Beyond the Language Frontier: Studies on the Karamanlis and the Karamanlidika Printing 9781463233532

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Beyond the Language Frontier

Analecta Isisiana: Ottoman and Turkish Studies

110

A co-publication with The Isis Press, Istanbul, the series consists of collections of thematic essays focused on specific themes of Ottoman and Turkish studies. These scholarly volumes address important issues throughout Turkish history, offering in a single volume the accumulated insights of a single author over a career of research on the subject.

Beyond the Language Frontier

Studies on the Karamanlis and the Karamanlidika Printing

Evangelia Balta

The Isis Press, Istanbul

prtSS 2011

Gorgias Press IXC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright© 2011 by The Isis Press, Istanbul Originally published in 2010 All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of The Isis Press, Istanbul. 2011

ISBN 978-1-61143-739-3

Reprinted from the 2010 Istanbul edition.

Printed in the United States of America

Evangelia Balta, born in Kavala in 1955. Studied in the Department of History of the Faculty of Letters at the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki (1973-1977). With a scholarship awarded by the "A.S. Onassis Foundation" she continued her studies at the University of Paris I (Panthéon - Sorbonne) and the École Pratique des Hautes Études, IV Section (1980-83), from where she took her doctorate (1983). She has worked in the Historical Archives of Macedonia (Thessaloniki, 1979) and the Centre for Asia Minor Studies (Athens, 1978, 1984-1987), and has taught at the Ionian University (Corfu, 1985-1987). In 1987 she was appointed Research Fellow at the National Hellenic Research Foundation and from 2000 is Director of Studies, responsible for the Department of the Ottoman Studies, in the same institution. Her interests are wide ranging but focus mainly on the economic history of Greek lands under Ottoman rule and the history of Asia Minor Hellenism.

To my friend Tassos Karanastassis who is always standing behind my choices

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE PART ONE: TURKISHSPEAKING

ORTHODOXANATOLJANS

I. Les codices karamanlis et turcs du Centre d' Études d'Asie Mineure II. Gerçi Rum isekde rumca bilmez. The Adventures of an Identity in the Triptych: Vatan, Religion and Language III. Turkish-speaking Anatolian Rums and the Karamanlidika Book Production IV. Cries and Whispers in Karamanlidika Books Before the Doom of Silence PART TWO: KARAMANLIDIKA

PRESS

67 81 105

V. Karamanlidika Press (Smyrna 1845 - Athens 1926) VI. Catalogue of the Karamanlidika Press VII. La revue karamanlie Aktis [= le Rayon lumineux) Revue périodique hebdomadaire traitant de sujets religieux, politiques et scientifiques VIII. La revue karamanlie 1 Aréti (Fazilet) IX. Le journal karamanli Mikra Asia yani Anatoli d'Evangélinos Misailidis dans la tourmente du Schisme Bulgare PART THREE: OTTOMAN EVIDENCE ON KARAMANLIDIKA

49

EDITIONS

Ottoman Evidence About the Greek and Karamanli Editions of Evangelinos Misailidis, 1 XI. Karamanlidika editions on Cholera Years, 1848-1854 XII. Bibliographic notes on Karamanlidika publications, 1

107 123

135 145 153 177

X.

179 193 207

PREFACE

A volume of Analecta (Greek analegein = to gather) is always, in a sense, a report on one's work and to some extent one's life if, for better or worse, one's life and work are closely interwoven, as in my case. It has been my choice ... It is my belief that the work collected in this volume, the writing of which was dictated by different reasons, illustrates the issues which have engaged me in the area of Karamanlidika Studies, my favorite among my various scholarly interests. As I confessed in writing in 2004, I was forced in my thirties, for both professional and personal reasons, to occupy myself with other areas and periods of Ottoman history. I did not give myself over to Karamanlidika, the object of my scholarly desire with which I had begun my professional career. On the side, amidst on-going research programs and under the pressure of deadlines to produce work at the Institute for Neohellenic Research, I managed to collect and publish the material in the third volume (the sixth according to a different numbering) of the Karamanlidika Bibliography. I also succeeded in writing whatever was published after 1987, when my professional but not scientific relationship with the Center for Asia Minor Studies (CAMS) ceased. Already reprinted and in circulation in two previous volumes of collected work published in Analecta Isisiana are articles from the Bulletin of the CAMS which represent the scientific infrastructure for Karamanlidika Studies, such as cataloging of Karamanlidika material housed in the CAMS, as well as of the codices of the Cappadocian communities in the General State Archives (Athens), the collection of Karamanlidika magazines and newspapers in order to make a systematic bibliographical catalogue, as well as some early pioneering studies of Karamanlis and Karamanlidika books. In 2009,1 have received a Senior Fellowship of the Ko? University Research Centre for Anatolian Civilizations (RCAC). The fellowship granted me was for Karamanlidika Studies, or you might say, it was thanks to Karamanlidika Studies. The Project I proposed to the RCAC was the re-edition of the Karamanlidika Bibliography which had been begun in 1999 but remained unfinished. Its final treatment was delayed not only because I did not have time to dedicate to the project, but mainly since it required systematic research in the Ha^bakanlik Osmanh Ar$ivi in Istanbul. I have been able to give my self over to a much-beloved practice, reading the typed catalogues of the different Fonds of the Archive which are open to researchers, which has been a source of refreshment and revitalization after my attempts to document the specific themes of my research. And, as a result, I am more convinced than ever that the reedition of the Karamanlidika Bibliography, although it can ever be complete,

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should take account of the Ottoman archival material. Of course, this applies also to the Ottoman, Armenian, Armeno-Turkish, Hebrew, Hebrew-Turkish as well as the Greek editions printed in Constantinople. And with regard to the latter, which are of greatest concern to me as a Greek, it is my hope that someone will soon investigate the Ottoman Archive for Greek editions printed at the presses of Constantinople. It is certain that such research would enrich the Corpus of Greek Bibliography with new titles and valuable information. The likelihood of finding copies of unknown Karamanlidika publications is limited, as was evidenced by the small number located during the intervening years since 1997, when the last volume of the Karamanlidika Bibliography was published. The late Philippos lliou always said that the notation of copies, the usual foundation of bibliographical research, is not sufficient on its own to establish the true scale of book production. So alongside the search for Karamanlidika books in publishers' catalogs, advertisements and announcements published in newspapers and magazines, and on book covers, we should also be turning our attention to the permits issued by the authorities whereby they allowed the printing and circulation of books, newspapers and magazines within the Ottoman Empire. The various Fonds of the Maarif Nezdreti need to be thoroughly investigated. Only in this way may we, perhaps, minimize to the extent it is possible the number of items that has escaped our notice. By delving into the catalogues I confirmed that the Ottoman archival material also provided information on the circulation of the corresponding ArmenoTurkish and Ottoman editions of a title, thereby contextualizing the Karamanlidika editions within the wider Ottoman world of which they were a product. This may in fact be the most important contribution of the archival source under discussion. Consequently, I have considered it worthwhile to note this material as well since in the re-edition of the Karamanlidika Bibliography I record the corresponding editions - in Ottoman and Armeno-Turkish - to those which circulated in Greek. My goal was and remains to indicate reciprocal interactions on the literary-bibliographical side of the loans and the counterloans. In the First Conference on Karamanlidika Studies I underlined that ' a desideratum is the study of these three literatures, Karamanlidika, Ottoman, Armeno-Turkish / DaCkeren, in their diachronic and synchronic dimensions, not only because they are part of a whole, but also because this is the only way in which their intersections and peculiarities in periods of important political and social changes within the Ottoman Empire can be enhanced. Furthermore, in the case of the Turcophone Rums, possible influences from the instituting of the Modern Greek State are investigated too. The choices of each literature are articulated with the perception of these changes, and as choices of cultural identity they interpret aspects of the self-determination of the corresponding ethnic culture, in periods distinguished by the quest for identities and the awakening of national consciousnesses.' The fellowship at the RCAC provided m e with the opportunity to immerse myself in the investigation of the countless files in the Maarif Nezdreti Archive in order to assemble information related to both published and unpublished Karamanlidika printed material, and not only that pertaining to books but also to newspapers and magazines - forms of documentation which are highly susceptible to the vagaries of time. It was an opportunity to delight in the world

PREFACE

11

surrounding the production or these materials, their writers, translators, publishers, and printers. Under the extremely difficult working conditions owing to the constant din seeping in from ístiklal Caddesi, where the R C A C is housed, I processed the material collected. Helpmeet in this adventure, from October to December 2009, was the young post-doctoral researcher Raif ívecan, who very quickly honed his skills in treasure hunting and proved an invaluable collaborator. I am indebted to my friend Mehmet Gen? for recommending him to me. My enthusiasm for the material related to the world of Karamanlidika publications which I have been uncovering now for five months in the Ottoman Archive should not mislead the reader into thinking that the present volume is only concerned with the cataloguing of printed material, or that my interest in Karamanlidika Studies is limited to this area of research. Far from it. I have always been interested, and continue to be, above all in the identity, and its expression, of the Turkish-speaking Orthodox population of the East, mainly the Turkish-speaking villages of Cappadocia. I am interested to locate the position of this population within the Orthodox millet and in relation to other millets of the Ottoman Empire, and to trace this network of relationships back as far as possible in time. I think that certain publications which appear in this volume illustrate these interests. But I have always believed, and do so increasingly as time passes, that the preoccupation with such issues should be closely linked to sources, that is, with the material which makes up the constructions. I have sought out such sources and continue searching, in the belief that the discovery of new data, its processing and evaluation is my job as an historian. It is also my work to understand and to help others to understand that the literature on the subject of the origin of the Karamanlis cannot be understood without taking into account the specific conditions under which this literature was created, in other words, without understanding its social, political and the cultural context. The issue of the Karamanlis is a brilliant opportunity to study the attitudes of Greek and Turkish society towards history, and the way a society handles its relations with the past. And a word on the way in which the texts in the volume are presented. Essentially, the studies in this volume are improved versions of previously published studies. For this reason there are no Addenda at the end of them, as was our earlier tactic in our reprinted articles. In most cases, the material in articles has been supplemented during the course of the period between October and December 2009 with new documentation or new bibliography. Even recently completed work drawn from research in the Ottoman Archives has been supplemented subsequent to even more recent surprises uncovered at the eleventh hour before delivery to the printer. Some studies have assumed a more extensive form than the original, which had conformed to the requirements of those who originally requested them (I refer here to studies published in the periodicals APERY and AKTÍQ). The Roman numerals which feature in the titles of some articles are intended only to denote that I made a start in some areas of research. May they be a call for its continuation. I owe many thanks to all those who have been my fellow travelers on the checkered journey of writing the studies in this volume. Some of them are no longer with us. I thank Popi Polemi for always willingly responding to all my

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FRONTIER

requests regarding issues of Greek Bibliography; my precious friend Eleni Molfesi, the librarian of the Institutes of Byzantine and Neohellenic Studies at the National Hellenic Research Foundation, and Duygu Pa9ali of the RCAC, whose unhesitating assistance in my inquiries in the Greek, Turkish and international bibliography was touching. Warm thanks are due to the Directorate and the personnel of the Gennadius Library, for kindly allowing me access to archives still closed to research; to the personnel of the Centre for Asia Minor Studies and, of course, to the personnel of the Bcujbakanhk Osmanh Ar§ivi. The presence of my old friend Fuat Recep in the catalogue room is always crucial to finding the information I seek. I owe many thanks to the staff of the ISAM Library, a model library in Turkey, and I am particularly grateful to Fatih (Jardakh, Bilal (Javujoglu and §evki Bayku§ for favors that they have done for me. I am also indebted to Murat Altm and Ender Bozturk. I know that they have done all they could to fill the enormous gap left by the loss of Yucel Dagli. The contribution of my friends Nedret i§li, Puzant Akba? and Sabri Koz is incalculable, both literally and figuratively. Nikos Chrysidis also has my thanks for his careful concern and willingness to help always and at all stages of research, and during the writing of some of the studies that were born in 2009. To llias Anagnostakis, whose judgement I place first, I owe both gratitude and love. Special thanks go to my friends Alex Douma, Elizabeth Key Fowden and Danielle Morichon for translating my texts into English and French. Our collaboration has built strong friendships. They care about my texts and me, and I thank them from the bottom of my heart. I will close with a salutation: To all those who believe that Karamanlidika Studies is not exclusively about proving whether the Turcophone Greek Orthodox of the 19th and early 20 th centuries were of Turkish or Greek-Byzantine origin, but has as its goal other, more important enquiries which have to do with the consciousness of identity and its expression across time. And to all those who do not forget that they are historians. At the corner of Nuri Ziya sok. and istiklal Caddesi, 21 January 2010 No matter what, day will break At seven comes the simitgi

PARTI

TURKISH - SPEAKING ORTHODOX ANATOLIANS

LES CODICES KARAMANLIS ET TURCS DU CENTRE D' ÉTUDES D'ASIE MINEURE

Les sources disponibles en Grèce contribuant à l'étude de l'histoire des Rums orthodoxes hellénophones et turcophones de Cappadoce se trouvent réunies aux Archives Générales de l'Etat (Athènes) et au Centre d'Etudes d'Asie Mineure (Athènes). Les renseignements foisonnent également dans les Archives de Turquie, dans les codices des tribunaux religieux (kadi sicilien) des régions administratives de Nigdi (Nigde), Ikonion (Konya), Césarée (Kayseri), ainsi que dans les registres fiscaux de l'administration centrale de l'Empire. L'histoire des communautés des Grecs orthodoxes ne sera complète que lorsque l'étude aura également inclus l'examen des sources ottomanes, à savoir le témoignage de la communauté musulmane dominante. La présente étude s'insère dans le cadre de la présentation des archives turques et karamanlies déposées au Centre d'Etudes d'Asie Mineure. D'autre part, elle constitue la suite de travaux antérieurs qui avaient pour objet de répertorier les archives sauvées provenant d'Asie Mineure se trouvant en Grèce aujourd'hui 1 . En effet, les réfugiés turcophones arrivés en Grèce avec l'Echange

* La présente forme de notre étude constitue une version remaniée et réactualisée sur le plan de la bibliographie de l'édition grecque : "KapanavXiôiKoi KÎÔSUŒÇ TOU Kévtpou MucpamaTuobv LitouSibv" [Codices karamanlis du Centre d'Etudes d'Asie Mineure], AEXTÎO Kkvxpov MiKpamaziKàv £iamâd>v [Bulletin du Centre d'Etudes d'Asie Mineure] 7 (1988-1989), pp. 201246. 1 Sur l'inventaire des registres communaux, cf. Ta zepur/ópcva zcov TEVÌKOÌV Ap/tiov tan Kpâxovç [Le contenu des Archives Générales de l'Etat]. Introduction - édition - index K. A. Diamantis, directeur des Archives Générales de l'Etat, t. 1, Athènes 1972, pp. 407-474. Kynaki Mamoni, "Xeipóypoupoi KÊSIKEÇ trçç Pi|31.io(>nicnç Tqç 'Etrctaç N. Eniipviiç'" [Codices manuscrits de la bibliothèque-"Estia" de Néa Smyrni], Mikrasiatika Chronika 8 (1959), pp. 225-253, où sont décrits trois codices communaux de Kasaba. Du même auteur, "To ap%eio TOV MiKpaaianKOÙ EuMóyou ' A N A T O A H ' " [Les archives de l'Association de Micrasiates 'Anatolie'], Mnimosyni 7 (1978-1979), p. 148, où sont décrits des codices communaux et diocésains et les codices administratifs de l'association 'Anatolie'. Cf. aussi Matoula Kouroupou, "EM.T]vóvoi KASIKS; TOU K évi pou MiKpumimKCûv LTCOVÒÒÌV" [Codices en grec du Centre d'Etudes d'Asie Mineure], Aehio Kévrpou MiKpamawcév LKOVÔWV [Bulletin du Centre d'Etudes d'Asie Mineure] 2 (1981), pp. 221-241. De même, voir Evangelia Balta - Matoula Kouroupou, "Les sources pour une histoire des populations à échanger de Cappadoce. Nécessité d'une vision d'ensemble", in:

Evangelia Balta, Problèmes et approches de l'histoire ottomane. Un itinéraire scientifique de

Kayseri à Egriboz, Analecta Isisiana, XXVIII, Les Editions Isis, Istanbul 1997, pp. 277-292 et Matoula Kouroupou - Evangelia Balta, EVjivopSôôoÇeç Koivonjreç zqç KoamiéoKÎaç, I. Tlepupé.pe.ia FJpoKomov. Iîtfyéç ora / UVIKÓ. AP/Y.UI. TOU Kpàtovç mi aro Kèvipo MiKpamaxiKùjv UxooScbv [Communautés grecques orthodoxes de Cappadoce, I. Région de Prokopi. Sources se trouvant aux Archives Générales de l'Etat et au Centre d'Etudes d'Asie Mineure], Athènes, Centre d'Etudes d'Asie Mineure, 2001.

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des Populations ont apporté les codices avec eux. Il s'agit notamment de registres communaux, ecclésiastiques et scolaires qui retracent la vie des communautés grecques de l'Asie Mineure. Conformément à l'article n c 8 de la Vie Convention de Lausanne (30.1.1923) les réfugiés avaient le droit d'emporter les biens mobiliers de leur communauté, à savoir les ornements sacrés des églises et des monastères, les objets précieux ainsi que des firmans, berats etc. La plupart de ces objets ont été déposés à la "Caisse des Biens Echangeables Communautaires et d'Intérêt Commun" (Ta(ieiov AvxaMuïÇincav Koivotuctuv KCU Koivoicpri-div Ilepiouaubv). Une certaine quantité de ces objets se trouve toujours en la possession des communautés et des associations créées par les réfugiés après leur installation en Grèce. D'autres sont la propriété de particuliers, si l'on en juge par les codices du Centre d'Etudes d'Asie Mineure qui proviennent de donations. Après la suppression de la "Caisse des Biens Echangeables", les documents imprimés ont été déposés à la Bibliothèque Nationale et le corpus des codices aux Archives Générales de l'Etat. M. Ath. Diamantis a publié un bref catalogue de ces codices1. Au Musée Bénaki (Athènes) se trouvent un certain nombre de berats des métropolites de l'Asie Mineure ainsi que des manuscrits. Le Centre d'Etudes d'Asie Mineure possède 22 codices en langue turque 2 , des copies de firmans et de tapus (titres de propriété) ainsi que divers manuscrits. Le catalogue que nous publions ici contient une description détaillée de ces codices. Quinze d'entre eux sont karamanlis, six sont bilingues (en grec et en turc) et un est écrit en turc avec des caractères arabes. La valeur de preuve du matériel des codices décrits ci-dessous ne se voit pas épuisée par la seule rédaction de l'histoire des communautés en question : en effet, ce matériel s'offre également à la recherche de phénomènes plus généraux de l'histoire de l'hellénisme de Cappadoce. Par exemple, la migration des habitants à Constantinople, les formes et les mécanismes de la solidarité communautaire au pays comme dans la capitale (accords de prêt, œuvres caritatives, gestion des biens), ainsi que toutes les pratiques qui pérennisent les équilibres de la vie en commun, peuvent être étudiés sur la base de cette documentation. Les sources présentées dans le catalogue s'offrent aussi à l'étude des vecteurs de l'autorité et des rôles sociaux qui se créent parallèlement à la 1 Les codices cappadociens de l'ancienne Caisse des Biens Echangeables aujourd'hui conservés aux Archives générales de l'Etat atteignent, d'après le catalogue effectué par K. A. Diamantis, le nombre de 268 sur un total de 510 codices provenant d'Asie Mineure. Dans leur majorité, les codices ci-dessus sont en turc ou bilingues, en grec et en turc. Le nombre des codices cappadociens doit être considéré comme provisoire: l'autopsie et la description analytique du contenu de tous les codices conservés aux Archives générales de l'Etat modifiera assurément le premier classement effectué par K. A. Diamantis, à l'intérieur duquel de nombreux codices ont été catalogués comme étant d'origine inconnue ou bien considérés comme inexistants. Cf. Ta nepiexo/ieva itov re.vucév Apxnimv zov Kpâzouç op.cit. 2 Dans le registre d'entrée du Centre des Etudes d'Asie Mineure sont répertoriés 29 codices. De ces 29 codices, le Maiala 30 est perdu. Les Kirkhisar 44 Km 45 ont été exclus, car il s'agit de textes dactylographiés constituant des copies de la liste des habitants de la commune du village de Kirkhisar du district de Giresun (Bolu) à partir du registre d'état civil du village. Enfin sont exclus les codices Césarée 28, Prokopi 29, et Nevçehir 22, qui constituent en réalité des manuscrits. Au nombre final des 22 codices décrits plus bas, on doit ajouter aussi le codex bilingue 2 /1 Guelveri, inclus par Matoula Kouroupou parmi les codices en grec, cf. Matoula Kouroupou, "EXJ.r]Vói(KBVot

KtòòiKef, op. cit., pp. 228-229.

