Berlin Alexanderplatz: radio, film, and the death of Weimar culture 9780520259973, 9780520243637

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BERLIN ALEXANDERPLATZ

WEIMAR AND NOW: GERMAN CULTURAL CRITICISM

Edward Dimendberg, Martin Jay, and Anton Kaes, General Edutors

Peter Jelavich + BERLIN ALEXANDERPLATZ Radio, Film, and the Death of Weimar Culture

University of California Press | Berkeley Los Angeles London

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University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California

University of California Press, Ltd. London, England © 2006 by

The Regents of the University of California First paperback printing 2009

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data ) Jelavich, Peter. Berlin Alexanderplatz : radio, film, and the death of

Weimar culture / Peter Jelavich.

p- cm.—( Weimar and now ; 37) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-520-25997-3 (pbk : alk. paper). 1, Déblin, Alfred, 1878-1957. Berlin Alexanderplatz. 2. Germany—Politics and government—1918—1933.

3. Germany—Intellectual life—1918—1933. 4. Radio broadcasting —-Germany—History—2oth century. 5- Motion pictures—Germany—History-—2oth century.

I. Title. IT. Series. PT2607.035B51353 2006

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The publisher gratefully acknowledges the | generous contribution to this book provided

by the Ahmanson Foundation Humanities Endowment Fund of the University of California Press Foundation.

BLANK PAGE

CONTENTS :

List of Illustrations _ix

Preface xi 1. The Novel: Berlin Alexanderplatz 1 2. Politics and Censorship at the Berlin

Radio Hour 36 3. Cultural Programming and Radio Plays _— 62

4. The Radio Play: The Story of Franz Biberkopf —_93

5- Film Censorship inthe Weimar Era 126

6. Nazi Threats to Film 156 7. The Film: Berlin Alexanderplatz 191

Epilogue 240

Notes 249 Index 295

BLANK PAGE

ILLUSTRATIONS

1. Alexanderplatz, with police headquarters; postcard, ca. 1900. 4

2. Alexanderplatz, with Tietz department store; postcard, 1910. 4 | 3. Aerial view of the Alexanderplatz; postcard, 1924. 5

4. Renovated Alexanderplatz; postcard, 1935. 6 5- Ruins of the Tietz department store; postcard, 1945. 9 6. Cover of first edition of Berlin Alexanderplatz. 34

7. German radio stations and transmitters in 1927. 42 8. Radio fan: Doblin at home, ca. 1930. 76 g. Déblin broadcasts his views at the opening of the Berlin Secession, 1931. 724 10. The massacre on the Odessa steps, in Battleship Potemkin. 132

11. Censored scene of youths rioting, from Revolt in the | Reform School. 136 12. “The end of the film is the beginning of war”: The Flute Concert of Sanssouct. 280

13. The production team of Berlin Alexanderplatz. 202 , 14. Erna looks for Max in the demonstration, from Mother Krause’s

Journey to Happiness. 206

4g 5- Newspaper salesman in Berlin, the Symphony of the Big City. 209

1X

16. Biberkopf confronts the Pums gang, from Berlin Alexanderplatz. 214 17. Sound film novices: Maria Bard and Bernhard Minetti, in Berlin Alexanderplatz. 278

18. Mieze with Franz, in Berlin Alexanderplatz. 227 19. Poster advertising Berlin Alexanderplatz, designed by Curt Arens, 1931. 22¢

20. Franz leaves Tegel prison, from Berlin Alexanderplatz. 226 : 21. Franz hawks necktie holders on the Alexanderplatz, in Berlin Alexanderplatz. 227 22. A suspicious Franz tells Cilly to return a coat, in Berlin Alexanderplatz. 229 23. Ddoblin on the set of Berlin Alexanderplatz, 1931. 230

24. Reinhold seems unimpressed by Franz’s singing, in Berlin Alexanderplatz. 233

25. “Biberkopf” joins the fascists, in Hitleryunge Quex. 246

PREFACE

The arts of the Weimar Republic represented a wide range of views, from the extreme left to the radical right. But in scholarly parlance, the phrase “Weimar cul-

ture” usually refers to its innovative, experimental, and left-leaning components, such as the works of Alfred Déblin, Bertolt Brecht, and many others whose names populate the ensuing pages.’ It is commonly asserted that this culture survived until Hitler’s accession to power: only then did many writers and artists flee the country,

and those that remained were scared into silence or brought into line. But in this work I will argue that Weimar’s avant-garde culture was largely defunct by the end of 1931, the victim of a culture of fear that had gripped Germany ever since the previous autumn. Why should we care about this chronology, four generations after it transpired? Why does it matter whether Weimar culture died in 1931 rather than 1933? It is important because it is a tale of how visions were effaced and voices silenced within a society that was democratically governed and that respected the rule of law. To be sure, the cultural terrain was contested throughout the 1920s, and much of the

, Xi battle was focused on the two media that most directly experienced legal or de facto

censorship—film, the only privately owned medium that was subjected to preemptive censorship in the Weimar era, and radio, a state monopoly governed by political oversight boards. But by the end of the decade, the give-and-take of politicians,

| pressure groups, and media professionals had established parameters that allowed a

wide—indeed, a gradually expanding—latitude of artistic and political expression.

Yet the fragility of those compromises became apparent after the parliamentary elections of September 1930, when the Nazis scored a surprising success, as they gained 18 percent of votes cast. The result was a “fear psychosis,” in the words of a key member of the political oversight board of Berlin’s radio station. During the winter of 1930 and the spring of 1931, in the face of sustained verbal (and at times physical) attacks by Nazis, managers of publicly owned radio stations and producers at the major, privately owned film studios consciously decided to depoliticize their offerings. They justified their choice—they gave themselves rhetorical cover—by claiming that the general public, burdened by the ever-worsening Depression, did not want to contemplate political issues: it desired distraction, “simply entertainment.” What makes this tale so disheartening—but also so necessary to tell—is that Hitler’s appointment as chancellor in January 1933 was by no means certain in 1931; after all, at that point the Nazis could claim less than one out of five votes in national

