not be adversely reflected on the school’s composition. It is a fact that an overwhelming majority of the teachers and principals of the Hindu and Muslim schools during the 1950s and 1960s had been educated at Presbyterian primary or secondary schools. This is reinforced by Brinsley Samaroo in his address in Toronto honouring Rev. and Mrs. Dayfoot in January 2003.90 An example is Sam Supersad who was educated at a cmi school and later appointed as the headteacher of the Hindu-Muslim School in Chaguanas, during the 1930s. Those who wish to criticise the Presbyterian schools as being anti-Hindu should realise that it was Presbyterian families from Sangre Grande who helped build the Maha Sabha’s Hindu College at Sangre Grande. Among these were James Ramdass, Mahase Nath and the Juterams. Furthermore, the second and third principals of the schools were Presbyterians and Lionel Mahadeo, a Presbyterian teacher, served on the Board of Directors of the College.91 Likewise, Farylal Muradali, a graduate of nghs, became the Principal of asja Girls’ High School. And, Principal Betty Ramnarine of Penal Rock Hindu School was a former student of Penal Rock Presbyterian School.92 88 89 90 91 92

TG 1 December 2004. Education Report 1959 of Committee on General Education (Port-of-Spain: Guardian Commercial Printery, 1959) 51. Rev. James F. Seunarine of the Presbyterian Church was a member of the committee. Feature address of Brinsley Samaroo, Consul General for Trinidad and Tobago, Toronto, 30 January 2003. See Broadcast Spring 2003. John La Guerre, “Culture and Politics: The Case of the Hindu College at Sangre Grande,” in Samaroo and Bissessar, Construction of an Indo-Caribbean Diaspora 84–85. Address to North Eastern Education Division, on Lionel Mahadeo, 9 May 1980. TG 26 January 2006.

Uneasy Transitions: Presbyterian schools and excellence

119

Attendance at a Presbyterian primary school was not a guarantee of success. An illustration is the choice of primary schools in Chaguanas, during the 1980s and 1990s. Parents from Christian and Muslim homes, and even some AfroTrinidadians opted to send their children to Montrose Vedic School rather than Chaguanas Government School or Chandernagore and Longdenville Presbyterian Schools. This stemmed mainly due to the high number of passes for “first-choice” schools such as Presentation College Chaguanas, saghs and Holy Faith Convent. Undoubtedly, the impeccable standards coupled with consistent, outstanding results of Presbyterian schools were an asset which attracted non-Presbyterian staff and students. 5

Naparima Training College 1956–1975

By the late 1950s, the admission requirements of the ntc had been modified. It allowed students from diverse religious and ethnic backgrounds attending non-Presbyterian schools to benefit from quality training. The Principal’s Report on Speech Day in 1966 revealed that ntc’s population comprised 57 students from Presbyterian, 18 from Government, 12 from Anglican, 9 from Hindu and 3 each from Muslim, Baptist and Roman Catholic schools.93 The Concordat of 1960 stipulated that the Ministry of Education and Culture had power for selection of teachers for the Teachers’ College. However, the Denominational Boards were vested with the power to choose teachers for the denominational teachers’ training colleges. Their choices had to be approved by the Ministry of Education. The final clause of the Concordat was significant and indicated the ulterior motives of Williams and the pnm: “It is the desire of the Government that all teachers be trained at the Teachers’ College under Government supervision and administration.”94 The maliciousness of the government to undermine ntc was revealed in 1962 when it did not contribute to the formal opening of the college’s new hall and kitchen. In attendance was Eric Kirton, Assistant Chief Education Officer, who “…expressed surprise that Government had made no financial contribution to this building which cost approximately $16,500.00, not to speak of $5,800 additional, spent on other improvements.”95 Wilfred Ramkerrysingh, Chairman of the ntc Board, indicated that the costs were met by funds from 93 94 95

New Horizons 1966, 69. The Concordat of 1960, Assurance for the Preservation and Character of Denominational Schools, Approved by the Cabinet on 22 December 1960. TP March 1962.

120

Chapter 4

the Presbyterian Church. Indeed, ntc was a strong rival to two teacher training institutions which existed from the 1950s to 1978, the Government Teachers’ College (gtc) and the Port-of Spain Teachers’ College (postc). Presbyterian teachers continued to excel. For instance, Neila Dookie of St. Andrew’s Church in Princes Town was awarded a one year Commonwealth Bursary under the Commonwealth Teacher Training Bursary Scheme.96 The ntc, located on Paradise Hill, San Fernando, provided yeoman service to the nation’s teachers who received their initial exposure to the career of teaching. This college offered a unique, co-educational environment conducive to learning. Its facilities for Woodwork and Home Economics demonstrated the institution’s open-mindedness to the needs of a society in transition. In New Horizons of 1969, Lemuel Ramrattan, a lecturer at ntc, in an article entitled “Why Are We Teaching Handicraft?” argued that some parents believed that if their sons are sent to the wood-work centre they would become future joiners and carpenters. Ramrattan advised parents that the boys could be “useful and respected citizens.”97 Such viewpoints were indicative of an educational environment which was not limited to academic subjects. Students benefitted from involvement in the college’s Literary and Debating Society. Such activities as cricket, football, volleyball and photography indicated that attempts were made to offer a flexible curriculum which was not exclusively ­academic.98 Subjects such as Art, Drama and Physical Education on ntc’s ­curriculum reflect the desire of the administration to create well-rounded individuals. The element of organisation at ntc was similar to other Presbyterian secondary schools. For instance the student population belonged to four “Houses”– Kangaloo, Newbery, Swann and Newcombe. There were residences for students which were informally known as “Dog Patch” and “Palace.” ­Indeed,  dormitory life assisted many teachers who were unable to afford ­teacher-training. It can also be argued that dorm life “provided an opportunity for socializing the future teachers into a set of values.”99 Also, there was an inter-class cricket competition and a Student Administrative Committee (sac) in existence. In 1966 ntc won the Alan Brooks Trophy for defeating the other teachers’ colleges in cricket. The sac was inaugurated in January 1960 and its main purpose was to act as a liason between students and staff and “to develop skills in the practice of democracy and active­ 96 97 98 99

TP July 1962. New Horizons 1969, 51. New Horizons 1966, 22–63. Trinidad and Tobago Review 3 April 2006.

Uneasy Transitions: Presbyterian schools and excellence

121

­ articipation in the college….”100 The functioning of the sac revealed the recp ognition by ntc’s staff and lecturers of the crucial role of their students being able to express themselves and being part of the decision-making process. During the 1950s till its closure, there was a sizeable Afro-Trinidadian student population at ntc. Fitzroy Othello, a Baptist and Afro-Trinidadian, taught at Nipal and Elswick CM Schools in Tableland. He attended ntc during 1955– 1956 and later became a pastor in the Baptist Church.101 Furthermore, the institution employed Afro-Trinidadian lecturers: F. Henry (Domestic Science), Carlton John (Physical Education), G. MacAlister (Sociology) and Melville Robin (Music).102 One of the full-time Afro-Trinidadian lecturers was Herbert Christopher who formed and co-ordinated Folk Dance and Folk Song groups at ntc. This was a milestone since such societies and organizations had never existed among the Presbyterian schools. There were also lecturers of Chinese descent including Edward Yee who taught General Science and James Lee Wah who lectured in Drama. Lloyd Persaud, a former student of ntc during 1960–1961 and member of Nistar Presbyterian Church in Central Trinidad, reminisced that every morning was a worship service in which students willingly participated.103 An article on morning worship by Principal E. Newcombe in the 1960 issue of New Horizons revealed its vital role in the life of the student body, “Here we do not think of worship as something over and against education, but part and parcel of it.”104 Newcombe admitted that the students and staff liked to view their morning devotions as similar to the devotions in homes conducted by the early missionaries. By 1969 there was an increased open-mindedness which would have stemmed from the inter-religious student body. An indicator was the publication of the article in the college magazine, “Christianity and Education” by John Thornley, Secretary of the Student Christian Movement in Trinidad and the Eastern Caribbean. Thornley claimed that the children and public who received Religious Instruction “…have a right to object to a teacher pressuring his pupils into making a positive decision for Christ.”105 He further stated that religious Instruction should be “open-ended” and this meant that children should be allowed to decide on their beliefs, practices and religious view of life. .

100 101 102 103 104 105

New Horizons 1966, 13. Interview with Rev. Fitzroy Othello, Princes Town, 3 March 2007. New Horizons 1962, 1. Interview with Lloyd Persaud, Chase Village, 22 April 2006. New Horizons 1969, 33. New Horizons 1969, 59.

122

Chapter 4

During the 1960s, the St. Andrew’s Theological College (satc) worked in collaboration with the ntc in providing a course in Religious Education.106 In 1966 the two part-time lecturers in Religious Education were Revs. Dayfoot and Kalloo. The religious influence at ntc on the lives of its students was obvious. One of the graduates, Rev. Albert Baldeo, served as a teacher for ten years before becoming entering the ministry. Other alumnae who received the “call” and became ordained Presbyterian ministers are Ralph Umraw. Presbyterians did not automatically enter ntc due to location and limited spacing. As a result some as Rev. Paul Balliram attended the government-operated Mauscia Teachers’ College during 1963–1965. The ntc played a pivotal role in supplying quality teachers to the nation’s schools. In 1959, the ntc had an enrollment of 60, the Catholic Women’s Training College with a roll of 40 and the Government Training College could boast of 150 teachers. These three colleges had a total annual enrollment of 250 teachers who pursued a two year training course.107 By 1964, there were five Training Colleges in existence, the additions being the Emergency Training College and the Mausica Teachers’ College (both owned by the government). These five training institutions had 330 teachers enrolled in 1964.108 The ntc provided graduates who were able to fill the void in the society (see Table 8). Table 8 

The qualifications of teachers in denominational schools 1973–1974

Teachers by qualification A.T 1 A.T 2/3 S.T 1 Teach. 1 Teach. 2 Principal 1

Gov’t RC

E.C Presb. Meth. Morav. s.d.a Hindu Muslim

95

177 104

61

15

2

2

  41

 15

622 874 5 103

735 285 364 408 9 13 56 56

369 569 2 71

43 48 – 10

7 9 – 2

22 30  1 8

250 313   1 50

 74  86 – 115

Source: Report on Primary Schools 1973–1974, number of Teachers by qualification and Sex in Government and Denominational Schools in Trinidad and Tobago, cso, Trinidad and Tobago, 4

106 TP April-May 1964. 107 Education Report 1959,119. 108 Educational Planning Mission 71.

Uneasy Transitions: Presbyterian schools and excellence

123

Abbreviations Teach. 1 – Teacher 1 A.T 1 – Assistant Teacher 1 S.T 1-Special Teacher 1 Presb.-Presbyterian Morav.-Moravian Meth.-Methodist S.D.A – Seventh Day Adventist In 1975, the closure of the ntc marked an end of a critical phase in education. However, it did not impact negatively on the quality of teachers especially as the Presbyterian schools were suitably equipped with qualified teachers ready to accept educational challenges and reforms. The end of the ntc meant reduced competition for institutions as the gtc but even more significant was the fact that it allowed Williams a tighter control on the education being delivered to trainee teachers. A few years after ntc’s closure, during 1979–1980, Dr. C. Gocking chaired three Reports of the Teacher Education Committee. The findings from these reports indicated that there was a need for occasional retraining of teachers and training of those in the non-academic areas such as crafts.109 It seemed the government was intent on improving the quality of education being delivered in the classrooms. In retrospect the ntc could have been converted into a centre for the teaching of practical subjects such as Woodwork or Masonry. Some of the alumnae of ntc have forged informal relationships and in 2006 there was the 50th reunion of the graduating class of 1955.110 At this reunion the feature speaker, Rev. Daniel Teelucksingh, highlighted the crucial role of ntc in the political development of the country, “They were not only making their students literate but they were also preparing them for the larger goal of political autonomy. The successful shift from colonial status to independent self-government was not possible without the priceless contribution of ­teachers as those who graduated from ntc.”111 This view is also applicable to the  other Presbyterian schools and institutions which were responsible for

109 Campbell, Colony and Nation 112. 110 Among the graduating class of 1955 were Joseph Ramsaran, Harriram Nanan, Percival Persad, Harold Harnarine, Stephen Seepersad, Verna Cummings, Flora Seedansingh, Pearl Sankerali-Sieunarine. 111 TP May 2006.

124

Chapter 4

c­ reating a cadre of citizens who were educated and becoming more politically conscious. 6

Shortcomings of the Church …the majority of all major incidents of rift, dissension, strife, conspiracy, canvassing, bickering and even physical violence can be traced to the relationship of the school to the Church on Presbyterian pastoral charges…. Most of our schools are weak excuses today for Church-schools anyway., and will continue to be unless we adopt the uncompromising stand of such a body as the Roman Catholic Church. On the other hand most of our Churches are school-churches.112

This was Rev. Roy Neehall’s editorial in the Trinidad Presbyterian of 1959. It was a frank and honest opinion of the state of affairs of the Presbyterian Church. During the 1960s, the Presbyterian Church seemed to have encountered a watershed as it faced seemingly insurmountable challenges in its ministry. The tragedy that befell the Presbyterians was a familiar one with physical expansion of its schools and churches but without any corresponding success in evangelism. Based on data provided by the Statistical Secretary of the Synod in 1964, there were only 2,423 active families in the Presbyterian Church, 5,593 communicants and a total of 22,868 receiving pastoral supervision.113 These observations are not unfounded and were echoed by Garth Legge in The Report of a Preliminary Survey of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad and Grenada. Legge, former Secretary of the Division of World Outreach of the United Church of Canada, believed that the education system had blurred the church’s mission as persons with vested interests and seeking prestige tended to be involved in the administration of the church and its schools, “The preponderance in Church courts of members with strong educational interests is held to deflect the Church from the wider issues of life…. The struggle for prestige and the exercise of power through the system were regarded as injurious to the Church’s witness.”114 These revelations, based on interviews of Presbyterian teachers, laymen and clergy, proved to be a surprise for many in the Presbyterian community. Criticisms emanating from Legge’s study harped on the continued isolation of the Indians from the rest of society and, secondly, there 112 TP July 1959. 113 TP January-March 1966. 114 Legge 81.

Uneasy Transitions: Presbyterian schools and excellence

125

was the questioning of the appointment of members of the clergy as principals.115 Few persons sought to deal with this apparent crisis facing the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad. In the 1966 issue of the Trinidad Presbyterian, Brinsley Samaroo claimed the Church was conveniently used by unscrupulous persons to further their self-interests: …a rapidly decreasing number of theological students despite the natural increase in the number of Presbyterians; a high percentage of ‘defections’ among those who ‘receive the call,’ use the resources of the Presbyterian Church as a lever to a University degree and then ditch it just when they feel like it; a marked inactivity in Sunday School work and other church activities on the part of primary school teachers after they have won a coveted place in the Teachers’ Training College; the transfer of many erstwhile Presbyterians to others (sic) denominations; and the dirty squabbles which have eaten so deeply into the fabric of almost every pastoral charge.116 Some persons would accept this as an accurate depiction of the Presbyterian Church in the mid-1960s. Sadly, after four decades, the situation has not changed as persons continue to use the Church to further their narrow self-interests. In the postcolonial era, there have been accusations that the Presbyterian Church has fostered the alienation of the Indian community can be easily dismissed. There are other avenues such as sports, medicine, politics, and culture in which racial and social interaction was and is still occurring. Similarly, the bond between church and school had an overwhelmingly positive impact. Indeed, by 1958 seven Presbyterian ministers were principals but this was not a wrongdoing of the Presbyterian Church. Instead it was a result of the paternalistic tendency of the missionaries to monitor the religious development of their schools. The transitional period 1956–1979 was an era of significant change since Trinidad and Tobago was no longer a colony by 1962. Among the Presbyterians, this was also a time of uncertainty with the transition of power from the Canadian missionaries to the native leadership and administration. Among the ­secondary schools there was some anxiety as to the ability of the schools to continue in the path of excellence blazed by the Presbyterian schools.

115 Legge 83–84. 116 TP January-March 1966.

126

Chapter 4

­ evertheless, the academic performance of the secondary schools and the loN cal leadership of the institutions proved that the transfer of responsibility was successful. The Presbyterian schools, like other denominational schools, withstood the challenge of the government’s attempt to introduce reforms that would prove detrimental to its reputation and quest for excellence.

Chapter 5

Culture, Ethnicity and Administration The policy of accepting students in denominational schools has spawned raging controversy and even accusations of corruption in the system.1 In 1991, other dissenting voices included the principal of Blackman’s Private School who formed the group Citizens for Rights and Partiality in the Education System (cries) on the basis that, “the Concordat was discriminatory and violated the Education Act.”2 Denominational schools responded by rejecting these charges of corruption in its method of selection and strongly defended the Concordat agreement.3 However, one of Williams’ later successors and the pnm’s new leader – ­Patrick Manning, adopted a favourable stance towards religion in school. In 1994, at the dedication of a Seventh Day Adventist Church in San Fernando, Manning, in the capacity as Prime Minister, publicly proclaimed the benefits of a religious education in Government schools and believed one of the solutions to problems within schools is the “…need for the church to discharge a responsibility to society by inculcating a proper sense of morality and a proper value system.”4 Manning reiterated his viewpoint in 1995, at the opening of the asja Primary School when he stressed the need for a spiritual base to establish a moral value system.5 In 1995, another controversy surfaced, with respect to the placement of students in denominational schools. This emanated from a study conducted by the Centre for Ethnic Studies (now defunct) at the uwi, St. Augustine. The study involved a survey of 83,353 students in 100 schools throughout Trinidad and Tobago. The major findings were that the education system did not cater for rural areas, single parent families, lower class, and African females. One conclusion emanating from the report was that the Concordat was operating against the child of African descent which led to a further polarisation of the nation’s two major races – Africans and Indians. Statistics from the study conducted by the Centre for Ethnic Studies highlighted the denominational schools and the Concordat as discriminatory. In its Summary Report an 1 TG 12 March 1988, Sunday Express 20 March 1988. This has been immortalised by the calypsonian Western Rawlins (Cro Cro) with his Corruption in the Common Entrance. 2 TG 4 August 1991. 3 Express 15 September 1991. 4 TG 8 December 1994. 5 Express 19 January 1995.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004417083_007

128

Chapter 5

a­ nalysis was made of the racial composition of selected students at the secondary level which revealed that generally more East Indian students (35.2%) than any other group (Mixed – 34.9%, African 20.8%) gained a secondary school place through the Concordat.6 Among the denominational schools, including Presbyterian schools, their selection of students was biased with a percentage of Africans 1.1%, Chinese 0.4%, Indians 78.9%, Mixed race 16.5%, Syrian Lebanese 1.1% and Whites 1.9%.7 The Chamber of Commerce noted that race was the dominant variable thereby portraying the denominational boards as deliberately practising racial discrimination.8 This controversy soon attracted the public’s attention as the editorial of the Trinidad Guardian questioned race as a factor in children attending prestigious schools.9 One viewpoint contends that the history of denominational schools has proven they have contributed more to racial harmony than division.10 The emphasis on “race” in the Centre’s report directly attacked the Presbyterian Church as being prejudiced towards the selection of persons of Indian descent in its 20% system. But the Report failed to realise that if an overwhelming majority of Indians are Presbyterians, then there would be greater likelihood of their selection in the 20% lists approved by Local Boards. Such debates generated some concern among the Presbyterian community. A strongly-worded defence came from the Presbyterian Church, in November 1994, in its monthly Trinidad Presbyterian, “any attempt to erode the excellence of our schools by democratizing crudely the placing of students will be an exercise in futility if not stupidity.”11 There is some validity to this claim, especially by the Presbyterian Church which proudly maintains its academic excellence reminiscent of the struggles of the early educational pioneers from Canada. Such surveys and reports provide statistical information but often overlook or fail to reflect the reality of the race relations in schools. At Presbyterian primary and secondary schools there are Afro-Trinidadians and Mixed persons who comprise the teaching, administrative, secretarial and ancillary staff. In 2017, the Mixed and Afro-Trinidadian students comprised approximately 25% of the population at saghs. Furthermore, in recent years, the Head Girl or 6 7 8 9 10 11

A Study of the Secondary School Population in Trinidad and Tobago: Placement Patterns and Practices, Summary Report. (University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Centre for Ethnic Studies, 1994) 20. Study of the Secondary School Population 21. Express 5 October 1994. TG 28 September 1994. TG 12 May 1996. TP November 1994.

Culture, Ethnicity and Administration

129

Deputy Head Girl chosen among the students and teachers, has been either of African or Mixed descent. Upon Patrick Manning’s electoral defeat, his successor as leader of Trinidad and Tobago, Basdeo Panday of the unc, also favoured the Concordat. During 1998 and 1999, Panday saw it as a useful instrument and believed the negative view of the Concordat should be revised as it, “…removed from the education system the influence of the denominational and churches, in imbuing into the system that moral and ethical and religious component which is necessary to breeding good citizens.”12 In 2000, Panday reiterated that more productive and meaningful lives would result from greater religious influence in the nation’s schools.13 Ken Seepersad, former Chief Education Officer in the Ministry of Education and an elder in the Curepe Presbyterian Church, voiced concerns over the issue of the Concordat. Seepersad believed that discussions in the Ministry of Education were geared towards ensuring that there is a further deepening of the relationship between Church and the State and strongly feels that the Concordat agreement, though it determines to a certain extent the quality of education, has a safe and stable future in the education system of this country.14 The saga continued in 2006 when members of the Association of Denominational Boards and heads of some religious groups met to discuss the attempt by the Minister of Education to seek their agreement to a Memorandum of Understanding (mou). This change arose from the recommendations of a committee which was appointed five years ago to review the Concordat. One member of the Association expressed fear that the change by the Ministry would possibly be done in phases, “First they would make changes for early childhood centres, then for primary schools and then secondary schools.”15 The Association accused Hazel Manning, the Minister of Education in the pnm government, of interfering with the operation of their schools and also attempting to implement a divide and rule policy by meeting individually with the various Boards to encourage them to sign the mou. In reply to the accusations, Manning contended, “The existing mou of 1960 is very vague and that is why we developed an 18-page document that deals specifically with issues.”16 It is very strange that after 46 years in existence, Manning suddenly found a flaw in a document which has produced scholars of international repute. 12 13 14 15 16

Express 17 September 1998. See also Express 1 January 1999. TG 15 February 2000. Interview with Kenrick Seepersad, Curepe, 18 March 1996. TG 2 March 2006. TG 4 March 2006.

130

Chapter 5

I­ nterestingly, she also mentioned the need for accountability, “We give the denominational schools millions of dollars and we will continue to give them millions of dollars but we need to be more accountable.”17 The mou merely masked another effort by the government to have complete control of the denominational schools. 1

Return to Cultural Roots

Even though Hindi was no longer taught in its schools there is the continuation of bhajan singing at special occasions and prayer-meetings with Karo Meri ­Sahai (Help me Lord Jesus) being one of the most popular bhajans (see ­Appendix 2). In the late 1980s, a compilation of popular hymns was translated and made available to the Presbyterian community.18 During the 1990s, there was a cultural revival among Presbyterian schools as they began to appreciate of the links with the early Indian immigrants. The celebration of the 150th anniversary of the arrival of East Indians in Trinidad was publicly observed among Presbyterian churches and schools.19 This custom continued for instance, in July 1996, Vistabella Presbyterian School participated in the Indian Arrival Day celebration at the Divali Nagar in Chaguanas. In 1991, there was the introduction of a Presbyterian School Arts Festival (Presbyfest). This was a celebration of creative and artistic talents of primary school pupils in the categories of singing, recitation, creative writing, chorale speaking, story-telling and art. One outcome of this festival was that, akin to the Inter-Presbyterian Sports among the secondary schools, it fostered fellowship among Presbyterian primary schools throughout Trinidad. An interesting addition to this festival has been bhajan singing. The Presbyterian primary and secondary schools have regularly celebrated such festivals as Divali and Eid. Two secondary schools – Naparima College and Hillview have included tassa drumming in their cultural curriculum. The annual Divali and Eid functions at saghs are elaborate in which the auditorium is decorated and there is a programme in the evening involving skits, music, dance and religious leaders as guest speakers. By allowing the observance of these non-Christian functions, the Presbyterian schools have demonstrated a remarkable flexibility and tolerance of other religions.

17 18 19

TG 4 March 2006. See Edward Kowlessar, Christian Bhajans with tunes (n.d, n.p). TP July 1995.

