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English Pages 218 [216] Year 2010
Between Russians, Ottomans, and Turks
Analecta Isisiana: Ottoman and Turkish Studies
33
A co-publication with The Isis Press, Istanbul, the series consists of collections of thematic essays focused on specific themes of Ottoman and Turkish studies. These scholarly volumes address important issues throughout Turkish history, offering in a single volume the accumulated insights of a single author over a career of research on the subject.
Between Russians, Ottomans, and Turks
Crimea and Crimean Tatars
Alan Fisher
The Isis Press, Istanbul
0ûr0ÎaS preSS 2010
Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2010 by The Isis Press, Istanbul Originally published in 1998 All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of The Isis Press, Istanbul. 2010
ISBN 978-1-61143-132-2
Reprinted from the 1998 Istanbul edition.
Printed in the United States of America
Alan Fisher received his Ph.D. at Columbia University in 1967, in Russian and Ottoman history. He studied with Mark Raeff, Tibor Halasi-Kun, Kathleen Burrill, Edward Allworth. and Enver Ziya Karal (who served as visiting professor at Columbia in the early 1960s). Author of two books: The Russian Annexation of the Crimea, I 772-1783, Cambridge University Press, 1970; and Crimean Tatars, Hoover Institution Press, 1978. The first appeared in Turkish translation, in serial form, in the Crimean Tatar journal Emel. He is Professor of History at Michigan State University, Chairman of the Board of the Institute of Turkish Studies, Vice-President of the American Research Institute in Turkey; elected Fellow of the Royal Historical Society; corresponding Fellow of the Turk Tarih Kurumu; former President of the Turkish Studies Association and former editor of its Bulletin.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introduction "Ottoman Sources f o r a Study of Kefe Vilayet: The Maliyeden MUdevver Fond in the Ba§bakanhk Argivi in Istanbul," Cahiers du Monde russe et soviétique, XIX/102, 1978, pp. 191-205 "Les rapports entre l'Empire Ottoman et la Crimée: L'aspect financier," Cahiers du Monde Russe et Soviétique, XIII/3, 1972, pp. 368-381 "The Ottoman Crimea in the Sixteenth Century," Harvard Ukrainian Studies, V/1, 1981, pp. 135-170 "The Ottoman Crimea in the Mid-Seventeenth Century: Some Problems and Preliminary Considerations," Harvard Ukrainian Studies, III/IV, 1979-1980, pp. 215-226 "Crimean Separatism in the Ottoman Empire," William W. Haddad and William Ochsenwald (eds). Nationalism in a Non-National State: The Dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, Ohio State University Press, Columbus, 1977, pp. 57-76 "§ahin Giray, the Reformer Khan, and the Russian Annexation of the Crimea," Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas, XV/3, 1967, pp. 341-364 "Social and Legal Aspects of Russian-Muslim Relations in the Nineteenth Century: The Case of the Crimean Tatars," Abraham Ascher, Tibor Halasi-Kun, Béla K. Kirâly (eds.), The Mutual Effects of the Islamic and Judeo-Christian Worlds: The East European Pattern, Brooklyn College Press, Brooklyn, 1979, PP- 77-92 "Ismail Gaspirali, Model Leader for Asia," Edward Allworth (ed), Tatars of the Crimea: Their Struggle for Survival, Duke University Press, Chapel Hill, 1988, pp. 11-26 "Ismail Bey Gasprinski, 1851-1914," §ura, nos. 21 (1 November 1914), 2.2 (15 November 1914), 23 (1 December 1914), 24 (15 December 1914), pp. 641-44, 673-75, 705-8, 737-41, respectively; translated by AF, in Edward Allworth (ed), Tatars of the Crimea: Their Struggle for Survival, Duke University Press, Chapel Hill, 1988, pp. 72-99 "The Crimean Tatars, the USSR, and Turkey," William O. McCagg, Jr., Brian D. Silver (eds), Soviet Asian Ethnic Frontiers, I'ergamon Press, New York, 1979, pp. 1-24
VII
1
19 35
67
79
93
123
137
153
177
INTRODUCTION
The
collapse
of
the U S S R
and
Yugoslavia,
followed
by
the
transformation of s o m e of their f o r m e r minorities into sovereign, majority states; the continued struggle of remaining minorities to follow suit, generally unsuccessfully to date and resulting in much bloodshed and suffering; and the appearance of a n u m b e r of interesting and skillful historical accounts of both successful and unsuccessful minorities have led me to reconsider s o m e of the work that I have d o n e on the C r i m e a n Tatars over the last 35 years. This introduction gives m e the opportunity to survey briefly what I wrote about the Tatars and how I would d o it differently today. A s I look back on my first work, written while a graduate student in both Russian and Ottoman history at Columbia University, I see that I inherited the prevailing view that large states determined historical development and rightly
so. Studies of the "small peoples" were subordinate to large multi-
national states — "the center" — of which they were a part. Thus, in the case of the Russian E m p i r e , most of us e x a m i n e d the policies of the central government towards the "minorities"; and we gave high marks to policies which successfully incorporated the minorities within the large whole. In the Ottoman case also, w e gave credit to governmental policies which w e v i e w e d as "tolerant" of minorities. In contrast, attitudes of the "small peoples" towards their rulers were virtually ignored. Even historians of the United States at the time almost completely concentrated on its dominant culture and, like their counterparts who
studied
the R u s s i a n
or O t t o m a n
Empires,
avoided
consideration of minorities within. Indeed, most A m e r i c a n a c a d e m i c s w h o worked on Russian imperial history viewed work on the minorities which was hostile to the Russian center as unproductive, and to use a term common today, "politically incorrect". In the light of views today, it was ironic that historians who ventured into the study of non-Russian peoples within the E m p i r e , and later within the U S S R , were almost automatically portrayed as politically conservative or hostile towards the USSR. Today, after the break-up of the Soviet Union and the divisions in the old Yugoslavia, the "mainstream" has shifted to a consideration of historical development from minority or "small people" points of view. 1 Before I concentrated specifically on the Crimean Tatars, I wrote a short piece 011 one episode in Russian history in which the leadership pursued a
^Certainly this is true in the study of United States' history, and for history both of the Russian Empire and the USSR. It is less so in the case of Ottoman history, w h e r e f o c u s remains on the center.
vm
CRIMEA
AND CRIMEAN
TATARS
tolerant policy t o w a r d s one large m i n o r i t y , and c o n c l u d e d that this w a s a g o o d e x a m p l e of "large-state success." 1 A t t h e time, I i n t e n d e d to f o l l o w this u p in m y dissertation, w h i c h w a s initially d e s i g n e d a r o u n d R u s s i a n policies t o w a r d s the V o l g a / K a z a n Tatars. Everything I h a d read in preparation f o r that w o r k had led m e to e x p e c t to f i n d c o n s i s t e n t l y " e n l i g h t e n e d " and "tolerant", a n d thus, " s u c c e s s f u l " policy resulting in a general level of satisfaction by these T a t a r s ' leaders within the larger Russian multi-national state. T o my d i s m a y , after s t u d y i n g R u s s i a n and O t t o m a n T u r k i s h , a n d K a z a n T a t a r , and r e a d i n g all a v a i l a b l e s e c o n d a r y literature and p u b l i s h e d p r i m a r y s o u r c e s o n t h e s u b j e c t , I learned f r o m m y m e n t o r s that it w a s unlikely that I w o u l d r e c e i v e r e s e a r c h p e r m i s s i o n f r o m the U S S R a u t h o r i t i e s to c o n d u c t r e s e a r c h in K a z a n , and also unlikely that I c o u l d w o r k o n that s u b j e c t in t h e libraries and archives in Leningrad and M o s c o w . So, a l m o s t at t h e last m o m e n t , I decided to g o to Istanbul to w o r k in t h e B a § b a k a n h k Ar§ivi [hereafter B. A.], in the s u m m e r of 1 9 6 5 . 1 hoped to b e able to f i n d e v i d e n c e , p r o m i s e d by R u s s i a n and Soviet historians, f o r close relations b e t w e e n the O t t o m a n s and the K a z a n T a t a r s , and particularly on e f f o r t s by t h e O t t o m a n s to i n f l u e n c e the Tatars a g a i n s t their g o v e r n m e n t . T h e r e , again to my d i s g r u n t l e m e n t , I f o u n d that the K a z a n T a t a r s and the O t t o m a n s had had n o close relations, indeed virtually n o relations at all. T h e R u s s i a n and Soviet historians had misled me. I w a s in a very a w k w a r d position, and had to q u i c k l y c h a n g e my f o c u s to o n e f o r w h i c h there w a s e v i d e n c e to e x a m i n e , the e n o r m o u s a m o u n t of e v i d e n c e f o r relations b e t w e e n t h e O t t o m a n s and the C r i m e a n T a t a r s . It was in this w a y that I f o u n d the C r i m e a n T a t a r s as m y s u b j e c t f o r study. Fortunately I h a d b y n o w t h e l a n g u a g e s f o r this s e c o n d , related area, and I w a s working in the O t t o m a n archives during a "golden" period f o r r e s e a r c h . 2 Since I had already read f o r my initial topic in the 18th century, I decided to work in the B.A. on t h e last years of the C r i m e a n K h a n a t e , the R u s s o - O t t o m a n w a r s of the late 18th century, and t h e Russian a n n e x a t i o n of C r i m e a and the C r i m e a n Tatars. T h e f i r s t piece that I wrote on this subject [# 7 in this v o l u m e ] w a s an o u t g r o w t h of that d i s s e r t a t i o n , w h i c h itself w a s published a f e w years later. W h i l e writing this d i s s e r t a t i o n , I d i s c o v e r e d that little or n o t h i n g had been written a b o u t the annexation by O t t o m a n or Turkish scholars. A k d e s N i m e t K u r a t had included this topic in his m o r e general survey of R u s s i a n -
' "Enlightened Despotism and Islam Under Catherine II", Slavic Review, XXVII/4, 1968, pp. 542553. T h i s was an outgrowth of an essay I wrote early in m y graduate career, in 1963, and w a s published only after m y work on the Tatars had begun. * T h e B.A. archive staff, especially Turgut I§iksal and Midhat Sertoglu, were extremely cordial, friendly, and gave m e much personal assistance and attention. In those days it w a s even possible for a researcher to make his own microfilm copies of documents! 3 The Russian Annexation of the Crimea, 1772-1783 ( C a m b r i d g e Univ. Press, 1970). T h i s w a s subsequently published in Turkish, in installments, in the Crimean Tatar emigré journal, Emel, in Istanbul.