elections. Nevertheless, in the radio and film studios, preemptive censorship was replaced by preemptive self-censorship, as the anticipation of a possible radical right-wing regime led to the sacrifice of specific works, and soon an entire culture, that embodied the values of the Republic. This is, in short, a cautionary tale about how fear of outspoken right-wing politicians can cause cultural production to be curbed and eventually eliminated as a critical counterforce to politics—all in the name of “entertainment.” In this work, I will provide a number of examples of Weimar’s cultural death. But in order to explain how it happened—to map out the multiplicity of forces that led to its demise— it is necessary to analyze specific cases in depth. I have chosen to focus on three versions of Alfred Doblin’s Berlin Alexanderplatz: the novel (1929), arguably the most innovative work of Weimar literature; the radio play, scheduled for broadcast on 30 September 1930 but cancelled at the last moment due to fear of Nazi protests; and the sound film, which premiered on 8 October 1931. Indeed, one can speak of five versions, since the radio and film scripts differ significantly from

the extant recordings. Why this focus? By comparing these works and recounting their fate, one can ascertain and analyze many of the aesthetic, technological, political, and commercial factors that at first sustained but later killed “Weimar culture” —a culture that counted Berlin Alexanderplatz as one of its pinnacles. This analysis is enabled by the fact that the three versions of Berlin Alexanderplatz

present striking aesthetic and thematic differences. The novel is considered a landmark of German literature for a number of reasons, most obviously its montagelike structure. There is a plotline in the novel, at the center of which stands the

Xil + PREFACE

character Franz Biberkopf; but the thread of the tale is continually interrupted and

entangled by effects that one may, without hesitation, call “discourses.” A major theme in the novel is the manner in which human thought and action are shaped but also confused by a variety of competing and often contradictory messages drawn from advertisements, commerce, fashion, journalism, politics, sexuality, religion, popular culture, and literature. These are relayed to the individual through mass media, via newspapers, journals, posters, phonograph, radio, and film. T he novel illustrates how Biberkopf is constantly buffeted and confused by the profusion of what we would now call “info-bites”: he sways between respectability and crimi-

nality, self-employment and willful unemployment, leftism and Nazi jargon, heterosexuality and bisexuality. Throughout the novel, Doblin radically questions the autonomy and the coherence of the human personality in the modern metropolis. Yet when this tale is retold in radio and sound film, the critical and innovative

aspects are lost. The novel evokes how a human personality dissolves in the modern, media-saturated environment; but paradoxically, when the story is recounted in precisely those media, Biberkopf is presented as a coherent, autonomous personality. In short, the very image of humanity that is supposedly dissolved dy the modern media celebrates its resurrection in the modern media. Furthermore, the political, commercial, sexual, and religious discourses that dominate the novel disappear in the radio play and film. In order to explain these discrepancies, I need to argue on at least two fronts: first, in terms of media aesthetics—in particular, the parameters of what was conceivable and presentable via radio and film in the Weimar era; and second, in terms of extra-

artistic historical factors—the political and economic pressures on the media after 1929. The two are related, since the changing conditions of production, which were reaching a state of acute crisis, transformed the manner of representation. Inasmuch as this book examines three versions of a common tale, it falls within

the parameters of intermediality, a topic that has generated substantial scholarly

literature. My study too addresses aesthetic issues pertaining to the different media. Some of the questions revolve around genre: what were the conventions of

narrative and drama for these different arts during the 1920s? In fact, there often were no such conventions because the technology was evolving constantly, especially in the acoustic realm: radio, in the form of public broadcasting, was introduced in Germany in 1923, and sound films arrived six years later. Literature,

drama, and silent film provided generic precedents, but the very novelty of the “talking” media encouraged experimentation. Indeed, that was a major reason for

Doblin’s attraction to them. The totally novel genre of Hérspiel (radio play)

PREFACE © Xill

allowed him the greatest leeway for innovation. By contrast, the Berlin Alexanderplatz sound film, over which Doblin had limited say, ended up being much more conventional, inasmuch as it adhered closely to established narrative norms derived from traditional novels and silent films.

As many studies of intermediality attest, the differences among the textual, aural, and audiovisual versions of a story may be related to differences of genre and

the varying requirements of technology among the media. But my study seeks to highlight a further dimension that impinges massively on production—especially during times of crisis in an embattled state like the Weimar Republic. That dimension is one of politics, and it takes many forms, ranging from censorship, or the parameters of free expression determined by the state, to marketing, or the limits of free expression determined by the public’s (perceived) taste and (perceived) toler-

ance for certain views. As we shall see, those parameters shifted dramatically between 1929 and 1931 and radically shaped the radio and screen versions of the tale. In From Caligari to Hitler: A Psychological History of the German Film (1947), Siegfried Kracauer famously argued that a close reading of film, qua mass medium, could uncover the political unconscious of the masses during the Weimar era. That

contention has been debated heatedly for the past fifty years, and I do not wish to recapitulate those discussions. But I do contend that there are other avenues by which one can not only detect but also causally explain the interstices of politics and media-—ones that take very concrete forms, such as political oversight committees

in radio studios, censorship boards for cinema, film industry reports on political pressures and public opinion, and rioters in cinemas. Conscious perceptions of the political situation, even if at times “imagined,” were at least as real as the political unconscious and were themselves a discursive medium that shaped the media. For that reason, this book is as much a political history of radio and film in the Weimar era as it is an intermedial comparison of the three versions of Berlin Alexanderplatz. The book commences with a chapter on the Alexanderplatz as locale, on Doblin,

and on his novel. It summarizes Doblin’s radically antihumanist standpoint, his desire to transcend the “psychology” of characters and the “subjectivity” of authors. : At the same time, Doblin sought to overcome the social divide between pretentious

literature and the population at large. Subjectivism and elitism were embodied for him in the “classical ensemble,” the cozy relationship of bourgeois society and high

culture that he hoped to explode. That project took many forms, until it culminated in Berlin Alexanderplatz, arguably the outstanding work of German literary mod-

ernism. Pierre Bourdieu has contended that Gustave Flaubert’s Sentimental Education “supplies the tools of its own sociological analysis,” inasmuch as the

XiV + PREFACE

“adventures of Frédéric” trace “the structure of the social space in which its author himself was situated.”* Berlin Alexanderplatz does not map the immediate cultural field in which Déblin and his fellow authors operated: indeed, its protagonists are totally ignorant of “literature.” But the novel does limn the larger cultural space that

“literature” would have to enter in order to survive, according to Déblin: a cultural space imbued with the products of mass media, intermingled with (and sometimes contending against) older forms of popular language and culture.