Culture, Ethnicity and Administration

131

In 2003, Naparima College’s school magazine, The Olympian, published an essay by a Form One student entitled “How has Hinduism prepared you for the 21st century?” Interestingly, the student expressed the view, “Hinduism is one of the greatest religions of the world…Hinduism with its great teaching builds our faith.”20 By allowing the publication of such non-Christian viewpoints, the administration at the College reflected freedom of speech and religious toleration which might not have been entertained by the early missionaries. Furthermore, the boys at both Hillview College and Naparima College regularly participate in the annual Secondary Schools’ Sanskritik Sangam Convention. In 2004, students from Naparima College placed in the top three in Public Speaking, Short Story Telling and Poetry Writing segments of this competition.21 Winning poems and essays from the competitions are sometimes published in the school’s magazine.22 In 2004, the school’s Indian Cultural Club (icc) participated in the annual Victoria District Divali programme.23 The Naparima College Indian Cultural Club Choir has participated in singing performances at the Divali Nagar and Naparima Bowl. Recently, introduced at the College is the Hindu Students’ Council of Trinidad and Tobago.24 At nghs there is also an Indian Cultural Club in existence. It was formed in the late 1970s and also had an Indian dance class. The school has been participating in the Sanskritik Sangam competition and produced winners in various categories. An article in the 1997–1999 issue of La Pique Revue was “Mahatma Gandhi – An Apostle of Peace.”25 In 2004 enthusiastic students participated in the competition and placed first in the Ramayan and Mahabharat Quizzes, Poetry Writing and Chorale Speaking. Students benefit from such clubs as they gain leadership experience and social skills. During 2002–2003, the icc at nghs hosted roti-making, deya decorating and sari-tying competitions.26 Additionally, the girls wear East Indian garb when the school annually observes Eid, Divali and Indian Arrival Day. The magnanimous gesture of allowing these functions and clubs, demonstrate a tolerance by the school’s administration for ethnic and religious interests without compromising the schools’ Christian character.

20 The Olympian 2003, 47. 21 The Olympian 2005, 81. 22 See The Olympian 2004, 98. 23 The Olympian 2005, 81. 24 The Olympian 2004, 72. 25 La Pique Revue 1997–1999, 68. 26 La Pique Revue 2002–2003, 30.

132 2

Chapter 5

Primary School Administration

One of the inherent problems overlooked by the government was the division between schools in rural and urban areas. V.S. Naipaul in The Middle Passage claimed, “Only the urban Indian, the Indian of the middle class, and the Christian convert were able to move easily out of the Indian framework.”27 The example of Felicity revealed the factor of location being a major difference among schools in Trinidad and Tobago. The catchment areas for such Presbyterian schools in rural areas as Felicity, Inverness and Longdenville usually comprise lower income families. Middle income families in financially depressed areas might be able to afford to send their children to a school offering superior teaching services. Another gap between the rich and the poor are the “extra lessons” that are given on evenings and weekends. Students unable to afford additional classes and desiring to succeed are forced to limit their extracurricular activities to devote more time on their studies or often lag behind in classes. The competitive environment created in the denominational schools and the accompanying lifestyles of the majority of students, suggest that the class and income of parents is linked to the quality of education a child receives. The Presbyterian community made an attempt to ease the burdens of disadvantaged children. In 1997, eighteen students successful in the Common Entrance Examination and residing in the rural areas of Biche, Navet, Cush, Mitan, and Rio Claro were awarded scholarships under the Moonsie Scholarship Awards. This annual scheme, organised by Dr. Franklin Moonsie, targets families living below the poverty line.28 Rural schools have also been providing a positive learning environment and sound academic foundation. For instance, at Biche Presbyterian School, the teachers often use their personal finances to purchase books and pencils for the students. Principal James Gajadhar, described the challenges of the institution, “This is a country school. We have no computers to work on, no hi-tech teaching aids and our children might not be as sharp as a city child….They try hard and we are happy with that.”29 Most of the children at Biche Presbyterian School are from poverty-stricken homes are unable to be outfitted in the correct uniform and their parents will not be able to afford the expenses associated with a secondary education. In 1996, the school had a 65–75% pass rate at Common Entrance. Another illustration is Cunaripo Presbyterian School. In 2004, Principal Jesse Sam noted that the 27 Naipaul, Middle Passage 88. 28 TP October 1997. 29 Sunday Express 8 December 1996.

Culture, Ethnicity and Administration

133

school placed first in Agricultural Science in the North Eastern Educational Division. Also, a graduate of the school, Jewan Ramroop represented Trinidad and Tobago in Under-13 and Under-16 cricket.30 In 2006, Jude Pariag of Brothers Presbyterian School, a rural school in Williamsville, topped the country in the sea examination.31 In a study conducted in selected primary schools in the 1990s, an estimated 90% of teachers reported that the first language of their students was the dialect form.32 There would also be a relatively high figure for other primary schools in the Caribbean where the creole predominates over the standard English. In March 1996, Orlando Nagessar (then Principal of San Juan Presbyterian School), shared some of the secrets of his school’s success. The simple yet effective combination of diligent students and teachers had rippling effects throughout the school in both academic and extra-curricular activities. This institution remains one of the top schools in North Trinidad. During 1986–1996, San Juan Presbyterian Primary School could boast of an average of 98% Common Entrance passes. Additionally, the institution’s participation in competitions, organised by the Ministry of Education, non-governmental organisations and the Presbyterian Church reaped rewards as the school has consistently placed in the top five. The unique methods of disciplining students at San Juan Presbyterian School through the use of the “House System” and monthly staff meetings to monitor and motivate the teachers have added to the school’s progress.33 Other Presbyterian primary schools had this House System. At Waterloo Presbyterian School, the “Houses” were Archibald, Greene, Lalla, Grant and Morton. Princes Town Presbyterian School could also boast of attaining a similar level of success. This school recorded 98% Common Entrance passes in 1996, with 52% of the students securing places at five and seven year schools.34 In 1998, a newspaper reporter, Rosemarie Gajar, of The Weekend Independent sought to determine the reason for the success among Presbyterian primary schools in the Common Entrance exams. Twenty-seven of the 100 students who topped the exams were from Presbyterian schools. Two students who placed within the top 100 had attended Jordan Hill Presbyterian Primary School. Principal Saul Gajadhar believed it depended on the calibre of ­children, 30 31 32 33 34

Sunday Guardian 19 September 2004. Sunday Express 2 July 2006. Brothers was the name of a sugar estate. Jennifer Yamin-Ali, The Relationship between Primary School Teachers’ Perceptions of the Role of Grammar in Language Teaching and the Techniques they use to Teach it, M.Ed, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 1991. Interview with Orlando Nagessar, Chaguanas, 17 March 1996. TP September 1997.

134

Chapter 5

but also admitted that his teachers were dedicated and there was discipline in the school.35 Samuel Bejai, Principal of Curepe Presbyterian School, has also given credit to teachers as responsible for the success. The school had an early track record of producing outstanding individuals including Aftab Khan who attended Curepe CM School during 1938–1944. He won the 2007 Royal Astronomical Society Award for work in Astronomy and Geophysics.36 Roy Nathai, General Secretary of the Presbyterian Primary Schools’ Board of Education, believed Presbyterian schools are able to succeed due to their attitude, “We are serious about education…There is also a uniqueness about Presbyterian teachers in the schools that did very well. We have faith in our teachers….”37 Leadership and motivation of teachers has contributed significantly to upholding the reputation of a school. For instance, during the 1980s and early 1990s, the unsatisfactory performance of the Felicity Presbyterian School hampered it from competing equally with the nearby Government and Hindu schools. A change was evident, under the new principal in the 1990s, as the school resumed its participation in extra-curricular activities and displayed signs of an improved academic performance in the 1990s.38 Despite these positive changes under a new leadership, parents desiring a sound education for their children still opted for the Government and Hindu schools. Two retired principals of Presbyterian schools believe that administration is an influential factor in the success of Presbyterian educational institutions. Indra Ramsawak, (a retired principal) adhered to the belief that motivation and commitment of the teachers is transferred to the students thus producing outstanding ­results.39 Supportive of this viewpoint is Jit Ganeesingh, a retired school principal who taught at Presbyterian schools throughout Trinidad. Ganeesingh staunchly believed that the motivation of the staff was a crucial factor contributing to the overall success of the Presbyterian schools.40 The crediatable performance of Presbyterian schools in extra-curricular competitions are evidence of students being properly trained and motivated. In 2007, the Exchange Presbyterian School won the 6th annual World Diabetes Day Quiz which was sponsored by the Couva branch of the Diabetes Association of Trinidad and Tobago. The school won from a field of 17 schools and emerging third was Milton Presbyterian School.41

35 36 37 38 39 40 41

The Weekend Independent 25 September 1998. TG 2 March 2007. The Weekend Independent 25 September 1998. Interview with Ruth Abdul, Felicity, 23 June 1999. Interview with Indra Ramsawak, Couva, 17 June 1999. Interview with Jit Ganeesingh, Couva, 20 June 1999. TG 20 February 2007.

135

Culture, Ethnicity and Administration

Even though Presbyterian schools were providing yeoman service to the nation, a minority of Presbyterians attended these institutions. For example, San Juan Presbyterian had a small number of students who were Presbyterians as each class had an average of five in a total of thirty-five pupils. Other Presbyterian schools had an even smaller ratio of students in each class. For instance, in 1998, Felicity Presbyterian School recorded 16 Presbyterians from a total student population of 202. Likewise, Freeport Presbyterian (with a student population of 563) could muster an average of only two Presbyterians in the schools’ 22 classes. It should be noted that the Presbyterian Church has no specific policy stating that a certain percentage of students entering its schools must be Presbyterian. However, in cases of limited places, most principals give priority to children of Presbyterian families. In 1999, the ties between Presbyterianism and education were significantly strengthened with the superb performance of its schools. The results of the top Common Entrance students and their choice of schools added lustre to the reputation of the Presbyterian schools. In each county, (except the Port-of Spain area), Presbyterian schools had at least one student in this selected list (see Table 9). An analysis of the results revealed that the top three schools most favoured by the top 100 Common Entrance students were nghs (23), saghs (15), and Naparima Boys (10). More than a decade later, in 2017, one hundred and thirtythree students from the top two hundred students in the sea examinations earned places in the five Presbyterian secondary schools. And the student who placed first in the sea examination attended nghs. Table 9 

Top 100 students in Common Entrance attending Presbyterian primary school according to county

County

Presbyterian school

Caroni Victoria

Exchange Vistabella Grant Memorial Picton Kanhai Penal Tacarigua Curepe Princes Town

St. Patrick St. George East South East

Source: Sunday Express 22 August 1999

Number of students 3 2 3 1 1 1 2 1 1

136

Chapter 5

The involvement of Presbyterians in education has witnessed a new direction in primary school education. Lynette Chote, a faithful member of Curepe Presbyterian Church, established the “Specialist Centre” in 1994. This private primary school located in St. Augustine is registered with the Ministry of Education and has quickly earned a reputation as a quality institution. Since its inception many of the school’s students have placed in the top 100 in the sea exam. For instance, in 2000, a student of the Centre placed first and in 2001, two students placed second and third. Its enrollment in 2006 was 515 students. Undertaking a similar venture was Priscilla Jute, principal of the Palmiste Private Primary School. The institution was founded in September 2005 and now closed, had a Pre-School which accepted children from 3 years of age. 3 Allegations In 2005 there were complaints from some Afro-Trinidadian parents that their children at Torrib Trace Presbyterian School faced discrimination from teachers. A one-man group, the National Association for the Empowerment of African People (naeap), which craves media attention and has the tacit support of the pnm administration, came to the “rescue” of the victimised children and discontented parents.42 The group threatened to take legal action against the Presbyterian Board and Ministry of Education. The Presbyterian School Teachers’ Association (presta) defended the Torrib Trace Presbyterian School and denied that racism was part of the agenda in its 72 schools.43 However, the short-lived media circus was another very feeble attempt to sully the image of Presbyterian schools and indirectly accuse Indians as being racist. It is obvious that the racially divisive practitioners with political ambitions were not aware of the legacy of the Presbyterian schools in treating all races and religions equally. Three students of saghs recalled their memorable experiences at Guaico Presbyterian School. Tabitha Wight, an Afro-Trinidadian, played an active part in the school choir, Choral Speaking and Red Cross. Her great-grandmother, Caroline Homer-Wight, also attended this school.44 For Marina Cardinez the morning worship services had an impact on students and teachers, “It was a time of bonding as a family to start each day on a right frame of mind. Each student did not only achieve academically but also gained moral and social 42 43 44

Express 2 April 2005. Newsday 23 April 2005. Interview with Tabitha Wight, Curepe, 16 September 2004.

Culture, Ethnicity and Administration

137

value that made him/her an all-rounded student.”45 Ivana Daniel was impressed with the dedication of the teachers in training the students for singing competitions and academic lessons. She viewed the teachers and students as part of her family.46 4

Involvement in Pre-schools

During the last decade there has been the emergence of many kindergartens or pre-schools throughout the island. Presbyterians have also taken the initiative in Early Childhood Care and Education. For instance since 1991, the Penal Presbyterian Church has established the Penal Presbyterian Pre-School. Some assistance has been received from the World Bank and from 1991–2005 the Penal Presbyterian Church has collected a special offering to supplement the salaries of the pre-school’s teachers.47 The average enrollment was 60 students and the teaching staff comprised four persons. A private and successful venture in this field has been accomplished by a Presbyterian, Joyce Tilluckdharry-Gobin. She began the Reading Rainbow Pre-School in 1996 in San Fernando and there are six teachers serving approximately 60 students. In 2006, 37 students graduated from her school.48 In 2000, the Bamboo Grove Presbyterian Early Childhood Care and Education Centre was established under the auspices of the Bamboo Grove Presbyterian Church. The Centre’s average enrollment was 30 students. These preschools are reputable and have waiting lists for each academic year. This role in educating the child in a religious environment has been acknowledged by Father W.E. Hopkins in 1945, “I am quite sure that we cannot begin too early to speak to our children about holy things, and to encourage them to find the presence of God in the simple loveliness of nature.”49 In 2006, Hazel Manning proposed the building of 600 childhood centres throughout Trinidad and Tobago by 2015. She hoped to create a learning environment with a “seamless transition from nursery school to life-long learning centres.”50 Indeed, Manning had good intentions but she failed to address the possible anti-educational outcomes. Children who enter the educational 45 46 47 48 49 50

Interview with Marina Cardinez, Curepe, 15 September 2004. Interview with Ivana Daniel, Curepe, 17 September 2004. Telephone interview with Ralph Umraw, 6 June 2006. Telephone interview with Joyce Tilluckdharry-Gobin, 6 June 2006. Father W.E. Hopkins, “The Child-Mind and Religion” Paper presented at the Convention of the Church Union, Barbados, May 1945, 6. TG 22 April 2006.

138

Chapter 5

s­ ystem at an early age could later suffer from a burnout and become disillusioned with education. Secondly, attendance at the centres are often for purposes of “baby-sitting” and would mean less interaction with parents which is crucial in the psychological development of the child. Manning should have consulted with the major stakeholders in the education system – parents and students, before embarking on such an elaborate project. The Presbyterian pre-schools and primary schools need to be the lamps to shine the way forward for an education system which remains in the darkness. The personnel at Presbyterian schools need to guide and advise schools and even officials at the Ministry of Education, on transforming ineffective administrators and deviant students. 5

Work Ethic in Secondary Schools

Apart from the academic chasm, the issues of discipline and career goals separated the denominational from government schools. Among Presbyterian schools and to a large extent other denominational schools, there is a noticeable absence of violence or under-reporting of any unsavoury incidents. The frequent outbreaks of gang fights, incidents of drug abuse, clashes among students and attacks against teachers are usually associated with Junior Secondary and Senior Comprehensive and Composite schools.51 For instance, in May and June 2006 there was the stabbing of one student by another at Barataria Junior Secondary School, and an arsonist attack on Princes Town Senior Comprehensive School by Form Four students.52 A possible solution to this juvenile delinquency could be moral or religious training on the curriculum. Beulah Meghu, former Principal of nghs and member of the Teaching Service Commission (tsc), had repeatedly made recommendations to the Ministry of Education for moral training at non-denominational schools.53 However, this suggestion seemed to have been overlooked by officials. At nghs negative marks are alloted to students for infractions of uniform, equipment, excuses, punctuality and application. A letter is sent to the parents whenever their daughter receives a negative mark. Detention is for any student who earns 3 such marks within a specified period. Principals and staff at Presbyterian secondary schools have not been isolated from societal problems affecting their students. Counsellors have been 51 See TG 14 November 1996, 13 May 1996, SG 14 April 1996, TG 26 January 1996. 52 TG 4 May, 2 June 2006. 53 Cited in interview in Grant Memorial Presbyterian School, 125th Anniversary (San Fernando: np 1996) 42.

Culture, Ethnicity and Administration

139

r­ egularly invited to discuss social issues such as the dangers of hiv/aids. In 2005 due to the high incidence of crime in the country, saghs hosted a forum on crime. At nghs, in the school’s magazine – La Pique Revue, the girls addressed topics such as incest.54 In the 2003–2004 issue, articles included “Discourse on the Influence of Popular Music on the Modern Day Concept of Love.”55 This freedom of expression is an invaluable aspect of the school’s informal education. Ethnicity has been one of the factors that is considered in addressing the issue of academic performance. In 1997 an investigative report by Rosemarie Gajar of The Independent, a local newspaper now defunct, sought to determine the reason for more national scholarships being awarded to Indo-Trinidadians than Afro-Trinidadians. The Principal of nghs, Jean Bahadur believed the East Indian family upbringing with an emphasis on education was crucial. Her colleague at Naparima College, Edison Sookhoo postulated that it was the “Protestant work ethic” which perpetuated throughout the Presbyterian schools.56 A female psychologist, who sought anonymity, believed that the educational success of the East Indian community was attributed to the “improved financial status” of this ethnic group and argued, “Black students who may not have done as well academically but are extremely socially skilled. They have sophisticated social skills, perhaps at the expense of academic ones.”57 The disciplinary measures to be enforced fuelled debates as to the effectiveness and repercussions of such methods as flogging in seeking remedies to the problem of school indiscipline.58 In an attempt to curb the increasing incidence of these social problems, the Ministry of Education in 1999, realised the urgency of implementing recommendations based on the Task Force on Violence and Indiscipline in Schools. The period 1980–1998 has been described as Hillview College’s “Golden Years.” Principal Stephen Seepersad served from 1975 to 1988 has been credited as guiding Hillview College in its transition phase from a “marginalized rural school” to a “prestige school.” He has been aptly described, by one of Hillview’s teachers, as a “super Principal.”59 It was during the tenure of Seepersad that Hillview College won its first scholarship, Deochand Harricharan, in 1980. And, whilst Seepersad was principal, the school won 15 national scholarships 54 La Pique Revue 1999–2000, 38–39. 55 La Pique Revue 2003–2004, 20. 56 The Independent 11 October 1997. 57 The Independent 11 October 1997. 58 See TG 26 July 1994, SG 10 July 1994. 59 See Robert Ramsahai, “The History of Hillview College: From a Lowly ‘Cowpen’ to a Prestigious Institution in the Presbyterian Tradition, 1955–1998,” Caribbean Studies thesis. University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 1998, 27–28.

140

Chapter 5

i­ncluding the Ministry of Education’s Gold Medal for first place in the Advanced Level Examinations in Trinidad and Tobago (won by Pratyush Dave). In 1983, Seepersad supervised the completion of the construction of the library and introduced new subjects into the school’s curriculum–Principle of Accounts, Computer Science and Principles of Business. Undoubtedly, the foresight and administrative genius of Seepersad can be traced to his previous multifaceted roles as teacher, assistant Dean of Discipline, Dean of Studies, Secretary of the pta and Vice-Principal. Indeed, he laid the foundations for Hillview College to emerge as one of the country’s top secondary schools for boys. The former principal of Hillview College, Richard Kokaram, can also be judged as a “super principal.” He was associated with the school since 1966, and achieved principal status in 1989, humbly attributed his school’s success to the positive learning environment created between teachers and students. Kokaram emphasised that Hillview College at its daily devotional exercises, attempts to increase the level of spirituality and consciousness of God among the young men to create better trained and morally sound graduates.60 The ability to balance the academic and extra-curricular dimensions continues to be a hallmark of the Presbyterian schools. Hillview College has encouraged student participation with its organization of cricket, chess, karate, debating and essay competitions. Furthermore, the existence of an active steelband (The Hillview College Steel Ensemble) and introduction of a Student Broadcasting Radio Station in 1992, offered more extra-curricular activities for the student population. The school can boast of being victorious in the English Language National Essay Contest (1985), Trintoc Public Speaking (1986) and the Forestry Quiz (1987).61 At Hillview, the annually elected Student Council provides an important forum for students to express their opinions. Additionally, the Council assists in maintaining discipline and representing students’ interests. This contributes to empowering the students with skills of leadership and decision-making. This student body has extended a hand of welcome to nearby schools with its organisation of the Inter-School Students Association (issa).62 The iscf (referred to as the Hillview College Christian Fellowship) promotes Christian unity and brotherhood among students.63 In the 1980s, Hillview had made considerable progress in sports and has become 60 Interview with Richard Kokaram, Curepe, 18 March 1996. 61 The Hillviewer 1988, 26–55. 62 The issa comprises 6 schools – St. Joseph Convent (St. Joseph), Hillview College, Tunapuna Government Secondary, Lakshmi Girls’ College, El Dorado Senior Comprehensive and St. Joseph College. The Hillviewer 1988, 17. 63 The Hillviewer 1988, 48.

Culture, Ethnicity and Administration

141

worthy opponents in cricket and football.64 The vibrant student bodies coupled with the successes in various competitions have proven the abundance of talented and visionary students. At nghs, a combination of the “House System,” “Student Council” and “Prefect System” have been credited as providing the discipline needed to produce scholarship winners.65 The school’s Student Council has been in existence since 1968.66 The “houses” at nghs are Keller, Archibald, Scrimgeour, Curie and Cavell. Hillview also has a similar system in operation with 4 “houses”: Alisharan, Grant, Swann and Kirkpatrick. Likewise, “houses” at saghs are named after former principals – Beattie, Lahouri, Wagar, Mahase and Guiseppi. Even though this “House system” with its distinguishing colours, banners, vice-captains and staff advisors is prominent during the annual Sports Day, it has indirectly imbued a sense of order and discipline among the students. Furthermore, the cordial and mutually respectful student-teacher relationships coupled with self-discipline among students have contributed to upholding the positive image of saghs.67 The motto of saghs, per ardua ad astra (excellence through hard work) serves as a constant reminder of the need for excellence.68 Some of the past students continue informal gatherings and one illustration is the St. Augustine Chorale (formerly St. Augustine Alumnae Choir and Friends). At the five Presbyterian secondary schools, the prefect system usually comprises sixth formers and their role in assisting at school functions, supervising classes and monitoring discipline is valued by the school’s administration. The prefects also coordinate the annual outreach programmes which assist the sick, elderly and mentally and physically challenged. At the secondary level, the Deans of Discipline and Education have also played an indispensable role in ensuring the reputation of the Presbyterian schools remained intact. The internal functioning of a school is critical and regular meetings with parents of delinquent students coupled with constant monitoring of academic progress, increase the chances of reaping rewards and producing upright citizens. The financial hardships facing many primary and secondary schools meant that continued survival often depended on assistance from such organisations as the Parent Teachers’ Associations (pta) and Past Pupils’ bodies. Often, 64 65 66 67 68

The Hillviewer 1985, 32. TP September 1987. La Pique Revue 2001–2002, 64. The Augustinian 1980, 62. The motto was adopted from the Canadian Air Force by the school’s first principal. The words translate to “it is through hard work that we reach the stars” but the translation was modified in 1998. Sunday Guardian 24 September 2000.

142

Chapter 5

g­ overnment aid is insufficient to meet the current expenses of running a school and these organisations provide an invaluable service to the Presbyterian schools. The pta at saghs has proven to be one of the most dynamic, resourceful and proactive bodies in the school and annually spearheads the annual May Fiesta. During the 1978–79 academic year, the pta at saghs donated $15,000 worth of books, carpeted and air-conditioned the school library. In 1987, the pta organised seminars on drug awareness and in 1990 sponsored a “Careers Day.” Fortunately, the Presbyterian secondary and primary schools are blessed with vibrant ptas and the membership is genuinely concerned with the welfare of the students. Such projects as renovations, extensions, libraries, furnishing classes and purchasing computers have received financial support from alumni organisations both home and abroad. A host of fund-raising activities as barbeques, bazaars, walk-a-thons and raffles contributed to raising the finances necessary for the upkeep and betterment of the schools. The efforts of the ptas and Past Pupils’ Associations assist in the self-sufficiency of these denominational schools. In recent times, the symbiotic role of the pta and school has been acknowledged.69 In 1996, the Naparima Association of Parents, School and Community (napsac) was formed. Its objectives are to enhance learning capabilities and assist in providing physical amenities as dinners, walk-a-thons and golf tournaments.70 They have also rendered assistance in upgrading science laboratories and replacing old classroom furniture. At Hillview, the pta in 1992 pledged its support by funding the school’s steelband, purchased 36 new desks and 50 chairs, contributed financially to the sporting programmes and raised funds for the Sixth Form Block.71 During the year, additional assistance came from the Hillview College Old Boys’ Association (hoba), formed in 1964, which embarked on a barbeque yielding a profit of $10,000.00. The human resources involved in assisting, planning and hosting these events greatly assist the school’s administration. Credit must be given to the leadership of these non-academic and non-governmental bodies that have been an influential and underlying factor in the success of the projects. The ability to harmoniously work in an environment with principals, teachers and students must be recognised. The moral and emotional support provided by these charitable groups to the leadership of schools is often overlooked by a society that ranks a school based on its academic performance.