I N T R O D U C T I O N
IX
Ottoman relations, but only marginally and without detail. 1 A number of Ottoman chronicles and accounts gave useful information, but none dealt in detail with the Russian annexation nor with the period of Crimean "independence" between 1772 and 1783. 2 Russian and Ottoman, and Soviet and Turkish historians, for the most part, had seen the two large states as the major players in events, and the "small peoples" between as peripheral, however interesting. In addition, Turkology had been an important discipline in Russia and the USSR, and some significant studies of Ottoman history had been made by Russian historians, and in the process a few had looked at Crimean history as well, using Ottoman and Tatar chronicles, and archival sources which were housed in Moscow, St. Petersburg, and Odessa. 3
' A k d e s Nimet Kurat, Türkiye ve Rusya: XVIII. Yüzyü Sonundan Kurtulu$ Savanna Kadar Tiirk(1798-1919) (Ankara, 1970); his later study, IV-XVI1I YUzyillarda Karadeniz Rus ili§ikleri Kuzeyindeki Türk Kavimleri ve Devletleri (Ankara, 1972), treated Crimean Tatars as one of m a n y "Turkish" groups in the North Black Sea area, and downplayed the fact that these Tatars had their own sovereign state and distinct culture. 9 " F o r example, ' A b d a l - G a f f a r Kirimi, 'Umdat al-tawarikh, ed. N. A s i m , in supplement to Tarih Osmani Mecmuasi (Istanbul, 1343/1924); A h m e t Cevdet, Tarih-i Cevdet (Istanbul, 1854-1891), 12 vols., but esp. Vols I a n d II; S a ' d u l l a h E n v e r i (mss. H . 0 . 101, 105 , 2 0 1 - 2 0 2 , in the Österreichisches Staatsbibliothek); Halim Giray Sultan, GUlbün-ü Hanan Yakut Kirim Tarihi (Istanbul, 1909); Mehmed Necati Efendi, Rusya Sefaretnamesi published both in Turkish (partial); F. Unat (ed.), "Kirim Tarihi v e y a Necati Efendinin Rusya Sefaretnamesi", Tarih Vesikalari, III, pp. 60-68, 137-149, 222-229; and in Russian (full), V.E. Smirnov (ed.), "Zapiski M u k h a m m e d a Nedzhati-Efendi: Turetskago Plennago v Rossii v 1771-1775 g g . , " R u s s k a i a Starina, March 1894, pp. 179-208, April 1894, pp. 113-134, and May, 1894, pp. 144-169; Mustafa Nuri Pa^a, Netaic UlVukuat (Istanbul, 1909), 4 vols.; A h m e t Resmi, Hülusal ül-Ihtibar (Istanbul, 1869); and A h m e t Väsif Efendi, Mehasin al-Asar ve Hakaik al-Ahbar (Cairo, Bulak, 1830), 2 vols. D. Smirnov's two volumes, Krymskoe Khantstvo pod verkhovenstvom Ottomanskoi Porty do nachala XVIII veka (St. P e t e r s b u r g , 1887), and Krymskoe Khanstvo pod verkhovenstvom Ottomanskoi Porty v XVIII stoletii (Odessa, 1889), were far more detailed, and sophisticated, than either his Soviet successors or A . N. Kurat's volumes. V. V. Veliaminov-Zernov and H ü s e y n Feyzhanoglu published materials on the Crimean Tatars housed in the Moscow State Archives of the Ministry of Foreign A f f a i r s , Materialy dlia istorii krymskogo khanstvo izvlechennykh iz Moskovskogo Glavnogo Arkhiva Ministerstva Inostrannykh Del (St. Petersburg, 1864). Other Russians, w h o were both skilled Turcologists and historians, included A. Borzenko, V. Brun. F. Lashkov, A. Markevich, A . Negri, S. Shapshal, A. Skal'kovskii, and S. D. Smirnov. Boris Nolde included the Russian annexation of the Crimea, and the developments which led up to it, in his La formation de 1'empire russe (Paris, 1952-1953), 2 vols. Of course there was the short survey of Crimean Tatar history by Hammer-Purgstall, though it paled by comparison with those of Smirnov: J. von Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte der Chane der Krim unter Osmanischer Herrschaft (Vienna, 1856). A number of Soviet historians wrote about the Crimean Tatars, though most, until recently, w e r e expected to present the Tatars in the most unfavorable light possible, since Stalin had attempted to eliminate them as a nationality. A m o n g those w h o were Turcologists, and thus could use Tatar and Ottoman sources, were: N. A. Smirnov, Rossiia i turtsiia v XVIXVII vv. ( M o s c o w , 1946), 2 vols.; A. A. Novosel'skii, Bor'ha Moskovskgo gosudarstva s Tatarami vpervoipoknine XVII veka (Moscow, 1948); and M, A. Alekberli, Bor'ha ukrainskogo naroda protiv turetskotatarskoi agressii (Saratov, 1961). Important to m y studies w e r e the works of C. M. Kortepeter: "Gazi Giray II, Khan of the Crimea, and Ottoman Policy in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus," Slavonic and East European Review, XLIV, 1966; "Ottoman Imperial Policy and the Economy of the Black Sea Region in the Sixteenth Century", Journal of the American Oriental Society, L X X X V I , 1966; and, later, his book, Ottoman Imperialism During the Reformation: Europe and the Caucasus (New Y o r k , 1973). Most valuable f o r m y research, a f t e r the B.A., w a s the collection of Russian and T a t a r documents edited by N. F. Dubrovin, on the Russian annexation: N. F. D u b r o v i n , Prisoedinenia Kryma k Rossii: reskripty, pis'ma, reliatsii, doneseniia iSt. Petersburg, 1885-1889), 4 vols. Several Crimean Tatar historians a l s o p u b l i s h e d i m p o r t a m collections of documents during the short period of Tatar independent life in the 1920s, especially O. Ak^okrakly and A. Ozenba^li.
X
C R I M E A
A N D
C R I M E A N
T A T A R S
It was in the process of writing that dissertation, that I began to see that it was important to view ev ents, not only f r o m the capitals of the large states, but f r o m within the society of the smaller peoples between. I felt uncomfortable doing so, for I still hoped to be able, at some future time, to conduct research in Soviet archives, and wanted lo be careful not to unnecessarily antagonize Soviet scholars, who, in those days, did not mind one concentrating on the condition of minorities in other states, but did not appreciate scholarly attention towards their own minorities. Attitudes of Turkish historians towards the topic of the Crimean Tatars were more accepting, perhaps since I was working on "someone else's" minorities. When working on the Russian annexation, I discovered that the Crimean k h a n , in theory a "vassal" of the O t t o m a n sultan, had s u p e r v i s e d
an
administration that w a s large a n d c o m p l e x , and had ruled a "state" which behaved independently of Ottoman policy. One important aspect of this seemed to be tied to the fiscal relationships between the Ottomans and the Crimeans. T h e source materials in the B.A., and occasionally in Ottoman chronicles, 1 led to the next stage in this study (# 3 in this volume). Interestingly, I found that these relationships were quite different from those between the Ottomans and any other of their "vassals 1 ' or subjects. T h i s evidence suggested that the Crimeans were viewed from Istanbul in a special light, as associated with them but independent. It was an interesting discovery, and enough to satisfy me on the subject of the Crimea f o r several years. I m o v e d on to other areas and I b e c a m e interested in the problems "small" nations and states had in maintaining their identities in w o r l d s where the "big states" appeared to d e t e r m i n e historic developments. Again, the Tatars sprang to mind. How small states perceive themselves led m e back to the study of the Crimean Tatars [with project # 6 in this volume], this time focusing on C r i m e a n - O t t o m a n relations f r o m the Crimean perspective. At this time, with the exception of the "French team",
' i would have preferred to have c o m b i n e d this study with o n e on O t t o m a n - C r i m e a n political relations, but 1 was never granted p e r m i s s i o n to work in the archives of the T o p k a p i Sarayi [indeed, that is o n e trove of documents w h i c h has remained closed to m e j w h e r e many of those diplomatic and political materials ire preserved. W e are very fortunate that a group of French scholars were permitted to study the T o p k a p i materials on the Crimea which they published in facsimile, translation, and with important and interesting analyses. See: A l e x a n d r e B e n n i g s e n , Pertev Naili Boratav, Dilek Desaive, and Chantai Lemercier-Quelquejay, Le khanat de Crimée dans les archives du musée de Topkapi (Paris and La Haye, 1978). Dilek Desaive published a fascinating series of diplomatie correspondence between the Ottomans and the C r i m e a n s in "Le khanat de Crimée et padichahs ottomans dans les registres des name-i hiimayun," Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique, XIII. 1972, pp. 560-583. A n d Dilek Desaive and Ô z a l p G ô k b i l g i n wrote an account of fiscal and political relations surrounding o n e particular period of C r i m e a n history in "Le khanat d e Crimée et ies c a m p a g n e s militaires de l'Empire Ottoman — fin du X V I I e début du XVIIIe siècle," Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique, XI, 1970, pp. 110-117. AU but the last of these were published too late for m e to use in my project, but have been e n o r m o u s l y helpful in the years since.
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most historians believed that the Crimean Tatars had been totally subservient to the Ottoman before 1772, and had virtually disappeared within the Russian Empire after 1783. However, evidence on the Crimean side suggested that the Tatars saw themselves as distinct and independent before 1772, and that they had continued to maintain their identity after 1783, albeit no longer independent. The nature of the fiscal relations between the Crimeans and the Ottomans had supported this view, perhaps had prompted me to rethink what I had originally argued in my dissertation/book, and now opened up new possibilities lor understanding the realities of their relations. T h e traditional viewpoint, and my original one, had been based on several explanations. Since Ottoman dynastic ideology made claims for Osmanli descent f r o m Ghengis K h a n , at least politically, the Ottoman government found it inconvenient to recognize the Crimean Giray dynasty of khans as the "true" successors [ideologically, politically, and perhaps even biologically] of Ghengis Khan. 1 T h e main problem with this argument was that Crimean chronicles and histories, which d i s c u s s e d the Tatars in the 16th through 18th centuries, suggested that Crimean intellectuals, sensing an Ottoman expectation of subservient status, felt compelled to defend Tatar independence, and to explain it. 2 In 1976 I put together all of the various ideas I had come up with about the Crimean Tatars w h e n the invitation to write a "survey" of their history arrived. In order to do so, I had to learn a great deal about the Tatar experience
' H a l i l Inalcik's "Yeni V e s i k a l a r a Gore Kirim Hanliginin O s m a n l i T a b i l i g i n e G i r m e s i ve A h i d n a m e Meselesi", Belleten, V1II/31, 1944, pp. 185-229, helped m e understand the realities of Ottoman-Crimean relationships at the start. His "Power Relationships Between Russia, T h e Crimea and the Ottoman Empire as Reflected in Titulature", in Ch. Lemercier-Quelquejay, G. Veinstein, and S. E. W i m b u s h (eds.), Passé Turco-Tatar Présent Soviétique, Études offertes à Alexandre Bennigsen (Louvain-Paris, 1986), pp. 175-211, w a s published after I had m o v e d on f r o m this subject, but further corroborated the necessity of looking at events f r o m Bahçesaray as well as from Istanbul. ' ' A m o n g these Crimean works, most interesting were: Halim Giray Sultan, Gulbun-u Hanan Yahud Kmm Tarihi (Istanbul 1909) — written in 1811; Ozalp Gokbilgin (ed.), Tarih-i Sahib Giray Han (Ankara, 1973) — written soon after 1551; Tevarih-i Dest-i Kipçak (published by A n a n i a s z Z a j a c z k o w s k i as La chronique des steppes kiptchak ( W a r s a w , 1966); Kirimli Haci M e h m e d Sena'i, 111. Islam Giray Han Tarihi [published by Olgierd Gorka and Zbigniew Wojcik (eds.), Hadzy Mehmed Senai z K r y m u , Historia Chana Islam Gereja III (Warsaw, 1971)] — written in the 1650s; Seyyid M e h m e d Riza, Al-Sab' al-sayyar fi akhbar al-muluk al-Tatar (ed by Mirza Kazembek, as Seiid M u k h a m m e d Riza, Asseh' o-sseiiar' Hi sem'planet (Kazan, 1832) — written in the 1750s, and served as o n e of the main sources f o r V.D. S m i r n o v ' s volumes. T h e m a n y pieccs written by Halil Inalcik on the Tatars and their khans have been of great help to me, as well; in addition to those cited above, in the Encyclopaedia of Islam, "Dawlat Giray," "Ghazi Giray I," "Ghazi Giray II," " H a d j d j i Giray;" and in Islam Ansiklopedisi, "Giray," and "Kirim Hanligi"; "The khan and the tribal aristocracy," Harvard Ukrainian Studies, III-IV, 1979-80; B. F. Manz, "The clans of the C r i m e a n Khanate", Harvard Ukrainian Studies, II/3, 1878, pp. 282-309. Publication of Crimean T a t a r diplomatic correspondence with other states and discussion of their language include: Z. A b r a h a m o w i c , " D o k u m e n t y tatarskie i t u r e c k i e w zbiorach polskich," Przeglad orientalistyczny, X, 1954, pp. 141-148; Mary Ivanics, "Formal and linguistic peculiarities of seventeenth-century C r i m e a n Tatar letters addressed to princes of T r a n s y l v a n i a , " Acta orientalia (Hungary), X X I X , 1975, pp. 213-224; and J. Matuz, Krimtatarische Urkunden im Reichsarchiv zu Kopenhagen (Freiburg, 1976).
