Bayard Taylor and German letters 9783111326214, 9783110983050

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Britannica et Americana (Britannica, neue Folge)

Herausgegeben von den Englischen Seminaren der Universitäten Hamburg und Marburg/Lahn (Prof. Dr. Ludwig Borinski, Prof. Dr. Walther Fischer und Prof. Dr. Horst Oppel) Band 4

IN MEMORI AM J O H N KRUMPELMANN NEW ORLEANS 1867—1949.

Britannica et Americana (Britannica, neue Folge)

Herausgegeben von den Englischen Seminaren der Universitäten Hamburg und Marburg/Lahn (Prof. Dr. Ludwig Borinski, Prof. Dr. Walther Fischer und Prof. Dr. Horst Oppel)

Band 4

Bayard Taylor and

German Letters by

John T. Krumpelmann

1959 Cram, de Gruyter & Co., Hamburg

© Copyright 1959 by Cram, de Gruyter & Co., Hamburg Alle Rechte einschließlich der Übersetzungsrechte und der Redite auf Herstellung von Photokopien und Mikrofilmen vorbehalten. Printed in Germany. Satz und Drude: $ Saladruck, Berlin N 65.

FOREWORD This disquisition owes its inception to a suggestion made by Professor John Albrecht Walz, when, in 1920, the author was seeking a subject in the fields of German-American literary relations which might be suitable for a doctoral dissertation at Harvard University. After several years of research in the libraries of Harvard and Cornell universities the dissertation "Bayard Taylor as a Literary Mediator between Germany and America" was submitted and accepted at Harvard in the Spring of 1924 in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. T h e following academic year was spent in postdoctoral research in Germany as a Parker Travelling-fellow of Harvard University. In the autumn of 1924 the author was graciously received by Mrs. Bayard Taylor (née Marie Hansen) at her home in GarmischPartenkirchen, where she died the following July in her ninety-seventh year. T h e summer of 1930 witnessed examination of the Cornell material. After an extended interruption caused by conditions whidi resulted in World W a r I I and its aftermath, intensive research was renewed during the summer of 1952, spent in the largest extant manuscript collection of Taylor's writings, letters, diaries, etc. at Cornell, in the extensive unpublished holdings in the West Chester Museum and Historical Library at West Chester, Pennsylvania, and in the manuscript division of the New York Public Library. The library of the University of Pennsylvania generously supplied a photostatic copy of Taylor's then unpublished lecture "Amerikanische Dichter und Dichtkunst," which, since 1924, has been in the Harvard Library as an appendix to the dissertation. T h e Huntington Library, San Marino, California, courteously sent me microfilm copies of a number of still unpublished letters containing information pertinent to Taylor's German literary interests. T h e author wishes to express his thanks to the members of the staffs of the libraries mentioned above, to the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Harvard University, which made possible the research carried on in Europe, to the Research Council of the Graduate School of Louisiana State University for grants in aid enabling return visits to the Cornell collection and to that in West Chester, Pennsylvania, and finally to the staff of the Graduate School of Louisiana State University for executing the final typed draft of the present volume. 5

Since the original copy of the dissertation in the Widener Library of Harvard University has been available for scholarly examination for over three decades, some material may have found its way into print. However, since the author is unaware of any such transpiration, and since the material included in the present volume is almost twice as extensive as that contained in the original essay, the author feels justified in offering the public the present document in the hope of disclosing therewith one phase of the desirable cultural relations which prevailed between Germany and the United States during most of the last century. " Wer vieles bringt, wird mandiem etwas bringen." Baton Rouge, La. March 4, 1958 John T . Krumpelmann

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INTRODUCTION The beginnings of American literature were naturally, and necessarily, imitative of the literature of the mother country, England. Such imitation, obvious enough to English — speaking people, has been the cause of much of the complaint and criticism launched against the lack of originality in the productions of American authors, especially against those of the earlier period. But there have been other influences at work on American writers. Too little has been done to determine the extent to which our men of letters have borrowed from or, possibly, contributed to the non-English literatures. The century which elapsed between the close of the Napoleonic Wars and the outbreak of the First World War witnessed remarkable growth in the spirit of internationalism. Like any important movement, this one manifested itself in all phases of human activity, and, consequently, in the field of letters. It is safe to assert that during this era no foreign literature, excepting always that of England, exerted such profound and extensive influence on American letters as did that European literature whose "Golden Age" sprang from the same impulses which gave birth to this young Republic, the literature of Germany. If American literature has had a "Golden Age", that age was the second and third quarters of the nineteenth century, the epoch which witnessed the maturity and decease of James Fenimore Cooper, Washington Irving, Edgar Allan Poe; the blooming forth of William Cullen Bryant, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, James Russell Lowell, John Greenleaf Whittier, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Oliver Wendell Holmes; the budding of Bayard Taylor, Edmund Clarence Stedman, the Stoddards (Richard H . and Elizabeth), George Henry Boker, William Dean Howells, Thomas Bailey Aldridi, Samuel Clemens and Walt Whitman. This same period marks the flood tide of the interest in German letters displayed by the American literati and is an aftermath of the invasion of the German universities by a number of our scholars earlier in the century. 1 Incidentally too, this extent of time almost coincides with the life of that American man of letters, who, although posterity has not decreed that his star shall shine among the brightest in the all too nebulous firmament which tops the American Parnassus, held in his own day a conspicuous position in the world of letters, still maintains a respectable place in literary history, and cannot be forgotten as long as Goethe's Faust is read by English - speaking peoples in their native language. Albeit a number of investigations has been made into the relations of individual American authors to German thought, life and literature 2 and other studies have endeavored to set forth the influence and vogue of certain German authors in America, 3 no disquisition has yet 7

undertaken to determine Bayard Taylor's relation to and occupation with German letters; 4 and this despite the fact that every account of his life, must necessarily connect him not only with Germany but also with German literature. It will, therefore, be the purpose of this study to show that after 1844 Bayard Taylor occupied himself with German literature throughout his entire career and that he became the foremost literary intermediary between this country and Germany. We shall endeavor to trace this occupation through the various phases of its development. Further we shall investigate the part Taylor played in making German literature, and the spirit thereof, better known to American authors. Finally we shall demonstrate, that, as a result of his manifest interest in German literature and of his personal relations to German authors, Taylor played no mean role in making the literature of his own country better known in Germany. This disquisition is, therefore, like Caesar's Gaul, divided into three parts.

Part I I. The Origin of Taylor's Interest in German Letters. II. The Course of Development of this Interest. III. The Manifestation of this Interest in Taylor's Works. His Non-Creative Works. IV. His Original, Non-Literary Works. V. His Original, Literary Works. VI. His Proposed Works. Part II VII. Taylor as a Disseminator of the Knowledge of German Literature. Part III VIII. Taylor as a Writer in German. IX. Taylor as a Representative of American Letters in Germany. 8

CHAPTER ONE The Origin of Taylor's Interest in German Letters In making a study of Taylor's relation to German literature it behooves us first to investigate the inception of his interest in that subject and to attempt to ascertain how, when and why his attention became engaged in German literature. Taylor's contemporary, Hippolyte Adolph Taine, finds that: 1 "Trois sources différents contribuent à produire cet état moral élémentaire, la race, le milieu et le moment." Accepting Adolf Bartels' dictum:2 "das biogenetische Gesetz, das heute auf den Namen Haeckels getauft wird, das aber schon die Romantik entdeckt hat: die Entwicklung des Individuums ist die abgekürzte Wiederholung seiner Stammesgeschichte", we shall inquire to what extent each of the element enumerated by Taine contributed to the production of Taylor's interest in German letters. Whittier once enthusiastically championed Bayard Taylor as "our Pennsylvania Friend, the Quaker-born Taylor", 3 whereas Oscar Kuhns, pleading the German-American cause asserts:4 "In poetry Bayard Taylor may be at least partly claimed, being in two lines of Pennsylvania-German blood." It is indeed significant that in the veins of him who was to become the interpreter of Goethe's Faust to the English-speaking peoples there coursed a goodly proportion of German blood. As the appended chart5 will show, both of Taylor's grandmothers were of south-German or Swiss extraction, the one on the paternal side being of that sect which might be called the German Quakers, the Mennonites. This grandmother "knew hardly any English, but always spoke with her children the curious patois known as Pennsylvania Dutch". 6 The condition of the other side of the family may be illustrated by the fact that the speech of Bayard's own mother was not free from an admixture of the same dialect.7 Surely in Taylor's subsequent career blood did tell. Albert H. Smyth's statement that, 8 to Taylor's "German stock was due the strong attraction that Teutonic studies had for him" and the poet's own wont to trace to that source his "Lust zu fabulieren", 9 cause us to wonder whether another trait, so characteristic of Taylor, his Wanderlust, did not likewise owe its origin to his Germanic strain. The poet himself wrote: 10 T h e children of the P a l m a n d Pine Renew their blended lives-in mine

because he realized that he possessed traits foreign to the nature of his Quaker ancestors, but explainable by the presence in his make-up of elements inherited from his south-German forbears. The following passage from his novel John

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Godfrey's Fortunes (1864) 1 1 is positively autobiographical. "A mixture of the German element, dating from the first emigration, tended still further to conserve the habits and modes of thought of the community. My maternal grandfather, Hatzfeld, was of this stock, and many of his pecularities, passing over my mother, have reappeared in me, to play their part in the shaping of my fortunes." The environment in which Taylor passed his boyhood contributed to some extent in determining his interest in things German. A century and a quarter ago Pennsylvania was the German state of the Union. Chester county, in which Taylor was born and spent his youth, although not itself one of the counties where the percentage of Germans was the highest, was, nevertheless, one of the German counties.12 According to Professor A. B. Faust's estimate, 13 the German component represented in 1799 about one sixth of that county's population. Nor is it likely that this ratio had changed much a generation later, when Bayard Taylor appeared on the scene.14 Hence it follows that young Taylor must have heard the Pennsylvania dialect around him every day 15 and have been impressed by quaint customs which the families of his neighbors and relatives had brought with them from their German fatherland. There is no evidence that these influences impelled Taylor to display any active interest in things German, 16 but, viewed in the light of subsequent events, it is apparent that the atmosphere in which he spent his first eighteens years created within his soul a receptivity for the German in all its phases. Nor is there any evidence that Taylor ever realized prior to 1844 that he was himself a "Pennsylvania Dutchman", living in a "Pensylvania-Dutdi" community. But two letters of the year of 1845 written by Frank Taylor to his cousin Bayard while they were both in Germany, show that the latter was at least then conscious of his position. In January Frank writes: 17 "When I see anything in these Germans that don't please me, it seems natural (particularly if it is something stupid) for me to call them Dutchmen. So with your Erlaubnis, even if you are part German, I shall when a little mad call them Dutchmen." A month later, 18 after having alluded to the Germans as Dutchmen, Frank adds: "Pardon me, you son of Dutch ancestors." It seems that after the first European trip Taylor realized with some pride that he was a member of the Pennsylvania Deutschtum, whereas, previous to the trip he had either given the matter no thought, or, as may be inferred from the letters quoted above and from the sensitiveness of so many Pennsylvania Germans on this subject even today, he was a little ashamed of the appellation "Dutch" and took no positive steps to identify himself with that element. A comparison of the following extracts will demonstrate this change in attitude. The first is from a lecture written after Taylor's return from Europe, 19 the second from an essay, incomplete and not dated, but probably composed before he left America. They both deal with the German element in America and are found in manuscript form in the Cornell University Collection. 20 "Germany is the land of our ancestors the land whose customs have been partly transplanted to our own, and whose language is even naturalized to some extent to our soil." These lines display a warmth which, though 10

engendered in the soul of the poet by associations and circumstances of his youth, failed to find expression in the earlier description as we shall presently see. "The Germans, with their fondness for the wild and supernatural, forsook the green hills of their father land — the spectre-haunted Hartz — the renowned steep of the Drachenfels — and even their own bright river the 'glorious Rhine' — for a land unhallowed by Poesy and unknown to Romance. They did not, however, forget their father land, 21 as their fondness for its language and customs denotes, and the steadfast opposition they maintain to all innovations. Characterized as they are by a love of ease and an aversion for active pursuits they were, nevertheless, when called on by necessity, quick to conceive and prompt to execute, and the militia of Pennsylvania, in the Revolution, were distinguished by their fortitude in enduring the sufferings of that stormy time." The repeated use of "our" in the former passage as contrasted with the "their" of the latter does much to change the tone. Likewise that element which Taine calls le moment22 was a factor in winning Taylor for German literature. When Bayard was born the vanguard of American students had already returned from their stay at the German universities. 23 Others were just going or preparing to go. 24 When Taylor attained an age at which he could take an interest in literature, the fruits of the American invasion of the German institutions were in full bloom. The Transcendental movement had taken hold of New England. Enthusiasm for German literature and learning amounted to a mania. Barrett Wendell in his Literary History of America25 pictures the situation thus: "In 1800, it has been said, hardly a German book could be found in B o s t o n . . . . In 1842 you could find in Boston few educated people who could not talk with glib delight about German philosophy, German literature, and German music." Even more vivid is contemporary comment. Discoursing in the Dial26 upon a book which had recently appeared 27 the Reverend Theodore Parker, with a show of irony, proclaims: "It is supposed, at least asserted, that these misguided persons [i. e., the lovers of German literature] would fain banish all other literature clean out of space; or, at the very least, would give it precedence of all other letters, ancient or modern. Whatever is German, they admire; philosophy, dramas, theology, novels, old ballads, and modern sonnets, histories, and dissertations, and sermons; but above all, the immoral and irreligious writings, which it is supposed the Germans are engaged in writing, with the generous intention of corrupting the youth of the world. . . . This German epidemic, we are told, extends very wide. It has entered into the boarding-schools of the young misses, of either sex, and committed the most frightful ravages therein. We have been appraised that it has sometimes seized upon a College, nay, on Universities, and both the Faculty and Corporation have exhibited symtoms of the fatal disease. Colleges, did we say? N o place is sacred, not the Church is free. It has attacked clergymen in silk and lawn. The Doctors of Divinity fall for it." Then in a serious vein Parker continues: 28 "But let us come out of this high court of Turkish justice, and for a momer t look German literature in the 11

face and allow it to speak for itself. To our apprehension, German literature is the fairest, the richest, the most original, fresh, and religious literature of all modern times. We say this advisedly." 29 Discussing the same volume in the North American Review a critic declares in part: 3 0 "A German mania prevails, affecting our young men and maidens,. . . just as a Byron mania did fifteen years ago,. . . only that the former is more general, and manifests itself not only in poetry, but in various departments of literature and philosophy." Nor could the effects of this phenomenon be confined to New England. Even though one dare not say of Pennsylvania, or of Philadelphia, as has been said of Boston, 31 that hardly a German book could be found there in 1800, 32 and although the first considerable collection of the poetry of Germany issued in this country was published in Reading, Pennsylvania, in 1831, 3 3 it was, nevertheless, the strictly American literature to which young Taylor devoted his attention and from which he received his early inspiration. "There are but few who make me feel so thrillingly their glowing thoughts as Bryant, Longfellow, Whittier and Lowell (all Americans, you know), and these I love", he wrote in 1842. 34 As will presently appear, it was primarily through the activities of the New England school that Taylor's interest was directed towards Germany. Taylor's formal education ended when he was seventeen.35 It contained no element which might have tended to direct his interest to German. From his last school he wrote to his mother. 36 "Having now completed astronomy, I am principally studying the languages, and have made such proficiency in French that I am able to read Voltaire in his native language. . . . I am also studying Latin, and am making great progress in it." Taylor's diary for the first three months of 1842 3 7 contains numerous references to his literary activities, among them the reading and studying of French, Latin and Spanish. 38 A manuscript book in the Cornell collection 39 containing "The Miscellaneous Productions of Bayard Taylor (alias Julius) from the age of 12 to 15" exhibits frequent references to things English, French and Italian, but only one reference that might suggest German, a place-name, "Eisenhelm." It therefore seems fair to conclude that Taylor's school education contributed nothing that inclined the youth to that field of endeavor which was destined to attract the man so powerfully. Some conception of the results of the seemingly enforced discrimination against German can be obtained from words which Taylor uttered years later. 40 "I never could see a book written in a foreign language without the most ardent desire to read it. I remember that I came across a copy of Wieland's 'Oberon', and as at that time I knew nothing of German it took me several days to read the first verse." 41 Although Smyth is undoubtedly correct in dating this performance prior to 1840, the result of it was not the acquisition of a knowledge of German. Like most boys Taylor cherished a desire to travel and supplemented his schoolroom learning by eagerly reading books treating of that subject. In the autobiographical account referred to above we read: 42 "I hungrily read all European works of travel, and my imagination clothed foreign countries with a splendid atmosphere of poetry and art." As early as 1842 he writes to 12

a friend43 announcing that he is reading Cooley's American in Egypt and that he expects to see that country and Greece some day. The following year he proposes to another friend44 "a tour through Italy, Greece, Egypt and the Holy Land." His diary contains the following entry dated January 25, 1844: 45 "I have been thinking of Europe all day, and am sure that by great exertion I can join Frank in a little more than a year, so as to make a tour of Switzerland and Italy." A month later he writes:46 "I may as well say, without circumlocution, that I have been desiring lately to visit Europe with Frank. We intend to travel on foot, economically, as much for study and improvement as for the gratification of beholding scenes so hallowed by the imagination. I believe the desire was produced in me by reading Willis's letters from Europe in 1832 and '33." It is a striking fact that in none of his early utterances does Taylor express a desire to visit Germany. Willis's book47 encouraged him to undertake a European tour, but in that work only slight notice is given to Austria and Switzerland, and Germany is entirely ignored. However, about 1842 or 1843 48 the perusal of Howitt's Rural Life in Germany fixed Taylor's attention on that country and convinced him that he could make a pedestrian tour of the German states at a cost not beyond his meager means. However a product of that enthusiasm for Germany and things German which had recently seized New England was to be the deciding factor. In one of the portfolios at Cornell49 we find, under the year of 1843, this statement, probably written by Mrs. Taylor: "must have read Longfellow's Hyperion, for according to Frank Taylor's account the book influenced him to go to Europe." In the same place and in the same hand we read further: "Frank Taylor told me that it was Longfellow's Hyperion which started in him the idea of going to Europe and especially to Heidelberg, and that in this way Bayard was influenced in going." Years later Taylor himself corroborates this testimony in part when he writes concerning the preparations for his first transatlantic voyage.50 "My cousin — whose intention of visiting Europe had been the cause of precipitation my own plans — was also ready." In the light of these statements and of the fact that the text of Views Afoot itself displays not only a close knowledge of, but also an enthusiasm for, Hyperion and its author, it is reasonable to agree with Professor Smyth51 and Mr. Conwell52 that the New Englander's romance furnished the spark which fired Taylor's poetic nature with an unquenchable desire to become acquainted with Germany, But the desire to visit Germany was not enough. Taylor's finances had to be replenished before he could undertake such a journey. Here again le moment was propitious. Had it not been for the popularity which things German were enjoying as a result of the Germanomania then raging, it might not have been so easy for the youth of nineteen to sell in advance a series of letters to the Saturday Evening Post and the United States Gazette?3 Likewise the New York Tribune published Taylor's letters from Germany. That Horace Greeley's decision to make use of Taylor's letters was actuated rather by his good judgment as a journalist than by any kindliness for the vendor is evident from his own words.54 "I am side of descriptive letters, and will have no more of them. But I should like some sketches of German life and society, after you 13

have been there and know something about it. If the letters are good, you shall be paid for them, but don't write until you know something." In short, Greeley was buying what he knew he could sell, what the spirit of the times demanded. Thus enabled by the readiness with which the publishers subscribed to his letters, Taylor set out upon the adventure to which he had been incited by the literature of his day, and, with his heart prepared by the Pennsylvania-German atmosphere in which he had been reared and the German blood that throbbed in its chambers, he went to find a second home among that people which he learned to love next to his own. 55

CHAPTER TWO The Course of Development of this Interest In view of the incompatibility of Smyth's statement1 that Taylor "had already in part acquired [German] from Wieland's 'Oberon', from his grandmother and the Swiss servant of the family" before 1840 with the assertion of the poet himself,2 that his effort to read "Noch einrnal sattelt mir den Hippogryphen, ihr Musen", was a task of several days, because he knew at that time not a single word of German, it becomes necessary to ascertain to what extent Taylor was acquainted with the language and literature of Germany before his sojourn in that country. Smyth's assertion is, if not false, at least misleading. Referring to Taylor's first acquaintance with German the editors of Life and Letters of Bayard Taylor3 content themselves with a citation of Taylor's own words concerning his first difficulties with Oberon. They evidently deemed it best not to mention the theory that Taylor "learned German from Victoria,, the Swiss servant, and his grandmother." 4 There is indeed evidence that Taylor was not entirely ignorant of German before leaving the United States. In one of his scrapbooks is found a manuscript copy of a poem which is headed "From the German of Latimer, By J . G. Whittier". T o it is subjoined: "West Chester"

"Sept. 3, 1840"

And then, printed in bold German characters: "em schon Gedicht".5 It must have required at least some knowledge of the language to append this final line. The writer in the Cambridge History of American Literature chanced upon a happy phrase when he wrote: 6 "Some acquaintance with the German language he picked up at home", inasmuch as "some" is conveniently vague. Taylor's own writings furnish most positive evidence that, upon his 14

arrival in Germany, his knowledge of the idiom of that country was practically nil. He and his friends7 took a German grammar with them to Europe.8 Their closest associate during the four weeks spent on the ocean and for a week after landing,9 who shared with them their meager fare and who in return sang for them "Arndt's beautiful song of the Fatherland, the 'Free German Rhine' and the beautiful ballads of Uhland and Hauff", 1 0 was a German student. In spite of these opportunities we find that not one of the Americans was capable of uttering the most elementary expression or of understanding the spoken word when they arrived in Germany. On entering German territory Taylor proceeded to Frankfort. Desirous of finding the American consul, he accomplished it thus.11 "I discovered at last, from a gentlemen who spoke a little French, that the Consul's office was in the street Bellevue, which street I not only looked for through the city, but crossed over the bridge to the suburb Sachsenhausen, and traversed its narrow, dirty alleys three several times, but in vain. I was about giving up the search, when I stumbled upon the office accidently. The name of the street had been given me in French, and very naturally it was not to be found." 12 On the next day en route to Heidelberg via Darmstadt he reports:13 "With the passengers in the ominbus I could hold little conversation. One, who knew about as much French as I did, asked me where I came .from." Arriving in Heidelberg he procures rooms "by the help of a valet de place, who spoke a few words of English." 14 Here is direct, first-hand testimony which not only proves Taylor's inability to use or understand German, but also shows that he preferred to rely on his questionable proficiency in French, rather than venture to use whatever small smattering of the Pensylvania dialect he had "acquired" at home. The most striking example of the extreme limitations of his linguistic attainments at the time of his first entry into Germany was narrated by Taylor himself years later in a little sketch called "First Difficulties with Foreign Tongues." 15 "The train was detained for some time at one of the country stations, and we began to feel the want of dinner. Noticing one of the passengers eating a piece of bread and cheese, I said to him, 'What is that?' at the same time pointing to the articles. The words were so much like the German that he understood me, and answered, 'Brot und Käse'. By repeating this, we were supplied with bread and cheese." Although one is inclined to wonder whether the poet has not mingled an element of "Dichtung" with "Wahrheit" in this anecdote, it is manifest that the sum total of Taylor's knowledge of German on arriving in Europe was too inconsiderable to be worthy of notice. Alpheus Sherman Cody's dictum directed at the trio: 16 "They knew nothing at all of German." just about hits the mark, for in a letter of March 20, 1869 Taylor writes:17 "I knew some little French, but went first to Germany, where I was ignorant of the language." Likewise was Taylor's ignorance of German literature almost complete when he entered Germany. Notwithstanding the assertion of Professor Smyth that "while in West Chester he read Herder, in German, with Miss Evans", 18 we have no reason to believe that, before the middle of 1844, Taylor's 15

knowledge of the literature of Germany extended beyond the first line of Oberon and the outspoken allusions to German literature contained in Longfellow's Hyperion.19 Taylor's description of the Rhine 20 shows an acquaintance with the Rhine legends,, but not with any works of literature. The "Lorelei" rock, for example, does not suggest Heine. Rather do we detect here an echo of Longfellow's romance. His first real acquaintance with both the language and the literature of the Germans was made during the winter of 1844—1845 which he spent in Frankfort. Despite the fact that he was living in Goethe's native city, despite the fact that he must have known something of Goethe from Hyperion, Taylor showed at first no interest in either Goethe or his works. The only allusions found in the earlier chapters of Views Afoot to that author who has since been called "the index of Taylor's mind" 2 1 are concerned merely with the external displays attendant upon the uilveiling of the Goethe statue in Frankfort on October 21, 1844, and with the golden cock on the Main bridge. 22 But Taylor immediately began a good, hard and through study of the language. Lessons began in Heidelberg in September, 1844. 23 Before returning to Frankfort in October, 24 he knew "enough German to travel with ease and comfort." 2 5 "Within the interval he must have read Uhland's "Der Wirtin Tochterlein," the first piece of German literature mentioned in Views Afoot26 Study continued after the return to Frankfort. The following excerpt from an unpublished letter to his cousin is interesting in that it demonstrates not only the nature of Bayard's activity and the influence of Hyperion, but also the enthusiasm and diligence of the eager youth. 27 "I have written considerable, read half your Bremen Lesebuch, a whole book of tales besides, and nearly all of Tiedge's Urania. It is a metaphysical poem mentioned you know in Hyperion. I can read with very little use of the dictionary, and speak quite readily on almost any subject. I have mastered the principal difficulties of the German construction, and it comes quite natural. The idioms remain to be conquered, but the hardest part is over. It is not delightful [sic!J28 to read the German authors, expecially the Poets, and comprehend them immediately, in their native and original beauty!" By the end of the year the fight had been almost won. In the original edition of Views Afoot, unider the date of January 2, 1845, we read: 2 9 "Besides, after a tough grapple, I am beginning to master the language, and it seems so necessary to devote every minute to study, that I would rather undergo some privation, than neglect turning these fleeting hours into gold, for the miser Memory to store away in the treasure-vaults of the mind." 3 0 "A little library of German authors" is the way Taylor alludes to his share of the presents received at his first German Christmas. 31 Two days later he wrote: 32 "Among my Christmas presents I got a beautiful copy of Wieland's 'Oberon', with plates, and I can now read, *Noch einmal sattelt mir den Hypogriphen [sic!] etc.' without trouble. 33 I also received Sdiubart's poems in three volumes, The German Almanac of the Muses, by Riickert, and Van Velde's complete works, in four handsome volumes. Barclay got among other things Hauff's works in five volumes." Even before the receipt of these books Taylor 16

had been delving into literature and was already somewhat familiar with the content of Faust, Schiller's Robbers and "Hoffmann's weird tales".3* That he now at once set in to peruse these new acquisitions as well as the works of other authors, can be learned from his own testimony. 35 "I use no dictionary now, it all comes to me like English; and though I have not ventured on the 'giants' yet, I have become pretty well acquainted with the smaller fry, sudi as H a u f f , Van der Velde, Uhland, Freiligrath, Ruckert, Wieland, Tiedge, Schubart, Burger etc. I think four month more will finish me in German." After writing this Taylor remained two months more in winter quarters. 36 During this interval he did venture upon the "giants". That he had come under the spell of Schiller is evident from the enthusiasm displayed in a letter to a friend written shortly before his departure from Frankfort. 3 7 "I hope, and will strive for, a place like that of Schiller — not to imitate him, for that I will not do; but to be as pure in heart and as lofty in soul, and to do as much for the spiritual elevation of my country as he has done for that of his. Do not laugh at my presumption, for I will be content with a smaller place only that I may do something for the good of men, and can find the love and sympathy of all souls who are striving for the same end." That this ardent outpouring was not the whim of the moment is attested to by the numerous and enthusiastic references to Sdiiller contained in the pages of Views Afoot subsequent to this date. 38 Whenever the youth visits a place where Sdiiller has been, he must orate about it. 39 Nor did his interest in the poet of youth and freedom cease with his return to America. Although devotion to Goethe gradually eclipsed his ardor for Sdiiller, a vital interest in the younger of the twain continued throughout Taylor's life. Let it be mentioned here that one of the last extensive pieces of literary work which Taylor executed was an adaptation of Don Carlos,40 and that his plan to write a Goethe-Schiller biography accompanied him to his grave. During this initial period interest in Goethe suffers by comparison with that displayed for Schiller.41 There can be little doubt that the high-minded youth was prejudiced against the sage of Weimar by the reports, then so current in the English-speaking world, 42 of Goethe's immorality and aristocratic tendencies. That he knew of Goethe is positive. His first activity in the spring of 1845 was to undertake a Harzreise because his "fancy had been running wild with Goethe's witches". 43 Ascending the famous mountain, he informs his readers : 44 "This is the way which Goethe brings Faust up the Brocken, and the scenery is graphically described in that part of the poem." On the same journey Taylor visited Leipzig, passed by "Auerback's [Sic!]45 Cellar", recalled its connection with Goethe's Faust and, simply "looked down the arched passage; not wishing to purchase any wine, we could find no pretext for entering." 48 In Rome on New Year's Day (1846) the groves of oranges recall to him c "Mignon's beautiful reminiscence Im dunkeln Laub die gold-Orangen gliihn!'", but there is no mention of the author of the verse. 47 N o t even the Borghese Palace, 48 suggests to him the author of Faust. Thus meager are the references to Goethe. Such was then the attitude of the youth who was destined to interpret Goethe's masterpiece to the English-speaking world. 2

Krumpelmann

17

Consistent with his interest in Schiller is the interest he displays for other rebel-poets. His acquaintance with Freiligrath became so close as to render it worthy of a more detailed treatment. His allusion to Heine and Herwegh as "two of Germany's finest poets" 49 justifies our assuming that he had already become familiar with their works. On the other hand the paragraph devoted to Ulrich von Hutten 50 gives the impression that his knowledge of this author is second-hand. The quotation of Hutten's motto as "The die is cast— I have dared it!" is not necessarily indicative of familiarity with the works of this author, 51 even though he was interested in him as a rebel. Likewise in speaking of the Middle High German epic Taylor shows that he is treading beyond his depth. The following passage is contained in the earlier versions of Views Afoot,52 but has been omitted from the edition of 1872, undoubtedly in view of his increased knowledge of the matter under discussion. He is describing the halls in the new royal residence in Munich, which are "to contain Schnorr's magnificent frescoes of the Nibelungen Lied the old German Illiad. Two halls are at the present finished; the first has the figure of the author, Heinrich von Ofterdingen, and those of Chriemhilde, Brunhilde, Siegfried and other personages of the poem; the second, called the Marriage Hall, contains the marriage of Chriemhilde and Siegfried, and the triumphal entry of Siegfried into 'Worms." Taylor also became acquainted with the works of other minor authors. Such will find mention in subsequent chapters whenever they had any influence on his literary activities. 53 Once in possession of a working knowledge of the language and a fair acquaintance with the literature, Taylor began to turn his thoughts to translation. Before the close of 1844 his cousin admonishes him: 5 4 " I must not forget to say what seems to me true, that it is better for you to write those thoughts which spring up in your own soul, that which comes from your own mine of mental riches, rather than too much translating the thoughts of others." But the ambition of youth soon went further in its flight. Early in the following year, the same cousin found occasion to admonish: 55 "It seems to me devilish hard for an American to write also in German verse, but go ahead you have a mission to perform." Taylor was prompt in attaining the former of these ambitions, but the latter was not to be realized for many years. The first translation of any length in Hyperion occurs in the chapter56 describing a "Studenten-Kneipe". Here Longfellow renders in English a rollicking student song which he calls the "Fox-Song". In Views Afoot the first translation occurs in connection with the description of a "general commers". Taylor selects a song of a quite different type from that given in Hyperion and renders in nine solemn stanzas the Landesfather, or song of consecration. 57 This rendition was probably made before the close of the year of 1844. The translation of Uhland's ballad "The Mountain Boy", found in the same volume, was evidently executed the following summer.58 The only other translations definitely assignable to the time spent in Germany are from Freiligrath. The revolutionary "Freedom and Right" contained in the earlier editions of Views Afoot,59 has been omitted from the later ones. Taylor's 18

translation of " A u d u b o n " was first published in Graham's Magazine in June, 1845. More will be said later of his plans to translate copiously the poems of Freiligrath a n d some o i the works of H a u f f . M a n y of the original poems composed during the months spent in G e r m a n y treat of G e r m a n subject matter. Since most of these pieces subsequently a p p e a r e d in Rhymes of Travel, a discussion of them will be o f f e r e d when that volume is considered. S u f f i c e it to mention here those German themes which were treated poetically but which were not included in Rhymes of Travel. Some of the poems of this period we know by name only, a n d their loss is probably not to be regretted. T o this class belong the compositions entitled " M o z a r t " , " G e r m a n y " , and "Beethoven", of which T a y l o r speaks in a letter to a friend in April, 1845. 6 0 Three other poems which f o u n d their w a y into print, but not into Rhymes of Travel, deserve mention, " A Rhine S o n g " ! 6 1 " T h e Death Dirge, A Legend of H a m b u r g " ; 6 2 a n d " S o n g of the A l p " . 6 3 T h e first, an original poem, was written at Heidelberg 6 1 on September 11, 1844, soon after T a y l o r ' s arrival in G e r m a n y . 6 5 " T h e Song of the A l p " undoubtedly owes a debt to Uhland's " D e s Knaben Berglied". First it must be noticed that T a y l o r ' s translation of Uhland's ballad occurs in the twenty-fifth chapter of Views Afoot. 68 T h e f a c t that the original poem follows the translation b y less than f o r t y pages indicates a relatively short lapse of time between the execution of the two pieces. A s a matter of fact, we k n o w that the translation w a s well under w a y , if not complete, by J u l y 26, 1845, 6 7 and that the original poem w a s written in H e i delberg, August 5, 1845. 6 8 W e also f i n d that, in a letter written to a friend in J u l y , 6 9 B a y a r d , describing his own feelings during a trip to the A l p s , writes: " L i k e Uhland's 'Mountain B o y ' Below me storm a n d lightning m o v e , I stand a m i d the blue a b o v e ; I shout to them with fearless breast: ' M y father's dwelling leave in r e s t ! ' "

C o m p a r i n g the poems as to f o r m we f i n d : Uhland's consists of f i v e stanzas. Each stanza is m a d e up of two rimed couplets, plus the refrain, which does not rime. T h e meter is iambic tetrameter. In T a y l o r ' s poem, much more lengthy than Uhland's, the eighty-four verses are grouped into three almost equal parts. T h e prevailing line is iambic tetrameter. T h e prevailing rime-form is the couplet, as is the case in Uhland's composition, but in the American p o e m the rime-scheme and the length of the lines v a r y to some extent. Both poems are mountain songs, one a " B e r g l i e d " a n d the other a " S o n g of the A l p . " In the German poem the theme is more specific a n d concrete. T h e herd boy sings of his relation to the phenomena characteristic of the mountains a n d he represents the spirit which they engender. I n the American poem the same majesty of the mountains is represented more abstractly, hence less vividly, a n d at greater length. In both poems the mountain (or representative of the mountain) speaks down and looks down in lordliness upon the commonplace w o r l d below. T h e following passages will show the likeness of matter a n d the difference of treatment exhibited by the t w o poems. 2*

19

Uhland (Taylor's Translation) The sunbeam here is earliest cast And by my side it lingers last— (The Streams) From rock to rock they foam below, To me belongs the mountain's bound, Where gathering tempests march around; But though from north and south they shout, Above them still my song rings out— "I am the boy of the mountains!" Below me clouds and thunders move; I stand amid the blue above. I shout to them with fearless breast: "Go leave my father's house in rest!" And And I go And

when the loud bell shakes the spires flame aloft the signal-fires, below and join the throng swing my sword and sing my song:

Taylor's Poem And the rosy fires of morning glow Like a glorious thought, on my brow of snow, While the vales are dark and lone! Ere twilight summons the first faint star, I seem to the nations who dwell afar Like a shadowy cloud, whose every fold The sunset dyes with its purest gold,

The stream through its falling foam replies. I sit aloft on my thunder throne, My voice the dread of nations own As I speak in the storms below! And the storm that sweeps through airy deeps Makes hoary pine-wood shiver! Above them all, in a brighter air, I lift my forehead proud and bare, The winds, unprisoned, around me blow, And the terrible tempests whirl the I spoke to Tell when a tyrant's hand Lay heavy and hard on his native land, And the spirit whose glory from mine he won Blessed the Alpine dwellers with freedom's sun! The student-boy who on the Gmunden-plain Heard my solemn voice, but fought in vain; I called from the crags of the Passier-glen, When the despot stood in my realm again, And Hofer sprang at the proud command And roused the men of the Tryol land!

It will be noticed that characteristic of both these pieces is the directness of speech attained by the use of the first personal forms. Taylor did not satisfy himself with learning the German cultured world by means of the printed word, but endeavored to meet its representative in the flesh. That he heard Gervinus and Schlosser, the historian, lecture at Heidelberg in December, 1844, was merely incidental. 70 The same ambition whidi prompted him when still a boy of seventeen to write to Charles Dickens requesting his autograph 71 now impelled him to make a similar request of the composer Felix Mendelssohn. 72 N o t satisfied with a very kind note, enclosing a manuscript score from the Walpurgisnacht, he took it upon himself to call on the composer and was warmly received. 7 3 As far as we know this incident constitutes the beginning and end of Taylor's personal relations with Mendelssohn. 7 4 Of quite a different nature was his relation to Views Afoot he reports: 75 "I became acquainted at with Friedrich Gerstacker, a young German author in America, and is well versed in our literature. H e 20

Friedrich Gerstacker. In the Museum [in Leipzig] w h o has been some time is n o w engaged in trans-

lating American works, one of which — Hoffman's 'Wild Scenes in the Forest and Prairie' will soon appear." This acquaintanceship was renewed from time to time, but since we are unable to find any correspondence of significance whidi passed between the two authors, 76 we are compelled to rely upon several references of a less direct nature for our knowledge of its nature and extent. It is known that soon after Taylor's return to America Gerstäcker wrote soliciting his interest in an American novel which he was then writing. 77 Professor Smyth incorrectly assumes that this novel was Die Flusspiraten des Mississippi.78 Anybody who knows Taylor must feel assured that he did not refuse the request of Gerstäcker if it was reasonable, for he was ever eager to assist a man of letters, and especially a German author interested in American life and literature. From a letter which Taylor wrote to his mother 79 we know that he spent a day with Rücken and Gerstäcker in Coburg about the middle of November, 1856, that both had read his travels in German, and "were most friendly and cordial" towards him. As late as August 6, 1868 Taylor writes to Gerstäcker from Gotha promising to inquire about payment for his articles to the Tribune when he returns to New York. 80 Considering the almost nomadic career of both Taylor and Gerstäcker, it is not to be expected that they met frequently, even though they might have had mudi in common. The most interesting literary acquaintance that Taylor made during his first trip to Europe, that of Ferdinand Freiligrath, will be treated fully in a later chapter. 81 Regardless of the literary connections which he made, Taylor says of his trip: 82 "I saw almost nothing of intelligent European society; my wanderings led me among the common people." The authors of Life and Letters of Bayard Taylor think that the 83 "most important step which Bayard Taylor took was his resolution to be domesticated in Germany during the first winter". The wanderer himself tells us that by May, 1845 he was "so good a German" that he "was often not suspected of being a foreigner". 84 It is unnecessary to quote from Views Afoot to show that the German people had attracted Taylor as had none of the other peoples with whom he had come in contact. Such passages are so frequent that he who runs may read. His was undoubtedly a case of a sympathetic nature responding to a chord for which it had been attuned. The German blood in Taylor's veins, the German surroundings amid which he had been reared, had prepared him to react favorably to the things German with which he now came into contact. The following statement is indicative of the Stimmung which had come to preveil in him. The place is just outside of Marseilles; the time, January, 1846.85 "It mattered little to us, that we heard the language in which the gay troubadours of King René sang their songs of love. We thought more of our dripping clothes and numb, cold limbs, and would have been glad to hear instead, the strong, hearty German tongue full of warmth and kindly sympathy for the stranger." Perhaps even more typical is the following utterance, for it shows the combined love for the country, the common people and the authors. "No were even the Suabian hills less beautiful were the Suabian people less faithful and 21

kind and true, still would I love the land for the great spirits it has produced; still would the birth-place of Frederick Schiller, of Uhland and Hauff be sacred." 86 Thus the youth, who less than two years before had been forced to resort to French in an attempt to orientate himself in Frankfort, 87 was to return to America with a new-found love, a love for the German people and for German letters which was destined to enjoy a continuous growth until it became his predominant passion which made him, not only the representative of Goethe in America, but also, the Minister of the United States in Berlin.88

CHAPTER THREE The Manifestation of this Interest in Taylor's Works His Non-creative Works Whittier's rendition of Goethe's "Erlkönig" 1 was made, it seems, before its translator was familiar with the language of the original. Sidney Lanier translated poems from the German 2 when his knowledge of that language was merely a formal one. Bayard Taylor attempted his translations from the German only after he had obtained a living knowledge of the idiom during his stay in Germany. It is not remarkable that Taylor, whose most valid claim to immortality was to be founded on his rendering of the Faust, should have begun to display his intimacy with the German poets by translations from their works. As far as I have been able to discover, the first indication given to the public of his activity in the field of German letters was his translation of Freiligrath's "Audubon" which appeared in Graham's Magazine in June, 1845.3 It is not difficult to understand why he selected just this poet and just this poem as the object of his first public endeavor. Coming from democratic America, the youth was attracted to those poets who represented the spirit of revolt against despotism. In an early chapter of Views Afoot* referring to the simultaneous exile of Freiligrath, Heine and Herwegh, he writes: "The free spirit which characterises these men, who come from among the people, shows plainly the tendency of the times; and it is only the great strength with which tyranny has environed himself and the almost lethargic slowness of the Germans which has prevented a change ere this." Professor M. D. Learned has long since pointed out 5 in his article Freiligrath in America that "the most important reference to America in Freiligrath's early poems is that one which is entitled 'Audubon' (1833)." Since this translation reveals several features which are typical of Taylor, it deserves a brief consideration. "Poem, Audobon [Audobon]. From the German of Ferdinand Freiligrath, By ]. Bayard Taylor. (20 stanzas)" is the way this translation is mentioned in Goodnight's dissertation. 6 But the original poem contains twenty-one stanzas. The stanza which Taylor neglected is the last but one. A glance at its contents is enough to convince one that the omission of these verses was deliberate. 22

Zürnend ihren Missionären, Aus den Händen schlagt das Buch; Denn sie wollen eudi bekehren, Zahm, gesittet machen, klug!

Such advice to the Indians might make the German champion of freedom appear too radical and too impious for American readers. Politically America was free, but American literature was still puritanical, and the translator knew that the Anglo-Saxon mind would resent such irreverence in a man whom both Longfellow and he esteemed as a personal friend. 7 Young T a y l o r himself stood too mudh in awe of the sanctity of the representatives of established religion to hold up for the admiration of his fellow countrymen this example of impiety. As a whole the rendition is only fair. Although it exhibits a characteristic which distinguishes all of Taylor's translations f r o m his first to his very last, viz., a faithful adherence to form, liberties are sometimes taken with the content, as the following lines will testify. Weh', daß ihr ihn nicht verscheuchtet, Da er Land von euch erfleht'! Weh', daß ihr ihm arglos reichtet Das geschmückte Kalumet!

Taylor translates: Wo! that bads you did not cast him Ere his grasp too strong was set That you reached him, unsuspecting Of his wrong, the calumet!

Taylor's inability to handle the English properly seems to handicap him, for surely, if grammatically analyzed, the following stanza: Back your wild game flees before him, Sickness marks his onward way; And your Mighty Spirit scorning, Makes your helpless wives his prey.

by no means conveys the same meaning as the original: Euer Wild wird ausgerottet, Siedl gemacht wird euer Leib, Euer großer Geist verspottet, Und geschändet euer Weib. In spite of these shortcomings, the translation is not devoid of merit, especially when we bear in mind that it is a firstling. In some stanzas the youthful poet equals the original as the following verses will indicate. Since within yours deer-skin cabins8 Stepped the ocean's crafty son, Have your pure and simple customs, And your bliss, forever flown. Perhaps an earlier endeavor, but one which was not made public until the appearance of Views Afoot, is the translation of the students' "Weihelied". Although T a y l o r has not translated all the stanzas of the song, has rendered some of the lines very freely, and has been guilty of many transpositions, the rhythm, the spirit and the mood have been so faithfully preserved that the 23

English lines not only breathe music when read, but lend themselves well to the "Volksweise" to which the original is sung.9 Since success in translating such a song depends on the preservation of the spirit of the piece, this attempt of the young American must be proclaimed highly commendable. The publication of Freiligrath's Ein Glaubensbekenntniss late in 1844 not only caused excitement in Germany, but attracted much and immediate attention in the English-speaking world. In January, 1845, the Foreign Quarterly Review10 brought out an appreciative notice of Freiligrath's poems containing several translations, notably one of "Die Freiheit! das Recht!," a revolutionary poem on which the Prussian censors had frowned. This translation was immediately copied in the New York Tribune.u The whole article was reprinted in Littell's Living Age for March, 1845. Thus the English and American public had ample opportunity to become acquainted with the translation of the unknown reviewer. It may be safely assumed that Taylor knew nothing of this translation of "Die Freiheit! das Recht!" when he made the rendition subsequently published in Viemys Afoot. Surely he received no inspiration from it. These two translations of the same poem, executed at about the same time, afford an opportunity to compare the nature of Taylor's work with that of his unnamed competitor. Taylor perhaps takes more liberties with the grammatical forms and constructions, and shows that he was probably less well versed in German grammar than was his English rival. Yet it is clear that the American has preserved the verse, the rhythm, the rhetorical figures and the general spirit of the composition more faithfully. Any stanza will illustrate the different merits of the two endeavors. Let us observe the first. Freiligrath writes: O , glaubt nicht, sie ruhe f o r t a n bei den T o d t e n , O , glaubt nicht, sie meide f o r t a n dies Geschlecht, Weil muthigen Sprechern das W o r t man verboten U n d Nichtdelatoren verweigert das Recht! Nein, ob in's E x i l auch die Eidfesten schritten; O b , m ü d e der Willkür, die endlos sie litten, Sich A n d e r e im K e r k e r die A d e r n zerschnitten Doch lebt noch die Freiheit, und mit ihr das Recht! D i e Freiheit! D a s Recht!