69 70 71

TG 27 January 1998; TG 28 October 1996. The Olympian 2003, 34. The Hillviewer 1992, 7

Culture, Ethnicity and Administration

143

A notable example of the efforts of the past graduates is the accomplishment of the Naparima Alumni Association of Canada (naac). This sociallyconcerned and humanitarian group was formally launched on 4 March 1978 at the Triumph Hotel on Toronto, Canada.72 It comprises mainly graduates of Presbyterian secondary schools and institutions. Their contributions and support have played a central role in the upkeep of Presbyterian schools in Trinidad. The Toronto unit of the naac has been instrumental in providing valuable financial assistance for projects and prizes at the annual graduation functions of Presbyterian schools. For instance, in 1983, the Toronto branch organised an educational and cultural exchange between saghs and the Vincent Massy Collegiate Institute (in Canada).73 Since 1990, the dynamic naac has provided bursaries to outstanding students from the alma mater school who intend to pursue tertiary education. Furthermore, since 1988, the naac has donated C$500 to each secondary school for the upkeep of its library.74 And in 1996, the nacc of Toronto spearheaded fund-raising activities to assist Naparima Boys in building a gymnasium/auditorium and made a substantial contribution to the extension at Naparima Girls.75 By 2004, the group had raised over C$30,000 for the Naparima College’s Gym Building Fund.76 The Canadian-based group also regularly sends financial assistance to the J.C. MacDonald Home for the Aged, in San Fernando, which is owned and operated by the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad.77 As a result of its assistance to institutions in Trinidad and Canada for 24 years, the naac was awarded the Medal of Merit by the government of Trinidad and Tobago.78 At nghs similar bodies exist such as the Parents’ Action Committee (pac), nghs Building Committee and the Administrative Committee. In 2003, nghs purchased a school bus with funds raised from the pac.79 Another group, the nghs Alumnae Association (formed in 1936) has annual fundraisers to assist the school.80 For instance in May 2004 the group had their third successful 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80

TG 26 June 1994. The Augustinian 1990, 16. Broadcast Spring 1996; Broadcast Spring 1999; Broadcast Fall 1995. Broadcast Fall 1999. The Olympian 2004, 82. Broadcast Fall 1999. Broadcast Fall 2000. La Pique Revue 2003–2004, 17. The executive committee has posts such as President, Vice-president, Secretary, Treasurer, Assistant Treasurer, Public Relations Officer, Assistant Public Relations Officer and Committee Members.

144

Chapter 5

cook-out at Naparima’s Café la Pique. Later in October they had a “Gala Luncheon” at the Petrotrin Staff Club.81 A similar supportive group of alumnae exists at Iere High School known as Friends of Iere.82 The administration of its schools has been an outstanding feature of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad. Presbyterian teachers in both primary and secondary schools are allowed to join nationally and regionally recognised groups as the Trinidad and Tobago Unified Teachers’ Association (ttuta), ­National Parent Teachers’ Association, National Primary Schools Principals ­Association, National Secondary Schools Principals Association, the Presbyterian School Teachers’ Association (presta), the Association of Retired Presbyterian Teachers and the Caribbean Association of Principals of Secondary Schools. These bodies have empowered teachers to voice their concerns and dissatisfaction. It was evident that the Presbyterian schools were instrumental in preparing and moulding young minds for leadership positions. In 2005 both Iere High School and Hillview College celebrated their 50th anniversaries. At a special function held at Iere High School to mark the occasion, President Max Richards advised the students to “assume responsibility for shaping the future of their communities, while taking notice of the wisdom and advice of current community leaders.”83 In its anniversary year, Hillview was fortunate to have received the coveted President’s Gold Medal as Amrit Kochar, topped Trinidad and Tobago in the Cambridge Advanced Level Examinations and placed first in the world in Mathematics.84 In this year, the First Naparima College Sea Scout Troop celebrated its 50th anniversary. At the Founders Day Service to celebrate the 50th anniversary of Hillview College, the guest speaker and past student, Justice Sat Sharma offered advice to students: Your objective consistent with the vision of your founding fathers, is not only to develop your full potential but, having developed it, to apply it toward the benefit of mankind, starting first and foremost with your small beleaguered nation which will be far more in need of your expertise than more developed countries.85

81 82 83 84 85

La Pique Revue 2003–2004, 57. TP May 2006. TP February 2005. uwi today 16 October 2005. TP February 2005.

Culture, Ethnicity and Administration

145

Hillview and Iere were not the only schools to celebrate. In 2006, the other Presbyterian secondary schools – nghs, saghs and Naparima College completed physical extensions to their schools as they continued to provide better services for the students The academic performance of the denominational schools seemingly justifies the apparent differences with the government schools. The accusations and criticisms levelled at the denominational schools have neither affected nor undermined the reputation of the Presbyterian schools. A cursory examination of the examinations results of the Presbyterian secondary schools, particularly, the high percentage of cxc and Advanced Level passes coupled with the consistency of producing scholarship winners, reveal a distinguished record. Among the secondary schools a highly acclaimed performance has been attributed to a combination of high quality teaching, industrious students and inspirational leadership. At saghs, the principal (in 1985) has paid homage to the fact that there is, “no streaming, good teaching, non-stop motivating and endless praying.”86 Also the success of the Presbyterian and denominational schools is a result of hiring alumnae (“old boys” and “old girls”) as teachers. This attachment to the school partially ensures that the quality of teaching is maintained and it also ensures a core of teachers who are conscious and protective of the school’s “good name” – its image and reputation. During the 1980s, the Presbyterian schools maintained their academic excellence. At Graduation Day in 1980, at saghs, among the scholarship winners were Mary Dial who gained 4 As in Science subjects and placed first in the Girls’ Open Scholarship and third overall in Trinidad and Tobago.87 At the gce Ordinary Level, from a total of 105 students, 80 gained 5 to 8 subjects. Whilst at gce Advanced Level, 49 students sat the exam and 37 gained a full certificate.88 Six years later, saghs could boast of 100% passes at the Advanced Level and over 90% passes at the Ordinary Level Examinations. Achieving a similar level of attainment was Iere High School with 60% of the students receiving full certificates at Ordinary Level whilst at the Advanced Level a remarkable 90% of the students passed all their subjects.89 This commendable performance continued as saghs emerged at the top in the thirty best secondary schools in Trinidad and Tobago with an incredible pass rate (Grades 1 and 2) of 98.72% at

86 87 88 89

The Augustinian 1985, 21. The Augustinian 1980, 59. The Augustinian 1980, 60. Express 3 September 1986.

146

Chapter 5

the cxc Examinations and shared honours with nghs which had an enviable record of 95.49%.90 Local history was created in 1989, when eleven girls won national scholarships at saghs. This was the first time in Trinidad and Tobago that a girls’ school had achieved so many scholarships.91 Boys were not to be outdone and Hillview College also maintained a high academic standard. In 1995, this college boasted of a pass rate of 87% at the cxc Examinations and attained seven national scholarships based on the results of the Advanced Level Examinations. Trinidad and Tobago has acknowledged the profound ability of the Presbyterian schools to consistently produce outstanding scholars. The Sunday Guardian conducted an investigative report in 1995, on the basis of A-level results and ranked the top schools in each subject.92 Of the ten best secondary schools in Trinidad, the Presbyterian schools topped the list. In each subject area and at least two Presbyterians achieved a remarkable standing among the nation’s ten best secondary schools. The Presbyterian schools excelled in 9 out of 12 subject areas namely Biology, Chemistry, Geography, Management of Business, Mathematics, and Spanish. The examination results were indicative of the academic excellence attained by Presbyterian schools. In the results of the 1996 Advanced Level Examinations, Presbyterian schools won 23 of the 60 national scholarships.93 In 1997, four of the five Presbyterian schools obtained 40% of the national scholarships and nghs earned the prestigious President’s Gold Medal for Higher Secondary Education.94 This remarkable trend continued in 1998 as Presbyterian schools gained 25 scholarships with saghs receiving ten, seven for Naparima, five for nghs and Hillview capturing three scholarships95 (see Table 10). Undoubtedly, Naparima College has carved its niche in education. Its impressive record of scholarships include five scholarships between 1980–84, four in 1985 and 1986, five (including the coveted President’s Gold Medal) in 1987, three in 1988 and 1989, seven in 1990 and three in 1991. At nghs, in 2003 those students who attained a World Rank Order at Cambridge Advanced Level Examinations were Sharon Khan (1st in Chemistry), Priya Sharma (6th in Chemistry) and Nalisha Ramroop (7th in Geography). Students also won uwi Open Scholarships and national scholarships. There were also students who won foreign scholarships/bursaries from University of Toronto and Trent 90 91 92 93 94 95

TG 2 September 1995. The Augustinian 1990, 17. Sunday Guardian 7 September 1995. TP October 1996. TG 28 September 1997. TP November 1998.

147

Culture, Ethnicity and Administration Table 10  Overall percentage pass rate of Advanced Level and cxc Examinations for Presbyterian secondary schools in 1998

School saghs Hillview Iere Naparima College Naparima Girls

Advanced Level

cxc

94 82 81 95 98

94 79 83 94 98

Source: Trinidad Presbyterian October 1998

­ niversity in Canada. In the 2004–2005 the school obtained 100% passes in U cape  and continued to excel at cxc and gce A’Level examinations (see ­Appendix 3). The balance between academics and recreation is obvious at nghs. During 2002–2003, students participated in Sanfest and won commendations in Creative Writing, Chorale Speaking and Modern Folk Dance. The writing aptitude was evident in the high placing earned in the E Commerce Essay, Trinidad Guardian Business Essay and Tidco Essay Writing Competitions. nghs was also a finalist in the Secondary Schools Drama Festival.96 In 2002, the students of Form Three received national and regional awards for the participation in the rbtt Young Leaders Programme.97 Naparima College has also contributed to the betterment of social relations. This was acknowledged by Brinsley Samaroo, at the College’s annual graduation in 2004, who mentioned the unique diversity, “The school admitted non-Christians, Hindus and Muslims and created a unique experience of multi-ethnic and multi-religious camaraderie.”98 The girls at nghs were also a formidable presence in the sporting arena. In 2001, the school placed first in the Girls’ Under 14 and Under 16 categories in the Petrotrin National Secondary Schools Volleyball Championships.99 A similar performance was exhibited during 2002 at the South Zone Secondary Schools Volleyball League when the school placed first in the Under 16 and Under 20 categories. In 2006, at the Victoria Education District Zonal games, 96 97 98 99

Brochure for Speech Day/Prize Giving Exercises, 3 October 2003. Brochure for Speech Day/Prize Giving Exercises, 1 October 2002. The theme for this annual competition being “hiv, aids and Me – Towards a New Attitude.” TG 4 October 2004. Brochure for Speech Day/Prize Giving Exercises, 12 October 2001.

148

Chapter 5

the school placed first in High Jump (U17 and U20), Shot Putt (U14), Discus (U20) and the 100 metres race. Among the clubs at nghs are Lawn Tennis, unesco, Golf, Steel Pan, Football, Orchestra and Public Speaking. Raymond Hackett, a lecturer at the School of Education at uwi, St. Augustine, is accurate in believing that there is a major difference between personnel in government and denominational schools. This former primary and secondary school teacher based his findings on a study he conducted in 2002 among schools in North Trinidad (Toco to Diego Martin). The cultural differences, support from parents and influence of private lessons resulted in the disparity between both school systems. Hackett listed ten criteria for effective schools including being student-centred, fostering collegial interaction, ongoing staff development, promoting creative problem solving and developing academically rich programs.100 Whilst these factors may be essential in prestige or “first-choice” schools, there are other determinants such as the study habits and motivation of students. There is the feeling among certain sections of society that the Presbyterian and prestige schools rely more on their reputation of attaining excellent results rather than administrative efficiency. Additionally, Samuel Lochan, of the School of Education at uwi, St. Augustine argued that though some schools were successful in their performance, “…the institutions experience crisis because staff and parents and students may have been consistently bypassed in all major decision-making.”101 He offered a plausible reason for the authoritarian leadership style of principals at denominational schools: “Principals operating under denominational boards may also be prone to authoritarian rule because the boards may make unreasonable demands which they are forced to translate into school policy.”102 Despite the minor obstacles, Presbyterian schools have maintained a superb track record. Amidst these changes, the Presbyterian missionaries 150 years ago will continue to blossom. Church and its mission schools were flexible and willing to accept the challenge of a society in transition. In the 21st century, the Presbyterian Church will certainly continue to maintain its unique relationship with its secondary and primary schools. This will ensure that stronger ties and deepening relationship between church and school continue developing as envisaged by the Canadian missionaries.

100 Express 2 May 2006. 101 Trinidad and Tobago Review 1 May 2006. 102 Trinidad and Tobago Review 2 February 2004.

Chapter 6

Church Administration and Women’s Liberation We looking after our own self, because nobody have time for us. Except the Reverend and his mission from the Shivering Northern Wetlands. All he want from us is that we convert to his religion. If I had children, I would convert! Besides nobody but you really know which god you praying to. Convert man! Take the children yourself in the mission school. And when you pray with you eyes and you mouth shut. Simple so. That is all.1 Notwithstanding their contribution to secular education, the missionaries catered for the education of persons desirous of joining the clergy. This was a vital phase in succession planning. During the 1870s and 1880s among the men trained by Grant and Morton were Balaram, Bukhan, Juraman, Lal Behari, Kantoo, Anajee, Soodeen and Allahdua. They were trained four days a week on the Bible in both English and Hindi.2 In 1871, Allahdua was appointed by Morton as teacher at the CM school in Tunapuna.3 During 1879–1880, a syllabus had been forwarded to and approved by the Foreign Mission Committee in Halifax, Canada. Among the topics in the syllabus were being literate in English and Hindi, the History and Geography of India, Indian mythology, Scriptural Knowledge, Philosophy and Ethics. As a result ten workers training to be ministers were guaranteed employment and a salary. In 1879, Morton suggested that Anajee and Behari be ordained as ministers. Behari was the first to complete the course of studies and was ordained on 4 October 1882. Morton was in favour of promoting an ordained ministry among the locals, “…so that the people they train would not continue to think of a foreigner as being necessary for baptism.”4 This was also the view in 1878 by Alexander Falconer based in Portof-Spain, who wrote to Rev. Christie, “Nearly all churches have felt the need of providing a qualified native agency, if they are to accomplish great things in heathen fields.”5 Presbyterian Indians in San Fernando also recognised a void in theological education, “The present system of teaching which is carried on in our Central 1 Shani Mootoo Cereus Blooms at Night (New York: Grove Press, 1996), 28–29. 2 Kemp. 3 Morton 246. 4 Caribbean Presbyterian November 1950. 5 Letter from Alex. Falconer to Christie, 8 January 1878. Pine Hill College. United Church ­Archives, New Brunswick.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004417083_008

150

Chapter 6

School is a commendable one, but it does not answer all the purposes which a high school might. We think that more systematic efforts should be made in the training of young men for the work of evangelization, & c.”6 This statement made in 1890 did not go unheeded. During that year, at the Presbyterian General Assembly at Ottawa, Grant was fortunate to receive approval of the Presbyterian Church for the establishment of a Theological Training College. Two days after appealing for assistance from the Presbyterian Assembly in Ottawa, Grant received half of the total funding from two families in Canada. The foundation stone of this Theological College was initially referred to as the Presbyterian Training College. On 2 February 1892, the “Presbyterian College of Trinidad” was formally opened at a site near Susamachar Presbyterian Church in San Fernando.7 The twin goals of the Theological College was to create an educated cadre of laity and clergy; and secondly, to develop an indigenous ministry. Thirty-six East Indians were among the first batch of students who benefitted from the training and instruction of Revs. Coffin, Morton, Grant and Lal Behari. By 1895 the members of the Susamachar Presbyterian Church acknowledged the vital role of the theological institution, “…which is doing such good work in the training of young men as Christian workers and teachers….”8 In the early twentieth century, two outstanding principals of the Theological College were Revs. F.J. Coffin and Dr. J.A. Scrimgeour. In 1904, Rev. Coffin was appointed principal of the College. During his tenure there was an improvement in the organisation and structure of the teaching. Among the courses in the syllabus in 1911 were Comparative Religion, New Testament, Theology, Old Testament Prophecy and Christian Doctrine.9 Frequent donations from Canada complemented local efforts at the Presbyterian College. In December 1911, Dr. J. Scrimgeour, based in Trinidad, thanked the Missionary Association at Pine Hill Divinity College (Nova Scotia) for their donation of $80 for educational work. Scrimgeour informed them that extra mural classes, conducted at one of the four mission centres, offered such subjects as Geography, History of Israel, Logic and Hygiene. He also highlighted the workload of the students at the Theological College: “They have studied the life of Christ more carefully than is done in our seminaries and this year have done much work in the Theology of Paul and John. The Prophets and

6 7 8 9

Adhar, 10–11. Clark 23. Adhar 18. Kirk Kalloo, “St. Andrew’s Theological College: The Evolution of Presbyterian Theological Education in Trinidad 1892–1991,” Caribbean Studies thesis uwi, St. Augustine, 15.

Church Administration and Women’s Liberation

151

their work and messages have been very systematically covered….”10 Rev. Gibbings, who was ordained in 1913, studied at the Theological College from 1909– 1912 and received lectures from Revs. Coffin, Grant, Morton and MacRae and Thompson. Classes on the Ramayana and Koran were taught by Behari.11 Such knowledge of non-Christian texts would have better prepared the ministers for the successful conversion of Indians. In 1915, six ordinations took place – H ­ enry Laltoo, Henry Ramcharan, James Rameshwar, Colin Pragsingh, S. Ramrattan and C.D. Lalla.12 In 1922, the site of the Theological College moved to Paradise Hill, San Fernando. A division occurred in the work of the Canadian mission in British Guiana and Trinidad during the 1920s. The disruption in the religious relationship stemmed from a schism in the Presbyterian Church in Canada in which a faction of Presbyterians joined with the Congregational and Methodist churches in 1925 to form the United Church of Canada.13 Thereafter, the mission in British Guiana continued its association with the Presbyterian Church in Canada whilst the Trinidad mission forged a bond with the newly established United Church of Canada. In 1931, the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad broke ties with the Presbyterian Church of Canada and became an independent body, however, the Canadian missionaries continued to humbly serve the colony. The informal ties with the United Church continued and an illustration is Rev. Albert Baldeo, an Indo-Trinidadian, worked in the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad for eight years and in 1971 migrated to Canada and served the St. James United Church in Edmonton and St. Paul’s United Church in British Columbia.14 Other ordained Indo-Trinidadian ministers who had migrated to Canada and continued their ministry were Revs. Chandoo, Mylalsingh and Neehall. Among the Indian ministers, the leadership received the initiative and impetus which served to accelerate the transfer of the reins of power into the hands of the local clergy. In the 1920s and 1930s, valiant men such as Lalla and Imamshah, demanded equality in salary and pastoral responsibilities and thus increased the awareness and need for the eventual indigenisation and independence of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad. The Canadian missionaries evaded the appeals for pastoral equality among the native ministers. It was

10

Letter from J. Scrimgeour to the Missionary Association, 21 December 1911. Pine Hill College. United Church Archives, New Brunswick. 11 Kemp. 12 Kemp. 13 See The Nation 25 March 1960. 14 He published a book of poems and writings. See Albert Baldeo, From Calypso to the Land of Snow (British Columbia: Calypso Press, 2000).

152

Chapter 6

obvious that the missionaries were desirous of continuing to oversee the mission: They wanted assistants-passive, obedient, co-operative assistants, at that. They encouraged a dependency relationship between the native pastors and themselves thereby creating a weak native ministry and discouraging more independent and strong-minded leadership. This attitude towards the native ministry is parallel to the attitude in colonial government administration. The colonial administration wanted good assistants, but seldom equals.15 During 1925 to 1950 the meagre salary, when compared to teachers and civil servants, was a deterrent to enter the ministry. Coffin’s successor, Rev. J.A Scrimgeour, was appointed the new Principal in 1927 and held this post until 1948. His sterling contributions did not go unrecognised and in 1931 he was awarded an honorary degree from Pine Hill Divinity College and a decade later was made an Officer of the British Empire (obe).16 During Scrimgeour’s tenure the following students were trained and ordained: H.R. Seesaran, S. Ramsaran, James Ramjit, Thomas Hosein, H. Buddhoo, H.D. Imamshah, Stephen Ramrekha, Joseph Rampersad, Albert Sultanti, S. Ramlogan and Kenneth Jaipersad. They were taught in separate Junior and Senior classes. The emphasis on a high quality education for the native ministry was one of the enduring legacies of the Canadian mission. This was illustrated in the decision to allow theological students in Trinidad to pursue tertiary education in Canada. In 1939, the Presbytery of Trinidad formed a special group – the “Committee on Education of Men for the Ministry” to improve the quality of theological education. Among the recommendations included a foreign scholarship and also “Overseas Lectureship.”17 In April 1947, Presbytery approved the training of James F. Seunarine, a ministerial candidate to go to Canada and pursue a four year degree in Art and Theology.18 Upon his return to Trinidad he was ordained on 4 June 1950. In 1951, the Presbyterian Church, in Trinidad, approved a programme in which locals desiring to enter the priesthood would be sent abroad to pursue the Bachelor 15 16 17 18

Hamid 120. TP February 1941. Report of the Committee on Education of Men for the Ministry 1939 (mimeo). Presbyterian Archives, St. Andrew’s Theological College, San Fernando. Hamid 122.

Church Administration and Women’s Liberation

153

of Arts (BA) and Bachelor of Divinity (BD) degrees at Mt. Allison University and Pine Hill Divinity College.19 Among the early local ministers to receive training abroad were Rev. Roy G. Neehall (ordained on 28 May 1953) and Rev. Cyril F. Beharry (ordained on 3 June 1954). After Scrimgeour’s retirement, Rev. J. Newbery was appointed as the principal on 23 November 1950. Newbery taught at the Seminary in Jamaica during 1957–1958 and during this leave of absence, Acting Principal Rev. Dayfoot continued the work of the College. In 1959 Rev. James F. Seunarine was appointed principal of the Presbyterian Theological College. Whilst Seunarine was principal some changes were made. Firstly, he got support for changing the title from “Presbyterian Theological College” to “St. Andrew’s Theological College” (satc). He also designed the college’s new crest which was similar to that of the United Church of Canada.20 During 1960, satc initiated Lay Bible schools which were designed to assist Church workers in their service to regions.21 During the late 1950s, the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad opted for one year training in Trinidad and continued training at the Theological Seminary in Jamaica. During the early 1960s there was an indicator that satc was being transformed and the ministry had again become attractive. In 1963, five persons were ordained – Harold Sitahal, K. Kalloo, J. Elder, Isaac Smith and M. Chandoo. In 1966, the United Theological College of the West Indies (utcwi) was established with a new building near the Mona campus in Jamaica. The utcwi was officially opened on 26 April 1967, and included on its staff was Seunarine of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad. Dayfoot, a minister of the United Church of Canada, worked with the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad from 1952 to 1974. He was installed as principal on 13 July 1961 and served during 1961– 1970.22 Dayfoot wholeheartedly supported the call that catechists’ classes at the satc be tailored to a final examination which would allow for “licensing” and ordination.23 After Dayfoot’s retirement in 1970, Rev. Idris Hamid was selected by the Administrative Committee of satc to head the institution. This was a watershed in the College’s history. During 1974–1976, under the charismatic Hamid, four new programmes were implemented at the College – the Christian Education Diploma Course, Rural Leadership Development Programme, Caribbean 19

For more information on the Divinity Hall see John B. Corston, Twenty Years at Pine Hall Divinity Hall (Halifax: Oxford Street Press, 1982). 20 Dayfoot, Life and Writings 55. 21 Kalloo, Theological College 30. 22 Interview with Rev. Arthur Dayfoot, Toronto, 10 June 2000. 23 Dayfoot, Life and Writings 50.