TURKISH-SPEAKING ORTHODOX ANATOLIANS

17

construction des idéologies et au modelage des consciences. Par exemple, l'introduction de l'éducation grecque dans les écoles des communautés de Cappadoce à la fin du XIXe siècle vise, sciemment ou non, à l'intégration des communautés des Grecs orthodoxes dans la communauté hellénique élargie. Le type et la thématique des codices de Cappadoce ne diffèrent pas de ceux de leurs correspondants de la Grèce 1 . Les codices communaux, qui constituent la majorité de ce matériel d'archivé, transcrivent les échanges de la communauté des Rums avec le pouvoir central ottoman (versement des taxes, recensement de la population), mais également les relations entre les membres de la communauté (testaments, actes de ventes, emprunts et prêts), la gestion de ses biens et son administration (élections à la démogérontie -notables représentant la communauté chargés de tâches administratives et policières-), règlements qui fixent les procédures du mariage, de la succession à l'héritage, des cérémonies des fêtes, du fonctionnement de l'école). Les codices ecclésiastiques dans lesquels sont consignés les naissances, les baptêmes et les décès des membres de la communauté sont en rapport avec l'encyclique du métropolite de Césarée Païsios adressée à ses ouailles en 1839, et qui constitue l'écho de la volonté de la Sublime Porte. Cette encyclique est contenue dans le codex de Tavlosoun décrit plus bas. Dans ces mêmes codices qui constituent des registres d'état civil sont aussi parallèlement consignés la gestion des biens ecclésiastiques et monastiques, l'entretien des églises, les œuvres caritatives, etc. C'est sur ce riche matériel, suffisant à recomposer l'histoire des communautés des Rums de Cappadoce jusqu'au moment de l'Echange des Populations et de montrer leurs particularités, que s'est fondé l'ouvrage de H. Hatziiosif sur Sinasos 2 . C'est également grâce aux éléments d'information fournis par les codices d'Androniki (Endurluk) et de Tsokour (Çukuryurt), villages de la région de Césarée, qu'Irini Réniéri a étudié les mécanismes de formation du foyer en Cappadoce 3 . Dans le catalogue qui suit cette brève notice d'introduction, les codices sont présentés par ordre alphabétique. En effet, le classement chronologique n'est d'aucune facilité, puisque les codices datent tous de la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle et du début du XXe, et comportent de très petites différences chronologiques entre eux. Ainsi, nous considérons que le classement par ordre alphabétique des codices rend plus aisée l'utilisation du catalogue, qui donne alors une image directe du nombre de codices (ou de leur absence) relatifs à une communauté d'Asie Mineure déposés aux Archives du Centre d'Etudes d'Asie Mineure, et qui complète l'image donnée par le catalogue Diamantis de leurs correspondants aux Archives générales de l'Etat, où se trouve le principal corpus 1 Evangelia Balta - Matoula Kouroupou, "Les sources.-", op. cit. 2 Ch. Hatziiosif, Livaaôç Imopia evôç TÓITOV /ojpiç loropia [Sinasos. Histoire d'un lieu sans histoire], Editions Universitaires de Crète, Héraklion 2005. 3 Cf. Irini Réniéri, "AvSpovfcio. Tìva KcuntaSoKucó x®ptó Kató tov 19o aubva" [Andronikio. Un village de Cappadoce au XIXe siècle], Mnimon 15 (1993), pp. 9-67; du même auteur, "Milxavionoi ouyicpÔTriOTiç tou votKoicupioii. KajoraSoicia 19o; auiivaç' rç jtEptawoat) juaç TO«pKop668oÇriç KoivôtriTaç" [Mécanismes de formation du foyer. Cappadoce, XIXe siècle : le cas d'une communauté turque orthodoxe], Ta Historika 30 (juin 1999), pp. 17-46, et aussi, du même auteur, "Household Formation in the 19th Centuiy Central Anatolia: the Case Study of a Turkish Speaking Orthodox Christian Community", International Journal of Middle East Studies, vol. XXXIV n° 3 (2002), pp. 495-517.

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des codices. Pour chaque codex, en dehors du numéro par ordre croissant (n° c.) de notre catalogue, nous donnons également le numéro de leur entrée (n° e.) dans les Archives du Centre d'Etudes d'Asie Mineure. Lors de l'analyse du contenu des codices, nous avons consulté toutes les notes s'y rapportant disponibles au Centre d'Etude d'Asie Mineure et laissées par de plus anciens collègues, tels que Georgios Mavrohalyvidis, Christos Tourgoutis, Emm. Tsalikoglou et Georgos Pantelidis.

Codices en turc du Centre d'Etudes d'Asie Mineure N°c. /n°e.1

Origine

112 2/13 3/17 4/18 5/7 6/27 7/3 8/12 9/33 10/25 11/20 12/21 13/40 14/8 15/10 16/6 17/32 18/41 19/14 20/19 21/11 22/42

Ai' Kosten (Aghios Konstantinos) Aravani (Kumluca) Vexe (Ozluge) Vexe Guelveri (Guzelyurt) Cesaree (Kayseri) Kermira (Germir) Constantinople Malakopi (Deruikuyu) Berekctli Maden ((,'amardi) Neapolis (Nev§ehir) Neapolis Neapolis Prokopi (Urgiip) Sazaltza (Sazalca) Sazalt/a Silata (Ozluce) Silata Skopi (Suba$i) Skopi Stephana (Re§adiye) Tavlosun (Tavlusun)

Chronologies 1853-1924 1856-1924 1859-1920 1909-1924 1857-1867 1924 1910-1924 1853-1867 1857-1876 1917-1920 1924 1924 1924 1902-1905 1876-1924 1881-1921 1855-1875 1874-1925 1784-1923 1897 1909-1924 1807-1922

112 Aï Kosten 2 Chronologie : 1853-1924 Registre communal relié en cuir, comprenant des testaments, des actes de ventes, des donations, des comptes-rendus de séances de la démogérontie (116 pages). 1. pp. 1-2: Consignation de comptes de caisse. 2. pp. 3-5: Encyclique du Vicaire Général du diocèse de Césarée, qui arrête le mode de consignation des baptêmes, fiançailles, mariages et décès, afín que ces actes répondent à un ordre précis. Ensuite est fixé le montant devant être remis au marguiller pour les baptêmes et les fiançailles, puis est

1 N°c. -- numéro croissant; n°e. = numéro d'entrée. 2 Le catalogue des Archives Générales de l'Etat ne comprend pas de codex d'Aï Kosten.

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3. 4. 5. 6.

7.

8. 9.

10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

16. 17. 18. 19.

20.

19

déterminé le rituel de la veille du mariage et celui de l'échange des couronnes. Référence est également faite à la commémoration des noms des morts du village chaque samedi par les popes, qui recevront pour cela une rémunération de 15 piastres l'an. pp. 6-22: Consignation de baptêmes (1853-1901). p. 23 : Enregistrement de testament. pp. 24-25 : Contrôle de la gestion de Vépitropos (marguillier) Minas Kehayias pour les années 1860-1866. p. 27 : Procès-verbal d'une séance de la démogérontie (1er mars 1868) tenue sur un emprunt de 20 000 piastres fait par la commune afín de régler ses redevances fiscales ainsi que les impôts dûs par les habitants ayant migré à Constantinople. Pour le remboursement de l'emprunt, l'administration ottomane a autorisé les démogérontes à vendre les terres des migrants afin de payer les sommes qu'ils doivent. pp. 28-31 : Enregistrement des sommes dûes par les migrants et de la valeur de leurs terres que la commune doit vendre ou louer afin de régler leurs dettes. p. 32 : Engagement d'un instituteur moyennant un salaire annuel de 1.700 piastres (11 octobre 1871). p. 33: Procès-verbal d'une séance de la démogérontie lors de laquelle sont consignés les revenus de la communauté provenant de la célébration de sacrements et le règlement de différends survenus au sein de la population chrétienne. Est fixée la contribution des habitants, en fonction de leurs ressources, destinée au soutien de l'école financée par l'église. La gestion des finances de l'école est confiée à un épitropos (administrateur, contrôleur) particulier, qui doit rendre des comptes à la fin de chaque année. Le procès-verbal est signé par 15 personnes, parmi lesquelles Anastasios Levidis. pp. 34-36: Consignation de baptêmes (1901-1905). p. 37: Engagement d'un instituteur moyennant le salaire de 700 piastres (11 mars 1867). pp. 38-43 : Consignation de revenus et dépenses de la commune (18701872). p. 44: Consignation de baptêmes (1903-1905). p. 37: Engagement d'un instituteur moyennant le salaire de 2.000 piastres par an (1873). p. 48 : Election de la démogérontie : elle comporte dix membres, dont l'un est responsable du fonctionnement de l'école et de l'église. Le procèsverbal est signé par le métropolite de Césarée, Evstathios (1 juin 1875). pp. 49-50: Consignation de baptêmes (1910-1924). pp. 52-61: Consignation de la taxe foncière de l'année 1290 (1873-1874). pp. 65: Consignation des arriérés fiscaux de l'année 1870. pp. 66-70: Consignation de la taxe militaire de l'année 1310 (1892-1893). Les hommes tenus de verser la taxe sont au nombre de 189 et sont divisés en 4 catégories. La 1ère paie 100 piastres, la 2ème 75, la 3ème 65 et la 4ème 47. Le montant total s'élevait à 8.325 piastres. Sont exemptés environ 30 habitants sans ressources. pp. 74-85: Consignation de donations et ventes de terres.

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21. pp. 102-116: Consignation de revenus et dépenses de la communauté. Origine : Donation Sophia Tourkeroglou.

2 / 1 3 Aravani 1 Chronologie : 1856-1924 Registre des baptêmes (220 pages) 2 1. pp. 1-115 : Consignation de baptêmes (1856 - 1924), comportant le lieu d'origine, les noms des parents et des parrains et marraines, le nom de l'enfant baptisé. Il semble que se soient installés à Aravani des populations originaires de Misti (Konakli), Farassa (Çamhca), Taxiarches (Kayabagi), Fertek, Nigde, Konya, Nevçehir, Césarée, Germir, Guelveri (Guzelyurt), Telmisos (Hançerli). Origine : Donation Anastasia S. Kazi (1958).

3 / 1 7 Vexe 3 Chronologie : 1859-1920 Registre des baptêmes (1 feuille + 98 pages). 1. feuille l v : Note en turc avec des caractères grecs: "IIoi> T6 kîoSucu TaßXoaoi'iv ttiç K.ajt7ta8oKÎaç: 1 awroKpaxopiKÖ ßepdxt Kai 2 auaxoXéç xou na'toiou, |ir|Tp07r0MT0i> Kaiaapeiaç" [Trois documents du codex de Tavlosoun de Cappadoce : un berat impérial et deux lettres de Païsios, métropolite de Césarée], Ai-lxio Kbvzpov Mucpaoïoxacév Inouôév 1 [Bulletin du Centre d'Etudes d'Asie Mineure] (1977), pp. 217-239.

ANNEXE

TEMOIGNAGE EXTRAIT DU CODEX 419 (SYLATA) Historique rédigé à l'intention des générations à venir I Page 301

C'est à Lausanne (Suisse), en 1923, lorsque se discutait la paix entre la Turquie, la Grèce et les Puissances Européennes, sur des propositions des Grandes Puissances, avec l'accord de la Grèce et de la Turquie et sous la protection de la Société des Nations, afin que sans exception aucune ait lieu l'échange et le déplacement en Grèce de tout Grec orthodoxe sujet turc, contre celui en retour de tout Turc sujet Grec, que fut décidé, le 30 janvier de l'an du Sauveur 1924, à l'issue d'une délibération tumultueuse, l'Echange des Populations. En un éclair se répandit aux confins de la terre [la nouvelle de] ce déracinement inhumain de gens habitant l'Asie Mineure depuis des siècles, comme si la guerre qui avait éclaté dans toute l'Europe avait été proclamée en vue de notre ruine. A l'aube du 11 février de la même année, les formalités de l'échange furent confirmées. Nous trouvant donc devant le fait accompli, nous décidâmes d'abandonner notre sol natal de Syllata (dont le nom provient d'un général d'Alexandre le Grand, Syla), nommé « Zile » en turc : dépendant des autorités civiles de la région d'Ikonion (Konya), de la sousdivision administrative de Nevçehir (Néapolis) de la circonscription de Nigdi (Nigde), et des autorités ecclésiastiques de l'Archevêché d'Ikonion, elle se trouve au 16eme échelon de la hiérarchie du Patriarcat œcuménique. Or, l'opinion commune à tous nos compatriotes 1 , leur décision ainsi que leur désir ardent, était d'emporter tous les objets religieux et les objets communautaires précieux, ainsi que de transférer tous les pauvres en vue de leur installation collective en Grèce. Par malheur seulement, l'Ecole avait été saisie au nom de la Commission des biens laissés sur place, et nous ne pûmes prendre aucun des objets [qui s'y trouvaient]: ils sont restés ! En même temps demeurèrent d'autre part enfermés dans l'église les icônes de Sainte Marina. On décida de descendre toutes les icônes de l'église des Douze Apôtres, des églises de Saint-Georges, du Prophète Elie le Tishbite et de Sainte Paraskévi. Les icônes byzantines placées sous

1 Nous traduisons par « compatriote » le mot grec jtaxpubTnç, qui désigne celui qui habite la même patrie au sens étroit de village, région (français « pays »).

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la surveillance du Service Archéologique de l'église de Saint Georges, le Pantocrator [Tout-Puissant, Christ en gloire], la Sainte Vierge, les Trois Hiérarques furent transférées, tout comme celles de l'iconostase de l'église des Douze Apôtres, Jésus-Christ Archiprêtre, la Sainte Vierge, les Douze Apôtres, la Dormition, Saint Jean le Précurseur, les trois Hiérarques, Saint Georges, Saint Nicolas, les Saints Anargyroï, la Vierge Eléousa [Pleine de pitié, Charitable], Saint Spyridon, les icônes qui ornaient le haut de l'iconostase représentant des scènes du Nouveau Testament. Plus de 75 petites icônes furent transportées, les autres furent détruites, comme celles de l'église de Sainte Paraskévi, seul le Pantocrator de l'église du Prophète Elie est resté. Toutes les icônes de l'église du Prophète Elie furent transportées, de même que les icônes données par Laz. Ignatiadis et les membres de sa famille ; on transporta aussi les Quatre Evangélistes de la chaire avec la colombe. Le trône épiscopal, le pakgarion 1 , le trépied, le koubouklion 2 , l'iconostase, les stalles, tout cela a été laissé [pour être] la proie des fauves. Arriva ce jour funeste du 26 juillet, où firent leur apparition soudaine 300 familles de Turcs Echangeables. On ordonna alors à toutes les familles grecques d'abandonner le foyer de leurs ancêtres et de le livrer sans raison à ceuxci. Les plaintes endeuillées, les pleurs et les lamentations s'emparèrent de tous les habitants sans exception : chassés de leurs demeures ancestrales, les uns demeuraient dans l'église et ses alentours, les autres dans l'école et d'autres encore en plein air. Semblable à une terrible tempête, la crainte des mauvais traitements et des infamies commença à s'emparer des malheureux, et en général de tous ceux qui se demandaient si nous échapperions jamais aux griffes des Kemaliens. Vint la Commission de l'Echange, la 12emc sous-commission de Nigdc siégeant en cette ville. Elle ordonna le recensement général de tous les habitants de Syllata - 435 hommes et 495 femmes-, et distribua des bulletins de déclaration afin qu'ils y décrivissent les possessions foncières meubles et immeubles qu'ils abandonnaient en Turquie. Elle leur donna également les ordres relatifs à leur transfert en Grèce, à destination du Pirée, via Nigde, Ulukiçla) et le port de Mersin. Nous nous mîmes en route dans des carrioles - 185 familles en tout- à partir du 26 juillet 1924, laissant derrière nous les ossements de nos ancêtres, nos maisons natales, enfin le lieu où nous vîmes pour la première fois la lumière de la vie, notre patrie bien-aimée. Nous arrivâmes [en Grèce] sur le bateau à vapeur « Vasilios Destounis » où, durant ce périple entre Mersini et Le Pirée, nous eûmes à subir d'horribles martyres, nous subîmes la tempête et les naufrages. Cependant, saines et sauves grâce à Dieu, les 135 familles qui étaient restées parvinrent au lazaret de Saint Georges à Salamine, où moururent nombre de nos compatriotes.

1 Présentoir des cierges et tronc du culte. 2 Lat. cubiculum, effigie du tombeau du Christ portée en procession au soir du Vendredi Saint.

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Nos compatriotes Haralambos Mélitopoulos et L. Hatzi-Exarhos scellèrent ensuite les tombeaux de nos ancêtres. Du lazaret, grâce aux soins du gouvernement, nous fûmes transférés dans l'île d'Andros, d'autres furent dispersés à Kamatero de Salamine, d'autres à Athènes, au Pirée et à Thessalonique.

Le codex n° 18/41 (Silata) entre les mains de Hatzi-Philippidou, épouse du donateur. Photographie d'Hermolaos Andréadis, 1955. (Archives du Centre d'Etudes d'Asie Mineure).

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II Page 302

Grâce à l'activité et l'initiative de ceux de nos compatriotes qui se trouvaient à Thessalonique, œuvrant afin que bénéficient des soins du gouvernement tous les habitants de Syllata et qu'ils puissent généralement être tous établis en un seul et même lieu, le 25 novembre 1924 est entériné par la Commission d'Etablissement des Réfugiés de Macédoine à Thessalonique l'arrêt qui faisait du domaine turc, connu sous le nom de village de « Karvia », la Néa Syllata 1 . Situé au fond du golfe Thermaïque, distant de Salonique d'environ six heures de carriole et de la côte d'une heure environ, c'était un village habité par 29 familles de kolligoï 2 qui autrefois étaient au service des Turcs mais désormais se retrouvaient sans terre, et 35 familles de réfugiés de l'ancienne Thrace. Il a une église honorée sous le nom de Dormition de la Vierge, et possède trois puits d'eau potable et un torrent qui traverse le pays, dont l'eau calcaire et sulfureuse provient d'un mont appelé Katsikas 3 , distant du bourg d'une heure environ. Il dépend de la Métropole de Kassandréia. Il a 16 000 stremmata 4 de terres dont presque 8500 sont cultivés, mais on ne peut y trouver aucun arbre fruitier ! hors quelques rares poiriers que jour après jour détruisent les kolligoï. Il y a des moulins à eau en activité, dont 5 sont tenus par les kolligoï. De tous les fruits, seuls poussent bien les céréales, les légumineuses et les fruits potagers malheureusement, il n ' y a aucune vigne ! Il y a seulement deux maisons en bon état, 35 étables et fenils, car il y a trois çiftliks5, celui de Hasan Bey, celui de Mahsure Hanim et celui d'Ibrahim. Le climat est malsain, le paludisme détient la première place des maladies reconnues mortelles. La natalité est faible, les gens souffreteux et la faux de Charon a commencé à faucher sans épargner les jeunes gens ni les enfants. En un court laps de temps moururent un nombre important de compatriotes dont plus bas j e vais insérer le nom des familles estimées. A partir du moment où Karvia fut adjugée à Syllata de Cappadoce, à gauche et à droite se répandit la rumeur que tous les Syllaténiens se hâtaient de venir afin de s'emparer de la part du lion. A Kamatero de Salamine se trouvaient environ 54 familles, parmi lesquelles l'auteur de ces lignes, venu de Constantinople. D ' u n commun accord, il fut décidé qu'elles fassent, à leur grande joie, déplacées à Karvia. Le 22 janvier 1925, grâce au soutien du gouvernement, elles partirent de Kamatero en emmenant en même temps avec elles les 24 caisses d'objets religieux (sans les objets du culte précieux, les hexapteryga 6 , etc. qui se trouvaient à 1 2 3 4 5 6

Nouvelle Syllata. Métayers. Mont de la Chèvre. Unité de mesure de surface qui aujourd'hui équivaut à 0,1 hectare. Grande propriété agricole. Emblèmes portant des Séraphins.

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Andros auprès des compatriotes demeurant là-bas). Le 29 janvier de la même année, elles arrivèrent à Karvia où elles s'installèrent à travailler les champs, écrivant aux confins de la terre aux Syllaténiens qui s'y trouvaient de venir [les rejoindre]. Les 64 familles résidant dans l'île d'Andros se déplacèrent également et le nombre des familles de Syllaténiens à Karvia s'éleva à 147, toutes établies au travail de la terre. Se leva le 17 juillet 1925, ce jour funeste, qui présageait le pire pour les Syllaténiens : en l'espace de quelques heures la mort frappa ! Les maladies, le fléau du paludisme, le typhus, le typhus gastrique, la fièvre gastrique, la méningite, le typhus entérique, la fièvre hémoglobinurique qui emporte en quelques heures, et la fièvre maligne, sans que manque celle de la phtisie : des familles entières étaient alitées dans les hôpitaux, il était impossible qu'un homme malade recouvre la santé. L'heure fatale de notre fin avait sonné. La déception, se propageant d'un bout à l'autre, commença à dissoudre l'agglomération. Le rêve de Néa Syllata malheureusement fit naufrage. Le gouvernement décida l'élévation de 150 habitations agricoles, entreprise dont se chargea notre compatriote Anthimos Pahomiadis mais, mourant à son tour, sa perte causa une impression pénible : c'est alors que débuta la débâcle.