Xlt
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AND CRIMEAN
TATARS
a f t e r their a n n e x a t i o n by R u s s i a , a n d I entered here u n f a m i l i a r g r o u n d . In t h e p r o c e s s I d i s c o v e r e d the extent to w h i c h western s c h o l a r s h i p on the history of the U S S R h a d b e c o m e p o l i t i c i z e d , f o r at that t i m e , to f o c u s o n R u s s i a n minorities was seen as politically conservative. In retrospect, and with a certain w r y h u m o r , I see it is ironic, in light of the 1980s and 9 0 s and d e v e l o p m e n t a n d a t t i t u d e s t o w a r d s t h e study of t h e b r e a k - u p of Y u g o s l a v i a a n d t h e C h e c h e n problem.1 I learned a lot a b o u t the T a t a r s in studying their p o s t - 1 7 8 3 history. I m e t a n u m b e r of C r i m e a n Tatars l i v i n g in T u r k e y , a n d c a m e t o a p p r e c i a t e t h e i r d i f f i c u l t i e s in retaining their T a t a r culture in a society which e x p e c t e d t h e m t o a s s i m i l a t e i n t o t h e l a r g e r T u r k i s h p e o p l e . T h e q u e s t i o n of a c c u l t u r a t i o n , rejection, assimilation or retention of a separate identity s e e m e d to m e to be an i m p o r t a n t one, a n d here was a very s p e c i f i c e x a m p l e to e x a m i n e . I b e g a n a c o m p a r i s o n of t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of C r i m e a n T a t a r life in t h e U S S R a n d in T u r k e y ; in the f o r m e r they e x p e r i e n c e d r e p r e s s i o n , in t h e latter strong e n c o u r a g e m e n t s f o r assimilation. In n e i t h e r case, would T a t a r identity survive easily. 2 D u r i n g 1 9 7 6 - 7 7 in Istanbul I d i s c o v e r e d a n u m b e r of d o c u m e n t s and r e g i s t e r s c o n t a i n i n g i n f o r m a t i o n o n that p o r t i o n of the C r i m e a n p e n i n s u l a w h i c h w a s directly u n d e r O t t o m a n administration. I w a s particularly interested in the question: w h a t of the p e n i n s u l a w a s actually controlled by the O t t o m a n s a n d what w a s u n d e r the Khan's a u t h o r i t y ? I f o u n d it e x t r e m e l y d i f f i c u l t , e v e n with the large a m o u n t of O t t o m a n s o u r c e s relating to their C r i m e a n holdings, to a n s w e r this q u e s t i o n , though I tried in # 4 and # 5 in this v o l u m e . 3 O n e of the
' T h e book was published in 1978 the first of what would in t i m e b e c o m e the series w h i c h included works on the Volga Tatars, v a r i o u s Baltic and Central Asian peoples: Alan Fisher, Crimean Tatars (Stanford, Hoover Institution Press, 1978); others were on the Volga Tatars by Azade-Ay§e Rorlich; Kazakhs by Martha Brill Olcott; Estonians by Toivo U. R a u n ; Georgians byRonald Grigor Suny; Uzbeks by Edward Allworth; Azeris by Audrey L. Allstadt; and Latvians by Andrejs Plakans. ^ T h e r e s u l t w a s # 1 1 , in t h i s v o l u m e . 3
T h e comparable archives of the Khanate had disappeared early in this century, though some of them had been studied by F. Lashkov, "Arkhivnyia dannyia o beilikakh v krymskom khanslve," Arkheologicheskii S'ezd: Trudy, V I / 4 , 1889, pp. 9 6 - 1 1 0 ; "Istoricheskii o c h e r k k r y m s k o tatarskago zemlevladeniia," Zapiski imperatorskago odesskago obshchestva istorii i drevnostei, XXIII, 1895, pp. 71-117; "Sbornik d o k u m c n t o v po istorii krymsko-tatarskago zemlevladeniia", Izvestiia tavricheskago uchennagc arkhivnago kommissii, X X V I , 1897, pp. 24-154. F r e n c h colleagues, led by Gilles Veinstein. w e r e also working on this subject, and published extremely interesting work on the Crimea. These included: M. Berindei and G. Veinstein, "La p r é s e n c e ottomane au sud de la Crimée et en mer d'Azov dans la première moitié du XVIe siècle," Cahiers du monde ruses et soviétique, XX. 1979, pp. 389-465; Ibid. "Règlements fiscaux et fiscalité de la province de B e n d e r - A q k e r m a n ( 1 5 7 0 ) , " Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique, XXII, 1981, pp. 251-328; G. Veinstein, "L'occupation o t t o m a n e d'Ocakov et le problème de la frontière lituanotatare, 1538-1544," Ch. L e m e r c i e r Q u e l q u e j a y , G. Veinstein, and S. E. W i m b u s h , op. cit.. p p . 123-155; Ibid., La révolte des mirza tatare contre le Khan, 1724-1725," Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique, XII, 1971, pp. 327-328. Ibid., "Règlements de Siileyman 1er concernant le livà' de K e f e , " Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique, XVI, 1975, pp. 57-104; Ibid., Les tatars de Crimée et la seconde élection d e Stanislas l.eszczynski', Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique, XI, 1970, pp. 24-92; and Ibid., "Missionaircs j é s u i t e s et agents f r a n ç a i s en Crimée au début du X V I I I e siècle," Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique, X, 1969, pp. 416-442.
I N T R O D U C T I O N
xra
great difficulties I encountered on this topic was the inadequacy of "finding tools" in the B.A. in those years. Well over half my time in the archives was spent in searching for materials that were relevant to the subject. A s a result, I published a "guide" to the materials that I did uncover [#2 in this volume], much of which I did not have the time to examine in sufficient detail to use in my project; yet I hoped at the time, and still hope that it would be of use to other scholars. I also hoped that others, possessing the same sort of "guide" for their own research topics, would make them available to others in the same manner. This still remains a good idea, I think, to further the discipline. Finally, a conference at Columbia University on the Crimean Tatars, led by Edward Allworth, gave m e the opportunity to consider anew the role that Ismail Gaspirali had played in Crimean intellectual development and in Islamic modernism in Central Asia, resulting in items #9 and # 1 0 in this volume. I knew of the significant work done by Edward Lazzerini on Tatar intellectual lif e, and now was even m o r e impressed with his sophisticated treatment of the subject, also presented at this conference. Should one read his work, and then these t w o items of m i n e , it will be evident that I w a s able to add only marginally to what w e know about Ismail Bey. 1 What m o r e d o w e know now about the Crimean T a t a r s than when I began researching and writing about them 35 years ago? First of all, the Tatars, themselves, have transformed the subject by forcing a reconsideration of their place in R u s s i a , a n d since the c o l l a p s e of the U S S R , in U k r a i n e and Kazakhstan. It is worth repeating here a portion of the introduction I wrote in 1977 for my book on the Crimean Tatars to see how much has changed in the interim. 2
' E d w a r d Lazzerini's P h . D . dissertation, "Ismail B e y Gasprinskii a n d M u s l i m Modernism in Russia," University of Washington, 1973, is a model of doctoral work, and in m y opinion s:ill deserves to be published on its own. His articles, "Gadidism at the Turn of the Twentieth Century: A View f r o m Within", Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique, 1975, pp. 245-277; "Ismail B e y Gasprinskii (Gaspirali), the Discourse of Modernism, and the Russians," in the same volume as m y t w o pieces, pp. 149-169; "Tatarovedenie and the ' N e w Historiography' in the USSR: revising the interpretation of the Tatar-Russian relationship," Slavic Review, XL, 1981, pp. 625-635, "Ethnicity and the uses of history: the case of the Volga Tatars and Jadidism, " Central Asian Survey, I, 198283, pp. 61-69, and "The Revival of Islamic Culture in Pre-Revolutionary Russia: Or, Why a P r o s o p o g r a p h y of the T a t a r UlemaV Ch. L e m e r c i e r - Q u e l q u e j a y , G. Veinstein, and S. E. Wimbush (eds.), op. cit., pp. 367 372. continue his high level of scholarship. See also M. Mobin Shorish, "Traditional I s l a m i c Education in Central Asia Prior to 1917," in Ch. LemercierQuelquejay, G. Veinstein, and S. Hi. Wimbush (eds.), op. cit., pp. 317-343. 2 A l a n Fisher, Crimean Tatars (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1978), pp. xi-xii.
XIV
CRIMEA
AND C R I M E A N
TATARS
"The C r i m e a n T a t a r s a r e t o d a y a n a t i o n a l i t y living in a D i a s p o r a . D e n i e d the right to return to their h o m e l a n d in the C r i m e a n p e n i n s u l a , their c o m m u n i t i e s are s c a t t e r e d t h r o u g h o u t the U S S R , t h e T u r k i s h R e p u b l i c , a n d the West. L i k e o t h e r nationalities that h a v e e x p e r i e n c e d the s a m e disasters (the J e w s c o m e to m i n d ) , the T a t a r s ' claim t o national identity a n d a national h o m e a r e b a s e d on h i s t o r i c a l , c u l t u r a l , a n d linguistic foundations. " A p p e a r i n g f i r s t in t h e C r i m e a in t h e t h i r t e e n t h a n d f o u r t e e n t h centuries, t h e C r i m e a n T a t a r s soon d i s p l a c e d the existing political and cultural entities with their o w n ; they established their first state there in the m i d d l e of t h e f i f t e e n t h c e n t u r y . F r o m that t i m e until t h e R u s s i a n a n n e x a t i o n of t h e p e n i n s u l a in 1783, the C r i m e a n T a t a r s o r g a n i z e d and lived in a state, called the C r i m e a n K h a n a t e , that w a s ruled by their o w n G i r a y d y n a s t y . F r o m 1 7 8 3 until 1918, the T a t a r s l i v e d w i t h i n the Russian E m p i r e as subjects of t h e tsars. " D u r i n g t h e latter p e r i o d , t h e T a t a r s w e r e d i s p l a c e d g r a d u a l l y b y immigrating Slavic settlers, o f f i c i a l s , and l a n d o w n e r s . D e s p i t e c o n c e r t e d e f f o r t s by their Russian rulers to eliminate T a t a r culture and identity and to a s s i m i l a t e t h e m into t h e f a b r i c of R u s s i a n society, t h e T a t a r s w e r e able to p r e s e r v e their n a t i o n a l a w a r e n e s s . W i t h the fall of t h e tsarist s y s t e m , the T a t a r s w e r e t e m p o r a r i l y s u c c e s s f u l in r e e s t a b l i s h i n g their o w n state and i n d e p e n d e n t society. But the a d v e n t of B o l s h e v i k p o w e r soon put an end to their s u c c e s s , if not to their efforts. "Since 1920, the C r i m e a n Tatars h a v e e x p e r i e n c e d o n e c a l a m i t y a f t e r another: collectivization a n d its related f a m i n e s , the e l i m i n a t i o n of their political a n d cultural elites b e t w e e n 1928 a n d 1939, the r a v a g e s of w a r a n d o c c u p a t i o n frw 1941 t o 1 9 4 4 , a n d f i n a l l y , t h e i r w h o l e s a l e deportation to remote a r e a s of the U S S R w h e r e they now reside. [Had I the vocabulary n o w popular, 1 w o u l d have called this "ethnic cleansing."] Y e t there h a v e been d e v e l o p m e n t s in t h e T a t a r c o m m u n i t y t h a t s h o w a c c o m p l i s h m e n t in the f a c e of adversity — d e v e l o p m e n t s that s h o w that the T a t a r s possess a l m o s t u n e q u a l e d c o u r a g e to struggle f o r w h a t they c o n s i d e r to be a just solution to their problems. A p p l y i n g pressure u p o n the Soviet authorities w h o w e r e responsible f o r the denial of their national e x i s t e n c e , they h a v e s u c c e e d e d in the y e a r s s i n c e 1944 in gaining partial restitution of w h a t w a s taken f r o m t h e m by Stalin. In 1967, in a d e c r e e issued by t h e Soviet g o v e r n m e n t , t h e c h a r g e s m a d e against the T a t a r s in 1944 w e r e r e m o v e d ; they were "rehabilitated" as a nationality. Y e t their r e h a b i l i t a t i o n w a s virtually m e a n i n g l e s s , f o r t h e p u n i s h m e n t s under which t h e y s u f f e r e d w e r e not r e m o v e d . T h e y c a n n o t return to their h o m e l a n d . T h e i r national and cultural rights remain denied to them, and their struggle f o r these rights continues today."