My study then shifts to radio. The second chapter deals with the creation of German public broadcasting in 1923 and governmental attempts to define its political

parameters over the rest of the decade. Fear of undue politicization induced the state to monopolize the airwaves, and initially radio was a fully apolitical medium. But the

need to transmit news, as well as to engage with the citizens of an evolving democ-

racy, resulted in the gradual opening of broadcasting to political discussions— though always under the watchful eyes of political oversight boards. In this context, the left had to fight a constant battle to voice its opinions, while conservative (though not radical right-wing) viewpoints held sway. The third chapter turns to cultural programming on the air. Initially, the members of Germany’s educated

bourgeoisie who dominated radio used it to dollop out huge servings of high culture. This practice soon led to a public backlash, which took the form of repeated demands to lighten up the programs. While that battle was being fought, the most innovative directors tried to nurture new forms of art for the new medium, such as the Horspiel, a type of radio play designed for purely acoustic reception. The fourth

chapter discusses Doblin’s contribution to that genre, The Story of Franz Biberkopf—a work that showcases artistic experimentation, but also bears the traces

of the political constraints upon broadcasting that were exerted even in the best years of the Weimar Republic. Moreover, Déblin’s radio play was the first victim of the panicked political climate after the Reichstag election of 14 September 1930:

scheduled for airing at the end of the month, it was cancelled at the last minute. The fifth chapter turns to film, as it examines the creation of film censorship boards in 1920 and how their rulings over the ensuing decade created standards that governed cinematic production. As in radio, conservative viewpoints were consid-

ered a “nonpolitical” norm, while socially critical opinions often had to fight the censors for screen time. By 1930 the parameters for political discussion seem to have been stabilized, only to be torn apart by events that are discussed in chapter six. In the wake of their electoral success in September 1930, the Nazis sought a victory

on the cultural front. Three months later they mounted massive demonstrations against the cinema that screened the Hollywood version of Al/ Quiet on the Western

PREFACE °+ XV ,

Front, a work that had been approved without much discussion by Berlin’s film censorship board. That ruling was appealed, and under massive pressure from the Army, the Foreign Office, Germany’s conservative states, and the Nazi rioters in the streets, the appellate film censorship board banned the work. That decision rocked the Republic’s political supporters at home and abroad, since it was seen as a capitulation to the Nazis. It also shook the film industry, which faced increasingly

censorious film boards and continued political disturbances in cinemas during the spring of 1931. Producers concluded that they needed to avoid partisan, controversial themes altogether if they wanted to have a chance of success. In that climate, Doblin’s novel was filmed in the summer of 1931. The screen version of Berlin Alexanderplatz, the subject of the last chapter, was crafted by a number of people—

above all, the director, Phil Jutzi, whose previous work showcased artistic innova-

tion and political commitment. Yet when the film was released in October 1931, critics could not hide their disappointment. On the surface, it was undeniably an estimable work with a number of worthy scenes; but fundamentally, its aesthetic compromises and thematic caution betrayed the commercial concerns and political

fears that had been plaguing cinema since the previous autumn. Jutzi’s Berlin Alexanderplatz can be read as a palimpsest of the dying Republic.

In the ensuing pages, I argue that censorship as well as the market were both constraining and enabling forces in the process of cultural production. Yet I would like

to think, somewhat inconsistently, that my own financial sponsors have been wholly enabling. I commenced my research on Weimar media during my extended

stay at the Arbeitsstelle fiir Vergleichende Gesellschaftsgeschichte (now the Berliner Kolleg fiir Vergleichende Geschichte Europas), which was sponsored by

Jiirgen Kocka and funded by the Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung, the National

Endowment for the Humanities, and the University Research Institute of the University of Texas at Austin. I wrote the bulk of this manuscript during my sojourn at the National Humanities Center. I am grateful to those institutions for providing me not only with funding but above all supportive and intellectually stimulating environments. This project is based primarily on materials located at the Bundesarchiv (formerly in Potsdam, now in Berlin-Lichterfelde), the Stiftung Deutsche Kinemathek, and the Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, whose friendly and efficient staffs expedited my research. Above all, I would like to thank

Sally Clarke, Frances Ferguson, Sabine Hake, Vernon Lidtke, and Marjorie Curry

Woods for their careful and critical readings of this work. |

XVI + PREFACE

ONE + The Novel:

Berlin Alexanderplatz :

Berlin’s Alexanderplatz and its surrounding neighborhoods, where Alfred Doblin

spent his youth and returned to practice medicine, represented the dynamism and instability of Germany’s metropolitan capital. Bordering on areas populated by the very poor as well as the traditional working class, the Alexanderplatz itself was a site of modernity in all its variety, ranging from disciplinary institutions like the police headquarters to commercial establishments like department stores, and crisscrossed by a web of public transportation systems. For Déblin, this protean neighborhood was emblematic of the forces with which he and his fellow citizens had to

cope. Disdainful of the self-satisfaction of bourgeois society and art, sympathetic | to the lower classes and mass culture, Déblin rejected the ideology and aesthetics of classical humanism already before the outbreak of the Great War. He called upon his fellow authors to practice radical self-abnegation, according to his insight that the psyche of contemporaries was being invaded and destabilized by a barrage of commercial, political, and pop-cultural messages. By the middle of the 1920s, however, Doéblin began to impute greater powers to the spiritual resources of indi-

viduals—both citizens and authors—in their contest with the prevailing discourses. But the struggle remained hard fought, as seen in the tale of Franz Biberkopf, the labile protagonist of Berlin Alexanderplatz—a story over which Doblin himself was not fully in control.