III Page 303 On commença à quitter l'agglomération de Karvia, ce fut un exode général de tous les habitants. Parmi les plus aisés, plus de cinq dizaines partirent de leur propre mouvement au Pirée, à Thessalonique, à Véroia, en Crète, à Andros, à Kavala et autres endroits de la Grèce. Des plus pauvres familles, plus de six dizaines, avec l'approbation du Respectable Gouvernement, déménagèrent à Yenikôy de Dedeagaç, dont le nom fut changé en Ioaraia d'Alexandroupolis. Ils laissaient à Karvia les ossements de plus de 117 compatriotes décédés. Quelle affliction, en vérité, que cet effondrement qui survint et dont les causes premières sont ceux-là même qui ont mal gouverné le sort des malheureux Syllaténiens, autrefois prospères ! La belle Syllata, qui se dresse dans le berceau de l'Asie Mineure Centrale, florissante, possédant de nombreux objets religieux, précieux et réalisés avec goût ! Elle qui a formé des Prêtres, des instituteurs, des Savants, des Professeurs, des Commerçants, des Hommes d'affaires, elle qui a révélé des bienfaiteurs et des donateurs, elle était un torrent, à présent disparu, elle était fumée, elle s'est éparpillée ! Mais hélas, par cette cruelle épreuve disparurent les meilleurs d'entre nos compatriotes, tout comme ceux qui étaient à Constantinople et offraient de nombreux services : Anthimos Pahomiadis, fils d'Andréas, venu entreprendre la construction de 150 habitations familiales agricoles et tombé victime du devoir, ainsi que d'autres que distinguait leur amour pour leur patrie. Parmi eux, Vithléem Exarchidis, Tryphon Kaimakamis,

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Grigorios et Antonios Tozakidis, Yiorgios Kaiserlis, Théodoros et Apostolos Axenopoulos, l'excellent agriculteur Yiorgios Karakis, Mihaïl Kayialis, Hatzi-Pahomios, Panayiotis Persidis, Joachim Kountouras, Minas Ignatidis, Stéphanos Pashal, Athanassios Markou et celui qui durant de nombreuses années avait tenu la charge d'épitropos", Mitéridis Sotirios. Trouvèrent une fin fatale Eléni Exarhidou, Sévasti Pahomiadou, Evdoxia et Samatiani Yiorgaki, Stratitsa Hatzi-Philippidou, Hourtinni, Despina Kyprianou, Kader aba, le fleuron des oratrices, l'intrépide Topai Photini, Anasta, Krépali, Iounia, Evdokia Hatzi-Yiorgiou, Vasiliki Tzélépoglou, Kathari, Paraskévi Ismirli et Paraskévi Tzil, Ploumisti Pahomiadou, Varvara et Magdalini Hatzi-Paraskéva, Topai Marigo et Aikatérini, Aikaterini Afthonidi, Arhontsa Karakis, Apostolia Mitéridis, les trois filles Kel oglan, Manousia, Théodora et Aikatérini Zaphiropoulou, Kyriaki, Tatiani Seh papa, Elefthérini Koulenter, Sumefthi Kehagia, Photika, Sophia Hatzi-Apostolou, Akélini Rofan, Anastasia Mourat, Margarita, Kyriaki, Sotira Papadopoulou, Anna Lambrinou et beaucoup d'autres dont la patrie fut privée de l'existence. La faux de Charon n'épargna personne, elle faucha tous les enfants mineurs. La patrie pleura amèrement [aussi] la perte de ses quatre enfants Vasilios Karakis, Grigorios Notaridou, Photios Aretsanopoulos et Haralambos Soulidou, ces deux derniers chantres à la belle voix et lumières de notre église. N'échappa pas non plus à ce cruel destin l'illustre moniale de Saint Haralambos et du Prophète Elie le Thisbite, la malheureuse Marigo. Ô monde dévorant, à quelle extrémité nous as-tu conduits, et puissestu par ces maux consommer nos malheurs ! Notre patrie natale était Syllata (appelée) Sile en turc. Elle dépendait des autorités civiles du district d'Ikonion, de la préfecture de Nigdi et de la sous-division administrative de Néapolis-Nevçehir. Ecclésiastiquement, elle dépendait de la juridiction de l'Archevêque d'Ikonion, au 16eme rang de l'ordre hiérarchique, ayant son siège à Nigdi. Son dernier métropolite fut Prokopios Lazaridis, originaire de Tyane de Cappadoce et seul métropolite d'Anatolie à avoir été persécuté par les Kemaliens. Après avoir subi les plus cruels martyres, il fut exilé à Erzurum où l'attendaient de nombreuses vicissitudes et privations. Il succomba à Césarée, aux dires des Turcs orthodoxes, au Patriarcat de l'Anatolie à Césarée de Cappadoce en 1923, portant le titre de Hypertimos 2 et Exarque de toute la Lycaonie et de la Seconde Cappadoce. Je veux [à présent] dire quelques mots sur le double nom par lequel on appelle notre ville. Elle fut au départ construite par un général-gouverneur de Cappadoce en 324 av. J. C., nommé Sylla, qui y avait sa résidence. Au sujet du nom Zilé, on peut remarquer que se rencontre chez Homère une riche ville appelée Zéléia« Puis viennent ceux qui habitent Zélée, tout au pied de

1 Marguillier. 2 «Qui mérite un honneur particulier», titre honorifique des archiprêtres.

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[...] »' ; d'autre part Strabon y fait une allusion « Et Zèlitis a une ville Zèla », qui doit son nom à son riche vignoble. Syllata ou Zile/Zila est des 16 évêchés antiques celle qui a sauvegardé son nom ancien jusqu'à aujourd'hui. Etant hellénophone, elle a conservé son éclat religieux, et y sont conservées des églises entières, appelées monastères dans les bourgs qui ont gardé aussi son nom ancien, qui est Zile. Dans ses alentours sont de nombreux monastères où se trouvent des monuments antiques et des inscriptions, comme celui du Prophète Elie, dans l'enceinte duquel se trouve l'inscription « Isidore Romanos a érigé [ce monument] à sa fille Athi» et d'autres. Dans l'antique Zile de la Seconde Cappadoce Grégoire le Théologien 2 a prononcé son 30™" discours [...] louant de cette manière Basile le Grand 3 . C'est dans notre patrie, à Zile de Cappadoce, que se trouvait le Saint Autel de la Très Sainte Mère de Dieu.

SYLLATA Page 304

C'est un bourg (ou plutôt c'était un bourg) peuplé de 1000 habitants, dont 720 Grecs Chrétiens Hellénophones et 180 Ottomans. Il avait 294 maisons dont 73 appartenaient aux Turcs : les maisons des Grecs sont construites en pierres et en voûtes, dans cette pierre blanche appelée « someki » ; parfois quelques maisons possèdent deux étages et sont recouvertes de tuiles, tandis que les autres sont sans exception pourvues d'arches et recouvertes de terre. Les maisons ont de nombreuses, et diverses pièces, telles que l'étable, le fenil, l'estiatorio, la réserve, tout cela réuni dans une seule et même habitation, certaines étant entourées d'une grande cour et de jardins. A l'intérieur de l'habitation, il y a une sorte d'estiatorio communément appelé « tantouri » : c'est un bassin fait d'argile placé dans un lieu excavé de la maison, dans lequel on brûle de la bouse séchée de bœuf, de vache ou d'autres animaux, que ramassent les habitants comme combustible. Il n'y avait pas d'eau et les malheureux habitants souffraient du manque d'eau. Parfois, d'une distance d'une heure et demie [de marche], ils rapportaient de l'eau. Il n'y avait pas d'eau courante : il y avait 22 citernes communales et un grand réservoir avec 32 piliers au lieu dit « Kizil Toprak », 7 citernes et 7 « mahzen » 4 au lieu dit « Irgiakia » et 6 citernes au lieu dit « Kara Sarnitsia », et jusqu'à 35 citernes privées dans chaque maison riche dans lesquelles était recueillie de temps à autre l'eau de la pluie. Les habitants recueillaient l'eau dans leurs citernes particulières et, au temps de la moisson, étanchaient leur soif. Ils recueillaient aussi dans celles-ci l'eau glacée de la fonte des neiges qui

1 Homère, Iliade, II, 824 «Oi 5E ZéXoav évatov DJtai jiôSa veionov 'lôriç » : « Puis viennent ceux qui habitent Zélée, tout au pied de l'Ida ». 2 Grégoire de Nazianze. 3 Basile de Césarée. 4 Réserve.

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coulait goutte à goutte sur les versants du mont Monastir bucagi et du Kalogéros bayiri (la colline du Moine). De plus, il y a encore 11 puits. Légèrement éloignés du village étaient deux puits dont l'un était le fameux « Uzun kuyu », ainsi nommé à cause de sa profondeur. A 20 minutes de distance, au lieu dit « Yayipsil », il y a deux puits d'eau potable, et en ce lieu se trouvent des ruines d'habitations antiques ; non loin, se trouve une source d'excellente eau potable appelée « Buzluk ». Au nord de celles-ci est une source nommée « Bel kuyu » : là, en 1889, a eu lieu une assez grande entreprise de creusement afin de dériver l'eau vers Syllata. Dans le village et pas très loin existe une excavation appelée par les habitants « lac ». Là sont recueillies les eaux de pluie destinées à abreuver les troupeaux, au moment des moissons. A une distance de quelques pas de celui-ci se trouve un endroit où, à l'initiative d'un ingénieur de Sinasos, Thrasyvoulos Rizos (le malheureux fut pendu par les Kemaliens à Ikonion) est la nouvelle eau, cette question autrefois célèbre et épineuse de l'eau, là où furent dépensées en vain plus de 230 livres d'or turques. Auprès des Kellia 1 , il y avait une école dans la cour de l'église des Douze Apôtres. Construite au prix de 400 livres sur des fondations défectueuses, elle s'écroula ensuite en 1882. Il y a une belle école primaire grecque, bien organisée en six classes, et jusqu'en 1889 l'enseignement avait lieu dans le Narthex. Sous le clocher, il y a des pièces et une école pour jeunes filles. Enseignaient les instituteurs d'illustre mémoire Gavriil, Papa-Lazaros, Papa-Dionysios. En 1888-1889 fut érigée l'école de Syllata, auprès de la chapelle de Sainte Marina. Elle était entourée d'une enceinte, élevée aux grands frais de plus de 1000 d'or turques, et enrichie intérieurement de 35 tableaux de l'Ancien Testament, 32 tableaux du Nouveau Testament, 70 tableaux de zoologie et de botanique, d'un globe terrestre de 50 [cm] de diamètre et de 5 grands tableaux de géographie, dons du grand bienfaiteur St. Zaphiropoulos (les deux hémisphères, 1 Europe, 1 Turquie d'Europe, 1 Amérique) (tous ces objets scolaires lurent saisis, de même que le tableau de l'Alphabet, par les Kemaliens en 1922). Y enseignaient les instituteurs Savvas Vasiliadis, Philippos Hatzi-Ioannidis, le hiéromoine Modeste qui avait fait retraite à la Sainte Montagne (Mont Athos), Konstantinos HatziSpyridis, Efthymios Papaïakovou, Sotirios Sismanoglous, Evdokios Papaïakovou, N. Ioannidis, Vasilios Hatzi-Philippidis, Stélios Maraslis, Konstantinos Dilopoulos, Stélios Santanouris, Savvas. Dans cette enceinte en 1890 fut érigée une belle école de filles, comportant quatre classes et une horloge. Il y a beaucoup de petites églises. L'une, honorée sous le nom de Sainte Paraskévi, a été construite en 1896 par une sage-femme. Elle a deux candélabres de bronze, 3 icônes du Sauveur, de la Sainte Vierge, 5 petites icônes, celle de Sainte Paraskévi et, à l'extérieur, un petit parvis. L'église du Prophète Elie le Thisbite a été construite par la Fraternité du Prophète Elie en 1884. Elle a une grande icône du Thisbite sur laquelle 1 Cellules de moines.

TURKISH-SPEAKING ORTHODOX ANATOLIANS

47

étaient inscrits les noms des frères, et 5 icônes de l'iconostase du Seigneur Christ, la Sainte Vierge, Saint Jean le Précurseur, Saint Minas, Saint Haralambos, le Prophète Elie et 11 petites icônes de l'oratoire avec un lustre au milieu, et un Evangile (tout est venu [en Grèce] car échangeable, seul le Pantocrator de la coupole est resté). L'enceinte de l'église a servi de cimetière où sont enterrés de nombreux ossements de nos pères et de nos frères, et [il y a aussi] un clocher en fer. Ecrit à Karvia de Chalcidique le 22 septembre 1925 Vasilios Hatzi-Philippidis, qui fait le souhait que plus capable que lui décrive sa patrie bien-aimée.

«Gergi Rum isek de Rumca bilmez Türkge söyleriz» THE ADVENTURES OF AN IDENTITY IN THE TRIPTYCH: VAT AN, RELIGION AND LANGUAGE

«Gerçi rum isek de Rumca bilmez Tûrkçe sôyleriz Ne Tiirkçe yazar okuruz ne de Rumca sôyleriz Ûylebir mahludi hatti tarikatimiz vardir Hurufumuzyonaniçe tiirkce meram eyleriz»' It was with this four-line verse that the Turcophone Greeks or Rum (Romioi), who are better known in the bibliography as "Karamanlidhes" (Karamanh), defined themselves in the late nineteenth century. Karamanlidhes were the Turkish-speaking Orthodox Christians who wrote Turkish using the Greek alphabet. They were inhabitants of greater Cappadocia, a region with unstable borders that differed from period to period. Its boundaries for present purposes are: to the north as far as Ankara, Yozgat and Hudavendigâr; to the south as far as Antalya and Adana; to the east as far as Kayseri and Sivas, and to the west as far as the borders of Aydin Province. Within this geographical area with its solid Muslim population, Turkish-speaking Orthodox communities coexisted with Turkish-speaking Armenians and Turkish-speaking Protestants, as well as dispersed enclaves of Greek-speaking Orthodox Christians, until the Exchange of Populations in 1924. In 1864 the archaeologist Georges Perrot observed: Dans presque tout l'intérieur de l'Asie Mineure, ni les Grecs ne savent le grec, ni l'Arméniens l'arménien; les uns comme les autres ne parlent que la langue de leurs maîtres, le turc, mais ils l'écrivent les uns avec les lettres grecques, les autres avec les lettres arméniennes 2 .

Sir Edwin Pears' remarks on the Turcophones (both Armenians and Greeks) of Anatolia are extremely interesting. His testimony is cited by R. Davison, who quotes Pears as follows:

1 "Although we are Rum, we don't know Greek (Rumca) and we speak Turkish. We don't write and we don't read Turkish (i.e. in Arabic lettering), and we don't speak Greek either. We are a mixture. Our alphabet is Greek and we speak Turkish". This apt definition of the Karamanlidhes is given in the Karamanli book Kawâpsia htyipoTio/.i%Xepi fie Maolovftaztj Moureveftfjia (Kaisareia mitropolitleri... 1896), see S. Salaville - E. Dalleggio, Karamanlidika. Bibliographie analytique des ouvrages en langue turque imprimés en caractères grecs, v. Ill, Athens 1974, no 306. 2 Georges Perrot, Souvenir d'un voyage en Asie Mineure, Paris 1864, p. 114.

50

BEYOND THE LANGUAGE FRONTIER there are many Armenian villages where only Turkish is spoken, and many Greek villages where the inhabitants have forgotten the speech of their race". [Davison then goes on] A personal experience in about 1905 vividly illustrates the point. At a village near Iznik, the historic Greek-Byzantine city of Nicaea, Pears attended a Greek Orthodox service in the church. The service was, of course, in Greek. Then the congregation went outdoors, where the priest conducted a special prayer service for rain. The prayers were in Turkish, read by the priest from sheets of paper. Later the priest explained to Pears that "his flock could not understand Greek". [Davison comments farther:] "The Greek liturgy they knew, through long familiarity, but anything unusual had to be translated from Greek into Turkish so they could understand. Since Pears was himself a Greek scholar, rather Hellenophile and antiTurkish, his testimony is even more significant.1

The Historiographical

Problem

For the Turcophone Rum the two most basic components of their group, or communal identity were contradictory. They were Orthodox and they spoke Turkish. It is in precisely this antithesis between the two parameters of nationalism, religion and language, that the key to the contention of one group of researchers concerning the problem of their origin lies 2 . The conflicting scholarly views exist because, given that the concept of national identity is difficult to define, every attempt to do so always returns to language and religion, institutions which on the one hand ensured the survival of the community, while on the other, could not be utilized as determinants of national identity without being reinforced by the element of origin.

1 See R Davison, "Nationalism as an Ottoman Problem and the Ottoman Response", in: Nationalism in a non-National State. The Dissolution of the Ottoman Empire (ed. W. Haddad and W. Ochsenwald), Ohio State University Press, 1977, pp. 25-56. The article is reprinted in: R. Davison, Nineteenth Century Ottoman Diplomacy and Reforms, Analecta Isisiana XXXIV, The Isis Press, Istanbul 1999, p. 391 2 "It is already well established that within the nineteenth centuiy nationalist intellectual tradition language is considered an objective criterion of community. If language is taken as an objective criterion of national community then all its other historically important uses are eventually downplayed and with them all other "prenational" forms of community based on religion and locality also disappear... The Greek national community was conceived as a community that shared specific cultural features, especially the use of the Greek language and adherence to Orthodox Christianity... It was m t h e late nineteenth centuiy that definitions of the Greek national community not based on language first appeared, to proliferate rapidly in the early twentieth century". See H. Exertzoglou, "Shifting boundaries: language, community, and the "non-Greekspeaking Greeks", Historein 1 (1999), pp. 75-92.

TURKISH-SPEAKING

ORTHODOX ANATOLIANS

51

Within this framework, the following views have been promoted 1 : a) That these populations are of Greek origin and became Turcophone as a result of their isolation and continual interaction with the Turkish tribes settled in central Asia Minor or, according to another view, became Turcophone under duress. b) That these populations are descendants of Turks who migrated to and settled within the territory of Byzantium before the Ottoman conquest, or served as mercenaries in the Byzantine army, adopting the religion but not the language of their new masters. S. Vryonis presents and comments on the various theories concerning the Turkish origin of the Karamanlidhes. In his opinion the most credible version is that these were Greek-speaking Byzantine populations which became Turkishspeaking under the Seljuk and Ottoman rule 2 . However, beyond the scientific theories and militant views expressed on this issue, study of the Karamanlidhes' origin always remains a desideratum for research. Possibly the situation was and is far more complicated than the sermons which, inspired by ethnic Manichaeism, use the designators "Greeks" and "Turks", for populations, old and new, of a region that was the melting-pot par excellence of the Mediterranean. Given the impasse into which studies of this kind have led, we consider that our priority should be to investigate the consciousness of the Turcophones themselves in their historical place and time, in Cappadocia in the nineteenth and the early twentieth century, and to study the facets and manifestations of this identity. Clarification of the content of the terms "Karamanli(s)" (Karamanli) and "Turcophone Rum of Anatolia", which constitutes the starting point of our historical investigation, involves the confrontation of certain issues that are anything but self-evident. What is the content of the term Karamanli and its use, and how is this linked to the diffusion of the Turkish-speaking Greek population in the geographical region of Asia Minor? How do the Turkish-speaking Greeks define themselves? Are changes observed in their self-definition, and if so at what points in history? These are just some of the questions relating directly to the term Turcophone Rum or "Karamanli(s)". The answers to them firstly point out the complexity of the subject and the research required, and secondly lead to 1 A. A. Papadopoulos, The Enslaved Hellenism of Asian Greece examined ethnically and linguistically (in Greek), Athens 1919. A. Aigidis, The Greekness of Asia Minor and the Fiction of the Turkish Orthodox (in Greek), Athens 1922. C. Baykurt, Osmanli Olkesinde Hiristiyan Türkler, Istanbul 1338 (21932). I. Voyatzidis, "Turcization and Islamization of the Greeks during the Middle Ages" (in Greek), Epistimoniki Epetiris Philosofikis Scholis Aristoteleiou Panepistimiou Thessalonikis 2 (1932), p. 95. T. Ergene, Istikläl Harbinde Türk Ortodokslari, Istanbul 1951. G. Jaschke, "Die Turkische-Orthodoxe Kirche", Der Islam 39 (1964), 95-129, and 44 (1969), 317323. E. I. Tsalikoglous, "When and how Cappadocia became Turkophone" (in Greek), Mikrasiatika Chronika 14 (1970), pp. 9-30. M. Eroz, Hristiyanlasan Türkler, Ankara 1983, 28ff' Y. Aygil, Hiristiyan Turkler'in Kisa Tarihi, Istanbul 1995, pp. 62-68. M. Knüppel, Die TürkischOrthodoxe Kirche. Ein Beitrag zur türkischen Religionspolitik, Pontus Verlag 1996. 2 S. Vryonis, "The Byzantine Legacy and the Ottoman Reforms", Dumbarton Oaks Papers 23-24 (1969), pp. 304-305; idem, The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century (1971), p. 453ff. See also C Kafadar-A. Kuya$, "Ortacag Anadolusu ve Osmanli Devleti'nin Kuruluju Uzerine", Cogito 19 (Summer 1999), p. 67.