The English critic translates: O say not, believe not, the gloom of the g r a v e Forever has closed u p o n Freedom's g l a d light, For that sealed are the lips of the honest a n d b r a v e , A n d the scorners of baseness are robbed of their right. T h o u g h true to their oaths into exile are driven, O r , w e a r y of w r o n g , with their own hands h a v e given T h e i r blood to their jailers, their spirits to H e a v e n Y e t i m m o r t a l is Freedom, immortal is Right. Freedom and Right!

Taylor translates: O h ! think not she rests in the grave's chilly slumber N o r sheds o'er the present her glorious light, Since T y r a n n y ' s schackles the free souls incumber A n d traitors accusing deny us the R i g h t !

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N o : whether in exile the sworn ones are wending, Or weary of power that crushed them unending, In dungeons have perished, their veins madly rending, Yet Freedom still liveth, and with her, the Right! Freedom and Right!

The superiority of Taylor's stanza is unmistakable. Without devoting too much attention to meter, notice Taylor's ability to handle feminine rime. 12 Even the most hostile critics admit that in all of his original compositions he shows himself a master in the mechanics of verse making. 13 Exactly in that difficulty which proves almost insurmountable to all who attempt to do German verse into English, the rendering of feminine rime with feminine rime, does the apprentice show that dexterity whidi he has since exhibited par excellence in his translation of Faust. With no desire to stamp the early translation a masterly performance, we must grant that it shows the possibilities latent in the maker and wonder why it was excluded from the revised edition of Views Afoot14 and never published in any collection of Taylor's poems and translations. The only translation of this early period which Mrs. Taylor and her daughter included in the little volume, A Sheaf of Poems, which they published in 1911 is that of Uhland's "Des Knaben Berglied" which, not withstanding Taylor's admission that he could "but imperfectly render its original beauty". 15 is without dispute the best of his early efforts. Taylor returned to America in June, 1846. Almost immediately his letters on Germany began to appear in the New York Tribune.16 This series of twelve communications was published at irregular intervals between June 3, 1846, to December 15, 1846. Only two of them deal directly with German literature, but others contain enough references to that subject to indicate clearly Taylor's familiarity with it. His attitude to the literature of Germany is not only sympathetic but enthusiastic. He maintains that "the German has taken its stand beside the English literature, and above that of all other nations." 17 In his brief mention of Hauff he says "his two exquisite songs 'Morgenroth' and 'Steh' icii in finstrer Mitternacht' will be known and sung as long as German throats can raise a sound." Uhland he designates as "the bard who stands at the head of German song, the object of love and veneration from every one" and submits his translation of "Des Knaben Berglied". The longest criticism is devoted to Freiligrath from whose writings he cannot resist translating the following graphic images: 18 A forest-fire is grim and terrible When'er it scalps the mountain's leafy brows. and: In space before the sun there stands a dierub fair; H e gazes silent on the All his silent look is prayer. His altar is th' Eternal sun, with offering-flame of gold, And through the cherub's hand, the stars, a rosary, are rolled.

Nicholas Becker is mentioned for the composition of the song commencing: They shall not shall not have it The free, the German Rhine! 25

Taylor's enthusiasm for Heine is none too great. The reason for this is set forth in a very fitting comment. " H i s poems are in a very singular vein wild and fanciful and not unmixed with affectation. Some of them contain very delicate and exquisite thoughts, while others seem to be totally destitute of any. H e seems to be a very erratic genius, and, as such persons generally are, not always moral and dignified." N o r is his praise for Herwegh unqualified. Although he sympathizes with him in general, he makes these reservations. "This impatient, ardent spirit leads him sometimes to excesses in his denunciations against the oppressors of his country, as for instance, this commencement of one of his songs: F r o m the earth the crosses tearing, M a k e them swords f o r battle-wearing! G o d will p a r d o n ye the crime!

and the burden of his 'Song of Hate', one of the bitterest lyrics ever written: W e ' v e practised loving l o n g enough Let's come at last to hate!

This is not the spirit in which any reform is to be accomplished at the present day." Here again speaks the same Taylor who, as will be remembered, deleted an irreverent stanza from Freiligrath's "Audubon" so as to place his favorite revolutionary poet in a more favorable light before the American public. Riickert has his unqualified commendation, but of him our tyro has not much to say. It is probable that his knowledge of Riickert was as yet very scanty. H e concludes his comment about this poet thus: "The following lines have struck me as containing a new and beautiful simile, and as they resemble his general manner of writing, perhaps they will answer as a brick from his poetical edifice. H o p e s on hopes f r o m the b o s o m sever, But the heart hopes on, unchanging ever; W a v e a f t e r w a v e breaks on the shore B u t the sea is as deep as it w a s before. T h a t the billows heave with a ceaseless motion Is the v e r y life of the throbbing ocean, A n d the hopes that f r o m d a y to d a y upstart A r e the sweeping w a v e - b e a t s of the heart!

Among other poets discussed are Nicholas Lenau, Justinius Kerner and Gustav Schwab, all of whom the critic dismisses with brief comment, eulogistic of the last two, but none too favorable of the first. At the very end of the whole series of letters Taylor wrote: 1 9 "The themes which I have but lightly touched on, are so extensive and interesting, that it would take a much larger space and more profound study, to do them justice. If they arouse the curiosity of anyone to become acquainted with a people so marked in its character and condition they will have answered the purpose intended." Taylor's writings on German literature were destined to demand " a larger space" as the study he devoted to it became more profound, but even in these first letters he has evinced a more than ordinary ability to appreciate and evaluate the writings of the German authors of his day. In practically every case the opinions uttered here are valid today. One must needs be surprised at 26

this accomplishment in a youth who scarcely more than two years previous knew nothing of German literature. Most of the latter half of 1846 was spent in preparing Views Afoot for the press. Towards the end of the year Taylor and a friend, Frederic E. Foster, purchased the Phoenixville (Pennsylvania) Gazette and, changing its name to the Phoenixville Pioneer, issued it for the period of one year. The editorial policy of the paper was in Taylor's hands. Here again he was afforded an opportunity to disseminate knowledge of German literature, of which opportunity he made good use. Samuel W. Pennypacker wrote in his Autobiography of a Pennsylvania»-:20 " I have the only complete file of the Phoenixville Pioneer." Since a considerable search has failed to reveal the present existence of this collection, I have been compelled to glean information concerning this journal from the nine numbers of it preserved in the Cornell University library 21 and from the statements of others about its make-up. 22 The paper was officially called "A Family Newspaper Devoted to Literature, News, Agriculture, Science, Arts and Morality". It is little wonder that a paper dedicated to such cultural subjects as literature, science and arts met with financial failure in an industrial community like Phoenixville. Here, as often afterwards, Taylor's poetic nature got the better of his pocket-book. 23 The initial number of the Pioneer24 has in the first column of page one: "The following lyric, written by the celebrated German poet Freiligrath for the first number of a periodical called The Phoenix25 has, independent of the beauty of the language and vigor of thought which distinguish it, a peculiar appropriateness to the first issue of our Phoenix."" Then follows the poem "From the German of Ferdinand Freiligrath, by J. Bayard Taylor". The translation is only commonplace and has, as far as I have been able to discover, never been reprinted elsewhere. The third number of the weekly contains 26 "A beautiful Legend Loreley A Rhine legend" which fills almost an entire page. It begins: "An aged huntsman sat on a mossy stone ". On the same page is also a "Ballad of the Loreley" of six stanzas. The only lines contained in the Cornell description are these: From yon rock's topmost height When sleeps the fair moonshine Lovely down a lady bright On the swift flowing Rhine

This must be intended to be a stanza. Its structure is not unlike the stanza of Heine's "Loreley", and both poems have six stanzas. Evidently the theme must have been varied from that of the German poet so as to make it agree with the accompanying legend. Taylor is probably the author of both the story and the ballad. The German element in the next available issue is a poem, 27 "The Holy Land" (in imitation of the German "Vaterland") 2 8 By Goodwin Barmby, and "A Lonely Ride in the Puna", from Yon Tschudi's Sketches of Peru. The latter may be attributed to the editor. At least he was interested in Von

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Tschudi's work, for his library sold after his death, contained a copy of that author's Travels in Peru, New York, 1848.29 From a later issue30 we learn another field of the Pioneer's endeavor. In a communication a reader says of himself. "He is, I regret to say, profoundly ignorant of the beauties and excellencies of the German Literature except what little he has gleaned through the transparent pages of Carlyle-EmersonLongfellow and the edifying ghost stories translated in your own paper." It seems certain that Taylor was the translator of these stories for he had made the acquaintance of German ghost stories in general 31 and of Hauff in particular 32 during his stay in Europe and was especially fond of Hauff's tales. 33 On May 18th, there appeared in Taylor's publication a translation of " 'The Foreign Maiden', From the German of Schiller", which was not by Taylor. 3 4 This is immediately followed by another translation " 'The Codfish', From the German." But it is positive that he wrote in an editorial the following "Sturm und Drang"—like piece of philosophy: "In the language of Jean Paul Riditer 'I hold the constant regard we pay in all our actions to the judgement of others, as the 'poison of our peace, our reason and our virtue'." 35 A fairy story in prose entitled " 'The Mother and Child', or 'The Fire Fly', From the German" is found in the Pioneer for the twenty-second of June. The last August 36 number contains a prose sketch, " 'The Story of the Bell', Translated from the German, by Clara Cushman". This was copied from Neal's Saturday Gazette. The two most recent numbers of Taylor's paper available 37 contain no additional material from the German, but, since the latest copy is badly cut, it should hardly be taken into consideration. Mrs. Taylor's manuscript notes in the Cornell collection 38 indicate that the issues of February 16, May 11 and July 20, 1847 contained additional translations by Taylor, viz.: Uhland's "Song of the Sword", Uhland's "Song of Spring" and Freiligrath's "Ireland", respectively. In addition to the above-mentioned material there were published in these issues several of Taylor's own poems written in Germany and so designated. Thus, in one issue39 is found the "'Lay of the Fountain', J. Bayard Taylor, Leipzig, Germany, May 6, 1846". In another 40 published "at the request of Loreley 'Starlight in the Odenwald': Written in Germany, By J. Bayard Taylor." This poem was subsequently published in Rhymes of Travel. It is to be regretted that no complete file of Taylor's weekly can be discovered. A fair idea of the amount of material which the editor drew from the German can be formed, however, from the copies examined. True, much of that which is taken from the German is positively the work of others than the editor. The author of some of the translations cannot be ascertained, but surely most of them must be from the pen of the editor. In all events it is manifest that the Pioneer was a sort of clearing-house for sketches, poems and stories from the German. It thus furnished an outlet for Taylor's enthusiasm for his newly acquired lore and an instrument wherewith the "beauties and excellencies" of German literature might be disseminated in the little com28

munity. Could the issues for the last three months be examined, they would very probably disclose some translations from and references to the German masters, for it was in the fall of that year, 1847, that Taylor announced that he had acquired "all of Goethe and Schiller in fifteen magnificient German volumes", 41 had been "studying Schiller lately" and had found "rich stores of encouragement in his life and poetry." 42 Although Taylor's best claim to fame is that of a translator, no attempt has ever been made to assemble all of his various translations, not even those from the German. The nearest approach to such a collection is the little volume called A Sheaf of Poems, Translations by Bayard Taylor and Lillian Bayard Taylor Kiliani.43 This booklet of some hundred and thirty-four pages is devoted chiefly to the translations by Mrs. Kiliani and does not contain all of Taylor's translations from the German. Only about one third of its contents is from the pen of the father, and even some few of these specimens are translations from the French. 44 It therefore seems fitting to undertake a survey of Taylor's activities as a translator. As complete a list of Taylor's translations as it is possible to obtain will be found in Appendix IV. It is my purpose first to discuss minor translations from the various authors before considering the rendering of Hebel's Alemannische Gedichte, Goethe's Faust and finally, the yet unpublished adaptation of Schiller's Don Carlos. As far as quantity is concerned, if we disregard the twelve thousand odd verses of the Faust, Taylor's translations stand behind those of other American men of letters whose renderings possess real poetic value. 45 It must be said however that at no time in his career did Taylor ever successfully devote himself to a long sustained effort to translate from any one German poet, except in the case of his occupation with Goethe's Faust. Those poems which he did render were executed on various occasions extending from his first acquaintance with the German language in 1844 to the very last year of his life. During this entire period the number of translations, taking into account the isolated couplets, quatrains and stanzas, as well as the complete poems, will scarcely exceed a hundred. The number of any considerable length or of any poetical or literary value is scarcely more than half the total. Taylor's translations are quite varied in quality. They range from very excellent renditions, such as the lyrics in Faust, and Uhland's "Des Knaben Berglied", to such as are not only mediocre but poor, e. g., his execution of Goethe's most beautiful lyric, "Über allen Gipfeln ist Ruh'", 4 6 which the editors did well to omit from the Sheaf of Poems, and the "Song of Mignon", which, although contained in the Sheaf is, in my opinion, not a successful performance. They embrace specimens from all periods of German poetry from the earliest, the "Hildebrandslied", to the most modern, as exemplified by compositions of Rückert and Freiligrath. The latter's "The Dead to the Living", which, according to Miss Appelmann, "erregte nicht nur in Deutschland ungeheures Aufsehen, sondern audi in England und Amerika, wo es von Bayard Taylor übersetzt und von der New York Tribune und mehreren anderen Zeitungen gedruckt wurde", 47 Taylor did twice translate and cause 29

to be published. The first version appeared in the New York Weekly Tribune of November 1, 1848, shortly after the appearance of the original poem and while its author was still awaiting trial in a German prison for publishing what Taylor terms "the boldest and fiercest lyric which the Revolutions of 1848 have produced". The translator wrote to Freiligrath on February 4, 1849: 48 "I enclose you my translation of the poem, which, in the New-York Tribune, where it was published, had a circulation of 35,000 copies, besides being copied in other papers". Every genre is represented in Taylor translations, lyrics, passages from dramas and epics, the philosophical musing of Goethe and Schiller, and the jesting, rollicking songs of the people. H e even dared to venture, with what success we shall presently see, the translation of dialect poetry with its additional difficulties. As with his own original poems, so with his earliest translations, some of them are known by name only; others are contained in manuscript which has never been printed; still others lie hidden away in inaccessible files of newspapers or magazines, but most of those that are best have found their way into some volume. It would be futile to attempt to indicate in this chapter the places where all such translations can be found. 4 9 Suffice it to say that in A Sheaf of Poems and Studies in German Literature are the most accessible and extensive collections. It is interesting to look at Taylor's beginning as a translator. Strangely, his first attempt, made at West Chester, September 12, 1840, was The Nocturnal Review, from the French of M. Seidlitz. Mrs. Taylor has written in a notebook containing the record: 50 "He [Bayard] evidently translated from a French translation of the original German poem." Thus we again see Taylor getting his German through the French. Only after he had been in Germany several months did he attempt to translate directly from the language of that country. The Cornell material contains records, excerpts and the like, which throw much light on his efforts during the months he spent in Heidelberg and Frankfort. As early as September 17, 1844, he attempted, in vain, at Heidelberg Goethe's "Mignon" 51 which he completed with indifferent success, as we have seen above, 52 some thirty-two years later. 53 At the same time he tried Goethe's "Veilchen". 54 Probably to this date belongs also his early fragment of the "Erlkönig". 65 The essay at rendering the folk song which begins Bald gras' ich am Neckar, Bald gras' ich am Rhein,

evidently dates from his first residence in the Neckarstadt, Heidelberg. 56 In an attempted chronology of Taylor's poems contained in the Cornell collection 57 is found under the head of translations "Uhland's 'Harald', Frankfurt, Nov. 14, 1844." There is no other record of the translation, but Taylor's own composition "The Enchanted Knight", included in the first volume of poems published after his return from Germany, is admitted to be a partial adaptattion of Uhland's ballad. 58 Hence this adaptation was made at this time or owes its origin to the translation made at this time. 59 30

Since it is known that by November, 1844, Taylor had almost finished reading Tiedge's Urania,60 it is no surprise to find among his papers a fragment (four lines) of translation from this composition.61 Two other translations, of whose publication I find no trace, are recorded in the attempted chronology just referred to: "Hauff's 'Soldier's Morning Song', March, 1845" and "Freiligrath's 'Rest in the Beloved', altered for Willis' melody. Ap. 19, 1845," It seems certain that Taylor did busy himself with these poems at this time. The former is undoubtedly the one to which he refers in his article in the New York Tribune62 as "Hauff's exquisite song 'Morgenroth'", for thus begins Hauff's "Reiters Morgengesang".63 His interest in Freiligrath makes it positive that he did translate more from that author than he is known to have published.64 This alteration of Freiligrath's "Ruhe in der Geliebten" might have been published somewhere with the melody by Taylor's friend and fellow-sojourner in Germany, Richard Storrs Willis, who later (1849) held a "Professorship of Music in Yale College", 65 but my search has as yet failed to reveal it. Mention has already been made of most of Taylor's early translations which found their way into print. Of others we shall speak later, but of his early efforts we learn that not everything that he completed was successful. It is quite probable that the number of attempted translations was larger than our meager records reveal,66 but the evidence we possess is sufficient to indicate the nature of Taylor's initial efforts. It is neither possible nor desirable to include in a paper of this nature a discussion of the merits or demerits of each individual translation. A few words will be devoted to determining the place Taylor's productions occupy in the vast storehouse of English translations from the German. Any reputable anthology must needs contain exempla of his skill, and in all of them he finds representation. The editors of the German Classics67 have made use of his rendition of Freiligrath's "The Dead to the Living", 68 an early effort to translate a difficult composition. The task is, on the whole, well accomplished, but the wild, lurid, exclamatory nature of the German poem has forced the translator to deviate from the minutiae of the original more than is his wont. The only other rendition by Taylor found in these volumes is that of Riickert's "Barbarossa" 69 which may be considered a fair example of his skill. Although not perfect it compares favorably with the rendition done by Alfred Baskerville which Karl Knortz selects for his anthology.70 Knortz's collection, which may be considered as judicious as any,, uses products of Taylor's pen eight times. When we realize that this number represents about one third of the ballad and lyrical pieces which Taylor translated in their entirety, and that Knortz was probably not even acquainted with all of Taylor's renderings,71 we must consider this percentage an enviable score. There can be little doubt that Bayard Taylor's translation of Dietmar von Aist's "Falcon" would have displaced E. Taylor's in this anthology if it had been a complete rendition, for surely the American translator adheres more closely to the form and the diction as well as to the figures of the original. The same is true of Bayard Taylor's translation of "Spring and a Woman" 31

from the German of Walther von der Vogelweide. A comparison of B. Taylor's fragment and the translation of E. Taylor contained in the Knortz volume exhibits so well the relative merits of the translations contained in this volume and our poet's renditions of the same poems that w e feel compelled to cite here the original and the two renderings. So die bluomen üz dem grase dringent, same si lachen gegen der spilden sunnen, in einem meien an dem morgen fruo, und die kleinen vogellin wol singent in ir besten wise, die sie kunnen, waz wünne mac sidi da genozen zuo? ez ist wol halb ein himelridie. suln wir sprechen, waz sidi deme geliche, so sage ich, waz mir dicke baz in minen ougen h i t getan, und taete ouch noch, gesaehe ich daz. Swä ein edeliu schoene frouwe reine, wol gekleidet unde wol gebunden, durch kurzwile zuo vil liuten gat, hovelichen hochgemuot, niht eine, umbe sehende ein w£nic under stunden, alsam der sunne gegen der Sternen stat: der meie bringe uns al sin wunder, waz ist da s6 wünneclidies under, als ir vil minneclicher lip? wir lazen alle bluomen stan, und kapfen an daz werde wip. Taylor translates: When the blossoms from the grass are springing, As they laughed to meet the sparkling sun, Early on some lovely morn of May, And all the small birds on the boughs are singing Best of music, finished and again begun, What other equal rapture can we pray? It is already half of heaven. But should we guess what other might be given, So I declare, that, whidi in my sight, Still better seems, and still would seem, had I the same delight. When a noble dame of purest beauty Well attired, with even garnished tresses, Unto all, in social habit, goes, Finely gracious, yet subdued to duty, Whose impartial glance her state expresses, As on the stars the sun his radiance throws! Then let May his bliss renew us: What is there so blissful to us As her lips of love to see? We gaze upon the noble dame, and let the blossoms be. T o be sure the translation is not ideal. Its shortcomings arise mainly from Taylor's insufficient familiarity with the dialect. W h y does he change the verb to the past tense in the second line? Whence the justification for "with even garnished tresses" in stanza two, or for the translation of "lip" by lips? 32

But are not the limitations of the following rendering, where not even the mechanical form is retained, even more obvious? This is the translation of E. Taylor. 7 2 When f r o m the sod the flowerets spring, A n d smile to meet the sun's bright ray, When birds their sweetest carols sing, In all the morning pride of May, What lovlier than the prospect there? Can earth boast anything more fair? T o me it seems an almost heaven. So beauteous to m y eyes that vision bright is given. But when a lady chaste and fair Noble, and clad in rich attire, Walks through the throng with gracious air, As the sun bids the stars retire, Then, where are all thy boastings, May? What hast thou beautiful and gay, C o m p a r e d with that supreme delight? We leave thy lovliest flowers, and watch that lady bright.

The only other translations in the Knortz collection of poems which Bayard Taylor also translated are those of "Mignon" by Alfred Ayres and Uhland's "Des Knaben Berglied" by A. C. Kendrick. The first is about on a par with Taylor's rendering; the second is not superior, and in some particulars inferior to Taylor's, notwithstanding the fact that Kendrick probably had the advantage of being acquainted with Taylor's youthful effort. 7 3 The refrain in the earlier translation more nearly approaches Uhland's "Ich bin der Knab' vom Berge!" than does Kendrick's "I am the mountain boy". 7 4 One of the two specimens of Hebel's Allemanische Gedicbte printed by Knortz is Taylor's translation. 75 When Taylor first became acquainted with these poems it is impossible to ascertain with any degree of accuracy. In the late autumn of 1851, 76 when in the midst of Egypt, he makes the following remark, which is the first allusion to the Allemanic poet. "My friend sometimes addresses me with two lines of Hebel's quaint Allemanic poetry: Ei soldi a Leben, junges Bluat, Desh ish wohl fur a Thierle guat.

(such a life, young blood, befits an animal), but I tell him that the wisdom of the Black Forest won't answer for the Nile." 7 7 The very form in which Taylor gives this couplet divulges his ignorance, not only of the original verses, but also of the dialect in which they are written. It makes little difference whether Taylor or his friend, Bufleb, is responsible for this distortion of the lines, the former is responsible for their appearance in the present form. A comparison with those verses of the original which they are supposed to represent shows that Taylor's couplet does violence not only to the lines themselves, but to those forms which are characteristically Allemanic. Hebel's lines read: 7 8 Gell S e p l i ' s dunkt di ordeli! De hesch au sone Bluet. Je, sone Lebe, liebe Frund, Es isch wohl fur e Thierli guet! 3

Krumpelmann

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Needless to say the thought of ever translating any of HebePs poems could not have suggested itself to the American at this time. As late as July, 1861, immediately after having completed a walk through the "Franconian Switzerland", Taylor wrote of the dialect spoken there: 79 "I wish it were possible to translate the coarse, grotesque dialect of this region which is to pure German what Irish is to English, and with as characteristic a flavor but I know not how it could be done." Obviously this spirit of despair did not endure long, for,, shortly after his return to America, in the fall of the same year, he began translating from a dialect which offers equal, if not greater difficulties, "one of the harshest of German dialects", the "incomprehensible dialect" 80 of Hebel whom he calls, in good Gervinian fashion, "the German Burns". 81 Taylor is neither to be censured nor praised for suggesting the similarity existing between these two poets, one of the German and the other of the Scotch Highlands. The year before his friend Berthold Auerbach had published in Gartenhaube82 an article entitled "Johann Peter Hebel und der Hebel Schoppen" 83 which offered the suggestion: 84 "Einen eigentümlichen Vergleich böte Hebel mit dem schottischen Dichter Robert Burns." It seems quite likely that Taylor became cognizant of this article when he visited Germany some months later 85 and may well have been incited by it or its author to his contribution on Hebel. The appearance of Taylor's article in the Atlantic Monthly probably marks the first real introduction of Hebel to the American reading public. 86 It contains, in addition to some critical comments by Taylor, a brief biographical account of the German author which the translator adapted from the prefaces of German editions of Hebel's poems. It is manifest that Taylor knew the poems in the original, for he discusses in some detail, but not scientifically, the dialectal pecularities of Hebel's language 87 much as the poet himself does in the introduction to his Allemanische Gedichte. But the most interesting feature of the article is the series of translations which it contains. Taylor renders in English "The Contented Farmer", "The Guide-Post", "Jack and Maggie" ("Hans and Verene"), "The Ghost on the Feldberg", as well as considerable passages from "The Meadow" ("Die Wiese") from which he also cites a passage in the original language. That Taylor's renditions were made with the aid of a' High German translation of the poems is positive. First, he was not sufficiently learned in the language to render these poems so correctly as he has without some assistance to his own knowledge of that "incomprehensible patois". 88 Second, the following words from his own lips suggest his course of procedure. "How much they lose by being converted into classical German was so evident to us that we at first shrank from the experiment of reproducing them in a language still further removed from the original." 89 What August Corrodi has since said about attempts to translate Burns, 90 "Wie es überhaupt eine äusserst schwere Aufgabe ist, lyrisches aus einer fremden Sprache zu übersetzen, so ist es doppelt schwer bei Burns, dessen Mundart so gut Sprache seines Herzens ist wie Hebels", Taylor felt to apply, mutatis mutandis, to his endeavor to repro34

duce the naivete of the Allemanic dialectal verse in English where a corresponding patois was lacking. 91 Taylor has endeavored to approach the effect attained by the German dialect by abbreviating forms, clipping endings, using colloquial and childlike expressions and by loose syntax, but still the tone produced by the reproductions is too sophisticated. We fear that Haertel is too generous when he says that the form of Taylor's language "is hardly equivalent to the German dialect" 92 but agree with his conclusion that "the effect is not very happy". Nor must we consider this a condemnation of Taylor's efforts. H e has been severely faithful to the form. In every instance, the original meter has been strictly adhered to. 93 The "hazardous boldness" of Hebel's personification has been rendered in kind. Finally, the correctness with whidi the thought and the figures of speech are reproduced is gratifying. Untrained philologically, having enjoyed but slight contact with the part of Germany where this dialect is spoken, Taylor has, by dint of his poetic insight and his command of classical German, produced specimens of Hebel's poems which, while not entirely satisfactory, are equal to any that have ever been published. It is significant that it should have been reserved for that country which produces presidents from plow-boys and printer's-devils to present to the world from the pen of one who had himself been both plow-boy and printer'sdevil, the most excellent English translation of the most philosophical poem of modern times. To this performance America can lay just claim through the merits of Bayard Taylor's rendition of Goethe's Faust. Numerous more or less complete English translations of the first part of the Faust94 and five or six translations of the second part 9 5 antedate Taylor's. Only one, that of the American divine, Charles T. Brooks, 96 which treats only of the first part, attempts to render the poem in the meters and rimes of the original. It became Taylor's privilege to present, not only the first complete translation of Faust made in America, but also what was then the most complete English rendition on record. Previous translators had, for one reason or another, but chiefly owing to the belief that parts of the original poem were "irreverent", "sacrilegious", "profane" or "indecent", suppressed some of Goethe's lines. 97 Mrs. Haskell in her dissertation, Bayard Taylor's Translation of Goethe's Faust, has already pointed out 98 that Taylor has omitted an important stage direction 99 as well as six verses.100 The absence of this stage direction is also noted by Lina Baumann who misses another which she does not indicate. 101 With the exception of the first-named stage direction these omissions are not of the slightest importance and can hardly indicate anything other than inadvertance on the part of the translator. 102 To attribute them to anything else is to misunderstand completely the spirit in which Taylor undertook his task. Before attempting to evaluate the translation let us cast a glance at the development of Taylor's interest in Goethe's masterpiece. We know that he displayed comparatively little interest in Faust103 during his first stay in Germany. The principal reference made to the Faust at that time was to the "Walpurgisnacht". We know that he attended a performance of Mendelssohn's "Walpurgisnacht" in 1845, 104 and also that he was presented with a manuscript 3*

35

score from it by the composer. 105 In the New York Tribune of November 28, 1846 are found the following passages from Taylor's pen which indicate that the initial interest in Faust probably arose from the presentation of it in musical form. He writes: "Goethe's 'Walpurgisnacht' shines doubly bright in his [Mendelssohn's] musical setting, and where it is sung by a company of two or three hundred, accompanied by a full orchestra, nothing can be more grand and startling." And then concerning the opera: "Louis Spohr is well known in the United States through his marches; but his fame rests principally upon his two operas of 'Faust' and 'The Crusaders'. The first, taken from Goethe's poem, is full of the wild, solemn and supernatural, and might be called the more perfect embodiment of Goethe's fancies in a more expressive tongue." Thus there is no reason for believing that Taylor had any direct or intimate acquaintance with Faust at the end of 1846. So far every one of his references to it has tended to stamp it as weird, wild, spooky and the like. Taylor probably became acquainted with Goethe's Faust at first hand in the winter of 1847—1848. It will be remembered that he wrote a friend in the month of September, 1847, that, in addition to other books, he had recently come into possession of "all of Goethe and Schiller in fifteen magnificent German volumes". 106 "This, as you will readily conceive, is a good winter's work", he adds. The records in Cornell University manifest that Goethe's works in two large volumes were acquired in New York in 1848. 107 The acquisition of a second set of Goethe so soon after the first indicates an aroused interest in this author. An excerpt from a letter written on January 2nd, 1848 is indicative: 108 "On Thursday I went to a fancy ball in the character of Goethe's Faust." Observe: not simply as Faust, but as Goethe's Faust. Evidence then seems to point to this winter as the time of inception of Taylor's interest in Goethe's Faust. There is, however, nothing to indicate that this first interest was of any other than the mildest sort. A year and a half later another display of this interest crops out which shows progress in the intimacy of the translator's relation to the poem. In Graham's Magazine for June, 1849, 109 Taylor published a prose sketch called Passages of Life in Germany A Lonely Week, in which he elaborates upon an incident already recorded in Views Afoot.110 Earlier he had merely said: "This is the way by which Goethe brings Faust up the Brocken, and the scenery is vividly described in that part of the poem." Surely this indicates no intimate knowledge of the poem. But in the intervening time he had come to know the Faust as this sketch reveals. Whereas the earlier record displays no intimate knowledge of the poem, now he writes "This is the path by which Faust and Mephistopheles ascend the Brocken, and the storm which heralded my descent into it remained me of Goethe's description. 111 The night with mist is thick and black; H a r k , how the forests roar and cradc! The hooting owls affrighted fly. Shivered fall the columns tall Of palaces of pine.

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See the uniting boughs entwine T h e mighty trunks that bend a n d groan T h e h a r d roots grating on the stone! Mingling c o n f u s e d l y and m a d l y , all O v e r each other are heaped in the fall, A n d round the crags, so wet and f o u l , T h e w i n d s in f u r y hiss and h o w l ! "

I quote this passage in full because it almost certainly represents the beginning of Taylor's Faust translation. 112 His decision to follow the meters of the original most closely in his final translation caused him to recast this passage almost in its entirety, but he continued to take cognizance of it, as is demonstrated by comparing the second line of the above passage with the corresponding line in the version of 1870 which reads: Hark! how the forests grind and crack! (I, 182) Not only does this initial translation proclaim Taylor's interest in Faust at this early date, but, taken together with the opening statement in the preface to his completed translation of the first part published in 1870: " I t is twenty years since I first determined to attempt the translation of Faust, in the original metres", 113 it is evident that the rendering of these few lines was not the result of a passing whim, but rather a manifestation of a growing interest in Goethe's masterpiece. The realization that Taylor was already translating from Faust in 1848 establishes a basis in fact for the opening statement of the preface just quoted which there has been a tendency to take con grano sails114 Further, but post-facto testimony as to the early conception of the Faust project is found in a conversation with Professor W. T . Hewett, whidi took place in 1877. In it Taylor made the following disclosures: 115 "When I was a young man there was a certain work which I wished to achieve before I was thirty, and I could see nothing in my life beyond that date. I believed that my life would come to an end at that time. But as the time approached I gradually conceived the plan of translating 'Faust'. This I thought would occupy me until I was forty." There are no concrete indications that Taylor's plan made any actual progress between the early fifties and the entry of Marie Hansen into his life. But this is not surprising when we bear in mind that between 1850 and October 27, 1857, the date of his wedding, about one half of his time was spent in travel to the most remote reaches of the globe. Mexico, Africa, the lands of the Saracens, China, India, Japan and the Arctic regions of Norway and Sweden distracted his attention from Faust. Mrs. Haskell is undoubtedly correct in her general opinion 116 that Taylor's union with Marie Hansen did much to stimulate the husband's study "of Goethe in general and 'Faust', in particular," and in finding it "distinctly symbolic, that the German text, on which Taylor based his 'Faust', was one of his wedding gifts". 1 1 7 The marriage tended not only to check somewhat Taylor's interminable wanderings and, to use the words of John G. Whittier, 118 to bring Taylor "into the closest possible association with the culture and sentiment, the intellect and heart of the Germany of Goethe, by bringing under his roof-tree at Cedarcroft an estimable countrywoman of Charlotte and Margaret, Natalie and Dorothea", 37

but it also tended to render more frequent and prolonged the visits which brought him not only under the roof-tree of Mrs. Taylor and her relatives, but to the land of Goethe in general. The publication of the "Soldier's Song" in 1859 1 1 9 denotes a step in the progress of the translation, for its first form is, except for the dianging of two words, identical with the final rendering. Shortly after the death of the young son of Mr. and Mrs. R. H. Stoddard in December, 1861, Taylor composed a poem called "Euphorion" to which he prefixed a translation of twelve lines from the "Euphorion" scene in Faust,120 Although these verses follow the original rather closely, they underwent considerable revision before being accepted into the completed translation. The "Soldier's Song" and these lines from the "Euphorion" scene as well as a translation of Goethe's "The Shepherd's Lament", appeared in The Poet's Journal (1862). In January of the following year Taylor wrote from St. Petersburg, where he was American Charge d'Affaires, to Mrs. R. H. Stoddard: 121 "Strodtman [sic!] has written me for a copy". [Evidently of the Poet's Journal recently published]. He then proceeds "Strodtman has written me a long and interesting letter and sent me his poems. He greatly admires my little translation from Goethe, and wants me to undertake an Anthology which I should like to do. If I stay here I shall have time for it." The translation referred to must have been one of those whidi appeared in the Poet's Journal, a copy of which Taylor had probably sent Adolph Strodtmann in the advance sheets or in manuscript. Most probably it was the fragment prefixed to "Euphorion", for what would be more natural than to relate to the mother of the child commemorated in that poem the German poet's praise of the introductory lines? It would be vain to emphasize this incident were it not for the fact that Strodtmann's approval and encouragement seem to have incited Taylor to new interest in the Faust translation. Professor Smyth writes of Taylor: 1 2 2 "The phrase 'cosmical experience', so often on his lips, was the expression of his eager joy in progress, and of the delight he felt as he wheeled into a new orbit, in exploring new lands, or encountering new lives." Truly, a Faustian strain in his own nature which his wife has designated as "his thirst for knowledge" which "had driven him forth into the world, and was giving place [1864] in his mind to a higher intellectual aspiration", 123 was not the least of the causes which determined Taylor for Goethe's poem. Shortly after inditing the last-mentioned epistle, Taylor wrote the following concerning his life in St. Petersburg. 124 "I always wanted to know this sort of thing as a part of my cosmical experience." Immediately after his return to America in the Autumn of 1863 "he carried forward the work, which he had conceived nearly fifteen years before, of a translation of Goethe's 'Faust'. . . . he began by rendering the lyrical portions." 125 Although Taylor had now set about his task in earnest, the actual work of consistent translation had yet to wait. In one of the notebooks in the Cornell University library 126 is found the following notation made by Mrs. Taylor. "In my diary I find work on 'Faust', first mentioned on September 4, '64. From a note three days later it appears that Mr. T . at that time was translating the 38

'Prelude'". Therefore when we find in one of Taylor's letters: 127 "The Archangelic Chorus was the first thing I translated, I decided that if I could succeed in that I could succeed in all, if not, not.", we may be sure that he refers to the beginning of the period of extensive translation and that the date recorded by his wife marks that event correctly. According to Mrs. Taylor's notes 128 the Preludes were completed by September thirteenth, 1864. This agrees precisely with other evidence found in Taylor's letters. Now that he was ready to begin the translation of the actual play, he set about acquiring the standard prose translation and the best metrical one. On September 26, 1864 he requested James T . Fields to send him a copy of the Brooks translation 129 and a few weeks later he writes: "Please send me, by mail, at once, Hay ward's 'Faust'." 1 3 0 Lectures during the winter of 1864—65, the completing of his Picture of St. John (finished August, 1865) 1 3 1 and the writing of the Story of Kennett (published April, 1866) 1 3 2 caused Taylor to suspend work on the Faust until April, 1866. During practically this entire month he worked steadily and made excellent progress.133 The same activity continued during the month of May. 1 3 4 Then the "Wanderlust* seized the translator and he spent most of June and July roughing it in Colorado. 135 There are few records of any progress on the translation during the rest of the year of 1866. Shortly after his return from the West, Taylor wrote to John B. Phillips: 136 " I read first all of Goethe." To James T . Fields he announces on September 17, 1866 that he has "already done nearly half of Part I . " 1 3 7 Early in February, 1867, Taylor departed on a trip to Europe which was destined to last eighteen months. Apparently he hoped to make headway with the translation during this sojourn which was to be a sort of field-trip on which he would gather material to assist him with his work. He writes: 138 "By the bye, while in Germany I shall go on with my translation of 'Faust'. My wife is acquainted with Frau von Goethe, whom we shall visit, and I expect to gather together a deal of interesting material about Part I I " . The first of these hopes was not realized, as is evident from the following assertion in a letter from Europe. 139 "I brought along my 'Faust', expecting to do something considerable at the translation, but devil a line shall I write until we are back again." The second desire was accomplished. In the same letter he says: " I have got upon the track of almost endless Faust literature, and shall be able to examine everything of importance that has been written about the poem, before publishing." On this account "he visited Hirzel, the publisher, in L e i p z i g , . . . and used every opportunity to consult German scholars and poets, who entered heartily into his sdiemes." 140 He likewise made the acquaintance of Dr. Edward Brockhaus who later brought out the English Faust in Germany. 141 Hence he was able to tell Fields: 142 "While in London and Leipzig I sounded certain publishers about my translation of 'Faust', and think I shall have no difficulty in arranging a simultaneous publication in the three countries." During this stay in Europe he also wrote the dedicatory ode to his translation, "An Goethe". 1 4 3 39

Taylor brought with him on his return from Germany in September, 1868, a large number of books treating of Goethe's Faust. Settling down at Cedercroft, he at once began to study them. 144 Concerning the era which now dawned the authors of Life and Letters relate: 145 "For a year he enjoyed as near an approach to the ideal career which he had imagined as was ever possible for him. He refused all invitations to lecture, and was only occasionally absent from his home. The great work which engaged his mind was the translation of 'Faust'". The progress in this work from now till the day of publication is plentifully recorded in Life and Letters,146 and On Two Continents14T. A more detailed account based on the diaries of the poet and his wife is to be found in the treasure vault of the Cornell University library. 148 From this record we learn that the work of translating was practically incessant from October 22, 1868 149 to May 15, 1869 on which date we find this entry: "B. read me the last of his Faust — translation. Thus the great work is ended so far!" 1 5 0 Thus, within seven months had he executed for the first time the latter half of Part One and all of Part Two into English verse, imitating most faithfully the meters of the original. It seems that he finished a first draft of the First Part with the year of 1868, for the entry of January 4, 1869 reads: 151 "B. brought me the translation of the 1. scene in Pt. II of Faust." 152 He informs E. C. Stedman 153 on April 5 that he is deep in the Helena" and on May 5: "I am working on the Fifth Act of the 2nd Part of Faust." 1 5 4 The first draft of the whole translation completed, Taylor began to consider the task of revision, the composition of the notes and appendices, and the addition of the Paralipomena.155 How correctly he estimated the amount of work still before him may be ascertained from an utterance of his made in August, 1869. 156 " I shall require nearly a year more for the notes and the final revision. I wish to give the sum of all German criticism and comment,. . and especially to make the Second Part clear, in spite of the assertions of Hayward and Lewes." But a reaction had set in. Upon the continuous grind of seven months of steady translating followed seven lean months in which work on the Faust became desultory. His attitude during the summer of 1869 is best expressed in the following lines from his "August Pastoral" 157 written during that month. Therefore be still, thou yearning voice from the garden in Jena, — Still, thou answering voice from the park-side cottage in Weimar, — Still, sentimental echo from the chambers of office in Dresden, — Ye, and the feebler and farther voices that sound in the pauses! Each and all to the shelves I return: for vain is your commerce Now, when the world and the brain are numb in the torpor of August.