I

SUBJECTIVITY IN THE CITY Alfred Doblin (1878-1957) was born in Stettin, where his father owned a clothing

store. The Jewish family’s secure middle-class existence was shattered ten years

later when the father ran off to the United States with one of his employees. Doblin’s mother took her five children to Berlin, where two of her brothers offered them some support. Yet their life was hard, and they could afford quarters only in

Berlin’s poorer eastern neighborhoods. Having studied medicine in Berlin and Freiburg, Déblin worked in hospitals in Regensburg and Berlin before starting his own practice in western Berlin in 1911. But after serving as a military doctor in Alsace during the war, he returned to his childhood neighborhood east of the Alexanderplatz and opened a practice catering to low-income patients.’ Berlin’s Alexanderplatz had a reputation for impermanence, instability, criminality, even insurrection—all of the values, in short, that stood opposed to those embodied in the royal palace located a few hundred meters away. Throughout the eighteenth

century the Alexanderplatz had remained outside the city’s perimeter, as defined by the fortifications constructed after the Thirty Years’ War. Those walls also accounted

for the area’s importance, since the K6nigstor (royal gate) and the K6nigsbriicke (royal bridge) that spanned the encircling moat were the major point of entry into the city, which was oriented toward Prussian territories in the east. The southern area of the future Alexanderplatz—the space beyond the K6nigsbriicke—was known as the

Paradeplatz, since it was used for military exercises. In the 1750s a poorhouse was built there, a further disciplinary institution that served not only as a soup kitchen and

a make-work project for the unemployed but also as a debtors’ prison. Offices of Prussia’s judicial bureaucracy were added to the area in the 1780s. But the space was

used primarily for commerce and industry; several textile manufactures were estab-

lished there, to provide clothing for the court and uniforms for the Prussian army. Livestock was traded as well; hence the area northeast of the K6nigsbriicke was called

the Ochsenmarkt (ox market). Only in 1805 was the wide space beyond the bridge officially named the “Alexanderplatz” to commemorate a visit by the Russian czar.’

Berlin’s rapid growth during the nineteenth century, increasingly fueled by industrialization, led to the burgeoning of working-class suburbs north and east of

the city. No longer at the outskirts of town, the Alexanderplatz acquired the form and function of an urban square. One of the major attractions was the Konigsstadtisches Theater, which opened in 1824 and remained one of the Berlin’s most popular stages until it closed in 1851. Though it also performed works of high

culture, such as opera and drama, it became best known as a venue for popular

2 + THE NOVEL

comedies in Berlin dialect. It gave birth to the famous character Nante, an “Eckensteher” who (as the word implied) lounged on street corners, looking for (or

avoiding) work and commenting on current affairs—in short, a forerunner of Franz Biberkopf. The Alexanderplatz acquired a reputation for popular discontent in a much more concrete sense during the revolutionary upheaval of 1848, when the largest barricade in Berlin was erected there. Constructed from overturned carts, cobblestones, and sandbags as well as stage sets and furnishings looted from

the K6nigsstadtisches Theater, it withstood an assault by royal troops trying to reach the city’s center during the night of 18 March.

During the last half of the nineteenth century, the Alexanderplatz maintained some of its earlier functions, though now updated to serve the needs of a booming metropolis. The poorhouse was torn down to make way for the vast, brick-

clad police headquarters replete with offices as well as an inner-city jail—‘“the grim, red Police Presidium,” as Déblin called it (fig. 1).* As part of a citywide program to replace the numerous open-air markets with covered structures, Berlin’s central market hall was erected to the west of the Alexanderplatz (at the location of the present television tower), and the former Ochsenmarkt was trans- |

formed into the city’s central livestock market. As manufacturing industries | moved eastwards, a variety of services took their place. Berlin’s largest department-

store chains, Wertheim and Tietz, opened branches on the Alexanderplatz after the turn of the century (fig. 2). The huge Grand Hotel dominated the east- __ ern end of the square after the 1880s, and numerous restaurants were founded,

including the famous Aschinger, nestled on the ground floor of the former K6nigsstadtisches Theater. The Alexanderplatz continued its tradition of popular entertainment with the opening in 1909 of the Union Theater, the city’s first freestanding, upscale cinema. Needless to say, the transportation system had to be updated continually to accommodate the growing masses of employees and consumers attracted to the area. The moat surrounding the city was filled and covered with the tracks of the commuter rail system, which opened a station on the Alexanderplatz in 1882. On the eve of the Great War, Berlin’s new subway system reached the square (fig. 3). In the early months of 1919 the Alexanderplatz, to a much greater extent than in 1848, became the scene of revolutionary upheaval and civil war, as communist and

, leftist forces seized the police headquarters in January, during the “Spartacus” uprising, and again in March, during the general strike. These disruptions were quickly and brutally contained. A very different form of turmoil soon characterized the Alexanderplatz, as its increasing commercial importance turned it into a

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206 + THE FILM

raised Marxist themes in an indirect manner. Jutzi himself said, “I support topical films that not only entertain but also serve a higher cause. But the tendency should

not be smeared on too thickly.” The visual details were eloquent: for example, in scenes of a fairground, we see not only people amusing themselves but also the men who keep the rides spinning with their hard, repetitive, physical labor. After the film’s premiere on 30 December 1929, numerous critics lauded Jutzi for having learned much from Soviet filmmakers; he was commended for his use of crosscut-

ting and montage as well as for the wealth of human types and physiognomies, actually drawn from Wedding, that populated the street and pub scenes. Siegfried

Kracauer wrote that “unlike others who merely copy the external aspects of the Russians, he actually has learned from them. His street, house, and courtyard scenes are excellent,” and the sequence at the demonstration was “unforgettable.””! In fact, Fritz Walter, a normally well-informed critic for the Berliner Borsen- Courier,

made the mistake of referring to “the Russian, Piel Jutzi” and proceeded to write,

“Perhaps the most astonishing thing about this film directed by a Russian is how very berlinerisch it is, the way that with every street, every room, every face, he expresses the reality and the concept of the city of Berlin, its people and their fates.”** Not surprisingly, Mother Krause was highly praised in leftist newspapers; the Communist Welt am Abend called it “the best film about Berlin life that ever

_ was shot.” Just as predictably, the work was condemned in right-wing newspapers. Claiming that movie theaters should be “places of relaxation and entertain-

, ment, not sites for partisan propaganda,” the trade paper Kinematograph, part of the Hugenberg empire, concluded with this advice to cinema owners: “A film that should not be screened.””* Despite such cautions, Mother Krause was a great success. During the first week of its release, the police had to assist with crowd control at cinemas in Berlin’s working-class neighborhoods, owing to the long lines and the necessity of turning away hundreds of ticket seekers.” By 1930 Jutzi had become famous for his association with leftist cinema as well as his creation of the one of the most successful “Zille films.” These two credits made him a prime candidate for directing Berlin Alexanderplatz. But that novel also

evoked another type of “Berlin film,” one that found its greatest expression in , Walter Ruttmann’s Berlin, die Sinfonie der Grosstadt (Berlin, the Symphony of the