154

Chapter 6

­cumenical Programme and the Youth Programme of the Presbyterian E Church.24 He was instrumental in organising conferences and seminars relevant to the needs of society. For instance, in March 1977, the “Caribbean Workshop on Community Leadership for Church Workers, Youth Social Workers and Project Carriers” was held at satc.25 During April–May 1978, satc organised one-day seminars aimed at teachers of Junior Secondary and Senior Secondary schools. Some of the topics included Religious Experiences of Youths, Teaching of Religion in Schools and Teachings of the Bible.26 After the death of Hamid in 1981, the institution’s work was continued by the industrious Rev. Harold Sitahal who held the post until 1985. The mantle of leadership was passed on to Acting Principal Rev. Winston Gopaul in 1985 who was subsequently appointed principal in 1987. Gopaul, a graduate of Naparima College and McGill University, continued publishing the annual Caribbean Lenten Meditations which began in 1968. Whilst Gopaul was at the helm, the library was refurbished and relocated to another building.27 Also a new chapeldormitory was constructed and dedicated on 2 February 1992. There were considerable costs involved in the training of ministers at utcwi and there were difficulties in supplying tutors for Jamaica. Also, some of the candidates from Trinidad spent two years at the utcwi and their final years of studies were spent at Mt. St. Benedict.28 This dilemma confronting the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad was soon resolved. During the early 1980s, the Synod presented its Ministerial Training Programme. This was a four year full-time Theology course for persons desirous of becoming ordained ministers. By 1983–1984, four persons had registered for the course – Diane Ragoonan, Joy Abdul, Ian Gajadhar and Elvis Elahie. Upon completion of their studies and internship, Abdul, Elahie and Gajadhar were ordained during 1988–1989. There was the continuation of the two year Leadership Training Programme, held on weekends. This catered for persons who accepted the call to become deaconesses, lay pastors, presiding elders and assistant lay pastors.29 An important initiative was the introducation of Theological Education Sunday which was first observed on 2 March 1986. By the early 1990s, the College 24 25 26 27 28 29

New Century February 1977. New Century February 1977. New Century April/May 1978. Minutes of the Board of Theological Education, 10 November 1986. Presbyterian Archives, St. Andrew’s Theological College, San Fernando. Kalloo, Theological College 40. Kalloo, Theological College 38. Synod Papers and Minutes of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad and Tobago 1985–1986, Presbyterian Archives, St. Andrew’s Theological College, San Fernando. Kalloo, Theological College 40.

Church Administration and Women’s Liberation

155

c­ ontinued its humble work in guiding and directing minds. Rev. Everson Sieunarine in an article entitled “History of the St. Andrew’s Theological College” noted, “The preparation of young men for various secular vocations and the preparation of Ministers to offer society pastoral care and guidance were seen as one inseparable mission of the Presbyterian Church.”30 The appointment of Rev. Joy Abdul, as assistant principal in 2001 and as principal of satc in 2002, was further evidence of the equal treatment enjoyed by women. During the 1990s, the Church achieved certain milestones. The pctt celebrated 125 years of Christian mission and service to Trinidad and Tobago in 1993. And two Presbyterian institutions celebrated their centenary in the 1990s – the St. Andrew’s Theological College in 1992 and Naparima College in 1994. satc’s international reputation cannot be denied as it has been visited by ministers and missionaries from abroad. These included Sadhu J. Nelson Christananda from India in 1933, Rev. J. Thompson, the Moderator of the United Church of Canada in 1954, Rev. Motilal of India in 1958, Bishop Leslie Newbigin of the Church of South India, Rev. Bolagi Idonu from Nigeria in 1966, Rev. Steven Mackie of Scotland in 1979 and Dr. David Young of the Latin American Mission of the usa Presbyterian Church in 1985. These were not merely visits to bring greetings but often there was a vital contribution with the exchange and sharing of ideas and preaching styles. Throughout the 20th century, many of these visiting ministers with their vast theological knowledge enriched the student body and teaching staff at satc. The disillusionment of full-time and part-time church workers has contributed to some joining other Christian denominations, migrating to North America or opting for secular jobs such as the teaching profession. The blame for their departure from the ministry lies partly on the members of the churches who tend to criticise and malign rather than support their ministers.31 Church workers such as deaconesses, ministers, elders and lay pastors do not expect to be placed on pedestals and adored. They simply desire to be treated with courtesy and respect. A number of pastoral regions are deprived of the services of a full-time minister, and as a result some ministers are being recruited from North America and retirees are being approached to fill vacancies. There is need for a printing press at satc which would assist with the printing of anniversary brochures, programmes and song books for the schools and churches. Such a press would also encourage the publication of theological and scholarly works by church workers. 30 31

History of St. Andrew’s Theological College 100th Anniversary Brochure 1892–1992 (San Fernando: CarVey’s Ltd., 1992) 14. Interview with Rev. Michael Chandoo, Alberta, 10 August 2002.

156

Chapter 6

In 2007 satc was in the process of obtaining accreditation from the Accreditation Council of Trinidad and Tobago (actt). There is a tacit agreement that students from satc will be considered for acceptance and some financial assistance at some institutions in North America and England. There is a tenuous link with institutions in the United States including Memphis Theological Seminary in Tennessee, Austin Seminary in Texas and Princeton Theological Seminary in New Jersey. This relationship emerged as graduates of satc opted to pursue postgraduate degrees at these institutions. Also, there is a link with Bossey Ecumenical Institute in Geneva, Switzerland. In the 21st century, satc continued its educational work and observed its 125th anniversary in 2017. The challenge of satc is to once again become a vibrant and respected theological institution in the Caribbean and Latin America. Furthermore there is need for a dynamic teaching staff, with the highest qualifications in various theological fields. 1

Early Church Administration

The beginning of church government was initiated by Grant in the late nineteenth century. On the 25th anniversary of Grant’s arrival among Indians in the colony, some of his friends paid tribute to his work, “…in spite of the many difficulties and disappointments you have met…You have built up a Church and established an extensive system of Schools throughout the district….”32 By 1896, Presbyterians had 8 places of worship and 2,375 worshippers in the colony.33 The Presbyterian mission was slowly but surely expanding. Grant proved to be a competent administrator of the Susamachar Presbyterian Church and surrounding districts. Grant was in charge of Susamachar Presbyterian Church which opened on 7 July 1872. He was responsible for the election of elders to assist in “spiritual oversight” of the small flock and appointment of a Board of Managers in 1875. Grant allowed the Board and elders to assume responsibilities at Susamachar Presbyterian Church.34 In a magnanimous gesture Grant opted to receive only one third of his salary to allow the Foreign Mission Board to appoint a fourth missionary to Trinidad. By 1884,

32 33 34

Letter addressed to Rev. Grant to celebrate the 25th anniversary of Grant’s arrival among Indians in the colony, 23 November 1895. United Church Archives New Brunswick. Annual Report for 1896. S. Moosai-Maharaj, “One Hundred Years After 1870” Address delivered on 22 November 1970 (Trinidad: np, 1970) 6.

Church Administration and Women’s Liberation

157

Grant was responsible for a new church being built at Oropouche and there were 20 places of worship in the colony.35 On 4 July 1929, a meeting was held at Knox Church, Couva to discuss the composition of the Field Advisory and Field Executive Boards. A motion was moved by A.J. Mohammed and seconded by C.C. Abidh, that the Field Advisory Boards for educational issues comprise the Field Superintendent (Chairman), the local managers of the field, two teachers to be nominated by the Head and Assistant Teachers who were members of the Presbyterian Church (nominees to be approved by Presbytery) and two laymen to be appointed by Presbytery.36 At this meeting it was decided that the Field Executive Boards have a maximum of seven members. Among the members were to be the Field Superintendent (Chairman), two members with the Field Superintendent would form a quorum and that the appointment of these Boards be left entirely to the Presbytery. Synod (previously known as Presbytery) is the highest court in the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad. Among its functions include administering the finances of the Church, monitoring the Church’s institutions, educational policy, pastoral relations and training of ministers. During the 1960s, the Synod had the jurisdiction to elect fourteen Standing Committees including the ntc Board, Presbyterian Board of Management for Primary Schools, the Presbyterian Secondary Education Board and the Theological Board. There have been minor changes, for instance the post of Clerk of the Synod has been replaced by the General Secretary. The term of the Moderator is no longer one year but two years. The interaction of the various bodies within the Presbyterian Church was a crucial factor which aided the successful administration of its primary and ­secondary schools. By 1962, the pastoral charges were represented by layrepresentatives from 3 Presbyteries: Princes-Town, San Fernando-Couva and Tunapuna. The lay-representatives to Synod were equal in number to the ministers on the roll of Presbytery. At least one lay-representative was appointed from each pastoral charge which has an Official Board. Due to shortages in personnel and finances, in 1971 Synod suggested the reduction of pastoral charges.37 Subsequently, during 1973–1974 the Church’s 33 pastoral regions were reduced to 19. 35 36 37

The Board of Mangers comprised H. Boodoo, J.E. Rattan, Jas. Mungal and Chas. Fitzpatrick. Letter from the Elders, Chairman and Board of Managers of Susamachar Presbyterian Church to Grant on his retirement. Minutes of the Native Church Development Committee 4 July 1929. Synod Papers and Minutes of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad and Tobago, April 1971. Presbyterian Archives, St. Andrew’s Theological College, San Fernando.

158

Chapter 6

The vision for change was evident as Dayfoot weaned himself from responsibilities on the Denominational Board and as Manager of the primary schools. Dayfoot also recommended that the title “field secretary” replace “field missionary” to allow a local minister to properly fulfill his/her duties.38 Additionally, he advocated that the Presbyterian Treasurer or local charges deal with the disbursement of salaries. Dayfoot campaigned for the Mission Council to be abolished and replaced with the “Committee of Missionaries” which would deal with the personal business of missionaries. His seconding of a motion in Presbytery allowed for the change of “Canadian Mission” schools to “Presbyterian” schools.39 Undoubtedly, Dayfoot had almost singlehandedly, spearheaded the upsurge in Presbyterian reform which established precedents that were eagerly adopted by other ministers and pastoral charges. This atmosphere of change and devolution of ministerial duties in the Presbyterian Church was a continuation of the earlier campaign of Revs. Lalla and Imamshah. One of the unique features of the Presbyterian Church is its governance through various grades of Church courts. Among the various administrative levels are the Local Board, Official Board, Presbytery (Northern and Southern), Synod and Synodical Council. The Presbytery, which has an advisory and supervisory role over regions, consists of church workers and ministers of a few regions. Full-time church workers, ministers and representatives of every region and Presbytery belong to Synod, the highest administrative body of the Presbyterian Church. The chairperson of the Synod is the Moderator. In the 1960s, the church seemed to have carefully embarked on an education plan. On 8 September 1960, the Presbytery met to discuss the Church’s policy on education from which a four page preliminary report was presented.40 The Committee on Education in Christian Stewardship (a sub-committee of the Church Development Board) was established on 17 April 1961. This year also marked the historic acceptance of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad into the World Conference of Churches (wcc) which was another important step in the independence of the local church and its recognition as a Christian body. Despite blazing a trail in the field of education, during 1950–1960 the growth of Presbyterian congregations was a disappointment and not reflective of the educational successes and expansion of its schools (see Table 11). This slow rate of conversion was neither a deterrent for the Canadian missionaries nor the later indigenous Presbyterian leaders. They continued the 38 Dayfoot, Life and Writings 50. 39 Interview with Rev. Arthur Dayfoot, Toronto, 10 June 2000. 40 TP November 1960.

159

Church Administration and Women’s Liberation Table 11  East Indian converts to Presbyterianism and school enrollment 1951–1959

Year East Indian East Indian Communicants Number of School population Presbyterians Primary enrollment schools 1951 1955 1959

216,500 259,875 263,000

12,000 20,000 20,000

3,000 4,000 5,000

67 67 72

30,000 32,000 35,000

Source: brinsley samaroo, “Missionary Methods and Local Responses: The Canadian Presbyterians and the East Indians in the Caribbean,” in East Indians in the Caribbean: Colonialism and the struggle for Identity. New York: Kraus International Publications, 1982, Appendix 1,114.

educational arm of the mission. In the 1960 census, the Presbyterian community comprised only 6% of the total population and managed to carve only a small niche in evangelisation. But eight years later, in 1968, when the Presbyterian Church celebrated its centenary year of existence in Trinidad it had already indelibly etched its name in education. Stephen Moosai-Maharaj, a graduate of Mt. Allison University and former principal of Hillview College, in an address in 1970 at the Susamachar Presbyterian Church to mark the centenary arrival of Grant (in 1870), warned the church of its regression, “The Church left by Dr. Morton and Dr. Grant and their community of workers has changed in many ways. Not so much in form as in substance, in doctrinal beliefs, in inherent acts of goodness, in short in its practice of morals and religion. We face a world which has become too individual-conscious.”41 Such a statement is relevant to the Presbyterian Church in the 21st century. In the final decades of the twentieth century, the Presbyterian Church faced numerous challenges and underwent a transition. In 1965, Garth Legge in his report revealed the responses of some of the staff of the Presbyterian Church to their demanding jobs: Meetings are frustrating – they take time that I feel could be better spent in many ways – so much time is involved in just getting to meetings…So much to be done – so little time and strength to do it. I know I have to watch my health…Over-organization and lack of communication…Such frustrations as there are are (sic) a result of doing too many things, and 41

Moosai-Maharaj 9.

160

Chapter 6

hence several of them badly; without the satisfaction of sometimes finishing a job off properly one’s standards tend to slip. Indeed, the overburdening workload and frustration would have been due not to an absence of competence but more a result of a lack of volunteers and enthusiasm among church workers.42 In October 1966, the historic Mayaro Consultation sought to determine the future relationship of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad. The representatives at the meeting decided that financial assistance from Canada would be be gradually decreased by 10% each year during 1968 to 1977. It was also decided that the missionaries would permanently depart Trinidad when they undertook their impending furloughs (leave). By 1975, the last Canadian missionaries Rev. C. Kitney and Mabel Brandow (missionary) departed from Trinidad; three years later, the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad received its last financial grant from Canada. By the mid-1990s, the sub-division of the regions resulted in 23 pastoral charges of the Presbyterian Church.43 Some pastoral regions are without the services of a full-time ordained minister and this has affected the attendance of the churches. 2

Sense of Belonging

The Presbyterian mission in Trinidad displayed a significant degree of syncretism or fusion of beliefs and rituals between Christianity and Hinduism, the religion of the East Indians. In some Presbyterian communities there was the establishment of the “panchayat” which was reminiscent of the unit of rural local government in India.44 This was the term given to the local session when Presbyterian elders and the ministers convened. Also, often fresh flowers were used to decorate the inside of the churches on Sunday mornings. This was not merely to beautify the sanctuary but because flowers played a central role in the Hindu rituals. Additionally, the format of the Presbyterian prayer meetings among Indians closely resembled a katha puja or bhagwat of Hindus and Kitab of Muslims, with an elaborate food preparation. At such prayer meetings or thanksgiving 42 43 44

Legge Report 138. Synod Papers and Minutes of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad, April 1994. Presbyterian Archives, St. Andrew’s Theological College, San Fernando. See Natasha Ramnarine, “The Panchayat System as an Early Form of Conflict resolution in Trinidad,” in Construction of an Indo-Caribbean Diaspora 232. The panchayat was known as a village court, meeting or council.

Church Administration and Women’s Liberation

161

services of Presbyterians, the choir had Indian musical instruments as the dholak and tassa.45 Likewise, the “mela” with its sharing of a meal was adapted by Presbyterians for special functions as Good Friday services.46 Some Canadian missionaries such as Rev. Simon A. Fraser in the early twentieth century, assisted the time-expired Indians in purchasing lands. The missionaries approached the government and suggested the need for an agency to assist Indians in securing land. The government ignored the request and Fraser founded the Agricultural Loan Society. He borrowed private funds and made loans to Indians who were desirous of purchasing land. The only restriction being that the Indian must never sell alcohol.47 The Mortons privately owned land in areas of Caijual, Fishing Pond and Caratal. Interestingly, Rev. John Morton sold cocoa from this estate to Roundtree a confectionery industry in England.48 By 1891, the time-expired Indians served in a number of fields. These ­included rice cultivation, market gardening, fishing, scavenging, charcoalburning, as laundresses and domestic servants. The economic entrepeneurship of the Indians is evident from their ownership of cocoa and coconut ­estates and rumshops.49 Many Indians were thrifty and during 1897 to 1917 Indians comprised 42% of the depositors in the local Government’s Savings Bank.50 This business enterprise continued into the 21st century and is obvious among the some of the country’s successful Presbyterian families. Amidst the sociological and historical processes, the missionaries did not merely limit their contribution in the field of education to basic literacy skills as recommended by the State. Indeed, the mission with its far-reaching vision and ambitious agenda undertook the arduous task of broadening the horizons and allowed for development across caste, religion, age and economic status. There was a dire need for an education in morals and values during the indentureship period as the social life in the village was considered weak and disruptive: “Many took to heavy drinking. Family life, a strong institution in Indian life, was also severely affected.”51 The attempt at social reform recorded early successes in 1869 when two of the dedicated East Indian teachers – Charles C. Soodeen and Thomas Walter took abstinence pledges.52 The local monthly 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52

The dholak is a two-sided drum and the tassa is a drum. Samaroo, “Missionary Methods” 104. Ramesar 85. Interview with Rev. Bert Samaroo, Valsayn, 31 March 2006. Ramesar 86–87. Ramesar 89. Hamid 33. Morton 62–63.

162

Chapter 6

newspaper of the Presbyterian Church, The Trinidad Presbyterian, served as an easily accessible educational medium to address such social ills which affected the East Indians; as in January 1891, the newsletter condemned the use of the alcohol.53 Not only were adults educated on the evils of alcohol but in primary schools, “Older children were invited to sign a pledge to abstain from the use of alcoholic beverages.”54 At the higher levels of administration concerns were also expressed. In 1894, the Trinidad Mission Council reiterated the call for abstinence from alcoholic drinks as a prerequisite in becoming model Christians.55 It is apparent that the social education of the East Indians was deemed as important as their academic progress. The Presbyterian Church, assisted by its schools, had become bastions of moral authority intent on curbing moral decadence with the antidote of spirituality. Sunday School classes also helped in the assimilation process. At Susamachar Presbyterian Church, Grant played a vital role in the life of this body and was praised by the members, “The Sunday School like every other part of the work had its small beginnings with many discouragements; but under constant, fostering care it became and still continues to be an important factor in the upbuilding of our church.”56 Likewise, Archibald realised the importance of this education, “It is a step in advance for Hindu children to attend the Sunday School….Those who attend usually have less objection to the Christian religion.”57 In 1920 there were 4,115 students attending 87 Sunday School classes in the colony.58 The students would attempt an examination after a period of training by teachers. The Trinidad and Tobago Sunday School Association (later known as the Trinidad and Tobago Council of Christian Education) would oversee the Scripture Examination in two levels – Juniors and Adults. For the Junior Grade had simple questions such as “What does Jesus want us to learn from the story of the Rich Man and Lazarus” and “Tell in your own words the story of the Prodigal Son.” In the paper for adults, there were questions as: “Tell the story of the Ten Lepers. What lesson do you draw from it?” and “Show the influence of Jesus upon Zacchaeus.” As a result of his diligence, Ralph Bharath

53 54 55 56

TP January 1911. Archibald, “Diary.” Tikasingh 231. Letter from the Elders, Chairman and Board of Managers of Susmachar Presbyterian Church to Grant on his retirement. 57 Archibald, East Indian Mission, 9. 58 Archibald, East Indian Mission, 9.

Church Administration and Women’s Liberation

163

topped the Senior Intermediate Sunday School examinations and later became an invigilator for these exams.59 The Presbyterian Church in Trinidad and Tobago can no longer be seen as having a membership comprised of only Indians. Many of the congregations are racially diverse and comprise non-Indians though they are in a minority. At the Arunodai Presbyterian Church in Balmain, the Presbyterians of AfroTrinidadian descent include Ellis Holder, Linda Rawlins, Linton Whitehall and Desmond Baxter (Mixed). Other faithful Afro-Trinidadian and Mixed members can be found in congregations at Woodbrook, Maracas, Susamachar, Fyzabad, Nistar, San Juan, Penal, Las Lomas and Curepe Presbyterian Churches. There are also Whites and Chinese who are Presbyterians. For instance, the late Professor Peter Bacon was an English-born White, who worshipped at Aramalaya Presbyterian Church. Initially, the missionaries ensured the Indians were properly assimilated into the society and later the Afro-Trinidadians felt comfortable in the India-dominated Presbyterian churches. 3 Catechists Jaggernauth wanted a feather in his cap, though he did not know what it meant; it must be something good, for the Canadian minister in the church told the congregation it would be a feather in their cap if they could persuade any heathens to be converted to the Lord and Saviour ­Jesus Christ.60 Samuel Selvon, an Indo-Trinidadian novelist, in the short story “Turning Christian” reflected an aspect of the early mission’s appeal among Indians in ­Trinidad. In another short story, “The Wedding Came” in Seepersad Naipual’s ­collection – Gurudeva and other Stories, one of the charactrers, Mr. Sohun a teacher in the Presbyterian school, was considered the only man in the village. It was futile for the Presbyterian Church with its missionary zeal to either deny or disguise the overlapping nature of theological and secular education that was simultaneously occurring among its institutions. The work of the missionaries in the CM schools provided the source for recruiting teachers and catechists: “That this work has borne much fruit is evident from the fact that a large

59 60

Ralph Bharath, Tacarigua, 26 January 2005. Selvon 204.

164

Chapter 6

­ roportion of the Christian Workers, both Preachers and Teachers, come from p the ranks of the Hindu and Mohammedan children of the Day Schools.”61 In the early twentieth century, the “Order of the Catechists” had been established with responsibilities such as encouraging parents to send their children to school, assisting teachers in giving religious instruction and also teaching adults in evening classes. These catechists formed a vibrant arm of the church and an essential group of teaching assistants for the missionaries. In 1878 ten catechists were being trained at the Theological College. And, on 3 April 1896, three of these catechists – Andrew Guyadeen, Davd Ujagarsingh and Paul Bukhan, were ordained by the Presbytery. The Canadian missionaries were ably assisted by these catechists. John Morton recalled the baptism of John Kantoo who became a devout catechist and managed Jordan Hill cmi in 1873: For more than three years he worked [in the cane-piece] daily, and came to school in the afternoons. He studied diligently, but opposed the truths of Christianity determinedly…he continued to maintain what ground remained to him while gradually retreating till, at length, Hinduism left him no standing ground. He became an earnest Christian and was most successful both as teacher and cathecist. While yet a heathen on the estate he stole a very fine cedar board and converted it into a box. After his baptism he went to the manager of the estate, confessed what he had done, and offered to pay for it.62 The catechists who assisted these missionaries were excellent role models for the colony and were usually of both impeccable morals and high calibre. Gibbings, a catechist, ministered in Chaguanas and received some assistance from the district’s Hindu leader, “Kapildeo (sic) Pundit was friendly and used to put in a word on the Preacher’s behalf. As a matter of fact there were about a dozen Christians there, as R. Ganess Maharaj had been Catechist at Chaguanas before him.”63 Undoubtedly, the catechists, like the headmaster or head-teacher assisted the missionaries in upholding the image of the Presbyterian mission. The indispensable role of the catechists in spreading the “Good News” of the  importance of education should not be underestimated. By 1916, when ­stationed at Tunapuna, Rev. Harvey Morton identified one of the mission ­stations  – the “Tunapuna Field” as having a respectable figure of twenty 61 Archibald, East Indian Mission 9. 62 Morton 163. 63 Kemp.