But still he worked on and consulted about his Faust,158 even if other interests usurped the right of way. The novel Joseph and his Friend now demanded his chiefest attention. 159 Then too an invitation to deliver six lectures on German literature at Cornell University caused him to divert his energies to the preparation of these discourses, which were delivered in the latter half of April, 1870. 160 Then a lecture tour to the Pacific coast occupied him until the middle of June. 161

40

He now returned to serious work on the Faust and again slaved away revising the First Part for the press, writing the notes to it and reading proof. By October 28, 1870, everything had gone to the printer. 162 But even subsequent to this he revised his preface after having consulted Longfellow, Lowell and J . T . Fields. 163 Work on the Second Part continued unabated despite the fact that Taylor "came several times very near being entirely exhausted" 184 as a result of his exertions. His trip to Boston to attend the dinner given by Mr. and Mrs. J. T . Fields in his honor on the day when the completed First Part came from the press, December 14, 1870, afforded some relaxation and diversion, so that on his return to Cedarcroft he was able to continue the grind in getting the Second Part ready for the publishers. On February 25, 1871 Mrs. Taylor was able to write: 165 "B. wrote at noon today the last word of the whole MS of Faust". Thus, after another seven or eight months of labor, Taylor finally had accomplished the entire revision and the critical machinery of his monumental task. Exactly one month later to a day the Second Part was published. Hence, although Taylor had revolved in his mind for twenty years the plan of making this translation and, from the beginning of this period, had repeatedly tried his hand at the rendition of minor passages, it was only during the last seven years that he applied himself with any seriousness to the enterprise. Although considerable was translated in the spring of 1866, the bulk of the execution took place in the last three years (1868—1871). Within this lapse of time two seven or eight month periods, (October, 1868—May, 1869, and July, 1870—February, 1871), witnessed by far the majority of actual accomplishment.168 In attempting to determine the worth of Taylor's translation of Goethe's Faust, it is necessary to inquire; first: What did the translator propose to accomplish?; second: Did he possess qualifications which justified him in believing that he could accomplish his purpose?; third: How well and wherein has he succeeded?; fourth: Wherein has he fallen short of his mark; fifth: What evaluation did his contemporaries and what evaluation has posterity placed on his rendition?; and lastly: What, if any, effect has his translation had on Faust-study and interest in Faust in English-speaking countries? Two works have already appeared which are devoted wholly, or in large part, to an evaluation of Taylor's translation, Lina Baumann's Englische Ubersetzungen von Goethes Faust167 and Juliana Haskell's Bayard Taylor's Translation of Goethe's Faust.168 The former, in accordance with German opinion generally, bestows much praise and little censure upon the translation. The latter devotes all her efforts so much to fault-finding that one must agree with Richard M. Meyer when he says: 169 "Man hat aber den eindruck, als suche sie eine vorgefasste meinung nachträglich zu erhärten. Sie geht etwas advocatisch oder vielmehr staatsanwaltlich vor.", and also, when he asserts: 170 "Sie wird B. T . nicht gerecht." Taylor's own remarks convince us that he concurred in the proverbial dictum that poetry cannot be translated without losing in the process. More than a year and a half before the publication of the First Part of Faust he 41

wrote: 171 "I intend to try to prove that no great poem can be transferred with less loss than the German of 'Faust' into the English language, — and to make this a part of my justification for rigidly preserving the original metres." In the preface to the First Part we read: 172 "I cannot hope to have been always successful; but I have at least labored long and patiently, bearing constantly in mind not only the meaning of the original and the mechanical structure of the lines, but also that subtile and haunting music which seems to govern rhythm instead of being governed by it." Taylor's work carries on the title page: "Translated, in the Original Metres". But in the preface he takes pains to explain: 173 "By the term 'original metres' I do not mean a rigid, unyielding adherence to every foot,, line, and rhyme of the German original, although this has very nearly been accomplished.... I do not consider that an occasional change in the number of feet, or order of rhyme, is any violation of the metrical p l a n . . . . If, in two or three instances, I have left a line unrhymed, I have balanced the omission by giving rhymes to other lines which stand unrhymed in the original t e x t . 1 7 4 . . . I make no apology for the imperfect rhymes, which are frequently a translation as well as a necessity." "If, now and then, there was an inevitable alternative of meaning or music, I gave the preference to the former." 175 Finally, at the end of the preface to Part Two, he states: 176 "In concluding this labor of years, I venture to express the hope that, however I have fallen short of reproducing the original in another, though kindred language, I may, at least, have assisted in naturalizing the masterpiece of German literature among us." These utterances are sufficient to indicate that although the translator strove to follow the original as closely as possible, he realized that he could not produce an English version which preserved all the features of the original. It is difficult to understand how any one who has read these prefaces could be of the opinion that they might make Taylor "readily appear to believe that he had found in fidelity to form a panacea for all the ills of translating; a complete formula for the perfect transference of literature from one language to another." 177 Mrs. Haskell has carefully assembled Taylor's utterances on his theory of translation 178 with most of which she apparently agrees.179 Those principles, in which she rightly finds "nothing new or startling", are: 1. An "abnegation of the translator's personality". 180 2. "A translator should have a nearly equal knowledge of both languages, in order to get that spirit above and beyond the words which simple literalness will never give." 181 3. "The first draft of the work requires warmth; the revision, coolness." 182 4. "It takes a poet to reproduce a poet." 183 5. The "metrical form of the author must be chosen, where the translator's language will admit it without too great a sacrifice". 184 6. "The labor of translation" is to be "effectually concealed". 185 7. "Purity of diction, the balance and harmony of rhythm, variety of movement, and that native poetic instinct which combines the simple and 'the picturesque, the bare prosaic fact and its dignified expression." 186 42

8. Taylor discerns in Brooks' translation 187 "an occasional lowering of the tone through the use of words which are literal, but not equivalent." 188 Mrs. Haskell erroneously construes this to mean: "The original must be rendered in words which are not alone literal but also equivalent." 189 Taylor means that certain words, phrases and expressions occur in one language which must be rendered not literally, but by equivalent words, phrases, and expressions in the other. Who would ever postulate that geflügelte Worte be rendered literally? Who would think of rendering literally "einen Korb holen"? One of the most common errors in rendering Faust, and one of which Taylor too is guilty, is the literal rather than an equivalent rendition of: 1 9 0 Mein Vater war ein dunkler Ehrenmann (II, 1034) M y father's was a sombre, brooding brain. (Taylor, I, 42)

Of this nature is Taylor's failing when he translates: as:

Es sich sogleich in Harnisch bringt. (1.5466) I straightway put my harness on. ( 1 1 , 3 6 )

His attempt to be literal is the basis of his error when he translates "Schönbärte" (I. 4767) by "Beards of Beauty" (II, 10). 9. "His [the translator's] task is not simply mechanical: he must feel, and be guided by, a secondary inspiration. Surrendering himself to the full possession of the spirit which shall speak through him, he receives, also, a portion of the same creative power." 191 It is eminently fair to incorporate these utterances of Taylor into a theory of translation, but at the same time it must not be understood that this tells the whole story. Nay, the essential part of the structure is still lacking. Man must not be judged by his pronouncements alone, and, least of all, poets. An examination of Taylor's work reveals an essential feature not sufficiently brought out in the nine points enumerated above; although it is hinted at. Inasmuch as this point is extremely important, and is the one on which most of the unfavorable criticism of Taylor's translation has hinged, it demands consideration. In how far is a translator to be allowed to take liberties with his own language in attempting to be as faithful as possible to the varied features of the original poem? The following comments of Goethe are quoted in the preface to our translation of Faust.192 "There are two maxims of translation, the one requires that the author, of a foreign nation, be brought to us in such a manner that we may regard him as our own; the other, on the contrary, demands of us that we transport ourselves over to him, and adopt his situation, his mode of speaking, and his peculiarities. The advantages of both are sufficiently known to all instructed persons, from masterly examples." Here Taylor dares question his master: 193 "Is it necessary, however, that there should always be this alternative? Where the languages are kindred, and equally capable of all varieties of metrical expression, may not both these 'maxims' be observed in the same translation?" 43

Taylor was probably not familiar with the "Noten und Abhandlungen" to Goethe's West-östlicher Divan at the time he was writing the preface to his Taust. H a d he known them, he would undoubtedly have quoted from them to defend his undertaking, for there is found an exposition of what Goethe considers the highest form of translation, which seems as if written to fit Taylor's viewpoint, or, as if Taylor has shaped his methods to agree with it. After having discussed two previous stages of development in the art of translating, Goethe says: 194 "So erlebten wir den dritten Zeitraum,, welcher der höchste und letzte zu nennen ist, derjenige, nämlich, wo man die Übersetzung dem Original identisch machen möchte, so dass eins nicht anstatt des andern, sondern an der Stelle des andern gelten solle." "Diese Art erlitt anfangs den größten Widerstand; denn der Übersetzer, der sich fest an sein Original anschliesst, gibt mehr oder weniger die Originalität seiner Nation auf, und so entsteht ein drittes, wozu der Geschmack der Menge sich erst heranbilden muss." These things Taylor has done in his translation. But lest it be objected that this making free with the genius of his vernacular represents a break between his theory and practice of translation, let us examine his utterances in this direction. Already in the fifth point cited above he has plainly indicated that "the translator's language" must undergo "sacrifice" provided that that sacrifice be not "too great". 195 H e demands of a prose translation (Hayward's) 1 9 6 "as accurate a reproduction of the sense, spirit, and tone of the original, as the genius of our language will permit". Further, the preface to the First Part contains these statements. 197 "The difficulties in the way of a nearly literal translation of Faust in the original metres have been exaggerated, because certain affinities between the two languages have not been properly considered." "It seems to me that in all discussions upon this subject the capacities of the English language have received but scanty justice". 198 It is, therefore, to be Taylor's purpose to give proper consideration to the affinities existing between "the genius of our language" and that of Goethe, and to do justice to the "capacities of the English language". He even indicates specific features of construction of whidi he intends to avail himself. 199 "English metre compels the use of inversions, admits many verbal liberties prohibited to prose, and so inclines towards various flexible features of its sister-tongue that many lines of Faust may be repeated in English without the slightest change of meaning, measure, or rhyme." There can be no doubt that Taylor was well qualified to undertake the translation of Faust. Perhaps Whittier was a little extravagant in his opinion that Taylor was "precisely the man of all others to do it", 200 for our translator was lacking in some qualities that might be desired in one who undertakes such a work. First, he had no formal philological training such as would have given him a scientific knowledge of the German language and have prevented such mistranslations as "beards of beauty" for "Schönbärte" and "by sheer diffuseness" (1,5) for "in der Breite" (1.93), or But when a famous thing is done I straightway put my harness on, (II, 36)

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for:

Doch, wo was Ruhmlidies gelingt, Es midi sogleidi in Harnisch bringt. (5465)

Such training might also have made him more careful and attentive to detail, and thus probably have obviated such performances as the omission of the stage directions and lines already indicated, 201 and the rendering as

Des Herrn W o r t , es gibt allein Gewicht ( 1 1 , 5 0 2 ) God's word alone confers on me the right (II, 291)

which interpretation Taylor himself admitted to be "undoubtedly incorrect". 202 Taylor's inability to stay with his work of translation consistently, owing to his pecuniary needs, and his multitudinous interests, literary and otherwise, was unquestionably a handicap, but it must be remembered that the author of the original was guilty of similar inconstancy. The {joints in Taylor's favor far outweighed the disadvantages under which he labored. He possessed as good a general knowledge of the German language as it is possible for a foreigner to obtain, and, even if his knowledge was not scientific, it was probably unsurpassed by that of any contemporary American man of letters. He was a poet, and even though Mrs. Haskell has undertaken at length to depreciate his reputation as such,203 the very evidence which she has adduced tends to establish his poethood, leaving only his rank in doubt. I should be inclined to attribute his success as a translator to the very fact that his Muse attained to a less austere height than the summits of Olympus. History seems to justify the observation made by Hauhart in his study of The Reception of Goethe's Faust in Englandz204 "It is usually the case that men of moderate poetic genius are apt to produce translations that have the true poetic ring, and yet do justice to the spirit of the original. An excellent translation is not accomplished without painstaking labor, and a great poet finds it difficult to suppress the inspiration of the moment and assiduously devote himself to the necessary drudgery." This last sentence brings forth another qualification which Taylor possessed in a degree unsurpassed by any American author, — the ability to labor. Mrs. Haskell has diligently collected a number of Taylor's expressions concerning his task and finds one "single word characteristic of the undertaking".. "labor". 2 0 5 Anyone with even the most meager knowledge of Taylor's activities needs no proof of the enormous extent and unusual variety of his undertakings. The Cornell collection 200 contains a letter of Oliver Wendell Holmes, dated Boston, March 23rd, 1878 in which he testifies to this phase of Taylor's make-up. After designating Taylor as "Printer, Traveller, Editor, Poet, Novelist, Critic, Translator, Lecturer, Diplomatist", he adds: "It was once said that it took nine tailors to make a man, but it takes nine men, each a good workman in his calling, each a useful and valued member of society to make our Taylor, the honored and Honorable." Nor was Taylor inexperienced in translating German poetry. 207 Moreover his amiable nature had won for him a position which allowed him to avail himself of expert advice from the literati of both Germany and America. We know that he submitted his ode "An Goethe" to Gustav Freytag. 208 Among others Dr. Hirzel in Leipzig was responsible for Taylor's selection of books 45

on Faust criticism.209 In America Longfellow and Lowell seem to have been consulted not' only concerning the preface,210 but about the body of the translation itself.211 Less well-known in the world of letters, but even more energetic advisers were W. H. Furness,212 Mrs. Marie Bloede,213 a half sister of the German poet Friedrich von Sallet, and R. H. Chittenden.214 If one will discriminate between a poet and a rimester then one gets a unanimity of opinion that Taylor was a past master at the art of versemaking.215 Smyth calls him a 2 1 8 "meister-singer,— a guild-singer — a man of talent, and a master of the mechanics of his craft". This very qualification must have stood him in good stead in rendering the polymorphous meters and verse forms of the Faust. To these qualifications the authors of Life and Letters would add217 Taylor's remarkable memory, the fact that he was in a creative mood, and that "in the growth of his own nature, Bayard Taylor had come to think and create in sympathy with Goethe". The first of these was undoubtedly an asset; the second would have been true of any poet; the third was probably as much as result of Taylor's interest in the Faust as it was the cause which impelled him to translate it. Bayard Taylor set out to produce "the English Faust", 218 and by the consensus of competent opinion he has succeeded. Not that the statement of E. C. Stedman219 "I do not believe that a better can be made, nor will any sane and able man attempt it." — is to be taken at its face value, for Taylor's work does admit of improvement and sane and able men have since attempted sudi,220 albeit with varying success. At the time of its appearance Taylor's translation had the distinction of being the most complete ever produced, the omissions being few and of minor import.221 He has succeeded as well as any translator, and better than any of his predecessors, in remaining faithful to the sense of the original, but even he was not infallible.222 Undoubtedly Taylor's principal merit is the excellence with which he has succeeded in preserving the music, rhythm and Stimmung of the German poem. This being so, we must expect to find the most poetic passages and the lyrics the best rendered parts; and so it is. Even Mrs. Haskell had "no doubt" that "in an eclectic translation certain parts of Taylor's work would be preserved, for example, perhaps several stanzas of the 'Song of the Archangels,'223 the entire ballad of the 'King of Thule'," 224 and about a dozen other verses.225 Lina Baumann is quite right in maintaining that, in the rendering of the "Zueignung", "keiner hat die sanfte Elegie, die Vornehmheit der Sprache so schon getroffen wie Taylor." 2 2 6 In my opinion this is one of Taylor's greatest triumphs. Gretchen's song at the spinning wheel is likewise worthy of a poet. Not only the lofty and the sentimental, but the commonplace, the uncouth, the coarse found true expression in Taylor's rendition. In this connection it might be mentioned that one of his earliest translations from Faust, "The Soldier's Song," 227 is highly commendable. Here, too, belong the peasants song in the scene "Vor dem Thor" 2 2 8 and the songs in "Auerbachs Keller", 229 especially the song of the flea. 230 46

One of the greatest pitfalls for translators has been the inability to reproduce the different characters true to nature. This has resulted from two causes, a failure to understand the characters, and an unfortunate selection of words in rendering their speeches. The characters of Faust, Gretchen and Mephistopheles are easily misunderstood. 231 The translator must be especially cautious in portraying them, if he would avert failure. 232 Here Taylor has been successful, although he has at times put into the mouth of Gretchen words which are altogether too high-sounding for that naive creature. Mrs. Haskell has done well to remark 233 the almost comic effect of making Margaret say: 'Tis written on his very forhead That love, to him, is a thing abhorred ( 1 , 1 5 9 )

where Goethe's lines read: Es steht ihm an der Stirn geschrieben, Daß er nicht mag eine Seele lieben. (3489 f.)

Another feature of Taylor's Faust which must not be forgotten is its critical machinery or notes. To be sure these notes are to some extent antiquated, being based on the works of the German critics of old school who were all too prone to look upon anything in Faust as allegorical, or at least as symbolical. Taylor seems to have been conscious of the hyper-philosophical tendencies of the German commentators, for he writes in the preface to the Second Part: 2 3 4 "Here, as in the First Part, the study of Goethe's life and works has been my guide through the labyrinth of comment; I have endeavored to give, in every case, the simplest and most obvious interpretation, even if, to some readers, it may not seem the most satisfactory." It is therefore to be regretted, as Calvin Thomas has said, 235 that "Loeper's work 236 did not appear in time to be of use to Bayard Taylor." Despite the change of viewpoint in Faust criticism which has taken place since the appearance of Loeper's book, much that is contained in Taylor's notes is still, not only interesting and instructive, but also essential, as can be learned by comparing Taylor's comments and notes with those contained in the best American edition of Faust, that of Calvin Thomas. 237 It has already been admitted that Taylor's translation is not without mistakes and shortcomings. All such cases, and some that are not such,238 have been carefully catalogued and criticised in the Haskell dissertation. 239 Any one interested in microscopic analysis might do well to turn to that work and inspect it. I shall merely endeavor to indicate the nature of these shortcomings without considering all the individual cases. Taylor was guilty of undeniable and inexcusable mistranslations, but these were extremely few in number. 240 Nor was the translator unconscious of their existence. 241 The following quotation from a letter to Professor J. M. Hart will show Taylor's attitude in this matter. 242 "Longfellow has already given me two or three useful hints [for an intended revision of the Faust], My ambition is, of course, to produce the standard English Faust; and so long as the work can be improved in the slightest particular, I shall not consider it finished." Concerning the task of rendering in English the numerous "feminine and dactylic rhymes" of the original, Taylor remarked: 243 "The difficulty to be 47

o v e r c o m e is one of construction rather than of the v o c a b u l a r y . " A n d so it is in construction, in sentence-structure, in w o r d - o r d e r t h a t T a y l o r ' s critics f i n d the most objectionable f e a t u r e s of his version of Faust. B a r r e t t W e n d e l l renders the f o l l o w i n g verdict u p o n T a y l o r ' s w o r k : " T h e result in no w a y resembles n o r m a l E n g l i s h . " 2 4 4 B u t is the translation to be c o n d e m n e d f o r this reason? M i g h t w e not well a s k : W h a t is n o r m a l E n g l i s h ? Is M i l t o n ' s Paradise Lost n o r m a l E n g l i s h ? Is Goethe's Faust n o r m a l G e r m a n ? A t least T a y l o r d i d not think it w a s a n d called attention to the f a c t t h a t 2 4 5 " G o e t h e ' s chief o f f e n s e is the license which he a l l o w s himself in r e g a r d to his l a n g u a g e . W e f i n d , especially in those portions which were last written, f r e q u e n t instances of c r a b b e d , a r b i t r a r y construction, w o r d s a n d c o m p o u n d s invented in d e f i a n c e of all rule, a n d v a r i o u s other deviations f r o m his o w n f u l l , clear, a n d r o u n d e d s t y l e . " M r s . H a s k e l l states: " W h e r e T a y l o r is un-English he is u s u a l l y G e r m a n . " 2 4 6 G r a n t e d ! B u t , w h y not? A s a m a t t e r of f a c t T a y l o r ' s l a n g u a g e is not so un-English as B a r r e t t Wendell's statement a n d M r s . H a s k e l l ' s p a g e s w o u l d l e a d one to believe. M o s t of these so-called un-English idiosyncracies are b y n o means c o n t r a r y to the genius of the E n g l i s h l a n g u a g e . I t m a y be that a t o o f r e q u e n t occurence of certain usages o f f e n d s a n over-sensitive ear, a n d that the b r i n g i n g together of numerous e x a m p l e s of the " m a l - p r a c t i c e s " in T a y l o r ' s w o r k 2 4 7 a n d the numbering them as one h u n d r e d a n d t w e n t y - f i v e , 2 4 8 one h u n d r e d , 2 4 9 n i n e t y 2 5 0 m a k e the f a i l i n g s seem preposterous, b u t it m u s t a g a i n be remembered, as P r o f e s s o r L i e d e r has a l r e a d y p o i n t e d o u t , that these " f a u l t s are scattered over a p o e m of t w e l v e t h o u s a n d l i n e s " . 2 5 1 T h e n o m i n a l i z e d a d j e c t i v e is not un-English, else h o w c o u l d one s a y : " T h e p o o r y o u h a v e a l w a y s w i t h y o u . " " T h e meek shall possess the l a n d . " ; a n d so f o r t h ad infinitumf If w e s p e a k d a i l y of " t h e rich a n d the p o o r " , w h y s h o u l d one object to the n o m i n a l i z e d adjectives in the lines of the " H o l z h a u e r " (5205 f f ) 2 5 2 Make clear this fable! (II, 26) Save Coarse were drudging Within your borders, Would Fine be able T o build their orders? T o the c a p i t a l i z a t i o n of w o r d s not p r o p e r nouns some raise objection. B u t here a g a i n w e are disposed to d i s r e g a r d such f a u l t - f i n d i n g as p e d a n t i c . C a p i t a l i z a t i o n is intended to lend a d d i t i o n a l i m p o r t a n c e to a w o r d . It is not cont r a r y to the genius of the E n g l i s h l a n g u a g e . O n e needs o n l y to turn back to the Spectator Papers to f i n d the " p r o d i g a l use of c a p i t a l s " in g o o d G e r m a n manner.253 I n T a y l o r ' s Faust occur also f r e q u e n t instances of the so-called i n v e r t e d w o r d - o r d e r , the retention of the p e r f e c t p a r t i c i p l e or present i n f i n i t i v e until the end of the clause, a rather t o o f r e q u e n t use o f c o m p o u n d a d v e r b i a l particles ( i . e . : thereto, therewith, e t c . ) 2 5 4 a n d the terminating of sentences in a n a d verbial participle. U n d o u b t e d l y the d e m a n d s of meter, r h y t h m a n d rime, especially the requirements of the feminine rime a r e responsible f o r the m a j o r i t y of these occurrences. N o n e of these usages is w i t h o u t j u s t i f i c a t i o n in English verse. M r s . H a s k e l l seems to h a v e felt she w a s t r e a d i n g o n d a n g e r o u s 48

ground in making some of her charges, for she says: 255 "I am aware that one can find whole lists of inversions successfully ventured upon by the best English poets." She quotes passages from Keats, Coleridge and Tennyson to exemplify this. She is willing to extend this privilege to "the great English poets", for, she says, "Nice customs curtsy to great kings." But she denies to Taylor the right to avail himself of it in his particularly difficult task, because, she opines: 266 "When we read the inversions and transpositions of Taylor's translation, we seek in vain any sort of poetic compensation for them; we are affected solely by their strangeness, their all too apparent necessity, and by Taylor's thraldom to the instrument. That these inversions are due in part to a touching fidelity to the original fails to reconcile us to them." While ready to admit that in many single instances Taylor's practices merit disapproval, one feels likewise disposed to Mrs. Haskell's over enthusiastic desire to find fault. If "Here, under leave of Brutus and the rest, come I to speak to Caesar's funeral." is good verse, why condemn Taylor for writing, under the constraint of the meter of the original: "Christ no more found we"? 257 Is it fair to censure Taylor's Three years is but a little space, (I, 80) And, God! who can the field embrace?

without pronouncing sentence likewise on him, whom Mrs. Haskell has called "the champion of prose-order in poetic diction," 258 for having written T o diant, as glides the boat along, A simple, but a touching song;

On the other hand there are instances of these constructions which even the demands of meter cannot excuse. "No longer needs the alphabet thy nation" (II, 58) is, to say the least, ambiguous. "I go so little out" (1,163) is unjustifiable. The otherwise excellent rendering of the plaintive song "Ach neige, Du Schmerzenreiche" is, to my mind, spoiled by the inversion of the first line of the second stanza: The sword Thy heart in, With anguish smarting.

(1,166)

Such lines as, Give me at all times choice of dishes I delight in, (II, 264) As with the month they come, and cooked with appetite in!

and "By the chimney out!", (1,102), produce, when standing alone, an unpleasant effect, but when we compare the first passage with the lines of the original: Der Lieblingsspeisen Wahl laß mir zu allen Zeiten, Wie sie der Monat bringt, und sorgsam zubereiten.

(I. 10901)

and detect there a similar inelegance of sentence structure, intended to lend to the passage a sort of mock seriousness; and when we bear in mind that the second citation is from the farcical "Hexenküche", we must hesitate before condemning them. These last two examples show the danger of attempting to condemn certain features of Taylor's style categorically. Each passage must be considered in 4

Krumpelmann

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its context, for, in a great poem like Faust with its many idiosyncrasies, one is liable to be unfair to the translator unless one considers carefully the subtilties of the original. There are other points of doubtful value in the translation 2 5 9 the use of obsolete, archaic, dialectial expressions and clipped forms; and the padding of lines so as to eke out the number of feet. 260 These features are in no way to be attributed to the influence of the German upon the English of the translator. The last-named feature is an almost necessary evil of any metrical translation from the German into the English, due to the loss of inflectional endings which the latter language has undergone. As to the so-called un-English features of Taylor's style it must be further remembered that the translator expressed his intention to use the capacities of his native language to their fullest extent 2 6 1 and that Taylor's work represents what Goethe called the highest form of translation, and, as such, occupies middle ground between the original and its English readers. 262 R. M. Meyer, in reviewing the Haskell dissertation after commenting on the difference between German and English usage, says: 263 "Was bleibt übrig als eine Zwischenbildung in spräche und stil, wie sie eben alle siegreichen übersetzerwerke darstellen, der Heiland, und Luthers Bibel, Vossens Homer and Schlegels Shakespeare? und in diese reihe hat das urteil der nachweit, wie mir scheint, Bayard Taylors 'Faust' mit einem recht gestellt, das die kleinlichen gegenproben der vf. schwerlich erschüttern dürfen." T o one W . P. Andrews belongs the "credit" 2 6 4 of having discovered that Taylor, as well as Brooks, has "Latinized" Goethe's Faust. Both Lina Baumann and Mrs. Haskell take cognizance of Mr. Andrews' discovery. 265 The former dismisses it with the remark: "Man möchte diesen Element wohl gerne vermissen, besonders bei Gretchen." 266 Both Mr. Andrews and Mrs. Haskell have overdone the point. The absurdity of the former's remark: "From the beginning to the end of this great poem [Goethe's] of 12,110 lines of nearly every known metre, we have hardly one Latinized word, and not a single poetical trope or purely literary expression," 267 renders the whole article unworthy of further consideration. Mrs. Haskell observes that it is impossible for the English translator of Faust to avoid "Latinization", for "it belongs to the genius of the language" but is "very willing to admit that it is disasterous often to the proper rendering of 'Faust'". 2 6 8 We will cheerfully admit the impossibility of avoiding the use of words of Latin origin in an English work of such a scope, for these words have become an integral part of our language; but we deny that the use of such words need prove disasterous to an English Faust. W e have already granted that Taylor has too greatly exalted the language of Gretchen, largely by putting into her mouth Latinized words. 2 6 9 But we are unwilling to admit that the use of a non-Germanic element is even a risky venture. The Latin element in the English vocabulary may be divided into two genre, that which has become thoroughly nativized and is felt to be as vital as any words of Germanic origin and that which is still felt to be exotic. Words of the former group are used daily by all classes, the English 50

and American Gretchens included, and may well find a place in any part of a Faust translation, whether spoken by Gretchen, Martha or whom not. Observe, for example, the following lines of Gretchen from that scene which exhibits the height of her naivete,270 I brought it up, and it was fond of me. Father had died before it saw the light, And mother's case was hopeless quite, So weak and miserable she lay; And she recovered, then, so slowly day by day. She could not think, herself, of giving The poor wee thing its natural living; And so I nursed it all alone With milk and water; 't was my own. Lulled in my lap with many a song, It smiled, and tumbled, and grew strong.

The italicized words are of Latin origin. The only one which might possibly be felt to be inappropriate to Gretchen is recovered. Perhaps she might have said got better, but she would also probably have used, instead of the Germanic quite, the Latin real or very. This will indicate how futile it is to cry out against "Latin words", for, when properly selected, they are as native in feeling as those of Germanic origin. Hence, I fail to understand why the word "size" in His His The The

lofty gait, nobie size, smile of his mouth, power of his eyes,

should be stamped as "odious". 271 Further we must not deny non-Germanic words to the translator of Faust when a profound effect is to be achieved,, or when Goethe himself uses them. The two passages which have been criticized unfavorably on account of their Latin 272 content exemplify these two uses of non-Germanic words. The sun-or& sings in emulation, (1,11) 'Mid brother-spheres, his ancient round: His path predestined through Creation H e ends with step of thunder-sound. The angels from his visage splendid Draw power, whose measure none can say; The lofty works, uncomprehended, Are bright as on the earliest day.

Mrs. Hashell has pointed out the italicized words as being of Latin origin and has referred back to the original passage which she says, "shows but one [Bruderspharen] in part of foreign derivation." Strangely enough she has overlooked the foreign origin of angels (Engeln), common to both versions, and has failed to point out the three words, round, sound and measure which are assuredly Latin as are creation, power, etc. This only goes to prove that which I have just contended; that one group of foreign words has come to be felt as so indigeous in our language that they at times escape even those who are searching for them. 4*

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In the second passage: Upward rise to higher borders! Ever grow, insensibly, As, by pure, eternal orders, God's high Presence strengthens ye! Such the Spirit's sustentation, With the freest ether blending; Love's eternal Revelation, T o Beatitude ascending.

(II, 308) (II 11918ff.)

Mrs. Haskell calls attention to the twelve non-Germanic words (italicized) in Taylor's verses as against one (Ather) in Goethe's 273 and says of them: "They are too sophisticated. They detract from the simple Teutonic sublimity of the original. But I am not sure that we could much improve on them and still use the English language." It must be remarked that at least one-half of the Latin words in the first passage, though Latin, are not sophisticated (orb, ancient, creation, splendid, power, round, sound, measure). The remaining are hardly too high-sounding for the archangel, Raphael, to use in the presence of the Lord and the other archangels. Nor is the second passage by any means too sophisticated or too much Latinized for a "Pater Seraphicus". Both the original and the English passage exhibit a sublimity. If Goethe's is Teutonic sublimity, 274 Taylor's is Miltonic. On the whole the cry of Latinization, which sounds big when first uttered, fades almost into inaudibility when properly examined. Except for the effect it has in distorting somewhat the character of Gretchen, the introduction of non-Germanic words does not detract from the English Faust. Almost unanimous acclaim greeted the appearance of Taylor's translation. Of course such opinions as that of Frau von Holtzendorff of Gotha that Taylor's translation "is the perfect equal of the original", 275 and that of Mrs. A. L. Wister of Philadelphia 276 that "no English reader need for the future care to read the Faust in German so exquisitely is its poetry rendered by you in our own tongue and so clearly its philosophy explained or rather enunciated" must be considered as too extreme. But others qualified to speak have expressed themselves. Longfellow on December 23, 1870, having read only the Prelude, wrote to Taylor: "It is an admirable bit of translation, and if the rest is like it, you are safe". 277 The Cambridge poet's confidence in the translator's ability is also manifested by the following extract from a letter to the latter. 278 "I have in press a new edition of The Poets and Poetry of Europe and in the supplement which is to be appended, I wish very much to insert the Death Scene of Faust from your translation. Is it far enough advanced to enable me to do so; and are you willing?" The scene was published as here proposed. Bryant designated Taylor as "one who has transplanted into our language the greatest poem of the greatest poet of Germany, rendering it with a fidelity, strength and grace which Goethe himself might wonder at". 2 7 9 Whittier designated Taylor's translation as "the best English version of its (Germany's) greatest author, an honorable achievement in letters." 280 Oliver Wendell Holmes said: 281 "He has naturalized the great poet of Germany in our American libraries." C. E. Stedman wrote Taylor that the translation was 52

"veritably a great work, a noble success".282 William Winter speaks of the "indubitable success of his magnificent metrical translation of Faust."2S3 George Bancroft wrote from Berlin: 284 "Your translation so far surpasses such of its predecessors as I have seen, that I can institute no comparison between them." and adds: "Go on, my friend, and do still more to inspire the two great branches of the Germanic family with love for one another." This should suffice to show what competent, contemporary American poets and scholars thought of the translation. Not quite so complete was the agreement among those minor critics who reviewed the work for periodicals and newspapers, and their judgments are, too, not so worthy of consideration. But even in this group a large majority join in praising the translation. Some, although they find fault with certain of its features, still admit that Taylor's is the best English version of the Faust,285 Very few condemn the work utterly; but since such a pronouncement is probably more the result of the attitude towards Goethe which still prevailed in this country and in England in the generation after his death than a judgment passed on Taylor's translation, we quote briefly from one hostile critic. The reverend gentleman writes: 286 "Happily for good taste and good morals, Faust is in itself, for the most part, too dreary a poem, wherever it is not positively too disagreeable, ever to become popular in an English translation." Of the forty-seven reviews in English which I have examined287 forty-five give Taylor a favorable verdict, one is betwixt-and-between288 and one is unfavorable.289 This may be taken as a fair cross-section of the attitude of the English-speaking reviewers towards Taylor's Faust. More unanimous were the German critics, both scholars and reviewers. I have found no comment or notice of Taylor's translation by a German which is totally unfriendly, nay none which is preponderantly unfavorable. Richard M. Meyer's position has already been made clear. 290 Other favorable comments might be sighted ad libitum, but I shall confine my remarks to but two. G. von Loeper, who certainly could speak with the highest authority as a leading exponent of Faust criticism at the time when Taylor's translation appeared, refers to it as a "nicht genug zu rühmenden Faust Übertragung". 291 Lina Baumann, who has apparently made the most extensive study of English Fausttranslations and who represents more recent opinion (1907) designates Taylor's as "die würdigste, dem Original sich am meisten nähernde Übersetzung". 292 This makes Mrs. Haskell confess that she does not "comprehend the esteem, both for poetic and general excellence, in which this translation is held by certain eminent German authorities". 293 The following remarks may tend to elucidate the situation. The principal objections raised against Taylor's work are of a linguistical and sentence-structural nature. Mrs. Haskell herself says that „where Taylor is un-English he is usually German". 294 Hence to a German, however good an English scholar he be, the inversions, transposed infinitives and participles, and the like, cannot give offense, or even seen unnatural. Thus, unless his examination be hyper-microscopic, these features, which may seem a little forced or strained to the English reader, will appear perfectly natural 53

to the German. It is safe to assert that most of the irregularities in the English of T a y l o r ' s translation are due, not to a conscious or unconscious imitation of the G e r m a n order, but to the f a c t that finding that certain transpositions and the like facilitated his imitation of the f o r m a n d rhythm of the original, he availed himself of these liberties, and, owing to his perfect familiarity with German usage, felt no impropriety in so doing. It is always hazardous to venture an opinion of w h a t might have been. T h e r e f o r e one might at first be inclined to smile at Bryant's statement that Goethe himself might wonder at the fidelity, strength and grace of T a y l o r ' s translation. 2 9 5 Likewise might one find somewhat presumptuous T a y l o r ' s prayer to G o e t h e : 2 9 6 L a ß Deinen Geist in meiner Stimme klingen, U n d w a s D u sangst, laß mich es D i r nachsingen!

I f , however, one bears in mind Goethe's apparent eagerness to have his Faust translated into English, 2 9 7 and his praise of the none too commendable rendition b y George Soane, 2 9 8 then one must be convinced that Bryant's words b y no means represent an exaggeration, nor T a y l o r ' s couplet an entreaty which the sage of Weimar would have heard with disfavor. It is not possible to state with extreme accuracy the effects of T a y l o r ' s translation on Faust study a n d interest in Faust in America and E n g l a n d without making that the object of a special investigation. T h e r e is, however, abundant evidence to justify the conclusion that the results of T a y l o r ' s interest in Faust have been widespread. In America we need only to consider the annotated editions of the Faust to ascertain the effect of T a y l o r ' s w o r k . T h e oldest edition still esteemed b y Goethe critics 2 9 9 is that of Professor J a m e s M o r g a n H a r t . 3 0 0 When one recalls the friendship which sprang up between H a r t and T a y l o r after the appearance of the latter's translation, one m a y fairly ask whether H a r t w a s not inspired to his work by T a y l o r ' s achievement. It is therefore not surprising to learn f r o m a letter which H a r t wrote to T a y l o r 3 0 1 the following. H a r t , the editor, suggested to the publisher P u t n a m that he have T a y l o r edit Faust f o r his " G e r m a n Classics Series." Putnam informed H a r t that T a y l o r w a s too busy to undertake such a task, but that he H a r t must do it. T h e latter then turned to T a y l o r for advice, assistance, and the loan of books on Faust.302 T h e record of the interchange of ideas which passed between the two while the work w a s in progress is incomplete, but H a r t ' s edition of Faust tells the tale. Goebel's edition 3 0 3 contains no direct evidence that its editor has m a d e use of T a y l o r ' s w o r k , but it is hardly a coincidence that Goebel suggests the translation " J a d e R a k e " 3 0 4 f o r H a n s Liederlich, "Huckster-witch" 3 0 5 for T r ö delhexe and "sinner's s h i f t " , 3 0 6 for Sünderhemdehen", all of which occur in T a y l o r ' s translation. T h e latest and most complete edition of Faust, that of C a l v i n T h o m a s 3 0 7 discloses the f a c t that its author was familiar with T a y l o r ' s rendition a n d notes. It is natural that the notes of the two editions should have much in common. T h o m a s would p r o b a b l y have used some of the same material in his notes as is contained in T a y l o r ' s even if he had never seen the latter's work. But, 54

when we find Taylor's notes and translation directly referred to and quoted, we are inclined to ask what proportion of the many resemblances is due, consciously or unconsciously, to Thomas's study of Taylor's volumes. There is no question but that Thomas was compelled to cite some of the same quotations, passages and examples which Taylor had already used. Likewise no one can question his perfect right to make use of anything in Taylor's work. As a matter of fact Taylor is mentioned four times 308 in Thomas's first volume and there are numerous passages which are suggestive of Taylor's volumes. 309 It is also striking that Thomas found it necessary to quote so early in his work a couplet which stands on the title page of Taylor's translation. 3 1 0 W e r den Dichter will verstehen Muß in Dichters Lande gehen.

Even more evident are the echoes of the Pennsylvanian in Thomas's second volume. Here Bayard T a y l o r is mentioned and quoted on the very first page of the preface 3 1 1 and also in the very last note on the final page of the book. 312 Literally Taylor says the last word in Thomas's Faust. The intervening pages show Taylor mentioned eight additional times 313 and the passages which resemble his notes have increased in number. 314 Little need be said concerning H. H. Boyesen's interest in Goethe for he himself has named T a y l o r as his mentor. In the preface of his book Goethe and Schiller315 he writes: "It only remains for me to express my deep and heartfelt gratitude to Mr. Bayard Taylor, without whose friendly interest and valuable advice the present volume would never have seen the light. I thank him for the use, so freely extended to me, of his excellent library and for the ready assistance and encouragement in my scholarly pursuits." Likewise in a dedicatory poem in the same volume 318 addressed to Bayard Taylor, Boyesen says of his Goethe studies: Unto those altitudes of thought where D a y Reigns e'er serene, where unrelenting law Guides circling worlds and growth of tiniest straw, Thou led'st with prescient step my doubting way.

Of course Taylor is frequently mentioned in Boyesen's volume. 3 1 7 Let us now examine at random some English editions of Faust. That of Albert M. Selss 318 mentions T a y l o r very frequently 3 1 9 and indirectly grants to him the highest place among translators. E. J. Turner and E. D. A. Morshead 3 2 0 in acknowledging their obligations to commentators, arrange them thus: 3 2 1 "Diintzer, Vischer, Bayard Taylor," and then add other English critics. In the critical material of this volume Bayard T a y l o r is either quoted or referred to forty odd times. The annotated Faust by Jane Lee 322 puts Bayard Taylor first in listing translators 323 and also mentions him and quotes from him. 324 It is needless to say that all subsequent translations of Faust and revisions of those already existing were influenced by Taylor's work. W e can glimpse at only a few. In 1879 Anna Swanwick published a revised edition of her translation of the first part of Faust and with it a translation of the second part. 3 2 5 She says that she is familiar with Taylor's translation which she has 55

occasionally consulted.326 Hauhart writes: 327 "After Bayard Taylor's version with the double rimes became popular, she [Miss Swanwick] thought it necessary to revise her translation and introduce the feminine rimes as far as possible." In the translation by Thomas E. Webb (18 80) 328 there are frequent quotations from and references to Taylor. 3 2 9 Frank Claudy (1886) 330 admits that he knew Bayard Taylor's "masterly version" and introduces his own translation with an ode "An Goethe's Muse" which again recalls Taylor's practice. Budiheim's revision of the Hayward translation 331 mentions Taylor frequently 332 and, in referring to the second part of the poem, calls attention to "Bayard Taylor's excellent preface and notes." 333 Albert G. Latham whose translation appeared in 1902 was familiar with Taylor's rendition and makes mention of it. 334 Finally, in an English commentary by William Chatterton Coupland, The Spirit of Goethe's Faust, there is evidence that Taylor was held in as high esteem by the critic as by the translator. Coupland says: 335 "My high appreciation for his version is shown by the use I make of it in the body of the work. The poetical worth is not at the expense of fidelity." Even the German Faust commentary of Oswald Marbach 336 reminds one of Taylor in some respects. Its title page bears the couplet: W e r den Dichter will verstehen Muß in Dichters Lande gehen.

The introductory ode is of the same length as Taylor's and also in the same meter. Moreover both odes have many details in common. These incidents will serve to demonstrate that Taylor's Faust was not without influence both in England and America, not alone when it first appeared, but even down into the twentieth century. Not only do those unable to read German get their Goethe chiefly from Taylor's Faust,337 but even Goethe critics and translators find in its pages assistance and inspiration which they acknowledge directly or indirectly, and which they breathe back into their own works. Thus do they hand down to us the spirit of Taylor as well as that of Goethe. Since the question has been raised as to what part Marie Hansen (Taylor) played in the translation of Faust no exposition of the genesis of this work would be complete which did not devote some attention to this matter. 338 How much of its merit does the best English translation of the Faust owe to a native German? That Taylor informed his wife of many of his literary projects while they were in the course of construction, accepted her counsel and sought her criticism has been demonstrated by Mrs. Haskell. 339 Taylor himself in the following lines indicates the role his wife played in the Faust enterprise.340 This plant, it may be, grew from vigorous seed, Within the fields of study set by Song; Sent from its sprouting germ, perchance, a throng Of roots even to that depth where passions breed; Chose its own time, and of its place took heed;

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Sucked fittest nutriment to make it strong: But you from every wayward season's wrong Did guard it, showering, at its changing need, Or dew of sympathy, or summer glow Of apprehension of the finer toil, And gave it, so, the nature that endures. Our secret this the world can never know You were the breeze and sunshine I the soil: The form is mine, the color and odor yours!

The pregnant lines: "Or dew of sympathy, or summer glow of apprehension" and "The form is mine, the color and odor yours" indicate at least that Mrs. Taylor assisted in interpretation and thus aided in preserving the spirit and atmosphere of the original. This she as a German could do. The "dew of sympathy" might be expected of any wife. We must of course remember that the above lines are the enthusiastic utterances of a successful poet and must guard against exaggerating their literal meaning. Certainly Mrs. Taylor was consulted by her husband concerning the meaning of doubtful passages. Nothing could be more natural. But the translation never became a common labor. Taylor translated alone and Mrs. Taylor regarded the translation as his work alone. The Cornell University library collection 341 contains data excerpted from the diaries of Mrs. Taylor and her husband, probably written by the former, which shed positive light on this question. It must be remembered that diaries are personal and therefore are not likely to distort circumstances. The entries from Mrs. Taylor's diary invariably refer to the translation as "B's" or "his." I have copied sixty odd such entries. Never does the word "we" or "our" occur. Almost as frequently as "B's" occurs the pronoun "me," generally in the connection "B. read to me in the eve. a large part of his translation" (April 23, 1869); or "brought me", etc. Such expressions show that it was Taylor's custom to work alone. One entry reads: 342 "I tried to entertain the Major this evening, that B. might work on his transl. undistrubed." On another day we read: 343 "Sat in the library in the eve. to keep B. company, who worked on his transl. and then read it aloud." There is another indication that Mrs. Taylor was not herself a translator. In her own book On Two Continents, written "which the Cooperation of Lilian Bayard Taylor Kiliani" 344 the German poetry quoted is rendered in English and initialed L. B. T. K. 3 4 5 H a d Mrs. Taylor taken an active part in the translation of Faust, she probably would have rendered some of these verses herself. It therefore seems proper to conclude that, although Mrs. Taylor guided and counselled her husband when the occasion demanded, she can hardly be called a collaborator in the production of the English Faust. The translation of Faust shows Taylor as a most conscientious imitator of form and preserver of detail. An example of his ability to render into English a German drama without slavish adherence to the original is his adaptation of Schiller's Don Carlos. Inasmuch as this work represents an imposition from without rather than a development from within, we cannot expect it to exhibit the mastery 57

displayed in Taylor's great translation. Yet it does represent a creditable performance and does not suffer by a comparison with other English stage versions of the play. 3 4 6 Mr. Taylor undertook to adapt Don Carlos as a result of persuasion of Lawrence Barrett. 3 4 7 In doing so he entered upon a task for which he lacked neither the knowledge nor interest. On August 9, 1877 he wrote: 3 4 8 " I have made arrangements with Barrett to arrange 'Don Carlos' for him. A pleasant job! and one whereby I shall learn many things." Taylor might well take pleasure in this work, for, as we have already seen, 349 his enthusiasm for Schiller dated from the inception of his acquaintance with German literature. His interest in Don Carlos likewise dated bade to those early days as vouched for by the following passage from a youthful letter, 350 "On Sunday I took his [Schiller's] 'Don Carlos' with me in our boat, and rowed myself out of sight of the village into the solitude of the autumn woods. . . . I sat on a sunny slope and read for hours; it was a rare enjoyment! As I moved to rise I found a snake, which had crept up to me for warmth, and was coiled quietly under my arm. . . . Jumping into the boat again, I let it float with the current, and read until it grew dark and chilly." Although Taylor continuously exhibited interest in Schiller's lyrics, 351 I find no note of interest in any other of that author's dramas except this for Don Carlos and a brief references to Wilhelm Tell,352 When Professor Lieder in his article "Bayard Taylor's Adaptation of Schiller's Don Carlos" 3 5 3 says: "A careful examination of the biographies of Taylor, however, threw no light on the subject", Don Carlos, he must have reference to the nature of the work rather than to its "Entstehungsgeschichte," for the latter phase of the work is easily traced in Taylor's published letters. One such document has already been cited. 354 The following information is taken from Life and Letters. During his visit to New England in August, 1877, he promised to make the adaptation. 355 It was probably October before he actually began the work of translating, for on the thirteenth of that month he wrote to Sidney Lanier: 3 5 6 "For a week past I have been giving all my spare time to a translation and adaptation to our stage of Schiller's 'Don Carlos' for Lawrence Barrett. It's a new sort of work for me, very interesting, and just what I need in order to let myself down easily from the heights of my 'Deukalion'." This passage betrays too the attitude Taylor was taking towards his new task. It was a let-down from the heights to which he had been led as a result of his occupation with Faust. A little more than two months later he announces to George H. Boker that he has "translated, with many changes, the greater part of Schiller's 'Don Carlos'." 3 5 7 On the twentieth of January, 1878, he again wrote to Lanier: " I have finished (but not yet revised) Schiller's 'Don Carlos' since I saw you." 3 5 8 This means that the date which Professor Lieder noted on the last sheet of Taylor's Don Carlos manuscript» "January 14, 1878, New York" 3 5 9 is the date of the completion of the first draft. Taylor was not yet finished with his work. As was his custom, he was still to subject it to a revision. Accordingly when he exclaims in his letter of February 17, 18 78: 3 6 0 "Luckily, 'Don Carlos' is finished, and there is now 58

nothing between me and Goethe!", we feel that the completion of the adaptation has just been accomplished. On March 12, 1878 Taylor wrote to Osgood who was then in New York: 3 6 1 "Be prepared to take the MSS of Deukalion and Don Carlos (for Barrett) back with you." But Osgood failed to call for the manuscripts, so on March 19th Taylor informs him: 362 "Today both M. S. S. go, directed to you. Please give Barrett his,. . ." Professor Lieder's article presents an analysis of the adaptation sufficient to make known its general nature, its strong points, and some of its deficiencies. The adaptation has never been published or presented on the stage. I have not had access to the manuscript, but am sure that an examination of it could lend nothing to the purpose of this study which cannot be learned from the Lieder treatise. The rearrangement of scenes, the cutting of passages, the interpolations and the shifting of emphasis is as much the work of Barrett 363 as of Taylor. The language, the manner of expression, can of course properly be attributed to the adapter. In a word, the changes in dramatic structure are primarily the work of the actor, the poet is responsible for the manner in which the changes are executed and for the actual work of translation. Much that is Schilleresque must necessarily be lost in the reduction of the drama to actable size. In proportion as this is done the poem becomes less Schiller and more drama. That part of act three, scene three, of the adapted drama which corresponds to act three, scene ten, of the original furnishes a good example of the "de-Schillerization" of the poem. Professor Lieder outlines it thus: 364 Taylor King, Posa (145 lines) Posa's long speeches about liberty and humanity are cut out or reduced to a minimum. Only so much of the scene is retained as is necessary for the action

Schiller Act III, Sc. 10 (380 lines)

This cutting of Schiller's philosophising sermons on liberty and humanity must alter the character of the piece, but such is the nature of adaptation. For the translation itself Taylor along is responsible. A writer in the Belletrisches Journal365 says that in the scene between Eboli and Carlos "der übersetzende Poet ein kleines Meisterstück für sich gegeben, und wie er selbst sagte, sich neue Begeisterung für das noch Erübrigende aus diesem Gelingen geschöpft hatte." Hence we might look for a good example of Taylor's art in that scene. The following passage will serve for the purpose of comparison. 366 Schiller wrote: Ich teile meine Freuden nicht. — Dem Mann, Dem einzigen, den ich mir auserlesen, Geb' ich für alles alles hin. Ich schenke N u r einmal aber ewig. Einen nur Wird meine Liebe glücklich machen — Einen

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Doch diesen Einzigen zum Gott. Der Seelen Entzückender Zusammenklang ein Kuß Der Schäferstunde schwelgerische Freuden — Der Schönheit hohe, himmelische Magie Sind einer Blume Blätter nur. Ich sollte Ich Rasende! ein abgerißnes Blatt Aus dieser Blume schönen Kelch verschenken? Ich selbst des Weibes hohe Majestät, Der Gottheit großes Meisterstück verstummein, Den Abend eines Prassers zu versüßen?