Big City). That work represented a mode of filmmaking with which Jutzi had not been associated, but its influence was so great that he eventually included scenes in

Berlin Alexanderplatz that seem to be direct quotes from Ruttmann. The idea for Berlin, the Symphony of the Big City had been conceived by Carl Mayer, arguably Germany’s greatest screenwriter of the silent era: he had coauthored the scenario

THE FILM + 207

for The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari and wrote the scripts for some of the best films of Lupu Pick and F. W. Murnau. Much of Mayer's success was due to his conception

of film as a purely visual medium: some of the works he scripted had only one intertitle (Pick’s Sylvester/ New Year's Eve, 1923; Murnau’s Der letzte Mann/The Last Laugh, 1924) or none at all (Pick’s Scherben/ Shattered, 1921). Mayer conceived Berlin as a work in which the city “would replace an ‘actor’ as the major character—the hero of a film.” Moreover, Berlin would be presented as a “symphony” composed around the “thousand-voiced melody of this city,” wherein “sequences of images” would constitute the “chords.””° The film was made financially possible through the support of Julius Aussenberg, the manager of the German

subsidiary of Fox studios. The fact that Fox sponsored two of the most innovative German works of the 1920s—-Ruttmann’s Berlin and Berthold Viertel’s Abenteuer eines Zehnmarkscheins (The Adventures of a Ten-Mark Bill, 1926)—refuted those who contended that American capital invariably spawned cinematic kitsch.

Ruttmann had made a name for himself as an avant-garde cinematographer by creating four abstract shorts in the early 1920s (Opus z—4). As we have seen, in 1930

he went on to craft the highly innovative radio piece Weekend as a nonnarrative montage. The same principle of composition marked Berlin, his first feature-length

film. He spent over a year collecting scenes for the work, often through candidcamera techniques, at all hours of the day and night. Ruttmann spliced them together, without any intertitles, into a rich and rapid montage of parallel and contrasting shots that depicted a day in the life of Berlin, from early morning until late in the evening. Throughout the film we see a variety of social classes—desperately poor beggars, industrial workers, shopkeepers, secretaries, managers, the idle rich—engaging in similar or contrasting activities during the day: going to their jobs (or morning entertainment), at work (or shopping), breaking for lunch, going back to work, and finally enjoying various evening diversions (sports, dancing, drinking, live shows, and of course cinema, represented by a Charlie Chaplin movie). Some of the sequences depict counterparts of Biberkopf, as it were: men engaged in hawking a variety of wares on the streets of Berlin (fig. 15). The scenes of human activity are interspersed with the lives of machines: the traffic of cars, streetcars, and commuter trains as well as the industrial mechanisms that spew forth everything from molten steel to light bulbs, from newspapers to bottled milk and baked bread.

Premiered in September 1927, Berlin was not a commercial success, but it attracted considerable commentary. Critics were generally very positive, indeed enthusiastic, but an undertone of discontent could be heard through their praises.

208 + THE FILM

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r (Z1, 1931).

derpl from Bertin Alexande P at ir. li JUTZI,

f Fil museum Berlin euts Cc in Fotoarchiv. e Kinema ;

-“

- 770 In the Wwirly ingunijaws i s and stare gaping goggle-eyed jaws s at Franz. nc y ions make the message clear, but the 1 he ou ths rfilm, actual t 7 4iscarce kl that scene y‘ itquic 1¢r viewer °: es SO

Siap-—almea no overnment p—ai t at the Nazis butcensorsni at g p—

.

Vv | | y when w herhenin€ firstthe courtyard of a encounter ner 1 film’s sung by Mieze v io .work! n e theme m e song, : “Love comes, love g g hib -

ann Keine Ke h ” (Lieb kommt, Lie e gent, as r v u I iticization | he essentia epo itici mM becomes clearest

ust INpric S. | j compares scen |

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b l the novel and in the movie. in he boo

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cause the moc im i 18 Pangster occurs Detw cquaintances be b tween Biber Op an 1their i ‘ crimin n S I naer ei" | Jh| | ke art in f | of a ke scene poin S | ma

using 1to||tak a 1cri

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the movie: namely, that it copied too closely the style and motifs of run-of-the-mill

gangster films. In the end, the cinematic Berlin Alexanderplatz was so cleansed of controversial themes that it passed the Berlin film board without any cuts.” Like

most films of the era, however, it was limited to adults—a ruling that was antici-

pated in the ironic words of Biberkopf, who tells potential customers on the Alexanderplatz: “Youths can attend this show” (“Jugendliche haben Zutritt”).” Of course, many of the novel’s themes that were absent from the screenplay or the resulting film might have been deleted not so much from fear of censorship as from concern for maximizing audience. The script called periodically for shots that ~ evoked the social misery of the time: scenes of prisoners and the “panoptic build-

ing” of the jail in Tegel as well as images of the unemployed, the homeless, and prostitutes.’ At one point the screenplay even includes one of the most powerful and disturbing images in the novel, that of cattle being driven to slaughter. But all

of those scenes were missing from the final film, presumably because they might have demoralized a public that was turning to cinema for escape from the miseries

of everyday life, to the extent that it could afford to attend movies at all. In Depression-era Berlin, the annual value of tickets sold dropped 14 percent in just one year, from 51 million marks in 1930 to 44 million marks in 1931.” Under such

conditions, it was understandable that German film producers shied away from depressing topics that might have discouraged potential viewers. Concern for maximizing an increasingly scarce public affected not only the themes but also the aesthetic devices of the film. Despite Pressburger’s and Goldschmidt’s advocacy of artistically high standards and Jutzi’s and Doblin’s sympathies for the social and aesthetic avant-garde, they had to consider the conventional preferences of the public, relatively few of whom would have read the novel. In aesthetic terms, there were some fundamental tensions to be worked out. The mode of composition of Déblin’s novel, the precedent of Ruttmann’s film, and the lessons

that Jutzi had learned from Soviet cinema should have encouraged extensive use of