Church Administration and Women’s Liberation

165

schools, twenty-three Sunday schools and two night schools which were assisted by catechists, Bible women and teacher-catechists. During this year, Harvey Morton in the Annual Report identified 17 catechists and teacher-catechists serving the region.64 Among the catechists who served Aramalaya region were John ­Neehall, Charles Bhagwansingh and Phillip Gangasingh.65 In 1934, the younger Morton reported the tremendous work achieved with local assistance, “There were three ordained ‘East Indian ministers’: Rev. J.E. Gibbings, C.D. Lalla and H.M. Buddhu (in the field) also catechists and volunteer preachers who were teachers and independent laymen.”66 The dual role of teacher/catechist reinforced the notion of inseparability between education and religion which was instilled by the Canadian missionaries. An illustration is Rev. Henry Laltoo, one of the early catechists and Indian Presbyterian ministers, who received an education at the San Fernando CM School and later became headmaster at Hermitage cmi School in 1901. His successor was Head-teacher Henry Ramcharan who followed a similar path and became a catechist. Others such as Henry D. Imamshah of Balmain cmi and Joseph Rampersad of Morichal cmi in 1914 and 1915 repectively left the teaching profession and became catechists.67 The Order attracted persons from other professions such as Samuel Ramlagan a clerk, Stephen Ramanair a policeman and Samuel Ramsaran a “petty”overser.68 Often the catechist, as the headmaster, had a multifaceted role in the community. For instance, Laltoo who received his Third Class Certificate in 1896 and became a catechist in 1900, not only assisted the missionaries but filled other unofficial roles as counsellor and lawyer.69 Whilst serving in the Riversdale region, Laltoo acted as a veterinarian and dentist.70 Usually, the catechist’s wife and children would accompany him to Sunday services or prayer meetings. One of the early catechists was Charles Prayag who was born on the Cedar Grove Estate in South Naparima. At 7 years of age he was baptized by Rev. Grant at La Fortune CM School in September 1877. Prayag later moved to Fyzabad and from 1880–1885 he attended the nearby mission school where he was

64 65 66 67 68 69 70

Annual Report of Harvey Morton 1916 cited in Ramesar and Bhupsingh 34. TP May 2006. Annual Report of Rev. Harvey Morton, Field Missionary to Secretary of the Mission Council 1934 cited in Ramesar and Bhupsingh 37. Brochure of St. Andrew’s Theological College, 100th anniversary 1892–1992, 31. Brochure of St. Andrew’s Theological College, 100th anniversary 1892–1992, 31. Interview with Ralph Laltoo, New Brunswick, 9 August 2002. Krysta Ramrattan, “The History of the Riversdale Region,” Caribbean Studies thesis, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 2006, 26.

166

Chapter 6

employed as a monitor at $3 and $4 a month. He briefly attended the San Fernando Central School under the direction of Miss Copeland (later Mrs. Geddes Grant), and in 1887 he taught at Harmony Hall Estate School.71 Rev. Grant was instrumental in securing a job for Prayag at a grocery in San Fernando where he was employed as a mercantile clerk for 6 years. Later, both Grant and Behari sought to convince Prayag to leave his job and undertake preaching. Initially, Prayag was reluctant and recalled, “…to this I answered that the work was noble, but the salary in the mission work was too small and was not enough to keep up a decent family.”72 Eventually, Prayag succumbed to their many requests and in 1900 he was appointed a catechist for Oropuche. He was paid a monthly salary of $20 and given $4 for horse allowance. His work bore fruit and by 1907, the Oropuche district was thriving with 384 Presbyterian members. The meagre salaries served as a deterrent for persons who were interested in becoming catechists especially those persons who had a family to support. Butler Tikasingh, served as a catechist during 1907–1940 and in the late 1930s his salary was $35 per month with an additional $5 as horse allowance.73 He was able to educate his 8 children on this meagre salary. During his years of service he assisted in Lengua, Barackpore, Mt. Stewart, Reform, and St. Julien. In the Trinidad Mission Accounts for 1877, the workers in Grant’s district were Lal Behari who was paid £50, Mos. Jarpargaslal £37 10, and Sadaphal (catechist) earned a salary of £49 13 1½. These expenses were supplemented by donations amounting to £209.89 from friends in Trinidad and Nova Scotia.74 The early mission was blessed with forthright and morally upright teachercatechists as Benjamin Balaram, Paul Bukhan, C.C. Soodeen. Such individuals refused to compromise their beliefs and adhered to a lifestyle which would not be a disgrace or discredit to the Presbyterian Church. The statistics of Table 12 provide evidence of the available human resources in Trinidad who assisted in the Presbyterian primary and secondary schools, the lady-missionaries who concentrated on girls’ education and the general increase of Presbyterian schools in Trinidad. By 1920 there were 103 preaching stations and missionaries were assisted by 68 Indians.75 However there seemed to be certain discrepancies in the interpretations of the duties of these evangelistic workers. Carl Campbell in “The East Indian Revolt Against Missionary Education 1928–1939” contended that unfair treatment existed: 71 Prayag. 72 Prayag. 73 Telephone Interview with Elisha Tikasingh, Port-of-Spain, 11 June 2006. 74 Trinidad Mission Accounts in Grant’s District for the year ending 31 December 1877, United Church Archives, New Brunswick. 75 Archibald, East Indian Mission 10.

167

Church Administration and Women’s Liberation

Table 12  The number of Unordained Catechists and Canadian lady missionaries serving in the Presbyterian schools

Unordained (Catechists) Canadian lady missionaries Schools Total enrollment

1911

1917

1942

   57    3    61 8,080

    57      3     70 14, 336

   38    10    68 25,000

Source: i. hamid, A History of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad 1868–1968 San Fernando: St. Andrew’s Theological College, 1980, Appendix 8, 271.

It is however part of the oral traditions of the country that Canadian ­Presbyterian missionaries unfairly heaped upon their teachers extra-­ curricular duties seemingly beyond those demanded by other churches. All teachers were essentially catechists and Sunday school teachers: they were expected to come out in full force to church services; to contribute, it was alleged, more of their salaries to missionary causes than they wished.76 The major reason for the burdensome duties of the teachers was primarily due to a shortage of personnel. Archibald identified the fact “the great bulk of the work” had to be undertaken by East Indian preachers because Canada only provided sufficient men for roles as leaders and superintendents.77 The increased workload given to the teachers could be interpreted as a phase in which local personnel were being seen as responsible and intellectually mature. It could also be interpreted as succession planning designed to prepare these Indians to continue when the missionaries returned to Canada. During the 1940s persons were still willing to serve as catechists. Among them was Joseph Seedansingh a retired headmaster of Penal Rock CM School and Cornelius Debi a retired sanitary inspector from Princes Town. In the late 1950s, the Order of Catechist would be gradually phased out. In 1959 the Synod agreed to replace the name “catechist” with “Ordained Preacher.” This new worker would be trained and after licensed would become a “Licentiate.” At this stage, if the Licentiate received a “call” from a congregation, he would be ordained. Prior to ordination, the Presbyterian Church intended to improve the educational background of the Licentiate by ensuring that applicants were 76 Campbell, “East Indian Revolt” 123. 77 Archibald, East Indian Mission 11.

168

Chapter 6

successful in obtaining the Cambridge High School Certificate. Upon completion they would be sent to utcwi in Jamaica for further training which would lead to the Diploma in Theology. There was still a void as the ministers needed unordained assistants. This resulted in the implementation of two Orders – the Presiding Elder and Lay Pastor. 4

Women’s Work, Teenagers and Children But Shekhar’s wife had from the first met Tulsi patronage with arrogant Presbyterian modernity. She flaunted her education…She wore short frocks and didn’t care that they made her look lewd and absurd…Added to all this she sometimes sold the tickets at her cinema; which was disgraceful, besides being immoral.78

This excerpt from Naipaul’s A House for Mr Biswas denotes a liberated and Westernised female who attains a higher status as a result of her conversion to the Presbyterian faith. Similarly in Seepersad Naipaul’s Gurudeva and other Stories, the only woman who is literate is a Presbyterian – Daisy. During the early decades of the twentieth century, not only were young women prepared for life vocations but the educational and social needs of women in society continued to be addressed. This offered a challenge to the mission of the Presbyterian Church in the 1930s. Women played an active role in the Presbyterian education system. From 1876–1901, the Women’s Foreign Missionary Society79 (wfms) sent fourteen Canadian women teachers to Trinidad to assist in the primary schools. By the early twentieth century, the local branch of the wfms was being referred to as the wms. The creation of social institutions and programmes of outreach demonstrated that these missionaries were philanthropists and genuinely interested in the welfare of the East Indians. In 1890, Sarah Morton founded a Girls’ Home at Tunapuna in which young women were taught English, Hindi, Hygiene, Religious Knowledge, Sewing, Cooking and Household Management. The first East Indian organist in the Presbyterian Church, Modestina Samlalsingh, was taught music by Sarah Morton.80 78 Naipaul, Biswas 365–366. 79 Authors such as Brandow and Hamid have omitted the term “Foreign” and referred to the organisation as the “Women’s Missionary Society” (wms). Also there is mention of the “Trinidad Women’s Missionary Society” East Meets West 88. 80 Interview with Ralph Bharath, 26 January 2005.

Church Administration and Women’s Liberation

Figure 6

169

Harvesting rice in Trinidad during the 1960s Source: michael goldberg Collection, The Alma Jordan Library, The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago, West Indies

In 1889, Adella Archibald established the Iere Home in Princes Town and in 1905, she was appointed as the first Superintendent of the Iere Home. Other areas were not neglected as another “Home for Girls” was founded at Couva in 1895. By 1905, Miss Archibald, through these institutions, initiated the teaching of girls in Christian work, Domestic Duties and English. It soon became evident that “…these Homes were used as devices for spreading Christianity, western ideologies and cultures, and more specifically, the Victorian housewife ideology.”81 From the pages of her diary, Miss Archibald vividly reflected on the Home’s service to society, “Iere Home…drawing its pupils chiefly from the country districts though some were from the towns, was overfull without much chance of enlargement.”82 This initiative would later influence the Presbyterian Church and by the 1960s it was a member of the Christian Home and Family Council which had affiliations with fourteen churches and organisations. The activities at Iere led to the founding of women’s groups, an increased attendance of females in schools and churches and the improvement of the

81 82

Guyadeen 110. Archibald, “Diary” 14.

170

Chapter 6

girls’ role in home life.83 Archibald meticulously laid the groundwork for the social work of the church among women. In 1912, she founded a school for orphan girls in Princes Town and was later given responsibility of another school at La Pique.84 Other women of this calibre included Annie Blackadder, a Canadian who was appointed the first missionary of the wfms in 1876. She worked at Princes Town in 1876 and after three years was later transferred to Tunapuna where she founded the Tacarigua cmi school.85 She worked at this school for more than two decades and it was renamed the Blackadder Memorial School.86 Blackadder visited villages on the sugar estates and established temperance societies.87 The church played an active role in the improvement of women. In 1894 the Happy Workers’ Society, founded by Mrs. Grant at Susamachar Presbyterian Church, conducted courses in domestic matters and dressmaking were held for the benefit of young women.88 This society at Susamachar also made regular contributions to social service institutions in San Fernando. Espinet in The Swinging Bridge also mentioned some of the activities of one of the Canadian missionaries, “Lotte was a great organizer and set up classes in crafts, nature study, and cooking and knitting for girls and women.”89 Despite the achievements of the Presbyterian Church among East Indian women there was still a feeling that the mission’s work was not fully contributing and supporting the liberation of East Indian women.90 It was the local wms which approved and encouraged the training of East Indian women leaders known as “Bible Women” who worked assiduously in rural communities and led in prayer, fellowship and outreach. As a result of the overwhelming response from women who were eager to serve as Bible women, training classes were organised in Couva, San Fernando and St. Augustine.91 They usually served on a part-time basis and were the first women workers of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad. 83 Harricharan 27. 84 Doodnath, The early Presbyterian Church 30–31. 85 Doodnath, The early Presbyterian Church 30. For biographies of Sarah Morton, Blackadder, Talaram, Archibald, Beattie and Jamadar, see Presbyterian Church Women: Study Book (San Fernando: Rahaman Printery, 1968), pp. 24–42. 86 Today it is known as the Tacarigua Presbyterian School. 87 Samaroo, “Women’s Work” 11. 88 See Susamachar Presbyterian Church 100th Anniversary July 1972 (San Fernando: Susamachar Presbyterian Church Centenary Celebration Committee, 1972) 47. 89 Espinet 154. 90 Archibald, “Diary” 24. 91 Mary Naimool, “Treasures of Our Christian Heritage – The Bible Women,” St Andrew’s Theological College, 100th anniversary 1892–1992, 33.

Church Administration and Women’s Liberation

171

Through the efforts of the Bible Women, the Canadian missionaries were attempting to hasten the pace of social interaction and integration of the ­Indian females into the wider society. By simultaneously providing a formal ­education whilst assisting the poor and oppressed, the missionaries played a pivotal role in granting limited independence to Indian women. There was still a relatively low attendance of Indian girls at cmi (and later CM) schools as their enrollment was well below that of their male counterparts.92 Explanations for this unbalanced reception to education include cultural and environmental factors. Among the Indians there was a taboo against allowing their daughters to receive an education and attending school after a certain level at primary school. The Canadian women sympathetically viewed the colony’s East Indian women as “unwelcomed at birth, untaught in childhood, uncherished in widowhood, unprotected in old age, unlamented when dead.”93 Undoubtedly, the Bible Women with their appeals for Christian living served as role models for Indian women. This was critical because due to the unbalanced sex ratios with women being outnumbered it was common for the Indian women on the sugar estates and villages to be viewed as encouraging promiscuity and prostitution. The Bible Women provided material benefits to the Indian women, and among the gifts distributed were used clothing, shoes, books and pencils. Additionally, this trained group of women settled family disputes, prayed with grieving families and comforted the sick. In 1870, Fanny Subaran held the distinction of being the first Bible Woman in the colony. She was trained in Tunapuna by Sarah Morton (wife of Rev. J. Morton) in housework, cooking and reading Hindi. Subaran, who began her training as a Bible Woman with Sarah Morton, was described as displaying “energy of character and aptness for teaching that was both rare and remarkable.”94 Subaran served as a Bible Woman in Tunapuna, St. Joseph, Tacarigua, Mausica, Caroni and Cunupia. Another noteworthy early Bible Woman was Deborah Talaram (formerly Bhagiah Lalla and sister of Rev. Lalla).95 As a child of Hindu parents, she was denied attendance at a day school. She later stayed with Sarah Morton at the Girl’s Training Home which trained Christian girls to become potential wives for trained Presbyterian workers. In 1893, she married John Talaram who became a cathecist and they both served in the Chaguanas and San Juan districts. 92 93 94 95

Tikasingh 330–331. Cited in Hamid 217. Brandow 11. Talaram who served in Chaguanas was a graduate of the Iere Girls’ Home. Canadian Presbyterian Mission to East Indians 25.

172

Chapter 6

In the churches, Bible Women assisted the Indian women with fund-raising activities such as cake sales and bazaars. Due to social and cultural mores, ­Indian females were usually illiterate or semi-literate and forced to enter marriages at a relatively young age and ostracised in widowhood. Hamid described Indian women as having to serve a “double indenture.”96 This is an accurate description in a male-dominated society in which women avoided public places and institutions as schools and churches. An active Bible Woman was Sarah Nabibaksh Lalla (1888–1978) who served at Couva. In 1933, she visited 516 homes, served as the Registrar of Births and Deaths and also the Sewing Mistress at Balmain cmi School. Among the prominent Bible Women included Amelia Doon Bissessar Adolphus (1897–1940), Mary Jamadar (a Hindu priestess and daughter of a Brahmin priest), Ethel Baboolal (served in Central Trinidad), Rosa Raghunanan Boodoo (served San Rafael and Talparo), Daisy Seupaul (at Grosvenor), Mrs. Bhagan (who worked at Picton Estate), Mrs. Bhagwandeen (served at Esperance), Hannah Jagbandansingh (1901–1979) who worked in the Princes Town field and Nora Rattansingh (1913–1975) who worked in Chaguanas.97 They were fluent in Hindi and thus able to provide inestimable assistance to the missionaries, by annually visiting hundreds of homes. In May 1962, Christine MacDougall paid tribute to the tireless efforts of Priscilla Parmase, a Bible Woman, “I found Mrs. Parmase working on Garth Road and in Brothers’ Estate. Here her knowledge of the Hindi language made it possible for me to carry on a Woman’s (sic) Missionary Society there.”98 Once a fortnight, the Bible Women would visit and hold meetings with Indian women in the villages. The venue could either be the home, school, church or under a shady tree. In addition to homes and schools, the Bible Women also visited hospitals and prisons.99 The agenda of these gatherings, similar to the services of the Presbyterian Church, had an opening prayer, singing of hymns, meditation, Bible readings and a sermon. They used a Sunday School picture roll to display the Bible stories.100 Upon completion of the formal part, there was a period of light refreshments and informal discussion of personal problems with the Bible Women.101

96 97 98 99 100 101

Hamid 215. Brandow 21–25. TP May 1962. Naimool 33. East Meets West 88. Jerome Teelucksingh, “Early Indian Women and the Presbyterian Church,” Yatra Journey (Claxton Bay: East Indian Cultural Promotions, 2004) 54.

Church Administration and Women’s Liberation

173

Indeed, the Presbyterian Church was able to offer the East Indian women a new lease on life. The foundation of the CM schools and the outreach among women constituted industriousness, upright character, leadership and a deep abiding faith. And upon this foundation the missionaries and Indians erected pillars of morality, religion, respect, virtue, love and charity. The uphill task of the Bible Women to improve the social status of their downtrodden and disadvantaged sisters was fraught with difficulties. Indeed, the Bible Women were the first foot-soldiers of the Presbyterian mission who endured hostility, ridicule, harsh weather and unsafe areas to ensure their Bible messages and social vision were shared with the unconverted Indian women. By allowing the active role of women in missionary work, the Canadian missionaries were providing invaluable lessons in creating meaningful relationships whilst simultaneously removing gender barriers in a patriarchal colonial society. Not all the females came under the influence of the Canadian missionaries. There was the belief in Hindu and Muslim homes that their daughters had no use of a formal English education because it was not relevant to their expected domestic roles.102 During 1930–1950, “…many people outside the Hindu and Muslim community viewed this refusal to send their female children to school as a serious shortcoming and an unprogressive attitude.”103 Thus, a challenge of Bible Women was to encourage Indian women to read and continuously reinforce the importance of regular attendance of their children at schools. One such Presbyterian Indian female who understood the value of education was Jane Mungal who was born in 1925. She was educated at Picton cmi School and briefly at nghs. Mungal spent time at the Iere Home and also avi. She later taught needlework at the Nipal and Rochard Douglas Presbyterian Schools.104 In a patriarchal, class-based and rigidly segmented society, the Presbyterian Church provided the human and financial resources needed to champion the elevation of East Indian women. By 1931, the challenge was realised with the founding, in honour of A.S. Archibald, of the Archibald Vocational Institute (avi) at St. Augustine. This spacious institute provided a four-year course for teenaged girls. The institution’s first principal, Ruth Asbell, captured the primary mission of this institution, as the graduates were conscientiously “…prepared with basic life skills and wholesome values and attitudes, ready to accept the kind of maturity which would enhance the strong fibre of family life, and 102 Kistow, 19. 103 Kistow, 19. 104 TP November 2004.

174

Chapter 6

give real leadership in the community.”105 Considerable emphasis was placed on the family life, evident in the broad spectrum of intensive courses which included: Sewing, Cookery, Nutrition and Infant and Child Welfare clinics. ­Bi-weekly community sessions were offered and during 1933–1934, an estimated 125 African, Chinese and Indian girls attended.106 This institution filled a void in the education of girls who were neither academically inclined nor financially secure. In this less competitive environment, subjects of an academic nature were also taught including Hygiene, Religious Knowledge and English.107 This provision of a well-rounded education was of enormous benefit to many of the East Indian girls who were traditionally married at an early age. Among the teaching staff who contributed to the institution’s outstanding success were Sita Sharma, Heather Ripley, Minnie Kemp, Margaret Vanderbaugh, Bertha Sankarsingh, Elizabeth Master and Winnifred Sitahal. The women missionaries from Canada aided the Presbyterian mission’s educational effort by their admirable work among teenaged girls in the fields of leadership and fellowship. In 1922, two Canadian women – Miss Beattie and Miss Kemp, organised the first tgit among young women at Susamachar Church, San Fernando. This group undertook the task of nurturing minds of girls between the ages of 12–20 years. Similarly, in 1947, two pioneering ­women – Revs. Mabel Brandow and Mary Naimool began an “Explorers” group in the North which targeted young girls in need of friendship and guidance. These groups mushroomed in areas alongside Presbyterian schools and ­rapidly gained popularity. By 1950, there were 60 tgit groups (with members between 12 and 19 years) and twenty Explorer groups (catering for 8–11 years) and these social groups were promoted through both the Presbyterian churches and schools as they understandably, “helped the Christian girl to understand her faith and put it into practice.”108 Presbyterian women as Rosabelle Sampath (Seesaran), Hannah Demming and Myrtle Gunness (Sammy) started the tgit at the Penal CM School in 1950.109 The wfms gave financial assistance, in the form of scholarships, to the local branch of the wms (founded in 1928), for the training of Trinidadian women in Christian Education. Mabel Brandow whose service to Trinidad spanned from 1946 to 1975, fondly recalled the wms as a vibrant arm of the Presbyterian 105 106 107 108 109

Brandow 74. East Meets West 86. East Meets West 85. Brandow 119. Brochure of Penal Presbyterian Church 100th anniversary 2000, 21.

Church Administration and Women’s Liberation

175

Church. On a monthly basis, Brandow and a few Bible Women visited such rural areas as Sangre Grande, Guaico and Biche to spread the Gospel and promote fellowship. By 1965, there were 74 wms branches in Trinidad.110 In the early twentieth century, the wms had also been assisting and subsiding nghs.111 Women’s work continued to play an important role in the Presbyterian church. In 1951, the Committee for Women’s Work (originally the Interim Committee for Women’s Work) was established. More than a decade later, in 1967, there was a merger of the two groups (Committee for Women’s Work and the wms) to form the Presbyterian Church Women of Trinidad and Grenada (pcw). On 18 March 1967, the Committee for Women’s Work held its first joint meeting with the wms with a pro tem Constitution dealing with the governing bodies of girls’ institutions, girls’ work board and the Presbyterian Church women’s groups. Hannah Bhoopsingh-Mike was elected as the first president of the Board of Women in October 1967. One of the outanding Canadian ministers during the 1960s and 1970s was Rev.Geraldine Reid who was ordained in 1961 by the Maritime Conference and appointed to work in Trinidad. From 1965–1969, Reid, a graduate of Mt.Allison University and Pine Hill Divinity College, was Director of Christian Education for the Presbyterian Church. She briefly taught at the avi (1963–1964) and was a valuable asset for the Girls’ Work Board and celtc.112 In 1966 Reid was chosen as the first female moderator of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad. The liberation of women who were Presbyterians was evident in the multifaceted career of Lilias Tilluckdharry of South Trinidad. She established a thriving dry goods store which supplied the community with household items, school uniforms and shoes. Tilluckdharry also operated the family’s rice mill, later owned a gas station and supplied citrus to the Co-operative Citrus Growers.113 This entrepreneurial spirit was not uncommon among Presbyterian women and demonstrated their new lease on life. The work of women in the education of girls continued to thrive during the 1960s. At the avi, in 1960, there were 33 students, fifteen years later this number had increased to 80. A welcome addition to the mission among women occurred on 22 January 1968 with the ordination of the first local woman minister of the Presbyterian Church – Rev. Mary Naimool. In 1989, the annual conference of the pcw was well-attended with an average of 500 women and at these 110 111 112 113

TP April-June 1965. Ramsahai 11. Interview with Geraldine Reid, New Brunswick, 10 August 2002. Brochure of Sampath Family Reunion, 15.

176

Chapter 6

gatherings, bhajans, sermons and prayers in Hindi were part of the proceedings.114 Such annual booklets as the Inspirational Guide, produced by the pcw, have been well-received by the members of the Presbyterian Church. In 2006 at the 78th annual pcw conference, there was participation of the Explorers Group of Tunapuna Presbyterian Church, Youth Group of the Morton Memorial Presbyterian Church and sessions dealing with health and beauty.115 Some pcw women have founded special groups such as Rosabelle Seesaran who founded the Widow’s Fellowship in 1987 at the Penal Presbyterian Church. G.A. Ramdath, a former Principal of Guaico CM School, assisted by Rev. H.F. Swann organised the first Trail Ranger group for teenaged boys in Trinidad.116 In the 1940s, Kenneth Ramcharan organised the boys of the Penal CM School. This was a group which attracted non-Presbyterians. For instance at Tunapuna CM School, Seepersad Ramcharitar, a Hindu, was a member of the Trail Rangers during the 1940s.117 Some as Elisha Tikasingh, a member of the Woodbrook Presybterian Church, was a member of the Trail Rangers. Tikasingh also served in the Presbyterian Primary Schools’ Board of Education and the Board of Theological Education.118 Others such as Wilfred Ramkerrysingh, a retired School Supervisor, recalls the large attendance at rallies of the Girls’ Work Board and Boys’ Work Board which included the tgit and Trail Rangers.119 The objective of the Girls’ Work Board and Boys’ Work Board was to promote group work, with a Christian emphasis, among teenagers. The promise of the Trail Ranger was to “Seek Truth, Cherish Health, Love God and Help Others” (see Appendix 4). Lloyd Persaud who spent a year teaching at Vistabella Presbyterian School in the 1950s, acknowledged the presence of a vibrant Trail Ranger group.120 The female graduates of the Christian Education Leadership Training Courses (celtc), spearheaded seminars to expose teachers to appropriate religious literature for schools, produced guides for religious instruction in primary schools and assisted the tgit groups.121 In 1919, the 5th Naparima Scout Troop of Susamachar was founded and this was one of the vibrant organisations at Susamachar Church. There were other 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121

TP December 1989. TP March 2006 Mahase 53. Interview with Ralph Bharath, Tacarigua, 26 January 2005. TP March 2006. Interview in TP July 1994. Interview with Lloyd Persaud, Chase Village, 22 April 2006. See B. Mahabir, “Women’s Work” in The Presbyterian Church in Trinidad and Tobago 125 years 29.