INTRODUCTION Fortunately, I w a s then overly pessimistic. Like others at t h e time, I did not suspect that the U S S R would disappear, and that this d i s a p p e a r a n c e w o u l d o f f e r the Tatars, and m a n y other f o r m e r Soviet nationalities, the opportunity to reestablish their national identity and c o m m u n i t y on m o d e r n t e r m s . M a n y h a v e been able to return to t h e C r i m e a n peninsula, though their national o u t c o m e is still in d o u b t . T h e r e s e e m s little l i k e l i h o o d that U k r a i n e will p e r m i t the reestablishment of an o r g a n i z e d T a t a r c o m m u n i t y there. B u t t h o s e Tatars w h o are nationally active are b e g i n n i n g to recreate Tatar culture. If I w e r e g o i n g t o w r i t e a n e w edition of m y b o o k o n t h e C r i m e a n T a t a r s , I w o u l d cast it quite differently, as a result of what I h a v e learned in the i n t e r v e n i n g y e a r s , b o t h f r o m my o w n r e s e a r c h , but e s p e c i a l l y f r o m w h a t c o l l e a g u e s h a v e w r i t t e n , and c o n t i n u e to w r i t e on the s u b j e c t . First, I w o u l d place t h e m m o r e in the international contexts in which they lived - between t w o l a r g e a n d e x p a n s i v e s t a t e s , a n d as an i m p o r t a n t part in t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l e c o n o m y of the sixteenth and s e v e n t e e n t h centuries. S e c o n d , I w o u l d let their own chroniclers and historians tell m o r e of their story, particularly in the period before 1783, and d e p e n d less on what their Russian and O t t o m a n c o n t e m p o r a r i e s had to say about them. T h i r d , I would concentrate, in the 19th c e n t u r y , on those remaining Crimean T a t a r institutions which contributed to their survival, a g a i n s t c o n s i d e r a b l e o d d s . F o u r t h , I w o u l d i n c l u d e in m y s t u d y of s o u r c e materials f o r C r i m e a n T a t a r history visual and "material cultural" sources, and n o l o n g e r d e p e n d so entirely on written survivals. Fifth, I w o u l d take advantage of the gradual o p e n i n g of the f o r m e r S o v i e t archives to f i n d the Soviet side of their T a t a r r e p r e s s i o n , b e f o r e 1940; I w o u l d then be able to p l a c e the T a l a r e x p e r i e n c e within the larger context of Soviet repression of minority cultures. A n d f i n a l l y , I w o u l d b r i n g their story u p to date, with the b e g i n n i n g of their return to their h o m e l a n d . I w a n t to t h a n k all t h o s e w h o h a v e h e l p e d m e in m y c a r e e r , in m y studies a n d r e s e a r c h e s , and writing. T h i s includes m y m e n t o r s : M a r c R a e f f , T i b o r H a l a s i - K u n , E n v e r Ziya K a r a l w h o w a s a visiting p r o f e s s o r , E d w a r d Allworth, and Kathleen
Burrill at C o l u m b i a ; m y f e l l o w s t u d e n t s ,
and
s u b s e q u e n t l y p r o f e s s i o n a l colleagues: G u s t a v Bayerle, T o m G o o d r i c h , D i k r a n K o u y u m j i a n , B r u c e M c G o w a n ; m y w i f e Carol w h o was with m e in Istanbul on all m y research trips, a n d w h o s e s c h o l a r s h i p on O t t o m a n art s h o w e d m e h o w i m p o r t a n t visual s o u r c e material is to an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of a s o c i e t y ; and our c h i l d r e n , Elisa, C h r i s t y , and Garrett, w h o w e r e with us on all but the first of our Istanbul stays. I a l s o would like to thank m y parents, S y d n e y and Elizabeth [Scipio] Fisher and her parents, Lynn and Margaret Scipio f o r m a k i n g T u r k e y a part of my " g r o w i n g - u p " y e a r s — t h e S c i p i o s had g o n e to C o n s t a n t i n o p l e in 1912, r e m a i n i n g until 1942, w h e r e L y n n served as D e a n of t h e E n g i n e e r i n g School
at R o b e r t C o l l e g e ; S y d n e y w a s a tutor there in t h e late 1920s a n d earfy
1930s, and taught O t t o m a n history until his retirement.
OTTOMAN SOURCES FOR A STUDY OF KEFE VILAYET: THE MALIYEDEN MUDEWER FOND IN THE BA§BAKANLIK AR§IVI IN ISTANBUL
One need not emphasize to readers of this journal the potential value of the Ottoman sources in the Ba§bakanhk Argivi in Istanbul for the study of East European and Russian history. Indeed it may well be that CMRS has played the most significant role in publicising their importance, and has contained within its issues ample evidence of their utilization. Yet the work of exploring these sources has only begun. An enormous obstacle for many historians who work in these archives is the lack of scientific catalogues and references, prepared according to modern archival standards and principles. Although a massive revision of the existing catalogues has been underway for several years, it may be a few more years before the task is completed and the results made available to researchers. It is for this reason that I want to share with my colleagues the simplified catalogue that I have made, on one subject and from one large fond of registers in the archives. I do this in the hope that (1) it will publicise the variety and quantity of documentary evidence available on this subject; (2) make it at least somewhat easier for my colleagues to approach this subject, and (3) persuade my colleagues to share their "catalogues" too. The task of examining the Ottoman sources is so immense that only quasi teamwork will bring forth fruitful results in our lifetime. The documents and registers are so many and so difficult to find that it makes no sense to proceed in the "old-fashioned" way of withholding knowledge of this or that source "until one finds time in the future to utilize it himself". Without an increase in "team" efforts, we will each be examining and describing "grains of sand on a beach". *
The following list of Ottoman registers is selected from the Maliyeden Mudevver classification in the Ba§bakanlik Ar§ivi in Istanbul and includes financial sources concerned with Ottoman holdings along the northern shore of the Black Sea, from O/ii (Ochakov) to Azak (Azov), including Ottoman
2
CRIMEA
AND CRIMEAN
TATARS
territory on the C r i m e a n p e n i n s u l a w h i c h m a d e u p K e f e vilayet. A m o n g t h e places included are Sogudak ( S u d a k ) Baliklagu (Baliklava), M a n k u p , K a m a n i 9 e ( K a m e n e t s - P o d o l s k ) , T e m r i i k , T a m a n , Ker§ ( K e r c h ) , O r ( P e r e k o p ) , K i l b u r u n (Kinburn), Aco, and Kale-i cedid (Yenikale). It includes also s o m e sources a b o u t the C r i m e a n Tatars. O n these s u b j e c t s the earliest register I h a v e f o u n d in this classification is # 3 3 4 ( T i m a r s f o r K e f e ) f r o m 9 0 3 / 1 4 9 7 . I did n o t include in m y "catalogue" any r e g i s t e r s f o r t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , since m o s t of this territory w a s n o longer O t t o m a n . B u t there well m a y b e some. T h e Maliyeden
Miidevver
c l a s s i f i c a t i o n c o n s i s t s of s o m e
24,000
r e g i s t e r s , s o m e s m a l l , others as l a r g e as 2 2 0 0 f o l i o s . A t h r e e - v o l u m e t y p e d c a t a l o g u e exists, c o v e r i n g the dates to 1066/1655. But I h a v e d i s c o v e r e d quite a n u m b e r of additional registers f o r t h o s e d a t e s not included in the c a t a l o g u e . W h a t I h a v e used instead as m y s o u r c e are t h e b o x e s of f i c h e s o r g a n i z e d a c c o r d i n g to the type of register. E a c h fiche is handwritten in O s m a n l i , s o m e are blurred and d i f f i c u l t to read. O n p o o r quality p a p e r , heavy use of t h e s e f i c h e s will shorten their life; perhaps b e f o r e the new cataloguing is completed. T h e Maliyeden
Miidevver
classification includes registers on
the
f o l l o w i n g subjects: a s s i g n m e n t s of military units to various forts and locations, w i t h n a m e s , f u n c t i o n s , s a l a r i e s ; r e p a i r s , p r o v i s i o n i n g a n d c o n s t r u c t i o n of military e s t a b l i s h m e n t s ; tax r e c o r d s f o r all the taxes levied by the O t t o m a n g o v e r n m e n t ; accounts of g o v e r n m e n t expenditures; and so forth. *
T h i s list has been c o n s t r u c t e d in the f o l l o w i n g w a y : by s u b j e c t of t h e register arranged c h r o n o l o g i c a l l y . M a n y of these registers include i n f o r m a t i o n and geographical areas beyond m y interest at the time. T h u s , under subject, if it reads: "... A z o v . . . O r . . . K e f e .." it m e a n s that this register is c o n c e r n e d with a great m a n y places, i n c l u d i n g A z a k , Or, and K e f e ; A z a k f o l l o w s s o m e o t h e r places, s o m e are listed between A z a k and O r in the register, then o t h e r s f o l l o w b e t w e e n O r and K e f e , and finally others a f t e r K e f e . T h e dots " . . . " i n d i c a t e t h e p r e s e n c e in the register of o t h e r " n o n - B l a c k Sea" a r e a s in the s p a c e p r o v i d e d . Dates are given in both Hicri and Christian f o r m . Istanbul, 1977.
3
OTTOMAN S O U R C E S FOR A STUDY OF KEFE VILAYET Menazil
defterler
(register concerned with stopping places along a traveller's route; expenses and assignments of posts) Date
No.
Pages
1123/1711
Register
3858
71
1147/1734
18425
7 Evkaf
Subject of
register
Istanbul-Ozii... Kirim.Ozii... defter
(register of endowed pious foundations, such as mosques, medresses, etc.) 1001/1592-3
626
368 Timar, vazife
... Kefe'de camiler... defterler
(register concerned with assignment of military fiefs, government officials) Register
Date 903-9/1497-1503
No.
Pages
Subject of
register
Timar ve zeamet: Kefe livasinda Irgun,
334
84
18727
8
Vazife: Kefe
1024-1615
5950
20
Vazife: Kefe
1032/1622-3
1795
24
Vazife: Kefe
1059/1649
4448
84
Sursat-u zahire: Azak, Özii
Sogudak, Baliklagu, Mankup 999-1144/1590-1731
(Permission to export grain) Cizye, ispence,
hane-i avariz, bedel-i avariz.
bakiye
(these registers are valuable sources for demographic information, and contain population and tax figures. Cizye and ispence
were general taxes levied, in the
Kefe and Ozii region, on the n o n - M u s l i m population. Avariz
taxes were
originally extraordinary levies; later they became general additional taxes on both Muslim and non-Muslim inhabitants of the Empire. Bakiye
registers
contain information on tax arrears. Many of the f o l l o w i n g registers "detailed", that is, they include tax levies by village and city) No.
Pages
1030/1620-1
2751
114
1032/1622-3
14921
16
1036/1626-7
3096
56
Hane-i avariz:... Kefe...
1038/1628-9
7416
50
Avariz (bakiye): ... Kefe
Date
Register
Subject of
register
Hane-i avariz:... Kefe... Cizye: Ozii vilayet
3722
72
Cizye: Kefe vilayet
1048/1638
15176
49
Cizye: Kefe vilayet
1048-9/1638-9
17460
42
Cizye: Kefe ve Sogudak
1044/1634-5
are
4
CRIMEA
\ND
Date
Register No.
CRIMEAN
Pages
TATARS
Subject of register
14674
17
1050/1640
3382
46
Avari7;
Kefe...
1051/1641
3093
48
Avari7:
Kefe...
1051/1641
3845
53
AvarÌ7'
Kefe...
1053/1643
15514
2
1049-50/1639-40
Cizye: Kefe
Cizye: Kefe vilayet
1053/1643
1885
12
1054/1644
15898
44
Cizye: .. . Özü Cizye: Kefe ve Sogudak
1059-70/1649-60
14680
62
Avariz: Kefe...
1066
48
Cizye: Kefe vilayet
1061-3/1650-3
12801
52
Cizye: .. . Kefe ...
1062/1651-2
18160
26
Cizye: Kefe (Giray Hani)
306"
64
Avariz: . .. Kefe...
1063/1652-3
15365
43
Cizye: .. . Kefe ...
1063/1652-3
5281
53
Cizye: .. . Kefe ...
1064-5/1653-5
3354
20
Avariz: . .. Kefe...
1066/1655-6
384"
1 16
Avariz: . .. Kefe...
1066/1655-6
752-1
44
Cizye: .. . Kefe ...
1067 8/1656-8
3850
66
Avariz: . .. Kefe...
1073/1662-3
293"
256
Avariz: . .. Kefe...
1073/1662-3
315"
124
Avariz: . .. Kefe...
1083/1671-2
5345
38
1086-8/1675-7
2018
88
Cizye (bakiye): ... Kefe...
1088-91/1677-80
4038
78
Cizye (bakiye): ... Kefe...
1089/1678
380«)
71
Avariz: . .. Kefe...
1096-1106/1684-95
9480
46
Avariz: . .. Kefe...
1097/1684 5
323
44
Avariz:
1099/1687-8
1500!
1060/1650
1063-4/1625-4
f
Ispence-ii yahud: ... Kefe...
Kefe...