montage, jump cuts, and a generally nonnarrative structure. But audience taste as well as the conventions of early sound film tended toward “realism.” To be sure, the introduction of sound initially had sparked lively debates among filmmakers and critics as they sought to assess the potential of the new technology. Some argued that

a proper sound film should provide a balance among three acoustic elements: dialogue, music, and sound effects. In 1929 Arnold Pressburger, at the time working for

the Tobis film company, had been the producer of Das Land ohne Frauen (The Country without Women), which billed itself as the first “too percent sound film” to

be made in Germany. Two days before the premiere, Pressburger published an

THE FILM © 215

article in the Fi/m-Kurter, in which he claimed that sound film was still in an experi-

mental stage: the proper balance between dialogue and music still had to be determined as well as their relation to optical elements.’ Critics complained, however,

that The Country without Women, starring Conrad Veidt, kept dialogue, sound effects, and songs rigorously separate; as a result, the film did not cohere.” By contrast, The Blue Angel, which premiered several months later, was an excellent exam-

ple of the combination of those elements: music obviously plays a dominant role; ambient noises and sounds are important creators of mood; and the dialogue is so effective because it is used relatively sparingly.

Sternberg’s masterpiece, however, marked the end of a transitional era, after which new (and some not-so-new) conventions were established. One novelty was the film musical, a highly successful genre represented by such Ufa blockbusters as

, Die Drei von der Tankstelle (Three Guys at the Gas Station, 1930) and Der Kongress tanzt (The Congress Dances, 1931). Even nonmusicals sought to launch at least one

“hit” song, which would be publicized through gramophone records, radio broadcasts, and sheet music. But despite the popularity and success of song, most films

were dominated by the spoken word as well as by a type of “realism” that drew upon the visual and narrative conventions of silent film (whose mode of storytelling had been influenced in turn by nineteenth-century literature and drama). Among the salient elements of this cinematic realism were a careful rendition of milieu and a linear plotline focused on a few characters. These conventions are clearly present in the screenplay and especially the film version of Berlin Alexanderplatz. Visual precedents for “authentic” milieu were provided by films about Berlin, both the “Zille films” and Ruttmann’s work, though the former clearly predominated. Jutzi himself was noted for his sense of authenticity; Hunger in Waldenburg was shot entirely on location in that mining town, and

much of Mother Krause was filmed in proletarian neighborhoods of Berlin. In his next work, the scene of Biberkopf hawking necktie clips was shot on location at the

Alexanderplatz, but that was an exception.” Berlin Alexanderplatz was filmed largely at the Ufa studios in Neubabelsberg, which were routinely rented out to other production companies like Allianz. On 22 May 1931 the Lichtbildbiihne reported on the sets created by the talented designer Julius von Borsody for the film: “The sections of streets, facades, stairwell nooks, and dark corners of courtyards that Borsody has built in Babelsberg for the Allianz film ‘Alexanderplatz’ possess a patina of reality that is astounding. This really is Berlin. The Berlin around the Weinmeisterstrasse and the Grenadierstrasse [i.e., the Scheunenviertel].” The article also noted that already in Mother Krause, Jutzi had demonstrated a

216 + THE FILM

“sureness of instinct and tact for milieu, a decided flair for what constitutes Berlin.”” Two weeks later, the Reichsfilmblatt reported from the shoot: “Behind the large, almost windowless halls . . . they have built a piece of Berlin. Just a small piece, a slice, unspecified yet clearly and unequivocally Berlin: namely, a hoarding

[Bauzaun]. And along this hoarding a bit of street, again just a little bit: but its noise, its life, its pulse, its vehicles and people are genuine, completely genuine. A piece of Berlin—more than twenty kilometers from Berlin. In Neubabelsberg.”* Such ongoing reports from film shoots were, of course, routinely orchestrated by film companies to generate interest in upcoming releases, and we may assume that whatever information they imparted echoed the messages that the producers wanted to convey. Clearly, one of those messages was that Berlin Alexanderplatz was going to be a “realistic” film. And that conception of “realism” obviated the symbolism and spiritual multidimensionality that pervaded the novel as well as the

script for The Consecrated Daughters and the recording of The Story of Franz Biberkopf.

Not only the film’s visual imagery but also its dialogue was supposed to evoke the Berlin milieu. Much of the novel Berlin Alexanderplatz had been determined by

the local dialect; the minds of Biberkopf and the characters around him were suffused with the clichés, the thought patterns, and the rhythm of Berlin argot. Indeed,

Walter Benjamin asserted that the book was born “from the spirit of Berlin’s language.”*! Obviously, the introduction of sound would have allowed the film to indulge the novel’s linguistic games. But that option was not pursued to any great

extent, as technical and commercial considerations conspired against it. The still relatively poor quality of sound in 1931, especially that of sound-delivery systems in the “provinces,” necessitated clear enunciation. More significantly, actors lacked experience with the new medium: even if they had appeared in silent films, they were not used to making short verbal takes. For this reason, dialogue coaches were hired to vet the performers’ enunciation and to ensure consistency and continuity from shot to shot. Berlin Alexanderplatz was the first talkie for Maria Bard (Cilly); though she had been a successful silent-film actress, she continued to fail soundfilm screen tests for a full year before Allianz hired her. Likewise, it marked the sound-film debut for Bernhard Minetti (Reinhold), who was just embarking on what was to become a distinguished career on stage (fig. 17). Jutzi himself was a newcomer to sound—and a rather suspicious one at that. In January 1931 he published an article in the Film-Kurier, in which he proclaimed: “Film was—is—and

will be visual.” Noting the poor quality of most sound productions, Jutzi stated that “at least for the time being,” sound must be subordinated “absolutely” to

THE FILM + 217

‘

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FIGURE 17

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Sound film novices: Maria Bard (as Cilly) and Bernhard Minetti (as Reinhold), in Berlin Alexanderplatz (dir. Phil Jutzi, 1931). Courtesy of Filmmuseum Berlin, Deutsche Kinemathek, Fotoarchiv.