Church Administration and Women’s Liberation

177

social groups as the Young People’s Christian Endeavour Society (later called Young People’s Fellowship) which started about 1930 but interest gradually waned in the later years. The Presbyterian Church was a member of the Christian Endeavour Union which, by 1962, had 24 socieites in mostly Presbyterian Churches. The function of the Union was to co-ordinate activities of the Christian Endeavour societies. Young people frequently organised trips to co-ed camps as Camp Beatie at Los Iros. In 1970, Stephen Moosai-Maharaj highlighted the changes that the young people were experiencing and appealed for the young and old to work together, “…we are disturbed by the widespread tensions between the generations. Somehow the transition from childhood to youth has suddenly become rough and difficult.”122 A group of female evangelistic workers similar to the Bible Women materialised during the 1930s. The graduates from the Religious Education Department of avi were known as Religious Education Workers. This began by Miss Maude Mackinnon who saw the need to begin a new order known as the Deaconess Order. Some of the Relgious Education Workers were Mamin Ramlochansingh, Elizabeth Gangasingh and Moonie Balgobin. During 1954–1959 church workers were being educated in Canada. Some women were sent to Canada to be trained whilst Deaconnesses were sent to utcwi for training. Among those who benefitted from this were Joan Sabessar, Pamela Mohip and Jannette Hamid.123 Whilst Principal of satc, Hamid sought to revise the Deaconess Order. In addition to their usual pastoral duties, he felt the deaconesses should be responsible for the youths, children and women of the church. Subsequently, in September 1978, five women enrolled in the new programme at the College.124 Its duration was 3 years and after this period each student participated in a social work programme for 6 to 9 months. Among the compulsory courses for candidates were Christian Education, Theological Studies and Biblical Studies. In December 1982, the first group of graduates were commissioned and assigned to various pastoral regions. Among the Presbyterian women there were noteworthy achievements during the 1980s and 1990s. In 1982 the Girls’ Work Board celebrated its sixtieth 122 Moosai-Maharaj 11. 123 Calpurnia Ghouralal, “Theological Training of Women Workers,” St Andrew’s Theological College 37. 124 The five women who enrolled were Mrs. Beryl Kallicharan from the Chaguanas/Freeport Region, Mrs. Rose Gobin and Miss Anna Shrikissoon of the Princes Town/Tableland Pastoral Region, Christine Chowtie and Miss Annabell Dukedin-Lalla of the Penal/Siparia Pastoral Region.

178

Chapter 6

anniversary. Furthermore, in 1989, the Presbyterian Church could boast of having its first locally trained (at satc) and ordained female minister – Rev. Joy Abdul.125 The first female presiding elder to graduate from satc was Phillipa Madhosingh. She was ordained on 17 November 1991 at Marabella Presbyterian Church. In 1999, Rev. Naimool, the first lady minister of the Presbyterian Church, received a national award, Humming Bird Medal (silver), from the government of Trinidad and Tobago. Through the medium of tgit, Trail Rangers, Christian Endeavour, Scout Troops, Youth Groups, pcw and Deaconness Order, the Presbyterian Church played a pivotal role in reducing the “generation gap” and gender barrier. Their network of support groups served as a deterrent to idle minds who might have become involved in social problems as crime and also liberated women from the confines of the home. 5

Boards of Education

The Canadian missionary or catechist was also considered the Manager of the schools in the district. During the late nineteenth century, John Morton was responsible for cmi schools in Palmyra, Jordan Hill, Sevilla and Exchange. Likewise, Grant had to oversee the schools in Pointe à Pierre, Union, Picton, Philippine and San Fernando.126 The minutes of the initial meetings of the Managers of the San Fernando Coolie School reflect astute management. A meeting was held on 19 December 1870 with six persons including Grant and Morton and they agreed to form a Board of Managers for a school board to oversee the establishment of a school for coolie children. Morton was chosen as Secretary and had the power to call a meeting at the request of any 2 members of the Board whilst the chairman had a second or casting vote. The members unanimously agreed that a building at the end of Cipero Street in San Fernando, near the entrance to Les Efforts Estate, would be rented in 1871 for not more than $171.61. They also passed a motion that the teachers at the school should be versed in the Hindustani language and it would be an advantage to have a female to teach needlework.127 The Board intended to approach A. Ghose and his wife to serve as teachers in 125 Sunday Guardian 19 February 1989. 126 Morton 101. 127 Others present at the meeting were P.A Bernard, A.P Maryatt, C. Dick and D. Johnstone. Minutes of Meeting of Board of Managers, 19 December 1870, United Church Archives, New Brunswick.

Church Administration and Women’s Liberation

179

the school. In March 1871 the Board of Managers of the Coolie School outlined their expenses for 1871 (see Appendix 5). At a meeting on 11 October 1871, at the office of A.P. Marryatt, the Board of Managers agreed that they could ask the government to place the Coolie School on “a permanent footing” from 1 January 1872. They also agreed to request the government to pay for expenses of a school room and furniture.128 The expenses for the school for 1872 comprised salaries for the head-teacher and two monitors who were paid $212.71, $96.00 and $92.00 respectively.129 In December 1873, the Managers asked the government to allow them to rent a room on Coffee Street for a sum less than $20.00.130 A few months later, in March 1874 the Managers were glad that the government agreed to continue supporting the Coolie School.131 By 1878 Grant was overseeing the school’s operations and reported its success and challenges to McGregor in Canada, “The San F’do School has been doing well but my Teacher seeing the prospects of another School in town worth 12 or 14 dollars per month more than ours he applied and was accepted. He leaves me at end of this month.”132 Concerns were often expressed over the expenses incurred among the schools. For instance, in 1877 Rev. Christie informed McGregor, in Canada, that expenses could be reduced by changing some teachers and reducing salaries where schools were small. Christie noted that at the cmi school at Mt. Stewart, in 1877, the expenses for a teacher was $157.50, three monitors were paid $130 and rent of the building was $46.00.133 In 1878, Grant hoped that four of the cmi schools under his jurisdiction would be on the lists of government assisted schools. A similar scenario was intended for three of Morton’s and two of Christie’s cmi schools. In 1908, Harvey Morton had 19 schools under his care.134 At his missionary work in Guaico it was noted that “the missionaries who were the corresponding managers and they appointed staff of the school.”135 The ministers 128 Minutes of Meeting of Board of Managers, 11 October 1871, United Church Archives, New Brunswick. 129 Minutes of Meeting of Board of Managers, 22 January 1873, United Church Archives, New Brunswick. 130 Minutes of Meeting of Board of Managers, 21 December 1873, United Church Archives, New Brunswick. 131 Minutes of Meeting of Board of Managers, 13 March 1874, United Church Archives, New Brunswick. 132 Letter from Grant to McGregor, 5 April 1878, United Church Archives, New Brunswick. 133 Letter from Th. M. Christie to McGregor, 7 January 1877, United Church Archives, New Brunswick. 134 Morton 443. 135 Morton Memorial Presbyterian Church 21.

180

Chapter 6

­ erformed the role of superintendents as they would ensure the smooth funcp tioning of the school. For instance, in 1922 Rev. Gibbings was appointed to St. Joseph and was manager of five schools in the preaching district which included Cunupia, Warrenville, Caroni and Maracas. Gibbings developed a close bond with the schools, “…his work with the young being an important part of his service, and he was always on the friendliest terms with the Teachers.”136 In October 1929 a function was held at Poole River CM School to honour its ­Manager – Rev. J.C. Mac Donald. He was presented with a token by Ivy Persad. The head-teacher, A.E. Madhosingh, was the chairman of the evening’s proceedings. Mac Donald said that of the 17 schools he was manager, the Poole River had the highest enrollment average.137 Being in charge of seventeen schools indicate the demanding work of a minister in the early twentieth century. Both their religious and secular responsibilities were seen as important. Despite these achievements, one festering problem of the Presbyterian Church was the seemingly dominant control of the Canadian missionaries over its schools. Even though East Indians were being appointed as headteachers, head-masters and teachers in the primary and secondary schools; feelings of discontent and dissidence gradually emerged among the native pastors and teachers. One of the reasons for this defiance among the local clergy was the absence of East Indians among the field missionaries and on the Trinidad Mission Council. The reason partly being that the field missionaries’ responsibilities included overseeing the applications for teaching jobs, applications for Teachers’ College entry, leaves of absence, increments and disciplinary complaints against head teachers. As a result of the inefficiencies of the missionaries in dealing with requests of teachers, the CM school teachers formed an organisation in 1911. This growing dissidence among the East Indians should not merely be seen in isolation but must be viewed in the socio-political context of the Caribbean. In the 1920s, the development of the working-class movement throughout the West Indies and the clamouring for self-government struck a chord among the East Indian Presbyterian ministers. In 1927, the yearning for independence emanated from the teachers employed in the primary schools who responded to the foreign control of education by organising themselves into the Canadian Mission Teachers’ Association (cmta).138 This brave attempt to seek some ­educational independence lacked effective leadership but continued to exist and voice the concerns of teachers. Head-teacher Charles Ramkhelawan of 136 Kemp. 137 East Indian Weekly 26 October 1929. 138 Hamid 107.

Church Administration and Women’s Liberation

181

­Chandernagore CM School served as secretary whilst C.C. Abidh, also a headteacher, was president. The cmta also served an indispensable role in community affairs. An islandwide event, the Canadian Cup Competition, was held annually. In 1930, the cmta appointed a committee to devise rules for the competition.139 On 10 September 1929, at a meeting at the Knox Church in Couva, church workers discussed the functions of the Field Advisory Board. A motion was moved by Rev. Kemp that that this Board be consulted concerning the appointment of teachers except where the responsibility lay with the Denominational Board. The motion was seconded by Mohammed and the members agreed. At this meeting it was agreed that a Board for Naparima College comprise the following members: the principals of Naparima College, the Theological College and the ntc (ex-officio), the East Indian members of the Government Board of Education (ex-officio), two members appointed by Presbytery, one member recommended by the cmta (appointed by Presbytery) and one member nominated by the alumni.140 Another meeting was held on 15 October 1929, those in attendance agreed to reconsider the membership of the Naparima College Board. The Secretary, Rev. Walls suggested the possibility of extending representation on the College Board to the Hindus and Muslims. The members decided that the issue be referred to Presbytery for consideration.141 At a meeting at Knox Church in Couva in 1929, a motion was moved by Rev. Lalla that the Denominational Board be composed of 12 members, six Canadian missionaries and six East Indian members. The motion was agreed to by the members in attendance.142 The six Canadian members were to be nominated by the Mission Council and approved by the Presbytery. Five of the six Indian members of the Denominational Board were to be chosen by nominations from each the five Field Advisory Boards (and approved by Presbytery) and the sixth member from the Board of Education. The decision to include East Indians on the Denominational Board was one of the earliest instances of equal treatment sanctioned by the missionaries. In 1930, Naparima College was placed under control of a local College Board with funds from Canada being used to pay the salary of the principal. By 1933, the College was able to assist with part of the principal’s salary.143 The Boards of Management in denominational schools were elected by the head of the 139 140 141 142 143

East Indian Weekly 28 June 1930. Minutes of the Native Church Development Committee 10 September 1929. Minutes of the Native Church Development Committee 15 October 1929. Minutes of the Native Church Development Committee. np, nd. East Meets West 68.

182

Chapter 6

denomination.144 In 1959 the Naparima College Board was replaced by the Presbyterian Secondary Education Board.145 In 1939, at a session of the West Indian Royal Commission (Moyne Commission), S.A. Hammond, the Senior Education Commissioner in the West Indies, was asked his opinion on the replacement of the denominational system with secular education. Hammond offered insight into the advantage of religious education: One advantage of denominational schools is that they preserve a local sense of responsibility and connection with the people. They have lost a great deal of this sense with the increasing grants that have been made by the Government, and which have brought them under Government control to the extent that the denominational manager is little more than an unpaid Government servant without Government authority…With regard to religious teaching, my personal opinion is that there is quite as good religious teaching in the Government schools as in the denominational. Sometimes it is even better.146 The tttu gave evidence before the Commission. One of its grouses was the unsatisfactory system of promotion in assisted schools: “In the prevailing system of promotion, other factors such as ability to help the Clergyman Managers to do religious work are brought to bear and many an able teacher who has given of his best service is frequently passed over. It is reasonable to expect that such cases lead to grave dissatisfaction.”147 During Dayfoot’s residence in Princes Town, Trinidad (1952–1961), there were significant changes in the structure of the Presbyterian Church. At Princes Town, Dayfoot served as “field missionary” with seven pastoral charges. He held the position of manager of most of the primary schools in the region and was also a member of the Denominational Board. Additional duties of Dayfoot included regular meetings with the catechist group of the region and overseeing the Official Board and session meetings.148 By 1962, the Presbyterian Board of Management for Primary Schools was approved by the Synodical Council. Its major duty was to manage the primary schools in co-operation with the Ministry of Education. The Presbyterian 144 145 146 147

CO 950/933. The Nation 25 March 1960. Submission of S.A Hammond to West India Royal Commission, 6 March 1939, CO 950/933. Submission of Trinidad and Tobago Teachers’ Union to West India Royal Commission, 19 January 1939, 7. CO 950/786. 148 Dayfoot, Life and Writings 49.

Church Administration and Women’s Liberation

183

S­ econdary Education Board had a membership of 16 persons who were appointed by Synod. Their duty was to make recommendations to Synod regarding appointment of principals. The ntc Board was appointed by Synod and comprised 9 members. From 1955 to 1958, both Iere High School and Hillview College were governed by the Naparima College Board. By 1959, the Naparima College Board was replaced by the Presbyterian Secondary Education Board (pseb) in which Rev. Lute served as the Executive Secretary. This change occurred after the Presbyterian schools were recognised as assisted secondary schools.149 The Synod of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad has given the responsibility of supervising the five Presbyterian high schools to the Presbyterian Secondary Schools Board (pssb). The members of the pssb are selected from the Presbyteries and the ex-officio members include vice-principal and principal. There is a Board of Governors or Administrative Committee in each of the five schools. This Committee, commonly referred to as the “Ad Com,” oversees the maintenance and welfare of the school. The Committee meets monthly and works in tandem with other existing organisations such as the pta, pssb and Synod. On an annual basis, the Administrative Committee submits a report on its activities and any recommendations to the pssb. The length of service on the Administrative Committee has changed depending on the church’s constitution and also the demands of the members. For instance at Hillview College, Willard Grant served on the Committee from 1962 to 1979, Dr. Stephen Moosai-Maharaj for five and Foster Bissessar for ten years. There are no gender restrictions as evident from the fact that Dorinda Sampath served as the first female Chairperson of the Committee.150 The Presbyterian Board of Education for Primary Schools, which is part of the Presbyterian Church’s organisational structure, plays a major role in assisting the administration of schools. Some of the Board’s responsibilities include interviewing prospective teachers, the placement of graduates from the Valsayn Teachers College, transferring of teachers and recommending to the Teaching Service Commission (tsc) those teachers, based on qualification and performance, for promotion.151 Performing a similar function is the Presbyterian Secondary Schools’ Board which interviews and recommends deserving individuals for elevation to the posts of vice-principal and principal. The heads 149 Ramsahai 23. 150 Ramsahai 23. 151 The most recent case being that of Robert Ramsahai, of Hillview College, who won a ­judgment against the Teaching Service Commission for failing to appoint him as viceprincipal in one of the three vacant posts. TG 13 April 2006.

184

Chapter 6

of their schools must be Presbyterian as this is a requirement of the Church’s constitution.152 The function of the Boards are linked to both the Synod and also the Ministry of Education. For instance, when a vacancy exists for a post of principal or vice-principal in a Presbyterian school, it is advertised by either one or more of the three mediums – circulars, church’s newspaper or daily newspapers. After applications are received in the Ministry of Education, copies are forwarded to the tsc and the relevant school board. The Board will have interviews and their recommendation is forwarded to the tsc which does not have to agree with the Board’s nominee. The tsc will conduct its own interview and then decide if they should endorse or reject the Board’s recommendation. According to the Concordat of 1960, among primary schools, the Public Service Commission had the right of transfer, promotion, dismissal and appointment of teachers. On the basis of “religious and moral grounds” the recommendations of the tsc should be compatible with the Board. The Presbyterian Church has ensured that both the annual Sunday School Rally and Vacation Bible School provide the forum for moulding young minds.153 And in 1996 the Church, in collaboration with the Presbyterian Primary Schools’ Board held seminars, at various locations across Trinidad, for t­ eachers in its 72 schools.154 A decade later, the Board continued this practice as it organised a professional development seminar for Presbyterian teachers in teachers’ colleges. One of the speakers, Ken Seepersad, advised those in attendance to respect students, be of sound character, punctual and diligent.155 The Presbyterian Primary Schools Board held a similar seminar for principals in 2006.156 There are flaws within the Presbyterian Church and its educational ­institutions. In 2002, Jennifer Yamin-Ali, a former teacher of nghs, dealt with unfair promotion practices in the hiring of principals and vice-principals. From her survey, 18% of the teachers responded there was a gender bias in the selection process.157 Yamin-Ali also contended, “There is enough evidence to indicate that ‘insiderness’ does play a part in selection, in that several ­influential

152 153 154 155 156 157

Constitution of the Presbyterian Church, Chapter 9, 84. TP May 1996; September 1989. TP May 1996. TP April 2006. TP June 2006. Jennifer Yamin-Ali, An Analysis of the Micropolitics of Policy and Practice in the Context of Promotion to Senior Management Positions in Presbyterian Secondary Schools in Trinidad, Ph.D University of Sheffield, 2002, 234.

Church Administration and Women’s Liberation

185

­ ersons spoke of it as an actual criterion….”158 The administrative arms of the p Presbyterian Church need to address and rectify these shortcomings. Throughout the world, in areas of education, health, politics and business, there is ­ample evidence of this “insiderness” which is given priority over merit and competence. The government realised the pivotal role of Boards among denominational schools and decided to copy this model. In 2004, the Ministry of Education appointed 26 Secondary Boards in government schools. These Boards were to create an environment which was more conducive to learning. The Boards had to work with administrators and teachers to maximise the experiences of the students. The Minister of Education, Hazel Manning, emphasized that the Boards must ensure there are systems of accountability for the behaviour of students and care and attention by the teachers. She also stressed, “In this way you will help to ensure that all our students are provided with meaningful, quality education and you will also safeguard the significant investment the nation is making in education.”159 In October 2004 at the annual Speech Day of nghs, Harry Partap, a member of the Presbyterian Secondary Schools’ Board of Education, also appealed for assistance. He noted, “Our hope is that this quality success be rewarded with equal treatment in terms of funding by Government. The disparity in the funding mechanism for public and denominational secondary schools is painfully obvious.”160 In a similar fashion, at the graduation ceremony of Naparima College, the Chairman of the Presbyterian Secondary Schools’ Board of Education, Rev. Emmanuel Ramdeen, appealed for more funding from the Ministry of Education. Ramdeen emphasised that Naparima College copped the President’s Medal for two consecutive years and thus proved that Board schools were operated more efficiently than government secondary schools.161 It is obvious that the government has the facile notion that diverting more money to its secondary schools will suddenly improve academic results and the learning environment. The government’s refusal to provide adequate funding to denominational schools is an indirect attempt to sabotage the performance. It is obvious that under-funded denominational schools would result in onerous financial burdens being shifted to students and parents. Principals will have to appeal more to students and parents for donations and precious school time is wasted in planning fundraisers. 158 159 160 161

Yamin-Ali, Promotion to Senior Management Positions 214. Newsday 9 October 2004. TG 2 October 2004. TG 5 October 2004.

186

Chapter 6

In an environment with a presence of religion there are certain factors that enhance the achievements of the Presbyterian primary schools. There were attempts by the Presbyterian Church to offer Christian guidance and maintain a religious base for education at its schools. In 1987, the Board of Christian ­Education planned to publish a booklet entitled The Presbyterian Teacher as a guide for Sunday School teachers and those employed in Presbyterian Primary and Secondary schools.162 Two years later, the Board of Christian Education published a hymn book aimed at children in primary and Sunday schools.163 At Cunaripo Prsbyterian Primary School, there is a daily religious programme, prepared by the Board of Christian Education, and implemented by the Presbyterian Primary School Board of Education.164 Also offering support to Christian education among laypersons was satc which offered courses for Sunday School teachers. Presbyterian schools are a member of the Association of Denominational Boards of Education in Trinidad and Tobago. This organisation was formally formed 12 years ago and among its membership are religious denominations such as Seventh Day Adventists, tml, asja, swaha, Miracle Ministries, Roman Catholics and Anglicans. The aims of the Association include the preservation of the character and status of denominational education in the country, advancing the cause of moral and religious education, working towards interracial and inter-religious harmony in schools and society and promoting the cause of education.165 The history of the Presbyterian Church’s involvement in education does not have an unblemished track record. On an annual basis, there are instances when the promotion of teachers, appointment of vice-principals and principals, and results of examinations have created controversy and bitterness. The Presbyterian Church has suffered from criticism of its appointment and promotion of teachers at primary and secondary schools. Some of the requirements for promotion include being baptized, active members for five years (including involvement in church activities) and communicants of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad and Tobago. Disgruntled parents and teachers have often threatened or dragged the Presbyterian Church into disrepute and sometimes even taken legal action. Admittedly, unscrupulous Presbyterians and others employed in the schools, 162 TP September 1987. 163 TP September 1989. 164 Josephine Sam, “Field Study in Educational Administration,” Bachelor of Education, University of the West Indies, Trinidad, 11 October 2001, 10. 165 TP February 2006.

Church Administration and Women’s Liberation

187

seeking to preserve their self-interests, have occasionally undermined the positive achievements of the Presbyterian schools. However, the public must realise that Presbyterian schools are neither protected against nor exempt from the problems faced by government and other denominational schools. Low staff morale, administrative inefficiencies, indiscipline, teacher absenteeism, exam failures are not strangers to the classes of Presbyterian schools. The Presbyterian community must realise that a school operated and managed by fallible leaders is liable to make mistakes and susceptible to criticisms of society. The Presbyterian Church as a product of the burdensome, bureaucratic colonial system inherited parallel structures with its educational committees and boards. However, the Presbyterians never lost sight of the role religion was to play in education. Such practices reinforced the indissoluble relationship between church and school. Presbyterians in Trinidad often fail to appreciate society’s high expectations of their primary and secondary schools. In 2019, Presbyterians controlled five of the 30 denominational secondary schools in Trinidad and Tobago. The fact that Presbyterians are only 2% of the population but control 14% of the jobs in education in this country places an additional pressure on Presbyterians to maintain their respected academic rating. Despite the relatively small percentage of Presbyterians, today, their schools made, and are still making, an immense contribution to the education system. The Presbyterian schools have become synonymous with excellence and recognised for their ability to produce worthy citizens. The Presbyterian Church in Trinidad has admirably allowed its schools the freedom and initiative to develop a flexible curriculum to curb or solve existing social problems. In the 21st century, Presbyterian primary and secondary schools are evidence of a harmonious and successful working relationship with governmental agencies, non-governmental organisations and ptas. Though this study tends to emphasise the positive aspects of the Presbyterian Church’s involvement in education, it would be superficial to believe that all Presbyterian schools excel academically. Even more importantly it would be difficult to judge and compare accurately the performance of schools based on fluctuating cycles of exemplary leadership. Additionally, an analysis of ethnicity in Presbyterian schools in eight educational districts is complicated by the fact that in an area such as Port-of-Spain there is only the Woodbrook Presbyterian Primary School.