52

B E Y O N D THE L A N G U A G E F R O N T I E R

the realization that this population, perhaps more than others in the Ottoman Empire, was not something given, a structure or a form of continuity, as is maintained in the Asia Minor nationalist bibliography, the motive rationale of which is the continuity and unity of the nation. The Turcophone Orthodox community of Asia Minor constitutes a historical field of relations which is, first and foremost, linked directly with the millet system and the transformations this underwent during the nineteenth century 1 . It is linked also with the penetration of missionary organizations into Anatolia and their religious and educational propaganda. Above all, it is linked with the politics of Constantinople and Athens, the two national centres 2 , both of which in the late nineteenth century sought to include the Turcophone populations in the main national body. From the mid eighteenth century, the Turcophone Christian population of Cappadocia first attracted the attention of the Church authorities, who were anxious to protect it from conversion to Islam and the religious proselytism of other Churches, and was also discovered by intellectual circles in Constantinople who were involved with "mapping" the Greek community in the Ottoman Empire 3 . Furthermore, after the Tanzimat reforms and the law of 1869, which conferred Ottoman citizenship on the régime of the millet, the importance of each ethnic group began automatically to be traced back to its numerical strength and measured in terms of minority and majority 4 . Of course, subsequent events and the series of laws published after 1909 attempted gradually to abolish the political and cultural autonomy of the communities and to exercise state control in sectors such as education, military service, associations etc. 5 In its course towards the abolition of the millet system, the Turkish nation was, from the late nineteenth century, concurrently concerned with establishing its territory. The issue of the origin of the Turcophone Orthodox Christians re-emerged when the Turks had to validate their claim that Asia Minor had 'always' been their ethnic homeland and consequently its inhabitants were either of Turkish origin or conquerors. The case of the Greek Orthodox Turkish-speaking populations living there was considered to suit their purpose. Çemseddin Sami, one of the first to express the Turkish idea, insisted on the concept of the "Anatolian", that is the inhabitant of Anatolia, as the principal population substrate of the Turkish nation, and supported the racial continuity of the inhabitants of Anatolia, as this was expressed through the use of the Turkish language: "just as every Muslim is

1 On the millet see B. Braude, "The Strange History of the Millet System", in: Great OttomanTurkish Civilization, II, (ed. K. Çiçek), Ankara 2000, pp. 409-418. 2 P. Kitromilidis, "The Greek State as National Centre" (in Greek), in: ERtjvtafiôç fiUtjvitcmtiTa, ifSeoloyiKoi KM fiioî^atiicoi âÇoveç ztjç VEOEU.ÏJVIKT}Ç Koivcoviaç [Hellenism - Greekness Ideological and Experiential Axes ofModern Greek Society] (ed. D. G. Tsaousis), Athens 1983, pp. 143-164. siècle, 3 I. Anagnostakis - Evangelia Balta, La découverte de la Cappadoce au dix-neuvième translated from Greek by B. Dulibine, Istanbul, Eren 1994. 4 K. Karpat, "Millets and Nationality: The Roots of the Incongruity of Nation and State in the PostOttoman Era", in: Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire, (eds B. Braude and B. Lewis), New York - London 1982, p. 163. 5 F. Ahmad, "Unionist Relations with the Greek, Armenian and Jewish Communities of the Ottoman Empire, 1908-1914", in: Christians and Jews, op. cit., pp. 410-414.

TURKISH-SPEAKING ORTHODOX ANATOLIANS

53

not a Turk, so every Orthodox Christian is not a Greek. Religion is based on faith but ethnicity is based on the use of the language" 1 . After all, in the time of Kemal Ataturk, the idea of Anatolia as fatherland of the Turkish nation since antiquity was elevated to an official historical doctrine 2 . In the early twentieth century, Asia Minor became "national land" which was claimed by Greeks and Turks alike. If the Greeks could appear as rightful beneficiaries and heirs to the ancient peoples of Asia Minor, by the same token, the present dominant Turkish majority could justly make the same claim. Consequently, the problem of the continuity and legacy of the ancient cultures, and the issue of historical depth for the presence of each ethnic group, and primarily of singular communities, such as that of the Turcophone Orthodox Christians, proved critical in Asia Minor, especially in this perspective 3 . In the same period, 1920, Papa Eftim Karahisaridis, a priest in Keskin 4 , was active in the cause of founding a Turkish Orthodox Church; at the instigation of supporters of Kemal Ataturk, he sought the independence of the Cappadocian flock from the Ecumenical Patriarchate. It should be noted that the prestige of the Patriarchate had been seriously undermined in the region, on account of its involvement in politics and the disputes between Venizelists and Royalists, fired by the Asia Minor campaign. After Turkey's victory in the war, the Treaty of Lausanne was explicit about the Greek origin of the Turcophone Orthodox Christians. And for this reason they too were forced to abandon their homelands, like the inhabitants of the west coast and the Pontos, following the common destiny of all the Asia Minor Greeks. The manifold aspects of the issue of the Turcophone Orthodox Christians and the approach to it, in most cases with judicial discourse and arbitrary implications, without employing historical method and the tools of historical scholarship, contributed to the creation of a political problem. As a direct consequence of such manipulations, the bibliography on the subject of the origin of this population of Asia Minor is polarized.

Aspects of the Historical

Problem

Historians have not dealt with the issue of defining the Turcophone Orthodox Christians in the milieu of the Ottoman Empire. There are no systematic studies 1 See D. Kushner, The Rise of Turkish Nationalism, 1876-1908, London 1977, 52-53. For K. Karpat, "A 'Turk' can be anyone who belonged to the Muslim millet during the Ottoman time 'Greek' means any Orthodox Christian including any Turkish-speaking Karamanli who regarded himself as Greek", see K. Karpat, op. cit., p. 165. 2 E. Copeaux, Espaces el temps de la nation turque. Analyse d'une historiographie nationaliste, 1931-1993, CNRS éditions, Paris 1997. 3 B. Lewis, The Emergence of Modem Turkey, Oxford, London 1967, pp. 349-361. 4 A. Alexandris, "The Attempt to Establish a Turkish Orthodox Church in Cappadocia, 1921-1923" (in Greek), Deltio Kentrou Mikrasiatikon Spoudon 4 (1983), pp. 159-199. E. Cihangir, Papa Eftim'in Muhtiralari ve Bagimiz Turk Ortodoks Patrikhanesi, Turan Yayincilik, Istanbul 1996. See also Z. Turkmen, "XX. Ytlzyil Baçlarmda Osmanli Devleti'nde Tttrkçe Konuçan Hristiyanlara Dair Bir Beige", Turk Kiiltiiru Incelemeleri Dergisi 4 (2001), pp. 85-104. S. Benlisoy, "TttrkYunan iliçkileri Gelgitinde Azinlik Siyasetine Bir Ornek Kilise Ihtilafi", Tarih ve Toplum Yeni Yaklaçimlar 7 (Bahar-Yaz 2008), pp. 101-127.

54

BEYOND THE LANGUAGE

FRONTIER

on how they were characterized by their contemporaries. I do not mean just the references that might exist in the writings of foreign travelers or reports of representatives of missionary groups, Greek or foreign diplomats, or teachers from Greece. The collection and systematic collation of such sources would, of course, be extremely useful. And no research has been made into the Ottoman sources either. It is not enough to assume that basic characterization of the Turcophone Rum in the kadi codices of the provinces of Anatolia would be gayri muslim, zimmi or reaya. What is more important for us is whether it was the only characterization and whether it was kept throughout the centuries of coexistence of the Muslim and the other communities in the hinterland of Asia Minor. These are matters still crying out for the attention of researchers, and which are fundamental to the historical approach to the subject. We further contend that systematic studies of the fiscal surveys (Tapu Tahrir) would surely shed light on the question of the ethnic composition of the populations in the regions of Anatolia where there were entrenched communities of Turcophone Rum in the eighteenth century. In a preliminary study, Irène Beldiceanu attempts to evoke the relationship between place names and the religious or ethnic identity of the population on the basis of personal names. She demonstrates that a large number of towns and villages in Central Anatolia during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were populated partially or wholly by Christians, which fact explains the preservation of Hellenic, Latin and Hittite toponyms after the Ottoman Conquest, which were bequeathed to the Turkish language by Byzantine tradition 1 . What was the contemporary picture, however, the one created by the coexistence of various populations in this specific area of Asia Minor after the eighteenth century? Judging from the testimonies published in subsequent years, the prevailing picture for the Karamanlidhes, as well as for Anatolians generally in the first half of the nineteenth century, is one of an Orthodox Christian population, the majority of which was Turcophone and a small minority Hellenophone, speaking ecclesiastical Greek. Apart from the factor of religion, the members of the Orthodox Christian population in no way differed from their Muslim neighbours. As far as we can tell from the archival material, the Cappadocian codices in the State Archives of Greece and the recordings of oral tradition —collected by Melpo Merlier and her collaborators already from 1930 2 — in the Centre for Asia

1 Irène Beldiceanu-Steinherr, "La géographie historique de l'Anatolie centrale d'après les registres ottomans", in: Comptes rendus de l'Académie des inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, (July-October) 1982, 443-503. See also, N. Beldiceanu and Irène Beldiceanu-Steinherr, «Recherches sur la province de Qaraman au XVIe siècle», Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient XI/part I (March 1968), pp. 1-129. A. Erdogni, "Karaman Vilayet Kanunnnâmeleri", Ankara Omversitesi Osmanh Tarihi Araçtirma ve Uygulama Merkezi Dergisi 7 (1996), pp. 45-97. Recently the Municipality of Kayseri has published some ottoman fiscal registers of the region: Kayseri Sancagi Timaralari (Hicri 997-998 / Milâdi 1589 - 1590), ed. Seyit Ali Kahraman, [Kayseri] 2009; Kayseri 111 Tahrir Defterleri (Hicri 992, 971, 983 / Milddt ¡584, 1584, 1563, 1575), eds. Refet Yinaç, Mesut Elibüyük, I-1II, [Kayseri] 2009; XVI. Yüzyil Baçlarmda Karaman Vilâyeti Vakiflari, ed. Seyit Ali Kahraman, [Kayseri] 2009; 1484 (Hicri 888) Tarihli Kayseri. Tapu Tahrir Defieri, ed. Mehmet Inbaçi, [Kayseri] 2009. 2 Melpo Merlier, Présentation du Centre d'Etudes d'Asie Mineure, Etudes d'Ethnographie, Athens 1951. loanna Petropoulou, "Center for Asia Minor Studies: An Anniversary" (in Greek), Histórica

TURKISH-SPEAKING

ORTHODOX

ANATOLIANS

55

Minor Studies, the picture of the populations in Cappadocia was clear in the years of their coexistence. Subjection to the millet (ethnic-religious identity) was of itself sufficient to give each ethnic group an identity in the multi-ethnic Ottoman Empire. The Rum Orthodox communities in Central Anatolia were defined mainly on the basis of their religion: Ecumenical Orthodoxy was the basic core around which their identity was constituted, and their social and spiritual life organized 1 . Turkish, the dominant language of the Rum in Central Anatolia, and the Karamanli script coexisted alongside Greek without the users of these languages feeling that language could be a criterion for differentiation. This feeling was not confined to the Asia Minor peninsula, but extended to Greece. For how else can we explain the presence of the Anatolian from Caesareia in Dimitrios Vyzantios's play Babylonia (1836). 2 The Kaiserli Savvas Hadji Mouratis, the Cretan, the Peloponnesian, the Chiote, the Ionian Islander, the Cypriot and others, all met in an inn in Nauplion to celebrate the defeat of Ibrahim Pa§a and to try to communicate with each other in their diverse Greek dialects, to sort out their differences and to understand the incomprehensible. As is well known, in the late nineteenth century the Greek Orthodox communities were discovered by intellectual-literati circles in Constantinople which applied themselves zealously to tracking down the "living monuments" of the ethnic Greek community in the Ottoman Empire. Their efforts were followed, somewhat dilatorily, by those of the other national centre, Athens, which was intent on 'Hellenizing' the Turcophone Orthodox Christians, by replacing the dominant component of identity, Orthodoxy, with ethnic criteria. "It is time that the peoples in Anatolia also realized that they have a homeland and common interests", wrote Koumoundouros in his instructions to the consuls in the Orient (22.5.1871) 3 . Most of the historical-archaeological, geographical and linguistic studies about Cappadocia were written in the years that followed until the end of the nineteenth century. Emphasis was placed on the publication of population statistics and data on religious and educational organizations. In these tables, the expediency of which is obvious, the inhabitants are distinguished as Greeks, Turks and foreigners. The Turkish-speaking Christian communities are simply denoted by an asterisk. The leitmotiv in texts of the period referring to the Turkish-speaking Orthodox Christian Cappadocians is that they were uncultured and sunk in the deep sleep of ignorance. Education, and indeed a Greek education, as well as the learning of the Greek language by the Turcophones, were perceived as tantamount to progress and civilization. What typifies the interest of contemporary intellectuals was the provision of knowledge for the 'enlightenment' of Cappadocians. Turcophone Christian 23 (1995), PP- 461-465; eadem, "The ideological development of Melpo Merlier, the Centre of Asia Minor Studies and the making of the Archive of Oral Tradition", in: Aleka Boutzouvi (ed.), Mapwpiet; mq mjyrj rr/g mopim; [Oral Testimonies as Historical Sources], Athens 1998, pp. 117132. G. Yiannakopoulos, "The Reconstruction of a Destroyed Picture: The Oral History Archive of the Center for Asia Minor Studies", Mediterranean Historical Review 8/2 (1993), pp. 201-217. 1 R. Davison, op. cit., p. 391. 2 Dimitrios Vyzantios was the nom de plume of Dimitrios Aslanis of Hadji Konstanti, who had Constantinopolitan origins. There is interesting information on the perfoimances of the play in Athens and Constantinople in the nineteenth century and its reception by the public, in: K. Bins, The Babylonia of IX Vyzantios. Historical and Theatrical Analysis (in Greek), Athens 1948. 3 See Society for the Dissemination of Greek Letters (in Greek), ed. A. Papakostas, 77-78.

B E Y O N D THE L A N G U A G E F R O N T I E R

56

Anatolia was not a subject of research for intellectual circles in Constantinople and Athens, since, by definition, it did not provide arguments for Greekness; on the contrary, it undermined them. Such arguments were given only by the Greekspeaking villages, and these were discovered quite later on, shortly after the mid nineteenth century. Consequently, in the give and take, the Turcophone Rum became - because it was demanded of them - recipients, and only recipients, of Greek, that is Hellenophone, education, the ultimate aim of which was their 'Hellenization'.

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Itl'ffp&fiuç.)

(nay« éoÇoç Ponpiâv pûleii KlkuEal iÀ£ OpOôôoÇoç Eppeviâv pi/Mrii Kikoevi piyiavemvôè O/.ÂV tpapK/xpiv lôQioXïôip. Kl 0epzetckJ KOKOVIÔÇ oykoù LapovtjkSev zepSÇovpé fie Avazoktj FaÇèzaoïj povskkicpi EmyyEkivoç MiaajjkiStjçâev zoayiy, /fe zaïtjz-ov zepuik oXrjvpoùaôrjp. Aépi Eaaftêzôe, Evayyekivàç Miao^kiôtfç zaïr/o.vEtrivdi: (S. Salaville - E. Dalleggio, no. 146).

4 Ilaxopi Xeyiâz. l'iâvia, AÇiÇ okâv, Màpwpoçkapiv Natdieztj. Ayioç Evtrzâdioç, Ayioç NIKOXOOÇ, Ayioç AT/pijzpioç, fie l'eâpyioç aow NfiKkiezkspi, fit: Lovkzâv Bakkijzovkaxriv l'ekazovkkâx izÇtjvl; ZaKtjv okzouyoû. fie Taxfj Kouaoùp IKXIÇOÀÎ zut.và Kitpaezkoù NaKkezkèp. Eipzi i/x efifiskoù Tlaapayiâ fiepikrei. Tetpaip oktmvpoôazoup, Zâmica Ayicapa Mtfzpoizokomob. Azàkkiakou Sepiupeip PaKitnèv, Be Lazezkoù, HÇexkov, lyzimzknv, Moupièv Kipaekepiv, Azvàkiak.ov XttzÇij Apânoykov, XazÇj i'âfifitdnfnv, Xaztj) Avaazaaaiv. Be XozÇayévoykov XazQ\ Kvpinxovoùv XâpxÇ paopwpkapiipikav, Uaapayiâ fiepikzei. MikXezipiÇÉ, Movxaitezkepi izÇrjv. fie Avazôk ezpatpivâ laarfK, oaaw okpàK irÇrjv. fie Pouyavi Novp yiaïApàx izÇrjv. BEVEZIKZÉ. îlaapaïâ BepiÀzei. Ayiavkapiv, yoiiKunfi ipÇamydâv. Avzœvioç ilaopazQ, ilopzoikizev. Con Licenza Dei Superiori, e Privilegio. 1783 (See S. Salaville - E. Dalleggio, no. 19).

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gayret or millet sevicilik. Sometimes millet sevici (= loving the co-religionists) occurs as an epithet and accompanies the name of the author 1 . In 1811 Zacharias the Athonite (Hagiorite), author of the Turkish-Greek dictionary that underwent many editions, is called in the foreword philadelfos ve philogeni ve karinda$ sevici, that is, as "loving his race", with three adjectives having this meaning, two of which are Greek. From all these examples we deduce that the concept of the millet had not been liberated from the concept of the race/nation and is used in Karamanli texts for its religious and cultural content, with great frequency from 1718 until 1836 and sporadically or occasionally until 1869. It is characteristic that it is very rarely encountered after 1869, the period of the Hatt-i Hümayun. It is not fortuitous that after 1864 and until 1925, in the introduction of their forewords, the authors call their Turcophone Rum compatriots, "compatriots of Anatolia" and "Orthodox compatriots". Thus, when they explain their motives for writing the works, they declare that these stem from love of the fatherland. The Turkish words that are used in this case are vatanlar (= compatriots) and vatan (= fatherland). The first is used in the sense of being from the same place (sintopitis), the second however, like the Greek word patris which is encountered frequently in Karamanli books, is used in the sense of place of origin or domicile, with all the sentimental and other connotations of the English word fatherland. Moreover, from the second half of the nineteenth century, "our fatherland, Anatolia" is often mentioned, which rules out any confusion with the other fatherland across the sea, Greece. Also, however hard we search for the ethnic prosonym "Greeks", we shall not find it anywhere. Whenever they are declared "ethnically", they are always declared as Rum, which alludes to the Rum milleti, and wherever the word "Greek" and its derivatives occur, they denote the language 2 . V. Mystakidis notes in 1920 that inhabitants of Asia Minor are called the Rum of Anatolia, in contradistinction to the Greeks of Greece, "in order to avoid all policy of conflict towards the Greeks of the Kingdom (.Yurumí.)".3 What is more, forty years earlier, Ioakeim Valavanis from Aravani, in a lecture at the Philological Association "Parnassos" of Athens (on March 11, 1888) declared: [The Rum] have not the slightest idea about Greece, Athens, and the Parthenon, because they have not ever heard a the slightest comment about them.4 Noteworthy is the fact that whenever the Turcophone Rum are exhorted, through the forewords, to learn Greek, this is solely for religious reasons, at least

1 In his foreword, the translator of the book TCav Xshmhyi Ifa/iamr/ mpifiik. EipiTi Ilaopayia ffcpilri nawoq EpKrlerlob xatdp na> Tapapivrav acfixdl Avmoiloolap euAazlapipiy r(av rpayiza/.r/i izQv, KEVS avhpiy yiapti piyiXa. Amxaveze, IyvazidStji^eptjv IJaapaxavsmvw. 1835 (See S. Salaville - E. Dalleggio, no 70) calls Nikodemos Hagioreitis (the Athonile) millet sevici (= (pAoyeviig).

2 The most frequent epithets for defining the Greek language are: rumce lisani, lisan-i rumt, rumca as well as Yunan lisani, the last used exclusively by the Bible Society.

3 V. Mystakidis, Words'. Hellenas, Graikos (Graikylos), Byzantinos, Romaios, (Graikoramaios), Othomanos, (Helleno-othomanos), Muslim, Turk, Osmanh (in Greek), Tubingen 1920. 4 Ioakeim Valavanis, op.cit., p. 14.

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until 1860-1870. The texts of the Christian Church are written in Greek and it is difficult, if not impossible, to translate them accurately into Turkish. After the penetration of Greek education into Asia Minor in the last decades of the nineteenth century, the Turcophone Rum were induced to learn Greek in order to participate in the common education of the Greek nation. On the contrary, when they were induced to learn Turkish (that is to read and write the Arabic alphabet), this must have been because they wanted to life in fraternal harmony with the Ottomans, or because they wanted to occupy public state positions in order to have a political and legal career. Such hints, which occur after the Hatt-i Hiimayun, are no more than expressions of the idea of Greco-Ottomanism, the doctrine of the acceptance and the utilization of the reforms. And they should of course be seen in parallel with the silence or the inertia of the Turcophone Rum with regard to what was happening in the national centre. If the Turcophone Orthodox populations of Cappadocia were considered and rightly so - as belonging to the greater Greek family, this is due solely to the fact that they were Rum Ortodoks, and indeed of Anatolia, as they themselves clarified. It is no accident that the Turcophone Orthodox Christians of Cappadocia called themselves Rumiya Ortodoks, a term which in this period signifies the ecclesiastical/religious constitution of the Greek Orthodox community. Moreover, in both the archival material and Karamanli book production, the absence of the ethnic meaning is observed not only in the actions and demands of the community, but also in the projection of its own conception of its character. The position of religion in collective identities is dominant. Certainly the association made with Greek ethnic discourse after 1870, through the Cappadocian migrants living in the urban centres of the Ottoman Empire, influenced consciousnesses. But certainly not to such a degree that the Turcophone Rum espoused the ideology or irredentism, as a mythopoeic Greek bibliography that developed after the exchange of populations implies.