a‘ae4

image: “The plotline of a film should be made visually comprehensible. Dialogues - must be reduced to a minimum. . . . Long dialogues are against the nature of film, . they generate boredom, and spectators find them exceptionally taxing to hear.” Jutzi went so far to assert that “even an outstanding actor and unparalleled speaker

like George must have narrowest limits placed on his dialogue.” | With sound-film novices in such important roles, Pressburger hired Karl Heinz Martin as dialogue coach. Best known as a director of live theater, Martin also had a distinguished career in cinema, having created one of the first expressionist films,

a version of Georg Kaiser’s play Von morgens bis mitternachts (From Morn to Midnight, 1920). Martin was well acquainted with Doblin’s work, since he directed

the Berlin production of Matrimony that premiered on 11 April 1931. For Berlin Alexanderplatz, Martin’s task was to “draw a maximum of naturalness out of the short sentence fragments spoken during the individual takes.”** Dialogue coaches also were supposed to encourage actors to speak clearly, precisely, and in a manner

comprehensible to general audiences. But the Berlin dialect—with its unique words, idiosyncratic grammar, and rapid-fire speed——was not universally under-

stood. Cinema owners told producers not to make films in regional dialects, since _

audiences in other parts of Germany found them hard to understand. North German viewers, for example, disliked films with heavy Bavarian accents, and Berlin dialects played poorly in the south.” Consequently, the Alexanderplatz film contained a few well-known derlinerisch turns of phrase, but generally was sparing in its use of the local argot. One Berlin critic noted that “the word coaching of Karl

Heinz Martin ensured exact speaking and clear phrasing, but the words themselves don’t sound genuine,” so that one heard only a “doctored dialect.”* Like the visual stereotypes, the employment of moderated Berlin dialect was sufficient to signify

“Berlin” for a general audience, but the characteristics of the language hardly

| played the commanding role that they did in the novel. The conventions of film had an even more radical impact on the narrative and characterization. Like the radio play, the feature film had to be compressed into less than ninety minutes, a fact that led in both cases to streamlining the plot. One critic quipped that “the plot is lifted out of Doblin’s novel like bones from a fish.”*”

Another conceded that there was “no other way” but also noted that “from the plenitude of figures in the novel, only two women and a couple of thugs remain.” Many reviewers regarded the “thugs” and the “two women” as cinematic clichés rather than models of authenticity. Rudolf Arnheim, at the time a film critic for the

Weltbiihne, expressed dismay that a director as talented as Jutzi should have

THE FILM + 219

resorted to “pub scenes such as we’ve seen ad nauseam, in which four men sit around a pub table in a conspiratorial manner, tough guys down shots of schnapps

at the bar, and rakishly made-up women sashay through the joint as if they were models of iniquity.”®” One reviewer suspected that viewers who had not read the book would consider it “just one more of the many ‘underworld’ films.”” Another

, critic noted that the film’s criminals seemed to be “guys from Harry Piel’s world”—a reference to the star and director of a successful series of German

_ gangland movies.”! The only publication that lauded this emphasis was the Kinematograph, a trade paper that was part of Hugenberg’s press and film empire.

Claiming that Doblin’s novel contained “a clearly delineated tendency that we don’t need in cinema especially today,” the reviewer added, “Arnold Pressburger, a very smart and thoughtful producer, realized that, and thus he turned the book about the Alexanderplatz into “The Story of Franz Biberkopf’ or—if you want to express yourself cinematically—into an underworld film.””” The film’s female protagonists, Cilly and Mieze, embodied the conventional dichotomy of good-hearted whore and naive innocent. The many women with whom Franz has affairs in the novel converge on screen into one character, Cilly. A

publicity article that appeared during the film’s production noted, with considerable understatement, that “a slight change of emphasis in the disposition of the story was necessary. Hence, for example, Cilly stands significantly more in the

foreground than she does in the novel.”” In the film, Franz meets Cilly in Henschke’s pub immediately after his release from prison, and he stays with her until he is run over by a car and disappears into the hospital for several weeks. Thereafter (at the halfway point in the film), he meets Mieze (fig. 18), whom we first see as a street singer in the courtyard of a working-class housing block. This manner of introducing Mieze provides an opportunity to introduce the film’s theme song as well. But it also serves to characterize Mieze as a much more “innocent”

person than she is in the novel, where she might have engaged in prostitution before meeting Franz and certainly did during their relationship as a means of bolstering the household finances. In the film, street singing (essentially a form of beg-

ging) is coded as a respectable, if poorly paid, occupation: when Mieze objects to Franz’s criminal activities, she tells him that they can resume that trade (“We'll find work, even if in the courtyards”).”* In the screen version of Berlin Alexanderplatz,

prostitution is a trade reserved for Cilly, who becomes the “kept woman” of a rich man in the western parts of town. This reduction of the numerous women in the

novel to two female characters—one of them “innocent,” the other more “sinful”

yet essentially good-hearted—replicated a stereotypical pairing of women that

220 + THE FILM

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was determined not by Ddoblin’s novel or even by his screenplay but above all by

George’s own screen persona. Though known today primarily for his role as the foreman in Fritz Lang’s Metropolis (1927), George appeared in a wealth of cinematic roles and was one of the best-known film stars of his time.”” He was famous for portraying essentially good-hearted but weak-minded and destructively impul-

sive men—much like Biberkopf. Yet George acted them in such a way that there was unity to the character; his impulsiveness was a “tragic flaw” in what was otherwise a vital and coherent personality. By the time that George played Biberkopf, his stage persona had become a stereotype. One critic noted in 1928 that George’s

figures were “colossi of strength, with childish emotions.”’* This aspect of George’s screen persona could even become tiresome, as a reviewer noted in 1929:

“It is embarrassing that Heinrich George is not able to free himself from the cliché of good-natured brutality.””’