Taylor translates: 3 6 7 I do not parcel out my bliss. T o him Whom I select, him only, I shall give All, in return for all, once and forever! My love shall make one happy; but that one Shall be a god. The harmony of souls, Kisses and raptures of the trysting hour, And beauty's high and heavenly magic, are The blended colors of a single ray, The petals of one flower! Shall I, insane, Pluck one leaf from the blossom, and deform The lofty Majesty of Womanhood, God's purest master-piece, to diarm the hours Of some coarse libertine?

Taylor's translation is poetry. It is of more than mediocre value, but it shows the handicap imposed upon the artist by the necessity to curtail. H e has rendered sixteen of Schiller's lines by thirteen, a reduction of almost nineteen per cent, without omitting one essential thought. But there has been a loss, in rhetoric, in emphasis, in sensuousness, and hence in poetic content. Schiller's constant repetition of the idea of the oneness of Eboli's affections is not without reason. Five times in the first six verses he emphasizes it. Taylor uses but four such words and thereby loses the emphasis given by constant repetition. N o r is Schiller's repetition of "ich" in the last six lines gratuitous. Taylor uses this once as against the three times of Schiller and thereby loses the emphasis with which the German poet centers attention on the Princess. In each of these cases there is a lowering of the rhetorical effect which repetition gives, a lowering of the vigorous emotion with which Sdiiller's Princess speaks her lines. 368 Taylor's initial line "Pluck one leaf", etc. contains elements from three lines of Schiller, but notice what the translator has omitted. Where is the very pregnant meaning contained in the word "verschenken"? Taylor's " l e a f " is "plucked" from a blossom, Schiller's "petal, torn from the beauteous calix of this blossom". Taylor's Princess expresses the thought of deforming "god's purest master-piece to charm the hours of some coarse libertine", whereas Sdiiller's Princess has spoken of mutilating the Godhead's great master-piece to sweeten the evening of a libertine. A very sensuous situation is described, and just as the process of "charming", which is generally effected by visual perception, is less physically sensuous than the perception of sweetness, which is the result of physical contact, so are Taylor's lines less poetic than Schiller's. Again "hours" are colorless when compared with "Abend", a time of day 60

more suggestive of such clandestine bestowals of affection as those of which Eboli is thinking. There is only one other questionable rendering. Is Taylor's "blended colors" equivalent to Schiller's "schwesterliche Farben"? The last fault, if it be a fault, can hardly be ascribed to a desire to telescope. Otherwise it is clear that, if Taylor has at times been inadequate in his renderings, his faults are those of omission due to the necessity, but not the desire,369 of reducing the poem to an actable drama. His purpose was to produce an American stage version of Schiller's unactable play. The result was a version of two thousand five hundred and ninety-nine verses whereas the original contains five thousand three hundred and seventy. Something had to be sacrificed to attain this. Although this adaptation has never been acted or published, the verdict of competent opinion is that Taylor has succeeded. We read in the Belletrisches Journal370 "Taylor las kurz vor seinem Abgange nach Berlin die bis zu der bezeichneten Scene [the end of the second act] gediehende Übertragung einigen deutschen und amerikanischen Freunden in seinem Hause vor, welche in ihrer Anerkennung des dahin Vollendeten einstimmig waren, obgleich der Dichter im Hinblick auf den Bühnenzweck sich bereits in diesen ersten beiden Akten mehrfache Kürzungen und Abweichungen vom Originaltext gestattet hatte." Professor Lieder who, after bringing out his scholarly edition of Schiller's Don Carlos,371 made a close inspection and study of the Taylor manuscript confirms that the American version is actable372 and expresses the hope that it "may at some time be performed on the American stage.373 It is not uncommon to find translations from the German falsely attributed to Bayard Taylor. Authority which at first glance appears dependable, proves on investigation quite without a foundation in fact. In some cases the misstatement is due to an insufficient knowledge of Taylor's activities. Such seems to be the nature of the flagrant errors contained in a magazine article374 by the well-known author of La Littérature Comparée,375 L. P. Betz. Certainly Betz's statement:378 "In der Übertragung der grimmischen Märchen, die er in Amerika heimisch gemacht hat, offenbart sich Bayard Taylor als warmer Freund Deutschlands und seiner Dichter" is a fiction, fiot only does a thorough search fail to disclose the slightest evidence that Taylor ever thought of translating Grimm's "Märdien," but Betz's article contains other statements so palpably erroneous as to discredit the whole. Thus, he speaks of Taylor's 377 "1867 veröffentlichte Faustübertragung", and wrongly charges:378 "Noch viele Jahre später hat ein hochgebildeter und geschmackvoller Kenner der deutschen Literatur, Bayard Taylor, allen Ernstes von dem amerikanischen Theaterliebling behauptet, er sei ich wiederhole, es ist von Kotzebue die Rede das größte dramatische Genie, das Europa seit Shakespeare hervorgebracht!" Now Bayard Taylor wrote so much and so variously that it might be a little venturesome to assert categorically, solely on the basis of the negative evidence, that I have nowhere found a display of interest in Kotzebue, that this charge against Taylor is unfounded, but when we learn that William Taylor of Norwich wrote in 1830 in his Historic Survey of German Poetry:379 "According to my judgement Kotzebue is the greatest dramatic genius that 61

Europe has evolved since Shakespeare," we cannot refrain from concluding that Betz has confused the two Taylors. Hence it seems safe to assert that Betz's claim that Bayard Taylor translated Grimm's "Märchen" is not in accordance with fact. More widespread is the mistaken idea that Bayard Taylor is the author of the translation of Auerbach's The Villa on the Rhine published by Leypolt and Holt in New York in 1869. This misstatement is frequently made by writers on both sides of the Atlantic. There seems to be little excuse for it.380 Its existence must be due to a careless reading of the lines of the title page: "With a Portrait of the Author, and a Biographical Sketch by Bayard Taylor". The brief outline of Auerbach's life and activities is the extent of Taylor's contribution; but since the name of the translator is not given many have attributed the work to Taylor. In the American Catalogue381 this book is entered as: "Auerbach, Brth. Villa on the Rhine; tr. by J. Davis, with biog. sketch by B. Taylor ('69) Holt." This seems to be correct, for a later edition of the book appeared bearing the name of J. Davis as translator. 382 We might dismiss the subject with the testimony already adduced were it not for the fact that the prominence of those guilty of the error demands that every bit of the evidence be cited. One Thomas Davidson writing in the St. Louis Republican calls Taylor "the translator of Auerbach".383 Mr. R. H. Conwell in his biography of Taylor 384 speaks of "Berthold Auerbach, whose 'Villa on the Rhine' was given to the American public in 1869 by Mr. Taylor". Mr. M. H. Haertel in his dissertation385 makes the entry: 386 "Villa on the Rhine, translated by Schachford, Boston, 1869, and by Taylor, N. Y., 1869, was frequently reviewed". In Germany Rudolf Doehn is guilty of the mistake on at least two occasions. In the Gegenwart he reports: 387 "Bekanntlich hat Taylor Goethe's 'Faust' wirklich meisterhaft ins Englische übersetzt, ebenso Auerbach's 'Landhaus am Rhein'." In the Allgemeine Literarische Correspondenzsm he affirms: "Während Taylor Goethe's 'Faust', Auerbach's 'Landhaus am Rhein', Esias Tegner's 'Frithiofsaga' 389 und verschiedene deutsche Gedichte ins Englische übertrug." The same statement about Auerbach's novel is encountered in the Namenlose Blatter, Berlin, June 1, 1878. We have already seen that the so-called Taylor translation of the Villa on the Rhine has been claimed for one J. Davis. We know that at the time the translation appeared (1869) and the year previous Taylor was too busy with his Faust to translate this lengthy novel. Had Taylor undertaken such a task his name would certainly have appeared on the title page as translator, for his name on an English work dealing with a German subject had a market value.390 Furthermore it is difficult to imagine that Taylor could have ground out a translation of almost a thousand pages without making some mention of such activity in his correspondence. No such mention occurs there or in any reliable biography. There is however a letter to Taylor in the Cornell University written by Friedrich Kapp 391 which may throw some light on the subject. It reads in part: "I thank you for yours of the 2. and the enclosed letter of Auerbach. He 62

alludes only incidentally to the translation of his novel; his principal object is to have an article by me for his calender." "A. will by this time have received my letter of March 10, and no doubt understands now the reasons which prevent you from doing the work yourself." "I enclose Walesrode's critic of the Auf der Höhe and request you to return it at your convenience." The work which Taylor could not perform for his friend may or may not have been the translation of the novel in question. It seems fair to assume that it was, for a small task, such as the writing of an article for the calendar, Taylor would hardly have refused such a good friend as Berthold Auerbach. Furthermore, the fact that the letter is from Kapp seems to indicate that the translation of Das Landhaus was the point under discussion, for when the authorized American edition did appear there was inserted before the title page a narrow yellow slip on which were printed two letters setting forth the fact that Roberts Brothers' edition (Boston 1869, translated by Schackford) was unauthorized. The first of these letters is from "Hon. George Bancroft, Legation of the United States, Berlin, December 10, 1869, to Friedrich Kapp, Esq." It shows that the same Friedrich Kapp was acting as a sort agent for the author in bringing out the American edition of the novel. Hence Taylor's refusal to translate Das Landhaus, if such it was, might well have been sent through Kapp. All things considered, it is certain that those who have called Taylor the translator of Auerbach have erred. Only the grossest error has laid another hugh piece of translation at Taylor's door. There is an "Edition de Luxe" of Goethe's works in English gotten out by "The Amaranth Society, London, New York, Chicago, Copyright, 1901, by J. H. Moore and Company." Volume three of this edition contains The Sorrows of Werther, The Elective Affinities, The Good Woman [sic!], A Tale by Johann Wolfgang Goethe Translated by Bayard Taylor. It is almost needless to attempt to prove that no one of these translations was done by Bayard Taylor; nor did Taylor have anything to do with any of them. Never did he show any special interest in these works.392 Naturally he knew them, but even mention of them in his writings is very brief. 393 I venture to say he never once thought of translating them. It requires but little comparison to ascertain that the translations in the volume of the Amaranth Society are essentially those (perhaps the most widespread of translations of these works) contained in the volume Novels and Tales by Goethe issued by Henry G. Bohn, London, 1854. In the preface of the Bohn volume we learn that "the entire volume excepting the Affinities has been translated by R. D. Boylan Esq." 394 and that "The Elective Affinities has been executed by a gentleman well known in the literary world, who does not wish his name to appear." 395 Hence the entire Amaranth volume with the exception of the Affinities is, with a few minor changes, the translation of R. D. Boylan. The question now arises: Was Taylor perhaps the gentleman who did not wish his name to appear as the translator of the Affinities? Eugene Oswald in his bibliography Goethe in England and America396 mentions the Bohn volume and quotes from the preface of the same as to the unknown translator of the 63

Affinities. Professor F. W. C. Lieder in criticising and supplementing Oswald's article397 adds, under the division devoted to the Wahlverwandtschaften,39a "Victoria Woodhull, Elective Affinities, with an introduction, Boston, D. W. Niles, 1872", but does not observe that Miss Woodhull is responsible for the introduction only and that the translation is that of the unknown gentleman of the Bohn volume. The German Classics399 prints the same rendition of the Elective Affinities "Translated by James Anthony Froude and R. Dillon Boylan". This misleading information evidently comes from a recent reprint of the Bohn volume where the title page bears the lines:400 Elective Affinities; The Sorrows of Werther; German Emigrants; The Good Woman; and A Tale. Translated from the German by James Anthony Froude and R. Dillon Boylan. But we already know that all the pieces except the first-named were translated by Boylan. Hence the widely known, and much-used translation is, by a process of elimination, the work of Froude, and not that of Boylan or Woodhull or Bayard Taylor. Hence the Amaranth Society has used slightly amended texts of Froude and Boylan and attributed the work to Bayard Taylor, for what reason we venture not to guess.401 A survey of Taylor's activity in translating from the German would be incomplete unless mention were made of those activities which were planned, with which he busied himself to some extent, but which were never really brought to fruition. Filled with the first flush of enthusiasm, the young American resolved to publish a volume of translations from Freiligrath and another from Hauff, two hopes of youth which were doomed to fall in the blast. Inasmuch as his interest in Hauff was more ephemeral we shall dispose of it first. Some evidence of Taylor's acquaintance with Hauff has already been mentioned.402 Writing of him shortly after Christmas, 1844, Taylor says: 403 "He has a purer style than most other authors and is very much read here. The last volume of legends and stories I am going to translate this winter with a view of having it published in America, when I return. Dennett, who has been a publisher many years, and has a great deal of experience, assured me that such a work would be exceedingly profitable; and Hauff is a writer who deserves to be known in more languages than his own." There is little evidence that Taylor ever carried this resolution further than the words of this letter. 404 Surely no such translation ever saw publication, nor is it to be found among his available manuscripts. More extensive was his interest in Freiligrath and more firm his desire to publish a volume of translations of his poems. The extent of actual accomplishment in translating from this author has already been shown.405 Some mention has also been made of Taylor's enthusiasm for Freiligrath. In The Life and Letters of Bayard Taylor it is stated406 that in 1846 Taylor "was considering the possibility of publishing a volume of translations from this poet". An unpublished letter of November 23, 1844 407 contains the first utterance of this intention: "Dennett's brother, who is Monroe's partner in Boston, will probably publish a translation of Freiligrath, particularly the last volume, and if so, I am pretty sure of getting it to do. They are splendid things, but ungeheuer 64

difficult. I have done one already But this about Freiligrath, is a secret." On July 26, 1845, Taylor expressed the intention of going to see Freiligrath at Zurich. 4 0 8 T h e middle of the following August found the young American at the German poet's place of exile in Switzerland. Views Afoot409 contains a glowing account of the morning Taylor spent with the exile and shows that, although he admires the German poet as a rebel, their primary bond of sympathy was literature. 4 1 0 This was the beginning of a long and continuous friendship between these poets. On his return to America Taylor continued to interest himself in Freiligrath's poems and sought advice concerning publication. R . W . Griswold wrote him on the twenty-first of November 1 8 4 6 : 4 1 1 " O f Freiligrath I scarcely know what to say; in Boston his poems would probably succeed; here no one knows enough about him: certainly I would keep on translating, as leisure permits, for his poetry will do for magazines, if not for a book." Evidently because of the mention of Boston by Griswold, Taylor wrote to Longfellow. 4 1 2 Since this communication has never been published and is interesting as indicating the relation which existed between the two American poets and their attitude to German literature, I quote at length. "Pardon the liberty I am taking in applying to you for advice on a literary subject. Knowing your intimacy with Freiligrath, I have thought perhaps you would be able to judge whether he is yet sufficiently known in this country to warrant the translation and publication of a volume of his poems. I should like very much to undertake a^work of this kind, and think if it were accompanied with a biographical notice and portrait (similar to that in your study) it would not be without interest to the general reader." " I n addition to the eventful history of his life, Freiligrath is a man, whose noble and energetic character must be universally admired. In passing through Switzerland, I spent a day with him by the Lake of Zurich, and learned to esteem him personally as much as I had before admired his writings. H e expressed himself much pleased with several translations from his poems which I had with me, and seemed to wish I should undertake the whole." " I should be grateful to you for your opinion on this subject as you are as well qualified to judge of the success of such a work as any one to whom I could apply". In the Cornell collection of letters Mrs. Taylor describes Longfellow's reply thus: "Dec. 28, 1846 Letter from Longfellow, Cambridge 'Thanks for Views Afoot just received, advice about transl. Freiligrath etc.' " 4 1 3 On the following day, however, Longfellow wrote to Freiligrath: "Bayard T a y l o r proposes to make a much larger volume of your poems, in which I encourage and urge him on with all my power." Whatever the nature of the advice of the Cambridge poet, T a y l o r seems to have abandoned his plan, for we hear no more of it after this date. Taylor's personal relations with Freiligrath continued to be exceedingly friendly. Since Professor M. D . Learned in his article "Freiligrath in Ameri c a " 4 1 4 has made no mention of the interesting relations that existed between 5

K r u m p e l m a n n

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the German poet and Taylor, I shall supplement the preceding remarks by an exposition of these relations. The very fact that Freiligrath welcomed Taylor so cordially on the occasion of their first meeting and became so confidential as to tell the American "that the Prussian government had made arrangements with the Belgian to have him taken at Brussels, but that he had fortunately left the city two days before the time they had agreed upon" 415 argues that a sympathetic bond had grown up between the two poets. After Taylor's return to America a correspondence sprang up the extent of which we are not able to determine definitely, since practically all the letters ever written to Taylor, not only by Freiligrath, but by other German men of letters are absent from the Cornell collection.416 In spite of this the catalogue of correspondence in the Cornell University library 417 contains the record of seven letters received from Freiligrath alone between December, 1848 and July, 1867. In addition to the dates the import of each letter is briefly noted in the catalogue thus: 1848, Dec. 13 Köln from Freiligrath introducing J. R. 4 1 8 Julius Rerchhelm (?) 1849, Aug 21, Cologne, F. Freiligrath, introducing and soliciting interest for Charles Post, Dr. Greuel, Caspar Butz German revolutionary matters.419 How the spirit of Freiligrath who brought Butz and Taylor together exerted an influence in bringing the latter back to Germany as Minister to the Imperial Court we shall see later. 420 In 1850 Taylor's artist friend, T. B. Read wrote as follows from Frankfurt: 421 "I stayed three weeks in Düsseldorf where I found your friend Freiligrath, and in spite of my eyes422 I managed to paint a portrait of him, which will shortly be sent to America. . . . He speaks in the warmest manner of you... Freiligrath was delighted with the poem sent by Mrs. Hewett. Everything of that kind from America especially cheers him up." There was a letter423 dated "Hackney, England, 1852, Oct. 26.; F. Freiligrath, inviting T. to his house." From Taylor's letter of two days later we learn that he availed himself of his invitation.424 Also in this epistle occur the following lines which the editors omitted from Life and Letters.425 "I must beg you to send him [Lowell] a copy of my poems, and also, as soon as possible, to Freiligrath, through Trübner, Paternoster Row. F. is making a selection of English poetry for publication in Germany, and wants to get something of mine." The entries of the other letters contain no comment in addition to the dates. They are all from London and the two of the year of 186 7 4 2 6 were written by "Kate Freiligrath with P. S. from Freiligrath." 427 There is at least one other piece of evidence that Taylor served as a sort of intermediary between Freiligrath and America. In Maria Appelmann's monograph H. W. Longfellow's Beziehungen zu Ferdinand Freiligratb428 we read: 429 "Longfellow und Freiligrath unterliessen es nie, gelegentlich einander durch Bekannte Grüsse und kleine Geschenke überbringen zu lassen. So kam am 13, December 1858 Bayard Taylor von England nach Amerika und erzählte an Longfellows gastlicher Tafel recht viel von dessen Freund, den er in London getroffen hatte." 66

When visiting Detmold in the summer of 1868 Taylor reflects: 430 "Detmold is the birthplace of the poet Freiligrath . . . my thoughts went bade to that morning by the Lake Zurich, when I first met the banished poet; to pleasant evenings in his house in Hackney and to the triumphant procession which, at Cologne, a few days before, had welcomed him back to Germany. This was the end of twenty-three years of exile, the beginning of which I remembered... Freiligrath has written the best political poems in the German language." 431 Mrs. Taylor reports that, when her husband was lecturing in the West in the winter of 1874, he was visited in Makato, Minnesota, by Freiligrath's son, Wolfgang, of whom Taylor wrote: "He is settled here as a fur-trader and seems to be doing well. He is quite handsome, remarkably like his father." 4 3 2 Taylor's request that a copy of his poem be sent to Freiligrath 433 undoubtedly referred to the compositions contained in his third and most recent volume A Book of Romances, Lyrics and Songs, Boston, Ticknor, Read and Fields, 1851. From a list of the books contained in Freiligrath's library we learn that the following were there. 434 Poems of the Orient, Boston, 1855. 16 mo. inscribed, "To Ferdinand Freiligrath, with the kindest regards of his friend Bayard Taylor. New York, Nov. 1854," and Views Afoot; or Europe seen with Knapsack and Staff. By J. Bayard Taylor. In T w o Parts. London, 1847. 2 vols. 12 mo. There is also a record that Taylor requested that a copy of his Poet's Journal be sent to Freiligrath. 435 Because of Taylor's custom of presenting Freiligrath with a copy of his poems, and because of the presence in Freiligrath's library of Views Afoot it seems reasonable to assume, although we have no record of it, that the German poet received the second volume of Taylor's poems, that volume which may be called the poetical companion-piece of Views Afoot, namely, Rhymes of Travel, Ballads and Poems.436 This volume was gotten together when Taylor's enthusiasm for Freiligrath was at its highest, when he was translating Freiligrath's poems and hoping to publish a volume of them in translation. A letter from the young American to Freiligrath dated February 4, 1849, but first published in 193 7 437 seems to confirm the assumption ventured by the present writer in 1924. Taylor writes: "A volume of poems which I published about a month ago, has passed the second edition. I have sent a copy, directed to yourself, to Howitts in London, as there is no certainty of getting anything to Cologne immediately. The 'California Ballads' are in a new vein, which I have later hit upon." Let us assume then that this copy did come into Freiligrath's hands. Now the section of this volume entitled Picturesque Ballads of California contains a poem called "Rio Sacramento". The poet personifies the stream and each stanza opens with the exclamation "Sacramento! Sacramento!" Freiligrath wrote in 1850 a poem called "Californien", the general nature of which is nothing like Taylor's "Rio Sacramento", but whose first two lines remind one strongly of Taylor. The German poem opens thus: Auf sein Lager wirft sich lachend der Gnom: „Sakrament, ja der Sakramentostrom!"

5*

67

Of course it is evident why of all the California rivers just this one suited Freiligrath's purpose so well. But does it not seem that the repeated use of this name in the exclamatory form in Taylor's poem might have suggested to the German the potentiality of the name when used in an exclamatory form in a German verse? It must also be borne in mind that the Sacramento river was none too widely known in America in 1850 and much less known in Germany. Freiligrath had to hit upon his potential pun somewhere. I suggest Taylor's poem as a possible source. Finally when Freiligrath died on Saturday, March 18, 1876 his friend Taylor was ready with a long eulogistic notice which appeared in the New York Tribune the following Monday under the caption "Ferdinand Freiligrath, The Republican Poet of Germany." T o this article, in which Taylor says: "Probably no poet since Schiller has excited a deeper personal interest among his people, or so closely identified hiftiself with their needs, hopes, and desires." is appended his second translation of Freiligrath's revolutionary poem "Die Todten an die Lebenden" which he introduces thus: "A careful translation, made at the author's request, and hitherto unpublished, may now be of interest to many readers of 'The Tribune'." 4 3 8 Such was the American poet's relation to his German poet-friend whom he was soon to follow to the land where there are no living and no dead, no oppressors and no oppressed. Taylor contemplated two other translations which were never brought into being. Of the first project we learn from a letter to James T . Fields. 439 " I have been reading Freytag's 'Pictures of Life in Germany during the last Four Hundred Years' with great interest." After describing the nature of the German work at some length Taylor continues: "I should like nothing better than to translate this work, if there were a likelihood that it would prove as interesting in English as it is in German. It is a thing I could do in two months, with hard work. It will make two volumes of four hundred pages each. I propose it to you first; think it over and let me know your decision.... I know the author personally." We do not have the publisher's reply and find no further mention of the project. The only literary result of this interest is Taylor's article which appeared in Harper's Magazine, for January, 1861, 440 entitled "An Interview with Martin Luther," a literal translation 441 of the episode in Freytag's work called "Erzählung des Johann Kessler", 442 with a few lines of introduction and conclusion of the translator's own composition. Taylor's offer to translate Miigge's Norwegian romance of Arvor Spang for the Galaxy443 in the spring of 1866 seems to have been impelled by almost purely monetary considerations. The letter proposing it says in part: 4 4 4 "It would make twenty-five pages a month for six months, about, and I'd do the whole thing, with a prefatory sketch of the author, for a thousand dollars. I want to go to Germany in the f a l l . . . and must therefore earn some money." However it is only fair to remember that Mügge too was a personal acquaintance of Taylor's 4 4 5 and that he had previously taken great interest in Miigge's other Norwegian romance, Afraja,446 68

This concludes, as far as we are able to ascertain, the activity of Taylor as a translator from the German. It is important to note that, although his renderings are of a most varied nature, the prose element is meagerly represented. If he translated, or offered to translate, prose, it was generally with a view to pecuniary renumeration. His translation of verse, however, was practically always, as was in the case with his Faust, a labor of love. Thus have we seen that almost every genre of German poetry received his attention, verse of every period from the most remote to the most modern found its way into English through his pen. His renderings range from the most excellent to such as had best be forgotten. He undoubtedly shares with his friend and adviser Longfellow the first place among the American poets who were also exponents in their native land of the poets and poetry of German.

CHAPTER FOUR His Original, Non-Literary Works In an opening letter to By-Ways of Europe Bayard Taylor gives a résumé of his activities as a writer of works of travel in which he announces that the present book is his eleventh, 1 and probably the last, volume 2 to be devoted to writings of that category. Nevertheless he supplemented this list with Egypt and Iceland in 1874. These works of travel are the least literary of Taylor's productions and it is little wonder that he, who was anxious to be known as a poet, took "little satisfaction" in being styled "traveller" or "tourist". 3 Consequently these volumes cannot contain mudi that might show any important literary influence on the works of the American. But to disregard them entirely is to discard much useful evidence, for there is no volume of the eight 4 which are about to be considered that does not contain both direct reference to German literary works and authors and numerous mentions of things German, all of which display Taylor's occupation with German literature and his enthusiasm for German civilization. From the Arctic circle to the Negro Kingdoms of the White Nile, from Mexico to India, from Greece to Iceland he carries with him the inspiration obtained from the German authors and recalls their work in these and other outlying quarters of the globe. Let us examine the travel volumes chronologically and attempt to ascertain to what extent each indicates the status of Taylor's relation to German civilization. Since it is impossible to cite every mention of something German, we must confine ourselves to the passages of literary and quasi-literary interest and to such few others as seem to be of import. In Eldorado (1850) there are, in addition to four or five references to the language and literature of Germany, some ten others which have to do with things German. The following simile seems to have been suggested by Heine's "Zwei Grenadiere": "As the buried soldier is awakened by the squadron that 69

gallops to battle over his grave, has the tramp of innumerable trains through the wilderness called thee [Daniel Boone] forth to march in advance." 5 Another reminiscence of Heine is suggested when Taylor, after speaking of the palm tree, launches into a passage of poetic fervor in which he contrasts "the Palm and the Pine" thus: "In lightness, grace and exquisite symmetry, the Palm is a perfect type of the rare and sensous Beauty in the South. The first sight of this tree had nearly charmed me into disloyalty to my native Pine." 6 These two passages may of themselves mean nothing, but, when taken together with evidence to be adduced later, they may assist in establishing the proof of an influence of Heine on some of Taylor's poems. The facts that Taylor records having heard a German band play "some of the melodies of the Fatherland" in front of the cathedral in Guadalajara 7 and having been told by a padre that "the German was the language of diplomacy, because there were no words of double meaning in it!" 8 are merely interesting. That the mere exclamation "Himmlische Luft!" 9 uttered in the wilds of Mexico caused him to note that the speaker had unconsciously quoted from Goethe's Goetz is important 10 . Taylor's Central Africa (1854) contains but three references to German literature; a couplet from Hebel, which has previously been discussed; 11 is quoted; "a song of Geibel's concerning a German musician who played his violin by the Nile until the crocodiles came out and danced around the pyramids" is recalled; 12 a quatrain from Freiligrath is translated. 13 The introduction of the first two allusions is due directly to Taylor's fellow-traveller, August Bufleb of Gotha, the inception and the nature of his acquaintance with whom Taylor enthusiastically relates in this volume as well as in his letters of the period. 14 The six weeks which these two men spent together on the Nile were of supreme importance, for there was established a tie of friendship with a German citizen which was destined to grow into kinship when Taylor married Bufleb's niece, Marie Hansen. Surely this did much to make the American's love for German letters more ardent. It is quite fitting that Taylor should have dedicated his African volume to "A. B. of Saxe-CoburgGotha", his fellow-traveller in Egypt. There is yet another element in the Africa which shows how German civilization assisted the author in his undertaking. H a d not his interest inclined him as it did, Taylor's plans and preparations for this journey would have been quite different. The volume is full of references to German authorities. Before leaving Vienna the traveller "had been prudent enough to provide" himself "with Berghaus's great map of Arabia and the Valley of the Nile, which, with a stray volume of Russeger, were" his "only guides". 15 For much of the material in his volume Taylor is indebted to German travellers and explorers. He frequently refers to Lepsius, Burckhardt, 16 Dr. Knobledier, the Apostolic Vicar of the Catholic Missions, Russeger and Dr. Reitz, the Austrain consul at Khartoun. The two following passages will serve to give an idea of the relation of Taylor's African journey to German travelography: "The Vicar's [Knoblecher's] name was already familiar to me, from the account of his voyage up the White Nile in 1850, which was published in the German journals during my visit to Europe, and it had been my design to propose 70

joining his party, in case he had carried out his plan of making a second voyage in the winter of 1852." 1 7 Seven pages of Taylor's volume are devoted to an account of Knoblecher's expedition. 18 He further says: 19 "Few English travellers have made these regions the subject of their investigations.... The German travellers Rüppel and Russeger, however, by their explorations within the last twenty-five years, have made important contributions to our knowledge of Eastern Soudan, while D'Arnaud, Werne, and more than all, Dr. Knoblecher, have carried our vision into the heart of the mysterious regions beyond." Taylor also refers to the recent discovery of Kilimandjaro by Dr. Krapf. 2 0 On the whole the references to German authorities far exceeds the number devoted to the explorers of all other nations combined. Thus is demonstrated again that Taylor was serving as a medium to impart to our nation the results of German progress. A few months subsequent to the publication of the Africa appeared The Lands of the Saracens (.October, 1854), descriptive of Taylor's journeys in the Near East, Malta, Sicily, and Spain. This volume displays quite a decrease in the German elements. There is only one direct allusion to that literature, a translation of a passage of which Taylor seems very fond: 2 1 "'Away' said Jean Paul to Music: 'thou teilest me of that which I have not, and never can have — which I forever seek and never find!'" 2 2 Two other places indicate his familiarity with the German literature of travel. In recalling some writers who have described Constantinople he lets Von Hammer's name lead the list. 23 Later he mentions Humboldt's description of the earth's curvature. 24 There are other minor references to things German, but these are only casual and of no importance. When, in the preface of this volume, 25 Taylor speaks of "leaving antiquarian research and specualtion to abler hands" we wonder at his change from the method pursued in Central Africa and ask ourselves whether the absence of such authorities as Lepsius, et. al. were on African archeology might not be responsible for this change of procedure. Further, when we note the rare occurence of hyphenated words and recall their frequency in the first pages of the African volume, we are again prone to wonder whether the absence of German books and a German companion might not account for this difference in diction. The third volume of the series on eastern travels, India, China, and Japan, (1855) contains little that is worthy of our notice. Yet it is interesting to observe the nature of Taylor's thoughts upon visiting the temple of UnnaPurna in Benares, India. 26 "The gay, cheerful aspect of the votaries, with their garlands of flowers and brazen urns of water, recalled to my mind the Eleusinian Festivals of Greece, and the words of Schiller's Hymn flashed into my memory: Windet zum Kranze die goldenen „Ähren!"

As early as January, 1853, 27 while viewing the gate of Somnauth at Agra, India, Taylor relates the story of the destruction of the great idol of the Brahmins of Somnauth by the Sultan Mahmound of Ghunzee. "This incident has," he adds, "afforded subject for poetry to Rückert, the German poet, and to our own Lowell," 28 thus revealing his acquaintance with Friedrich Rückert's poem 71

"Mahmund der Gotzenzertrummerer" found in the latter's Morgenlandische Sagen und Geschichten,29 which volume, I shall endeavor to show, Taylor had with him on his far-eastern journey and used freely in composing his Poems of the Orient.™ Consideration of the volume will be closed by noting that Taylor again gives evidence that he has consulted German authorities before writing his own book. Not only does he refer directly to "Kampfer's 31 work on Japan" 3 2 and twice to Klaproth's translations from the Japanese, 33 but prompted by C. A. Danna's lines of September 28, 1852: 3 4 "Heine is very anxious that you go to Boppart to see Siebold, the Japanese traveller, and take counsel with him with reference to the object of the expedition. He says S. will be able to give you letters to Japanese Gelehrte," he obtains written advice from Oberst von Siebold of St. Martin bei Boppart, an authority on Japan. 35 Taylor's acquaintance with German men of letters and their productions was of considerable assistance to him in the composition of his next volume, Northern Travel (1857). The only reference to a German poet is to Heine from whose "Die Heimkehr" Taylor translates In Lapland the people are dirty, Flat-headed, and broad-mouthed, and small; They squat 'round the fire while roasting Their fishes, and chatter and squall;

and adds "which is as good a description of them as can be packed into a stanza." 36 This translation is unquestionably good, and superior to that which Taylor's friend, C. G. Leland, had made a few years previous.37 There are, however, other elements of German influence to be considered in connection with this volume. Taylor made personal calls upon German travellers, writers, and men of science immediately before undertaking his trip to the north and sought the counsel which they from their experience and learning were competent to bestow. In Dresden, he interviewed the authortraveller Alexander Ziegler who had just returned from Hammerfest. 38 Ziegler gave him encouragement and a letter to Karl Ritter, the geographer, whom Taylor visited in Berlin and who, in discussing the proposed northern trip, recommended to the American Leopold von Buch's Reise durch Norwegen und Lappland39 as a preparatory study.40 That Taylor made himself acquainted with Von Buch's volumes is evident from the pages of Northern Travel which refer to this author by name seven times41 and contain other passages suggestive of his work. 42 Taylor also visited Theodor Miigge, the German novelist whose Afraja, a story of Life and Love in Norway, had already been translated into English in 1850, in which form Taylor seems to have become acquainted with it. 43 We are not surprised, therefore, when we find in the text of Northern Travel}* four references to Afraja, two passages translated from Miigge's Nordisches Bilderbuch45 and two further references to that author. 46 It is likewise significant that, just as Taylor had made his most southern headquarters in Khartoun, Africa, at the residence of the Austrian Consular Agent, Dr. Reitz, 47 so was he, at the northmost point of his winter journey, 72

in Kautokeina, Norway, indebted for his kind reception by Herr Berger to a letter given him by Alexander Ziegler in Dresden. 48 Taylor did not conclude his consultations until he had interviewed Alexander von Humboldt. 4 9 It is now generally admitted that the assertion attributed by Park Benjamin to Humboldt: "He [Taylor] has travelled more and seen less than any living man" is without basis in fact. 50 Taylor himself admits however that, if such a statement had been made, there would have been a "grain of truth at the bottom of it". 5 1 The very fact that Taylor felt the necessity of apologizing to "that great student of Nature" for the non-scientific aspect of his volumes of travel shows that he was conscious of his shortcoming. 52 The query therefore presents itself: Did not Taylor's association with the German travellers induce him to make the extensive series of theometric observations which he has appended 53 to the description of his winter travels in Sweden mudi in the manner employed by Von Buch?54 Aside from the few points in similarily already mentioned and the fact that Taylor traversed pretty much the same ground formerly covered by the Berlin Academician, the works of the two men have little in common. The German was a scientist and saw as a scientist. In addition to popular description his book contains much that is of scientific value. The character of the American's work is indicated by the words which Humboldt spoke to him in 1857:5" "But you paint the world as we, explorers of science, cannot. Do not undervalue what you have done. It is a real service; and the unscientific traveller who knows how to use his eyes, observes for us always, without being aware of it." In a word, Taylor's volume, Northern Travel, is almost entirely subjective, being concerned chiefly with the manner in which the climate, people, etc. affected the traveller. It contains little that is of scientific value, but Taylor never intended that it should. 56 The next book of travel, Greece and Russia, (1859) shows a lessening of the German elements. Two short quotations from Humboldt echo Taylor's visit to him two years previous. 57 Evidently Schiller's poems too were fresh in his mind, for he refers to Schiller's "Diver" 58 and on the site of the Isthmian games recites from "Die Götter Griechenlands:" 59 Then like palaces arose your temples, Lived for you each old, heroic game; At the Isthmus, rich with crowns and garlands, Chariots thundered to the goal of fame.

Beholding the peak of Oeta where Hercules died Taylor is not moved to tears by recalling the tragedy of Sophocles, but remembering Immermann's novel of Munchausen [sic!] which he had read a few months previously, and "wherein, under the disguise of goats upon Mount Oeta" the author "holds up the transcendentalists and reformers of Germany to ridicule," he laughed profanely." 60 If there be a German author or relative of one in his vicinity, Taylor will be sure to find him. In descending the steps of the residence of John Sobieski in Warsaw he "met the son of Kotzebue, the dramatist." 61 It is not astonishing to learn that the traveller was carrying with him a copy of Kohl's St. Peters73

burg from which he borrows a description of the old Winter Palace that had been destroyed by fire in 1837.62 The fact that Taylor refers to the Polish Catholic "Frohnleichnamsfest, (the body of Christ)" 63 seems to indicate that he was more familiar with the German name for Corpus Christi than the one commonly used in English-speaking countries. 64 Since Taylor has undertaken here to mention the excellent qualities of the maps made in Germany, we may introduce his testimony of his indebtedness to this branch of German scholarship. In his volume on Greece he relates: "In my map (that of Berghaus, published by Perthes) the place 65 was given about four miles to the northward which was the only example of inaccuracy I found during all my journeys in Greece. On my return to Germany, I pointed it out to Mr. Berghaus, who made the correction at once. In all other instances, I found his map a miracle of accuracy." 66 Further evidence of his faith in the maps published by Perthes is found in At Home and Abroad 67 "I relied upon them for my guidance through Ethiopia, Asia Minor, and India, and found them far more perfect than any others. In Africa, in fact, I boldly ventured to contradict my guides whenever their statements differed from my maps, and the result always justified me." It is no wonder that Taylor was willing to state: 68 "The Germans are undoubtedly at present the greatest geographers in the world, and the French, despite their claims, the worst." The next volume in point of time, but the most inferior in literary value, Colodado, A Summer Trip, (1867) contains but little that is of interest to us. Yet there is enough to show that Taylor was interested in German civilization, language and literature. Evidently he has noted every occasion on which he came into contact with a German or anything suggestive of Germany. 69 He takes occasion to wish that "we had a word in the English language corresponding to the German 'reiselust'." 70 As he had recited from Schiller in India and in Corinth, 71 so now he discourses about him in the wilds of our West. "Before the stars appeared, we reached our destination, a two-story frame tavern kept by a German. There was a dark, dirty bar-room, in which half a dozen miners were waiting for supper; good clean beds and bed-rooms, and a landlady who conversed enthusiastically about Schiller."72 The volume called Egypt and Iceland in the Year 1874 must be treated in two parts. The first half of the book, devoted to Egypt, testifies that Taylor had browsed in the works of travellers, archeologists and Egyptologists. Although it is impossible to say in every case from which of the scores of volumes written by the authorities mentioned Taylor obtained this fact or that, the evidence is positive that now for the first time the French scholars, thanks to the labors of A. F. F. Mariette (Bey) and F. J. J. Champollion, are responsible for the major part of Taylor's information. 73 Nevertheless German authorities are cited more frequently than those of any other nation. Taylor makes mention of the works of the works of F. G. Rohlfs, 74 G. A. Sdiweinfurth, 75 K. D. Lepsius,76 C. K. J. Bunsen, 77 W. K. Brugson, 78 H . Schliemann. 79 These direct references are, however, short and of minor import when compared with those to Mariette. The following extracts from one of Mrs. Taylor's diaries 74

establishes beyond doubt, the source of much of her husband's learned remarks on Egyptology. The time referred to is the spring of 1874,, the season of the Egyptian sojourn. "Amongst the books B. read about this time, 2 works of Georg Ebers interested him very much, Durch Gosen zum Sinai,80 and, Die Fünf Bücher Moses.81 The latter especially occupied him deeply. He also studied the Aperçu de l'histoire d'Êgypte82 by Minister Bey and the Catalogue of the Museum of Boolak, 83 by the same." 84 Much of the information gotten from the French works can be readily detected,85 but there is little trace of direct influence from the German volumes.86 The pages devoted to Egypt contain no direct reference to German belles lettres, but the mention of "the mystery concealed behind the veil of Sais" 87 leaves little doubt that Taylor owes this expression to his familiarity with Schiller's poem. The latter half of the volume, likewise weak in literary content and allusions, contains enough to substantiate the belief that its author had not forgotten his favorite subject. Before leaving for Iceland he informed Whitelaw Reid: 8 8 "I have collected enough historical material in Germany to make one or two excellent introductory letters, which I shall send from Aberdeen. I have also Maurer's articles in the 'Augsburg Allgemeine Zeitung' on the recent political movement in I c e l a n d . . . . I have supplied myself with German works and maps which are infinitely better than the English." In Iceland he found occasion to converse "with a grave, earnest-faced young lady upon Shakespeare, German literature, or the latest music." 89 In describing the rocks of Allmannagjâ he does not compare them with those of the Brocken which he had seen with his own physical eyes, but with those same rocks as they were ever present in his inner vision: "The black rocks seem to sway and grin and threaten when you look upon them like those in Faust's 'WalpurgisNight'." 9 0 Even more interesting is the final reference to German literature in this volume. Riding from Thingvalla to the Geysers Taylor had entered into conversation with the boy-guide. 91 "Happening to mention German, the boy began to talk the language, with as much fluency as English. He had read Schiller's ballads and The Robbers, which seemed to have made a great impression on his mind; but he was most desirous to hear something of the works with which he was still unacquainted. 'I have heard that Goethe's Faust is very difficult to understand,' he said, 'so I have not yet tried to read it, but hope to be able to in a year or two more.' " The boy later asks: 92 "Is Faust anything like Shakespeare in style?" All of this makes Taylor exclaim: "And this was a poor, fatherless boy of seventeen, with only an Icelandic education!" 93 Thus do we see that, within the shadows of Mount Hekla no less than in the mining camps of Colorado, Taylor found, or created, an opportunity to speak to the outlying citizens of the world about the beauties of German literature. Having considered Taylor as an author of works of travel, it now becomes necessary to say a word about his activities as an editor of works of this category. Here he is responsible for the selection and arrangement of the materials used in the different volumes. It shall be our purpose merely to 75

ascertain whether his interest in German travellers and explorers and his knowledge of the German literature of travel has influenced him in this task. His first book of this sort,, Cyclopedia of Modern Travel?* an enormous work of some nine hundred and fifty pages, is composed chiefly of short biographical sketches of prominent explorers and excerpts from their works. 95 It is "reverently inscribed to Alexander von Humboldt, the eldest and most renowned of living travellers." Since it is impossible to treat the various accounts according to intrinsic value, we can consider the different national elements only by comparing the number of authors represented and extent of the extracts from their writings. But since some of the works of the Germans appeared originally in French9® or English, 97 it will not always be possible to give accurately the number of pages which represent translations from the German. The Germans, however, constitute the greatest non-English group, being represented by eleven writers, whereas no other nation, save Britain and America, 98 is represented by more than two. It seems evident that Taylor's compilation contains more pages of translation from the French than from the German due, not to his preference for the French explorers, but to the unique position which the Frendi language then enjoyed as la langue savante. The editor's fondness for the accounts of the Germans is confirmed by the fact' that the average amount of space devoted to their accounts is seventeen pages for each of the eleven representatives, well above the average of the Britishers. 99 The other volumes of travel which Taylor edited belong to the Illustrated Library of Travel published by Scribner from 1872 to 1881. 100 Although each of these five volumes bears on its title page "Compiled and Arranged by Bayard Taylor," one is strongly inclined to believe that Taylor's part in the process was little more than a nominal, or, at best, a mechanical one. First, there is in his writings and preserved correspondence of this period next to no mention of any real interest in this work. 101 Secondly, during the time he had this work in hand he had so many other irons in the fire that it is quite impossible to believe that he could have expended mudi time or enthusiasm on this enterprise. 102 Thirdly, the works fail to show a sufficient German element, which should indicate that they were not completed con amore. Japan, in Our Day (1872) is based almost entirely on Sir Rutherford Alcock's The Capital of Tycoon, a Narrative of Three Years Residence in Japan103 and M. Aimé Humbert's Le Japon illustré,104 the latter book furnishing about three-fourts of the content of Taylor's volume. His earlier German acquaintances, Klaproth and Kampfer, 1 0 5 are mentioned and three-quarters of a page quoted from the latter. 106 The Lake Regions of Central Africa (1873) draws largely upon the works of Englishmen, Richard F. Barton, Capt. John Banning Speke and Samuel White Baker. Central Africa (1874) does contain a quotation in translation from the Austrian Military Magazine of 1862, 107 a picture of the Bavarians, Herman, Adolf and Robert Schlagintweit, and a brief account of their journey, 108 but the work is taken almost entirely from the accounts of Marco Polo, G. T. Vigne and Robert Shaw. 76

Travels in Arabia (1881) is composed chiefly of the accounts by the English travellers James Raymond Wellsted, Richard F. Burton and William Gifford Palgrave, 109 with but twenty-seven pages based on the accounts of the Germans C. Niebuhr and J. Burckhardt. Since, however, Burckhardt's works were published in English and Taylor's library contained a copy of C. Niebuhr's Voyage en Arabie,110 it can be seen that there is precious little here which owes its presence to the editor's knowledge of German. But it is interesting to note that the accounts of the Germans come first, even though those of Burckhardt 111 and Burton 112 cover much the same ground. The final volume of this series, Travels in South Africa, (1881) owes its existence primarily to the works of Englishmen, one of them Livingstone. This time we find in Taylor's library Livingstone's Reisen in Inneren Afrika113 which he may have consulted, but certainly his text follows exactly that of the English Livingstone. Thirty of the pages of this Scribner volume are from the account of a Hungarian, Ladislaus Magyar, which Taylor probably read in the German. 114 It must be said that this series throws no light on Taylor's relation to German letters. When the points already mentioned are taken in connection with the fact that Taylor's name on a volume having to do with travel had a certain financial value, 115 we must incline to the belief that this is the reason why Taylor was made editor of the series. These volumes are quite different from Taylor's original works of travel and more like the Cyclopedia which to him was more of a financial venture than a literary undertaking. 116 Even more than the Cyclopedia the Scribner series is a work rather of the hand than of the heart, a work rather of scissors and paste than of the head. In addition to the books of travel just discussed Taylor wrote for newspapers and periodicals innumerable articles which have never been published in book form. Here again his knowledge of the German language and literature stood him in good stead, and his interest in the same is patent. An exhaustive list of all of Taylor's contributions to periodicals and dailies would be both futile to attempt if not impossible to attain, but an examination of the files of the principal organs for which he wrote discloses a familiar story, an abundance of German subject matter. / Throughout his entire journalistic life Bayard Taylor ever turned his knowledge of German into an advantage. When considering his initial journalistic venture, the purchase of the Phoenixville Gazette, he wrote to I. A. Pennypacker: "We can also, through the German, French and English Gazettes, make our own selections from foreign news, without depending on other papers for them." 117 Later, when he was desirous of giving up the Pioneer, and moving to New York, Rufus W. Griswold wrote him: "Meanwhile enough to 'pay your board' awaits you on my 'Biographie' in the form of translations of articles from the new 'Conversations Lexicon,' if you will undertake them." 118 Finally, as late as 1877-78, we find him reviewing English translations of German works for the New York Tribune. Although most of Taylor's articles printed originally in the better magazines and in the Tribune appeared later in book form, such contributions as "The 77

Suabian Alb," 119 which contains a short translation from Goethe and another from Uhland, and the "Interview with Martin Luther" 120 were, through no fault of their own, denied this distinction. A large number of the Tribune articles dealing with German literature experienced a like fate, but here one sees little reason why they should be preserved. Of the six "Random Letters" 121 only the third 122 echoes Taylor, the enthusiast for German literature. Of the other Tribune articles, too numerous to mention, which contain at least a passing reference to German, I shall merely call attention to the one dated Friedrichsroda, August 7, 1867, 123 in which Taylor tells of his meeting with August Boeck, the classicist, and Professor Karl Neumann; the article entitled "Fritz Reuter, and Authorship in Germany" 1 2 4 and the obituary notice of Ferdinand Freiligrath. 125 Typical of Taylor's reviews of translations from the German is that of a work called Modern German Lyrics: Gems of German Lyrics, translated into English verse by Henry D. Wireman, 126 and German Hymnology,127 Here as elsewhere the reviewer shows himself an exacting critic of this genre of work. 128 If journalistic production be a form of literature, it is clear that Bayard Taylor's success in this branch of literary endeavor is due in no small measure to his acquaintance with the German.