Conclusion It is difficult to make an assessment of the achievements and setbacks during the indentureship and post-indentureship eras. For some persons, conversion was crucial for social mobility but for others it was a loss of cultural identity and severing of religious ties. Scholarly debates highlight the monumental changes experienced in a colonial society with the accompanying birth pangs in the emergence of an independent nation. Some revisionist perspectives of the contributions of the Presbyterian Church to the development of Caribbean society have been explored. And, one of the common themes is the crucial role of education, especially among Indians in the quest for occupational and social mobility. Prior to the arrival of the Canadian missionaries, the Indians in Trinidad were alienated and ostracised. The pivotal role of the Canadian missionaries and local Indians in uplifting a downtrodden and ostracized segment of the population continued into the twentieth century. The missionaries sought to liberate Indians from inferiority and prepare them to be an integral part of a new social environment. The Canadian mission was predominantly focused on Indians, but the mission did not exclude Afro-Trinidadians in its education and evangelistic enterprise. Undoubtedly, the schools which initially catered for the Indians were gradually transformed from monolithic to pluralist institutions. The Crown Colony system coupled with economic and social forces in a segmented and plural society had repercussions in the post-colonial era. This scenario also gave rise to the emergence of education and reformulation of religion among the Hindus and Muslims, which challenged the multi-faceted responses of education and evangelism of the Canadian Presbyterian missionaries and the local church. In its early work, the Presbyterian Church opened new vistas for the Indians in their acculturation and assimilation in the society. The traumatic immigration process and the uprooting from their homeland created feelings of anomie and alienation among the East Indians. However, the Presbyterian mission sheltered these vulnerable minds and acted as a buffer against the harsh social conditions. There have been many brave, energetic, militant, evangelical souls who made sacrifices and powerfully impacted on the lives of thousands of adults and children. The Canadian missionaries had originally intended to spread the ‘Good News’ of Christianity but their mission took a different path resulting in a resounding success through its school system. The gradual spread of the Canadian mission to nearby British West Indian colonies indicates the extent of their evangelizing thrust in the nineteenth and

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004417083_009

Conclusion

189

twentieth centuries. It was inevitable that regional mission stations would be formed among Caribbean countries with Indian populations. These men and women braved mosquitoes, diseases and poor roads to ensure that mission stations and schools would be established. The Church’s regional expansion complemented the nascent political attempts of West Indian solidarity. The Presbyterian Church in the Caribbean has a rich heritage of trailblazers and legends including pupil teachers, headteachers, lay preachers, headmasters and Superintendents of Sunday School. Undoubtedly, the Presbyterian Theological College and later the satc proved to be instrumental in providing comprehensive training for a genre of men and women who were willing to serve as elders, deaconesses, catechists and ministers. Furthermore, the training of locals at Mt. Allison University and Pine Hill Divinity College in Nova Scotia solidified the existing link between Canada and Trinidad. An important aspect of the church was its role in uplifting the East Indian females. The Canadian women from the Women’s Foreign Missionary Society rescued the Indian females from a life of drudgery, ignorance and the dreaded caste system. This Society also trained local East Indian females as Bible women, who liberated women from early marriages and a life of domestic chores. Groups as Trail Rangers, Trinidad Girls in Training, and the Deaconess Order demonstrated the interest of the Presbyterian Church in improving the lives of teenagers and women. The local Bible Women proved to be diligent footsoldiers of the mission who were an asset to the outreach activities. Furthermore, the youths were not neglected as the Presbyterian Church promoted groups as the Christian Endeavour, tgit, Explorers and Scouts which served as a nursery for the future Church. This quintessential training ensured the blossoming of dynamic leaders and disciplined professionals who were competent and capable, be it in public service, the pulpit or industry. Many have lamented that although classrooms in Presbyterian schools are overcrowded many of the pews in the churches remain empty. Presbyterians and other Christians need to ask themselves- what types of members are in their churches? Is there a ‘visiting’ Presbyterian who attends church only on special days like Easter, Christmas or Good Friday? Or is there a ‘once a month’ Christian attending only on Communion Sunday or when an ordained minister is preaching? Presbyterians should also question the motives of some members in churches. Additionally, there is a lack of appreciation, and even disrespect for the heritage of the Presbyterian missionaries: church manses have been neglected, dilapidated and destroyed. And, some churches have also lost valuable properties to squatters. Whether or not such acts are consciously decolonial in nature needs to be examined.

190

Conclusion

There is a need for Presbyterians who are willing to re-energize, reawaken faltering or dormant groups within their churches such as the choir, youth groups, Men’s Fellowship, women’s group or Sunday School. The challenge for the church community is to evaluate its glorious – but also questionable – past and its invaluable legacy and adjust to the demands of multicultural and plural societies in the Caribbean and abroad.

Appendix 1

Table indicating the number of immigrants who entered Trinidad from 1845–1885 Year 1845–50 1851–55 1856–60 1861–65 1866–1870 1871–1875 1876–80 1881–85

Number of East Indians 5,568 5,054 11,208 7,474 11,836 11,868 12,763 11,551

Table adapted from Malcolm Cross, “East Indian-Creole relations in Trinidad and Guiana in the late nineteenth century,” in David Dabydeen and Brinsley Samaroo eds. Across the Dark Waters -Ethnicity and Indian Identity in the Caribbean. London: Macmillan, 1996, 17.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004417083_010

Appendix 2

Two popular bhajans sung in Presbyterian Churches Karo Meri Sahai. (Hindi) Karo Meri sahai, Masiha jee, Toom benah kachu nah sahai…. Karo Meri…. Darasan deejay, apanoe key jay, Lejai mohee bachaii…Karo Meri… Yah jag ko mistaran karan, Janam leo toom aii…Karo Meri… Teen denoe meh uthay kabar tay, Daisheen tai batari…Karo Meri… Soon lejai prabhu binti meri, Ow goon pai nahi jai…Kari Meri… Help Me Lord Jesus (English translation of Karo Meri Sahai) Help me Lord Jesus, Without you I can hear nothing. Give me a view of yourself and make me your own, take me and save me. For the sake of saving the world you came to earth and gave birth. On the third day you rose from the grave, the natives were confounded. Hear or listen to my prayer O Lord, let no evil befall me.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004417083_011

Two popular bhajans sung in Presbyterian Churches Yisu Ne Kaha (Hindi version) Yisu ne kaha Jiwan ki roti Jiwan ki roti, main hi hun (3). Yisu ne kahaa saccha garrariya Sacchaa garrariya, main hi hun. Yisu ne kahaa marg aur pathuk Marg aur pathuk main hi hun (3). Yisu ne kahaa, jagat kaa ujiala Jagat ka ujiala main hi hun (3). Yisu ne kahaa, maut se jilawa Maut se jilawa, main hi hun (3). Jesus said I am the Bread of Life. (English translation of Yisu Ne Kaha) Jesus the Christ said, “I am the Bread, the Bread of Life for the world am I.” Jesus the Christ said “I am the shepherd, the one good shepherd of the sheep am I.” Jesus the Christ said “I am the way, the way and the door for the poor am I.” Jesus the Christ said “I am the light, the light for this dark world am I” Jesus the Christ said “I am the Life, the resurrection and the Life am I.”

193

Appendix 3

Exam Results 2004–2005 of nghs Percentage of Students Passing cape Unit 1 Accounting Economics Management of Business Caribbean Studies Communication Studies

100% 100% 100% 100% 100%

Percentage of students passing gce A’Level Accounting Art and Design Biology Business Studies Chemistry Economics English Literature French Further Mathematics Geography History Mathematics Physics Spanish

96% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 80% 93.3% 100% 100% 93.5% 100%

Percentage of Students Passing cxc Art Biology Caribbean History Chemistry

100% 95% 94% 83%

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004417083_012

195

Exam Results 2004–2005 of nghs Percentage of Students Passing cxc English A English B Food and Nutrition French Geography Information Technology Mathematics Physics Principles of Accounts Spanish Technical Drawing

100% 99% 100% 94% 99% 100% 100% 98% 97% 99% 100%

Appendix 4

The Trail Ranger Code 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

A Trail Ranger loves God A Trail Ranger is faithful to the King, his country and those in positions of leadership A Trail Ranger is friendly, a brother to all irrespective of their race, creed or colour A Trail Ranger is eager to learn. He makes the most of his opportunities A Trail Ranger is Trustworthy. He can be depended upon A Trail Ranger is Cheerful. He smiles when things go wrong A Trail Ranger is Courageous. He does the hard thing that is worthwhile A Trail Ranger is Healthy. He gives his body a chance A Trail Ranger is clean in thought, word and deed A Trail Ranger is believes that to “play the game” is more important than to win

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004417083_013

Appendix 5

Expenses for San Fernando Coolie School 1871 Teachers

Salary

Charles Perry Rachel Aziz Ahmad

$120 $120 $110

Total for teachers

$350

House rent Land Taxes Expended on Building Occasional expenses Total

$96 $52 $15 $20 $17 $200

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004417083_014

Bibliography Books Adhar, George. A Sketch of the Ministerial Labours of the Rev. Kenneth James Grant. London: Bemrose and Sons, 1899. Alfred, Clarence. The Great Betrayal: An Historical Perspective and Lessons of Experience in Guyana’s Political System 1953–1997 Trinidad: Sample A. Ibemerum, 1998. Ayearst, Morley. The British West Indies – The Search for Self-Government London: George Allen and Unwin, 1960. Baldeo, Albert. From Calypso to the Land of Snow British Columbia: Calypso Press, 2000. Basdeo, Sahadeo. Labour Organization and Labour Reform in Trinidad 1919–1939 San Juan: Lexicon Trinidad Limited, 2003. Birbalsingh, Frank. Indenture and Exile: The Indo-Caribbean Experience Toronto: TSAR, 1989. Birbalsingh, Frank. Indo-Caribbean Resistance Toronto: TSAR, 1993. Bisnauth, Dale. A Short History of the Guyana Presbyterian Church Georgetown: Labour Advocate Printery, 1979. Bisnauth, Dale. The Settlement of Indians in Guyana 1890–1930 Leeds: Peepal Tree Press, 2000. Bolland, O.N. The Politics of Labour in the British Caribbean Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers, 2001. Brandow, Mabel. The History of Our Church Women 1868–1983 Manitoba: Friesen Printers, 1983. Brereton, Bridget and Dookeran, Winston eds. East Indians in the Caribbean: Colonialism and the Struggle for Identity New York: Kraus International Publications, 1982. Brown, N.P. and Montserin, B.G eds. Colony of Trinidad and Tobago Album Portof-Spain: Government Press, 1948. Campbell, Carl. Colony and Nation: A Short History of Education in Trinidad and Tobago 1834–1986 Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers, 1992. Campbell, Carl. The Young Colonials: A Social History of Education in Trinidad and Tobago 1834–1939 Jamaica: The Press, University of the West Indies, 1996. Clark, Mary. A Sketch of Trinidad – The Canadian Mission and the Opening of the Presbyterian College in San Fernando, Trinidad. Ottawa: James Hope and Company, 1892. Corston, John B. Twenty Years at Pine Hall Divinity Hall Halifax: Oxford Street Press, 1982. Cudjoe, Selwyn. Basdeo Panday and the Politics of Race Massachusetts: Calaloux Publications, 1997.

Bibliography

199

David, Dabydeen, and Samaroo, Brinsley. eds. India in the Caribbean London: Hansib Publishing, 1987. Davis, Merle. The East Indian Church in Trinidad New York: International Missionary Council, 1942. Dayfoot, Arthur. The Shaping of the West Indian Church 1492–1962 Jamaica: The Press, University of the West Indies, Florida: University Press of Florida, 1999. Dayfoot, Arthur. Life and Writings Toronto: Coach House, 2002. Dayfoot, Bessie. Would I Do It Over Again…Toronto: Coach House, 2001. Foreign Missions of the Presbyterian Church in Canada – New Hebrides, Trinidad and Demerara, Korea, Other Missions Halifax: Nova Scotia Printing Company, 1899. Deen, Shamshu. Solving East Indian Roots in Trinidad Freeport: H.E.M. Enterprises, 1994. Doodnath, Samuel. A Short History of the East Indian progress in the Trinidad and lives of famous Indians 1845–1984 La Romain: Danprint, 1985. Doodnath, Samuel. A Short History of the Early Presbyterian Church and the Indian Immigrant 1845–1945 La Romain: Danprint, 1983. East Meets West in Trinidad Toronto: Young People’s Missionary Education Committee, 1934. Elgersman, Maureen. Unyielding Spirits: Black Women and Slavery in Early Canada and Jamaica New York: Garland Publishing, 1999. Ghany, Hamid. Kamal: A Lifetime of Politics, Religion and Culture St. Augustine: Kamaludin Mohammed. Gibson, Kean. The Cycle of Racial Oppression in Guyana Maryland: UP of America, 2003. Giuseppi, Undine. I remember An Autobiography Port-of-Spain: Communications Specialists Limited, 2005. Gordon, Shirley. A Century of West Indian Education Bristol: Longman Publishers, 1963. Gosine, Mahin. Caribbean East Indians in America: Assimilation, Adaptation and Group Assimilation New York: Windsor Press 1990. Grant, Kenneth. My Missionary Memories Nova Scotia: Imperial Publishers, 1962. Greene, J.E. Race vs Politics in Guyana: Political Cleavages and Political Mobilisation in the 1968 General Election Jamaica: Institute of Social and Economic Research, 1974. Hamid, Idris. A History of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad 1868–1968 San Fernando: St. Andrew’s Theological College, 1976. Harricharan, J.T. The work of Christian Churches among East Indians in Trinidad ­1845–1917 Trinidad: Artcrafts, 1976. Harricharan, J.T. History of the Catholic Church in Trinidad 1853–1863 Barataria: Hitlal’s Printery, 1993. Hassanali, Fyzul. Sportsmen of Naparima College 1931–1940 Trinidad: Datta Productions, 2006.

200

Bibliography

Kemp, H.F. Trinidad Writings Trinidad: Grace Kemp, 1960 (?). Kirpalani, Murli., Mitra G. Sinanan, S.M. Rameshwar and L.F. Seukeran eds. Indian Centenary Review: One Hundred Years of Progress 1845–1945 Port-of-Spain: Guardian Commercial Printery, 1945. Klass, Morton. East Indians in Trinidad-A study of Cultural Persistence. Illinois: Waveland Press Inc., 1961. La Guerre, John and Ann Marie Bissessar ed. Calcutta to Caroni and the Indian Diaspora St. Augustine: School of Continuing Studies, rep.2005. Lalla Jr., Charles D. Biography of the late Rev. Charles David Lalla Trinidad: Syncreators Limited, 1983. Look Lai, Walton. Indentured Labor, Caribbean Sugar: Chinese and Indian Migrants To the British West Indies, 1838–1918 Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1993. Mahabir, Kumar. East Indian Women of Trinidad and Tobago San Juan: Chakra Publishing House, 1992. Mahabir, Winston. In and out of Politics Port-of-Spain: Inprint Caribbean Publishers, 1975. Maharaj, Devant, R. Ramlakhan and B. Maharaj eds. Bhadase Sagan Maharaj: Hostile and Recalcitrant St. Augustine: Prudential Printers, 2001. Mahase, Anna. My Mother’s Daughter Claxton Bay: Royards Publishing Company, 1992. Mangru, B., Indians in Guyana New York: Adams Press, 1999. Mansingh, Laxmi and Ajai Mansingh, Home Away from Home: 150 years of Indian Presence in Jamaica 1845–1995 Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers, 1999. Mathers, Stephen. A Meeting of Faiths: The Story of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad Canada: Board of Information, 1964. Mohammed, Brenda. Memoirs of Dr. Andrew Khan. San Fernando: CarVey’s Printery Limited, nd. Moore, Dennison. Origins and Development of Racial Ideology in Trinidad. San Juan: Chakra Publishers, 1995. Mootoo, Shani. Cereus Blooms at Night New York: Grove Press, 1996. Morrison, Andrew. Justice: The Struggle for Democracy in Guyana 1952–1992 Guyana: Red Thread Women’s Press, 1998. Morton, Sarah. John Morton of Trinidad. Toronto: Westminster Company, 1916. Mount, Graeme. Presbyterian Missions to Trinidad and Puerto Rico. Nova Scotia: Lancelot Press, 1983. Murray, Eric J. National Biography Handbook of Trinidad and Tobago Port-of-Spain: Eric J. Murray, 1996. Naipaul, V.S. A Flag on the Island Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1981. Naipaul, V.S. A House for Mr Biswas London: Penguin Books, 1969. Naipaul, V.S. The Middle Passage Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1978.

Bibliography

201

Naipaul, Shiva. The Chip-Chip Gatherers London: Andre Deutsch, 1973. Niehoff, Arthur and Juanita. East Indians in the West Indies Wisconsin: Imperial Publishers, 1960. Persaud, Lakshmi. Sastra Leeds: Peepal Tree Press, 1993. Premdass, Ralph. Ethnic Conflict and Development: The Case of Guyana Hants: Ashgate Publishing, 1995. Ramchand, Ken. ed., Foreday morning: Selected Prose 1946–1986 London: Longman, 1989. Ramchand, Ken. ed., Mr. Speaker Sir An Autobiography of Lionel Frank Seukeran The Sliver-Tongued Orator San Fernando: Chandrabose Publications, 2006. Ramesar, Marianne and Horace Bhupsingh, Celebration: A Centenary History of Aramalaya Presbyterian Church Tunapuna, Trinidad 1881–1981 Tunapuna: Cariflex 1988. Ramesar, Marianne, Survivors of Another Crossing: A History of East Indians in Trinidad, 1880–1946. St. Augustine: School of Continuing Studies, 1994. Ramsingh, Hardeo. The History of Felicity Village 1838–1996 Trinidad: Ramsingh, 1996. Ryan, Selwyn. ed. Social and Occupational Stratification in Contemporary Trinidad St. Augustine: Institute of Social and Economic Research, 1991. Ryan, Selwyn. ed. Pathways to Power: Indians and the Politics of National Unity in Trinidad and Tobago. St. Augustine: Institute of Social and Economic Research, 1996. Ryan, Selwyn. ed. The Jhandi and the Cross: The Clash of Cultures in Post-Creole Trinidad and Tobago St. Augustine: Sir Arthur Lewis Institute of Social and Economic Studies, 1999. Samaroo, Brinsley ed. Pioneer Presbyterians. University of the West Indies, St. Augustine: Institute of Caribbean Studies, 1996. Seesaran, E.B. Rosabelle. From Caste to Class: The Social Mobility of the Indo-Trinidadian Community 1870–1917 Trinidad: Rosaac Publishing House, 2002. Shepherd, Verene. Transients to Settlers: The Experience of Indians in Jamaica Leeds: Peepal Tree, 1994. Singh, D.H. Doon Pandit: His Life and Times (1900–1958) Chaguanas: Indian review Press, 2006. Smith, James. Religious Education in a secular setting London: SCM Press, 1969. Sutton, Paul. ed. Forged from the Love of Liberty – Selected Speeches of Dr. Eric Williams Trinidad: Longman, Caribbean, 1981. Tikasingh, Gerad. Trinidad During the 19th Century: The Indian Experience La Romaine: RPL, 2012. Tinker, Hugh. A New System of Slavery: The Export of Indian Labour Overseas 1830–1920 London: Oxford University Press, 1974. Vertovec, Steven. Hindu Trinidad: Religion, Ethnicity and Socio-Economic Change London: Macmillan Education, 1992.

202

Bibliography

Weller, Judith Ann. The East Indian Indenture in Trinidad Puerto Rico: Institute of ­Caribbean Studies, 1968. Williams, Eric. The History of the People of Trinidad and Tobago London: Andre Deutsch, 1964. Wilson, Andrew. Ed. The Chinese in the Caribbean Princeton: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2004. Women’s Missionary Society. The Trinidad East Indian Mission San Fernando: The Southern Printery, 1922. Wood, Donald. Trinidad in Transition London: Oxford University Press, 1968.

Brochures and Magazines Abraham and Alice Sampath Family Reunion, 34th Family Reunion, April 2006. Akashbani Presbyterian Church, Siparia 75th anniversary, 1919–1994 San Fernando: CarVey’s Printery, 1994. Arunodai Presbyterian Church Centennial Anniversary brochure 1903–2003. Cunaripo Presbyterian Church 100 Years of Witness 1904–2004. Diamond Presbyterian Church 1873–1998, 125th anniversary. San Fernando: CarVey’s Printery, 1998. Grant Memorial Presbyterian School, 125th Anniversary (San Fernando: np 1996). Grant Memorial Presbyterian School, Class of 1999. Iereview 1981–82, 1983–84, 1986, 1989–1990. Morton Memorial Presbyterian Church, 97th anniversary Guaico: Richprint, 1994. History of the St. Andrew’s Theological College, 100th anniversary 1892–1992 San Fernando: CarVey’s Printery Limited, 1992. Krist Mandli Presbyterian Church – Monkey Town-centenary 1886–1986 Siparia: Sookhai’s Printery, 1986. La Pique Revue. New Horizons. “One Hundred Years After 1870” Address delivered by S. Moosai-Maharaj , 22 November 1970. Trinidad: np, 1970. Penal Presbyterian Church 90th anniversary Penal: Benco Publishing Company, 1990. Penal Presbyterian Church 100th anniversary Penal, 2000. Presbyterian Church Women: Study book, 1968 San Fernando: Rahaman Printery, 1968. Samaroo, Brinsley. East Indian-West Indian: The Public Career of Adrian Cola Rienzi UWI, St. Augustine: Faculty of Humanities and Education, 2006.

Bibliography

203

St. Andrews Presbyterian Church 1876–1996 120th anniversary New Grant: Impressions Printing Service, 1996. Susamachar Presbyterian Church, 100th anniversary San Fernando: Centenary Celebration Committee, 1972. The Presbyterian Church in Trinidad and Grenada. History of the San Juan/Santa Cruz Pastoral Charge. National Centenary celebrations 1868–1968 San Fernando: Rahaman Printery Limited, 1968. The Augustinian.1980, 1985. The Hillviewer 1980, 1985, 1988, 1990, 1992. Waterloo Presbyterian School, 110th Anniversary 1890–2000. Woodbrook Presbyterian Church: Celebrating 100 years of Presbyterian Witness in Woodbrook 1895–1995 St. James: Woodbrook Presbyterian Church, 1995.

Reports Draft Plan for Educational Development in Trinidad and Tobago 1968–1983 Government of Trinidad and Tobago: Government Printery, 1968. Educational Planning Mission, Trinidad and Tobago March-June 1964 UNESCO: Paris, 1964. Education Policy Paper 1994–2003 National Task Force on Education (White Paper) np. Education Report 1959 of Committee on General Education np. Great Britain. Colonial Office. Annual Reports on the Colonies, 1889–1938/39. Keenan, Patrick. J. Report upon the state of Education in the island of Trinidad Dublin: Alexander Thom, 1869. Legge, Garth. The Report of a Preliminary Survey of the Presbyterian Church of Trinidad and Grenada. October 18–November 1965 np. Report of C.S.O statistics at a glance CSO Printing Unit, 1994. Report of the Committee on Education of Men for the Ministry 1939 (mimeo). Presbyterian Archives, St. Andrew’s Theological College, San Fernando. Report on Primary School 1977/78. Pupil/teacher ratios, pupils per 100 school places by area and type of school Central Statistical Office: Government Printery, 1978. Report on Primary Schools 1973/74. Number of teachers by qualification and sex in ­Government and Denominational Schools in Trinidad and Tobago. Central Statistical Office: Government Printery, 1974. Report on Trinidad and Tobago Disturbances 1937. London: HMSO, 1938. Seventy-fifth anniversary of the Canadian Mission, Trinidad, 1943 San Fernando: Sultan Khan, 1943.

204

Bibliography

Summary Report-A Study of the Secondary School Population in Trinidad and Tobago: Placement Patterns and Practices University of the West Indies, St. Augustine: ­Centre for Ethnic Studies, 1994. Synod Papers and Minutes of the Presbyterian Church in Trinidad and Tobago, April 1971.

Unpublished Works Archibald, Adella. Diary of Adella J. Archibald West Indiana, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine (mimeo). Hopkins, W.E. “The Child-Mind and Religion,” Paper presented at the Convention of the Church Union, Barbados, May 1945. Kassim, Halima. “Education and Socialization Among Indo-Muslims of Trinidad, 1917– 1950,” Paper presented at Asian Migrations To The Americas Conference, August 2000, University of the West Indies, Trinidad. Kistow, Gietree. “Hindu and Muslim Education in Trinidad 1930–1950,” Paper presented at Graduate Seminar, Department of History, University of the West Indies, January 2006. Mirza, Heidi. “Race, Gender and Educational Desire,” Inaugural Professorial Lecture, 17 May 2005, Middlesex University, England. Minutes of the Native Church Development Committee np nd. Ramlakhan, Rajnie. “The Law and the Hindu religious Question 1868–1962,” Seminar Paper, Department of History, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 2003. Sam, Josephine. “Field Study in Educational Administration,” Bachelor of Education, University of the West Indies, Trinidad, October 2001. Samaroo, Brinsley. “Women’s Work in the Canadian Presbyterian Mission to Trinidad and Tobago During the Century after 1868,” Paper presented at the Canadian Historical Association conference, Quebec, 2001. Samaroo, Brinsley. “The Vanguard of Indian Nationalism in Trinidad: The East Indian Weekly, 1928–1932.” Paper read at the annual conference of the Association of Caribbean Historians, April 1977, The U of the West Indies, Cave Hill. 6. Seesaran, E. B Rosabelle. “The involvement of the Anglican Church in the evangelisation and education of Indo-Trinidadians 1870–1917,” ISER – NCIC Conference on Challenge and Change: The Indian Diaspora in its Historical and Contemporary Contexts. Vol. 3 University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 1995.