George seems to have transferred the same cliché to his characterization of Biberkopf. According to one critic of the film, George portrayed “a Parsifal of the

Alexanderplatz—massive, crude, and yet a pure fool. Violent but also gentle and tender.””* In the case of Berlin Alexanderplatz, the persistence of this screen charac-

ter was possible because George had significant say in the film’s production. In October 1930, when George publicly announced that he would play Biberkopf, the Film-Kurier reported the film would be produced by a “Kollektiv” consisting of Déblin, George, “and others.”” Though George was not part of the “authors’ collective” of Doblin, Wilhelm, and Jutzi, he was a powerful voice on the set. The Film-Kurier reported from a shoot, “Now criticism of the take begins. George believes that the thieves are not light-footed enough for professionals. Piel Jutzi agrees with him, and Karl Heinz Martin, the dialogue coach, concurs from an acoustic standpoint.”'°° That order of command does not seem to have been unusual. In an interview at the time of the film’s release, Jutzi admitted that George

was largely in control of his characterization of Biberkopf: “One of my most interesting tasks in the film was to allow such an exceptionally strong actor as Heinrich George, who portrays Franz Biberkopf, to move about freely, to avoid restraining

the natural continuity of his movements, and yet to present only what was necessary for the cinematic production.”'”! In short, Jutzi—who at the beginning of the

year had asserted that “even an outstanding actor and unparalleled speaker like George must have the narrowest limits placed on his dialogue”——provided only minimal direction for the star actor. Critics, in turn, contended that George’s performance would have benefited from more directorial guidance.'"’ George’s shaping of Biberkopf, and that character’s domination of the entire film, induced several

222 + THE FILM

reviewers to echo Herbert Ihering’s quip that the work should not be called Berlin

Alexanderplatz but rather Heinrich George as Franz Biberkopf.'” This relation of character to city in the film—an inversion of that in the novel—was best illustrated, however inadvertently, by a promotional poster depicting George towering

over the Alexanderplatz (fig. 19). | George’s rendition of Biberkopf was not the only example of rehumanizing and reintegrating Doblin’s characters in the film. In an interview at the time of the premiere, Bernhard Minetti, who played Reinhold, spoke of the challenge of “limiting the many-sidedness of this character, which Déblin had sketched so dramatically, in the interest of a clear plot development, without, however, depriving the figure of its

enigmatical nature.”'* Thus even a newcomer to sound film like Minetti assumed

that the medium required a simplification of character portrayal. This issue was addressed on a more general level by the film critic of Vorwarts, who wrote, “What remains completely unrepresentable is the thought-world of Doblin’s people, the purely associative manner whereby Ddblin combines their ideas. A major attraction of the novel is thereby lost, since film has no means to represent visually or acoustically the unspoken feelings and thoughts of a human being.”’” Of course, that state-

ment was incorrect, since silent films had developed a whole range of optic effects—from human gestures to symbolic use of objects—to represent “unspoken

feelings.” Doblin himself had envisioned a number of such effects in the screenplay | for The Consecrated Daughters, but he chose to forego them in the screenplay to Berlin | Alexanderplatz, despite the profusion of symbolic and mystic scenes in the novel.

The absence of such scenes was a logical outcome of the decision to shoot a “realistic” film in terms of characterization, narrative, and scenery. Some reviewers, including Kracauer, thought that most of the film was no better than an average gangster flick. But other observers admired the supposed “realism” and “authenticity” of precisely those sequences. In an otherwise critical assessment of the film, the reviewer for the Vossische Zeitung praised Jutzi’s handling of detail: “He has insights, tempo, and sensitivity for the atmosphere of the big city and the small pubs. He has observed very precisely how people move, how they are dressed, and how they express love, hate, pride, and despair in their own particular ways. He gives a ‘genuine’ slice of that world in which petty bourgeois and criminals live side by side, a portrayal of manners in the style of Zola.”'”’ It seems that this reviewer accepted “the style of Zola” as realism per se rather than as a literary convention of the real, a reality effect. Whereas Arnheim deplored “the pub scenes such as we’ve seen ad nauseam,” one such sequence was touted in Heinz Umbehr’s pathbreaking book on sound

THE FILM + 223

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Biberkopf (Heinrich George) towers over the Alexanderplatz: poster advertising Berlin Alexanderplatz, designed by Curt Arens, 1931. Courtesy of Filmmuseum Berlin, Deutsche Kinemathek, Graphikarchiv.

film, published in 1932. Umbehr chose a horrifying scene of a mine disaster from Pabst’s Kameradschaft (Comradeship, 1931) as a model of combining visual and sound effects and a passage from The Congress Dances as an example of operetta

filmmaking. His choice of dialogue matched with appropriate visual effects (gestures and setting) was the sequence in Alexanderplatz where Biberkopf, having

lost his arm, returns to Henschke’s pub and encounters Pums. In the screenplay (which varies slightly from the film), the characters speak short, clipped sentences and are given awkward gestures to reflect Henschke’s and Pums’s unease at Franz’s

reappearance. Calling Berlin Alexanderplatz “one of the best, most progressive sound films in the dramatic genre that aims to create milieu and character,” Umbehr commented, “This scene is dominated by words, by question and answer, comment

and reply. But it is organically woven into the visual construction of the scene. From the screenplay one can see clearly the mimetic action that accompanies the words, one sees the changing objects that are highlighted by the camera, the intertwining of word and image.”!””

This “realism,” though predominant, was not the only aesthetic in Jutzi’s film. ' Critics who disliked its conventional aspects could take heart in the use of mon-

tage and other innovative techniques. In many ways, the high point of Berlin Alexanderplatz comes at the very beginning. The opening shots are very slow and measured, as the camera pans the outer walls of Tegel prison and comes to rest on a door, from which Biberkopf emerges. After bidding farewell to a guard, he hesitatingly sets off to catch a tram into town (fig. 20).'* The scene of the tram ride is perhaps the most advanced sequence in the entire film: totally lacking dialogue and

underscored by music that is increasingly vertiginous, it evokes Franz’s growing disorientation and queasiness. Visually, it consists of rapid cuts among a dizzying variety of images: the tram in motion, the passing cityscape, the conductor's view of traffic, close-ups of tracks in front of the speeding streetcar, and reaction shots of an increasingly nauseated Biberkopf. It illustrates very forcefully the chaotic impressions of the big city upon a man who has just spent four years in confine-

ment. Thereafter the tempo calms down for several minutes. We see Franz’s encounter with a bum, who steals his suitcase while he watches a wedding; then he enters Henschke’s pub, where he meets Cilly and attracts the attention of Reinhold.

But he rejects the gang’s offer to work with them, and his new employment is signaled by a very effective match cut from Franz’s open mouth on the street outside the pub to his open mouth as a vendor on the Alexanderplatz.

The ensuing scene is notable not only for George’s verbal tour de force, as he spouts off the hilarious monologue while hawking necktie holders (fig. 21). The words

THE FILM + 225

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