TURKISH-SPEAKING ANATOLIAN RUMS AND THE KARAMANLIDIKA BOOK PRODUCTION

In the interior of Asia Minor and until the 1924 Exchange of Populations, Turkish-speaking and Greek-speaking Orthodox Christian communities coexisted with the solid Muslim population of diverse Turkish tribes, and with the Turcophone Armenians. From the 1930s to the 1950s, the Centre for Asia Minor Studies' (hereafter, CAMS) in Athens conducted research and collected information on the existence of 81 Rum communities in the small triangle of land defined by Kayseri, Nev?ehir and Nigde 2 . According to the research results, thirty-two villages were Greek-speaking and forty-nine were Turkish-speaking in the geographic region of troglodytic ecclesiastical and monastic communities of the Byzantine Empire which art historians have defined as 'Cappadocia.' It was on this area that the main mass of Turcophone Orthodox Christian communities was concentrated. The boundaries of Cappadocia are not hard and fast. Rather, the term is a scholarly construct which reflects the subordination of geography and history to the needs of art history 3 . However, from the mid-nineteenth century until the Exchange of Populations, the term "Cappadocia" 4 was applied to the region that reached as far

1 From the 1940s to the 1970s the CAMS, through the activities of Melpo Merlier, was the sole agent of research in Greece that ventured to record the oral history of the Rum communities of Anatolia. The aim of the foundation was to record and to save the data and documents that reflect the history and culture of the Rum Othodox settlements of Central Asia Minor, through the memory of refitgees who came to Greece. This initiative was taken and implemented outside the framework of institutionally structured academic communities in Greece. It had, however, the protective umbrella of the French State, since Octave Merlier, Melpo's husband, was for many years Director of the French Institute at Athens. See Melpo Merlier, Presentation du Centre d'Etudes d'Asie Mineure, Etudes d' Éthnographie, Athens 1951 and idem, "Oi KotvÓTtiTe; air] oúyxpovr) KtmmxSoicia" [The Greek communities in Modern Cappadocia], Deltio Kentrou Mikrasiatikon Spoudon 1 (1977), pp. 29-74. See also G. Yiannakopoulos, "The Reconstruction of a Destroyed Picture: The Oral History Archive of the Center for Asia Minor Studies", Mediterranean Historical Review 8 fasc. 2 (Dec. 1993), 201-217 and Ioanna Petropoulou, "Kévtpo MiKpaoiatiKújv 5jtou5(í)v: ni enereio;" [Center for Asia Minor Studies: an Anniversary], Histórica XII, fasc. 23 (Dec. 1995), pp. 461-465. 2 O zekeuzaíoq Ekkrjviopá; zt/^ Mucpág Aaíag. To épyo zoo Kévzpov MiKpafnazlKmv Zjtovóáv 1930¡970 [The Last Hellenism of Asia Minor. The work of the Centre for Asia Minor Studies 19301970], Publications of the Centre for Asia Minor Studies, Athens 1974, pp. 160-163. 3 Ch. Hatziiosif, Lvvaaóq. lazopia ?,vóq ZÓTZOU yojpí: imopía [Sinasos. History of a place without history], Crete University Press, Irakleion 2005, 5-18. 4 P. Karolidis, KajzizaóoKitcá, ijzot npaypawm imopiKtf Km apxatoXoyiicrj Ttepí KainzadoKÍaq [Cappadocica, or Historical and archaeological treatise on Cappadocia], t. 1, Constantinople 1874

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as Yozgat in the north, Nigde in the south, just beyond Kayseri in the east and no further than Konya in the west 1 . There was nothing exceptional about the existence of Turkish-speaking Christians in Anatolia. Evidence proves that they have existed since as early as the fifteenth century in the pre-national framework of the polyglot, multi-ethnic and multi-cultural Ottoman Empire. At that time, identities were constituted on the basis of religion. Therefore, the subordination of Turcophone Christian populations to the Rum milleti sufficed, so as not to differentiate them from their Grecophone fellow Christians, nor from the Albanian-speaking, Slav-speaking, Arab-speaking and other Orthodox populations that were under the administrative jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Constantinople. In 1815, Metropolitan Cyril of Iconium, who later became Patriarch, paid no heed to the language of the Orthodox Greek flock of the Archisatrapy of Iconium (vilayet of Konya) in his treatise entitled Historical Description.1 Neither did Nikolaos Rizos, author of Kappadokika in 1856, single out the Turkish-speaking Orthodox Christians. He considered them to be equally Greeks (FpaiKoQ forming part of the same Greek nation 3 . This situation lasted until the early decades of the nineteenth century, when various factors contributed to change in conceptual categories. First of all, the Tanzimat contributed to the differentiations within the millet system that existed until then. The Turkish-speaking Orthodox Christian communities of Asia Minor operated directly and primarily within the millet system and within the differentiations this system underwent in the nineteenth century. The abolition of

Kill F.7U(TT)C tod tòloo, Fkwaaàjiiov ovyKpiriKÓv ekkrjvofaijmadOKiKcbv ké&vìv, ijzoi rj ev KwmaòoKio. kaloufièvtj àj^viKt] àiats.Kio^ Kai za ev avtìj aai&peva i/yrj itjc; appaiai; KajmaòoKlKriq yÀxòaatjg, [Comparative glossary of Greek-Cappadocian words, or The Greek dialect spoken in Cappadocia and the extant traces of the ancient Cappadocian language in it], Smyrne 1885. See also A. M.

Levidis, ImopiKÓv óoKÌpiov. Aifjpijpèvov eie xópovg xkaaapag Kai itepièxov ztfv SptjaKEUilKìjv Kai nn/ATiKrjv imopiav, xaipoypapitnf mi apytuo/.oyiftv ujg Kaimaóorciag, t. 1: EiackrjaiaTlK^ latopia, [Historical Essay, divided into four volumes, containing the religious and political history, the chorography and archaeology of Cappadocia, t. 1: Ecclesiastical History], Athens 1885; V. A. Mystakidis, "KarataSoKtKd. nEpiypaipii YewypacpiKi], awmaruai, eiaiaii>EtmKi|, EHitopiKfj, EKxltioiaoTOCii ttk HT]TpójioXr|5 Kaioapeia?" [Cappadociana. Geographic, statistical, educational, commercial and ecclesiastical of the Metropolitanate of Caesareia], Parnassos 15 (1892), 1-77. 1 In the early 20th century, the periodical Xenofanis published statistical tables of the Rum Orthodox communities of the Kayseri and Konya vilayets. In these tables the Turkish-speaking communities are marked by asterisks. See Xenophanis 2 (1905), 231-233 and 3(1906), 44-46. For the tables see in the end of the study. 2 The title of the treatise he wrote is: Iazopiidj izepiypapij mo ev Bitmq npoacSoDévroq XtopoypatpiKou mvaicog rr/g ptrycdqg np/imapimdw-; Ikovìov vuv 7ipdnov tùttok acòoBùaa ev zoj haxpiapxiKé mmyptupeiw, ev étei 1815 [Historical description of the pre-published in Vienna chorographic table of the great archisatrapy of Iconium, now printed for the first time and published in the Patriarchal Printing Press, in the year 1815], As the title states, this comprises historical and topographical commentaries on the two large folios containing the map of the region, which were published in Vienna in 1812 and entitled "Chorographic Table of the Great Archisatrapy of Iconium. The map was published later by H. Kiepert in: Memoir iiber die Construction der Karte von Klein Asien und Tiirkisch Armenien in 6 Blatt von V. Vincker, Fischer, Moltke und Kipert, Berlin 1834. 3 N. Rizos, KwrxaSoKiKà, ijroi óoKipiov imopiidjq nEpiypatprjq rtjg ap/nlaq Kainrcuìoiciaq, Kai lóiatq to>v mapxitòv Kaiaapeiaq /cai Ikovìov [Kappadokika, or An Essay of Historical Description of Ancient Cappadocia, and in particular of the Prefectures of Kaisareia and IkonionJ, Publishing House "I Anatoli", Constantinople 1856, pp. 85, 71.

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the millet system was accompanied by the emergence of the concept of the Turkish nation, which from the late nineteenth century was seeking a geographical foundation. This was when the concept of the "Anadolulu" was formed, i.e., of the inhabitants of Anatolia as the main population substrate of the Turkish nation, because of the predominance of the Turkish language. And it is not fortuitous that, in Kemal Ataturk's time, the idea of Anatolia as fatherland of the Turkish people would be declared official Turkish dogma. 1 A principal factor contributing to changes in conceptual categories and to the heightening awareness of the issue of language was also the independence of Greece. This development introduced in practice new criteria for the relationship between language and ethnicity in the Balkans and the Mediterranean. The Ecumenical Patriarchate was unprepared to deal with the new circumstances. The existence of solid Greek-speaking communities with Greek mores and songs was the major discovery and surprise of the mid-nineteenth century. The borderland (akritic) songs of Cappadocia armed with arguments the antiFalmerayer trend of folklore studies during the same period. 2 By definition, Turcophone Christian Anatolia did not provide arguments for Greekness; on the contrary, it undermined them. Consequently, the Turkish-speaking Rums became - and it was demanded of them to become - recipients of Greek, Grecophone education, the ultimate aim of which was their "Hellenization". They became the recipients of the policies of Constantinople - Athens, of the two national centres which, under the prism of the "Megali Idea", were motivated by the ideal of forming national consciousness among the non-Greek-speaking Orthodox populations in order to incorporate them into the body of the Greek Nation. For some historians, politicizing the fact that the Anatolian Rums were Turcophone is also associated with the adventures surrounding the Bulgarian schism. Bulgarian intellectuals, clerics and bourgeoisie invoked the identification of language with nationality in order to achieve independence for their Church from the Patriarchate of Constantinople. 3 Similar arguments were developed by Papa-Eftym for the founding of the Turkish Orthodox Church in 1920.4 So, if the potential threat to the unity of the Ecumenical Patriarchate's congregation issued from exploiting the lack of linguistic homogeneity, the response to this passed through reinforcing Greek education. Schools ceased to be treated only as an instrument of education and socialization, and acquired an additional mission, as a means of nationalization and nation-formation. In addition, Greek, from being

1 See S. Vryonis, The Decline ofMedieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century, Berkeley-Los Angeles-London, 1971, pp. 454455; E. Copeaux, Espaces et temps de la nation turque. Analyse d'une historiographie nationaliste, 1931-1993, CNRS éditions, Paris 1997, pp. 294-300. See also, H. Bozarslan, Histoire de la Turquie contemporaine, Nouvelle édition, Éditions La Découverte, Paris 22007, p. 37. 2 I. Anagnostakis and Evangelia Balta, La découverte de la C.appadoce au 19e siècle (translated by B. Dubbine), Istanbul, Eren, 1994. 3 Ch. Chatziiosif, op. cit., p. 337. 4 M. Knüppel, Die Türkisch-Orthodoxe Kirche. Ein Beitrag zur türkischen Religionspolitik, Pontus Verlag, Göttingen 1996. F. Benlisoy, Papa Eftim and the Foundation of the Turkish Orthodox Church (Unpublished Master's thesis in Bogaziçi University), 2002. Y. Anzerlioglu, Karamanli Ortodoks Türkler, Ankara 2003, p. 209 ff. See also the bibliography collected by R Clogg, "A Millet within a Millet: The Karamanlidhes", in: idem. I kath 'imas Anatoli: Studies in Ottoman Greek History, Analecta Isisiana LXXVII, Istanbul 2004, p. 410 note 2.

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the language of education, was called on to take the place of the existing mother tongue, Turkish, and to oust it. As is well known, in the late nineteenth century the Greek Orthodox communities of Anatolia were discovered by the intelligentsia of Constantinople, who were fervently engaged with the "living monuments" of the Greek ethnic community in the Ottoman Empire. They were followed, with considerable delay, by the other national centre, Athens, which aimed at "Hellenizing" the Turcophone Rums by replacing the primary element of constituting identity, Orthodox Christianity, with national criteria. In the early 20th century, influenced by this intellectual climate, local scholars referred in their studies to the process of islamization and to the "Turcophoneness" of the Cappadocia population 1 . Already from the 8th century onwards there began slowly and little by little the decline of Cappadocia because it was subjected more than any other region of our Greek Asia Minor [tes kath' imas Asias] to being run over by various nations and hence lost its prior prosperity As a result, very few people remained in cities and towns; most left for more mountainous and remote regions, and lived in caves and in earth holes, suffering from much poverty, countless afflictions and various deprivations. Nevertheless, they carried the holy and precious deposit of faith in Christ and in nation, which they received from their ancestors and transferred it to us, their descendants. And it is not to be wondered at that the people in many other places lost both their religion and their ancestral language under a sharp axe, but it is to be wondered at how both Hellenism and the revered daughter of Jesus, our religion, were not completely extinguished in all of Cappadocia as happened in many other places of our Greek Asia Minor [tes kath' imas Asias] despite the fact that Cappadocia went through fire and water. But through the grace of God, it [that is, Cappadocia] was saved and flourished as best it could, like an oasis surrounded on all sides by deserts in the very middle of this Asian peninsula. Nonetheless, it is a fact that the issue of the Turkish-speaking Orthodox Christians came to a head in the early twentieth century, when both Greeks and Turks laid claims to Asia Minor. At the time the continuity and heritage of the ancient cultures of this land, the historical depth of the presence of each ethnic group, and particularly the presence of singular communities, such as those of the Turkish-speaking Orthodox in Anatolia, turned out to be critical issues. There is no denying that the collective imagination is nurtured always and in every case by myths of origin. And when the hitorical realities of the ethnic groups are 1 A.K.. Levidis, "EunPoXai etç T^V icnoplav TOD npoOTilmtanou EV Miicpâ Aaia. Ai ev KajraaSotcia EVÉpyeiai xravrcpoOTi?.rracrcv"[Contributions to the history of proselytism in Asia Minor. Proselytizing activities in Cappadocia], Xenofanis 3 (1905-1906), p. 148. In intereviews dated 2007, Bafta refugees also referred to the Orthodox Christian population of Cappadocia being compelled to switch to Turkish-speaking. See Maria Zerva, Langues en contact et hégémonie linguistic: Le cas des Grecs orthodoxes turcophones de Bafra (loannina, Grèce), Mémoire de D.E.A., Départaient d'Etudes Néo-helléniques, Université Marc Bloch, Strasbourg (unpublished), p. 101, intereview no. 586, Archonti 38 (58): "Well, but they did not let them speak Greek. They do not let them speak Greek. As far as I know and from what I have heard, they cut off their tongue when they spoke Greek. In this way, the people were compelled to speak Turkish. And that's how they got used to it. And thus they came afterwards here." Intereview no. 647, Dimitris 50 (58)... "If they caught them speaking Greek, they beheaded them. Such strictness. Certainly. They let them, say, go to church, but. rot to speak Greek. Either one or the other. And they chose to keep the religion, and on the other hand, the sacrifice...," p. 111.

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vague, complicated and contradictory, the imagined origin myth nurtures polarizations. Arbitrary conclusions, without the use of historical methods and tools of historical science, had as direct consequence the polarization of scholarship on the issue of the origin of the Turcophone Rum populations of Asia Minor. A large part of Greek scholarship has argued and continues to do so that these populations are of Greek origin and were compelled to start speaking Turkish either by force or because of their isolation from the Orthodox populations of the western coasts who spoke Greek. On the other hand, the totality of Turkish historiography has argued to this day in various tones that these groups were descendants of Turks who had migrated and settled in Byzantine territory before the fall of Byzantium, or who had worked as mercenaries for the Byzantine army and had adopted the religion, but not the language of their new overlords. A parenthetical comment is here in order. We all know that historical instances are full of myths and constructed historical truths. Those who construct myths are not to be criticized for doing so, i.e., for constructing historical myths, which society needed in a particular moment and for this reason embraced them. But those who reproduce these historical myths even when society does not need them are to be criticized, esp. when historical research poses questions and works on examining issues such as that of the origins of the Turcophone Orthodox population of Cappadocia, whereas others easily repeat the same old stories without any of the required evidence. Let me refer to a recent example. Conferences on the Turcophone Orthodox Rum define them as Christian Turks (Hristiyan Turkler), thus preempting with unapproved terminology the works of a whole conference, which normally would be the place to examine precisely such issues... 1 Let us return, however, to the early nineteenth century and take a look at the image that the Greeks in Greece had of the Turkish-speaking Anatolian Rums. Indicative, I think, of the prevailing climate in the newly-founded Greek State is the play Babylonia by the Constantinopolitan dramatist Dimitrios K. Vyzantios (a nom de plume; his real name was Dimitrios Aslanis of Hadji Konstanti) 2 , which was first published in 1836. The work captures most clearly what Cappadocia represented in the collective memory of Hellenism in the early nineteenth century 3 . The channel that conserved in the collective memory this 1 Oil May 15-16, 2009, Turk Dil Kurumu, in cooperation with Nev§ehir Universitesi (Fen Edebiyat Fakiiltesi Turk Dil ve Edebiyat Bfiliimu), organized a workshop entitled "Karamanh Turkefi Arajtirmalari Cali§tayi". The webpage of the Foundation carries the following note: "Qaltftayin

amaci Kapadokya 'da ya$ami!j olan Hristiyan Turklen (Grek harferiyle Turh;e metinler yazmq olan Karamcmlari) ve edebi eserleri tamtmak, yakin ge(miyte yafamq olan karamanhcayi irdeleyerek Turk dilinin tarihine katkida bulunmaktir".

2 D. K. Vyzantios, H Ba/Suktovia [Babylonia], ed. S.A. Evangelatos, Hermes / Nea Helliniki Vivliothiki, Athens 1972. Babylonia was first published in Nafplion in 1836 and premiered by a professional theatre company.

3 Babylonia was reprinted in its final form in Athens, in 1840 (H BajivXoma rj r\ Kara zoitooq kaipBopa Ttjq HXtyviKtjg ykmtsaaq, KlOfioiSla eig xpa&iq xevze, avyypaipeiaa impa A. K. BvQmion, mdomq Sanspa napa zov iSiov ovyypapecoq, ev ABrjvmq 1840) [Babylonia or the corruption of the Greek language from place to place, Comedy in five acts, written by D. K. Vyzantios, published a second time by the author himself, in Athens 1840 ]. Since then it has been reprinted numerous times in popular and more scholarly editions, it has been performed on stage, made into a film, played on the radio; in other words, it is a living work because its dialogues well up from

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otherwise unknown region, especially in terms of its singularities, were the hagiographic myths. Indeed, the Turkish-speaking Orthodox inhabitants drew their identity from the ecclesiastical and liturgical tradition. In a scene of the popular Babylonia, the Policeman finally realizes from where the Kayserli Savvas Hadji Mouratis originated, only when the latter tells him: "St. Basil place it is, Gaesaria, Gappadocia, not know you?" [It's the place of St. Basil, Caesareia, Cappadocia, don't you know?] The highly amusing character, Savvas Hadji Muratis from Caesareia, was to set his seal, fairly or unfairly, on all the subsequent iconography of Anatolians and Karamanlidhes in Modern Greek literature. The fact that the Constantinopolitan Dimitrios Vyzantios included karamanlidika (in reality Turkish and corrupted Greek) in his play, along with Arvanitika (Albanian and corrupted Greek) and the other dialects of the newlyfounded Greek state, means that both the Turkish spoken by the Greeks of Anatolia, of the Balkans and Istanbul, and the Arvanitika spoken in the Morea and surrounding islands coexisted on equal footing with the Greek dialects. Moreover, it reflects the fact that the users of those dialects did not feel that language could be a criterion of differentiation, at least of no more importance than speaking a Greek dialect. In any case, these non-Greek-speaking Orthodox Christians, like the rest, were all Rum Orthodox Christians, a term which signifies the main source of constituting identity and organizing social and cultural life during the early 19th century. In the early eighteenth century the Ecumenical Patriarchate sought to protect these Turcophone Orthodox Christians from conversion to Islam, and some one hundred years later, from the proselytization of Protestants and other missionaries. The appeal of the propaganda of various Western Churches among these populations caused the leadership of the Orthodox Church to worry about its flock in Anatolia 1 . Similarly, this appeal compelled the bourgeoisie of Constantinople to deliberate on the unity and stability of their economic networks in the Asia Minor hinterland. Metropolitans and monks, such as Zacharias the Athonite and Seraphim of Pisidia (Serapheim Antalyah) 2 , translated into Turkish and published in Greek characters, that is in karamanlidika, catechisms, psalms and other religious texts, with the aim of teaching the doctrine of the Orthodox Church and the religious duties of an Orthodox Christian to the Christians of Asia Minor, "since they have forgotten

appositely sketched characters. "Babylonia lives because it is true. This means that its author succeeded in transfusing truth into at least its basic personae", see D.K. Vyzantios, op. cit, xxxvi], 1 Nikos, a refugee of third generation from Bafra, expressed an extremely interesting view on the Karamanli religious book issued by the Patriarchate for the turcophone Orthodox Christians: see Maria Zerva, op.cit., p. 112, interview 654: Nikos 49 (58)... "For this reason, the Patriarchate was compelled to write [meaning, publish], say, the books...the Christian books, say, it had written them in this dialect." 2 D. E. Danieloglou, Upodpofioi rqq avayevvrjnEOiq tcov y/n/jiuamiv ev ztj Avamkrj V ev aTtoKévrpoiç Kaujapeiaç KcutucrôoKÎaç OIKOÙVTIOV OpOoSôÇcov xpK™avv" [The Habits and Customs, Profession, and Clothing of those Orthodox Christians that live in remote areas of Cappadocian Caesareia], Xenofanis 1 (1896), p. 380. Concerning the ¡literacy and ignorance of priests, M. Gedeon notes the following incident: "People talked about the following story: A cabbage seller was ordained into the priesthood. On the first time he ventured to pronounce the peace offering to the believers, instead of saying Peace tu all (Eipfoq it&m), he said the Turkish words Peace be upon you, oh leeks (yirindir prasa). He forgot that he was standing in a church and thought that he was roaming

the streets peddling his leeks: see M. Gedeon, Itnopla rcov zoo Xpunab wevr/zaiv 1453-1913 [History of the Poor in Christ, 1453-1913] Athens 1939, p. 251. 3 V. D. Siakotos, " O SiSàoicaÀoç KavéÙx>ç Ejtavéç (1700 ïteptaou - 1756) Kai TO épyo rot) rpappawaj zt/ç TovpKifdjç jhbamjq (1730)" [The teacher Kanellos Spanos (c. 1700-1756) and his

work Grammar of the Turkish language (1730)], Journal of Oriental and African Studies 15 (2006), p. 270 and 283.