CHAPTER FIVE His Original, Literary Works As in his other works, so in his original literary compositions, Bayard Taylor shows the effects of his knowledge of and interest in German literature. If we examine these works chronologically, we find an ever increasing amount of German influence. As has been indicated above 1 Taylor's real acquaintance with German literature dates from his first trip to Europe (July, 1844—June, 1846). Consequently, his first little volume of poems, Ximena, published early in 18442, is entirely devoid of anything that might even suggest German poetry. His first prose volume, Views Afoot, which initiated the display of his German interest, has been sufficiently discussed.3 Now we shall endeavor to demonstrate that some phase of his Germanic interest is displayed in every subsequent volume. The poetical effusions which came into being during his first European sojourn and shortly thereafter were published in a volume, Rhymes of Travel, Ballads and Poems, which appeared coincident with the year of 1849. Those lines which Taylor prefixes to one section of this collection: 4 And many a verse of such strange influence, That we must ever wonder how and whence

may be aptly applied to the whole volume. The "whence" of a goodly portion of the poetry is certainly German. The first four lines in the book are in that language. 5 They are the first stanza of Justinus Kerner's "Wanderlied" 8 and 78

serve excellently to introduce that p a r t of T a y l o r ' s v o l u m e called Rhymes of Travel. S e v e r a l of the p o e m s in the collection were written in G e r m a n y a n d are so designated. 7 A considerable number of them a r e on G e r m a n subjects or h a v e a G e r m a n b a c k g r o u n d , e . g . " T h e T o m b of C h a r l e m a g n e " , " T o O n e A f a r " , " T h e W a y s i d e D r e a m " , " S t a r l i g h t in the O d e n w a l d " , " S t e y e r m a r k " , " T o a B a v a r i a n G i r l " , 8 " T h e Enchanted K n i g h t " , " R e - u n i o n . " T h e l a s t - n a m e d is a translation " f r o m the G e r m a n of K a r l C h r i s t i a n T e n n e r . " 9 " T h e Enchanted K n i g h t " 1 0 first a p p e a r e d in Graham's Magazine f o r A u g u s t , 1848. It w a s p r o b a b l y written considerably earlier. 1 1 In a n y event, we k n o w that in the spring a n d summer of 1847 T a y l o r w a s e n g a g e d in r e a d i n g U h l a n d ' s p o e m s 1 2 a n d , as his o w n note to this p o e m points o u t : 1 3 " T h i s o l d legend is told in U h l a n d ' s b e a u t i f u l b a l l a d , c o m m e n c i n g : Vor seinem Heergefolge ritt Der alte Held Herald — " C o m p a r i n g the English p o e m with its G e r m a n p r o t o t y p e , w e f i n d that T a y l o r has m a d e rather f r e e use of his m a t e r i a l , s a v e in the sixth to eighth s t a n z a s inclusive, which are little m o r e than a translation of the tenth to thirteenth o f U h l a n d ' s composition. T h e m o r a l i z i n g tone of T a y l o r ' s last three s t a n z a s is his o w n a d d i t i o n , t y p i c a l of his y o u t h a n d his P u r i t a n i c a l A m e r i c a n schooling. In f o r m the p o e m s a r e v e r y much alike. U h l a n d ' s is written in a distinctive s t a n z a i c f o r m , T a y l o r ' s in imitation of it, his o n l y v a r i a t i o n s being in the rime a n d the occasional substitution of a n a n a p e s t o r a trochee f o r an iambus. T h e f o l l o w i n g will illustrate the s t a n z a structure. Uhland x'/x'/x'/x' a x'/x'/x'/ b x'/x'/x'/x* c x'/x'/x'/ b

Taylor xx'/x'/xx'/x' x'/xx'/x'/ x'/xx'/x'/x' xx'/x'/x'/

a b a b

T h i s constitutes the G e r m a n element in this v o l u m e f o r which w e h a v e p r o o f , positive a n d direct, b u t we h o p e to show f r o m internal evidence that other features o w e their origin to G e r m a n song. W e k n o w that T a y l o r w a s reading H a u f f ' s w o r k s in G e r m a n y in December, 1 8 4 4 . 1 4 H i s p o e m " T o O n e A f a r " is d a t e d H e i d e l b e r g , 1844 which w o u l d indicate that it w a s written b e f o r e D e c e m b e r . 1 5 It m a y be that T a y l o r h a d become a c q u a i n t e d with some of H a u f f ' s p o e m s in H e i d e l b e r g , or, that " T o O n e A f a r " w a s conceived a n d sketched in that p l a c e a n d finished a f t e r C h r i s t m a s in F r a n k f o r t . 1 6 W h a t e v e r m a y be truth of its genesis this c o m p o s i t i o n bears undeniable resemblance to H a u f f ' s " S e h n s u c h t . " 1 7 T h e general theme of both p o e m s is the same, a longing f o r a m a i d e n w h o is a f a r , " i n der F e r n e , " ( L . 20). A l t h o u g h the general treatment b y each a u t h o r is v e r y d i f f e r e n t , there are several details in c o m m o n . First, each m a k e s the b a n k s of the N e c k a r the scene of his l a m e n t a t i o n s , " d e s N e c k a r s s a n f t e W e l l e q u i l l t . " ( L . 5 ) ; " B e n e a t h , the s o u n d i n g N e c k a r r o l l e d . " ( L . 5). S e c o n d , each designates the season of the y e a r in the third line of his p o e m . T h i r d , H a u f f ' s N e c k a r wells " a n der G e 79

Stade Rebenhügel" (L. 6); Taylor's rolls "Through hills which bore him purple wine" (L. 6). Fourth, Hauff's river possesses a "silberreinen Spiegel" (L. 8); Taylor's glimmers like "a chain of gold." (L. 7). Fifth, Hauff pictures the landscapes from early morn until after the rising of the moon; Taylor also makes use of the landscape by daylight and by midnight. The close sequence of the above similarities, the first four corresponding almost line for line, makes them appear to be conscious. There are other points in common, which however might be accidental. Compare: Der Abend senket seinen Strahl, L. 21 und fernhin durdi das holde Thal die Dörfer zu der Ruhe läuten with: A vague sweet sense of lingering sound, L. 14 Like echoes of the chimes of prayer, Hallowed the beauty-haunted ground — And, through the day's descending hours, etc. and: Auf geht des Mondes Silberstrahl, L. 31

with:

ihr Berge all, von D u f t umhüllt, L. 35 du Thal am Strome auf und nieder, On the calm midnights' breezy tide, L. 49 Came the sweet breath of flowers afar; On the stream's bosom throbbed the star.

Then the similarity in form is striking. To be sure Taylor's composition (82 lines) is much longer than Hauff's (40 lines), but each author divides his poem into four stanzas. The meter, as is illustrated by the lines already quoted, is identical, iambic tetrameter. 18 But the rime scheme is the final and conclusive point of relationship. Hauff's stanzas rime regularly ababcdcdee. Taylor faithfully follows this rime scheme except that the last stanza does not end in a couplet. 19 Any of the above similarities might in itself be accidental, but such a plethora of resemblance combined with the facts that we are positive that Taylor had Hauff's works in his hands by December, 1844,20 and, that he on other occasions closely imitated German poems makes us feel certain that more than accident played a part in giving these poems so much in common. The dependence of other pieces in this volume on German models, although probable, is not demonstrable by material proof. Poetry is after all subtile and Taylor was a poet. H e did not always simply copy his model, he often merely created after it, perhaps unconscious of it. Therefore in the following instances we merely desire to suggest rather than to prove sources of Taylor's inspiration. In considering these cases one must not forget that Bayard Taylor was a poet in whom the "reminiscent note" is ever recurring. Mrs. Haskell has pointed out this feature in his writings, 21 but has, with one exception, 22 failed to look to German literature for the origin of these notes. The authors of Life and Letters are right when they say: 23 "The earliest efforts in poetry are necessarily more or less imitative, and it was inevitable that the poets whom he read should find an echo in his verse." Taylor himself wrote in later years (1863) : 24 80

" T o d a y the poems live in my memory which I read at the age of seven or eight years, and which drove me to desperate attempts at imitation." With this in mind we think we hear in Rhymes of Travel other echoes, be they ever so faint, of Kerner, of U h l a n d , a n d one of Rückert. T a y l o r ' s articles in the Tribune of N o v e m b e r 21 a n d 26, 1846, show that he was then familiar with the poems of these three authors. " T h e W a y s i d e D r e a m , " probably conceived in June, 1845, was finished in March, 1847. 2 5 " A n Autumn T h o u g h t " is dated 1845 2 6 and " T h e Eagle H u n t e r " dates f r o m 1848, 2 7 hence all are subsequent to T a y l o r ' s acquaintance with the authors named. " T h e Wayside D r e a m " is a wanderer's song very similar in mood and theme to that genre of poems found so often in Kerner a n d exemplified, not only by the poem f r o m which T a y l o r took the first stanza with which to introduce this volume, 2 8 but also by " D e r E i n s a m e " 2 9 " A l t e H e i m a t , " " W a n derer" and others. T h e meter of all three German poems, as well as that of T a y l o r ' s poem, is a little tripping iambic trimeter. All are written in short stanzas, T a y l o r ' s " D r e a m " and the " W a n d e r e r " being in six line stanzas. In T a y l o r ' s stanzas the second, fourth a n d sixth verses are rimed, the first, third and f i f t h unrimed. In Kerner's " D e r E i n s a m e " the second verse rimes with the fourth, the o d d verses are unrimed. T a y l o r has a given locality to describe 3 0 and cannot follow any one of Kerner's descriptions. T h e first four stanzas of the American poem describe his strange surroundings. T h i s corresponds in a general w a y to the second and third stanzas of " D e r E i n s a m e . " T h e n T a y l o r goes o f f into a d a y dream and, for five stanzas, dreams of the beauties of his home. T h e last lines of " D e r E i n s a m e " read: Ich sdireite durch die düstre Nacht, In mir den hellsten T r a u m .

Kerner's " A l t e H e i m a t " goes on to tell (to line eleven) of a wander's dream of home. In the twelfth stanza of T a y l o r ' s composition the dream of home vanishes. In the thirteenth the wanderer rises a n d journeys onward. T h e twelfth verse of " A l t e H e i m a t " reads: Doch b a l d der T r a u m verschwand,

and the fourteenth and fifteenth: D a irrt ich weit hinaus Ins ö d e L a n d voll Sehnen;

There are minutiae in the two poems with bear resemblance, but they are neither numerous enough nor striking enough to p r o v e anything, and could have arisen entirely independently of each other. " A n Autumn T h o u g h t " reminds of Riickert's " H e r b s t l i e d . " 3 1 Both are written in stanzas of four lines with a rime scheme ab ab. T h e meter is unlike, both in the length of the lines and in cadence, but T a y l o r ' s treatment of the theme seems to be an answer to Riickert's pessimistic skepticism. Such details of expression as " g o l d e n " (verse one) applied to the landscape; and "den letzten Sonnenstrahl, / Der aus der düstren Wolke dringt." (L. 5) and " S a v e where a d i m a n d lonely r a y is stealing / T h e twining branches through." (L. 3 f.); and "brecht die Blume schnell, / E h ' ein Frost sie bricht" (L. 11 f.) and 6

Krumpelmann

81

"The Summer's beauty, by the frosts o'ershaded." (L. 17) might be expected in any autumn poem. But, when Rückert interrogates Traut dem nächsten Lenze nicht, Der die Blumen neu erweckt;32 Wißt ihr ob im Lenze nicht Erde schon euch deckt?

and Taylor replies, Hopes that round us in their beauty hover, Fall like this forest-rain; But, the stern winter of Misfortune over, They bloom as fresh again! The spring-like verdure of the heart may perish Beneath some frosty care, But many a bud which Sorrow learned to cherish Will bloom again as fair.

we are inclined to suspect that the German poem at least suggested the English one. Finally the last two stanzas of "The Eagle Hunter" recalls, if not Uhland's "Des Knaben Berglied," at least Taylor's translation of it. I quote those lines which most nearly suggest the German poem and underline words and expressions especially worthy of comparison with the original poem or Taylor's translation thereof. 1 am come of nobler lineage, And my realm is far above them, Where the cradles of the rivers Have been hollowed in the snow; And I drink their crystal sources. In the meeting of the thunders. When the solid crags are shivered, Firm and fearless and rejoicing On the snowy peak I stand; And my voice has learned the stormy Of the lofty Mountain Land!

music

In addition let me call attention to the boyish egotism of the speaker and the prevalence of the firstpersonal pronoun. It seems safe to conclude that these two stanzas would have taken quite a different form, or perhaps would have never come into being (for the story of the eagle hunter is really finished in the fifth stanza), except for Taylor's familarity with Uhland's poem. 33 The next volume of poems, "A Book of Romances, Lyrics, and Songs" appeared in 1851. In the summer of 1848 Taylor became acquainted with the poems of Shelley 34 "from whose weird and ethereal influence," E. C. Stedman assures us,35 "Taylor never quite freed himself, nor desired to free himself, until his dying day." It was also of this period that Taylor wrote of himself and Stoddard: "I Shelley's mantel wore, you that of Keats." 38 It is, therefore, probably due in part to this interest in Shelley and his removal from immediate contact with German poetry that the volume of 1851 shows a falling off of the German influence. There is nothing in it which can be positively declared 82

to be of German origin, but there is that which is probably to be attributed to Taylor familiarity with German poetry. Speaking of Heinrich Heine, C. A. Bucheim writes: 37 "He stood in a sympathetic relation to all nature, particularly to the sea; perhaps, because it typified his agitated heart." It is peculiar that in the section of Taylor's volume which is devoted to "Songs", 38 five of the eight pieces have to do with the sea. In some of them we meet with metrical forms which are common in Heine and the spirit of despondency which characterises so many of Heine's songs. Of course Taylor too was at this time in an agitated state of mind and despondent because he saw the death of Mary Agnew (Taylor) slowly and inevitably approaching. This may account for the pathos of his poems and, if we may follow Buchheim's conjecture, for his fondness for introducing the sea into his compositions. But when we realize that already in 1846 Taylor was well enough versed in the poems of Heine to express an intelligent opinion about them, 39 and when we recall the fact that in the volume which appeared immediately before the one under discussion, Eldorado, (May, 1850), we found evidence which led us that suspect that Taylor had then had Heine fresh in mind, 40 we have reason to consider more seriously the apparent similarity existing between the English and German poems. Taylor's "Song" ("Upon a fitful dream of passion"), "The Waves", "Storm Song", "Song", ("From the bosom of ocean I seek thee,") and "March" all deal more or less with the sea motive. Only the last three, however, are in meters which might be called characteristic of Heine. All three are in four line stanzas. 41 The structure of the stanza used in "Storm Song" is x — / x — /xx — / x — / x—/x—/x—/x—/ x — / xx — / xx — / x — / xx — / x — / x — /

:a :b :a :b

with a rather free interchange of anapests and iambi. The poems "March", and "Song", ("From the bosom of ocean I seek thee"), however, are more Heinesque in structure. They are written in the stanza of Heine: Heine (Storm Song) Taylor (Song) x—/x—/x—/x :a xx — / xx — / xx — / x :a x—/x—/x—/ :b x — / xx — / xx — / :b x—/x—/x—/x :a xx — / xx — / xx — / x :c xx — / x — / x — :b x — / xx — / xx — / :b The "Song" 42 and "March" are also Heinesque in mood, the former, because it represents the lament of a lover separated from his beloved. In the latter (a better example), the singer, referred to by the first personal pronoun, of which Heine is so fond, is beside the gloomy, stormy sea. He wishes that the voice of the wind and waves might sing their dirge over his grave. The landscape is brown and bare and frosty. Night is approaching in sadness. His life is like the landscape, "bleak and withered." And then where Heine would, as a rule, have suddenly turned aside and destroyed the poetical illustration by humorously adding an ironical remark, Taylor also abruptly turns aside not, however, from despondency to humor, but to optimism and closes: 6*

83

Yet, through the cloud- racks gathered, Shines out the Evening Star!

Even "March", which is, in my opinion undoubtedly after the manner of Heine, cannot be shown to be an imitation of any one individual poem of the German singer. Taylor has merely made use of the German poet's manner, his form, his cadence but has not slavishly copied minutiae. 43 Speaking of the fall of 1863 the authors of Life and Letters tell us Taylor had conceived the idea of his Faust translation "nearly fifteen years before." 44 That would be about the end of 1848. We have seen that the first fragment of translation which Taylor published appeared in June, 1849.45 This work must have been executed some weeks or months earlier. Therefore, when we find in the present volume suggestions of Goethe's Faust in two poems which Taylor must have composed about this time, "Ariel in the Cloven Pine" and "The Summer Camp", 4 6 we are not surprised. There can be no doubt that the former poem owes its existence to Shakespeare's Tempest, on which Goethe has also drawn for the name of his airy sprite. The meter of the few snatches of song which Ariel sings in the English drama, that of the songs- of Ariel and his "Chor" in Goethe's play 47 and that of Taylor's poem is essentially one, but the metrical resemblance existing between the two latter compositions is closer than that which either one bears to the lines of the English dramatist. The episode on which Taylor's poem is based is found only in Shakespeare and not even suggested in Goethe's Ariel scene. In the details of execution, however, the American poem seems to have as much of that which suggests the verses Goethe's Ariel as it has echoes of Shakespeare's lines.48 Since it is not my contention that Taylor's poem is an imitation of Goethe's lines, but rather that his reading of the German passage helped to inspire him to his composition, I shall cite passages from Taylor's poem and from his translation of Goethe's Faust, for this translation gives us what the German lines meant when translated into terms of the author of "Ariel in the Cloven Pine". Italicized are those expressions which should be compared each with each. Taylor's Ariel All the isle, alive with Spring, Lies, a jewel of delight, On the blue sea's heaving breast; N o t a breath from out the West, But some balmy smell doth bring From the sprouting myrtle buds, Or from meadowy vales that lie Like a green inverted sky, Taylor (Dawn walks) Through his vestibule of day

Now the frosty stars are gone: I have watched them one by one, Faust When the Spring returns49 serener Raining blossoms over all; When around the green girt50 meadow Balm the tepid winds exhale. Faust (Sunlight) Shuts the golden gates of Day.61 Now the Night already darkles, 52 H o l y star succeeds to star.

A perusal of the remainder of this scene in Faust discloses a similarity between it and "The Summer Camp" which is a few pages further along in Taylor's volume. N o w this poem has been called a "description of California summer scenery on the p l a i n , . . a daguerrotype of nature as it exists there in 84

the month of August". 53 Hence it cannot be an imitation of Goethe's description of Swiss scenery. Still, the poem betrays an infection acquired through its author's contact with Faust. Both poems describe a country abounding in its pristine beauty and innocence. In both poems the "Day comes on again" and with it awakes a new man, "Des Lebens Pulse schlagen frisch lebendig." 54 The old life is behind them. "Where is the life we led?" This fresh and refreshing land arouses thoughts of a new life after toil and defeat. Hence much of the American's poem is devoted to philosophizing, and the philosophy is Faustian. Might not these opening verses of one of Taylor's stanzas have been spoken by the awakening Faust? Other dreams are ours, 5 5 Of shodcs that were, or seemed, whereof our souls Feel the subsiding lapse, as feels the sand Of tropic island-shores the dying pulse Of storms that racked the Northern sea. My Soul, I do believe that thou has toiled and striven,56 And hoped and suffered wrong. I do believe Great aims were thine, deep loves and fiery hates, And though I may have lain a thousand years Beneath these Oaks, the baffled trust of Youth, The first keen sorrow, brings a gentle pang T o temper joy.

With the latter part of the above passage compare the following from Faust's speech:57 Is't Love? Is't Hate? that burningly embraces, And that with pain and joy alternate tries us.

The effect of the glorious landscape on Faust is a quickening one. He exclaims: 58 Du regst und rührst ein kräftiges Beschließen, Zum höchsten Dasein immerfort zu streben.

"Streben" is the key word to Faust. Taylor's poems ends with the resolution to leave the peaceful land of calm and beauty. "Rather set at once, 5 9 Our faces toward the noisy world again, And gird our loins for action. Let us go!"

Taylor accepts Faust's philosophy of action (Tätigkeit). It might also be noted that both the passages are written in iambic pentameter, Goethe's being rimed abab, etc.; Taylor's, unrimed. It will have been observed that the very first scene of the Second Part of Faust contains the passages which we have compared with Taylor's poems. This evidence, if such it be, is the first we have of our poet's acquaintance with the Second Part of Goethe's poem. Two other passages in this volume may also be reminiscent of the Second Part of Faust. In "The Soldier and the Pard" written June, 185 1 60 the following verses: but, take my word, (p. 55) Egyptian ruins are a serious thing: Y o u would not dare let fly a joke beside The maimed colossi, though your very feet Might catch between some mumied Pharaoh's ribs.

85

suggest Mephistopheles' action in the "Classische Walpurgisnacht", and especially the sentiments he expresses in his speech beginning: Die nordischen Hexen wüßt' ich wohl zu meistern, (7676 f.) Mir wird's nicht just mit diesen fremden Geistern.

Then on the following page of Taylor's poem we read: And floated off to slumber on a cloud Of rapturous sensation,

which perhaps indicates a progress to the fourth act of Faust where the hero speaks of "meiner Wolke Tragewerk" (10,041). In Taylor's "The American Legend" which he composed in June—July, 1850. 61 the verse "And warlike Peter puts his harness on" (p. 16) cannot fail to call up at once Taylor's translation of Goethe's "Es mich sogleich in Harnisch bringt" (5466), viz., " I straightway put my harness on." (Faust II, p. 36, ed. 1882). Each of these assumed echoes of the Second Part of Faust is in itself slight and, when one bears in mind that almost anything can be paralleled in Faust, none too convincing, but the appearance of a group of them just at the time when Taylor "began" his Faust-translation may be indicative. Taylor had to read the Second Part for the first time sometime. If it was not now, we have no evidence of when he first became acquainted with it. It seems certain that he must have learned to know the Second Part before entering upon his resolution to make his translation, which resolve dates from this period, 1849— 1851. 62 One of the results of Bayard Taylor's extensive travels in the East was the publication in 1854 of that volume which contains some of his best-known lyrics, 6 3 Poems of the Orient. Smyth informs us: 64 "He [Taylor] read, in the East, Rückert's 'Morgenländische Sagen und Geschichten' and Goethe's 'WestOestlicher Divan'" and conjectures that: "The 'Westoestlicher Divan', had perhaps exerted some influence over him when he was writing 'Poems of the Orient' ", 6 5 This is about as much as we get in critical writings of a possible influence of German poetry on this one of Taylor's volumes. But a closer investigation discloses that, in spite of all that has been said about echoes of Shelly and other English authors 66 found here, it is from the German poets, and especially from Rückert, that our poet has done most of his borrowing. Taylor's travel in the East was broken by a short visit to Europe in the late summer and the autumn of 1852. 67 Before this European excursion he had been travelling in the Near East. One event of the excursion is important to our study. Taylor later wrote 68 (1866): "When I first visited Coburg, in October, 1852, I was very anxious to make Rückert's acquaintance. My interest in Oriental literature had been refreshed, at that time, by nearly ten months of travel in Eastern lands, and some knowledge of modern colloquial Arabic. I had read his wonderful translation of the Makamät of Hariri, and felt sure that he would share my enthusiasm for the people to whose treasures of song he had given so many years of his life." He relates that he was kindly received by the German poet and spent several interesting hours with him. 69 86

From the visit to Coburg Taylor probably took away new inspiration for poetical composition and, positively material for that purpose in printed form, for in the Cornell collection 70 there is a short list of books owned by Taylor and therein is found the entry: "Riickert's Morgenlandische Sagen und Geschichten, Bayard Taylor, October 5, 1852," 71 probably an exact copy of the inscription in the fly-leaf of the book. It is easy to show exactly how, when and where Taylor made use of these two volumes 72 in his subsequent Oriental compositions. Fortunately the dates of composition of most of the Poems of the Orient are at our disposal. 73 It will be noticed in what follows that none of the pieces composed prior to October, 1852 bears the least trace of resemblance to any of Riickert's poems. Of the Makamat, which Taylor says he read prior to this date, the Poems of the Orient show no influence, but at least five of the poems which were composed subsequent to October, 1852 exhibit positive proof of an almost direct use of the German volumes which Taylor acquired in October, 1852. Attention has already been called to Taylor's reference to Riickert's "Mahmud, der Gotzenzertriimmerer," (Morgenlandische Sagen und Geschichten)7i in his prose volume India, China and Japan,75 The scene which recalled Riickert's poem to the traveller's mind was witnessed in January, 1853.7a The following are the poems which seem positively to be based on Riickert's "Sagen und Geschichten," "The Arab Warrior," with a subtitle "From the Arabic," written March, 1853; "The Birth of the Horse," subtitle, "From the Arabic," written September, 1853; "The Bedouin Song," written October 29, 1853; "The Shekh," subtitle "From the Arabic," written October 30, 1853; and "The Wisdom of Ali," subtile, "An Arab Legend", for which a definite date cannot be ascertained. 77 It will be observed that this group embraces every poem in the volume which has a subtitle indicating an Arabic source. One other poem "Gulistan", written October 24, 1853 has a subtitle which merely says "An Arabic Metre." It will further be recalled that Taylor himself knew next to no Arabic 78 and hence had to get his themes "from the Arabic" through an intermediary. This intermediary was Riickert. Taylor's "Arab Warrior" is essentially a free translation of Riickert's "Antara singt, Desgleichen."79 It corresponds to its model line for line, save that the American, by an extension of verbiage, gets in two lines not found in the German: And while the others idly feast I rub my harness bright.

Taylor possibly added these two lines to render his poem divisible into stanzas of equal length, since his composition consists of five four-line stanzas. The German poem has only eighteen verses and is not written in stanzaic form, but has full stops at the end of the fourth, eighth and twelfth lines. As regards meter and rime the English and German forms are practically identical, the odd lines being iambic tetrameter, the even iambic trimeter; the odd lines being unrimed, the even lines riming. Taylor, however, changes the rime from stanza 87

to stanza, whereas Riickert, more in the manner of the Arabic, maintains the one rime throughout. "The Birth of the Horse" is Ruckert's "Die Geburt des Rosses."80 The meter and stanza-length are the same in both versions. The rime-scheme, while similar, is not identical. Riickert rimes abab, Taylor, abcb. Again Taylor's version is little less than a free translation of Riickert. This time Taylor omits one stanza, the second of the German poem, and deviates from his model in one verse. He substitutes: for,

And fleetest with thy load Und ohne Horn gehornet.

Otherwise the thought corresponds line for line. While becalmed on the equatorial ocean between the coast of Borneo and the Mozambique Channel, 81 Taylor must have attempted to break the ennui by recourse to the second volume of Morgenlandische Sagen und Geschichten for here on successive days were composed what has become his most popular lyric, "The Bedouin Song", and "The Shekh." Strangely enough when Taylor, under the date of December 2, 1853, writes in his diary: 82 "I have done something in the way of reading also, as the following list, nearly complete, will show," and appends a list of twenty-eight titles, he here, as everywhere else, fails to make mention of Ruckert's volumes. It almost seems as if he intended to keep concealed the source from which these poems sprang. Of the "Bedouin Song" much has been written. It has become commonplace to point out its likeness to Shelley's "Lines to an Indian Air, 83 but no one seems to have detected its relationship to Ruckert's "Die Liebeslieder und der Koranvers." 84 H a d she detected this relation Mrs. Haskell would hardly have satisfied herself with the statement: 85 "Even the 'Bedouin Song', which apologists have made us regard as peculiarly Taylor's own, shows strongly the influence of Shelley." H a d she suspected the ultimate source of the refrain of Taylor's poem, she would probably have agreed with Mr. Stedman 86 in calling the refrain "superb" rather than have pronounced the verdict that it "is prejudical to the illusion of sincerity, it degenerates readily into a jingle." 87 There can be no doubt that Taylor had Shelley's serenade distinctly in mind when he composed his "Bedouin Song." There can likewise be no doubt that he had recently had Ruckert's second volume in hand. The two poems are similar neither in the treatment of theme, nor in form. But into Ruckert's poem is introduced "ein beduinisch Lied"; hence the title of Taylor's poem. Also in Ruckert's composition we find: Idi las die Verse vom Geridbt: Wenn die Sonn' ist erkaltet, Und die Sterne veraltet Und die Berge gespaltet —

Und das Sdiuldbudi ist entfaltet. These verses of the Koran, omitting the third, become Taylor's celebrated refrain: T m t h g s a n d s g r o w coW> And the stars are old, An the leaves of the Judgement Book unfoldZ88 88

I n the original manuscript copy of this poem, w r i t t e n in pencil in a note book 8 9 a n d signed "B. T . M o z a m b i q u e Channel, Oct. 29, 1853" t h e first line of the r e f r a i n reads, the first time, "Till the sun grows cold," the second time, "Till the sun grows cold," and the third time, "Till the sun grows old" I n the N e w Y o r k Public L i b r a r y (Manuscript Division) there is a manuscript copy of the "Bedouin Song", dated Oct. 29, 1853 with the following r e f r a i n : Till the sun grows cold, And the stars are old, And the leaves of the Judgement Book unfold! T h u s does the r e f r a i n resemble its model in f o r m as well as in sense. N o w it might be objected t h a t each author took his verses independently f r o m the K o r a n , but w h e n w e realize t h a t out the dozen parallel verses which occur in the K o r a n , T a y l o r happens to use three out of just those f o u r selected b y Riickert, this objection loses its force. I t vanishes entirely if we c o m p a r e with T a y l o r ' s lines the passage in the K o r a n in which they are f o u n d , as given in the English translation. W e k n o w t h a t T a y l o r "bought of P u t n a m Sale's K o r a n " in 185 4 9 0 hence w e shall quote f r o m George Sale's 9 1 version. W h e n the sun shall be f o l d e d u p ; a n d when the stars shall f a l l ; a n d when the mountains shall be m a d e to pass a w a y ; a n d w h e n the camel ten months gone with young shall be neglected; a n d when the wild beasts shall be gathered together; a n d when the seas shall boil; a n d when the souls shall be joined again to their bodies; a n d when the girl w h o h a t h been buried alive shall be asked f o r w h a t crime she hath been p u t to death; and w h e n the books shall be laid open; and when the heaven shall be removed; a n d w h e n hell shall b u r n fiercely; a n d when paradise shall be brought near; every soul shall k n o w w h a t it h a t h wrought. C h a p , lxxxi, vv. 1—14. Surely each of T a y l o r ' s verses is nearer the G e r m a n t h a n it is to this version of the K o r a n . T h u s whenever " T h e Bedouin Song" is read, recited or sung, 9 2 not only T a y l o r a n d Shelley, but also Riickert contributes to the entertainment of the readers a n d / o r auditors. T h e d a y a f t e r finishing the "Bedouin Song" T a y l o r , taking Rückert's "Nachtgespräch" 9 3 as his model, composed " T h e Shekh". T h e first a n d the last stanza of the English poem represent a considerable d e p a r t u r e f r o m the G e r m a n composition. T h e first a n d the three last stanzas of Riickert f i n d no counterpart in T a y l o r ' s poem. But all the intervening verses of the " N a c h t gespräch" have f o u n d expression in the p r a y e r of T a y l o r ' s " S h e k h " , almost line f o r line. In general the f o r m of the t w o compositions is alike, stanzas of f o u r verses of tetrameter, riming in Riickert, generally abab, but twice (stanzas f o u r a n d five) abeb; in T a y l o r , generally abeb. T h e m o v e m e n t in the G e r m a n is iambic, in the English, trochaic. T a y l o r has succeeded f a i r l y well in keeping u p the phenomenon of parallelism indicative of Rückert's Arabic fashion. H e has, however, rendered Rückert's much repeated verb "Behüte" b y " p r o t e c t " , "keep", "preserve." I t is interesting to note t h a t in the first d r a f t of the poem, 9 4 he rendered "Behüte" three successive times b y " k e e p " . T h e line 89

which now reads: "God preserve me from a spirit" originally ran "Keep my spirit from a feeling"; thus being, in form at least, nearer the German. Although a definite date cannot be assigned to the composition of "The Wisdom of Ali," we know that it was produced after Taylor's return to America, more definitely, between May 1st and June 12th, 185 4.95 Taylor now goes back to the first volume of Morgenlandische Sagen und Geschichten and bases his poem on "DiePforte derWeisheit." 96 Both the German and the English pieces are in riming couplets, but here again Taylor makes no attempt to imitate feminine rimes of the German. Both are in iambic measure, Taylor's lines having five feet, Ruckert usually four. The English poem is some ten verses shorter than the German due to the fact that although Ruckert uses the formula: Und als ihn so der, erste (zweite, etc.) fragte, W a r dis das W o r t das Ali sagte:

ten times, Taylor uses a corresponding formula only twice, e. g. "And lastly when the tenth did question make, These were the words which Ali spake."

The two versions are exact in substance throughout most of their extent. Towards the end Taylor introduces some additional lines, not found in Ruckert, but involving no new thought. Although it would not be possible to show conclusively that the English poem is a direct translation of the German, largely because the "legend" is made up of a series of short, direct quotations which hold any translation "from the Arabic" within rather narrow limits and, would compel a close similarity between all renditions into other languages, there seems no reason to doubt that Taylor's immediate source is Riickert. 97 This ends the elements which can be almost positively claimed to have arisen from Taylor's acquaintance with the " M o r g e n l a n d i s c h e Sagen und Geschichten." There are, however, at least two other points to which attention must be called. At Grenada, Spain, in November, 1852, Taylor wrote "The Garden of Irem". In the early pages of the Ruckert volumes which he had then recently acquired is also found a piece called "Der Garten von Irem." 98 There is not enough similarity between the two compositions to warrant the assumption that the one is responsible for the existence of the other, but it is not at all unlikely that the American, reading his newly acquired volume, was siezed with the idea of outdoing the effort of the German. The treatment of the theme is almost entirely different. The poems are unlike even in form. But in spite of the frequent variation of meter there are passages in each poem where the cadence is alike. It may be significant that each poem opens with a question. Taylor answers his own question immediately. Ruckert answers the same question near the end of his poem but the answers are essentially the same, Keine Spur ist heut'ges Tages, W o es mag gewesen sein. No mortal knoweth the road thereto.

I am of the opinion that Riickert's poem suggested the theme to Taylor whose execution is quite independent of the German production. 90

Just at that time when Taylor was making freest use of Morgenländische Sagen und Geschichten, October, 1853," he wrote a "Hymn to Air." This poem has at least one point of contact with Rückert's "Der Wind unter der Erde." 100 Einst wird sie [die Schöpfung] sein zerschellt, Wenn er, [der W i n d ] zersprengt die Ketten, Wann jener Tag einfällt, W o über den sündigen Städten Gott den Gerichtstag hält. And Thou [the air] dost hold, awaiting God's decree, The keys of all destruction: — in that hour When the Almighty W r a t h shall loose thy power, Before thy breath shall disappear the sea, To ashes turn the mountain's mighty frame, And as the seven-fold f e r v o r s 1 0 1 wider roll, Thou, self-consuming, shrivel as a scroll, And wrap the world in one wide pall of flame!

These are the closing lines of the respective poems and represent a similarity of thought in compositions which are otherwise entirely different. This is probably an example of what critics delight in calling a "reminiscent note" in Taylor. For reasons set forth hereinafter it is necessary it attempt to determine the relation which Taylor's volume Poems of the Orient bears to Rückert's Oestliche Rosen.102 POEMS OF T H E ORIENT Da der West ward durchgekostet, Hat er nun den Ost entmostet.

Rückert.

This, and this alone, appears on page thirteen of Taylor's volume. 103 Oestliche Rosen Erste Lese

is all that appears on page five of Rückert's volume. 104 Three of the pages preceding this title page contain a dedicatory poem, entitled "Zu Goethe's West-oestlichem Diwan," in the very first stanza of which occurs the abovequoted couplet. The use of this couplet makes it positive that Taylor was familiar with the Oestliche Rosen before he finished his Poems of the Orient. But that is not all. The twelve pages preceding Taylor's title-page are devoted to a "Proem Dedicatory, An Epistle from Mount Tmolus to Richard Henry Stoddard," thus making the introductory topography of the two volumes practically identical. An examination of the contents of the poems of dedication yields the following: The "er" in Rückert's couplet, quoted above, refers, of course, to Goethe. The Orientalist goes on to say: Seht, dort schwelgt er auf der Ottomane. Abendröthen Dienten Goethen Freudig als dem Stern des Abendlandes;

and further down Rückert continues: Aus iran'schen Naphtabronnen Schöpft der Greis itzt, was die Sonnen Einst Italiens ihm, dem Jüngling, kochten.

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Jugendhadern In den Adern, Z o r n und G l u t h und M i l d ' und süßes K o s e n ; Alles Lieben J u n g geblieben Seiner Stirne stehen schon die Rosen. Wenn nidit etwa ew'ges Leben Ihm verliehen ist, sei gegeben L a n g e s ihm von uns gewognen Loosen.

In appropriating the couplet which Rückert had applied to Goethe, Taylor obviously refers to himself as the poet who, having made a trial of the west, is now turning his attention to the East. In the "Proem" he pictures himself "couched on Tmolus' side. In the warm myrtles, in the golden air Of the declining day." As Rückert had done for Goethe, so has Taylor begun his dedication by establishing himself in a seat of oriental ease. Then, after some intervening lines, our poet goes on: „ A n d now I turn, to f i n d a late content In N a t u r e , m a k i n g mine her m y r i a d shows; Better contented with one living rose T h a n all the G o d s ' a m b r o s i a ; sternly bent O n wresting f r o m her cup, whence f l o w T h e f l a v o r s of her ruddiest life — the change O f climes and races — the unschackled r a n g e O f all experience; — that m y songs m a y show T h e w a r m red b l o o d that beats in hearts of men, B l a m e me not, that I Find in the f o r m s of E a r t h a deeper joy T h a n in the dreams that lured me as a b o y , "

And finally Taylor concludes: " T a k e them [these p o e m s ] , a n d your acceptance, in the dearth O f the world's t a r d y praise, shall m a k e them d e a r . "

I would compare these lines with the second reference to Goethe quoted above and find in them an echo of Riickert. Because Goethe is presented as a "Greis" who dips from the Iranian "Naphthabronnen" what the sun of Italy had brought to maturity in him as a youth on whose brow the roses becomingly rest, so does Taylor represent himself as anxious to find "late content" (He was not yet thirty years of age!) in Nature, contented with one living rose. The cup which he would wrest from Nature and whence flows her ruddiest life, the change of climes and races, is suggested by Goethe's dipping from "iranschen" springs the ferment of his youthful Italian sojourn. If there were any doubt that Taylor had Goethe in mind when he shaped these lines the phrase "the unschackled range of all experience" would go far to dispell it. Here we have, not only an often expressed phase of Taylor's own nature, which was also to some extent characteristic of Goethe, but the very key note of Faust which Taylor had already planned to translate and with the execution of which plan he was now busy. 1 0 5 T o proceed with our comparison: Is the desire that his "songs show the warm red blood that beats in hearts of men" anything other than a longing for that which Ruckert's lines attributes to Goethe: 92

"Jugendhadern In den Adern" "Zorn und Gluth und Mild' und süsses Kosen"? Then because Goethe, the "Greis", was compared with Goethe the "Jüngling", Taylor found it necessary to contrast the "deeper joy", which he now "late content" expects to find in the forms of Earth, with "the dreams that lured" him "as a boy." Finally Rückert's appeal if immortality be not granted Goethe then: "sey gegeben Langes ihm von uns gewognen Loosen," is practically paralleled in Taylor's entreaty: "In the dearth of the world's tardy praise your acceptance shall make them dear." In addition to this, when we recall that years later (1866) Taylor said of this dedicatory poem of Rückert: 106 "I scarcely know where to look for a more graceful dedication in verse," we feel more inclined to believe that he used it as his model in composing his dedicatory verse for his Oriental poems. Aside from this resemblance of the introductory pieces Oestliche Rosen and Poems of the Orient have nothing in common, unless we consider the pretty picture of the Nightingale and the Rose in the latter stanzas of "The Poet in the East" reminiscent of Rückert's work, for this sensuous figure occurs on practically every other of the four hundred and sixty odd pages which constitute the latter's volume. Taylor probably made use of the "Oestliche Rosen" only after he had practically completed his volume and was preparing it for the press. 107 Despite Professor Smyth's statements that Taylor read Goethe's "WestOestlicher Divan" in the East 108 and that this volume 109 "perhaps exerted some influence over him when he was writing "Poems of Orient'," I have been unable to find any evidence of any influence of Goethe's Divan on Taylor's volume. There is among Taylor's poems "A Pledge to Hafiz" and in the Divan a poem "An Hafiz" but, aside from the titles, these two pieces have nothing in common. In the economy of Taylor's volume the idea of the introductory "The Poet in the East" may have been suggested by the "Hegira" in Goethe's Divan. Each affords the occidental poet an opportunity to make his bow to the Orient. Each is written in six-line stanzas. But here their similarity ceases. Likewise might Taylor have obtained the idea of closing his collection with a "L'Envoi" from Goethe's similar use of a "Gute Nacht." Taylor's exhortation to his songs. Go, therefore, Songs!-which in the East were born And drew your nurture — from your sire's control: Haply to wander through the West forlorn, Or find a shelter in some Orient soul, might possibly be an echo of Goethe's Nun, so legt euch, liebe Lieder, An den Busen meinem Volke!