1
Cizye: Özü vilayet Cizye: Kefe (Murtaza Pa§a)
1099/1687-8
14882
4
1100/1688-9
316"
172
Avariz: . .. Kefe...
1108/1696-7
3807
105
Avariz: . .. Kefe...
1110/1698-9
3974
88
Avariz: . .. Kefe...
1111/1699-1700
382(i
96
Avariz: . .. Kefe... Avariz: . .. Kefe...
3826
90
1909(1
8
1124/1712
3155
242
Avariz: . .. Kefe...
1128/1715-6
38 18
210
Avariz: . .. Kefe...
1130-48/1717-35
3706
14
1150/1737-8
3815
224
Avariz: . .. Kefe...
1153/1740
3825
212
Avariz: ,... Kefe...
1159/1746
3155
224
Avariz:
Kefe...
1162/1748-9
397 2
218
Avariz'
Kefe...
1112/1700-1 11 15-7/1703-5
Cizye (bakiye): Kefe (Mehmed A g a )
Cizye (bakiye): Kefe
OTTOMAN SOURCES FOR A STUDY OF KEFE VILAYET No.
Pages
1167/1753-4
3148
254
Avariz: ... Kefe...
1178/1764-5
3968
232
Avariz: ... Kefe...
1190/1776
2991
236
Avariz: ... Kefe...
Date
Register
5
Subject of register
Ahkam, berat, emir
defterler
(these registers contain copies of orders, patents, privileges, ordinances, sent to various officials in the provinces from the central government) No.
Pages
Subject of register
233
138
Ahkam: ... Kefe...
1031-2/1621-3
7589
170
Ahkam-i maliye:... Kefe...
1036-7/1626-8
3457
150
Ahkam, berat: ... Kefe...
1076-9/1665-9
2745
194
Ahkam, berat: ... Kefe...
1077-9/1666-9
14800
114
Ahkam: Kefe'de ¡9 kale...
1087/1676
20706
4
1087/1676
9853
172
Ahkam, emir: ... Azak...
1092-3/1681-2
2926
216
Berat:... Özü beylerbegi
1092-6/1681-5
3244
158
Ahkam-i maliye:... Kefe...
1098 1101/1686 90
2949
22
1108-9/1696-8
3462
570
Date
Register
960/1552-3
1118/1706-7 1125-6/1713-4
Ahkam, emir: Azak (Ahmed Pa§a)
Ahkam: ... Kefe... Ahkam-i maliye:... Özü...
203
155
Ahkam: ... Kefe...
9901
419
Ahkam: Azak... Ahkam, berat:... Özü...
3434
590
1133/1720-1 1149/1736-7
18361 18451
16 20
Ahkam: Özü valisine Ahkam: Kirim canibinde Kapudan Haci
1165-75/1751-62
19308
178
Mehmed Pa§a ve sabika Azak defterdar Evamir-i maliye:... Özü...
1125/1713
Mukataa
defterler
(these registers contain names of individuals to whom tax farms were assigned, the sorts of taxes, and the revenues anticipated from them) No.
Pages
954/1547
1088
94
Mukataa-i iltizam: ... Kefe eyaleti has
958/1551
71
82
Has-i mukataa:... Kefe eyalet
1080-6/1669-75
3301
56
Mukataa: Bakiye-i zimmet: ... Özü...
1102 5/1690-4
7375
60
Mukataa: . . . K e f e . . .
15967
9
Mukataa: . . . K e f e . . .
1110/1698-9
3499
48
Mukataa: . . . K e f e . . .
1110/1698-9
7253
48
Mukataa: . . . K e f e ...
Date
1108/1696-7
Register
Subject of register
6
CRIMEA
Date
Register
No.
AND
CRIMEAN
Pages
Subject of
TATARS register
1110/1698-9
6249
28
Mukataa: . . Kefe ...
1111/1699-1700
4906
48
Mukataa: . . Kefe ...
1112/1700-1
3097
28
Mukataa: . . Kefe ...
12858
34
Mukataa: . . K e f e . . .
196
Mukataa: . . Kefe ...
1141/1728 9
240') 3707
34
Mukataa: . . Kefe ...
1145/1732
2684
32
Mukataa: Bakiye-zimmet: ... Kefe
1155/1742
7737
80
Mukataa: . . K e f e . . .
1158/1745
5496
84
Mukataa: Kefe ...
1159/1746
4090
84
Mukataa: Kefe ...
1121/1709 1124-5/1712-3
971
8
—
3791
8
Mukataa: . . Kefe ...
—
1495
8
Mukataa: . . Kefe ...
1196/1718-2
Muhasebe ruznamçe
Mukataa: . . K e f e . . .
(bookkeeping accounts), varidat (revenues), masrafat
(expenses),
(rough day-book of current financial transactions), irad (income)
Date
Register
No
Pages
Subject of
register
928-32/1521-6
7668
32
988-94/1580-6
5338
222
Muhasebe:... Kefe ...
1015-7/1606-8
275
240
Muhasebe: Kefe
Varidat:... Kefe
1019/1610
5956
97
1023-4/1614-5
534.'
112
Varidat: ... Kefe...
1024/1615
272 5
574
Varidat: ... Kirim ...
1027/1617-8
742.»
40
Irad:... Kefe ...
1037/1627-8
20163
10
Ruznamçe: Özü
1039/1629-30
1663
16
Muhasebe: Özü
1040/1630-1
7495
58
Varidat: ... Kefe ...
1081/1670
1258
32
Muhasebe: ... Moskov elçi ...
1091/1680
4559
12
Irad: Kamaniçe
1092/1681
i8i:
107
1097/1687
18289
16
Varidat: Kefe ...
22 18
34
Muhasebe: Özü (Serasker Mustafa Pa§a)
1100-1/1688-90
Varidat: ... Kazaklar...
Muhasebe: ... Kamaniçe, Azak
1 1
Varidat: ... Kefe...
1114/1702-3
1563X 3186
34
Irad: ... Kefe ...
1104/1692-3
6003
86
Muhasebe: ... Azak ...
1110/1698 9
1668"
8
1116/1704
324. 1
42
Masrafat:... Kefe ...
1 134-5/1721-3
370 >
36
Muhasebe: Azak
1196/1781-2
1964S
16
Muhasebe: ... Rusya elçi
1199/1784-5
311""
232
Irad: Özü...
1204/1789-90
3250
407
Masrafat: Özü...
1110-12/1698-1701
Irad: Özü
OTTOMAN S O U R C E S FOR A STUDY OF KEFE VILAYET Specific Date
Register
991/1583
military campaigns
or
armies
Subject of
register
No.
Pages
16267
1097
6727
648
18631
12
Irad: for Polish campaign Muhasebe: Ozii Campaign
7
Ozii janissaries, with Ferhad Pa§a on an eastern campaign
1030/1620-1
Janissary salaries, for the Polish campaign
1095-6/1683-5 1111/1699-1700
2339
50
1 151/1738-9
2585
40
Muhasebe: Crimean campaign
1152/1739-40
4493
32
Muhasebe: Crimean Serasker Vezir Noman Pa§a
Various Date
Register
taxes Subject of
register
Ao.
Pages
1045/1635-6
3854
35
1069/1658-9
2219
291
1080-6/1669-75
3301
56
Zimmet (tribute from non-Muslims):
1125/1713
2569
16
Zimmet: ... Kefe ...
1130-6/1717-24
4161
76
Zimmet: ... Kefe ...
Bedel-i mekari (tax on pack horses): Kefe Adet-i zimmet (special tax on nonMuslims):
...Azak...
... Özii...
Various
military expenses:
mühimmat
cebeciyan
(armorers),
(ammunition), tamirat (repairs)
No.
Pages
1036/1626-7
16458
222
Cebeci: ... Özü ...
Date
Register
Subject of
register
1051/1641
16557
189
Cebeci: ... Özü ...
1051/1641
16539
128
Cebeci: ... Azak ...
1052/1642
2021
27
1 0 5 9 - 6 0 / 1 6 4 9 50
21245
1271
1090/1679
Mühimmat: Azak Cebeci: Özü ... Azak ...
16714
208
1114-74/1702-61
3221
902
1127-30/1715-8
12873
24
Cebeciyan: Özü eyalet Tamirat: Or kalesi
Cebeci: Azak... Mühimmat: Kirim'da kaleler
1128/1715-6
13 77
15
1130/1717-8
2854
518
1131/1718-9
2858
182
Mühimmat: ... Azak ...
1146/1733-4
17070
120
Cebeci: ... Azak, Or, Özü ...
1149/1736-7
17105
79
3160
906
1178-87/1764-73
Mühimmat: ... Azak ...
Cebeci: ... Azak ... Tamirat: Kefe, Kirim ...
8
CRIMEA
\ND
CRIMEAN
TATARS
Crimean Tatars Date
Register No.
Pages
329
10
Zahire icmal: Cihangiray ben Saadetgiray
6278
48
Muhasebe: . . . Tatarhan $avu§lar Masrafat: . . . Kirim hanlari saliyane
950/1543
Subject of register
Han ve agyan, iimera, evlad ve ahvan 977-82/1569-74 1012/1603
19221
18
1013/1604
3665
168
Mevacib: . . . Kirim hanlannin evladini...
1018/1609
5538
482
Mevacib: . . . Kirim ham
1034/1624-5
2120
364
Mevacib: ... Tatar ham ...
1034/1624-5
6768
368
Mevacib: ... Kirim ham ...
1048/1638
1332
102
Masrafat: ... Kirim han zadeler
1054/1644
18186
63
At tayinat: ... Kirimgiray suitanlari
175
22
Saliyane: Tatar suitanlari
1082-3/1671-2
3726
42
Saliyane: Tatar suitanlari
1086/1675
5239
44
Saliyane: Tatar suitanlari
1088/1677
4904
32
Saliyane: Tatar suitanlari
1088-9/1677-8
4685
31
Masrafat: Kirimhan zadeleri
1088/1677
60- 1
43
Iskan (settlement) Kinm'dan Nogay Taifesi
1091/1680
185')
60
Saliyane: Tatar suitanlari
18631
12
Irad: Leh seferi, Selimgiray Han, K a l g a , . . .
183
55
Saliyane: Tatar suitanlari
1074-81/1663-70
1095-6/1683-5 1096/1684-5
14525
15
Has: ... Kirim tatarlan...
1 103/1691-2
397"
60
Mevacib: ... Tatar han tabii . . .
1 104/1692-3
243 3
100
Saliyane: Tatar suitanlari
1 105/1693-4
184"
80
Saliyane: Tatar suitanlari
1 105/1693-4
18542
39
Saliyane: Kirim hanlari
1105/1693-4
296"
424
1106/1694-5
2426
100
Saliyane: Tatar suitanlari
1108/1696-7
184
42
Saliyane: Tatar suitanlari
1108/1696-7
19560
54
Has: ... Kirim ham ve suitanlari ...
11 1 0 / 1 6 9 8 - 9
2 2 6l)
60
Mevacib: Tatar han tabii ...
1110/1698 9
18546
16
Has: ... Kirim hanlari...
1111/1699
2963
586
Masrafat: . . . Kirim hanlari ...
1114/1702
2491
354
Masrafat: . . . Kirim hanlari ...
1100
12/1688-1700
Masrafat: ... Kirim hanlari ...
1115/1703
174"
160
Saliyane: Tatar suitanlari
1121/1709
2488
340
Masrafat: ... Kirim ham Devlet Giray
1122/1710
2483
374
1123/1711
6870
12
muhimmat-i masraf Masrafat: ... Kirim ham, ve Kalgai Sultan... E j y a defter: Kirim ham ile suitanlari
OTTOMAN S O U R C E S FOR A STUDY OF KEFE VILAYET Date
Register
No.
Pages
1125/1713
7107
32
1126/1714
2894
406
18806
26
1128/1715-6
2847
354
1129/1716-7
3537
20
1126-7/1714-5
9
Subject of register Mevacib: ... Kirim harn tabii... Masrafat: ... Kirim ham ... Saliyane: Kirim ham Masrafat: ... Kirim ham Teslimat: Mirzalar ile Giray Sultanlarin ramazanda gönderilen Mehmed Giray han...
1129/1716-7
7083
138
Mevacib: ... Kirim ham ...
1134/1721-3
3136
407
Saliyane: ... Kirim ham ...
1135/1722-3
3132
400
Saliyane: ... Kirim ham ...
1136/1723-4
3135
400
Saliyane: ... Kirim ham ...