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includes a recording of the "Chapters of the Christian Faith" by the kadi of Karaferye, Ahmet, on behalf of Patriarch Gennadios Scholarios 1 . The Turkish-speaking Orthodox population of Anatolia, and indirectly the region of their origin, Cappadocia, are known from the active communities of Orthodox Christian Cappadocians in the urban centres of the Ottoman Empire. Already since the sixteenth century, Karamanlidhes had settled in Psomatheia, Yedikule, Vlaga and Kontoskali in Constantinople. Isolated and excluded from the economic and cultural life of the coasts, but with an organized communal life, Cappadocians sought a way out of this impasse through migration. At the places to which they migrated, usually Constantinople, they reproduced their communities through various associations and fraternities, and maintained strong and lasting ties with their place of origin. They accumulated wealth in "foreign parts" (kurbet as they used to call it), which they infused into the land of their birth. But progress and order and decorum not only in schools but also in churches are imported also from outside, through the trading inhabitants of Constantinople and esp. of Galata. Indeed, many of our fellow citizens, having first acted as commissioners [officials] in Holy Churches and in Schools of Galata, afterwards transfer to their particular place of origin everything good and progressive that they observe being practiced in Constantinople.2 They became bourgeois and through their organization in associations and guilds in their place of migration, they promoted education and culture in the heartland of Anatolia. Through their philanthropic work they protected and reinforced the traditional society of Cappadocia, which, remaining vital and viable, continued to nurture and shape the identity of locals and migrants. From the mid-nineteenth century, expatriate Karamanlidhes played a decisive role in the publication of Karamanli books and, of course, in the turn towards the secularization of Karamanli printed works. The expatriates bore the expenses, and organized and participated in the dissemination and distribution of books in the interior of Anatolia by subscription and through networks of mutual support and communication. Some clerics, but mainly laymen - teachers, doctors, journalists - who had studied in Athens, Smyrna and the West, contributed financially and assumed responsibility for processing the material, that is translating works from Greek, but mostly from Western languages, or transcribing works from Ottoman script into Greek characters. Cappadocians residing in Istanbul and others living in their native Anatolia, participated in Karamanli book production. They translated French novels, vade-mecums on medicine and agriculture, manuals on epistolography, legal codes and interpretations of laws, calendars and almanacs, and composed works on local history. The Karamanli book served the needs of the Turcophone Orthodox Christian society in the face of the challenges of Tanzimat. Committed

1 R. Clogg, "Anadolu Hiristiyan Karindaçlaniniz: The Turkish-Speaking Greeks of Asia Minor", Anatolica Studies in the Greek East m the 18th and 19th centuries. Hempshire Variorum, III, p.

73-74. 2 See S. Cholopoulos, "Movoypcupucii icropta ZfjXiiç f| Eùkrcaç" [History of Zili or Sylata], Xenofanis 7 (1910), p. 209,

TURKISH-SPEAKING ORTHODOX ANATOLIANS

75

clergymen in the patriarchal milieu and committed laymen undertook the campaign to enlighten the Anatolian Rums. This was mainly the circle of Evangelinos Misailidis, publisher of "Anatoli", the Karamanli newspaper with the greatest longevity. 1 In 1872, Misailidis made the following remarks regarding his publication of Karamanli newspapers and journals: It is with pride that we can assert that we are the first and only representatives of the press among Christian people to have published issues in the Turkish language using Greek characters. In this way, on the one hand they were impereceptibly getting used to learning Greek, and on the other we greatly facilitated knowledge of Turkish for our compatriots in European Turkey. Such knowledge was very much necessary since it is the state language, especially for those presiding over various councils clerics and community leaders, so that they would not sit around voiceless like fish.2 As evidence of Ottoman sovereignty, Karamanlidika transmit elements of the Ottoman world and of Orthodoxy during the first, pre-national stage of long duration, initially under the aegis of the Patriarchal printing press, and subsequently with the activity of missionary organizations. From the midnineteenth century onward, Karamanlidika functioned as a vehicle for transporting cultural goods produced in Europe, or more rarely, as a bridge between the Ottoman world and Greek education. As the twentieth century drew nigh, the "Hellenization" of the Turcophone Orthodox Christians of Cappadocia came up against an opposite current of "Turkicization", as is demonstrated also by the numerous bilingual publications of dictionaries, primers, grammars, dialogues, and so on. Ottoman language was taught through the intermediary of Karamanli books. The "Turkicization," the learning of the Turkish language, followed the new status quo resulting from the Tanzimat. Subjects of the Ottoman state could benefit from the possibilities of equal opportunities that the reforms provided. The demand for learning Turkish had already been expressed before: The need of our public demands however ... good Turkish, because it is the dialect of our Rulers, wrote Iosepos Moesiodax in his Paedagogy, in 1779. 3 However, from the mid-nineteenth century, the Orthodox Christian subjects of the Ottoman Empire were urged to learn Turkish, and the Turcophones especially were urged to learn to read and write Ottoman language / script, since they wished to live as brothers with the Ottomans or had set their sights on positions in the civil service. 4 It is not fortuitous that the first

1 The bibliography relating to Evangelinos Misailidis in Evangelia Balta, "Périodisation et typologie de la production des livres karamanlis", in: idem, Peuple et production. Pour une interprétation des sources ottomanes, Analecta Isisiana XLI, Istanbul 1999, p. 276 note 4. 2 This excerpt from the newspaper Proodos of Smyrna appears in Ch.S. Solomonidis, H Stifiomoypapia -?«. ««.•»i - ' 3 e 2 «t i f. ***" i £ 1 » **« * g* • . ^ ?" ¡s » « * - 1 t

i¿ '

O


«Mm'./H.«»- "pat 11.',» < " 4 iS I < > V f i f ' i F O >i ( i » tf MifO» f f Sn MtUMtUi, iuv*vn'>;}' I. Aqmtittc

m-ntbatK.

iU!l»IIS

The editors o f Anatoli in 1905 (O Pharos tisAnatolis 1902, Constantinople 1901, p. 435)

What cries out for exploration is the ideological content of Anatoli over the many years of its publication - for example, for a period it was not on good terms with the Patriarchate 2 - as well as of all the other Karamanlidika newspapers and periodicals that circulated. In the main, these publishing efforts were personal initiatives of certain individuals, which were supported by subscribers to the issues. As a whole, the efforts were short-lived for this reason - with the exception of Anatoli. From information available it is known that Anatoli was read by the Rums of Cappadocia, whom it reached through the mediation of their compatriots living in Constantinople. The empire's city-dwelling Rums promoted the newspapers

1 Two papers from the First International Conference of Karamanlidika Studies (Nicosia, 11-13 Sept 2008) are dedicated to Anatoli : Foti Benlisoy & Stefo Benlisoy, 'Reading the identity of 'Karamanlf through the pages of Anatoli" and §ehnaz §i$manoglu §imsek, 'The Anatoli newspaper and the heyday of the Karamanli Press" (forthcoming). 2 See M. Gedeon, AimmjuiiLdmmtj., op. cit., 11.

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BEYOND THE LANGUAGE FRONTIER

back in their places of birth in the hope of engaging in the latest trends their older male relatives and compatriots who had either lived there without ever leaving, or who had returned after years spent working away from home in order to live their last years with their families. The sociologist Dimosthenis Daniilidis, in the beginning of the twentieth century, sent newspapers from Constantinople to his Turcophone grandfather in Ûrgup/Prokopi. Once he had read them, the grandfather passed them on to the village school-teacher 1 . In interviews with Cappadocian refugees deposited in the Centre for Asia Minor Studies, Anatoli is presented as popular reading material: Newspapers reached Ûrgttp by post, two or three times a week. From Greece Skrip and Telegraphos, from Smyrna Amaltheia, from Constantinople Proodos, Neologos, Tachydromos, written in Greek, and Karayorgis's Asia and Misailidis's Anatoli, which were Karamanli. Misailidis also published Koukourikos, a satirical review. Koukouroukos managed to say in humorous tone and by innuendo what the other newspapers couldn't say directly. But the Turks stopped it around 1905. The Grecophone newspapers didn't reach Orj>iip during the European war. At that time the Prokopians read Anatoli and Asia.

Other Karamanlidika

newspapers

From bibliographical indications we know of the existence of some other Karamanlidika newspapers Zem[b]ur-u Afitâb [The Bee and the Sun] which must have circulated shortly after the mid-nineteenth century. Belin records together with the Karamanlidika newspaper Anatoli the " J O U R N A L GRECOTURC. - Zemourou afitâb 'l'Abeille et le Soleil'; journal politique, littéraire et traitement des matières d'utilité publique; rédigé en langue turque et écrit en lettres grecques pour les Grecs de l'Asie Mineure; première année; paraît deux fois le semaine, les mardis et jeudis; imprimerie de la Société littéraire ottoman"? M. Gedeon refers to the above newspaper as two separate newspapers, llios [Afitâb] and Zembûr [Bee], "After the Sun (Afitâb), Zembûr appeared, which lived for one or one and half years, at first in Turkish with Greek characters (1866), shortly after in Greek, as 'Melissa'" 4 . This was 1 See D. Daniilidis, "Ilairaniïv mp Merôowtoij" [Babamin bir Mektubu],

MiKpamawcôv

HpepoXôyiov, O "Amtjp", 1914. AvamXrj PovpXaprp!à paxaovç dpi, sSmt, ¡pevvl pomaftflép Ea).vapè mfirrexipXiXepiv "Tlanà l'etàpyioç"... 1913, 53-54. (E. Balta, Karamanlidika, XXe siècle, op. cit., no 96). This text appears in a Greek translation in: M. Kouroupou - E. Balta,

EXkr\vopS6Solf.c, Koivirnireç vqç Kmtna&oKÎaç I. Ilepvpèpaa TlpoKoniou. iltiyéç m a l'eviKà Apxeia TOO Kpàmvç Kai am Kémpo Mmpamazmmv SnovSàv [Greek Orthodox Communities of Cappadocia. I. Orgtip/ Prokopi. Sources in the General State Archives of Greece and the CAMS1, Athens 2001, 187. In the Nev$ehir codex no. 124, XXVI, 365, on p. 10 in document no. 13, it is noted that the members of the Vasileias Brotherhood read Anatoli. 2 Archive of the CAMS, file PROKOPI: no 313. Informant: Efstathios Efthymiadis. collaborator: Thaleia Papadopoulou, 1950. See also 1. Tsourouktsis, Xpovim 'FevSoKapapavXr/Sav (optXia mov

m>XXoyo ZmiSmv mi ; 28 NospPpkm mv 1966) [Pseudokaramanli Chronicles], 6. 3 See François Alphonse Belin, "De l'instruction publique et du mouvement intellectuel en Orient", offprint from Contemporain, Revue d'économie Chrétienne, no. d'août 1866, 31-36. 4 See M. Gedeon, Aitoaripempam, op. cit., 10. Two issues of the Greek newspaper MKAKEA [Bee]: no 26 (25 July 1866) and 89 (12 Oct 1866) were found in Scrapbook 76.2 in the Gennadius Library.

KARAMANLIDIKA PRESS

117

published by an Asia Minor quack from Caesareia, Anestis Eftychiadis, about whom Gedeon writes that "the Melissa (1867) earned a decent profit during the height of the great uprising in Crete. But Eftychiadis, the self-styled journalist, though in fact an illiterate person and a knave, abandoned both bees and wasps and attached himself to a secret faction of Young Turks who were working for the establishment in Turkey of some supposedly constitutional system...". 1 N o issue of these newspapers has been found. Likewise, so far we have not located any issues of the newspapers Mikra Asia [Asia Minor]2 and the Anatheorisis [Review] of Dimitrios Thomaidis which were circulated in the early twentieth century. 3 'JLsmò

tròw

Suffnoattxysatpfciiw s* ó-

"O Aieu&wvlic t f i s * "A v

f.t

t « ^ ii t

A satirical portrait of the chief editor of Anatoli by G. Antoniadis (Ap 'ola, no 226). 1 See M. Gedeon,Aitoa^ixeimpiam., op. cit., 10. 2 In the catalogue of Ottoman newspapers it is described as follows: 1 Mikra Asia. Dimitraki Thomayidi Efendi. Constantinople. Turc en caractères grecs. Quotidien'. See C Huart op cit 134. 3 In the catalogue of C. Huait it is described as follows: "Anoréosis (sic). Dimitri Thomayidi Efendi, gérant du journal Mikra Asia. Constantinople. Grec et turc en caractères grecs. Quotidien". See Huart, op. cit., 107. Both Mikra Asia and Anatheorisis refer to the work of A. Alexandris, "H (Htôjteipa Srmioupytaç TowpKopeôôoÇrj; EKKÀTjcittç aTrçv KamtaSoicfa, 192I-1923" [The attempt to create a Turkish Orthodox Church in Cappadocia, 1912-1923], Aehlo Kévtpou MucpaaumKcw ZxovSmv 4(1983), 166.

118

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THE LANGUAGE

FRONTIER

Asia, published by D. Karassavas from Nevjehir', also circulated at the end of the first and beginning of the second decade of the twentieth century.2 At the printing house where Asia was published, various books in Karamanlidika were also printed, such as 2>//«r vepSedip and the novel Kaamavr/ [Kassiani].3 Testimonies made about Asia by refugees are preserved in manuscript form in the Archive of the Centre of Asia Minor Studies.4 In the closing decades of the nineteenth century Karamanlidika periodicals appeared, such as Anatol Ahteri, §afak, Terakki, but these were short-lived. Short-lived too were the newspapers published in the opening decades of the twentieth century. For example, the Aktis of N.I. Kamalakidis, which was published in 1911, circulated for one year as a daily and two as a periodical. 5 The American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions 6 , the basic publisher of Karamanlidika religious books, published for several years the weekly paper Angeliaforos [Herald], which was of religious-political content, and the homonymous monthly for children Angeliaforos Qocuklar Ifiin.

1 See HKatovra£zrfplç zl/ç cv KtovtmmivotmôÀei Etpopùaq loiv E>JjfviKtbv E%o).d>v NeamXemç KœmaSoKÎaç (Ntß-onx'P) 1820-1920 [Centenary of the Constantinople Inspectorate of Greek Schools o f N e a p o l i s in Cappadocia (Nevçehir) 1820-1920], Constantinople 1920, 88-89. 2 Entered in the catalogue of Ottoman newspapers compiled by C. Huart : 'Asyâ (L'Asie). Dimitri

Efendi, diplômé de l'Ecole de Commerce Hamidié. Constantinople. Turc en caractères grecs, illustré. Quotidien'. See C. Huart, op. cit., 99. See also I. Limnidis, "riEpt TOD nucpaouraicot) tSubuatoç" [On the Asia Minor idiom], Air'oi.a, iss. 330 (Constantinople 1/1/1917), 188.

3 See E. Balta, Karamanlidika, XXe siècle. Bibliographie analytique, Athens 1987, no 61 and no 81. 4 I. Tsourouktsis, op. cit., 9: "Anatoli and Asia were a m o n g the n e w s p a p e r s in Turkish written in Greek characters, and of the important educational writings for y o u n g people, Temaga-i Diinya stood out". See S. Triantaphyllidis (GUlbabas), T o A S à - n a Ç à p [Adapazari], Eleutheroupolis 1961, 2. 5 I. Limnidis, 'TTepi ton (iiKpaoiamoii iSu&natoç", ° P ci'-> ' 6 On the activity of the American Board, see C. Kiskira, "npOTEaràvteç lepanéOTAoi crniv KaS'iinâç AvaioMj. 1819-1914: H Spâmi Tt]ç American Board" [Protestant missionaries in Asia

Minor 1819-1914: The work of the American Board], Aehlo Kévrpov MiKpamoiiKmv ZmvSàv 12 (1997-1998), 97-128. S. Anestidis, "ApepiKavoi lepomôfftoXoi àpoç ttjç AvaxoXrjç ¡902 [The Lighthouse of the East 1902[, Constantinople 1901,455. 9 See I. Limnidis, "Ifepí TOD (iiKpuaumKou iSubpaxoç", op. cit., 188.

KARAMANLIDIKA

PRESS

125

Apettj [Areti], publisher: K.K. Kosmidis, Constantinople (1912).' An la [Asia], publisher: D. Karasavvas, Constantinople (1908-1912). The newspaper is recorded in the commemorative publication of the Ephorate of the schools of Nevçehir on the occasion of the one hundred year anniversary of the schools' foundation, in which we read: "Ama yaÇéw.oy KeÇâ NéPoExipM Ar)p. KapaaâPfiaç stpévôi zapatptfvôâv vetrp lôiXpEKSé tôt"2. In the Prime Ministry Archives (Istanbul), I located some documents that refer to the newspaper's publication and are described in the archival catalog as: "Tiirkçe ibâre ve Rumca harflerle Asya adinda gazete çikarmasi için Dimitri Efendi'ye musaade edilmest"".1 The documents are published in the appendix to the present study. In this archival material the paper is described as an illustrated daily covering a variety of subjects and its publisher, Dem. Karasavvas, is described as a graduate of the Hamidiye Ticâret Mekteb-i Âlîsi, a fact also recorded by C. Huart 4 . We learn from a Police Administration document that the newspaper was typeset in a house on Salkim Sôgiit Caddesi which belonged to Mustafa Pasha. The paper was printed at the printing-house of the periodical Kadinlara Mahsûs Gazete, located on Sepetçi Sokagi. Afltâb [Helios = Sun]. Although it is catalogued by Belin as a Karamanlidika newspaper together with Anatoli and Zembûr, I note the caveat that it may in fact be the Greek newspaper Helios of N. Argyriades which, like its contemporary Zembûr, came out in 1866. N. Argyriades published it in cooperation with the teachers K. Kontogones, D. Parresiades kai G. Rousiades. Extremely interesting in this regard are the remarks of M. Gedeon on the life and activities of N. Argyriades, who converted to Islam and assumed the name Necip: "In his short-lived 'Helios' he sang in Turkish letters Mehmed-Necip; still, his newspaper was Greek, not Turkish". 5 KovKOvpÎKOÇ [Koukourikos], satirical, political, weekly newspaper, publisher: Evangelinos Misailidis, Constantinople, printer: 'Anatoli' (1876-1881, 19081909). The title of the periodical is recorded in the prologue of a Prayer Book, published by Evangelinos Misailidis, 1878 Aépi aaaôéi | EvayycXivoç MiaarjXiôtjç KovXaXtj | AvaioXrj /?£ KovtcovpiKoç | FaCéraXapti tra/fai I ipxiyiaÇrj fie poveXXupi.6 The first issue of the Turcophone Koukourikos appeared on 3/15.4.1876 and the paper circulated for a long time. In the catalogue of C. Huart it is noted as "Kokorikos. Khembailidi (sic) Efendi, propriétaire du journal Anatoli. Constantinople. Grec. Bi-hebdomadaire, humoristique"1.

1 See E. Balta, "I Areti (La Vertu), Revue Micrasiatique illustré, bi-mensuelle, parue en 1912",

idem, Problèmes et approches de l'histoire ottomane. Un itinéraire scietifique de Kayseri à

Egriboz, Analecta Isisiana XXVHI, Istanbul 1997,201-244.

2 Néfiaexip McKzeidepiviv AepiraaSér Epopetaor/viiv riovCovvâoû irevéï ôsfipiem....àtp\aaa&tx. 3 4 5 6 7

"AvaioW|" Ma-otoaaii, 1920, 87 (seeE. Balta, Karamanlidika, XXe siècle, op. cit., no. 113). BOA, ZB 24/54 (1324 T 31). See C. Huart, op.cit., 99. See M. Gedeon, ATzoa^^eié^axa, op. cit., 9-10. See S. Saville - E. Dalleggio, op. cit., III, no. 200. See C. Huart, 128.