This is all that there is in the Poems of the Orient which even suggests the Divan. The nature of the two works, the spirit which pervades them, and all else about them is quite dissimilar. On such a meager suggestion of internal evidence and a total absence of external evidence — except for the statements of Smyth — I am unwilling to predicate an influence of this German work on Taylor's volume. Returning once more to those days of abundant inspiration spent on the equatorial ocean, we find that on October 15, 1853, Taylor wrote "The Angel 93

of Patience". 110 Now American poetry knows another poem by this title from the pen of John Greenleaf Whittier. The latter's composition, which bears the subtitle "A Free Paraphrase of the German", was written in 1845 and first published in The National Era, May 13, 1847. 111 The composition of which the New Englander's poem is a paraphrase is Carl Johann Philipp Spitta's "Geduld." Taylor must have known Whittier's poem for "the friendship of the two poets dates from the publishing in The National Era of August, 19, 1847, and prefacing with hearty commendation, Taylor's poem, 'The Norseman's Ride' ". 112 There is no doubt that Taylor's "Angel of Patience" is another paraphrase of Spitta's "Geduld." The only question is: Did he make his adaptation directly from the German, or did he make it from Whittier's poem? There is no external evidence to assist in answering this query. Nowhere do we find any hint that Taylor knew Spitta's poem. A glance at the Eastburn dissertation convinces one that Whittier was not a German scholar. Since Taylor was infinitely better acquainted with the language of the original, it might be expected that he familiarized himself with Whittier's source before attempting his own "Angel of Patience." This is exactly what a comparison of the three poems leads us to conclude. In form no two of the three pieces are alike, but there are more features common to Spitta and Taylor than common to either Spitta and Whittier or Whittier and Taylor. An the length of the verses Whittier's tetrameters more nearly approach the German trimeters than do Taylor's pentameters. But in all other points, length of the poem, stanzaic form and rime-scheme, Taylor and Spitta are most nearly alike. Like Spitta's poem, Taylor's has forty verses; Whittier's has only twenty-four. Whittier's stanza is of six verses riming in couplets, Taylor's is of four lines with alternate rime (abab), Spitta's is of eight lines with a full stop at the end of each fourth, thus making the stanza essentially a four-line one, and also has alternate rime (ababcdcd). Since neither American poet attempted a direct translation of the German, it is not always possible to compare individual verses each for each and thus determine which adaption is nearer the original. But in Taylor's poem frequent and striking similarities to the German lines occur, whereas in Whittier's piece the expressions which resemble the original are neither so strikingly similar nor so frequent. A few examples of these similarities will serve to illustrate the general relation in which the pieces stand to each other. Whittier's verses which most nearly resemble the original are: (1) (2) (3) (4)

Our dear and Heavenly Father sends him here. There's quiet in the Angel's glance, H e kindly trains us to endure. H e walks with thee, that Angel kind, And gently whispers, "Be resigned."

In the German the corresponding lines read: (1) H a t ihn der Herr gesandt. (2) In seinem Blick ist Frieden, Und milde, sanfte Huld. (3) Sein Wahlspruch heißt: ertrage (4) So geht er dir zur Seite.

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Taylor's renderings for these expressions are: (1) (2) (3) (4)

More than one Angel has Our Father given (Not rendered). (Not closely rendered). And we . . . are led by her. Who walkest with us here.

In these cases Whittier is generally nearer the model. But notice the following likeness existing between Spitta and Taylor and not paralleled in Whittier. Zum Trost für Erdenmangel Hat ihn der Herr gesandt. T o cheer, to help us, children of the dust, More than one angel has our Father given; But one alone is faithful to her trust. Den herbsten Herzenschmerz. Though with its bitterness the heart runs o'er. Er macht die finstre Stunde Allmählich wieder hell, But when the eye looks up for light once more, She turns the cloud and shows its golden side. Er tadelt nicht dein Sehnen. She doth not chide, nor in reproachful guise, The griefs we cherish rudely thrust apart. Und wenn im Sturmestoben Du murrend fragst: warum? So deutet er nach oben, Mild lächelnd, aber stumm. Unto rebellious souls, that mad with Fate T o question God's eternal justice dare, She points above with looks that whisper, "Wait" — Er hat für jede Frage Nidit Antwort gleich bereit T o the vain challenges of doubt we send, N o answering comfort doth she minister;

This evidence must suffice to show that Taylor made independent use of Spitta's "Geduld". A comparison of the second couplet of Whittier's poem with the similar thought negatively expressed in the first two lines of Taylor's second stanza, and the introduction of the figure of the Angel calming the care-worn brow,, found in the first lines of the third stanza of both American poems and not present in the German model, makes us believe that Taylor likewise had Whittier in mind when composing his "Angel of Patience". In the second part of the volume Poems of the Orient is a piece which H . B. Sachs finds to be "somewhat in Heine's manner, repeating the favorite rhythm, reverie, subtle suggestiveness, and longing." 113 This poem "A Picture," was written December 15, 1853. 114 Sachs finds this piece characterized by "the same smooth and quiet beginning, the vision, the passion and feeling of desolation that we so frequently find in Heine." He also calls attention to "the sudden recovery from reverie and revulsion of mood as expressed in the last strophe." Surely all these earmarks justify his conclusion that the poem is 95

"somewhat in Heine's manner." H a d Mr. Sachs examined the Poems of the Orient115 closely, he would have found a few pages further on "In the Meadows" and "The Phantom", both written May—June 12, 1854, 116 which are also Heinesque. The former possess all the features claimed for "A Picture," save that the poet's transition of mood is from happiness to sadness and the vision is mental rather than physical. The poem possess also an additional feature, so common Heine's songs, the continual recurrence of "I" and "me". In "The Phantom" the vision again plays its part, and the transition of mood (rather gloomy throughout) from hope to despair is accomplished rather suddenly in the last stanza. There is one Heineesque feature, however, which positively does not enter into any of these three compositions, irony, insincerity. These poems are the outpourings of Taylor's heart of hearts. They represent his disconsolateness over the death of his first wife, the sweetheart of his youth. It will be noticed that they were composed as he was nearing home and after he had arrived there, a time when the grief over Mary's loss would affect him most poignantly. For these reasons we may regard these lyrical outbursts as lamentations in the manner of Heine, with whose work, as we have seen, Taylor was already familiar, rather than compositions in conscious imitation of that singer. 117 . Because of a Faustian strain in Taylor's own nature to which he gave expression in his works in an ever increasing degree the more intimately he became acquainted with Goethe's masterpiece, it is dangerous to designate as an echo of the Faust every piece' of Taylorian philosophy which may happen to smack of the German work. It is, however, worthy of notice that in one of those two pieces which seem to suggest the only possible link between the Poems of the Orient and the West-Oestlicher Diwan118 and in the "Proem Dedicatory", and in those two pieces alone, occurs much that is suggestive of "Faust," 119 It is not always possible to catch hold of these elements and pin them down and exclaim: "Here, this line is the prototype of this one!", etc. ad nauseam, for it is the spirit of the pieces which is alike, and spirits are rather elusive. However, I shall subjoin a few excerpts from Taylor's pieces which seem to be most tangibly Faustian. I at the threshold of the world have lain, 1 2 0 but in vain. And now I turn, to find a late content In Nature, making mine her varied shows; sternly bent On wresting from her hand the cup, whence f l o w The flavors of her ruddiest life — the diange Of climes and races — the unschackled range Of all experience; 1 2 1 For not to any race or any clime 1 2 2 Is the completed sphere of life revealed; H e who would make his own that round sublime Must pitch his tent on many a distant field. Upon his home a dawning iustre beams, But through the world he walks to open day, Gathering from every land the prismal gleams, 1 2 3 Which, when united, form the perfect ray.

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This concludes the German element in the Poems of the Orient. R. H . Stoddard has written: 124 "If I had not been aware of the ease with which he wrote, I should have been surprised at the rapidity with which these poems succeeded each other," and: 1 2 5 "I doubt whether the genius of Byron ever produced more and better poetry than that of Bayard Taylor within the space of a single month." (October, 1853). Evidently Mr. Stoddard was not aware of the nature and amount of the inspiration furnished by German sources to facilitate the workings of his friend's genius and to accelerate his production. Truly Edward Engel words: 126 "Ahnlich wie Longfellow hatte Bayard Taylor aus alien fremden Dichtungsquellen zu reichlich getrunken, um einen ganz eigenen Gesang zu erzeugen," comes near being justified when applied to this volume. In answer to a call for new editions of Rhymes of Travel and a Book of Romances, Lyrics, and Songs, Taylor issued late in 1855 127 a volume called Poems of Home and Travel in which he included what he considered the best of the two requested collections, supplemented by thirteen new poems. 128 The new element, small both numerically and in extent, possesses no outstanding poetic merit. In vain do we await any new echo from the German Parnassus. "A Phantasy", because of its form, its elusive phantom and the erotic sentiments it expresses, does mildly suggest Heine, but it cannot safely be claimed to be a result of Heine's influence. 129 Although Taylor's volumes At Home and Abroad, both the first and second series,130 might have been treated with his work of travel, I chose to consider them with his more deserving productions, not because they possess any outstanding literary merit, but because they are not exclusively works of travel, but rather sketch-books, some of whose pieces possess literary value and are in no way concerned with travel. An examination of the earlier volume discloses that, of the forty sketches which constitute it, seventeen deal wholly or principally with German subjects, and of this number, four, "Interviews with German Authors", "Alexander von Humboldt", "Weimar and its Dead", and "The Three Hundredth Anniversary of the University of Jena" deal in the main with German literature and its producers. The remaining articles, both those touching upon German subject matter, and some of those which are not based on German themes, display, in a lesser degree, Taylor's knowledge of and interest in German literature. Since Taylor's personal relation to German authors will be treated in a subsequent chapter comment on the articles referring to that subject is deferred. Suffice it to remark here only the tender feeling which our poet bore in his heart for Germany and German institutions by directing our attention to such sketches as "A German Idyl", "A German Home," "Life in the Thuringian Forest", "The Castles of the Gleidien" and "Scenes at a Target-Shooting." Truly, Taylor has in these sketches done for rural Germany, if in a less polished form, nevertheless with no less fervor, what "Washington Irving had done earlier for England in his Sketch Book. The volume also abound in small snatches of translation mostly from folk songs and the songs of students. These are of no importance in themselves, but are interesting and are therefore enumerated in Appendix IV. One of 7

Krumpelmann

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these translations, however, must be given further consideration. Speaking of a woman minstrel, one of the folk, who was singing and distributing broadside, penny ballads, Taylor remarks: 131 "Here is one which, from the crowd of lusty young peasants who followed the raw-boned minstrel, to catch the air, must have been a great favorite." Then follows a translation of "Du hast Diamanten and Perlen" with a fourth stanza which I find in no edition of Heine's poems. Nor does Dr. August Walther Fischer in his monograph Über die volkstiimlichen Elemente in den Gedicbten Heines132 make any mention of this additional stanza. The translation minus the last stanza has been published in A Sheaf of Poems133 as a rendition of Heine's composition. It seems that the addition can be accounted for in only one of two ways. Either Taylor himself wrote the new stanza, whidi seems improbable, for he says of his volume: 134 "It is a record of actual experiences, and aims at no higher merit than the utmost fidelity," or the folk had already claimed Heine's song for its own and had begun revision. 135 In the latter event we have most valid evidence of the folklike nature of Heine's song. Even if this appendage be of folk origin, it is almost impossible to find any dissonance between it: And, because of thine eyes so tender, 1 3 6 H a v e I ventured more and more, And much, ah, so much have I suffered — M y darling what would'st thou have more?

and the three original stanzas. In the second volume of At Home and Abroad eleven of thirty-nine sketches deal with life in Germany and a twelfth piece, a short story, probably owes its origin to Taylor's readings in German literature. Even in the sketches on non-German subjects are to be found references to and quotations from German poetry, but such occurences are of course more common in the ten pieces which Taylor wrote during the month of July (1861) which he spent in his "Home in the Thiiringian Forest" and in "A Walk Through the Franconian Switzerland". 137 The most interesting thing about this volume, is the resemblance which much of the story "The Confessions of a Medium" 138 bears in general outline to Goethe's Wahlverwandtschaften. It is not possible to ascertain from direct statement whether Taylor had read this one of Goethe's works before the close of 1860. We know that he did read it at some time 139 before 1870, but mention of it occurs but seldom in his writings. 140 It is only fair to assume, however, that, having owned sets of Goethe's works since 1848, 141 Taylor had, ere May 12, I860, 1 4 2 read the " W a h l v e r w a n d t s c h a f t e n B e that as it may, all evidence for the dependence of the ground work of "The Confessions of a Medium" upon Goethe's novel must be of an internal nature. It is a well known fact that the English-speaking countries considered Goethe's Elective Affinities as an immoral work. 143 Taylor's story intends to render both the idea of spiritualism and of elective affinities ridiculous, and hence stands, in its attitude toward the moral question involved, diametrically opposed to Goethe's thesis. The situation which develops is the same. Fredridi Theodor Vischer in Das Schdne und die Kunst analyzes the construction of 98

the German plot thus. 144 "In Goethe's 'Wahlverwandtschaften' stehen sich die Figuren ungemein symmetrisch gegenüber, wie ausgezirkelt, fast zu fühlbar: Eduard und seine Frau, der Hauptmann und Ottilie. Die zwei Paare werden wie magnetisch übers Kreuz angezogen. Sie können das Skelett der Komposition mit Punkten und Linien konstruieren." The same chiasmic condition is found to obtrude itself in Taylor's plot. Mrs. and Mr. Stilton correspond to Goethe's married couple, Charlotte and Eduard; Miss Abby Fetters and John to Ottilie and the Captain. The solution of both plots may be represented by the chemical equation, AB + CD = AD + BC, in which in each case, A is the wife; B, the husband; C the young unmarried women and D the unmarried man. Of course Taylor's story concerns itself mainly with spiritualism, an element not found in Goethe's novel. Aside from this basic structure of the stories, there is much in the individual thoughts expressed by Taylor's characters which seems to repeat Goethe. In addition to the frequent occurrence of the word "affinity" 1 4 5 and similar terms, such as "spiritual harmonies," 146 such expressions as: "The soul had a right to seek a kindred s o u l . . . . Having found, they belonged to each other," 1 4 7 and "The doctrine of affinities had sometime before been adopted by the circle," 1 4 8 are entirely in the spirit of Goethe's work. I would compare especially the following passages: 149 "The elements of soul-matter are differently combined in different individuals, and there are affinities and repulsions, just as there are in the chemical elements. Your feelings are chemical not moral. A want of affinity does not necessarily imply an existing evil in the other party", with the material contained in the "Erster Teil," "Viertes Kapital" of the Wahlverwandtschaften150 and more particularly with the lines: 151 "Lassen Sie midi gestehen, . . . wenn Sie Ihre wunderlichen Wesen verwandt nennen, so kommen sie mir nicht sowohl als Blutverwandte, vielmehr als Geistes- und Seelenverwandte 152 vor. Auf eben diese Weise können unter Menschen wahrhaft bedeutende Freundschaften entstehen: denn entgegengesetzte Eigenschaften machen eine innigere Vereinigung möglich." Although Taylor's Poet's Journal did not appear until December, 1862, 1 5 3 its contents had been completed a year earlier. The manuscript form of the volume in the Harvard University library, which is identical with the printed form except that it does not contain "Euphorion," is dated 1861. But even this date represents a lapse of six years since the appearance of Poems of Home and Travel. The contents of the Poet's Journal, which are in a large measure very personal and which the author himself admitted to be "a mixture of truth and poetry", 1 5 4 represent productions extending over the entire period from 1855—1861. It is in this volume that H. B. Sachs has indicated the largest Heine element, 155 calling attention to the facts that "On the Headland" "repeats Heine's favorite rhythm and also his longing and sentimentalityand that: "The same rhythm is found in 'Exorcism,' 'Squandered Lives,' 'In Winter', etc." Now, Mr. Sachs knew that Taylor possessed a copy of Leland's translation of Heine's Reisebilder and had read it in company with Thackeray in 185 5, 1 5 6 but he was probably not cognizant of the fact that of the four poems which he named 7*

99

as suggestive of Heine, the first three, and they alone of all the Poet's Journal, were composed in 1855.157 This new observation dispells all doubt as to the connection between Heine's "Lieder" and Taylor's three compositions. As far as "On the Headland" is concerned such corroborative evidence was scarcely necessary. Anyone reading this poem and comparing it with the first sixteen of Heine's "Heimkehr" must perforce reach the conclusion already suggested by Sachs. Especially "Wir sassen am Fischerhause" 158 and "Die Mowe flog hin und wieder," 159 recur to us in reading "On the Headland." And when Taylor, after a passionate lament: I have a mouth for kisses, But there's no one to give and take; I have a heart in my bosom Beating for nobody's sake, etc.

launches into the strain:

I could fondle the fisherman's baby, And rock it into rest; I could take the sunburnt sailor Like a brother, to my breast, etc.

who would fail to hear therein echoes of Heine? So far Mr. Sachs must be commended for his detection, but he has allowed himself to evade a lot of difficulties by the use of the little "etc". There is one other poem in the volume in which the disconsolate poet bemoans the loss of his beloved in exactly the same verse-form as that employed in the poems indicated by Sachs. This poem is "Atonement". But the stanzas common to Heine, the above stanza with tetrametric lines or with the first and third lines tetrametric and the second and fourth in trimeter, characterize most of the lyrics in the "Poets Journal." Further, practically all of the lyrics of the first two evenings are likewise pervaded by a mood of longing and despondency. Taylor himself has unwittingly struck the key-note of most of the volume in the verses.160 The gift of Song was chiefly lent T o give consoling music for the joys We lack, and not for those which we possess.

It would therefore seem that Sachs means to include some of these lyrics in the Heinesque element. It may be that, having a nucleus of the three oldest lyrics in this collection written in what we may call the stanza of Heine, Taylor was, for the sake of uniformity, somewhat influenced thereby in writing most of the remaining lyrics (1856—1860) to make use of this meter with variations, even as Heine had done. But, of course, this is not the whole story. It would seem that Taylor had learned consciously or unconsciously, partly from Heine, no doubt; partly from German song in general that this four line stanza, with verses tetrameteric or shorter and riming generally, not in couplets, but characteristically abcb, was a vehicle par excellence for the conveyance of lyrics which well from the common human heart and whose mood is sad. 181 It is noteworthy that in the lyrics of Taylor's third evening when the mood is no longer sombre, this type of stanza occurs less frequently. A glance at the three translations appended to The Poet's Journal, "The Shepherd's Lament" from Goethe, "The Garden of Roses" and "The Three 100

S o n g s " 1 6 2 f r o m U h l a n d , shows T a y l o r ' s f a m i l a r i t y w i t h this t y p e of s t a n z a in other G e r m a n poets a n d its use in f o l k - l i k e song of s o r r o w . H e r e , as elsewhere in his translations, T a y l o r , b y adhering closely to the f o r m of the original without doing violence to the sense, p r o d u c e d renditions w o r t h y of his pen. T h i s v o l u m e contains also t w o snatches of translation f r o m Faust. The " S o l d i e r ' s S o n g " , a l r e a d y mentioned a b o v e , 1 6 3 a n d t w e l v e lines f r o m the " H e l e n a " 1 6 4 which p r o b a b l y constitute T a y l o r ' s first p u b l i c a t i o n of a translation f r o m the S e c o n d P a r t of Faust. U n l i k e the " S o l d i e r ' s S o n g , " this latter p a s s a g e d i f f e r s f r o m the f i n a l version of 1871 b y being less close to the original. T h e s e verses f r o m Faust are p r e f i x e d to an original p o e m which T a y l o r w r o t e a b o u t the close of the y e a r 1861 on the death of a y o u n g son of R . H . S t o d d a r d a n d called " E u p h o r i o n . " A s G o e t h e h a d sung of B y r o n in the f o r m of E u p h o r i o n , T a y l o r here sings of the S t o d d a r d child. T h e presence of the p o e m s " I c a r u s " a n d the " P a s s i n g of the S i r e n s " in the same p a r t of T a y l o r ' s v o l u m e in which w e f i n d " E u p h o r i o n " might l e a d one to believe that the lines Ikarus! Ikarus! 1 6 5 Jammer genug. in the E u p h o r i o n episode in Faust a n d the presence of the sirens in the " C l a s sische W a l p u r g i s n a c h t " in the act preceding that episode h a d induced T a y l o r to write on these themes. H o w e v e r , the d i r o n o l o g y of the p o e m s , the " P a s s i n g of the S i r e n s " ( 1 8 5 9 ) a n d " I c a r u s " ( 1 8 6 0 ) , argues rather f o r the reverse o p e r ation, but does not p e r f o r c e preclude the idea of a c o m m o n origin of all three conceptions in the F a u s t d r a m a . T h e n , too, the " P a s s i n g of the S i r e n s " is d r a m a t i c in f o r m , a thing not c o m m o n in T a y l o r ' s p o e m s . I t is written in blank verse. T h e m a i n speeches in the scenes where the sirens occur in Faust are in iambic p e n t a m e t e r couplets. T a y l o r ' s siren chorus 1 8 8 is in the characteristic meter of Goethe's " E n g e l d i o r " . 1 8 7 T h e r e are, h o w e v e r , n o f u r t h e r points which might be said to be c o m m o n to the t w o pieces. O n the other h a n d there is much in T a y l o r ' s treatment of these t w o classical subjects which is entirely foreign to Faust. M o r e o v e r since T a y l o r h a d spent the winter of 1857 in G r e e c e 1 6 8 he might be e x p e c t e d f o r this reason to h a v e given poetical f o r m to some G r e e k legend. It is, therefore, not necessary to conclude that these t w o poems g r e w out of his reading of Faust. T h e v o l u m e contains t w o p o e m s w h o s e v e r y titles a t once suggest G e r m a n literature, a n d whose themes are u n d o u b t e d l y of G e r m a n origin. W i t h T a y l o r the expression " p a l m a n d p i n e " c a m e to be a stock p h r a s e to designate a n t i p o d a l n a t u r e s . 1 8 9 T h i s i d e a is u n d o u b t e d l y b o r r o w e d f r o m H e i n e . F i n a l l y , in 1 8 5 9 1 7 0 T a y l o r published his " T h e P a l m a n d the P i n e " which is reprinted in this volume. T h e treatment in no w a y resembles H e i n e " E i n Fichtenbaum steht e i n s a m , " but, p e c u l i a r l y enough, T a y l o r seems to h a v e here imitated the f o r m of that poet's " B e l s a z a r . " " T h e C o u n t of Gleichen" is of course based on the w e l l - k n o w n G e r m a n legend. T h e p o e m recounts but b r i e f l y the legend of the C o u n t of Gleidien a n d is an o u t g r o w t h of the m a t e r i a l in the prose article, " T h e C a s t l e s of the Gleichen," d a t e d September, 1858, a n d published in At Home and Abroad. 101

Of the many forms in which this legend is found I have not been able to discover any one that agrees in all points with Taylor's narrative, but the account given in Ludwig Bechstein's Thüringer Sagenbuch is the nearest to it. The place of publication and the date of appearance of this German volume also make it appear to be Taylor's probable source. 171 It remains only to be noted that twice in the verses of this volume mention is made of a German poet. Each time it is of Goethe. 172 This together with the fact that the volume contains three translations from the German masterpoet indicates the ascendency of the Goethe cult in Taylor's life, which interest shall now be observed to assert itself continually until his end. Near the end of 1861 1 7 3 Taylor set to work in a new field of literary endeavor. Between this time and November 24, 1870, 1 7 4 he produced four novels on American life. A priori one would not expect this genre of work to be influenced by the German models and an examination of Taylor's novels justifies this expectation. Only a few months before he began his composition of Hannah Thurston Taylor criticized the long-windedness of the nine-volume German novel in general and of Gutzkow's Knights of the Mind and The Wizard of Rome in particular. 176 This observation might at least have had the negative influence of causing Taylor to confine each of his novels to one moderate-sized volume. Although no trace of influence from the German can be detected in the subject matter or structure of Taylor's novels, the first two contain numerous references, snatches of translation and other incidents which reflect their author's familiarity with German literature. Thus Taylor places in the library of Hannah Thurston "several volumes of Bettina von Arnim". 1 7 6 He has her speak of Carlyle's "Essay on Goethe" and his translation of Wilhelm Meister.17T Woodbury lends Hannah translations of Jean Paul's Siebenkäs and Walt and Vult.178 Reference is made to Schiller's Maid of Orleans,"9 Fouque's Undine and Sintraim180 [Sic!] and to a hymn by Carl Maria Weber. 181 Finally we find, not only a reference to,, but a translation of, Clärchen's song from Goethe's Egmont.182 The rendition is below the level of Taylor's performances. In fine Taylor's eagerness to introduce German titles and the like almost destroys the illusion and lets the reader see the author behind the mask of the characters. In John Godfrey's Fortunes one cannot fail to detect an autobiographical strain, Taylor's mild insinuation to the contrary not withstanding. 183 Hence John's early relation to German language and literature is, in the main, applicable to Taylor's own experiences. 184 In this volume too occur mentions and estimates of German literary artists and their works, but the opinions which the characters express, and the misstatements which they make, are those of the characters and not of the author. Here we find references to Heine, 185 to Schiller, "Goeethy", "Rikter", 1 8 6 "Hoffman", 1 8 7 "Richter" 1 8 8 and to "Peter Schlemihl". 189 There is also a short prose translation from Schiller, 190 four lines of a Latin drinking-song, which Taylor undoubtedly copied from his "Commersbuch", 191 and a verse rendition of a small passage from Faust192 which, together with its setting, shows that Taylor had recently finished reading and was probably translating the first scene of Goethe's drama. 193 102

There is another German author mentioned in this novel, Grillparzer. Anyone who reads John Godfrey's Fortunes is bound to realize at once that Taylor's "Ichneumon", otherwise called the "Cave of Trophonius" or simply "The Cave", is a sort of "Ludlamshohle". The question arises: Did Taylor have Grillparzer's "Selbstbiographie" in mind when he invented his "Ichneumon"? Surely the two places, one real, the other fictitious, are in a general way alike, saloons, wine-rooms, beer-cellars, where the literary free lances meet and, inspired by the gifts of Bacchus, present and discuss the gifts bestowed upoh them by the Muses. Such meeting-places are not necessarily rare phenomena, but not all of them happen to be called "Caves". Moreover, it is peculiarly significant that the only reference to Grillparzer in Taylor's works occurs at one of the assemblages in the "Cave" when, in answer to a suggestion that the first number of the proposed literary organ of the frequenters of the "Ichneumon" contain a philosophical article, the moving spirit of the group in his flippant manner objects: 194 "It might do in Vienna. When my old friend Grillparzer founded his light Sonntagsblatt something like the Oracle in form he began with articles on Hegel's philosophy, the CretanDoric dialect, the religion of the Ostiaks and a biography of Paracelsus." Of course, Taylor does not intend that Brandegee's statements be in accordance with fact, nevertheless, it is noteworthy that in Grillparzer's Selbstbiographie, only a score of pages before the description of the "Ludlamshohle," is found an account of Grillparzer's first meeting with Hegel. 195 It thus appears as if the American author might have looked into the Austrian's autobiography and have found there a sort of prototype for his "Ichneumon." The two caves are very much alike. Since Grillparzer says of his Vienese cave that "es etwas Aehnliches, wenigstens in Deutschland, wahrscheinlich nie gegeben hat," 1 9 6 we are inclined to wonder whether, in Taylor's novel there would ever have occurred anything so similar had he not known of the existence of the "ludlamshohle." 1 9 7 Taylor's two later novels, The Story of Kennett (1866) and Joseph and his Friend (1870), show almost no indication of their author's interest in German. The lone reference in the former volume to the German proverb "who loves, teases" 198 might possibly be an indication that Taylor also knew Grillparzer's Weh dem, der lUgt, where we find: "Dodi sagt man, was sich neckt, das liebt sich audi," 1 9 9 but it is likely that the American had simply heard this as a current proverbial expression. 200 Taylor's familiarity with the relation which exists between Marstrand and the outcast Afraja in Miigge's novel Afraja could not have failed to impress upon him the potential effectiveness which lay in a similar relation which he brought about between his hero, Gilbert Porter, and the outcast Deb Smith in The Story of Kennett.201 In the. autumn of 1864 appeared the so-called "Blue and Gold Edition" of Taylor's poems. 202 This collection contains, in addition to the introductory poem, only a few new compositions, the eight pieces constituting the final section of the volume, called Since 1861. Five of these are war pieces. "Through Baltimore," with its refrain, might be called a war song. But the dates of 103

composition203 preclude the possibility of any of these poems being among those "war songs" which, we are told, Bayard Taylor busily wrote "to German melodies" in the fall of 1861. 204 It seems strange that none of these later "war songs" were printed in the "Blue and Gold" collection. Hence we find no German element in the new poems in this volume. If every one of Taylor's works were prefaced with an "introductory note" like that which precedes The Picture of St. John, very little research would be required to determine the sources of the various components of the compositions. Here the author explains that, in endeavoring "to strike a middle course between the almost inevitable monotony of an unvarying stanza and the loose character which the heroic measure assumes when arbitrarily rhymed," 205 there occurred to him "but one instance in which the experiment has ever been even partially tried, the 'Oberon' of Wieland, wherein the rhymes are wilfully varied, and sometimes the measure, the stanza almost invariably closing with an Alexandrine." 206 Being "unable to detect any prohibitory rule in the genius of our language," Taylor decided to make this stanza the norm for his poem, except that he would avoid the final Alexandrine and "as frequently as possible use but three rhymes in a stanza." 207 The stanzaic form of the poem must therefore pay tribute to Wieland. Taylor's lines, however, are uniformly iambic pentameter, whereas Wieland's are of irregular length, hexameters being very frequent. In regard to the subject matter, Taylor tells us that it grew naturally out of certain developments in his own mind, the story being "unsuggested by any legend or detached incident whatever." 208 Therefore, if the following fundamentals are common to the themes of The Picture of St. John and Oberon, such similarities must be ascribed to accident, or perhaps, to a remote, unconscious influence of the German romance. In both poems a man of the North, Bavaria in Taylor's, France in Wieland's poem, goes to the South, to Italy in Taylor's, to Babylon in Wieland's composition. He dreams of the daughter of a man of high estate, a Florentine nobleman, in the English, a Sultan, in the German poem; sees her, loves her and is loved by her in turn. She is about to be married to a native nobleman whom she does not love. The Northern stranger becomes her saviour, steals her away and becomes her husband. To each wife a son is born after she has passed several months in an unfriendly clime. In each poem the son is mysteriously carried away. Here the similarity ceases. In other respects, especially in spirit, the two compositions stand as far apart as the poles. Taylor's depiction of the struggle and the development of the soul of the artist is entirely devoid of anything that suggests the grotesquely supernatural element which prevades Wieland's Arabian-Nights-like fairy story. There is too a suspicious likeness in the names of the principal personages. Wieland's hero is called Huon, Taylor's, Egon. Wieland's heroine, Rezia, after becoming a Christian is called Armanda. Taylor's heroine, Clelia, is also referred to by the name of Arminda. These resemblances in the forms of the names may be due only to the exigencies of meter, but the coincidence deserves notice. 209 104

Mrs. Haskell has already called attention to an echo of Faust in The of St. John?10 Surely the thought contained in Taylor's lines: 211

Picture

T w o spirits dwell in us; one chaste and pale, A still recluse, whose garment knows no stain,

and the lines which follow them resemble Goethe's212 Zwei Seelen wohnen, adi! in meiner Brust; Die eine will sich von der anderen trennen; Die eine hält in derber Liebeslust, Sich an die W e l t mit klammernden Organen; Die andere hebt gewaltsam sich vom Dust Zu den Gefilden hoher Ahnen.

But is must be borne in mind that this thought of the dual nature of man is widespread in literature 213 and is also the theme of Schiller's "Das Ideal und das Leben" which Taylor undoubtedly knew. Likewise, the thought expressed in the stanza LXVII (The Child) 214 seems to be a retort to the well-known lines of Mephistopheles: 215 Zwar sind audi wir von Herzen unanständig. Doch das Antike find' ich zu lebendig;

It is interesting to observe that the background of much of this poem is German scenery. Mrs. Taylor, speaking of the poet's activities in the spring of 1863, writes: 216 "Taylor again set out to see the Böhmerwald, where he hoped to find a background for his long poem, 'The Picture of St. John'." She adds: "In Kötzingen my husband found what he had been seeking the mountain valley that was to be the home of his hero, with Arber's head unshorn 217 looming above." The above constitutes the element which German poetry, in the printed work and in its animate forms of forests, valleys, and streams, contributed to Taylor's Picture of St. John?ls In 1869 Taylor collected into a volume a series of articles which had already appeared in the Atlantic Monthly,219 prefixed to them "A Familiar Letter to the Reader," and called the collection By-Ways of Europe. Only three of these By-Ways are in German territory, but the articles in which Taylor has made use of his knowledge of German are three times that number. In the introductory letter setting forth the general nature of all his travels the author not only admits that there was a "grain of truth" at the bottom of the statement falsely attributed to Humboldt that Taylor had "travelled more and seen less than any man living," 220 but goes on to show that he regarded the commendation of his travels by Humboldt, Dr. Petermann and Dr. Barth, 221 as the highest attainable reward for his ventures. It is here, too, that he says: "The idea hovered before my mind for a long time [to write] a human cosmos,"222 and pronounces Goethe the only traveller in whom the scientific and literary, or creative, characteristics were thoroughly combined. 223 The three articles on Russian life 221 contain nothing of importance for us. "The Little Land of Appenzell" is unimportant, save for the fact that it affords the author a chance to display his acquaintance with Schiller and Wilhelm 105

Tell225 and his knowledge of dialectal German and gives us an opportunity to observe that his occupation with Hebel's poems was not without results. 226 As might be expected Montserrat leads Taylor to discourse227 upon the "Bergschluchten" scene in the fifth act of the Second Part of Faust. Strange to relate, however, his generally quick mind does not seem to have recognized in the resurrected Riquilda who "rose up alive, with only a rosy mark, like a thread, around her neck," 228 a possible source for Goethe's devise of causing the apparition of Gretchen to appear thus to Faust in the "Walpurgisnacht," 229 so as to evoke from him the remark: 230 Wie sonderbar muß diesen schönen Hals Ein einzig rotes Schnürchen schmücken, Nicht breiter als ein Messerrücken!

In the article on "The Republic of the Pyrenees" there is no German element, but Taylor assures his readers "that the name of Andorra on the excellent German maps, which overlook nothing, was the first indication of the existence of the state" 231 which he had. "The Kyffhäuser and its Legends" brings us into the midst of German lore. Here Taylor recounts the local legend of Peter Klaus which, he says, is "the source from which Irving drew his Rip Van Winkle," and adds: "It was first printed, so far as I can learn, in a collection made by Otmar, and published in Bremen in the year 1800." 232 Passing over for the present Taylor's meeting with the poet Friedrich Beyer, 233 we shall note his translation of Rückert's "Der alte Barbarossa" 234 and observe the fact that Taylor frankly admits: "Gustav Freytag, to whom I am indebted for some interesting information on this point [the legends of the Kyffhäuser] read to me, from a Latin chronicle of the year of 1050 . . ." etc. 235 Hence we may be quite sure that Freytag as well as Taylor is responsible for this essay. Also in this article Taylor displays his first interest to the "life" of Goethe. This probably marks the beginnings of his studies for the never-to-be-completed biography of Goethe of which we shall treat later. 236 "A Week on Capri" may be looked upon as a collaboration of Taylor and Gregorovius. Not that the American was assisted by the German, but because of the amount of aid he obtained from the latter's little work, "The Island of Capri." 237 It is not possible to cite every detail of similarity that exists between these two works. It is only natural that two articles descriptive of the same island should possess many points in common. I shall, however, endeavor to prove by the citation of selected features of resemblance that these points of contact are not accidental. In his very first paragraph Taylor tells of Jean Paul's and Gregorovius's conceptions of the general shape of Capri. Both these expressions are found in the second paragraph of Gregorovius's work. Taylor's article contains in ten lines of English verse,238 a translation of a Greek inscription originally found in a grotto in Capri. Here he tells us himself that his translation is made, not from the original, but from the translation of Gregorovius. 239 These two mentions of the same German author, who had also written a work on Capri, at least inform us where to look for the source of some of Taylor's 106

inspiration. A comparison of the two works discloses the following. Gregorovius wrote: "Even the far-famed wine of Capri is here called the Tears of Tiberius, as that of Vesuvius is called the Tears of Christ. I think the tears wept by a man like Tiberius must be exceedingly precious among the treasures of Nature." 2 4 0 Taylor varied this to: "A wine of the island is called the 'Tears of Tiberius' (when did he ever shed any, I wonder?), just as the wine of Vesuvius is called the Tears of Christ." 241 Gregorovius wrote: "The name Matromania, which the grotto bears, and which the people have with unconscious irony transformed into Matrimonio, as if Tiberius had here held wedding-ceremonies, may be derived from Magnae Matris Antrum, or perhaps from Magnum Mithrae Antrum." 2 4 2 Taylor writes thus: "The grotto of Mitromania a name which the people, of course, have changed into 'Matrimonio,' as if the latter word had an application to Tiberius! . . . antiquarians derive from the name Magnum Mithrae Antrum,"243 A coincidence of the facts might arouse suspicion, but a coincidence of both facts and "asides" establishes the conviction that Taylor was well acquainted with the work of Gregorovius. 244 In "A Trip to Ischia" there is only one reference to German literature. Taylor takes issue with Jean Paul's "imaginary description" of the island 245 but it is interesting to note that once again he had to ascertain how a German author had described the place before writing his own article. "The Land of Paoli" shows a reversion to Gregorovius. This time it is the latter's two volume work, Corsica, upon which Taylor draws. It might almost be declared that everything contained in Taylor's article can be found in Gregorovius' exhaustive work. On his second page Taylor quotes two verses from Seneca. These verses are also found in Gregorovius' work. 246 Taylor quotes Strabo in English. 247 The same passage is cited in German by Gregorovius. 248 A few pages further on, after giving some information found in the German work, Taylor quotes directly from the same page in Gregorovius on which that information is found. 249 On one page of Taylor's work we find a strophe in Italian of a Corsican lullaby and on the same page a stanza from another Corsican cradle song in an English translation. 250 This same lone strophe in Italian is found also in Gregorovius 251 and on the page immediately preceeding it is a German translation of a "Corsisches Wiegenlied" which contains the stanza given by Taylor in English. Finally, at the very end of his article, our author submits seven couplets of verse. Concerning them he tells us: 252 "We took the words of our friend Gregorovius, 253 and made them ours." They are the final verses of a poem which concludes the German work Corsica.254 This should suffice to establish the fact that Taylor's article owes much to the German traveller and poet, Ferdinand Gregorovius. The only question that remains is whether the reading of the German's work did not prompt not only Taylor's article, but even his very trip to Corsica. In the essay "The Island of Maddalena: with a Distant View of Caprera" Taylor devotes most of his space to Garibaldi, who, he tells us, 255 "in features and complexion shows his Lombard and German descent," adding: "In fact, the best blood in Italy is German, however reluctant the Italians may be to 107

acknowledge the fact." Such statements smack of German propaganda. Hence we are not surprised when Taylor, on the same page, writes: 256 "Before leaving his imprisonment at Varignano, he [Garibaldi] gave permission to the Frau von S , an intimate friend, to publish a German translation from which I take the chief part of the narrative." Thereupon follow four pages of direct translation from the German work. The only remaining essay, "In the Teutoburger Forest," contains, in addition to historical and legendary accounts of personages and places, much idyllic description and personal narrative. The historical and legendary material Taylor naturally received from German sources. He himself relates that he "picked up a description of the Teutoburger Forest, written by the Cantor Sauerlander of Detmold 257 a little book which no one but a fullblooded Teuton could have written. Fatiguingly minute, conscientious to the last degree, overflowing with love for the subject, exhaustive on all points, whether important or not." 2 5 8 This book, from which he makes one direct quotation, 259 may then be looked upon as the ultimate source of most, if not all, of Taylor's information. In addition to a comment which Detmold causes Taylor to make about Freiligrath, 260 the article contains short prose passages translated from Dr. Emil Braun 261 and from Goethe. 262 The Masque of the Gods, which Taylor wrote "in four days, almost at a white heat" 2 6 3 (February 16—19, 1872), has been everywhere regarded as a result of Taylor's occupation with Faust. The Philadelphia Evening Bulletin called it "a thoroughly Goethean work." 2 6 4 Professor Smyth, who rightly regards this work as the beginning of the third stage of Taylor's poetic development, writes: 265 "He was soon absorbed in the study of Goethe, and his mind was taking on the cast of thought that was to determine his future literary product, the first fruit of which was The Masque of the Gods." Mrs. Taylor says?266 "This drama marks the ripeness of the new intellectual development which had been preparing itself in the author's mind. It came after his translation of 'Faust,' that had taught him a masterly handling of form, and after a long and rare season of congenial labor and study." The critics generally were wont to center attention upon the metaphysical element in the work. 267 Taylor preferred to call this element "psychological." 268 It makes little difference whether we employ one of these terms, or call the work allegorical or cryptic, the fact remains that the supermundane theme is treated in a lofty manner involving much abstract speculation. It is, therefore, no wonder that in the light of the older criticism, which held up the Faust as an example sui generis of deep, abstract, metaphysical speculation, Taylor's Masque was immediately decreed to be „Faustian." Undoubtedly there are elements in the Masque which are ascribable to Taylor's familiarity with Goethe's masterpiece. There are perhaps also reminiscences of Schiller's philosophical poems. But the work must not be called unqualifiedly Goethean. Speaking of the reception of the poem Taylor wrote in part: 2 6 9 "I feel, at last, that I have some qualities of my own, not simulated or borrowed." He also makes mention of a notice of his Masque in a German literary periodical wherein the critic, who probably would have been more 108

apt to recognize echoes of Goethe than were the American critics, called the piece "one of the most remarkable and original poems which has ever been written in America." 2 7 0 True, the Masque is,, like Faust, a dramatic poem. It is, as Mrs. Taylor has said, rich in metrical form. Taylor's handling of the varied meters of Goethe's poem must have contributed to this feature of his own drama. In both poems there are choruses as well as dialogue parts. At the basis of both themes lies a breadth of view concerning religion, which Taylor designated for his poem as "not »»christian, but cwerchristian." 271 But in the general treatment of the subject matter the poems stand far apart. Whereas Goethe connects much of his lofty philosophy with quasi-real people, and has most of it spoken by persons who are real or purport to be real, Taylor allows his lines to be enunciated by mere spirits, abstractions, allegorical figures, and thereby gives to his work a sort of aloofness which makes it seem more metaphysical than Goethe's drama. As concerns detail, the first part of Scene Two, 2 7 2 with its Doric setting, its personified trees, rivers and mountains, its mention of the death of the dryad, the disappearance of the nymphs and the god of the stream, 273 suggests Schiller's "Die Götter Griechenlands." When Taylor writes: 274 For Beauty is the order of the Gods, he recalls a verse from the same German poem: Damals war nichts heilig als das Schöne.275 There are also other philosophical concepts in the Masque similar to those found in Schiller, but, of course, it would be unwise to assert that Taylor might not have come by the more general concept of his poem independently. The problem of Taylor's poem is to make an exposition of the nature of the Deity. N o t unlike the panentheistic conception held by Faust is the manner in which Taylor sets forth the Godhead. H e finds in each of the most various gods of the most different religions and states of civilization a manifestation of the one true, higher Power whom man in his present täte of development is incapable of comprehending. If we look up Beyond the shining form wherein Thy love Made holiest revelation, we must shade Our eyes beneath the broadening wing of Doubt, To save us from Thy splendor.276 The seed of this philosophy is contained in Faust, but, when "a voice from space," which represents the Most High, calls out: 2 7 7 Thou doest the work I set, yet nam'st thyself. I have no name. we have a very translation of Goethe's 278 Ich habe keinen Namen Dafür! used in a similar circumstance, an attempt to identify the Deity, but not by a corresponding character. When Taylor wrote his song of "The Sea," 279 he may have had the last part of the "Classische Walpurgisnacht" in the back109

ground of his memory. That the same figures should appear in two scenes based on the same motive is, however, quite natural. It may be concluded, therefore, that, in a general way, especially as regards the philosophical nature of the theme of his dramatic poem, Taylor was led by his occupation with Goethe; that, although some details resemble ideas found in Goethe and Schiller, and probably come from those sources, the poem is, after all, Taylor's own. The matter he may have borrowed, the manner he invented. Taylor's next volume, Beauty and the Beast; and Tales of Home (1872), a collection of nine short stories which had appeared in magazines during the ten preceding years, shows little that is traceable to the German. Of course, there are throughout mentions of the German language, German characters, German society, German music 280 and the like, to an extent not to be expected in the works of the average American author, but the references to German literature are few and unimportant. One article, however, is essentially a German piece, "Can a Life hide Itself?" Taylor was very probably incited to write this detective story by his perusal of German works of a similar nature, for, in the very beginning of the narrative, the story-teller relates: " I had been reading, as is my wont from time to time, one of the many volumes of 'The New Pitaval', 2 8 1 that singular record of human crime and human cunning." The background of practically the whole story is German, as are its principal characters. Taylor must drag in German literature. Therefore, he makes an "old friend" of his, "an author from Coburg," an actor in the story. With this author Taylor, the narrator, sits and listens to the overture from Wagner's Lohengrin282 and "hotly" discusses "the question of Lessing's obligations to English literature." 2 8 3 In "The Experiences of the A. C.," wherein Taylor pokes fun at the Transcendentalists of the Brook Farm type, he represents these good people as reading for hours at a time the works of Schelling or Fichte. 284 When we find among the frequent lyric outpourings of the sentimental Miss Ringtop a song beginning: "Thou, thou, reign'st in this bosom!", 2 8 5 we may be certain that the author has in mind the little German song, "Du, du liegst mir im Herzen." In March, 1873, appeared Taylor's Lars: A Pastoral of Norway. Although the poem was written in Germany, 2 8 6 it in no way shows any influence of German literature. Taylor's statement: 2 8 7 " T h e story is wholly mine own invention, and seemeth unto me entirely original." may be taken at its face value. The "singularly truthful reproduction of Norwegian landscape, manners, and sentiment" 288 in this poem is, of course, ascribable to Taylor's travels in Norway in 1857 and his acquaintance with Miigge's Afraja.289 We are surprised to hear Thomas Bailey Aldrich call Lars an "exquisite story, such as Goethe would have liked to tell," and add: " I t made me think of Auerbach's peasant idylls." 2 9 0 But when we learn that Whittier "said that 'Lars' ranked side by side with 'Evangeline' and 'Herrmann and Dorothea' the three finest pastorals ever written," 2 9 1 we recognize another link between the American "bourgeois" epic of the last century and its German forbears. 110

The Prophet (1874) was also written in Germany. Despite the fact that Taylor worked on this drama not only in Gotha and Leipzig, 292 but also in Weimar while pursuing his Goethe Studies,293 not the least trace of German influence is present. This is positively due entirely to the fact that this is "a dramatic poem on a strictly American subject." 294 When, in 1872, Taylor first proposed to bring out his "Pastorals" he called the poems to be contained in the collection "the waifs of ten years."29® Hence, when the volume did finally appear in the autumn of 18 7 5, 296 it comprised Taylor's minor compositions for a period of thirteen years, during most of which time he was intensively occupied with his study of Goethe, first with the translation of Faust, and then with the work preparatory to the proposed Goethe-Schiller biography. It is, therefore, natural that the Home Pastorals, Ballads and Lyrics should betray some results of his occupation with German literature. The whole section of the volume which is called "Home Pastorals" is written in hexameter, unrimed.297 Some of the "Ballads" 288 are written in the same meter, but with rime. Taylor's use of this meter, especially of the freer form without rime, is a result of his acquaintance with German hexametric writings. Not only Taylor, but American authors rather generally, some of them in emulation of Taylor's example, turned their attention about this time to the German hexameter. Mr. Delmar G. Cooke in his William Dean Howells, A Critical Study299 speaking of the latter's "The Pilot's Story", says: 300 "The poem came upon the mid-century revival of the hexameter, established in this country by Longfellow; and Howells never outgrew the penchant he then acquired for the metre." He then goes on: 3 0 1 "But Howells reinforced the impulse to write in hexameters given by Longfellow, going, as Bayard Taylor, directly to the eighteenth-century German popularizers of the measure. . . . The sketch entitled 'The Mowers' is reminiscent of Hermann und Dorothea In the North American Review for July, 1869, 302 in evaluating a new volume of E. C. Stedman's poems, no less a person than James Russel Lowell writes: "We are especially interested by the specimens of his translation of Theocritus. A good version of this truly charming and original poet is greatly wanted in English. Mr. Stedman, we feel sure, would succeed in giving us the standard one. We should only caution him to make his hexameters as easy of scansion as possible by the unlearned ear. The verse in English must follow German, not Grecian or even Roman models." Taylor saw and approved Lowell's comment and wrote to his friend Stedman: 303 "What he [Lowell] says of hexameters is exactly true. The Germans have discovered the best modern hexameter. I can rapidly give you an idea of it: Four feet dactylic, with an occasional trochee to vary the music. The fifth inevitably a dactyl. The sixth generally a trochee, but now and then a spondee, introduced when necessary to rest the ear. No spondaic feet in the middle of the line. This is the usual form, and it is very agreeable: — / — w / — u u / — yj / — u u / — 111

Try a dozen lines, and I think you will be able to get the effect." Evidently Stedman did make the experiment immediately, for within a week Taylor writes again: 304 "I gave you only one line as a specimen; of course the order of dactyls and trochees can always be varied in the first four feet, and an occasional spondee break the closing trochaic feet. The German hexameters — at least those of Goethe and Gregorovius 305 — are never monotonous. The October 'Atlantic' will have a 'Cedarcroft Pastoral' 306 in hexameters,, which I specially want you to read." The final statement is equivalent to an admission that his poem is an example of the German hexameter; and so it is, as an examination of its rhythm will demonstrate. Furthermore, the "August Pastoral" 307 is the earliest of the five pieces which constitute the first section of this volume. 308 The others are naturally modelled after the same metrical norm. Mrs. Taylor expresses the opinion that: 3 0 9 "these pastorals he conceived and wrote under the stimulus of this study of Goethe, whose 'Hermann and Dorothea' convinced him that the hexameter might be mastered in English no less effectively than it had been in German." Well might she venture this opinion, for it is a matter of record that "Taylor read 'Hermann and Dorothea' anew in the summer of 1869, while preparing his Notes for Faust."310 Although Mrs. Taylor has pointed out that the reading of Goethe's rustic idyll may have influenced her husband's choice of meter, she has neglected another consideration which naturally presents itself: Did the reading of Hermann und Dorothea not suggest to Taylor the treatment of pastoral subjects? If such be the case, it is only the general theme that was thus suggested, for Taylor's pastorals are not like Goethe's epic in any other way. The fact that Taylor's three main poems treat three seasons, "May-Time," "August," "November," recalls another German hexametric composition with which Taylor was thoroughly familiar, Goethe's "Vier Jahreszeiten," 311 which he read about this time. 312 However, aside from the quasi-seasonal themes and the fact that both the German and the English compositions are more philosophical than descriptive, there is nothing to show a dependence of the newer upon the older composition. Likewise written in hexameters and descriptive-philosophical is Schiller's "Der Spaziergang" whidi Taylor must have known. 313 This whole group of Taylor's poems is pastoral in the same way as the "Spaziergang" might be called a pastoral, the rustic description serves as a framework on which to spin fine philosophical discourse. It is impossible to establish the fact that Taylor had Schiller's poem in mind when he wrote his "August," as there is no external evidence on this point. Nor are any details of technique or expression identical. But many resemblances occur in the general nature of the poems and in the general method of treatment. Furthermore, in his very first stanza Taylor, referring to his reading in the works of three German poets at this time, mentions first the author of the "Spaziergang:" Therefore be still, thou yearning voice from the garden in Jena, 3 1 4

The poems are about the same length. An English translation of the Schiller's title would be just as appropriate to Taylor's piece as is the title "August." Both poets go forth into the blossoming nature; Schiller: "endlich entflohn des 112

Zimmers Gefängnis Und dem engen Gespräch; 3 1 5 Taylor, from his library, for vain is one's commerce with books "when the world and the brain are numb in the torpor of August." 3 1 6 Schiller's road is "der ländliche P f a d , " "ein schlängelnder P f a d " whidh "leitet steigend empor." 3 1 7 T a y l o r takes "the path by the pines, the russet carpet of needles, Stretching from wood to w o o d , " 3 1 8 which also leads upward, for soon he announces: N o w from the height of the grove, between the irregular tree-trunks, Over the falling fields and the meadowy curves o f the valley, Glimmer the peaceful farms, the mossy roofs of the houses, Gables gray of the neighboring barns, and gleams of the highway Climbing the ridges beyond to dip in the dream of a forest.