1140-1/1727-9
8984
339
Saliyane: Kirim h a n l a n , Kalgai ve Nureddin ...
1158/1745
6593
354
Saliyane: ... Kirim hanlan ...
1158/1745
6598
298
Masrafat:... Tatar askerinin ba§bugu...
1167 7 1 / 1 7 5 3 - 8
15655
14
1168-78/1754-61
14368
582
Mevacib: ... Tatar sultanlan ... Tezaker: ... Kirim ham ...
Saliyane: Kirim hanlari
6307
254
19405
67
1181/1767
3140
300
Masrafat: Kirim ham ...
1168/1754-5 1168-81/1754-67
Saliyane: Kirim hanlari ...
1182/1768
3376
244
Masrafat: ... Kirim ham ...
1182-6/1768-72
5970
268
Masrafat: Rus seferi, Kirim sultanlan ...
1182/1768
4052
377
Kuyudat: Kirim hanlan ...
1187/1773
6601
246
Kuyudat: Istanbul'a gelen Mehmed
1191/1777
3012
372
Saliyane: Kirim ham ...
1191-4/1777-80
8519
304
Ahkam: Kirim Tatar taifesi...
1195/1780-1
9054
771
Masrafat: ... Sabik Kirim ham Sefa Giray
1202/1787-8
2478
376
Masrafat: ... Kirim sultanlan
1206/1791-2
2974
440
Masrafat: ... Kirim hanlari ...
1207-23/1792-1808
9004
472
Saliyane: Kirim hanlan, sultanlan
Giray Sultan ile mirzalar...
Sakiz adasinda ikamet ...
1208/1793-4
19621
24
1209/1794-5
4385
219
Saliyane: Kirim sultanlan Masrafat: ... Kirim ham ...
10
CRIMKA
AND
CRIMEAN
Bazi yeniçeri
TATARS
mevacib
(salaries for janissaries) Date
Register
No.
Pages
Subject of
register
1 6 4 6 2
6 0 2
... Azak ... Özii...
1 0 2 2 / 1 6 1 3
6 9 2 5
6 4 6
... Özü ...
1 0 2 3 / 1 6 1 4
6 8 0 4
6 6 8
... Özü ...
2 0 0 5 0
1 3 3
Kefe
1 0 2 5 / 1 6 1 6
6 9 1 2
2 4 2
... Kefe ...
1 0 2 5 / 1 6 1 6
6 9 1 4
3 7 6
1 0 2 5 / 1 6 1 6
1 6 3 7 9
2 4
9 8 8 / 1 5 8 0
1 0 2 3 - 5 / 1 6 1 4 - 6
... Kcfe ... Kefe Kefe...
1 0 2 6 / 1 6 1 7
6 9 6 9
7 2 6
1 0 2 6 / 1 6 1 7
1 6 4 0 5
4 1 6
... Kefe ...
1 0 2 6 / 1 6 1 7
1 6 4 0 7
7 8
... Kefe ...
6 0
Kefe, Azak
1 0 2 7 / 1 6 1 7 - 8
2 2 0 3
1 0 2 7 / 1 6 1 7 - 8
1 9 9 9 7
1 0 2 7 / 1 6 1 7 - 8
6 2 5 6
4 8
1 0 2 7 / 1 6 1 7 - 8
6 9 2 9
5 9 0
Kefe ... Özü ... Azak
1 0 2 7 / 1 6 1 7 - 8
6 7 1 9
7 8 6
...Kefe...
1 0 2 7 / 1 6 1 7 - 8
6 7 0 9
7 6 2
... Azak ...
1 0 2 7 / 1 6 1 7 - 8
6 8 2
8 4 4
...Özü...
1 0 2 8 / 1 6 1 8 - 9
7 2 3 0
1 0 2 9 / 1 6 1 9 - 2 0
7 0 2
1 0 3 0 / 1 6 2 0 - 1 1 0 3 0 / 1 6 2 0 - 1
1
!
15
...Özü... ... Özü ...
8 8 0
. . . K e f e ...
5 8 6
Azak ...
6 7 4 2
7 3 4
...Özü...
6 9 2 7
7 1 8
... Azak
1 0 3 4 / 1 6 2 4 - 5
5 5 6 1
5 7 2
... Or ... Özü ...
1 0 3 4 / 1 6 2 4 - 5
1 8 3 2 4
1 0 8
. . . K c f e ... ... Kefe ...
!
1 0 3 5 / 1 6 2 5 - 6
2 2 0 2
4 5
1 0 3 6 / 1 6 2 6 - 7
1 6 4 5 9
1 3 3
1 0 3 6 / 1 6 2 6 - 7
1 7 7 0 6
9 2
... Azak ...
1 6 6
...Kefe...
1 0 3 9 / 1 6 2 9 - 3 0
716";
1 0 4 7 / 1 6 3 7
6 7 3 0
1 0 4 7 / 1 6 3 7
1 6 5
1
IX
... Kefe ...
5 0 2
...Kefe...
1 3 6
Kefe... ... Kefe ...
1 0 4 8 / 1 6 3 8
6 9 4 7
7 7 2
1 0 5 1 - 3 / 1 6 4 1 - 3
7 3 6 4
6 0 4
... Azak ...
1 0 5 1 / 1 6 4 1
1 6 5 4 1
2 0 1
Kefe...
1 0 5 2 / 1 6 4 2
1 4 4 8
S
1
... Azak, Kefe
1 0 5 2 / 1 6 4 2
1 6 9 1
1
6 8
1 0 5 3 / 1 6 4 3
7 4 "
i
7 6 8
1 0 5 3 - 8 / 1 6 4 3 - 8
4 7 4 6
3 1
1 0 5 4 / 1 6 4 4
6 9 9 5
6 3 0
1 0 5 4 / 1 6 4 4
1 8 1 8 8
1 2 0
1 4
... Özü ... ...Kefe... ... Kefe, Kerj, Sudak ... Kefe ... ... Özü, Azak ...
OTTOMAN S O U R C E S FOR A STUDY OF KEFE VILAYET Date
Register
No.
Pages
Subject of register
6109
264
Azak, Özü ...
17674
184
... Kefe, Azak ..
5232
76
1108/1696-7
20188
7
1129/1716-7
16929
253
6757
1146
1058/1648 1062-3/1651-3 1074-81/1663-70
1146/1733 1163/1749-50
11
... Kefe ... Özü ... Azak ... Kirim ... ...Kefe...
7015
1150
1181-7/1767-73
17405
136
1182-3/1768-9
17351
87
1183 5/1768-71
17368
122
Özü
Özü (sekbanlar) Özü...
1184/1770
17370
114
Kirim
1185/1771
17388
292
...Özü...
—
17677
83
...Kefe...
—
17776
86
... Azak...
Kaleler muhafazan,
mevacib
(registers of names and salaries of all types of soldiers found in forts in the Ottoman Empire) Date 982/1574
Register
No.
Pages
7093
42
Subject of register ... Kefe, Temrük, Baliklagu, Tarn Ker§, Azak
997/1588
20155
466 17
1001/1592-3
2224 164
26
Azak, Cankirman, Kefe, Mankup ... Azak ...
1003/1594-5
16292
93
...Kefe, Ö z ü . . .
1010-4/1601-5
16410
103
... Azak, Kefe
1019/1610
16371
273
Özü... ... Kefe, Azak ...
997-8/1588-9
... Azak, Özü ...
1019/1610
16373
701
1019/1610
16376
264
... Azak
1019/1610
18108
82
...Kefe
1019/1610
15835
36
... Kefe
1023/1614
16495
83
... Azak...
1023/1614
3975
52
... Kefe ... Temrük, Sogudak,
1025-7/1616-8
6696
966
Taman, Özü ... 1026/1617
1782.9
38
1026/1617
6841
1296
1029/1619-20
6358
522
... Özü ... Kefe ... Özü... ... Azak ... ...Özü...
12
CRIMEA
Date
Register
No.
AND C R I M E A N Pages
TATARS
Subject of
register
1037/1627-8
7068
80
1038/1628
7374
68
1038-44/1628-34
12791
149
1039/1629-30
16471
30
392
53
... Sogudak, Kefe ... Taman ...
1047/1637
2206
37
Ker§, Kefe
1048/1638
16528
136
1050/1640
6045
58
1050/1640
1833
104
1052/1642
7272
58
Taman, Temriik, Ker§
1052/1642
1043-4/1633-4
...Kefe... ... Taman, Kefe, Ker§, Temriik Kefe... Kefe
Kefe... ... Kefe ... ...Kefe...
19961
56
Kefe, Ker§
1052-3/1642-3
5695
34
Azak
1052-5/1642-5
6133
634
14758
28
1053/1643
... Azak ... Azak
1053/1643
757
551
Azak ...
1053/1643
6997
480
... Azak ...
1054/1644
6934
1 170
1057/1647
20171
105
Ozii, Azak ...
1057/1647
20179
500
Azak, Ozii ...
1058/1648
16565
91
... Azak ...
1058/1648
20183 6999 16067
106
... Azak ...
468 69
... Ozii, Azak ... Kefe
693.i 16767
664
... Azak ...
229
... Azak ...
16579
... Azak ...
700 ?
586 572
1062/651-2
6603
256
... Azak ...
1064/1653-4
6701
652
... Azak ...
1064/1653-4
16874
1 18
... Azak ...
1064/1653-4
7004
412
... Azak ... Kefe
1064-7/1653-7
6391
282
... Azak ...
1065/1654-5
6693
650
... Azak ...
1066/1655-6
6685
1998
1067/1656-7
5426
194
Kefe, Taman, Ker§, Temriik
1068/1657 8
6820
628
... Kefe ... Azak ...
1068/1657-8
6306
594
... Ozii... Azak
1068/1657-8
682 )
684
... Kefe, Azak ...
1070/1659-60
7007
446
... Azak ...
1070/1659-60
6998
438
...Ozii...
1058/1648 1060/1650 1060 3/1650-3 1060-4/1650-4 1061/1650-1 1061-5/1650-5
...Kefe...
... Azak ... Kefe...
... Azak ... Kefe ...
O T T O M A N S O U R C E S F O R A S T U D Y OF K E F E V I L A Y E T No.
Pages
Subject of register
1072/1661-2
6976
288
... Özü ... Azak ...
1073/1662-3
16635
152
... Azak ...
1076-7/1665-7
612,6
1337
... Azak ... Kefe ...
1076-7/1665-7
6843
1012
... Azak ...
16638
151
... Azak ...
6557
798
... Azak, Kefe ...
1078-81/1667-70
16640
134
1082/1671
16659
63
1082/1671
6961
718
... Azak. Özü ...
1082-4/1671-3
6319
898
Azak... Kefe ... Kirim ... ... Kirim ...
Date
1077/1666-7 1078-9/1667-8
1082-5/1671-4
Register
... Azak ... Azak
5979
736
1083/1672
16662
22
...Kefe
1083/1672
16674
96
Kefe...
1083/1672
16664
58
... Azak ...
1083/1672
16665
406
... Azak ...
1083-4/1672-3
16661
365
... Azak ... Kefe
1085/1674
16673
152
... Azak
1087/1676
1607
57
1087/1676
16693
118
Azak... Kaman^e
1088/1677
16694
392
... Kefe ... Kamanise
1088-90/1677-9
16697
109
...Kefe...
1089/1678
3113
28
Kamani9e
1090/1679
16715
181
... Kamani9e ...
1090/1679
16719
122
...Kefe...
1090/1679 1090/1679
16720 16721
152 347
... Azak ...
1090-1/1679-80
17435
148
...Özü...
1091/1680
16725
158
... Kamani9e ... Azak ...
1091/1680
16728
84
1091/1680
21234
236
... Kefe
1091-2/1680-1
17439
362
Azak ... Kefe, Özü ...
1091-2/1680-1
16738
338
... Azak ...
1091-2/1680-1
791
742
Azak, Özü, Taman ...
1092/1681
... Kirim ...
... Kirim, Aco, Kefe ... Özü ...
... Kamani9e
16742
278
Kefe, Kirim ...
1094/1682-3
821
738
Özü... Azak...
1095/1683-4
18286
6
1095/1683-4
16756
95
1095/1683-4
16760
120
... Azak, Kamani9e ...
1095/1683-4
6936
738
... Kefe ... Azak ...
16757
194
...Kefe...
1095-6/1683-5
Kefe Azak ...
14
CRIMEA
Date
Register
AND CRIMEAN
No.