BEYOND THE LANGUAGE FRONTIER

126

Limnidis noted, "Under the title KovKovpiKog [Koukourikos], a satirical newspaper belonging to the same (= Evangelinos Misailidis) lasted for only five years, was resurrected after 1908, but did not manage to survive for more than one year". 1 Ch. Tourgoutis records, "Misailidis, besides the karamanli newspaper Anatoli, also published the satirical newspaper, also in karamanli, a weekly, which had a picture of a cock crowing "Baba Koukouriko Sultan Hamid gave certain freedoms to the press: "the press is free to write whatever it likes, so long as it does not write this or that", in other words, a long list of limitations. So Misailidis bound the cock that adorned his paper with heavy chains from head to foot, and round its tail, and inscribed below it "you are free to go wherever you like". Naturally, the newspaper was shut down, but Misailidis suffered no personal harm as he had many Turkish friends and associates." 2 KouKohpixoq also circulated in a Grecophone edition in 18751877 and 1908-1909. 0KWOVVI MEAPUXPI [Mekteb-ul Ftinnun-i Me§riki], publisher: Evangelinos Misailidis, Smyrna (1849-1850). On page six of the brochure, Eig aTSiov ¡ivt\pr\v zoo xoXvicAavorov EoayyeXivov MitrariXidov Kpvzavecog Ttjg fv KwvoravtivovirdAci Stjpoaioypaipiag, 1890" [To the eternal memory of Evangelinos Misailidis, doyen of Constantinopolitan journalism, 1890], the periodical is noted: "under the title MEKZEKI 4>rjvovvi Zapicrfyw [Oriental storeroom of useful knowledge]. A.D. Hadjidimos catalogues it as "MEKZBKOVX K//maidi\ia rm> l,/y,tjviKtiii Timau, ]7X4-l')74, op cit , vol III, 129. 4 Ch. S. Solomonidis, H Sqpomvypaipia rt/g L'pvpvrji;, op. cit., 288.

KARAMANLIDIKA

PRESS

127

together with the other Karamanlidika publications at the Anatoli offices (Uzun £ar§i, Aynali Han) in Istanbul and from the chanter of the church of Saint Photeini, Kyr Misail Misailidis, in Smyrna. MiKpA Acta [Mikra Asia], publisher: Dimitrios Thomaidis. In the Ba§bakanlik Osmanli Ar$ivi (Istanbul), I located a document that refers to the newspaper's publication and is described in the archival catalog as: "Mikra Asya adiyla bir gazete ne§redecek olan Dimitraki". 1 According to a reference in a Police Administration document, Dimitrakis Thomaidis, approximately thirty years old, was within the law and had no accusations against him. The newspaper's offices were located in the Rustem Pa$a neighbourhood in Tahtakale, on Asma-alti sok. no. 56. Mitcpd Atria yidvi A varoXtj [Mikra Asia yani Anatoli] 2 , publisher: Evangelinos Misailidis (1873-1877(7)]. The newspaper came out when Anatoli's circulation was prohibited. The first issue was bilingual, in Greek and Turkish in Greek characters. In the following years, the newspaper was published in two separate editions: a Greek one with M. Gedeon as the director until 1877; and a Karamanlidika one under the direction of E. Misailidis. M. Gedeon provides information on the newspaper in his writings. 3 Nea A varoXij [Nea Anatoli] (First Period): publisher: Theagenis E. Misailidis. Director: I.I. Limnidis (1912-1921) and (Second Period): publisher: Georgios E. Misailidis. Directors: I.I. Limnidis, G.K. Violakis, Constantinople (19221923)4. lltj.aapiz Ii. Mac pi« [Pelsaret-il Majrik = Eastern Messenger], publisher: Evangelinos Misailidis, Smyrna (1845-1846) 5 . Format in 4° (390 x 290 cm), 4 pages. [Ipooywyiiaj tpcavtj / Muhacir Sedasi [Prosfygiki Phoni, Muhacir Sedasi =Refugee Voice], publisher: Ch.S. Polatoglou, Athens (1924-1926) 6 . In 1925, the newspaper printed and distributed the Nopoa/eSio Kepi IIpoatfivyiKuv Aaveiov [Bill on the Refugee Loan] at kiosks in Athens and

1 BOA, Z B 328/ 114 (1324 Ts 24). The document is published in the appendix to the present study. 2 For this newspaper, see below. E. Balta, "Le journal karamanli Mikra Asia yani Anatoli d'Evangelinos Misailidis dans la tourmente du Schisme Bulgare". 3 M. Gedeon, Ammuiempaxa, op. cit., 12-13 Mvela nuv %po epon, 1800-1863-1913, Athens 1936, 224-225. The entry for AvaroAtj /' Mitcpa Aula, jiavi [difKairi] Avamlri, is based on Gedeon's evidence; see D. Stamatopoulos " A v a t o l f | / Mucpd A a i a , ytavt/ S^AaSt]/ A v a r o i l i " , in (eds.) L.Droulia and G. Koutsopanagou, EyKDKkonaidma rov eUfjviKov waov, 1784-1974, op.cit., vol. I, Athens 2008,204-205. 4 This is the sequel to Anatoli. See P. Misailidis, Iampudu; oMfoq and zov zepatrfisvov aimva. AvaroXij [Historical pages from the past century, Anatoli], Athens (without date of publication). This study was published for the first time in the journal npompvyixog Kdapog [Refugee World] from July to November of 1982. See also S. Tarinas, O eHj/viKog w m q n/g Tlolqq, op. cit., 143144. 5 EhvOp-po Bf/pa no. 7055 /22.8.1932. 6 The title of the newspaper is listed by P.Ph. Christopoulos, Eq>i)pspujF,./aiyoi KiMk'íac. Muaiaç Kai napiaç rtjç /.oytncfviaç [Les nombreuses formes du passé : à la mémoire d'Alkis Angélou. Questions d'histoire culturelle et de théorie de la littérature], npouctiKci

KARAMANLIDIKA PRESS

2

3

171

idéologie d'« anti-phylétismos » avait-elle pris le dessus ou, chose que je considère comme très probable, avait-il été influencé par les cercles opposés à Anthime au sein de l'Eglise? II soutient très probablement lui aussi, de même que Gédéon, Joachim II à la succession d'Anthime sur le trône du Patriarcat, jugeant qu'il est tout désigné pour atténuer les conséquences du Schisme en approchant les Russes. II se prononce de façon catégorique sur le fait que le Patriarcat œcuménique constitue le foyer de la foi et de la nation - dans le texte karamanli il utilise le mot « millet » et non « ethnos »'. La formulation renvoie au caractère ethnarchique du Patriarcat œcuménique et à la réalité historique du millet à l'intérieur de l'empire ottoman. L'auteur du texte semble continuer à croire en l'idéologie de l'œcuménisme orthodoxe à l'intérieur de l'empire ottoman.

Ainsi, la localisation de la première feuille du journal karamanli non recensé dans la bibliographie Mikra Asia yani Anatoli et l'étude de son matériel, qui a constitué l'axe de la recherche afin de mettre en lumière le rôle déterminant du journal Anatolie d'E. Misailidis lors d'une phase cruciale des événements qui ont suivi le Schisme, ont révélé une face cachée dans l'historiographie de la période, à savoir la présence dans les faits des Karamanlidhèss, des Anatoliens de Constantinople. Il s'agit d'un sujet nouveau qui lance un défi, exigeant une recherche assidue afin qu'il acquière, dans la mesure du possible, une stabilité de forme. C'est donc en répétant la phrase de l'article karamanli de Misailidis au sujet du Patriarcat « bu kadarlikla iktifa olunmu§dur » (nous nous limiterons à cela pour l'instant) que j e clos cette étude pionnière.

rEnujTnnovucîïç Lwdv-niaTiç [Actes de Xe Rencontre Scientifique], 3-6 octobre 2002 pp 377387. 1 Cf ce qui est dit plus haut sur l'utilisation de l'adjectif « national » dans le sous-titre du nouveau journal.

ANNEXE

MF. MKT 31/167 (22 § 1292 / 23.9.1875) Muvakkat Ruhsatnàme Evalinoz Misailidi kadim Fenerlilerin ahvàline dair tertib eyledigi Fanariyot nàm kitabin tab'im istid'a eylediginden kàr ve zarari tarafina àid olmak ve matbù'mdan iki nilshasini maarife vermek ve kangi fenne muteallik oldugu levhasinin bàlàsina ve tab' olunacak matba'anin isim ve mahalli ve tàbi'inin ismi ve ma'arifin ruhsatiyla basildigi ve tarìh-i tab'i nusha-i matbù'asinin iistune basilmak ve ba'de't-tab' ne§r olunmazdan evvel matbù' iki nushasmin ziri tahtim ve tekrar Meclis-i Maarife iràe ve takdìm ile nazar-i teftijten gefirilip ber vech-i me§ruh basildigi ve bir gune ilave de vuku' bulmadigi anlajildikdan ve iki nushadan bir niishasi meclisin milhriiyle tasdik ile merkume verildikden sonra ne?ri ifun ba^kaca ruhsat almak §artiyla yalniz tab'i zimmnda i§ bu muvakkat ruhsat i'tà kilindi. Fi 12 S. sene 92 FI 10 Eylul 91 Ì?aret olundu ***

MF. MKT 31/126 (1292 § 16/17.9.1875) Zabtiye Nezaret-i Celilesi'ne Syazeni ile Hristo Bey isminde bulunan ogullarinin taht-i idàrelerinde olmak iizere Galata tarafmdan dahi bir matba'a ku§àdini Asyayi Sugra ve Mikra Asya nàm gazetelerin sàhib-i imtiyàzi Evangelinoz Misailidi imzàsiyla i'tà olunan arzuhal leffen irsàl savb-i vàlà-yi asafileri kilindi usui ve emsaline tevfikan icabinin icràsiyla keyfiyetin i§an ve mezkur arzuhalin dahi iade ve tisyàri bàbmda emr u fermàn hazret-i men-lehii'l-emrindir. Fi 16 §aban sene 92 Fi 4 Eylai sene 91 ***

KARAMANLIDIKA PRESS

173

MF.MKT. 32 / 1 4 5 (1292 Z. 7/4.1.1876) Asya-yi Sugra ve Mikra Asya näm gazetelerin sähib-i imtiyäzi Misailidi'nin kü$ädina ruhsat istedigi matba'aya dà'ir Zabtiye Nezäreti'yle muhäbereli tezkire zarfina Matba'alarin tekessürü ma'àrifin intimar ve terakkìsini müstelzem olacagindan ve Matba'a Nizàmnàmesi'nde miiteaddid ve matba'a küjädini arzu edenlere ruhsat verilmemesi hakkinda bir gùne saràhat olmadigindan her matba'a igin ahvàl ve mu'ämele-i nizàmiye tamamiyla icrä olunmak üzere ruhsat i'täsmda bä'is olup olmadiginin i§bü tezkirede bahisle Bàbiàli'den istizàn buyrulmasi bàbinda. FI 7 Zilhicce sene 92 FI 23 Kanunuevvel sene 91

***

MF.MKT. 33/51 (1292 Z 21 / 18.1.1876) Bäb-i Äll'ye Yazildi Syazeni ile Hristo isimlerinde bulunan ogullarmin taht-i idärelerinde olmak üzere Galata tarafinda dahi bir matba'a küjädini müsted'i Asya-yi Sugra ve Mikra Asya näm gazetelerin sähib-i imtiyäzi Evangelinoz Misailidi imzasiyla i'tä olunan arzuhal üzerine makam-i aciziyyeden Zabtiye Nezäreti Celilesi'yle muhäbereyi jämil olan tezkire hami?inde muharrer ceväbda müsted'i müma ileyhin elan tahti idäresinde bir matba'a bulundugu ve bir §ahsa birkav mahalde matba'a kü§adiy$ün ba§ka ba§ka mezuniyet verildiginin emsali olmadigi beyäniyla icräyi icäbi istifsär olundugundan keyfiyet Meclis-i M a a r i f e lede'l-havale matba'alarin teksiri maarifin inti§ar ve terakkisini müstelzem oldugundan ve matba'a nizämnämesinde ise müteaddid matba'a kü§ädini arzu edenlere ruhsat verilmemesi hakkinda bir güne sarahat olmadigindan her matba'a igün usul ve mu'ämele-i nizämiye tamamiyla icrä olunmak üzere ruhsat itäsinda be's olup olmadigmin lüzum-i arz ve istizani ifade kilinmagla ol bäbda ve her halde emr ü fermän. Fi 21 Zilhicce sene 92 Fi 6 Kanunisani sene 91 i $arct olundu

174

BEYOND THE LANGUAGE

FRONTIER

Patrikhane' Anatoli Gazetasi Patrik Antimos Efendi'nin Kebir ve §erif Sínodos 'da cümlenin ittifaki ile karar virilen "§izmayi" bozmak üzere olduguna dair cereyan itmisj olan $aiyalarin tesiri ile telaba dü§erek öteden berü ittihäz itmi§ oldugu meslek, milk ii millete hizmet itmek oldugundan, ciimleden evvel zaif sesini gtkararak, fllvaki böyle bir niyet var ise, melh&z olan tehlikeden millet ve Eklisianin beri ve hali idilmesi garesine bakilmasim millete ihtare musaraat eylediginden, bu hahi$ine suiniyet nazari ile bakilub Devlet-i Aliye 'nin niyet-i hayriyesi umum tebaasi beyninde hiisnü ittifakin devami husüsuna matuf bulundugundan ittifak-i umumiye Anatoli'nin hararet ve hahifle yazmi§ oldugu bend halel 'irás ider mütalláasi ile kiilliyen lagvina karar buyurulmu§. Dogrusu ,yu niyet-i hayriyeye binaen "Anatolinin" kapatdirilmasi, büsbütün perü^aniyetimizi mucib oldugu halde §iikraniyetten ba?ka bir hissiyatimizi cälib olmamnj ise de, yetmi$ yedi defa kusur edeni af etmekle, mükellef olan Patrik Efendi ile Sínodos'un "Anatolinin" terbiyesini ve kapanmasini miisted 'i takrir takdim itmeleri ciimle ile beraber esef ü kederimizi mucib olmusjdur. Häl böyle iken, Ikumenikon Patriarhion kürsüsünde oturan zat her kirn ise, §ahsiyata bakmayarak, furasim kemal-i keder ve teessiif ile deriz ki, encamki Patrikhane Vukuati her Ortodoks Hiristiyamn derununu dagim dagim daglayacak derecelere varmig ve bu häl-i pür-melal häliya devam etdiginden, a 'lä ve ednä ciimle Hiristiyanlarin borcu ve vazifesi §u derde bir dermän bulunmasi garesine bakmak ve bu ugurda kaderince gayret ve hizmet eimekdir. Evvet! Her bir Hiristiyan bunu farz ve Hart-i a'zam bilmeli ki, Millet ve Mezhebimizin melee ve penähl olmuf ve bu iki azim ve aziz hasais-i mahsüsamm vikaye itmi§ olan Ikumenikos Tronos'un muhafaza-i §än u $erefi igiin her §eyden ziyade hizmet itmelidir. Bu Aziz Tronosu el yevm zabt iden Antimos mu yoksa Sofronios mu, asla qahsiyata bakmayarak, ol makamin hakaret görmesine kattiyen kail ve razi olmamali, ve bu makamm haysiyetine halel geldigini görüb i$ittikde bir vechile ve hig bir sebehe mebni musamahayi tecviz itmemeli. Bu Tronos millet ü mezhebimizin ocagidir. Ocak dagdur ise, millet ve mezheb de kalmaz, buralarim tefekkür ve teemmül ile ana göre, her bir Hiristiyan gayret ü hizmetini ve halisane fedakärligim artirmalidir. Bunun igin gegenlerde Patrikhane 'de ve Eklisia deruninde vuku' bulan nümayi^ati kabul ve tahsin idenlerden degiliz. Bilakis ciimleden evvel takbih idenlerdeniz. Ikumenikos Patriarhis ip harci olmu§ olsa dahi, bu missillu harakaretle diigmesini isteyenlerden olamayiz, millet var, milletin vekilleri var, nizäm var, kanun var, bunlann iktizasina göre icra-i icabi temenni idenlerdeniz. Halbuki millet vekilleri borglarim ifá ittiler mi? Nizám ve kanün cari midir? deyu sual olunur ise ma et teessüf hayir cevábim virmeye mecb&ruz. Yine tekrar ideriz ki, ¡y §ahisda degildir, asil dü$ünülecek madde Tronos'un ijeref ü haysiyetidir. Hrisostomoslar, Griogorioslar, Fotioslar ve nice zevät-i kirämm }eref ü celalini arfa kadar ref ü i'lá itmit¡ olduklari, ve millet ü mezhebimizin melce ve penáhi bildigi Ikumenikos Tronostur. Hörmet ii riayet ve akl u fikr ve gayretimiz bu Tronosa dogru gevrilmelidir. Allah a$kina olsun! Hususi interesolari, mucibsiz adaveti ve taraftarligi bertaraf idelim. Validemiz

1 L'article est publié dans le journal Miicpá Amayiávi AvaroÀij, no. 1/1823 (15.9.1875).

KARAMANLIDIKA PRESS

175

Eklisiamn hali giin be gün diger-gün olmaktadir. ladeyi ¡¡eref ü icläli her neye mevkuf ise ana te$ebbüs idelim. Hususa ki bu esnada ag-yardan maada yaranmiz da nazar-i husumetle bakmakda ve harekät u sükünätimizi tefti$ ü tedkik itmektedir. Patrik Antimos Efendi 'nin azli ile bir ehl-i iktidara Eklisia dümeninin teslim olunmasi tereddüd kabul iden mevädden degil ise de istifasi ve yahod azli, nälayik oldugu halde her nasil ise, uhdesine virilmig olan Aziz Tronosun §eref ve haysiyetine halel gelmiyerek icrasi garesine bakilmalidir. Milletimiz vekilleri miikellef olduklari agir vazifenin icrä olunmamasindan hus&la gelecek agir vehim mesuliyeti dii^ünmelidirler. El qirpiqmakle Zito ve Kato qagirmakle halimiz islah olmaz, bilakis bedter oluyor, mufassal ve mevzün nutk u makaleler ve fesähat ve belagat isbat itmekle, yarelerimiz kapanmayor. Mikton Etnikon Symvulion vazaifini ifa itmeyor ise, Millet Meclisi dü$ün$ün. Millet Meclisi'nin salahiyeti yok ise, Geniki Synelefsis toplansin, ne icab ider ise, icrä olunsun ki, §u acinacak häle bir netice virülsiin. Bir de umum Hristiyanlar Ekklisia icinde ve sokak ortasinda numäyi$ät itmekle ag-yar ü dammene kar$u giilüng oldigimizi der-pi$-i nazara alarak, bu mak&le yakifiksiz hallerden ictinäb iderek, kemal-i sabr ü tehammül ile Ekklisiamizm islah-i ahväline muntazir olmalidir. Patrikhane Vukuati bunda[n] sonra qikacak nushamizda tafsilen beyän ohnacagindan, bu nushade bu kadarlikla iktifa olinmi$dir.

Traduction La publication du journal Anatoli a été interdite car, réagissant aux rumeurs qui voulaient que le patriarche Anthime levât le schisme par décision unanime du Grand Saint Synode, le journal a choisi de poursuivre dans la voie qu'il a toujours suivie : servir la nation et être le premier à élever la voix dans le cas d'une telle intention, tentant de persuader de la nécessité de trouver des moyens afin de sauver la nation et l'Eglise. Cependant, le Conseil de la Nation, dans son effort de préserver l'harmonie parmi ses sujets, a mal interprété l'intention du journal et a perçu l'article comme une tentative de semer la discorde parmi eux. Dans la situation présente et quel que soit l'occupant du trône du Patriarcat Œcuménique, indépendamment des personnes, c'est avec une immense affliction que nous déclarons que les événements qui se déroulent au Patriarcat sont parvenus à un point tel que chaque chrétien orthodoxe en ressent l'offense. Il est du devoir de tous les chrétiens de rechercher des façons d ' y remédier, et de mettre tous leurs efforts à atteindre ce but. Oui ! Tout chrétien doit savoir qu'il doit lutter afin de préserver l'honneur du trône patriarcal, qui est le refuge et le protecteur de la nation et de notre foi. Indépendamment de celui qui siège aujourd'hui sur ce trône, que ce soit Anthime ou Sophronios, tous doivent comprendre qu'un danger de souillure guette ce lieu et que, dans l'éventualité d'une telle menace, personne ne devrait permettre qu'elle survienne. Ce trône est le foyer de la nation et de notre foi. Si le foyer se dissout, n ' y survivront ni la nation ni la foi. C'est pourquoi chaque chrétien doit mettre en œuvre les plus grands efforts et sacrifices afin d'écarter une telle éventualité.