Schiller's path too had led to a height from which he could see, beyond the cultivated fields, "ein blaues Gebirg endigt im Dufte die W e l t . " 3 1 9 But compare with Taylor's lines above some details of Schiller's description of the intervening landscape! 3 2 0 Aber in freieren Schlangen durchkreuzt die geregelten Felder, Jetzt verschlungen vom Wald, jetzt an den Bergen hinauf Klimmend, ein schimmernder Streif, die länderverknüpfende Straße.

Both poets traverse, either in person or in spirit, or in both, the intervening tilled lands and towards the end of the poem find themselves on another highland. Taylor gains "the top of the ridge, where stands, colossal the pin-oak." "Yonder, a mile away, I see the roofs of the village." 3 2 1 Now T a y l o r observes: 3 2 2 Right and left are the homes of the slow, conservative farmers, Loyal people and true, Orderly, moral are they,

as Schiller had already observed: 3 2 3 Nachbarlich wohnet der Mensch noch mit dem Acker Seine Felder umruhn friedlich sein ländliches Dach.

zusammen,

When Schiller contemplates the cultivated fields, the distant city and other signs of human achievement, he philosophizes upon the whole course of human civilization and deplores the loss of the "Golden Age" which for him was synonymous with Greek culture. Taylor, in a like situation, does not enter into a formal recitation of the history of civilization, but none the less deplores the loss of the culture of ancient Greece and bemoans the limitations imposed by civilization as the world now knows it. Thus, as he strolls reflecting, the sight of " a sylvan creature of G a l w a y , " 3 2 4 nude and bathing in a brook, recalls to him the "bath of a nymph, the bashful strife of a H y l a s " and suggests the contrast between the sight before him and the beauty of a similar incident in the "Golden Ages." Then the poet laments that he has been denied an Arcadian existence. " W a s it the spite of fate that blew me hither, an exile?" 3 2 5 H e calls his "hunger unmeet for the times", an "anachronistical passion." 3 2 6 The record i m m o r t a l 3 2 7 Left by the races when Beauty was law and J o y was religion

is entirely in harmony with Schiller's characteristic point of view. These and like Schilleresque expressions abound in this part of the poem. 8

Krumpelmann

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Finally Schiller on the wild headland finds comfort in primaeval nature undefiled by the trace of modern civilization and concludes: Und die Sonne Homers, siehe! sie lächelt audi uns.

In closing, Taylor, in the twilight, afar from the dwellings of men, brings himself into a similar joyous mood, not by beholding in the sinking sun and in undefiled nature around him an ideal state, but by fleeing in the manner suggested by Schiller in "Das Ideal und das Leben," "aus dem engen, dumpfen Leben In des Ideales Reich!" Hence he closes: Thus, in aspiring, I reach what were lost in the idle possession; Helped by the laws I resist, the forces that daily depress me; Bearing in secreter joy a luminous life in my bosom, Fair as the stars of Cos, the moon on the boscage of Naxos! Thus the skeleton Hours are clothed with rosier bodies: Thus the buried Bacchanals rise into lustier dances: Thus the neglected god returns to his desolate temple: Beauty, thus rethroned, accepts and blesses her children!

It is safe to conclude that, had Taylor not known Schiller's "Der Spaziergang" and his other philosophical poems, the "August Pastoral" had never taken its present form. Again in the kindly satirical piece "Cupido" we find in the second stanza 328 a reference to the materialization of nature brought about by the scientific point of view. This immediately recalls once again Schiller's favorite theme. 329 The dedicatory poem, "Ad Amicos," initiates the Goethean element in this volume, for it resembles the "Zueignung" in Faust, which, too, is an "Ad Amicos." Both pieces are of approximately the same length; both are written in iambic pentameter with alternating rime, the rime of the odd lines being feminine, that of the even lines masculine. 330 Both are stanzaic, but the stanza length is not identical in the two pieces. The tone of each piece is that of a touching, but manly, emotion caused by recollections by the middle-aged poet of his youthful days. There is a contrast of situation presented by the two poems. Goethe addresses friends who have already passed beyond his world, Taylor addresses present friends. Yet we find in the latter half of Taylor's dedication echoes especially of the two final stanzas of the "Zueignung." I quote several stanzas and underline those passages which seem to be most similar. Sie hören nicht die folgenden Gesänge, Die Seelen, denen ich die ersten sang; Zerstoben ist das freundliche Gedränge, Verklungen, ach! der erste Widerklang. Mein Lied ertönt der unbekannten Menge, Ihr Beifall selbst madit meinem Herzen bang, Und was sidi sonst an meinem Lied erfreuet, Wenn es noch lebt, irrt in der Welt zerstreuet. Und midi ergreift ein längst entwöhntes Sehnen Nach jenem stillen, ernsten Geisterreich, Es schwebet nun in unbestimmten Tönen Mein lispelnd Lied, der Äolsharfe gleich, Ein Schauer faßt mich, Thräne folgt den Thränen Das strenge Herz es fühlt sich mild und weich; Was ich besitze, seh' ich wie im Weiten, Und was verschwand, wird mir zu Wirklichkeiten. 114

Taylor: Ah, nevermore the dull neglect, that smothers The bard's dependent being, shall return; Forgotten lines are on the lips of others, Extinguished thoughts in other spirits burn! Still hoarded lives what seemed so spent and wasted, And echoes come from dark and empty years; Here brims the golden cup no more untasted, But fame is dim through mist of grateful tears. So heard and hailed by you, that, standing nearest, Blend love with faith in one far-shining flame, I hold anew the earliest gift and dearest,— The happy Song that cares not for its fame!

This last stanza seems to play the role in the economy of Taylor's poem which the first two stanzas play in the "Zueignung." Mrs. Taylor finds a Goethean note in "Notus Ignoto," written at the turn of the year 1868—1869, and discusses this at some length in On Two Continents,331 Her remarks are quoted from manuscript notes prepared for an intended new edition of her husband's poems.332 "The poem may possibly have been suggested by some verses of Goethe's which occur in his 'Four Seasons'. They are marked in a volume of 'Goethe's Poems, New Edition', given to Bayard Taylor by Berthold Auerbach in 1868. The following is a translation of them. 333 T o invent is grand; but happy inventions of others Grasped and esteemed at their worth, are those not equally thine? Which is the happiest mortal? H e that another man's merit Sees and another man's joy feels as though 'twere his own."

It is true that the theme found in these lines of Goethe as well as the thought contained in the distich preceding the first one quoted above: 334 Immer strebe zum Ganzen, und kannst du selber kein Ganzes Werden, als dienendes Glied schliefi an ein Ganzes dich an!

do pervade "Notus Ignoto," but there is no nearer approach to coincidence of expression than the thought in Taylor's line: "Loss with gain is balanced"; and that in another of the distiches in the later added group: 335 Vieles gibt uns die Zeit und nimmt's audi.

At best only the general theme of "Notus Ignoto" can be found in the "Vier Jahreszeiten." Still another piece would Mrs. Taylor assign to her husband's interest in German literature. Again we quote from the notes to the proposed new edition of Taylor's poems.338 "We may rightfully consider this little piece of verse as a result of the poet's studies in German literature at the time of Goethe. It was first entitled 'Distiches' and later was given a place among the 'Improvisations' as number IV." 337 There is nothing in this composition which justifies us in calling it an echo from the German. It may well be, but we cannot demonstrate the fact. The poem was published in Harper's Monthly Magazine for November, 1872, and hence must have been composed at a time when the distiches of Goethe were fresh in the mind of the author, for he quotes from 115

the "Vier Jahreszeiten" in the notes 338 to the Faust339 and also in his lecture on Goethe. 3 4 0 Minor echoes of Goethe, and especially of Faust, are scattered throughout the volume. At times it is only a semblence of Goethe's voice which we detect, as: 3 4 1 'Tis not for idle ease we pray, But freedom for our task divine.

On other occasions the words of the master ring out clear and unmistakable, as in the lines: 342 Ah, moment Stay thou art all too fair! And Art alas! is long. 3 4 3 Our natures twofold a r e . 3 4 4 H o w Art succeeds, though long. 3 4 5

The Goethe element terminates with the very last piece in the volume, an ode to the German master dated August 28, 1875. The poem was finished shortly before that date, but it was on that day that its author read it when the Goethe Club of New York presented the bust of the sage of Weimar which was intended to adorn Central Park. 3 4 6 This composition is naturally permeated with strains from the poetry of Goethe. At Gotha, Germany, in August 1873, Taylor wrote the piece entitled "Summer Night. Variations of Certain Melodies." 3 4 7 Mrs. Taylor, who was with him when he wrote it, explains: 3 4 8 " T h e latter points to the lyrical suggestion he received from the impassioned strains of Beethoven's immortal setting of 'Adelaida' and other verses of Matthison combined with echoes from Eichendorf f's enchanting, dreamy 'Sehnsucht' and his verses: 349 Sind's Nachtigallen Wieder, was ruft Lerchen, die schallen Aus warmer Luft?

The mingling of these melodies furnish the theme of Bayard Taylor's 'Summer Night,' which he clothes in the form of a 'Sonatina'." The general atmosphere of the poem, the Klopstockian longing for an absent loved-one, has undeniably been inspired by the poems of Matthison and Eichendorff. T h e mention of Beethoven in the third division of the poem and its refrain "Adelaida" make it certain that Mrs. Taylor has correctly indicated its source. Were further proof necessary, several likenesses of expression might be adduced. 350 It is likewise easy to detect the title and the first six verses of Taylor's poem in the first stanza of Eichendorff's "Sehnsucht." 3 5 1 Es sdieinen so golden die Sterne, Am Fenster idi einsam stand Und hörte aus weiter Ferne Ein Posthorn im stillen Land. Das H e r z mir im Leib entbrennte, Da hab' ich mir heimlich gedacht: Ach, wer da mitreiten könnte In der prächtigen Sommernacht!

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Taylor:

Under the full-blown linden and the plane, T h a t link their arms above In mute, mysterious love, I hear the strain!

Is it the far postilion's horn,

Mellowed by starlight,

floating up the v a l l e y , . . , 3 5 2

I have been unable to discover any other individual poems of either Matthison or Eichendorff which admit of being held up as direct models for Taylor's poem. Several of them possess the same Stimmung and the characteristic motives nightingale, posthorn, etc., but such phenomena are only general. Furthermore, I am at a loss to understand why Mrs. Taylor has cited the four verses from "In der Fremde", 3 5 3 as a basis for her husband's poem. Any other of a score or so of Eichendorff's stanzas would have served just as well. Perhaps she knew that Mr. Taylor was especially fond of this stanza, or had marked it, or copied it. She must have had some reason. I think I can detect elsewhere a result of Taylor's intimacy with this stanza. If the German verses quoted above be compared with the stanzas which constitute "Improvisation V I I I , " it will be noted that Taylor has almost exactly imitated Eichendorff's form. 3 5 4 Then, too, the spirit and theme of both pieces are alike. A lover recalls the time when he, amid sylvan surroundings, was happy with his love. Now they are parted and happiness reigns no more. Witness their conclusions: Ich hör' die Lieder, Fern, ohne didi, Lenz ist's wohl wieder Dodi nicht für midi.

Silence and shadow, After, might reign; But the old life of ours Never again!

"Improvisation V , " which was published in August, 1873, 3 5 5 and hence must have been written shortly before "Summer Night," resembles in form Matthison's "Die neuen Argonauten." But here the similarity ceases and may, therefore, be a mere coincidence. 356 We know that Taylor was acquainted with Eichendorff's poems 357 and "the splendid passion of 'Adelaida'" 3 5 S as early as 1864. In 1868 he wrote: 3 5 9 "Eichendorff is the only poet to whom completely belongs the narrow borderland of moods and sensations." It seems that Taylor, whether induced thereto by Eichendorff or not, approached this "borderland" when, a couple of years later, he wrote his first "Improvisation". Before dismissing the volume, attention must be called to "Napoleon at Gotha," because the subject matter is German. It relates the attempt by a boy at Gotha to assasinate the Emperor. Evidently the poem has an historical value, for Mrs. Taylor assures us: 3 6 0 "This incident actually occured. The youth was my great-uncle, Wilhelm Xaver von Braun." Taylor's Echo Club, which was not published in America in book form until July, 1876, 3 6 1 more than two years after it had appeared in England, 3 6 2 was originally printed in slightly different form in the New York Tribune under the caption, " T h e Battle of the Bards." 3 6 3 Although some of the parodies contained in this work date back approximately two decades, 364 most of them, and all the dialogue parts were written in the autumn of 1871. 3 6 5 117

Naturally, parody and criticism of non-English authors could not be offered to an English-speaking public with any hope of success. Therefore it is only in the dialogue that we find any display of Taylor's familiarity with German literature. The material which his knowledge of the German contributed to the composition of this volume is of no particular importance, but the frequency and variety of the references to, and quotations from, the authors of Germany suffice to mark the work as Taylor's. These elements therefore demand some consideration. As early as 1854 we find Taylor writing impromptu imitations and parodies. Out of this sort of activity the Echo Club grew. It is, therefore, interesting to note his comment concerning his early endeavors. 368 "Did?, O'Brien, and I were talking the other evening about German ballads, and it was suggested, on the spur of the moment, that we should try our hands on something in the German vein. We chose 'The Helmet' as a subject, and had fifteen minutes to conceive and carry out our ideas. Dick wrote a very pretty thing. As for mine, I copy it as a curiosity which may divert you." Hence, although the printed volume, The Echo Club, contains no parodies on the German poets, it is certain that the "club" did at times concern itself with German themes. The German atmosphere of the meeting place of the club has already been mentioned.3®7 One of the members, "The Ancient," suggests that their new club is "a kind of Hainbund." 3 8 8 Taylor was careful to attribute all references to German, except one, to a single member of the club, "The Ancient," thus indicating that, although this member was very familiar with German literature, the others knew little about that subject. "The Ancient" represents Taylor himself. This being so, most references are naturally to Goethe. To that author Taylor goes to justify, so to speak, the activities of the "Echo Club." 389 "Young Goethe, we know, did many a similar thing. He was a capital improvisatore, and who knows how much of his mastery over all forms of poetry may not have come from just such gymnastics?" The work contains two brief quotations from Goethe, one in English, 370 the other in German. 371 There are two additional mentions of the same author. 372 Finally Zoilus proposes that the sessions of the club be closed "with a grand satirical American 'WalpurgisNight' modeled on Goethe's Intermezzo in 'Faust'," 373 which proposal is eagerly accepted by all. Unfortunately the printed report ceases here, but "the Nameless Reporter" tells us: "The plan was carried out, and I think was not entirely unsuccessful." 374 This fiction indicates that Taylor would have liked to write sudi a satirical work modeled on Goethe's intermezzo. Of Schiller we find but four mentions 375 in addition to one short citation in a translation by Coleridge. 376 In quoting once from Lessing, Taylor takes occasion to pay him the highest honor: 377 "Let me repeat to you what the greatest of critics, Lessing, said: . . . After Lessing, we can only accept Jeffrey with certain reservations until we come to Sainte-Beuve." Heine, 378 and Humboldt 3 7 9 are mentioned once each. There are several general references to German literature, 380 in one of which Geibel, Bodenstedt, Hamerling and Redwitz are called the most popular contemporary poets of Germany. 381 118

. An imitation of one of Uhland's pieces is found in the volume. "The Ancient" calls it "an American paraphrase of 'The Spring-Song of the Critic.' " 8 8 2 The paraphrase is not intended to be a parody of Uhland's piece, but is introduced because: "There never was a more admirable picture of that fine, insiduous egotism of the spurious critic, which makes him fear to praise, lest admiration should imply inferiority." 383 The paraphrase is in no w a y a very close rendition of the original. Rightly, "The Ancient" says: 384 "I have not translated any of Uhland's phrases." Even the form varies somewhat from that of the "Friihlingslied des Rezensenten" as the following stanza will illustrate. 385 Hm! Spring? 'Tis popular we've heard, And must be noticed therefore; Not that a flower, a brook, or bird Is what we greatly care for.

It is difficult to conceive of any other American author, who, in such a work as The Echo Club, would have interspersed references to German literature so freely as Taylor has done. The plan for Prince Deukalion, which drama Taylor first intended to call Eos;386 had matured in the author's mind early in 1875. 387 Actual writing began in March or April of the same year. 388 From then until the completion of the work, October 7, 1877, 389 Taylor always had the drama in mind, but actual composition seems to have been suspended between the spring of 1876 and autumn of 1877. 390 It is essential to bear these dates in mind, for, not only had Taylor been engaged for years previous with the Faust, but was even at this time revising his translation, 391 and pursuing his studies preparatory to writing the Goethe-Schiller biography. 392 It seems that the charge of imitation gave Taylor some concern. Even before finishing his drama he wrote to Longfellow: 393 "You can imagine the interest with whidi I read your 'Pandora'. The choruses are as fine as anything you have ever done, and I read them three times before laying down the book. Their rhythmical character is another point of resemblance to my drama, and I anticipate the charge of imitation from the same refined and intelligent reviewers, when I shall come to publish. However, I shall not let that trouble me, since you know the truth." The authors of Life and Letters inform us: 394 "He was hastened . . . in his intention to publish by the discovery, after his poem was written, of two poems, an English 395 and a German, 390 which so nearly approached it in design as to convince him that he was in a wide current of thought, and that unless he published now he was in danger of finding his work received as if it were a follower instead of an avant-courier." We know then that Taylor was influenced by none of these poems, but critics did immediately hail Deukalion as an offspring of his study of Goethe. The reviewer in the New York Tribune concludes thus: 397 "But as an artistic combination of poetical invention, philosophical reflection, and classical lore it gives authentic signs of a protracted date on the same line with the graver poems of Shelley and Goethe." In the New York Times appeared: 398 "Mr. Taylor flies 119

higher than Goethe; but were it not for Goethe's broad back, where would 'Prince Deukalion' be now? . . . 'Prince Deukalion' is what we may only expect from a too frequent perusal of the second part of 'Faust'." The Evening Post comments in a similar vein. 399 "A work which one might easily fancy, has grown out of the author's study of the German masters.... The author has succeeded only in part . . . whether because there is too much or too little Goethe in the conception and execution of the piece, we shall not undertake to determine." Likewise does the Boston Saturday Evening Gazette find that: 4 0 0 "Strongly impressed by his recent study of Goethe, Mr. Bayard Taylor has "written a poem that in form and treatment bears a closer relation to the German than to the English mode of thought." The reviewer in the Atlantic Monthly401 comments thus on the form of the work: "In the varied management of his Lieder, Mr. Taylor reminds us of his master, Goethe, and doubtless has increased a rare natural gift by experience in translating the lyrical measures of 'Faust'." This contemporary opinion of Deukalion has come to be the generally accepted one, and it is, in the main, correct. In form and in its general nature the poem betrays unmistakably the influence of Goethe. It is an error, however, to believe that the play is a result of Taylor's occupation with Faust alone. There is a similarity of theme in these two pieces. Taylor himself tells us of Deukalion:402 "The central design, or germinal cause of the Poem is to picture forth the struggle of Man to reach the highest, justest, happiest, hence most perfect condition of Human Life on this planet." This too is the theme of Faust, except that Goethe attempts to picture only the struggle of a man, and thereby attains a more human, less allegorical, effect. The critic of the New York Times is justified in saying that "Taylor flies higher than Goethe." 403 Taylor continues his argument: "But Knowledge, Religion, Political Organization, Art, and the manifold assumptions of the Animal Nature, by turns promote or delay the forward movement, make season after season of promise deceitful and cease not continually to assail the faith of Humanity in much that it possibly may, and rightfully should, possess." This, applied to the individual, is exactly what Faust experiences. Note, too, that the order in which Taylor enumerates the various provinces of activity is precisely that in which Faust encounters them, Knowledge, (Philosophie, Juristerei, Medicin), Religion (Und leider auch Theologie), Political Organization (Faust II, Act I, with a hold-over into Act IV), Art (Helena). There is enough in the poem which illustrates the "Wissensdrang" found in Faust, as for example, 404 But your concealed, undying woe Is this: ye have not sought to know.

as well as his "Tätigkeitsdrang": 405 Action, now, And waxing knowledge, destiny fulfilled, Restore the order of Titanic youth.

and: 120

T o find in endless growth all good In endless toil, beatitude.

408

or both: But I accept, even all this conscious life 407 Gives in its fullest measure gladness, health Clean appetite, and wholeness of my claim To knowledge, beauty, aspiration, power! Joy follows action, here, and action bliss, Hereafter. While, God-iulled, thy children sleep Mine, God-aroused, shall wake and wander on Through spheres thy slumberous essence never dreamed.

Likewise do we find the pantheistic view of Faust. 408 What eye hath known Him? What fine instrument Hath found, a s ' t were, a planet yet unseen, His place among the balance of the stars?

T o which we finally get the answer: 409 Seek not to know Him; yet aspire As atoms toward the central fire! Not lord of race is He, afar, Of man, or earth, or any star, But of the inconceivable All.

All these philosophical views are Goethean, not merely Faustian. Likewise common to a large number of Goethe's later dramatic productions, and by no means confined to the Second Part of Faust, is the richness and variety of metrical form which critics rightly designate as one of the acquisitions garnered by the author of Deukalion as a result of his occupation with the poetry of the German master. In his commentary on Goethe's Pandora,410 Otto Pniower observes: "Nach einem interessanten Bekenntnis in 'Dichtung und Wahrheit' (Bd. 25, 58 f.) hatte er jedoch das Gefühl, als zöge dieses Versmass [der fünffüssige Iambus] die Poesie zur Prosa herunter, und so suchte er eine neue Form, zu der 'Paläophron und Neoterpe' und das 'Vorspiel' von 1807 dem Rückschauenden wie Vorübungen erscheinen und die in dem Festspiel 'Des Epimenides Erwachen' und im zweiten Teil des 'Faust' wieder auflebt. Eigentümlich ist ihr ein Streben nach rhythmischer Mannigfaltigkeit, das in der 'Pandora,' wo beinahe für jede Stimmung und für jeden Charakter ein besonderer metrischer Ausdruck gesucht wird, bis zur Üppigkeit verschwenderisch erscheint.. . . Eine der Oper verwandte eigenartige Mischung von Drama und Lyrik ist das Resultat dieser Bemühung." The sense of these latter remarks might just as appropriately be applied to Taylor's Prince Deukalion, A Lyrical Drama. It is, moreover, a matter of record that Taylor was much interested in these later dramas of Goethe about the time of the writing of Deukalion. Mrs. Taylor says: 411 "Goethe's 'Natürliche Tochter' he considered 'a singularly neglected masterpiece,' 412 and 'Pandora' a wonderful poem." From a diary of Mrs. Taylor we acquire further information: 413 "1873 [Summer] we also read in Goethe's Works, and I remember that amongst his lyrical poems 'Prometheus' and amongst his dram, poems 'Des Epimenides Erwachen,' and especially 'Pandora' 414 were subjects of our interest and study. About this time also (but possibly before) the 'Protestantenbibel' which had been published recently occupied B's mind a great deal, and was of infinite interest to him. 415 It was 121

in this year also that B. became acquainted with a work of my late uncle, Dr. Emil Braun, 'Griechische Götterlehre,' which had some influence on his 'Prince Deukalion.'" Albert H . Smyth is responsible for the statement: 418 "Now [circa 1873] it was his ambition to give to American literature a poem in the style of 'Faust' or 'Pandora'.'' Also discussing Prince Deukalion Smyth writes: 417 "He read little in metaphysics, but mediated much on Goethe's 'Pandora' and the second part of 'Faust.'" This evidence tends to confirm us in the belief that the form, style, and perhaps content, of the Prince Deukalion may be Pandorian to a greater extent than it is Faustian. On the very title page of Prince Deukalion occurs the verse: Bestimmt, Erleuchtetes zu sehen, nicht das Licht. Goethe.

This line is, in essence, Faustian enough, but, in fact, it is Pandorian, and Taylor might have changed the color of the criticism of his drama, had he subjoined "Pandora, 958." Of course the general subject of Taylor's Deukalion and Goethe's fragment is the same the struggle of the Promethean descendents, the human race, to attain emancipation. Inasmuch as both authors are handling the same theme, there must needs be much in their works that would have been alike even if Taylor had never seen the earlier drama, but it can shown that at least some of the similarities are not accidental. The personae dramatis of the two compositions correspond closely enough. Only those characters which are identical or corresponding in both pieces are here cited: Goethe Prometheus Epimetheus Pandora 4 1 8 Eos Dämonen Hirten Phileros, Prometheus' Sohn Epimelia, Epimetheus' Tochter (later wife of Phileros) Helios

Taylor Prometheus Epimetheus Pandora Eos Spirits Shepherd Shepherdess Deukalion (son of Prometheus) Phyrra (daughter of Epimetheus) (later wife of Deukalion) Urania

The two poets do not follow the same course in developing the theme. Taylor has allowed his characters to run too much into types. H e leads us through the development of the theological history of the human race, whereas Goethe confines himself, in a general way, fairly closely to the Pandora myth. It is because of the likeness of some details that we are inclined to believe that Taylor, having become acquainted with Goethe's fragment and the "Schema" for its completion, resolved to make use of the same theme. It is noteworthy that both poets take occasion early in the composition to insult their audiences by explaining the name Epimetheus. Taylor: 4 1 9 "Only Epimetheus, the after-though ted, who receiveth access of vigor in looking backward, and groweth reversely from age to youth, etc." Goethe: Denn Epimetheus nannten midi die Zeugenden Vergangenem nachzusinnen, Raschgeschehenes Zurückzuführen (9 f.)

122

Further, it will be noticed that in both compositions the rejuvenation of Epimetheus is accomplished; Goethe, Schema; Z. 61. "Verjüngung des Epimetheus"; Taylor: 4 2 0 A n d locks of g r a y and gold are m i x e d a b o v e T h e i r equal brows.

In Taylor's play Urania (Science) appears just when Epimetheus is entering upon his course of rejuvenation and instructs him: 4 2 1 The clear lamp, colorless, Of high Truth I possess. In Goethe's plan we read "Helios" immediately before "Verjüngung des Epimetheus." It is hardly accidental that these spirits of light appear before the rejuvenation. The third scene of the final act of Prince Deukalion presents what seems to be the nearest resemblance to Goethe's "Schema." We read in Goethe: 422 Schönheit. Frömmigkeit, Ruhe, S a b a t .

Moria

and further: 4 2 3

Tempel Sitzende D ä m o n e n Wissenschaft, K u n s t Vorhang

The following is the stage direction to Taylor's scene: The court of a grand, dusky temple, with beams as of cedar-wood, supported by gilded pillars. At the further end, a veil, through which sculptured cherubim are indistinctly seen. On each side are thrones, overlaid with gold, set in the interspaces of the colonades." Here we have the "Tempel" and "Vorhang." 4 2 4 After the introductory soliliquy by Prometheus occurs another stage direction. The forms or phantasms of Buddha, Medusa, Calchas and Urania appear, and seat themselves upon opposite thrones. Agathon enters and advances to the center of the temple-court." Now we have also the "Sitzende Dämonen." 4 2 5 Urania represents Science. This Taylor tells us himself. 426 Hence we have Goethe's "Wissenschaft." Only one other characters appears in Taylor's scene, Agathon. It is not possible to interpret Agathon as representing art, but he does represent something high and noble, and transcends all the "Dämonen" including Urania (Science) just as beauty transcends science in Schiller's order of things, which, as we shall see, was not without influence upon Taylor when he was writing Prince Deukalion; so this more powerful spirit could represent nothing other than art. However, it seems best, and safest, to interpret Agathon as representing that which his name indicates Good, and thus to make him analogous to, rather than identical with, Goethe's only remaining character, "Kunst." But that is not all. We must examine Prometheus's soliloquy in the temple. T h e sportive genii of illusive f o r m , O f hidden color and divided ray, H a v e built me this, the ampler counterfeit O f thine, O S o l o m o n ! that l i f t e d u p M o r i a h into flashing pinnacles, A n d spoiled umbrageous Lebanon to roof Its courts with cedar!

123

Now why should Taylor introduce this temple as a second and greater Moriah? Look at Goethe's "Schema" and behold "Moria"! In a note on these lines of the "Schema" (37f.) Diintzer says: 427 "Die nähere Bezeichnung der Schönheit 'Ruhe Moria' soll nur die Seligkeit, welche die ideale Schönheit bereitet, in verschiedenen sich steigernden Bildern bezeichnen. Moria ist der von der Erscheinung des Herrn benannte Berg, auf welchem Salomo den schon von David vom Herrn befohlenen Tempelbau vollendete. Hier soll er, wie sonst Zion, die Burg Davids, die himmlische Seligkeit bezeichnen, wie Sabbath die stille Feier, Frömmigkeit, das andächtige Schauen, Ruhe, die völlige Ablösung von aussen und das innige Versenken." Taylor's temple is not a material one; it may well "die himmlische Seligkeit bezeichnen" or represent a vision of the "new Jerusalem of the Apocalypse." The soliloquy continues: Less than air is mine, [temple] The ghost of thy barbaric fane, yet meet T o hold the ghosts that deem themselves alive, As in a truce of spirit, when the Dead Float gray and moth-like through their wonted rooms, And send the hollow semblance of a voice T o living ears, the law that parts them both Being all inviolate.

The next verses of the speech introduce the element of "Ruhe," "Sabat." Such unconscious truce I now proclaim, as ever to large minds Holds bade the narrower passion, and decides. The conflicts of the earth must sometimes pause, Breathless: some hour of weariness must come When each fierce Power inspects its battered mail, The old blade reforges, or picks out a new, While measuring with a dim and desperate eye The limbs of Man's new champion.

Then Prometheus apostrophizes Agathon. Agathon! Thy soul is yet outside the fiery lists: The trumpet hath not called thee: as a child Thou waitest, but the wisdom of a child Must first be spoken.

Despite these verses it is hardly possible to draw a parallel between Agathon and "Frömmigkeit," the only element in Goethe's scene which is not accounted for. Agathon may respresent the good, but it is an active sort of goodness, 428 hardly to be designated as "Frömmigkeit." Hence the parallel is again imperfect. But we are not attempting to maintain that Taylor endeavored to carry out any of these scenes exactly as Goethe would have done, or as some commentator guesses Goethe would have done. We merely wish to demonstrate that Taylor had Goethe's Pandora more clearly in mind when he wrote his Prince Deukalion than has heretofore been realized. Goethe originally intended to call his drama "Pandorens Wiederkunft." 4 2 9 The return of Pandora is the point about which the whole plot revolves. In 124

Taylor's drama the return of Pandora plays no important part, but it is there in the background. Towards the end of the third act Prometheus says: 430 N o w should Pandora speak! Withdrawn the demigoddess sits, And silent, yet there flits A flush across her cheek, A soft light o'er her eye, And half her proud lips smile: Unto thy hope, the while, Be this enough reply!

Finally, in the fourth scene of the final act, Pandora does appear for the first time in the earthly abode of her family, 4 3 1 and gives counsel to her daughter Phyrra. It is evident that in Goethe's drama Phileros, son of Prometheus, was destined to wed Epimeleia, the daughter of Epimetheus and Pandora. In the "Schema" 432 we find the words: Phileros Epimeleia Priesterschaft Now in Taylor's play the wedding, some day to be consummated between the son of Prometheus, Deukalion, and Phyrra, the daughter of Epimetheus and Pandora, is the thread about which the external, material action of the plot is woven. That Deukalion and Phyrra have a sort of mission to perform, which may be called a "Priesterschaft," is evident throughout the drama. This ideal man and this ideal woman are not to celebrate their nuptials until the dawn of the golden age. T o them is entrusted the future of their race. Again we may quote a comment on Goethe's play to describe the situation in Taylor's. 4 3 3 "Deshalb [because they are "Antipoden"] empfangen nicht Prometheus und Epimetheus die himmlischen Gaben, sondern erst die nachfolgende Generation, ihre Kinder, sind reif für die göttliche Gnade. Phileros [Deukalion] und Epimeleia [Phyrra] werden zu Priestern des neuen Kultus geweiht." There is a likeness in the thought expressed in the final lines of the third shepherd in Pandora434 Reich' uns ein ehern Rohr, Zierlich zum Mund gespitzt, Blätterzart angesdilitzt: Lauter als Menschensang Schallet es weit; Mädchen im Lande breit Hören den Klang,

and that in the concluding verses of the Shepherd's song in Taylor's piece: 435 T o o blest the hour hath made me For speech the tongue may know, But my happy flute shall aid me, And speak to my love below.

This likeness may be due to accident, but hardly a coincidence is the similarity existing between the closing lines of the two dramas. Goethe concludes: Was zu wünschen ist, ihr unten fühlt es; Was zu geben ist, die wissen's droben. Groß beginnet ihr Titanen; aber leiten Zu dem ewig Guten, ewig Schönen, 436 Ist der Götter Werk, die laßt gewähren. 125

and Taylor: Now as a child in April hours Clasps tight its handful of first flowers, Homeward, to meet His purpose, go! These things are all you need to know.

There are a few isolated points in the American drama which suggest Des Epimenides Erwachen. Prince Deukalion begins with the awakening of a shepherd who beholds in the landscape around him destruction where formerly beauty had reigned. At the end of his soliloquy the shepherd hears the song of a nymph. This song is taken by the shepherd to be of ill omen. Then the shepherd hears "Voices (from underground/'43T and says: What tongues austere are these that offer help Of loving lives? that promise final good,

Greater than gave the Gods, All this is exactly what happens to the awakening Epimenides. 438 Wo bin ich denn? In eine Wüstenei, Von Fels und Baum beschränkt, bin ich begraben. Wie war es sonst! etc.

At the close of his first speech Epimenides too hears an "Unsichtbares Chor" whose song seems evil to him. 439 Dämonen seid ihr, keine Genien!

After this shorter speech he hears the "Genien" who sing words of promise: 440 Komm! wir wollen dir versprechen Rettung aus dem tiefsten Schmerz

etc.

At another point in the American play Calchas, boasting of how he has made a bond-slave of Urania (Science), says: 441 IJrania with forward-peering eyes, Saw not the vestments, whidi, to mark her mine, I laid upon her shoulders: suddenly new, Full-statured, with uplifted head she walks, And drops her loosed phylacteries in the dust.

This reminds of how in Epimenides Erwachen the "Dämon der Unterdrückung" succeeds in enchaining "Glaube" and "Liebe" by flatteringly bestowing upon them bracelets, costly girdles and other ornamentations. 442 In his little book, Aus dem Amerikanischen Dichterwalde, Rudolf Doehn, after summarizing the contents of Taylor's drama, writes: 443 "Dies ist in kurzen Zügen der Inhalt der Dichtung 'Prince Deukalion,' die unzweifelhaft an manchen Stellen lebhaft an Schiller's 'Triumph der Liebe,' 'Götter Griechenlands' and 'Die Künstler' erinnert. In dem letzten Gedicht stellt Schiller die Wahrheit personificiert als Venus Urania dar, die sich aber für uns Menschen der strahlenden 'Feuerkrone' entkleidet, um uns als milde Göttin Cypria mit dem Gürtel der Anmuth, als Schönheit zu erscheinen. Nach einem Gespräche mit Wieland soll Schiller indess diesen Gedanken dahin modificirt haben, dass schon hienieden, wie Bayard Taylor es andeutet, die Menschheit eine Bildungsstufe erreichen werde, wo Schönheit und Wahrheit, Cypria und Urania, sich dem Menschen als ein und dasselbe Wesen darstellt." Such an insinuation may be contained in Taylor's drama, but it is only "angedeutet," not expressed, and by no means developed. Taylor was familiar with Schiller's "Die Künstler" 126

and held it up as "an example of poetry crushed by philosophy." 4 4 4 H e probably bore Schiller's Urania in mind when creating his o w n Urania, who is, however, a much more limited creature, and more material. She represents Science and cannot reveal the whole truth. 445 No fond paramour Shall woo me for my beauty, save as truth Makes beautiful, or knowledge stands for love. my serener light Probes the dark closets of the mystic past, And many a bat-like phantom, blinded, shrieks For the last time, and dies: yet one more step, The final one, awaits me. Agathon: Yea, and that Thou canst not take. Urania: What hinders me? speak on? Agathon: Then thou wert a God! Urania: The Cause? the first impelling Force? The Ages may yet make me so. This is near as we get in the drama to an expression of the idea that Taylor's Urania may ultimately become absolute truth. Was wir als Wissenschaft hier gekannt, Wird wohl einst als Wahrheit uns entgegengehen represents a deviation, equally great, from Schiller's lines and from his conception of Urania. I find nothing that is common to "Der Triumph der Liebe" and Prince Deukalion. A shortcoming of Taylor's drama is it lacks a real human love element. The short song of Eros 448 is the nearest approach to an encomium to love. Several mentions of Taylor's acquaintance with "Die Gotter Griechenlands" have already been made 4 4 7 and there is no gainsaying that this drama gives further evidence of familiarity with it. Mrs. Taylor has pointed out the passage most like Schiller's poem, 4 4 8 compared it with that part of the German poem which her husband had translated 449 and made fitting comment. W e cite the lines from Deukalion and the essential parts of Mrs. Taylor's remarks. Gaea addresses the nymphs: 4 5 0 Ye highly live, more awful in the spell Of unseen lovliness! No need to quit Your dwellings, strike the dull sense of fear, And win a shallow worship: Man's clear eye Sees through the Hamadryad's bark, the veil Of scudding Oread, hears the low-breathed laugh Of Bassarid among the vine's thick leaves, And spies a daintier Syrinx in the reed. For him that loves, the downward-stooping moon Still finds a Latmos: Enna's meadows yet Bloom, as of old, to new Persephones; And 'twixt the sea-foam and the sparkling air Floats Aphrodite, nobler far than first These bright existences, and yours, withdrawn T o unattainable heights of half-belief, Divine, where whole reflects the hue of Man. 127

Mrs. Taylor says: 4 5 1 "The author of our drama, in the lines before us, draws quite another conclusion from that which Schiller sets forth . . . ; and we feel very much inclined to accept the speech of Gaea as an answer to the . . . verses of Schiller." When in her next speech Gaea says: F e a r not, sweet Spirits, w h a t unflinching law, T r a c k i n g creative secrets, M a n m a y f i n d In m y d e s p o t i c atoms,

we at once recall Schiller's : 4 5 2 Dient sie knechtisch dem Gesetz der Schwere D i e entgotterte N a t u r .