Pages
Subject
of
TATARS register
16753
32
1097/1685-6
6398
130
1097/1685-6
6385
138
... Kefe ... Azak ...
1097/1685-6
11765
421
Azak ...
1095-7/1683-6
... Azak, Özü ... ... Kamaniçe ... Özü ...
1097-9/1685-8
6944
892
... Azak, Kefe ...
1098-9/1686-8
7243
406
... Kamaniçe ...
1099/1687-8
3685
40
... Azak ...
1099/1687-8
16772
564
... Azak ...
1100/1688-9
16775
42
1101/1689-90
17756
86
1103/1691-2
5337
8
6942
1836
4216 16794
800
1103/1691-2 1 103-5/1691-4 1104/1692-3 1105/1693-4 1106-7/1694-6 1107/1695-6 1108/1696-7
48
...Kefe ... Azak, Kamaniçe ... Kamaniçe ... Azak ... Kefe ... ... Azak ... Azak ...
16798
45
4321 16804
680 44
Azak ...
43 18
720 272
...Özü...
180
... Kamaniçe, Kefe ...
1109/1697-8
16809
1109/1697-8 1109-11/1697-9
1681(1 6683
1110/1698-9
168 1 y
1111/1699
16812
1111-24/1699-1712
16953 4325 432(
1 114
... Kefe, Özü ... ...Özü... ... Aco, Özü ... ... Or, Kefe ... Aco, Akkerman, Kirim ... Özü ...
1112/1700-1 11 13/1701-2 11 13-4/1701-3 1114/1702
253 353 47 476 394
... Kefe ...Özü... Or Özü, Kefe Özü, Aco, Or ...
43 2T 1682?
760 66
1 1 14/1702
1682-
270
1 114/1702
17031 67 31
18 434
... Or,Özü ... Kefe ...
392.
806
Kefe...
61^
118
1115/1703 1115-6/1703-5 1115-9/1703-7
... Özü, Kefe ... Kefe ... ... Taman ... Aco ... Kefe ... Özü
Kefe, Ker§, Baliklagu, Kale-i cedid, Taman
1116/1704
57 2'
492
... Aco, Or ... Kefe...
1116/1704 1117/1705
21 17(,
248
... Kefe
517;
488
... Aco, Özü, Akrlburun, Kefe ...
1118/1706
1683
33
1118-9/1706-7
39(id 16840
1118-20/1706-8
1234 188
... Özü, Aco ... Kefe ... ... Kefe, Taman ... Özü, Or ... ... Özü, Aco ...
OTTOMAN S O U R C E S FOR A STUDY OF KEFE VILAYET No.
Pages
1120/1708
6700
542
... Kale-i cedid, Taman ... Aco,
1120/1708
2463
396
... Ozii... Aco ... Temrtik ... Kefe
1120/1708
16845
289
... Aco ... Ozii, Kale i cedid, Kefe
1121/1709
16854
126
... Kefe ... Ozii
Date
Register
Subject of register
Ozii, Kefe ...
1122/1710
17773
244
Ozii ... Kefe ...
1122/1710
16861
178
Ozii... Kefe ...
1123/1711
16880
30
...Kefe...
1123/1711
16869
288
...Kefe...
1123/1711
16872
232
1123/1711
16875
48
Kefe ... Or, Ozii ... Aco, Azak ... ... Kefe, Taman, Ozii ...
... Ozii...
1123-5/1711-3
16871
84
1124/1712
21170
173
... Taman ...
1124-5/1712-3
3623
656
Azak, Ozii, O r . . .
1125-8/1713-6
3666
76
1126/1714
787
846
... Azak ... Ker§, Kefe ...
1126/1714
16882
112
Azak ...
1126/1714
16897
317
1126/1714
3725
46
1127/1715
Azak ...
... Azak Azak
70J2
656
1128/1715-6
19826
8
...Ozii, K e f e . . . Or, A z a k . . .
1128/1715-6
6756
28
Ozii ... Azak ...
... Azak
1128/1715-6
17042
12
1128/1715-6
20262
322
... Azak ... O r . . . O z i i . . .
1128/1715-6 1129/1716-7
17772 21242
98 901
... Ozii ... Azak ... ... Azak, Aco, Taman, Ozii ...
1129-30/1716-8
16926
126
Kefe ... Ozii ... Azak
1130/1717-8 1130/1717-8
4 3 10
924
... Or, Aco, Ozii, Kefe ...
835
681
1130/1717-8
16937
83
1131/1718-9
2211
8
Azak
1131/1718-9
1860
68
Azak
1131/1718-9
16951
55
... Kefe, Ozii, Azak
1131/1718-9
16957
16
...Ozii...
1131-45/1718-32
5543
257
... Azak ...
1132/1719-20
6373
508
... Azak ... Ozii...
1132/1719-20
17007
70
1133/1720-1
6958
786
1133/1720-1
16974
177
... Azak, Ozii... ... Or, Ozii, Azak, Aco ...
... Azak ... Azak ... Aco, Ozii... Temriik, Taman ... Kale-i cedid ... ... Azak ...
16 Date
C R I M E A AND C R I M E A N T A T A R S Register
No.
Pages
1133/1720-1 1133/1720-1 1134/1721-2 1134/1721-2 1135/1722-3
19969 20100 6844 6571 6960
70 449 814 696 752
1135-6/1722-4 1136/1723-4 1137/1724-5
6152 16984 6952
194 640 716
1137/1724-5 1138/1725-6 1138/1725-6 1138/1725-6 1139/1726-7
19971 2316 1700-1 16949 63 1 5
49 196 51 230 786
1139-4/1726-8
6575
1558
1140/1727-8 1141/1728-9 1141/1728-9 1142-4/1729-32
2542 2340 6207 3949
18 74 72 1012
1143/1730-1 1144/1731-2 1144-5/1731-3 1145/1732-3 1145/1732-3 1146/1733-4 1146/1733-4 1149/1736 1149/1736 1149/1736 1149/1736 1149-50/1736-7 1150/1737 1150/1737 1150-1/1737-8 1150-1/1737-8 1150-2/1737-9 1154/1741
4369 4370 4068 6949 17056 6328 17061 6812 6537 17093 171 08 17 1 1 ( 17111 66"' 65 6( 171 I-j 1715" 171""
930 862 1522 1040 114 1302 64 200 1498 302 24 464 126 1282 680 264 297 300
Subject of
register
Azak ... ... Azak ... Aco ... Azak ... Òzii... Or, Aco ... Taman ... Azak ... Òzii, Kefe ... ... Azak, Or ... Aco ... Ózii... Temriik, Taman Kale-i cedid, Kefe Azak ... Azak ... Aco, Òzii, Azak, Or, Temriik, Taman, Kale-i cedid, Kefe ... Azak ... Azak Òzii Taman ... ... Or, Ozii, Sogudak, Taman, Kefe, Azak ... ... Temriik, Kefe, Taman, Aco, Kale-i cedid, Azak, Or, Ozii ... Sogudak Azak ... Òzii ... Kefe ... Kale-i cedid, Kefe ... ... Kefe, Kale-i cedid, Aco, Kilburun, Òzii ... ... Kefe ... ... Azak ... Kale-i cedid, Kefe ... ... Azak ... Ozii ... ... Ozii ... Azak ... Aco ... Taman ... ... Azak ... Ozii ... ... Azak ... ... Òzii... Azak ... Azak ... Kefe ... ...Ozii... ...Kefe... ... Òzii ...Òzii... Or... Òzii... Temriik, Aco ... .,. Òzii... ... Òzii... ... Or... Aco ...
O T T O M A N S O U R C E S FOR A STUDY OF KEF H V I L A Y E T Date
Register
No.
Pages
1155/1724
18158
31
1157/1744 1157/1744
1737
1800
6562
684
1157/1744
6791
1270
1158-9/1745-6
6553
936
1160/1747
6548
1450
Subject
of
register
... Or, Kefe, Taman, Kale-i cec ... Taman ... Kefe ... Taman, Temriik ... ...Or... ... Özü ... Kefe ... Taman, Temriik, Aco, Or ... ... Ö z ü . . . Kefe, O r . . . ... Kefe ... Taman ...
1160/1747
17205
259
1161/1748
6291
1293
1161/1748 1161/1748
20102
341
...Kefe...
1530 10
...Özü, Or
1162/1748-9
6556 17239
1165/1751-2
834
...Kefe...
1166/1752-3
1724-1
1310 14
1166/1752-3
17242
10
... Özii...
1167/1753-4
20077
251
... Kefe ... Azak
1168/1754-5
16751
116
...Özü...
1168/1754-5
17245
18
Aco, Sogudak, Temriik, Or, Kale-i cedid, Taman, Kefe
1168/1754-5
82.2
1168/1754-5
765
1164 32
... Or, Kale-i cedid, Kefe ... Özü
1168-9/1754 6
17250
Kefe, Taman, Kale-i cedid ...
...Kefe... ...Özü...
1169/1755-6
5991
131 774
1170/1756-7 1171/1757-8 1171/1757-8 1172/1758-9
17254 6689 5720
22 1201 1290
... Özü ... ... Özü ... Kefe ... Özü ... Kefe ...
5769
1173/1759-60 1173/1759-60 1173/1759-60
5766 17272 21277
1214 1044 117
... Or,Özü ... ...Özü...
1173-4/1759-61
17530
128 72
1173-4/1759-61
17518
171
1174/1760-1
5770 17275
1 192
1174-5/1760-2 1174-5/1760-2
264
... Azak ... Kale-i cedid, Kefe ...
...Özü... ...Kefe... ...Özü... ... Taman ... ... Özü, Kilburun, Taman, Kefe ...Özii...
17 27 9
310
1175/1761-2
4305
... Özü, Or, Aco ...
1175/1761-2
17277
1388 162
1175/1761-2
68! 1
1210
... Özü...
1175/1761-2
17278
182
...Özü...
1175/1761-2
17281
40
... Kefe ... Taman ... ...Kefe...
... Taman ...
17
CRIMEA
18
Register
AND
CRIMEAN
TATARS
No.
Pages
1175/1761 2
17285
239
Kefe...
1175/1761-2
17293
132
... Azak ...
1176/1762-3
17306
131
...Özü...
1177/1763-4
17309
453
...Özü...
1177/1763-4
6536
1216
17318
20
6541
1206
17314
396
... Aco ... Or ...
230.5
736
... Kefe...
1179-80/1765-6
17324
318
...Kefe ...
1180/1766
17328
203
... Kefe, Kale-i cedid, Or,
1180-1/1766-7
17334
314
... Özü ...
Date
1177-8/1763-5 1178/1764-5 1178-9/1764-5 1179/1765
Subject of register
...Özü, Or... ... Kefe, Sogudak ... ...Özü...
Temrük, Taman ... 1180-3/1766-9
17358
46
Özü
1181/1767
19390
28
... Özü ... Kefe
1183/1769
17364
...Özü...
1184-8/1770-4
17414
168 394
1189/1775
1723
1 102
...Özü...
1190/1776
824
1 134
...Özü...
1191/1777
69 P
388
...Özü...
1193/1779
1746"'
188
...Özü...
1194/1780 1194/1780
1746X
48 536
... Kefe ... ...Özü ...