176

B E Y O N D THE L A N G U A G E F R O N T I E R

C'est pour cette raison que nous ne nous joignons pas à ceux qui acceptent et approuvent les incidents qui ont eu lieu dernièrement au Patriarcat et dans l'Eglise. Au contraire, nous avons été les premiers à les condamner. Et même si le Patriarche Œcuménique le mérite, jamais nous ne souhaiterions qu'il soit victime d'une telle attitude. Il y a la Nation, il y a les représentants de la nation, des règles, des lois. Et nous, nous nous tenons aux côtés de ceux dont le désir est qu'ils soient respectés. Bien sûr, si l'on nous demande si les représentants de la nation ont accompli leur devoir et si les lois ont été appliquées, nous répondront que Non. Une fois encore, nous répétons qu'il ne s'agit pas d'une question de personne, mais bien de l'honneur et de l'autorité du Patriarcat. Ce trône a été sanctifié par des patriarches comme Chrysostome, Grégoire, Photius et d'autres, et il est le toit et le refuge de la nation et de notre foi. Tous nos efforts, tous nos sens et notre respect doivent être tournés vers lui. A u nom du ciel ! Que l'on mette fin aux intérêts personnels, aux vaines inimitiés et aux favoritismes de fratrie. L a situation de notre mère l'Eglise s'aggrave de jour en jour. Nous avons le devoir de nous appliquer à tout ce qui pourrait rétablir sa gloire et son honneur. A plus forte raison maintenant, quand non seulement nos ennemis, mais aussi nos amis nous sont hostiles et observent nos mouvements et notre silence. Bien qu'il n'y ait aucun doute sur la nécessité de Péloignement du Patriarche Anthime afin que soit placé à la tête de l'Eglise un homme capable, sa démission ou sa destitution, même si son impéritie a été suffisamment prouvée, doit s'effectuer de façon à ne pas affaiblir l'autorité du trône sacré. Les représentants de la nation doivent avoir à l'esprit qu'ils seront jugés responsables s'ils n'accomplissent pas le devoir majeur qui leur a été confié. Les applaudissement, les vivats et les anathèmes ne seront d'aucun secours à la situation, mais ne feront au contraire que l'aggraver. Nos plaies ne se fermeront pas sous l'effet des discours et des articles usant d'interminable rhétorique. Le Conseil National Mixte ne fait pas son devoir. Si le Conseil de la Nation n'en est pas capable, l'Assemblée Générale doit être convoquée et le nécessaire fait afin de mettre un terme à cette affligeante situation. Mais surtout, nul chrétien ne doit provoquer, que ce soit dans l'église ou en dehors, des incidents qui nous ridiculisent aux yeux de nos amis comme de nos ennemis, et doit patiemment attendre que s'améliore la situation à l'intérieur de notre église. Pour l'heure, nous nous limiterons à cela. Quant aux événements survenus au Patriarcat, nous nous en occuperons de façon exhaustive dans notre prochain numéro.

PART III

OTTOMAN EVIDENCE ON KARA MANL ID IK A EDITIONS

OTTOMAN EVIDENCE ABOUT THE GREEK AND KARAMANLI EDITIONS OF EVANGELINOS MISAILIDIS I

This study inaugurates a series of articles - hence the Latin numeral "1" in its title - that will bring to light materials associated with to the publishing activity of Evangelinos Misailidis, the editor of the newspaper Anatoli'. These materials were discovered in 2007 in the Prime Ministry Archives in Istanbul (Ba§bakanhk Osmanli Ar§ivi). As is well known, the printing house of this longest-lived Karamanli newspaper published over one-third of the Turcophone, Greek-script book production, in addition to Greek editions.2 The reason was that Misailidis showed a lively interest interest in the enlightenment of the Turcophone Orthodox populations of Asia Minor.3

1 To my knowledge, the first biography of Misailidis was published by loannis Polyvios in the first issue of the fortnightly Karamanli journal TepoxKf/ [TerakkiJ (May 15,1888), pp. 53-56. A second biography came out in the Karamanli newspaper Avuxoty [Anatoli], of which Misailidis was publisher, on the fortieth day after his death (issue number 4292, Year 51 (5 February 1891). In addition, a brief announcement of his death accompanied by a biographical note was published in EKKhjaiamiKrj Akrjdeia 10 (5 January 1890), pp. 4-5. Some biographical information may also be f o u n d in t h e p a m p h l e t Eiç aîdiov pvr/pqv TOD TuoÀvidawnou h.uayyc/.ivoi) Miooqkiôov,

xpwâveaiç

tqç ev Kwv/nohx (trjpotnoypapiaç 1890 [To the eternal memory of the much lamented Evangelinos Misailidis, dean of the Constantinopolitan journalism 1890], Another biography in Karamanlidika was published by I. Limnidis, entitled "Evangelinos Misailidis," in MiKpaaimiKÓv HpepoAâyiov O Aartjp 1914, AvaroÂfj PovpAaptjva paxoovç dpi, sâszi, "ììimi'i

redipytoç " S&pmi

Tapafìjviàv

fèvvi pooaafiflép aolvapè

Mffaz/ipixtepiv

Nèfìaexip Povp peKzextepi miaaixiovr) psvçxmTtjvâ okapÒK

Constantinople 1913, pp. 170-172. See M. 1. Gedeon, Anommeubpam Xpovoypâpov 1800-1913 [Notes of a Chronographer, 1800-1913], Athens 1932, p. 11 and Ch. Misailidis, "To laiopiKÓ Oavàpi KrovaiavnvoTMiôXeraç (Kaxâ TOV I©' KAI K ' aióva)" [The Historical Fanar of Constantinople (During the 19th and 20th Centuries)], reprint of t. 31 of Apxeio roti Aaoypaqmcov Km rimaamob 8i\am>pob, (Athens 1965), pp. 27-28. See also, R. Anhegger, "Evangelinos Misailidis'in 'Temaça-i Dtinya' adii kitabi ve Tiirkçe Konuçan Ortodokslar sorunu», varp ohmvobp.

Brinci

Milktler

[KIVTÇI

Arasi

aevt,

Turkoloji

Kongresi

(Istanbul, 2 3 - 2 8 Eylttl

1 9 8 5 ) , Tebligler,

II.

Turk

Edebiyat, cilt 1, Istanbul 1985, pp. 15-24; idem, "Evangelinos Misailidis ve TUrkçe Konuçan Dindaijlari", Tarih ve Toplum 50 (February 1988) Kai 51 (March 1988), pp. 73-76, 175-177; T. Kut, "Tema$a-i Dûnya ve Cefakâr u Cefâkeç'in Yazan. Evangelinos Misailidis Efendi", Tarih ve Toplum 48 (1987), pp. 342-346. 2 See S. Tarinas, "Evayyelivôç MioaiiMSiiç: To acSoracó épyo. n p d m j avaypa(|»r| auioteHiv SripomEUnàrav tou" [Evangelinos Misailidis: The Publishing Activity. A First Catalogue of His Publications], H m8 'tfpôç Avotioitj 3 (1996), pp. 299-327. 3 See Evangelia Balta, "Périodisation et typologie de la production des livres karamanli", Askzio

Kkvxpoo MiKpmmxiKÓiv EnovSwv 12 (1997-1998), pp. 129-153. Reprinted in eadem, Peuple et

Production. Pour une interprétation des sources ottomanes, Istanbul, Les Editions Isis, Analecta Isisiana XLI, 1999, pp. 259-281.

180

BEYOND

THE LANGUAGE

FRONTIER

My research focused on certain archival units of the Ba$bakanhk Osmanh Ar§ivi (hereafter BOA), where I thought I might discover information concerning the permits required by the Ottoman authorities for the publication of books, newspapers and journals. My innermost desire was to find the publishers' applications for these documents and, attached to them, Karamanli manuscripts that had been submitted for approval, as well as notes by authors and translators of Karamanli editions. In addition, I sought to record those titles that were rejected by the authorities and therefore went unpublished, and to learn about the censors' identities. I undertook such research in the Ottoman Archives of Istanbul because my interests are not restricted to locating unregistered Karamanli editions, but extend to collecting information about the history of such editions. As is the case with the Karamanli Press, my efforts to locate holdings of newspapers and journals in libraries around the world, so as to form complete series thereof, are co-ordinated with the hunt for information that will illuminate the publishing adventures of newspapers. Because of its role and influence, the Press was subjected, inevitably, to the obstructive practices of Ottoman authorities. What follows is not a study of a Karamanli but rather of a Greek edition of a play, whose protagonist is a Karamanli merchant by the name of Hadji Aslanis.

The Erotomaniac Hadji Aslanis or How Evangelinos Misailidis became envious of the glory of Dimitrios Vyzantios (that is, of Dimitrios Aslanis, son of Hadji Konstantis) In October 1998, during a conference of the Society for the Study of Modern Greek Culture and General Learning (Moraitis School), Giorgos Kehagioglou presented the unrecorded (until then) publication O EPQTOMANHE / XATZH AIAANHS / HPQZ. THE KAPAMANIAE / KQMQAIA / Ell UPASEIE ilENTE / Xovra/£fe/rra VKO E. M. / [typographical decoration], in Smyrna/ - / ¡871 [The Erotomaniac Hadji Aslanis, Hero of Karaman, Comedy in Five Parts, Composed by E.M.]. 1 The first edition, which has yet to surface, was recorded in the

1 See G. Kehagioglou, "H irapäÄom) t -,

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The title and the last page of the Greek edition of Cholera (1848).

APPENDIX

A.MKT 152/5 Ma'rúz-i fáker-i kemìneleridir ki Kolera illetinin esbàb-i tedàviye ve sàiresine dàir bu defa Rum ve Ermeni lisáninda olarak bi't-tertib tab' ve temsrl olunan risàlelerden otuz kit'asi irsal buyrulmu? oldugu beyán-i àlìsiyle ztr-i idàre-i fàkerànemde bulunan mahaller re'áyasi despot ve kocabarianna bi'1-i'tá ilani hustìsuna milbàderet-i bendegànem iràdesini $ám i I hámc-píráy-i ta'zìm oían fermàn-nàme-i sámi-i vekalet-penáhileri mcál-i mcrhamct-ijtimáli müdrike-áray-i Qákeri olmu§ ve mezkür risáleler dah¡ bi'l-vusül cenáb-i Hak Smr ü ikbál ve §evket ü ielàl-i hazret-i jáhaneyi müzdád ve firávan buyursun. Zàt-i merhamet-simàt-i cenáb-i mülükaneye mevhibe-i ilàhiyye ve atiyye-i sübhániyye oían kemàl-i bende-i pervert ve §efkat-¡ cihandárileri icabi üzere jimdiye kadar káffe-i bendegán ve sunüf-i tebea ve zír-destán hakiarinda mebzùl ve jàyàn ve $ifà-bah§à-yi umüm-i zir-destán buyurulan tedábir-i seri'u't-te'sir merhamet-i aliye ve edviye-i ber'-i [...] §efkat-i mülükaneleri hifbir zamanda gorülmiij ve i§itilmi§ §ey olmadigindan ífa-yi rize-i te§ekkür ve mahmidetinden àeiz oldugumuz halde müdávim-i ìfasi bulundugumuz da'avát-i icábet-áyat-i hazret-i §áhaneye terdífen du'á-yi hayriyye-i vekalet-penáhileri tekrar kilinmi§ ve tibk-i emr ü fermàn-i àsafàneleri vechile zikr olunan risáleler zìr-i idàre-i gakeránemde bulunan mahaller despot ve kocabajilarina i'tásiyla cümleden dahi taraf-i ejref-i hazret-i §áhane ifün da'avát-i hayriyye isticlábina müsáberet olunmu? olmagla ol bábda ve her halde emr ü fermán hazret-i menlehü'l-emrindir. Fi 2 Za [=Zilka'de] sene [12]64 (01/10/1848) Mehmed Hamdi Bende Váli-i eyálet-i Erzurum (Mühür)

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A. MKT 150/34 Ma'rùz-i gàker-i kemlneleridir ki Kolera illetinin esbàb-i tedàviye ve sàiresine dàir bu defa Rum ve Ermeni lisaninda olarak bi't-tertìb tab' ve temsìl olunan risàlelerden oniki kit'asmin bu tarafa irsàl buyuruldugu beyàn-i àlìsiyle zìr-i idàre-i bendegànemde

kàin

mahaller re'àyasi despot ve kocaba§ilarina i'tàsiyla ilani iràdesini §àmil piraye-i hàme-i ta'zìm ve tebeìl olan emirname-i sÉmi-i vekàlct-pcnàhilcri meàl ve mekàrim-i§timàli miidrike àrà-yi abìdanem olmu$ ve resàil-i merkùme dahi bi'lvilsul hamden siimme hamden illet-i mezkure Biga Sancagi dàhilinde zuhur eden mahallerden bundan bir yirmi gun evvelinden beri eger?i butiin biitiln aralajmi? ise de resàil-i mezkùre yine ìcab eden mahallere i'tà ve irsàl ile ilan-i àtifet-i. seniyyeye miibàderet ve ahàli ve ra'iyyet haklarinda bu vesìle dahi §àyan buyrulan mekàrim-i a'tàf-i cenàb-i zillullàhiden dolayi cumle tarafindan du'à-yi ezdiyàd-i eyyam-i òmr ii $evket-i miilukaneye ez-ser-i nev muvàzabet o l u n m u j olmagla beyàn-i hàle ma'rùzunda takdim-i ariza-i sipàs fariza-i abidaneme mucàseret olunmu§dur, ol bàbda ve her halde emr ii fermàn hazret-i veliyyu'lemr ve'l-ihsànmdir. Fi 23 L [=§evval] sene [12]64 (22/09/1848) Bende Mutasarrif-i Livà-i Biga Huseyin Husnu (Mflhur)

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTES ON KARAMANLIDIKA PUBLICATIONS I

Dedicated to Harid Bey, a Cypriot

gentleman.

who made my spring visit to the Aphrodite's island in 2009 a delight. Our walks in old Nicosia, our meals and conversations about the island and its people, our visit to a garden with mandarin trees in Lefke, will all remain unforgettable. On those Sunday mornings in the roof-garden of the towering Saray Hotel, looking out over Nicosia as we enjoyed our tea and cojfee, we confirmed together the readings of words in Ottoman documents which refer to books in Karamanlidika. For Harid Bey it was a matter of great longing to locate one of the last publications in Karamanlidika which had been printed in Cyprus, according to a publication of the newspaper "Paphos". It is my great desire too that he may find it and have the pleasure of announcing it to us at an upcoming conference on Karamanlidika Studies.

When in 2007 the catalogue of the archive of the Maarif Nezaret-i Mektubi Kalemi was made available to researchers, I threw myself into the investigation of its countless files in pursuit of information about Karamanlidika publications'. I was mainly in pursuit of documentation pertaining to permits issued by the authorities who granted permission for the printing and circulation of books, newspapers and periodicals within the boundaries of the Ottoman Empire. My aim was to gather data for the history of the publication of books already recorded in the bibliography whose inclusion was based on autopsy. My overriding concern was, however, to locate Karamanlidika publications still unknown to us, either because a copy of the publication itself has not come to light, or no other indirect witness to the publication's existence has been found. The Ottoman archival records fill important gaps in our knowledge of the Karamanlidika book and press, and also reveal that, on its own, the location of copies which serves as the usual basis of bibliographical research is insufficient to establish the real dimensions of Karamanlidika (and, of course, other) book production. At the same time, and perhaps this is its most important contribution, the Ottoman archival material also offers information about the circulation of

I This particular archive covers the years 1289-1329 (1872-1911).

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corresponding Armeno-Turkish and Ottoman Turkish publications, thereby contextualizing Karamanlidika in the Ottoman world which produced it. I consider that the two, brief bibliographical notes which follow illustrate the value of the Ottoman archive for the historian interested in the histories of the book in the multi-cultural, multi-lingual, multi-ethnic Ottoman Empire.

I.

The Karamanlidika edition ( H M u c p a EXevri)

o/"Ku9tik E l e n i

by Evangelinos Misaelidis

I located in the Prime Ministry Archives of Istanbul (Ba§bakanlik Osmanli Ar§ivi) the document with which the Maarif Nezareti (press service) replied to Evangelinos Misailidis's request concerning the permit allowing him to print the Karamanlidika edition of Kiifiik Eleni. It is of interest that in this notification the literary work is referred to by its Greek title: Mikra Eleni'. In the Karamanlidika bibliography it is recorded with the title Kiiftik Eleni and the year of publication is 1878 2 . On the title page it is noted that Stavros Grigoroglou from Incesu translated the work by l.A. Vretos from an Athenian edition, and that the translation was directed towards the girls and schools in Anatolia. Four Greek editions of Mikra Eleni are noted in the Greek biblography of the 19th century and these are later than the Karamanlidika edition (1879, 1880, 1881, 1886). Three have Patras as their place of publication 3 . The edition from which the Karamanlidika translation was made is missing. The translator of Ktifuk Eleni in his introductory note records the Greek edition of 1877 (bu kitabcaaz [kitabcagiz] ellinika lisaninda 1877 senesinde tab olunmu$). It should also be noted that on the cover of the Karamanlidika book XaCpeu Immjtpiv /te AQC AXe^ioq ... rsmprjiOQ EehavidtjgSEv tan: oAovvfiovodovp... 1872 the Greek edition of Mikra Eleni is recorded together with four other books, also in Greek, which were advertised as beneficial reading material for both adults and children 4 . To judge from the two books 5 , which I have established to have been

1 BOA, MF. M f r 57/86 (1295 C 19).

2 Evangelia Balta, Karamanlidika. Additions (1584-1900), Bibliographique analytique, Athènes 1987, no 59. 3 See http://www.benaki.Rr/bibliology/19.htm (HXwMIotëmi. ap. »1879.695, »1880.655, •1881.577,1886.293. 4 The announcement (ilan) was reproduced in the bibliographical entry of the Karamanlidika publication XaCpixi lotatjtpiv fir. AÇLC AXéÇioç ... L'sdipyioç £SÏTaviôtjçôsv tan oXovvpoùoSovp...

1872. See Evangelia Balta, Karamanlidika. Nouvelles Additions et compléments, I, Centre

d'Etudes d'Asie Mineure, Athènes 1997, no 37. 5 The two books are: a) UmòiKt] Bifi/.ioOr}Kr}. B'. O eprjpi-triç. ripoç yjitjrriv rmv al)j[fo>ôiSaicuKœv

axoÀEÎwv Mszà EiKovoypatpi(bv Ynó 1. A. Bperroù, Ev KrovoravnvoujióXei. 1872, Tujtoypwpeiov I. A. Bperroù, 06. XaiÇti-'I'omou Ap. 4; and b) Zmoloyia ôm Ta tcpoKampïiKà rr/u/rla Yitó rtjç Kvpiaç Mapiaç Kapjravxlèp AievOimpiaç zœv UpaKUKév Maôripàtmv. MeTayXdtTtamç SK zrjç [ m]C o tcùcov, Ev @cooaÀoviKti. Ek ttiç TiHtoypcKpiaç "H Maiœ8ovia", N. BayA«naW| 1872. These two books were identified on the basis

OTTOMAN EVIDENCE ON KARAMANLIDIKA EDITIONS

209

published in 1872, we should conclude that the Greek edition of Mikra Eleni was also published in 1872. In other words, it seems certain that another Greek edition did exist before that of 1877. Thanks to the evidence of two Karamanlidika editions we are informed of the existence of two Greek editions of Mikra Eleni - that of 1872 and that of 1877 - which are not, at present, known to be extant. The author of this children's book, Ioannis Vretos (Kea 1836 - Athens 1920), is known as the director of the journal Neologos of Constantinople. But his list of publications reveals that he also occupied himself with writing children's books and school books. 1 I have not uncovered any information about the translator, Stavros Grigoroglou from Incesu, beyond the fact that he was a resident of Mersin, as he notes after his name at the end of the introductory note. There he explains the reasons why he undertook the project: "H Mikra Eleni isminde kitabcaazi [kitabcagiz] kaleme alip, terciime ettim ki, vatammiz Anadolinin parthenageion/anna devam eden kiz sairtlerine /sakirtleriney, mesjrepiyetce bir faide olsun deyu".

on the bibliography in K. Delopoulos, llmSiKd Km veaviKafiifiiiaTOV 19OV aicbva, Athens 1995,

nos 486 and 496. 1 On LA. Vretos, see A. A. Antonopoulos, Oi EUifve? i?)f oOoifrnxucriq amoKpampiaq Km to AvazoXiKd Ztjtrjpa 1866-1881. H fiapwpia TOV Neokoyov TIJQ Koivg KoovaiavnvoiMtoi.ITv - EicSdaEic; TOOUKOTOI), Athens 2007,519-520.

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Kosmas Symeonoglou refered to in this introductory note was obviously the book's financier. Kosmas Symeonoglou from Zincidere had mills in Kayseri, a thread factory in Adana, and commercial enterprises in Mersin. He was a leading example of a Cappadocian who had managed to create a considerable fortune for himself. After the Asia Minor disaster, his sons, Aristidis and Alexandras, founded the Myloi Aghiou Georgiou (Saint George Mills) at Keratsini on the advice of Eleutherios Venizelos, while at the same time occupying themselves with business in Marseilles and other European cities. Their father, Kosmas Symeonoglou, appears to have been interested in the Karamanlidika press. In 1885 he purchased in advance 45 copies of the Karamanlidika edition of Xavier de Montepin's novel, La porteuse de pain, and the translator, Ilias Emmanouilidis, extends warm thanks to Kosmas Symeonoglou at the end of the third v o l u m e . '

1 "A la fin de ce volume, feuillet non chiffré contenant une adresse de remerciement du traducteur à "Kosman Efendi Syméonoglou, notable de Zindjidéré, commerçant des plus estimés d'Adana, qui, venu à Constantinople, souscrivit pour 45 exemplaires en les payant d'avance", see S. Salaville E. Dalleggio, Karamanlidika. Bibliographie analytique d'ouvrages en langue turque imprimés en caractères grecs, III (1866-1900), Athènes 1974, no 233.

OTTOMAN EVIDENCE ON KARAMANLIDIKA EDITIONS

211

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