Bibliography

205

Articles Brereton, Bridget. “The foundations of prejudice: Indians and Africans in 19th century Trinidad,” Caribbean Issues vol. no.1 (April 1974), 15–28. Brereton, Bridget. “The Experience of Indentureship: 1845–1917,” Calcutta to Caroni and the Indian Diaspora, eds. John La Guerre and Ann Marie Bissessar. St. Augustine: School of Continuing Studies, 2005, 29–44. Bryan, Patrick. “The Settlement of Chinese in Jamaica: 1854–c.1970,” Caribbean Quarterly vol. 50 no.2 (June 2004): 15–25. Campbell, Carl. “The East Indian Revolt Against Missionary Education 1928–1939,” Calcutta to Caroni and the Indian Diaspora, eds. John La Guerre and Ann Marie Bissessar St. Augustine: School of Continuing Studies, 2005. Campbell, Carl. “British Aid and West Indian Education 1835–45,” in Alvin Thompson ed. In the Shadow of the Plantation: Caribbean History and Legacy Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers, 2002, 283–296. Dunn, Zander. “James Basnett Cropper Friend of the East Indians of British Guyana” Called to Witness W. Stanford Reid, ed. Erin: The Porcupine’s Quill, 1980, 85–92. Dunn, Zander. “The Canadian Mission to the Guyana Presbyterian Church,” Indenture and Exile: The Indo-Caribbean Experience Frank Birbalsingh ed. Toronto: TSAR, 1989, 218–224. Gosine, M., “Culture and Ethnic Participation in a Social Movement: The Case Study of the East Indians and the Black Power Movement in Trindiad,” Indians in the Caribbean I.J Bahadur ed. New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1987, 217–241. Haraksingh, Kusha. “Control and resistance among Indian Workers: A Study of Labour on the Sugar Plantation of Trinidad 1875–1917,” in eds. Dabydeen David, and Samaroo, Brinsley India in the Caribbean London: Hansib Publishing, 1987, 61–77. Jha, J. “Hinduism in Trinidad,” Indenture and Exile: The Indo-Caribbean Experience Frank Birbalsingh ed. Toronto: TSAR, 1989, 225–233. Kale, Madhavi. ““Capital Spectacles in British Frames”: Capital, Empire and Indian Indentured Migration to the British Caribbean,” International Review of Social History 41 (1996): 109–133. Kassim, Halima-sa’dia, “Education and Socialization among the Indo-Muslims of Trinidad, 1917–1969,” The Journal of Caribbean History vol. 31 no.1 (2002): 100–126. Kassim, Halima-sa’dia, “The Hindu-Muslim Education Crossroads: A (Re) Examination of the Hindu-Muslim Education Efforts,” in eds. Brinsley Samaroo and Ann Marie Bissessar, The Construction of an Indo-Caribbean Diaspora St. Augustine: School of Continuing Studies, 2004, 158–181.

206

Bibliography

La Guerre, John. “Culture and Politics: The Case of the Hindu College at Sangre Grande,” in eds. Brinsley Samaroo and Ann Marie Bissessar, The Construction of an IndoCaribbean Diaspora St. Augustine: School of Continuing Studies, 2004, 74–91. Look Lai, Wally. “Origins of the Caribbean Chinese Community,” Journal of Caribbean Studies vol. 14 (Fall 1999 and Spring 2000): 25–38. Look Lai, Wally. “The Chinese Indenture System in the British West Indies and its Aftermath,” in Andrew Wilson ed., The Chinese in the Caribbean Princeton: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2004. Mahabir, Winston. “Our Diasporas: Sowers and Seed,” I.J. Bahadur Singh ed. Indians in the Caribbean New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1987. Mansingh, Laxmi. “East Indians in the Caribbean,” I.J. Bahadur Singh ed. Indians in the Caribbean New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1987, 294–325. Maharaj, Ramesh. “Challenges to East Indians in Trinidad and Tobago,” Indo Caribbean Resistance, Frank Birbalsingh ed. Toronto: TSAR, 1993, 33–41. Maharaj, Shivan. “Hindus, Leadership and Politics from 1940 to 1986,” in eds. Brinsley Samaroo and Ann Marie Bissessar, The Construction of an Indo-Caribbean Diaspora St. Augustine: School of Continuing Studies, 2004, 130–157. Panday, Basdeo. “Trade Unionism, Politics and Indo-Caribbean Leadership,” Indenture and Exile: The Indo-Caribbean Experience Frank Birbalsingh ed. Toronto: TSAR, 1989, 55–62. Ramnarine, Natasha. “The Panchayat System as an Early Form of Conflict resolution in Trinidad,” in eds. Brinsley Samaroo and Ann Marie Bissessar, The Construction of an ­Indo-Caribbean Diaspora St. Augustine: School of Continuing Studies, 2004, 219–238. Samaroo, Brinsley. “The Presbyterian Canadian Mission as an Agent of Integration in Trinidad during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries,” Caribbean Studies. vol. 14 no.4 (1975): 41–55. Samaroo, Brinsley. “Politics and Afro-Indian relations in Trinidad,” in eds. John La Guerre and Ann Marie Bissessar. Calcutta to Caroni and the Indian Diaspora, eds. St. Augustine: School of Continuing Studies, 2005, 109–133. Samaroo, Brinsley. “The Indian Connection: The influence of Indian Thought and Ideas on East Indians in the Caribbean,” in eds. David Dabydeen and Brinsley Samaroo. India in the Caribbean London: Hansib Publishing, 1987, 43–59. Samaroo, Brinsley. “Two Abolitions: African Slavery and East Indian Indentureship,” eds. David Dabydeen and Brinsley Samaroo. India in the Caribbean London: Hansib Publishing, 1987, 25–41. Samaroo, Brinsley. “The Presbyterian Canadian Mission as an agent of Integration in Trinidad during the 19th and early 20th centuries,” Caribbean Curriculum vol. 6 no.1 (1996): 23–38.

Bibliography

207

Samaroo, Brinsley. “Chinese and Indian “Coolie” Voyages to the Caribbean,” Journal of Caribbean Studies vol. 14 nos 1 and 2 (Fall 1999 and Spring 2000): 3–24. Samaroo, Brinsley. “Reconstructing The Identity: Hindu Organization in Trinidad During Their First Century,” in eds. Brinsley Samaroo and Ann Marie Bissessar. The Construction of an Indo-Caribbean Diaspora St. Augustine: School of Continuing Studies, 2004, 44–73. Sarusky, Jaime. “The East Indian Community in Cuba,” Indenture and Exile: The IndoCaribbean Experience Frank Birbalsingh ed. Toronto: TSAR, 1989, 73–78. Shepherd, Verene. “Indian Women in Jamaica, 1845–1945,” Indenture and Exile: The Indo-Caribbean Experience Frank Birbalsingh ed. Toronto: TSAR, 1989, 100–107. Shepherd, Verene. “Poverty, Exploitation and Agency Among Indian Settlers in Jamaica: Evidence from Twentieth Century Letters,” Journal of Caribbean Studies vol. 14 nos. 1 and (Fall 1999 and Spring 2000): 93–116. Singh, Kelvin. “Adrian Cola Rienzi and the Labour Movement in Trinidad (1925–1944)” Journal of Caribbean History 16 (1982): 10–35. Singh, Kelvin. “Indians and the Larger Society,” in John La Guerre and Ann Marie Bissessar eds. Calcutta to Caroni and the Indian Diaspora St. Augustine: School of Continuing Studies, 2005, 46–89. Steele, Beverley. “East Indian Indenture and the Works of the Presbyterian Church Among the Indians in Grenada,” Caribbean Quarterly vol. 22 no.1 (March 1976): 28–39. Teelucksingh, Jerome. “Educating the descendants of Indentured Labourers,” Yatra Journey Claxton Bay: East Indian Cultural Promotions, 2005, 36–37. Teelucksingh, Jerome. “Early Indian Women and the Presbyterian Church,” Yatra Journey Claxton Bay: East Indian Cultural Promotions, 2004, 52–54. Teelucksingh, Jerome. “Scarred and Exiled: Race and the Caribbean Immigrant in ­Toronto 1970–2004,” in eds. Ray Hutchison and J. Krase. Research in Urban Sociology ssvolume 8: Ethnic Landscapes in an Urban World Netherlands: Elsevier, 2007, 121–161. Tinker, Hugh. “The Origins of Indian Migration to the West Indies,” Indenture and Exile: The Indo-Caribbean Experience Frank Birbalsingh ed. Toronto: TSAR, 1989, 63–72.

Newspapers/Newsletters. Broadcast Caribbean Presbyterian East Indian Weekly Express New Century

208

Bibliography

Newsday Port-of-Spain Gazette Presbyterian Record Sunday Express Sunday Guardian The Mirror Trinidad Guardian Trinidad Presbyterian Trinidad and Tobago Review

Websites http://www.naparima.org/ncgrant.htm http://www.naparima.org/ncfound.htm http://www.nalis.gov.tt/Biography/bio_RudranathCapildeo_scientist.html

Interviews Abdul, Ruth. Felicity, 23 June 1999. Ali, Ferdinand. San Fernando, 12 January 2005. Ali, Grace. San Fernando, 12 January 2005. Baxter, Desmond. Balmain, 6 June 2006. Bharath, Ralph. Tacarigua, 26 January 2005. Bissessar, Foster. Valsayn, 24 March 2006. Budri, Sidney. Charlieville, 20 January 2005. Cardinez, Marina. Curepe, 15 September 2004. Chandoo, Michael. Alberta, 10 August 2002. Chatee, Selwyn. Nova Scotia, 19 July 2002. Daniel, Ivana. Curepe, 17 September 2004. Dayfoot, Arthur. Toronto, 10 June 2000. Ganeesingh, Jit. Couva, 20 June 1999. Gardner, Hatim San Juan, 6 June 2006. Hassanali, Fyzul. Santa Cruz, 21 April 2006. Kokaram, Richard. Curepe, 18 March 1996. Laltoo, Ralph. New Brunswick, 9 August 2002. Madhosingh, Lennox. Chaguanas, 18 February 2007. Mootoo, Roy. Canaan, 4 March 2007. Nagessar, Orlando. Chaguanas, 17 March 1996. Naranjit, Florient, St. Augustine, 6 January 2005.

Bibliography

209

Othello, Fitzroy. Princes Town, 3 March 2007. Persaud, Lloyd. Chase Village, 22 April 2006. Ramsaran, John. San Fernando, 1 October 2006. Ramsawak, Indra. Couva, 17 June 1999. Reid, Geraldine. New Brunswick. 10 August 2002. Samaroo, Bert. Valsayn 31 March 2006. Samaroo, Lenore. Valsayn 31 March 2006. Sampath, Dorinda. Valsayn, 20 March 2006. Seepersad, Kenrick. Curepe, 18 March 1996. Seepersad, Stephen. Tacarigua, 16 January 2004. Seepersad, Berla. Tacarigua, 20 January 2004. Sinanan, Isaac. Chaguanas, 18 March 1996. Singh, Chandi Toronto, 18 July 1998. Sukha, David. Tunapuna, 13 February 2006. Tabitha Wight, Curepe, 16 September 2004. Joyce Tilluckdharry-Gobin, San Fernando, 6 June 2006. Ralph Umraw, Penal, 6 June 2006.

Dissertations/Theses Dunn, Charles. A, “The Canadian Mission in British Guiana: The Pioneer Years 1885– 1927,” MA thesis, Queen’s University, 1971. Dunn, Charles. A, “The Canadian Mission in British Guiana: From Mission to Church 1927–1967,” M.Th, Knox College, University of Toronto, 1975. Feheney, J. Matthew. “Catholic Education in Trinidad in the Nineteenth Century,” MA thesis, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 1975. Hamel-Smith, Angela. “The History of Education in Trinidad 1900–1938,” MPhil thesis, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 1983. Kalloo, Kirk, “St. Andrew’s Theological College: The Evolution of Presbyterian Theological Education in Trinidad 1892–1991,” Caribbean Studies thesis UWI, St. Augustine, Kassim, Halima-sa’adia. “Education, Community Organisations and Gender Among Indo-Muslims of Trinidad, 1917–1962,” diss. University of the West Indies, Trinidad, 1999. Lochan, Samuel. “Entrepreneurship: A Challenge Facing the Education System of Trinidad and Tobago,” diss. University of the West Indies, Trinidad, 2004. Martell, Anne. “The Canadian Presbyterian Mission to Trinidad East Indians 1868– 1912,” MA thesis, Dalhousie University, 1974.

210

Bibliography

Mohammed, Jennifer. “Career Aspiration and Expectations of Fifth Form Students at a Senior Comprehensive School,” diss. University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 1996. Ramrattan, Krysta. “The History of the Riversdale Region,” Caribbean Studies thesis, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 2006, 26. Ramsahai, Robert. “The History of Hillview College: From a Lowly ‘Cowpen’ to a Prestigious Institution in the Presbyterian Tradition, 1955–1998,” Caribbean Studies thesis. University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 1998. Samaroo, Brinsley. “Constitutional and Political Development of Trinidad 1898–1925,” diss University of London, 1969. Seesaran, Rosabelle. “Church and State Relations in late Nineteenth Century Trinidad,” MA thesis, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 1975. Sitahal, Harold. The Mission of the Church in Trinidad: An examination of the church’s work and influence among the descendants of the East Indians. MA thesis, McGill University, 1967. Tappin, Bernard S. “From Chaplaincy to Diocese: A History of the Anglican Church in Trinidad 1797–1904,” diss. University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 1997. Teelucksingh, Jerome. “The Contribution of Labour to the Social and Political Development of Trinidad and Tobago 1987–1950,” diss. University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 2004. Turner, Trevor. “The work of the Presbyterian Church of Canada and its successor, the United Church of Canada in the field of secular education in Trinidad,” M.Ed. thesis, University of New Brunswick, 1968. Tikasingh, Gerad. “The Establishment of the Indians in Trinidad 1870–1900,” diss. University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad, 1973. Yamin-Ali, Jennifer. “The Relationship between Primary School Teachers’ Perceptions of the Role of Grammar in Language Teaching and the Techniques they use to Teach it,” M.Ed. thesis, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 1991. Yamin-Ali, Jennifer. “An Analysis of the Micropolitics of Policy and Practice in the Context of Promotion to Senior Management Positions in Presbyterian Secondary Schools in Trinidad,” diss. University of Sheffield, 2002.

Index administration in Presbyterian churches 156–60, 163–68 administration in Presbyterian schools  132–36, 178–87 agriculture in schools 25–26, 56–58. See also extra-curricular activities in schools Akal, Lionel 58, 63–64, 80, 91 Akal, Patrick 24–25, 60 alcohol, abstinence from 23, 46, 64, 161–62 alumni organisations 102, 142, 143 Anglican Church 4, 12, 36, 54 Anjuman Sunnat-ul-Jamaat Association of Trinidad and Tobago. See Muslim schools Aramalaya Presbyterian Church, Tunapuna 55, 64 Archibald, Adella 18, 169–70, 173 Archibald Vocational Institute 173, 175 associations, regional and international membership of Presbyterian Church 49–50 Beattie, Grace 38, 92 bhajans 23, 85, 130, 192–93 Bible Women 165, 170–73, 175, 189 Blackadder, Annie 34, 170 Boards of Education 8, 110–11, 178–86 British Guiana education of East Indians 47–49 indentureship 1, 15 Presbyterianism 6, 40, 46–59, 151 Campbell, Carl 32, 61, 74, 81, 166 Canadian Mission Indian (cmi) Schools name change to Canadian Mission (CM) Schools 53 name change to Presbyterian Schools 97 See also under education of East Indians in Trinidad Capildeo, Rudranath 94–95, 115 caste system 2, 20, 32, 161, 189 catechists 41, 42, 163–68 residences of 14, 33 Centre for Ethnic Studies, uwi, St. Augustine 127–28

Chinese, relationship with East Indians 32–33 Church of Scotland 5, 41–49 co-curricular activities 55–64. See also extra-curricular activities Common Entrance examinations 99–100, 115, 119, 132–36 Compulsory Education Ordinance 1921  54–55 Concordat 1968 99, 119, 127–30 conversion to Christianity 6, 9, 16–29, 47, 53, 69–74, 158–59, 188 conversion to Presbyterianism 106 “Coolie School” 178–79, 197. See also Grant Memorial Presbyterian School cultural traditions of East Indians 2–4, 160–61 in schools 130–31 Dayfoot, Rev. Arthur 41, 153, 158, 182 Deaconess Order 154, 155, 177, 189 denominational schools 7, 12, 87–88, 99–101, 127–30, 138, 142, 145, 148, 181–82, 185 versus state schools 7, 97–101, 138, 145, 148, 182 Deonarine, Krishna. See Rienzi, Adrian Cola disadvantaged children. See rural schools East Indian National Association (eina) 61–62 Education Act 1966 100–101 education of East Indians, Trinidad as agent for social transformation 15, 23, 29 role of Presbyterian missionaries 9–12, 89–93 in rural schools 12–13, 90–91, 132–33 in secondary schools. See secondary schools See also under names of individual ministers, teachers, schools Education Ordinance, 1870 10 Education Ordinance, 1890 12, 29 Education Ordinance, 1899 29 Education Ordinance, 1946 112 ethnicity. See race relations

212 evangelism 15, 26, 27, 72, 85, 88–91, 101, 124, 188–89 Explorers Group 178, 179, 189 extra-curricular activities in schools 56–59, 103, 107, 147–48. See also co-curricular activities and also individual activities, e.g., agriculture, scouting financial assistance to Canadian missions from alumni associations 142–43 from local Chinese 17, 32–33 from local East Indians 17, 119–20 from local planters 14–15, 53 from Presbyterian Church in Canada 14, 15, 53, 72 from Trinidad and Tobago government 14–16, 31 free secondary education 101 Giuseppi, Undine 92, 99, 105, 106 Government Training College 79, 120 Grant Memorial Presbyterian School 10–11, 81. See also “Coolie School” Grant, Rev, Kenneth 10–11, 19, 24, 30, 35, 37, 84, 156 Grant School. See Grant Memorial Presbyterian School Grenada Presbyterianism 40–42. See also Presbyterian Church in Trinidad and Grenada Happy Workers’ Society 170 headmasters residences of 14 role of 63–64, 79–80, 90, 164, 165, 189 head-teachers. See headmasters Hillview College 92, 139–41, 142, 144, 146 Hindi in church services 20–22, 48, 60, 84 hymn book 20 literature 20–21 prayer book 19–20 press 19–20 teaching of in schools 20–23, 84–85, 115 Hindu schools 114–18 Hinduism 9, 17, 48, 131 “House system” in schools 103, 120, 133, 141

Index Iere High School 106–108, 144 Iere Home 22, 38, 78, 169. See also Naparima Girls’ High School indentureship 1, 4, 6, 15, 42, 85, 161, 191 Islam. See Muslim schools Jamaica Presbyterianism 40, 42–44 indentureship 42 Kabir Panth Association 111, 112 Keenan, Patrick 9–10, 11, 29 kindergartens. See pre-schools labour problems 85–87 Lalla, Rev. Charles D. 77–78, 84 Laltoo, Ralph 69, 72, 82, 96 leadership qualities of Presbyterians 56–64, 87, 134 Legge, Garth 72, 98, 124–25, 159–60 local clergy 149–56, 180 Maharaj, Satnarine 73–74, 117 Maha Sabha 73 Mahase, Anna 101–102 Mahase, Anna Chandisingh 78–79 Mahase-Samaroo, Lenore 105 Manning, Hazel 129–30 Manning, Patrick 127 Maraj, Bhadase Sagan 73–74, 94, 113 Marriott-Mayhew Report 87–88 Mayaro Consultation 1966 160 Meghu, Beulah 102, 104–105, 138 migration of East Indians to Canada  95–97 Mohammed, Kamaludin 113, 116 Moonsie Scholarship Awards 132 Moore, Dennison 33–34 Morton, Rev. Harvey 20 Morton, Rev. John 10, 15, 18–20, 23, 25–26, 35, 44, 64, 72, 161 Morton, Sarah 19–20, 168, 171 Muslim schools 111–19 Naimool, Mary 82–83, 175 Naipaul, Shiva 16, 53

Index Naipaul, V.S. on conversion 9, 16, 53, 168 on East Indians 94, 132 on Hinduism 9 Naparima Boys’ College. See Naparima College Naparima College 37–36, 61–62, 74–77, 102–104, 146–47 Naparima Girls’ High School 34, 38–39, 65–66, 93, 104–105, 141, 146–47 Naparima Training College 37–38, 77–84, 119–24 Neehall, Rev. Roy 24, 50, 98, 99, 124 outreach activities 17, 50–52, 168–78. See also co-curricular activities and also individual activities, e.g., Trail Rangers, Bible Women panchayats 2, 160 Panday, Basdeo 28, 129 Parent Teachers’ Associations 141–44 politics in Trinidad and Tobago 94–95, 99 involvement of prominent Presbyterians in 62 involvement of Presbyterian school graduates in 87 Presbyterian Church in Trinidad and Grenada 41–42, 124–26 Presbyterian Theological College 79, 149–53, 189. See also St. Andrew’s Theological College Presbyterian Training School for Teachers. See Naparima Training College pre-schools 51, 137–38 primary schools 25, 30, 101, 102, 108–19, 132–36, 138. See also individual primary schools protests of workers 85–87 race relations 1–4, 32–37, 48–49, 64–74, 95–97, 163 in criteria for promotion of teachers 65, 182, 184, 186 in schools 65–73, 118–19, 127–28, 136–37 religious instructions in schools 11, 17, 19, 22, 30, 89, 121, 176

213 Rienzi, Adrian Cola 84, 86–87 Roman Catholic Church 4–5, 12, 54, 99, 100, 124 Roodal, Timothy 87, 94 rural schools special attention for 12–13, 90–91, 132–33 Ryan, Selwyn 27, 61, 95 St. Andrew’s Theological College 122, 153–56, 189. See also Presbyterian Theological College St. Augustine Girls’ High School 92–93, 101–102, 105–106, 107, 141, 142, 145–46 St. Lucia Presbyterianism 40, 44–45 Salvation Army 47–48 Samaroo, Brinsley 18–19, 23, 24, 32, 86, 125 Sanatan Dharma Board of Control. See Sanatan Dharma Maha Sabha Sanatan Dharma Maha Sabha 112 San Juan Presbyterian School 16, 23, 58, 59, 109, 116, 133, 135 schoolmasters’ houses 14 schools serving as churches 89 Scottish Presbyterians 5 scouting 58, 59, 62, 82, 176 Scrimgeour, Margaret 65–66, 91 secondary schools 37–39, 51, 73, 91–93, 101–108, 138–48. See also individual secondary schools Seukeran, Lionel 73–74, 80–81 segregation. See race relations Sinanan, Isaac 59–60, 81 Sunday Schools 32–33, 47, 57, 89, 102, 162 Susamachar Presbyterian Church 17, 156–57 Swann, Rev. M. F. 81, 176 Synod of the Presbyterian Church, Trinidad 154, 157, 158, 183–84 tassa drums 23, 130, 161 Tobago Presbyterianism 51 teachers conversion to Christianity 70 conversion to Presbyterianism 106 promotion, criteria for 63, 65, 182, 184, 186 race relations 65–73

214 teachers (cont.) salaries of 31, 109 training of 37–38, 55, 77–78, 109, 119–24. See also Naparima Training College Trail Rangers 176, 178, 189, 196 Trinidad Girls in Training 108, 174, 176, 178, 189 United Theological College of the West Indies 153, 154 violence in schools 138–39

Index Wagar, Constance 92, 106–107, 108 Walls, Marion 75–76 Walls, Rev. Victor 75–77, 83, 84, 181 Williams, Eric 95, 98–101, 119 women, role in Presbyterian education system 110, 155, 168–78, 189 Women’s Foreign Missionary Society 168 Women’s Missionary Society 168, 170, 174 World Conference of Churches 158 young people’s activities 174, 178. See also outreach activities