1195/1780-1
21 194
158
... Kefe ... Taman
1195/1780-1 1196-7/1781-3
1747
o obsCestva
istorii
i drevnostej,
1844, p. 383. ^ C o m m e Smirnov, ces deux historiens paraissent induits en erreur par la phrase miïtad (« selon la coutume ancienne») q u o n trouve si souvent dans les Chroniques o t t o m a n e s Muhimme Defierleri. D'habitude les c h r o n i q u e u r s mentionnent l'attribution des saliyane tirke- baha sans indiquer les sommes, en disant simplement qu'ils étaient accordés miitad Cette phrase é v i d e m m e n t se réfère i l'acte d'attribuer le salaire ou la donation et non pas s o m m e spécifique. Voici les a b r e v a t i o n s e m p l o y é e s , toutes dans les Baç-Bakanlik d'Istanbul : CA CD CEM CH CM Emiri H K MM
Cevdet tasnifi, Askeri Cevdet tasnifi, Dahiliye Cevdet tasnifi, Eyalet-i miimtaze Cevdet tasnifi, Hariciye Cevdet tasnifi, Maliye Ibn-ul-Emin tasnifi, Hariciye Kepeci defterleri Maliyeden mudevvere defterleri
I,
uzere et les et des uzere. à une Arçivi
EMPIRE
OTTOMAN
ET
CRIMÉE
23
siècle sont, en moyenne, deux fois supérieurs à ceux de la dernière partie du XVII e siècle. Les Ottomans essayaient, évidemment, de compenser la perte des sommes que les trafic des esclaves rapportait aux Girây avant le traité de paix de Carlowitz. Les saliyane accordés aux khans régnants montrent beaucoup moins de régularité que les chiffres totaux (Tabl. II). Il ne semble pas qu'il y eût de traitement fixe que le khan recevait avec sa charge, bien que la somme s'accroissait quand il accédait au trône. Des saliyane étaient accordés également aux autres Girây, notamment à ceux qui occupaient des positions officielles (le qalgha et le nûrredûî), aux khans déposés, aux parents, proches et éloignés, dont le nombre pouvait varier de trente-cinq à quatre-vingts (Tabl. VI). D'après un registre, un ancien khan, Qaplân Girây, reçut un saliyane supérieur à celui du khan régnant, Feth Girây 1 . Plus de moitié des saliyane provenait des droits de douane de Kefe ; le reste venait de quelque douze sources différentes, y compris les droits de douane d'Istanbul et d'Izmir ; la taxe de djizye (sur les non-musulmans) à RusCuk, à Inedjik, à Ôzii (Oéakov) et à Tekfurdag; la taxe à'adeti agnam (sur les animaux) de Kirkkilise et d'Edirne; et les revenus généraux d'Avlonya et de Kili. Les saliyane transférés d'Istanbul étaient également accordés aux Tatars choisis parmi d'autres clans que des Girây. Dans les documents d'archives crimcens, actuellement à Moscou, il y a plusieurs documents signalant des sommes accordées aux membres des clans Sîrîn et Argïn 2 . L'usage du saliyane comme paiement, bien qu'il ne fût pas commun dans tout l'Empire, n'était cependant pas réservé à la Crimée. Le saliyane était d'usage dans la plupart des provinces arabes. Les documents indiquent que les chiffres totaux pour l'Egypte dépassaient ceux de la Crimée aux XVII e siècle, alors qu'ils étaient inférieurs aux salaires des Girây au XVIII e siècle 3 . Les registres des saliyane relatifs à la Crimée donnent presque toujours les salaires de la deniz iïmerast'Xla. noblesse maritime) qui gouvernait Yeyalet de Qapudân Pacha, dans la mer Égée. En 1740, le total accordé aux Girây était de 6 594 039 aqce, tandis que d'après le même registre la deniz umerasi"reçut 24 690 891 aqëe4.
l
K 5610 (1149/1736) le k h a n Feth Girây reçut 6 2 0 0 0 0 aqie
tandis q u e l'ancien khan Qaplan
Girây reçut 876 000 aq?e. 7 Un firmân de 1681 accordait à un mirzâ Sîrîn 41 275 aqCe ; un autre de 1727 à un mirzâ
Sîrîn,
18 725 aqie\ un de 1671 à un mfrza Argïn, 20 6 1 8 aq(!e. Cf. F. L a s k o v , «Arhivnye d a n n y e o bejlikah v K r y m s k o m hanstve» (Données des archives sur les beyliks dans le khanat de Crimée), Arheologiteskij s'ezd, Trudy VI, 1889, IV, pp. 97-103; et aussi CA 33 183 (1696) pour attribution des saliyane ottomans aux mirzâ tatars en campagne. 3 S . T. Siiaw, op. cit., pp. ( 8 5 - / 8 8 . ^K 5613.
CRIMEA
24 2. Khanlik
AND C R I M E A N
TATARS
tesrifati
Outre le saliyane reçu par un Girây lors de son accession au trône de Baghéesaray, le Trésor ottoman lui accordait la parure normale de souveraineté islamique, ainsi qu'une somme d'argent, toutes deux appelées tesrifat. C o m m e le salaire, la somme d'argent pouvait changer selon les règnes, et parfois pouvait s'approcher du saliyane annuel. Certains khans, tel Selîm I e r , qui régnèrent à plusieurs reprises profitaient financièrent de leurs fréquentes dépositions. Après 1690, un khan déposé recevait rarement une somme inférieure à celle perçue pendant son règne. Le khan Mengli Girây II reçut même une augmentation de salaire après avoir été déposé en 1730, passant de 700 000 à 896 000 aqce. Le qalgha recevait aussi le tesrifat à son nomination 1 .
3. Tiyis Les khans de Crimée étaient autorisés à percevoir un tribut annuel des États vassaux ottomans d'Eflak (Valachie) et de Bugdan (Moldavie). Bien que les s o m m e s n'aient j a m a i s été très grandes, c'était un revenu que les khans s'efforçaient de garder. En 1581, le khan demanda que le tribut du Bugdan déjà échu lui fût payé si le sultan voulait qu'il participât à l'expédition contre l'Iran en cette même année 2 . Uzunçarçili dit que le montant normal de chaque tribut était 500 000 aqce par an et Peysonnel indique 1 440 000 aqce comme total annuel des deux, au milieu du XVIII e siècle 3 .
4. Segbûn
agëesi
Depuis le milieu du XVI e siècle, les Ottomans payaient la solde d'un corps spécial de l'armée tatare, appelé segbân, qui formait la garde personnelle du khan, ainsi que celle d'un corps similaire, mais plus petit, attaché au qalgha. La
' L e s documents relatifs un tesrifat
n'ont pu être retrouvés que pour les qalgha
; pour les khans, il
a fallu se reporter aux s o m m e s indiquées dans les comptes figurant dans les chroniques. L e qalqha
184); le qalgha
M o h a m m e d (1761) perçut 300
000 agCe (CH 1073) ; le khan Adel Girây (1665), 100 000 aqie
d'après M e h m e d Aga Silahdar
(Silahdar
Selâmet (1762) reçut 300 000 aqCe (CEM
tarihi, Istanbul, 1928,1. p. 395) ; le khan Hâdji Girây (1682) reçut 2 000 altih (ibid., II,
p. 99) ; le khan Selîm Girây (1683). 1 0 0 0 000 aqie (ibid., p. 132); le khan Selîm Girây (1692), 250 000 aqie
(ibid.,
(Rasid
Istanbul. 2 e éd. 1865. VI, p. 288) ; le khan Selîm Girây (1770), 1 150 0 0 0 aqCe
tarihi,
p. 682) ; le qatgha
d'après A h m e t Vasif (Mehasin 2
al-asur
E u d o x i de H u r m u z a k i , Documente
T o q t a m î (1724), 6 0 0 000 aqce d'après M e h m e t R a s i d
ve haqaiq al-akhhâr. privitoare
la istoria
Le Caire, 1830, II, p. 131). românilor
l'histoire des roumains), suppl. I. vol I. Bucarest, 1886, pp. 55-56. 3 U z u n ç a r § i h . op. cit., II, p. 434; M .le Peysonnel, Traité sur le commerce 1787,1, pp. 239-241.
(Documents
concernant
de la mer Noire,
Paris,
EMPIRE
OTTOMAN
ET
25
CRIMÉE
somme variait d'une année à l'autre et dépassait souvent 4 000 000 aqce. Les segbân devaient accompagner le khan dans ses expéditions, mais un chroniqueur ottoman indique que des versements importants étaient aussi faits en temps de paix 1 . 5. Hass Dès le XVI e siècle, les Ottomans entretenaient des princes Girây dans divers domaines (ciftlik) des provinces européennes de l'Empire, ces princes ayant le titre de rehin (otage). Le but original des otages était de permettre aux Ottomans d'avoir sous leur contrôle les vassaux souvent peu coopératifs. Au XVIII e siècle, les Girây étaient entretenus dans les ciftlik aussi, pour permettre aux khans de régner avec plus de sécurité chez eux. Les Ottomans faisaient vivre ces otages en leur assignant une somme du hass (le maintien des autorités) de la région dans laquelle ils étaient tenus. Un registre du hass de 1688 cite, parmi d'autres autorités ottomanes, quatre princes Girây recevant respectivement 331 320 aqce, 99 960 aqce, 144 000 aqce et 259 560 aqce. On peut le comparer au hass de la valide sultane (la mère du sultan) qui était de 18 408 450 aqce, et à celui du qapudati-i derya (l'amiral de la flotte) de 6 296 520 aqce2-.
6 Tirkes baha En contrepartie de tout ce support financier, on comptait sur les Girây pour assurer la défense du flanc nord de l'Empire, et pour envoyer sur demande une armée tatare accompagner les expéditions ottomanes. Quand les Ottomans invitaient les khans à participer aux campagnes, ils éprouvaient la nécessité d'envoyer une donation supplémentaire, appelée tirkes baha («le prix de carquois»). Cette donation était variable et dépendait de l'importance de la campagne, et de la grandeur de l'armée tatare que le khan devait y mener. Un registre indiquant les dépenses initiales complètes de la campagne polonaise de 1683 fixe le tirkes baha à 1 090 030 aqce, soit des dépenses totales de 14 875 000 aqce3. D'habitude le tirkes baha était en moyenne de 30 000 à
l
Rasid
tarihi. op. ci!., II, p. 5 2 3 (4 800 000 aqfe);
(4 800 000 aqfe)
; CEM,
ibid., p. 535 (4 800 0 0 0 aqCe) ; ibid., IV. p. 217
181 (1750), 1 001 0 0 0 aqâe; CH 6103 (1697) pour segbân
(960 000 aqte) et CM 9883 (1716) pour segbân d'un ancien khan (240 0 0 0 2
MM
14 525. Le hass d e Qaplan Girây ( N i g b o l u ) était de 160 0 0 0 aqie
du
qalgha
aqie). (1737) (CEM 675); et
celui de Sa'âdet Girây, de 18 7 5 0 aqie (1723) (CH 4646). 3
M M 18 631. Ce tirkes baha f u t partagé ainsi : le khan Hâdji Girây, 223 220 aqce ; son fils Devlet, 7 8 590 ; le basbug d e l'armée tatare, Ali Aga, 60 000 ; le basbug de l'armée tatare, Mustafa Aga, 60 000 ; Yttmera tatar, 4 2 0 000 ; le qalgha, 144 4 2 0 ; Qïrïm Girây de la suite du qalgha, 76 700 ; le defterdâr du khan, 6 600 ; le deflerdâr du qalgha et les autres, 20 600.
26
CRIMEA
AND C R I M E A N
TATARS
40 000 altih (pièces d'or). Pourtant, en 1601, le sultan envoya 100 000 altih au khan avec un saliyane double, en l'invitant à envahir la Hongrie 1 . Ôzalp Gôkbilgin et Dilek Desaive découvrirent des tirk.es baha de 15 000 à 50 000 altih au cours de la dernière partie du XVII e siècle et du XVIII e siècle 2 . Le khan les distribuait parmi les chefs et surtout parmi les chefs de clans tatars dont l'accord était nécessaire pour pouvoir assembler une armée tatare. Tandis que ce fait n'est mentionné nulle part, il est certain que tout le butin et tous les captifs pris par le clan ou les chefs étaient gardés par eux.
III.
- L ' I M P O R T A N C E DU S O U T I E N F I N A N C I E R
DES
OTTOMANS Bien que les Ottomans disposent de bien des moyens de subventionner les khans, et que les totaux en aqce paraissent élevés, les khans ne dépendaient pas financièrement du sultan. Malheureusement, la plupart des documents concernant le khanat restent en Union Soviétique et les historiens russes et soviétiques s'en servent insuffisamment dans leurs recherches. Peysonnel donne un «budget» du khan en 1743, après l'augmentation des paiements ottomans et l'arrêt du trafic des esclaves, budget dans lequel sur un total de 15 396 000 aqce, seul s 2 4 6 0 000 aqce (dont 1 440 000 provenaient des tributs de la Moldavie et de la Valachie) pouvaient être imputés aux Ottomans 3 . Selîm Girây I er laissa une grande somme en mourant en 1704 ; Halîm Girây Sultan estime la valeur de sa succession à 2 4 0 0 000 aqce. Pourtant V. D. Smirnov écrit qu'il a trouvé dans les archives du khanat un registre évaluant les biens de Selîm Girây à 437 242 4 4 0 aqce, y compris ses terres. Sur cette somme, les Ottomans retenaient 3 543 660 aqce4.
' E . de Hurmuzaki, op. cit.. suppl. Il vol. Il, pp. 42-47 ; Naima florins- IV, p. 82: (1644) 3 600 000 /