There are naturally scattered throughout the drama many minor points, philosophical ideas and shades of thought which seem reminiscent of Schiller's poems, but it is not possible to assert that they are the result of Taylor's study of Schiller. Any possible additional German element had best be designated as Mr. Henry Morford designates the Faustian element when he writes: 4 5 3 " 'Prince Deukalion' with its indefinable but actual resemblance to the weird 'Faust'." N o t without some justification did Isaac Edwards Clarke call Prince Deukalion "perhaps the first direct result" of Taylor's occupation with Faust.i5i After her husband's death Mrs. Taylor collected and published in 1880 in a volume called Critical Essays and Literary Notes a number of his minor compositions. These articles, which originally appeared in magazines and newspapers, form but a minute portion of all of Bayard Taylor's critical and editorial contributions, 455 but may serve as a representative cross section of the kind of thing that interested him and that he offered the public through the columns of the popular journals and monthlies. It will be noticed that four of the eight main essays deal with German literature. Enough has already been said about the article on "The German Burns." 4 5 6 The one on "Friedrich Ruckert", 4 5 7 written in five days (April 15—20,1866), 4 5 8 had to be condensed due to circumstanzes over which the author had no control. H e wrote to James T . Fields: 4 5 9 "Here is the Ruckert H a d you allowed me 12 pages instead of 8 , 1 could have made a more thorough article, with no more labor than this." This brief essay, occasioned by the death of Ruckert, displays our author's familiarity with that poet's works, offers a number of laudable translations 460 from then, and, because of the personal relation which existed between the writer and the deceased, is such as Bayard Taylor alone of all American poets could write. Aside from the features mentioned, the piece has no distinctive merit. The two articles "Autumn Days in Weimar" 4 6 1 and "Weimar in J u n e " 4 6 2 are pregnant with the literary atmosphere of the German Athens, but since they really constitute a study preparatory to the Goethe-Schiller biography, further discussion of their contents will be withheld for the present. Other references to German authors and their works found in this volume have already been mentioned in this investigation. Still others will occur in the following pages. In order to illustrate how Taylor found it almost impos128

sible to discuss literature at all without setting up a comparison with German letters, let us glance at some other passages. H e points out how Victor Hugo in his La Legénde des Siècles endeavored to avoid "all reference to the achievements of the German race." 4 6 3 In discussing Heavysege's Saul, he informs his readers that the author "divides the subject into three dramas after the manner of Schiller's 'Wallenstein'." 4 6 4 With Thackeray he converses about Goethe. 4 6 5 There are other minor mentions of German authors and works. 4 6 6 Among the shorter pieces we must not fail to call attention to Taylor's review of The Christian Singers of Germany, by Catherine Winkworth, 4 6 7 wherein T a y l o r demonstrates that he is also versed in German hymnology. Again in the little story " W h o was She?" which first appeared in the Atlantic Monthly for September, 1874, 4 6 8 are found elements which recall Goethe's Die Wahlverwandtschaften. T h e general situation in Taylor's story in no way resembles the plot in Goethe's novel, but there are at least two points which the American author may well have gotten from his German master. First, Taylor's story is based on the theory of affinities, which in this case act negatively. At the turning point in the plot we read: 4 6 9 " N o mysterious magnetic force has drawn you to me and held you near me, nor has the experiment inspired me with an interest which cannot be given up without a personal pang." Secondly, the book of aphorisms which Ignotus finds in the dell and which belongs to Ignota certainly suggests "Ottiliens Tagebuch." I t is not possible to match any of the American sententiae with those of the German, each for each, but a glance at the philosophy of Ignota discloses the general resemblance. 4 7 0 " I t makes a great deal of difference whether we wear social forms as bracelets or handcuffs." 4 7 1 " C a n we not still be wholly our independent selves, the main, as others do? I know two who do so; but they " T h e men who admire those bold, dashing young weaker copies of themselves. And yet they boast of perience!'" 4 7 2

even while doing, in are married." girls treat them like what they call 'ex-

" I wonder if any one felt the exquisite beauty of the noon as I did today? A faint appreciation of the sunsets and storms is taught us in youth, and kept alive by novels and flirtations; but the broad, imperial splendor of this summer noon! and myself standing alone in it yes utterly alone!" " T h e men I seek must exist: where are they? H o w make an acquaintance, when one obsequiously bows himself away as I advance? T h e fault is surely not all on my side." 4 7 3 There is another point to which attention might be called. T a y l o r describes the lay of the land around Wampsocket very carefully and clearly. 4 7 4 In one of his only two references to The Elective Affinities he calls attention to the careful manner in which Goethe describes his landscapes and cites the description in The Elective Affinities as representing "almost topographical exactness." 4 7 5 Mrs. Taylor, with the assistance of Mr. George H . Boker gave the public in 1880 a volume called The Poetical Works of Bayard T a y l o r . 4 7 6 T h e editors 9

Krumpelmann

129

have included a not inconsiderable number of heretofore unpublished poems which were found among Taylor's manuscripts in a more or less finished state. 477 Of the thirty-three pieces which now make their initial appearance in book form, many of which had, however, previously appeared in periodicals, few are in any way concerned with German literature. This is explainable in part by the fact that a goodly proportion of those compositions are occasional poems, written on non-German subjects and three others are pieces in which Taylor sought to conceal his identity. 478 To betray a knowledge of German literature in the last-named group would have been to defeat the purpose of their composition. However, the additional stratum contains two translations from Goethe, "The Song of Mignon" and "Hartz-Journey in Winter." 4 7 9 The former is rendered in a manner which does Taylor no special honor. Its shortcomings are compensated for by the translation of the second piece which, both in form and meaning, closely follows the original line for line, losing little of the strange beauty of the German poem. The lines entitled " T o Marie with a Copy of the Translation of Faust" have already been referred to and quoted. 480 That the "Epicedium," Taylor's last poem, composed for the Bryant commemoration in 1878, was written in Berlin was merely accidental, but the only other poem written during Taylor's last residence in Germany grew out of an incident peculiar to that country. "When driving from Gotha to Friedrichsroda he used to pass through the little village of Wahlwinkcl, where he saw in the gable of a peasant's house a stork's nest which had been there from time immemorial." 481 Hence the theme for Taylor's last poem is on a German subject, "The Village Stork." Thus, with the exception of two volumes, consideration of which has been deferred to a later chapter, 482 we have examined all of Taylor's publications in which there appears to be a German element. "The National Ode" (1876) has been passed over, for there the mention of Germany is only natural and incidental. 483 Likewise have we avoided mention of Boys of Other Countries, not only because of the juvenile nature of the work, but because the German story, "The Two Herd-Boys," is in no way more meritorious than the other tales contained in that volume.

CHAPTER SIX Proposed Works A few words must be said about a proposed volume of poems which points to the German as its origin. Nowhere in the printed material about Taylor is there any mention of this plan, but in Cornell University Library 1 is found a manuscript sheet eight indies by twelve inches which reads, and is arranged approximately, as follows: 130

Plan for an Anonymous Volume The Fakeer I. Book of Experience II. Book of Protest III . Book of Patience IV . Book of Faith or 4th. Book of Love? "Short, epigrammatic poems, Oriental in manner, without titles, bold, free, tapping all undercurrents of the time." This little piece of paper, which is positively in Taylor's handwriting, shows indisputably that at one time Taylor planned a volume in imitation of Goethe's West-östlicher Divan. The date of the plan cannot be determined. We know that Taylor considered publishing anonymously Lars (1873) 2 and The Prophet (1S74). 3 He also wrote about this time (1874) three short poems for anonymous publication.4 It seems likely, therefore, that it was also about this time, when Taylor was deep in his Goethe studies, that he conceived and reduced to paper this plan, to whidi, as also to his greater plan for the Goethe-Schiller biography, his early and unexpected passage to the Great Beyond denied fruition. On December 19, 1870, Bayard Taylor wrote to Longfellow:5 "It really gives me a new faith in myself to know that you hit upon the very plan which has been haunting my brain for a year or two. It is a grand undertaking, and I have been visited by doubts of my capacity to perform it, but a little more time, I hope, will give me full courage as well as better skill." These remarks, occasioned by the Cambridge poet's hint that the Pennsylvanian undertake to write a biography of Goethe and Schiller,® constitute the first direct evidence of Taylor's intention to attempt such a task. His statement that the idea had been haunting his brain for a year or two is borne out in fact, for in his article "The Kyffhäuser and its Legends" (1868) he devotes considerable space to a recording of his investigations into the ancestry of Goethe in the vicinity of Artern.7 Already prepared by his decades of occupation with the Faust, Taylor now directed his efforts to a more exhaustive study of Goethe and Schiller which endured until his dying day. Unfortunately, circumstances, pecuniary and otherwise, caused repeated delay of the actual writing of the work, and when Taylor died the proposed biography died with him. We have only scant evidence from which to draw a conclusion as to the manner of work Taylor would have given us, but from the data in hand and a knowledge of Taylor's capacity for such an undertaking, we may accept with some modification the enthusiastic prognostication of E. P. Whipple:8 "It may be safely predicted that the work, when published, will be the best, the most accurate, the most interpretative of all biographies of Goethe." Reference to Taylor's study preparatory to the writing of the twin biography are frequent enough in his correspondence.9 The biographer, at a great financial sacrifice,10 betook himself to Europe (June, 1872—September, 1874) in order to be able to gather material and information in Germany, especially in Weimar. In addition to the information contained in his letters, we have as 9»

131

results of his two sojourns in Weimar (Autumn, 1873, Spring, 1874), two essays "Autumn Days in Weimar" and "Weimar in June" 1 1 which, as Mrs. Taylor says, 12 "give evidence of the researches and studies of the author f o r that combined Life of Goethe and Schiller, which was written only on the tablets of his brain." W e can best convey an idea of what Taylor was attempting to do and the methods he was employing by allowing him to speak f o r himself. In a letter to A. R. Macdonough, written at Gotha on November 24, 1872, he says: 13 " W h a t you suggest about writing a life of Schiller indicates to me that I could not have told you, in detail, my plan of Goethe's biography. I mean to include the biography of Schiller within it, for the very reason that the two lives run together during so many important years. Let me try to make it clear by a diagram: Goethe Schiller

1749

1788

1805

O

O

O

1759

^ O

1832 f

O

Of

"The action of the two minds upon each other, the radical difference in their methods of development, yet the similarity of directions, give opportunities for a series of contrasts, whereby each explains the other. In many respects they are complementary. There is no work of the kind, even in Germany; no attempt has been made anywhere, so f a r as I know, to write a double biography of this kind. There are difficulties in the way, I admit; but if I can succeed in keeping each biography f r o m interfering with the interest of the other, up to the point where they join, the rest will be easy. I am collecting material f o r both at the same time, and also studying the composition of the society in Weimar and Jena during the classic period. I t is now possible to d r a w another and much more real portrait of Schiller than you will find in Carlyle's life, and a f a r completer picture of Goethe than Lewes gives." "Three weeks ago the G r a n d - D u k e of Saxe-Weimar (Carl August's grandson) invited me to dinner, for Goethe's s a k e . . . . T h e most important result of the visit to me was a pressing invitation to visit the Herrschaften again in Weimar, and a promise f r o m the G r a n d - D u k e that I should have all necessary facilities in making my Goethe researches. This makes my w a y clear in advance." "But I can't undertake any real work upon the biography before next s u m m e r . . . . I collect Briefwechsel of all sorts, read, assimilate, and quietly mature the plan." 1 4 A f t e r his autumn visit to Weimar Taylor wrote thus to E. C. Stedman: 1 5 "So much was crowded into my two month's sojourn in Weimar. . . . I had not been there m a n y days before I discovered that my translation was generally and favorably known; so I began to call, without ceremony, upon the people I wanted to know, and was received with open arms. During the last three weeks I was invited out to supper every evening, and thus drew deep draughts of the social atmosphere. I made no secret of my plan, and every one seemed 132

desirous to be of some service. With Baron Gleichen, Schiller's grandson, I established a hearty friendship. I am to go with him to his father's castle of Bonnland in the spring, and examine all the MSS. and relics of Schiller which the family possesses. Wolfgang von Goethe, who is both eccentric and misanthropic, thawed towards me, and I assure you it was a great satisfaction to visit him in Goethe's house, and to see the same luminous large brown eyes beaming on me as he talked... . Herder's grandson invited me to supper before I ever saw him, and Wieland's granddaughter, a sculptress, invited me to give my German lecture on American Literature in Weimar. One evening, at the hotel, an interesting looking man of forty,. . . took his seat opposite me, and we fell into conversation. Presently Mr. H a m i l t o n . . . came in, and introduced him to me as Baron von Stein, grandson of Frau von Stein! Fraulein Fromann, foster-sister of one of Goethe's loves (Minna Herzlieb), though a woman of seventy-five, knows and remembers everything, and she told me many interesting anecdotes. She was for many years companion to the present Empress Augusta, and enjoys much consideration; so when she said to me, 'I feel safe with you; I can tell you all knowing that you will use it only as I could wish,' and repeated the same thing to others, I was at once placed in the very relation to all which I wished to have established. I called on the famous old painter, P r e l l e r . . . . Preller and I became fast friends. He was once a protege, a halfpupil of Goethe, whose son died in his arms.16 Afterwards, when Goethe lay dead, Preller stole into the room and made a wonderful drawing of the head. Now, after forty years, he voluntarily made the first copy of it, with his own hands, as a present for me!" T o continue with Taylor's letter: "Schoell, one of the best Goethe scholars in Germany (now chief librarian at Weimar), is enthusiastically in favor of my biographical plan. He is utterly dissatisfied with L e w e s . . . . I am most happy to find that I have nothing of my conception of Goethe to unlearn, after knowing Weimar. My plan, at last, stands round and complete before my mind." " I must return to Weimar for another month in the spring and complete my studies there. Then Dr. Hirzel of Leipzig, who has the best Goethe library in the world, allows me to make use of certain materials, which will give me in a fortnight what would otherwise require a year's drudgery." Since Taylor in his published essay has discreetly omitted several of the intimate items found in the Cornell manuscript account of his interview with Preller, and since it seems that these deletions are worthy of historical preservation, those parts of the record which are absent from the "Autum Days in Weimar" are herewith presented verbatim: 17 "Last night, Oct. 27 with Preller: P. — The basis of Goethe's idea of Art is most simply stated, Wahrheit und Dichtung. First and most important, der Gedanke: after that Form; composition then the technical qualities of form and color, etc." "He was a little above the middle height, but always looked tall. He could not stoop, from a stiffness of the spine. If anything fell from his table on the 133

floor, he took a long pair of scissors and picked it up, as he could not reach it with his fingers." "Physically he was superb, and up to the last, expressed full life and vigor. I thought he would live to be over a hundred years old. When he died I could not believe it: I was as stunned as if a cannon-ball had suddenly grazed my head." "His corpse was wonderfully grand and beautiful. He was robed in white satin, and there was a crown of guilded laurel leaves on his head. Kanzler v. Miiller was opposed to my sketch, because he believed that Goethe himself would have refused to be represented in death." "Augustus v. Goethe was much taller than Goethe, and remarkably handsome. He was intelligent, capable, sympathetic and the most amiable of men. His passion for drink inherited ruined him. He went to Italy because it was not possible for him to remain in Weimar. He was often picked up out of the gutter. His married life was most unhappy, from this weakness. After leaving Eckermann in Enda, he went to Naples, and then came to Rome. (Kestner proposed a trip to Albano, Nemi, etc.,) which E. and Preller also made in c o m p a n y . . . . "I had not once seen him [August] drink to excess. There was nothing about him that betrayed it. He took his half-bottle at dinner, like the rest of us. After his death I noticed eight empty bottles (foglietto) near the bed, and asked the servant how they came there. He said G. always drank 8 such bottles every night! . . . "When I came back to Weimar, a few months before Goethe's death, he never spoke of his son to me never asked a question concerning the latter's death. Neither did Ottilie. Kestner wrote to G. 'He died in my arms.' Goethe's grandsons believed this to be the truth, and never knew the real circumstances until Wolf, four years ago, came to me, and asked me to tell him. As Meyer was still living, in Dresden, he could easily satisfy himself of the truth of all I said. What Kestner wrote was simply a lie." " Eckermann's book is wonderful he had a genius for letting G's words and manner simply go through him and represent themselves." B. T . "Is there any coloring of E's mind in what he reports?" P. "Not a particle: It is Goethe, as he lived as I knew him! There is nothing of the kind, so perfect, in literature. It is truth itself." During his spring visit to Weimar Taylor met Walther von Goethe and was admitted to all the apartments of the Goethehaus.18 He writes: 19 "The GrandDucal family was more sociable than ever, Walther von Goethe at last opened all Goethe's rooms for me and allowed me to see the hidden relics, and Schiller's grandson gave me his mother's own copy of the biography of her mother, Lotte von Schiller. Last week I spent mostly in Leipzig, where I made some important researches. My preparation for the biography is at last finished, and the two best Goethe-scholars in Germany Scholl and Dr. Hirzel are just the two men who give me encouragement to go on with the task. Now, that the preparatory drudgery is at an end, the rest will be delightful, and all the more so because I feel so capable of it." On his return from Europe 134

in 1874 he brought with him "a list of one hundred and seventy-five works to be consulted," 2 0 and hoped in a few months to be able to "push bravely f o r w a r d with the MS of the w o r k . " 2 1 "But all must be postponed until he could provide the means of living." 2 2 Meanwhile he did not abandon his project, but continued to "look f o r w a r d and yearn f o r the chance" 2 3 to work on the biography. T h e prospect of such a chance seemed to present itself in 1877, when Bayard T a y l o r was mentioned as a possibility to fill a vacancy in the United States diplomatic service. Taylor made it plain at once that he desired no other post than that of Minister to Berlin because 24 "there would be leisure enough in the course of three or four years to finish my Goethe work." " T h e position would at once open to me m a n y archives not easily accessible otherwise.", he adds. This same desire to obtain the Berlin mission, primarily for the sake of completing his biographical undertaking, T a y l o r expressed again and again. 2 5 When he was finally named Minister to Germany approval was almost universal. W e are informed by Professor H o r a t i o S.White: 2 6 "Als Taylor seine Beglaubigung in Washington empfing u n d Abschied vom Präsidenten Hayes nahm, feuerte ihn der höchste Staatsbeamte zu seinem literarischen Unternehmen an und legte es ihm ans H e r z , doch nicht zuzugeben, dass die Staatssorgen ihn zu sehr von seiner Aufgabe abbrachten." These words are probably an echo of the lines written by T a y l o r to Professor White's colleague, Willard Fiske, 27 whom the Minister-elect recommended to President Hayes for appointment as secretary of our legation in Berlin. 28 T o quote T a y l o r : " T h e Pres't said to me: 'I was determined to appoint you f r o m the first. I want you to stay until your Life of Goethe is finished, and not allow your official duties to prevent you f r o m working upon it. You must come back to us with the work complete.' H e also said he had read my Faust twice, with more interest than almost any other work." Despite the most universal approval, the Boston H e r a l d had to object conscientiously to the payment by the government of $ 17,500 to Bayard Taylor to give him an opportunity to write his Life of Goethe. 2 9 Undoubtedly Taylor's appointment increased his enthusiasm for his literary project and put him in a position whence he could summon all sorts of aids to his assistance, but it likewise delayed the actual beginning of the writing. In December, 1877, before his appointment as Minister, he had resolved to go to Cedarcroft the following spring and begin his twin biography. 3 0 But the next spring found him in Germany. O n his w a y there he visited Carlyle in London. In his little volume, Thomas Carlyle, Moncure D. Conway tells of Taylor's visits to the Scotch author and makes it clear that their interest in Goethe was the force which drew the two authors together. 3 1 Carlyle, at first inclined to scoff at what he considered the impudence of the American's idea, was soon convinced that T a y l o r was the right man to undertake the task of writing the Goethe biography. By the beginning of the summer of 1878 Taylor was settled in the German capital and was again on the point of putting pen to paper. H e wrote to Whitelaw Reid on the ninth of June: 3 2 "My books are unpacked, I feel eager for the task, and a fortnight will not go by before I write the opening chapter 135

of my biography of Goethe." As late as September the twenty-fourth he wrote to the same friend: 3 3 " I am now sure of securing two or three hours a day for myself, which is all that I need, and I have the most delightful and generous offers of assistance (in regard tb the Life of Goethe) from all sides." But Taylor was already mortally ill and in less than three months he was no more. Thus was all the toil expended on the " Hoffsammeln and Vorstudien," as he termed them, 34 in vain. He died in the line of duty, not only in the service of his country, but a martyr to the cause to which he had dedicated so many of the best years of his life, the opening up to the English-speaking peoples of the treasure-troves of German literature. We cannot but deplore the fact that practically all the biographical material which must have been gathered and reduced to the form of notes has disappeared. In addition to the information contained in the article, "The Kyffhauser and its Legends", the Weimar essays, and the Cornell lectures on Gothe and Schiller, there are a few manuscript notes in the Cornell collection. In a letter to Professor Harris of Cornell University, dated June 14, 1905, Mrs. Taylor calls attention to the fact that her gift contains "two sheets which belong to the material in writing which Mr. Taylor collected for his intended Twin Biography." These two sheets of foolscap paper contain general and miscellaneous notes about Goethe. In the Cornell Library collection an envelope marked "Collections for Goethe in general," contains seven items which must have had to do with the biographical studies.35 Surely Taylor must have possessed more notes than these. From them we are able to sense only one thing. The biographer was concentrating his attention on Goethe and was eager to obtain material which we might call "traditional" or "popular knowledge" about his hero. Taylor's own accounts adduced above will serve to illustrate at least one of his qualifications for the work which he had undertaken, an ability to win over to himself the persons who had the information and materials which were requisite to a successful accomplishment of his task. His letter to Stedman 36 also indicates that he meant to devote much space to Goethe, the man, and to introduce abundant personal recollections gathered in the Weimar Circle. The nature of the inquiries conducted by Taylor into the Goethe family-history on his trip to the Kyffhauser 37 region indicates that he would have put emphasis on the democracy of Goethe when he came to write his biography. Numerous passages in the two Weimar essays and in the Cornell lecture 38 make it evident that Taylor would have expressly undertaken to defend the moral character of Goethe and to show the master's love affairs in a better light. That in Taylor's day such a procedure was necessary is evinced by the following newspaper comment which is self-explanatory. 39 "It is said that a foreign residence will favor Taylor's plan of writing a life of Goethe. Such a task may gratify the author's enthusiasm, but it will hardly be acceptable to the literary world. Goethe's influence was bad, and it would be well to let him rest among other bad men. His 'Faust' will live, though it will be only read by a limited class which is attracted by the display of morbid genius. Taylor did not awaken the gratitude of his countrymen by raking up this 136

history of an old roue, however gifted the latter may have been. We have enough social abominations without supporting [importing?] any from the old world. It is therefore to be hoped that Taylor will spare us a resurrection of the German author. New York can get up so many midnight horrors that even the "Walpurgis nicht [sic!] were a superfluity." No one familiar with Taylor's criticisms of German literature could have any misgivings about his ability to handle masterfully the interpretative portions of the work. T o speculate more as to the probable merits and shortcomings of the proposed Twin Biography were vain. Suffice it to say that Taylor's reputation, his position, his ability, his literary connections, both in Euope and America, almost positively guaranteed an enthusiastic acceptance of the biography. It is therefore no wonder that, as early as 1872, two London publishers had bid for the privilege of bringing out the work 40 and that in the following year Professor J . M. Hart was clamoring for advance sheets, which Taylor assured him would not be ready for at least three years, 41 but which were destined never to come into existence.

CHAPTER SEVEN A Disseminator of the Knowledge of German On the occasion of the public dinner given in the honor of Bayard Taylor at Delmonico's shortly before his departure for Berlin as United States Minister to Germany, Professor Willard Fiske expressed the following sentiment:1 "He now goes to represent the United States in Germany, but for many years he represented Germany in the United States." Justifications for this statement are legion. It behooves us now only to call attention to some of the interesting incidents which mark Taylor, the author and litterateur, as the exponent of German literary interests in America. Soon after his return from his first visit to Germany, Taylor received a letter from the novelist Friedrich Gerstacker, dated Leipzig, June 26, 1847. The original has disappeared, but in the Cornell collection Mrs. Taylor has noted its contens thus: 2 "An Engl, letter from Gerstacker, Leipzig. It appears from it that they met in 1845 in Leipzig. He sends him his novel about Arkanasas and wishes to hear his opinion about it." Twenty years later Taylor promises the same author he will "inquire about payment for his articles in the Tribune." 3 Shortly after his first sojourn in Germany Taylor received another letter dated Cologne, August 21, 1849. It was from Ferdinand Freiligrath "introducing and soliciting interest for Charles Post, Dr. Grevel [?], Caspar Butz German revolutionary matters." 4 In the Cornell Collection is found a letter dated Chicago, January 6th, 1878. 5 It is addressed to Taylor and is from this same Caspar Butz. Since the letter is marked "Confidential," I hesitate to copy its contents directly, but its story is brief. Butz, in addition to some literary 137

reputation, 6 had acquired political influence in Illinois. 7 He desired to assist his friend and benefactor Taylor to become Minister to Germany. A certain prominent Illinois Congressman, Mr. William Aldrich, thought that Taylor would not be given the position because one Pensylvanian already held a good berth in the diplomatic service.8 Butz insisted that Taylor be appointed, emphasizing his extraordinary qualifications for the position. The Congressman, finally convinced, promised to use his influence in Taylor's behalf. Thus indirectly German poetry, which had attracted Taylor to Freiligrath, was in more than one way responsible for the selection of our poet as Minister to Germany. 9 One of Taylor's earliest tasks on the New York Tribune was to write up the foreign news. 10 Of course he was most interested in the news from Germany. When, in the spring of 1876, he became literary editor of the same journal 11 his contributions greatly increased. To use the figures of Professor Smyth: 12 "In 1876 he gave that paper two hundred and thirteen articles of every description, letters, reviews, and editorials. In 1877 he printed one hundred and eighty-five articles, and in the first seven weeks of 1878 thirtythree more appeared." An examination of the files of the Tribune, as well as of the lists of Taylor's contributions, found in the library of Cornell University >13 reveals that a goodly proportion of these articles, as well as those of earlier date, deal with subjects of German literature and scholarship. In fact, the enthusiasm which the New York Tribune continually displayed for Germany may be attributed in no small measure to Bayard Taylor's influence. Not only did the Tribune accept Taylor's metrical translation of "Die Wacht am Rhein" 14 and his article on Napoleon III, 1 5 a propos the battle of Sedan and the Emperor's abdication, but it displayed a pro-German mania almost unbelievable to the present-day American. Witness the lines which its editor, Whitelaw Reid, indited to Taylor when the report of Germany's triumph reached him. "Great news extra Tribunes, Sunday issue tomorrow, English and German, your Napoleon to be used. Schem16 holding hard to restrain himself from lager beer enough to keep in working trim, the Bowery gently and peacefully drunk, and the Tribune waving the North German flag." 1 7 Another typical example of the predominance of Taylor's German literary interests is found in Putnam's Monthly Magazine. In the years of 1869—1870 Taylor wrote for that periodical 18 the columns entitled "Literature, Art and Science Abroad." They were devoted primarily and preponderantly to German literary, artistic and scientific matters. When Taylor returned from Germany in the fall of 1874, after writing his School History of Germany and making his Goethe researches, his neighbors invited him to a picnic at Mt. Cuba, a few miles from Kennett Square. Even these quiet rustics had come to recognize their poet as a representative of Germany and, hence, amid the decorations of the pavilion on this occasion, "the German and American flags were interwined." 19 When a poem was desired for the ceremonies to accompany the presentation of the Goethe statue which was intended to adorn Central Park (New York), Taylor was called upon to compose it. When Miiller von der Werra wanted a poetical translation of his 138

"Deutsch-amerikanische Hymne zur Centennialfeier der Nordamerikanischen Union," he wrote to Taylor 2 0 who gladly accomodated him. 21 When Mr. W. H. Furness desired to help a German-American friend to employment, it was to Bayard Taylor that he sent him with the note: 2 2 "This will be handed you by a worthy man, Mr. Eben.. . . He wants literary employment. He has made an admirable translation into German of Poe's "Raven" which I hope he will show you." When American writers desired an opinion on matters having to do with German song, Taylor was often their refuge. 23 When an editor wanted an article on German literature for his magazine or encyclopedia, Taylor was often conscripted. Thus President F. A. P. Barnard wrote on March 23, 1876: 2 4 "Would you be willing to give me an article for the work named in the enclosed circular, on Schiller,? or on the Schlegels?25 or on both? We shall reach those names about the middle of April. It would be very gratifying to have your name on our list of contributors." On April 14, 26 President Barnard acknowledged the receipt of the Schiller article which appeared in Johnson's New Universal Encyclopedia, of which Barnard was then editor. Two years later, shortly after he had been appointed Minister to Germany, President Barnard wrote to Taylor the following letter: 27 March 16, 1878

Columbia College, New York President's Room

My dear Sir: I am very glad to know that the matter hinted at in our brief conversation the other evening strikes you so favorably. It is fortunate that our exigency and your convenience fall in so well together. Had you not been about to leave the country, I should have waited longer before mentioning the matter; since, until things are ripe, it is not one which could be well broached otherwise than orally. It is impossible to predict exactly when our condition will be such as to require action, but it requires no gift of prophecy to see that this necessity must arise within the next two or three years and it would not surprise me to find it forced upon us considerably within that limit of time. I wish to be prepared for it when it comes, for such things don't go begging, and unless we are ready with the right man, there's always danger that the man we get will be the wrong one. Bearing in mind the mutual injunction of confidence, I remain, Sincerely yours, F. A. P. Barnard Written diagonally across the top left-hand corner of this letter is a notation in Mrs. Taylor's handwriting: "There was a plan mentioned confidentially that B. was to be Prof, of Germ. Lit. at Columbia Col. after his return from Germany a prospect which greatly delighted him. M . T . " It is therefore probable that, had he lived, Bayard Taylor would have been the third holder of the Gebhard Professorship of German Literature at Columbia University. 28 139

All this and much more when Taylor had no official standing! After he had been named Minister, the Germans of New York hastened to demonstrate their approval in no mistaken terms. The Union Club of Philadelphia, the Goethe Club of New York, the German Minister in Washington, and others, gave formal receptions to do him honor. At midnight on April 4—5, after the great public dinner at Delmonico's, while Mr. Taylor was still in the parlors of the hostelry, a torchlight procession of the German Liederkranz headed by a band appeared in the street below and serenaded the poet-diplomat. Even this tribute was paid not so much to the official as to the poet, at least we have reason to regard it thus, for Taylor's relation to and admiration for Germany had always been a literary one. In his general utterances there will be found more words of condemnation than of praise for the political systems of that nation for whose spiritual achievements he had naught but eulogy. In his speech, made in German in response to the serenade, he dealt more with things of the spirit than with material things. The closing sentence is indicative of the tone of the whole. "Long live German Song and German Art!" 2 9 Four days later at an "Abschieds-Commers" given in his honor by the "Deutscher Gesellig-Wissenschaftlicher Verein" the speakers were Dr. F. Zinsser, Dr. A. Jacobi, and Herr Oswald Ottendorfer. All these incidents support Professor Fiske's statement that Taylor had long represented Germany in America, but they by no means constitute the entire or even principal basis for his statement. At that very institution of learning with which the name of Willard Fiske is so inseparably connected, Taylor, by his lectures on German literature, laid a further foundation to the title conferred upon him by the Cornell professor. On September 2, 1869, he accepted an appointment as non- resident professor of German literature at Cornell University. 30 From the year of 1869—1870 until the time of his death his name continued to appear in the Cornell catalogue as "Professor Bayard Taylor, M. A.," although there were years in which his series of lectures were not given. It would appear that the enumeration of the lectures contained in Smyth's little volume is correct. 31 He tells us that from April 20 to May 2, 1870, Taylor delivered lectures on Lessing, Klopstock, Schiller, Goethe, 32 and Humboldt in Ithaca and in June of the following year, a new series on the Beginnings of German Literature, the Minnesingers, the Mediaeval Epic, the Nibelungenlied, the Literature of the Reformation, and the Literature of the Seventeenth Century. In presenting to Professor Fiske the list of subjects of this series, Taylor commented: 33 "There ought to be 12 lectures, covering the ground from Ulfilas to 1700, but I cannot possibly write so many this year. A complete course on German Literature will require at least 36 lectures; but after this year I hope to add to my stock at the rate of 12 annually." Since Taylor sailed for Europe on June 6, 1872, and did not return to America until the autumn of 1874, the Cornell lectures lapsed for three years, but late in May, 1875, he again appeared in Ithaca and discoursed on Lessing, Klopstock, Herder, Wieland, Richter, Schiller, Goethe. 34 It seems that again in the spring of 1876 Taylor failed to give his course at Cornell, this time probably due to the fact that he was too busy with matters connected with the Centennial Exposition. His final 140

appearance on the Cornell lecture platform was May 21—29, 1877, at which time he repeated the lectures he had given in 1871. These discourses, which he prepared for Cornell University, Taylor repeated elsewhere, and always with distinct success. It is not possible to ascertain each occasion on which one or more of these lectures was given, but we do know of several instances when the whole course was delivered in one of the larger cities. Between the fifth and twenty-first of December, 1876, he delivered his lectures on German literature before the Peabody Institute in Baltimore. 35 In response to repeated requests in the winter of 1877, he gave "two courses of twelve lectures on German Literature" in New York city and in Brooklyn to audiences composed chiefly of ladies.36 Encouraged by the success he enjoyed on these occasions, he invaded the hub of American culture, and in the latter part of October, 1877, delivered his whole twelve lectures before the Lowell Institute in Boston. The success of this performance is attested to thus by James T . Fields, a man whose profession it was to pass judgment on literary productions:37 "When Taylor came here to give his lectures on German Literature, at the 'Lowell Institute,' the crowd was so great that hundreds were unable to gain admittance. Those masterly delineations of the genius and character of Goethe, Schiller, Klopstock, Lessing, and other famous men of Germany will long be remembered here, and we were all looking forward to no remote period when we should again hear his voice on kindred topics in that same place. No discourses have ever been listened to in Boston with more enthusiasm, or have oftener been referred to with delight since they were delivered." After Mr. Taylor's death the Cornell lectures, with the exception of the one on Humboldt, were published in a volume called Studies in German Lite> ature. In the introduction to this volume George H. Boker advises that "the reader will take these lectures for what they profess to be, at that value which the author himself set upon them, as a guide to intending students of German literature, and not as a profound commentary, addressed to those already familiar with the subject." 38 Mr. Boker further states: "The lecture on Goethe and that greatest of modern poems, 'Faust', and on that literary curiosity, half god and half mountebank, Jean Paul, are filled with the light of discovery, and abound with the most subtle and suggestive critical analysis." These features of these three compositions are also noticed almost univerally by the reviewers who, practically without exception, were favorably impressed. The reviewer for Scribner's Monthly says:39 "We know of no other work in the English language, which furnishes within the same limit, such an amount of accurate and valuable information concerning the epochs of German literature." The (London) Spectator finds that, 40 as far as they go, "they are the best English introduction to German literature that we have met with." Critics have done well, following Boker's lead, to draw a line of demarcation between the lectures on Goethe, Faust, and Richter, and the others contained in the volume. Eadi of the former group is the outgrowth of an almost lifelong interest in the subject. Enough has already been said about Taylor's relation to Goethe and Faust. The "Richter" lecture was not written until the spring of 1875, 41 but as early as 1843 Taylor, in a letter to a friend, 141

quotes from Richter. 42 In 1847 another quotation from that author appears in the Phoenixville Pioneer,43 During more than a score of years previous to the writing of the lecture Taylor had continually displayed an interest in Jean Paul. A journal entry of December 2, 185 3, 4 4 informs us that he read "Richter's Life" on his homeward journey from Japan via the Cape of Good Hope. In "A Walk through the Thiiringian Forest" written prior to November, 1859, 45 he quotes from Richter 46 and otherwise refers to him. 47 In the second series of "At Home and Abroad" (1862) Jean Paul is much spoken of. 4 8 In Hannah Thurston (1863) Taylor mentions Siebenkas and Walt und Vult.49 In John Godfrey's Fortunes (1864) he refers to Titan50 which he had recommended to his wife for reading three years earlier. 51 In By-Ways of Europe (1869) he refers to Jean Paul in "A Week in Capri" 5 2 and in " A Trip to Ischia". 53 Among other books by or about Richter sold from Taylor's library after his death was the "Life of Riditer", by E. B. Lee, Boston, 1864. 54 All these facts seem to indicate that already in the sixties Taylor had become deeply interested in Richter and was familiar with his life and works. We must agree with the critic for the Athenaeum who says that in this lecture 55 "Mr. Taylor rises above the elementary, and becomes subtly and suggestively critical." I should be inclined to rescue from the inferior classification the lecture on Schiller. True, it contains little or nothing that is original or exceptional, but it is the result of a long familiarity with the life and works of that author, and not the aftermath of a special, short, intensive study. Quite inadequate is the discussion given to Taylor's relation to Schiller by Ellwood Comly Parry in his monogram, Friedrich Schiller in America,,56 Taylor had been reading Schiller, translating from him and echoing his lines ever since his first visit to Germany in 1844—1846, as the foregoing pages of this study have endeavored to point out. Mrs. Haskell in her dissertation,57 and Mrs. Taylor in the introduction to The Poetical Works of Bayard Taylor",58 have briefly indicated this relationship. References to Schiller in Taylor's writings are legion and are not confined to any one period. As early as December, 1850, he prepared for delivery in Philadelphia on January 8th, 59 a lecture on "The Life and Genius of Schiller." In later years his Schiller lecture apparently became a most popular one. I am not able to state just how often and at how many places this discourse was delivered, but the following evidence should suffice to show that Taylor did much to bring to American audiences some knowledge of this German master. On September 11, 1871, he wrote to J . B. Phillips: 60 "I have agreed to give just 16 lectures in the West, leaving the arrangement to the literary agency in Chicago: my subject will be Schiller." One month later he informs Whitelaw Reid that his lecture on Schiller was really popular in the West. 61 I have found in the Cornell collection, 62 in close juxtaposition, two newspaper clippings containing comments on his Schiller lecture at Melodeon Hall in Cincinnati. The first pronounces this lecture "the best the talented gentleman has yet produced." The second reports: "This lecture of Mr. Taylor is certainly one of his best," and concludes with the words: "A more interesting lecture has never been delivered in Cincinnati." On February 12, 1875, the Schiller lecture was given at Steinway Hall in New 142

Y o r k . 6 3 In one of the diaries k e p t by Mrs. T a y l o r we r e a d : 6 4 " 1 8 7 7 , Dec. 17. B. h a d to leave f o r Cleveland this eve.» to give his lectures on Goethe and Schiller." If not with the critics, at least with the public, this lecture f o u n d f a v o r equal to that enjoyed by those on Goethe, Faust a n d Richter. Another discourse that was the result of a natural growth was the one on H u m b o l d t . H a v i n g known Alexander von H u m b o l d t personally since 1856, and being himself somewhat of a traveller, T a y l o r felt qualified at this early date to write about and discourse upon the German scientist. W e have already a n d shall referred to the essay which appeared in At Home and Abroad, 95 have occasion later to refer to the personal relation which existed between our author a n d the G e r m a n traveller. 6 6 ¥ e now wish only to follow the steps which led to the writing of the Ithaca lecture on H u m b o l d t . T a y l o r ' s introduction to Richard H . S t o d d a r d ' s The Life, Travels and Books of Alexander Von Humboldt, the sine qua non for the publication of that volume, 6 7 is dated "August, 1859," as is T a y l o r ' s volume At Home and Abroad mentioned above. A note in the Cornell University library, m a d e apparently by Mrs. T a y l o r under the year of 1859, says: 6 8 " W r o t e a new lecture Alex von H u m b o l d t . " In another of the Cornell note books occurs the statement 6 9 that on F r i d a y , N o v e m b e r 25, 1859, T a y l o r lectured on H u m b o l d t . This was ostensibly T a y l o r ' s first lecture on H u m b o l d t a n d the one which caused the long and bitter controversy between the author and the " Y o u n g Christians of V i r g i n i a " at the beginning of the following year. T o show the kind of treatment the champion of Goethe and the defender of H u m b o l d t received f r o m some elements of his fellow citizens, I shall cite short excerpts f r o m the correspondence which the controversy entailed. 7 0 Mr. H o w i s o n to Mr. T a y l o r . Richmond, Va.„ J a n . 23, 1860. " I I . T h e skeptical character of certain parts of your lecture on H u m b o l d t , which indicate that you do not f u l l y believe in the Divine Inspiration a n d authority of the Sacred Scriptures" etc., is given as a reason for cancelling a lecture which T a y l o r h a d been engaged to deliver. Mr. T a y l o r replied in p a r t : Indianapolis, Feb. 3, 1860. " I defend H u m b o l d t f r o m the charge of infidelity, stating m y belief that a deep religious feeling formed the basis of his character." etc. I n the manuscript collection of the " W e s t Chester Historical Association" at West Chester, Pennsylvania, there are two versions of the H u m b o l d t lecture. T h e original writing contains a line: " W h e n seven months ago, he lay on his death-bed." 7 1 This indicates that the date N o v e m b e r 22, 1859, f o u n d on the other M S copy, refers to the date of the original composition on the lecture which T a y l o r delivered three days after that date. In the longer M S version the words "seven months" are deleted and replaced b y a superscription " 1 7 years," indicating that this is an amended f o r m of the original, brought 143

up to date for delivery at Cornell University in the spring of 1877. This form of the lecture also shows that the pages dealing with Humboldt's religious beliefs were subjected to many deletions and amendments. I am not able to state just when or how frequently Mr. Taylor delivered this lecture before his discourse at Cornell in 1870, but subsequent to his first Cornell engagement he wrote a paper on Humboldt for Harper's Weekly,72 thus showing a long-continued and steady interest in this subject. The other lectures delivered at Cornell can hardly be said to be the natural outgrowth of a long and general study of the subjects discussed.73 They were rather results of a special effort or study made for the purpose of enabling him to produce a series of lectures. Of course Taylor's general familiarity with German literature had made him somewhat acquainted with the older writers and writings. His interest in Goethe and Schiller had given him a modicum of knowledge of the other authors of the Golden Age of German literature, but there is sufficient evidence to show that he was none too familiar with these subjects at the time he was appointed lecturer at Cornell University. First, Taylor's interest was primarily in the classical and post-classical authors. References to the pre-classical writers are seldom found in his writings prior to 1870. Secondly, previous to that date, his comments on the older literature and authors display rather a lack of knowledge than a possession of it; not that he often makes misstatements, but he confines himself to meager facts and never expatiates, as was otherwise his wont. A good example of this sort of thing is found in the essay, "Walk from Heidelberg to Nuremberg" 74 (1851), wherein he speaks at length about the literary glory of the latter town, but betrays no more knowledge of it, and apparently knew nothing more of it, than his guide, a girl of fifteen years, had probably imparted to him. Similar indications of what appears to be half-knowledge are also found in the article immediately following this one. 75 Thirdly, let us consult diary and journal notes available in the Cornell Library. 76 "1870. Mch. 17 B. is writing his lecture about Lessing for Corn. Univ." "Mch. 21 Studied in Klopstock for B's lecture." "Mch. 22 B. has almost finished his lecture of Klopstock, Wieland and Herder." "1871. May 12 B. has begun with his lectures for Cornell." "May 14 B. has finished the first lecture." May 21 Read B's second lecture." 77 "With these lectures Taylor had to be more careful than with those on more familiar subjects. Shortly after giving his second course of lectures at Cornell in 1871, Taylor visited the wilds of Canada. He wrote to the Tribune78 from Duluth, Minnesota, July 21, 1871, "It is not every day that an author is called away from the Gothic Bible of Ulfilas and the Parzival of Wolfram von Eschenbach to go to Lake Winnipeg," evidently showing that his pre-lecture studies had made quite an impression on him. And finally, as a German reviewer of Studies in German Literature comments,79 "Dass seine Mitteilungen durchaus auf eigener Kenntnis der behandelten Stoffe beruhen, ist wohl kaum anzunehmen, 144

aber man sieht aus jeder Zeile, dass er bei den besten Literarhistorikern in die Schule gegangen ist und in der Auswahl treffender charakteristischer Belegstellen mit feinstem Takte, mit dem Instinkte verfahren ist." The correctness of the above conjecture and the method employed by Taylor in composing the lectures dealing with the earlier periods of German literature are both established by an examination of the manuscript copies of these studies which are now located in the library of the "West Chester Historical Association" at West Chester, Pennsylvania. 80 A careful perusal of the material discloses that, in the selection of the poetical passages ("Belegstellen") which grace the lectures on the earlier periods, Taylor has made extensive use of the Geschichte der deutschen Literatur mit ausgewählten Stücken aus den Werken der vorzüglichsten Schriftsteller by Heinrich Kurz. 81 The sixth lecture, "The Literature of the Seventeenth Century," serves as the best points of departure in attempting to illustrate Taylor's method of procedure. The manuscript version of that discourse contains the following notations, page 11, "Kurz II, 245;" "Kurz II, 245 'Eile der Liebe'"; p. 16 "(original Kurz II. 258)"; p. 17 "(Kurz II. 266)." A glance at the pages indicated reveals that these passages quoted by Kurz are also included in Taylor's lecture. 82 Further examination proves that at least nine additional passages, quotations in verse and prose, as well as some critical materials owe their origin to the Kurz volume. 83 If, now, knowing the source of Taylor's selection of citations, we turn to the first lecture, "Earliest German Literature," we find that, although the manuscript copy contains no notes indicative of sources, all the German selections embodied in this lecture are contained in the selected passages found in the Kurz text and have been appropriated seriatim. Never does Taylor's passage exceed in length the one quoted by Kurz. In this lecture on the oldest German literary monuments, it is manifest that Taylor has based his renditions into English, first into prose and later in verse, on the New High German versions which Kurz places in juxtaposition to his dialectal selections. The manuscript shows that in Taylor's passage from the Heliand he has interlined the Old Saxon text with High German prose, evidently an intermediary stage before making his poetical English rendition. The fifth lecture, "The Literature of the Reformation," displays a similar, but less extensive use of Kurz. In the other three lectures, on strictly poetical subjects of the older period, "The Minnesinger," "The Mediaeval Epic" and "The Nibelungenlied," the manuscripts do indicate references to some unnamed text (or texts) from which passages have been excerpted, but only a few refer to Kurz, one, in the first-named lecture," (Kurz, p. 377)," two in the second "(Kurz: p. 399)," and none in the "Nibelungenlied." The last six lectures show no direct borrowing from any German source. Evidently Taylor's closer acquaintance with the subject matter contained in these lectures from "Lessing" to "Richter" enabled him to proceed without the necessity of having German critical works at his elbow. These lectures on the earlier language and literature show Taylor at work in a field where he dared to deal with material with which he was compelled 10

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to make quick acquaintance. Taylor was not only a poet and a worker, but he possessed an innate genius for the appreciation of literature. As a worker he assembled his material from the best sources, quickly and accurately; as a litterateur he interpreted with ability and lucidity the literary monuments which he treated; as a poet he selected and masterfully translated some of the most beautiful passages in the literature under discussion." In concluding this discussion, we cannot refrain from concurring with the words of one very competent to pass judgment on works on German literature, Professor Franklin Carter of Yale. 84 "That Taylor with his desultory training should have mastered the German language and have entered into the secrets of German thought, should, in addition to all else that he did, have become an authority on German literature was an achievement that deserves not to be forgotten. Of this achievement, its certainty and thoroughness, these books Studies in German Literature and Essays and Notes, and especially the earlier, give abundant testimony." In 1872 Bayard Taylor undertook to write during his approaching sojourn in Europe a school history of Germany for Appleton and Company. This task was assumed solely for the financial returns it promised, as Taylor quite frankly admitted on frequent occasions. To T. B. Aldrich he wrote: 85 "I hope that it will kindle a better fire under the household pot than all my good work has done." He informs William Winter: 86 "I was compelled to undertake the History for the sake of bread and butter." This task, which Taylor had proposed to complete by August, 1873, was accomplished between January 27 and July 28 of that year. 87 The author designated this labor as "severe and unremitting." 88 To his mother he writes: 89 "I think I never stuck at any work so steadily as this'History of Germany,' for it requires the closest attention." Perhaps the best idea of his opinion of the work and of his purpose in writing it is obtained from a passage in a letter to his friend, E. C. Stedman. 90 "If you get time pray look into the book; it is the only German history in existence, as a connected, unbroken narrative, and yet I think I have made a plain path through the labyrinth of nearly 2000 years. If the 'Rings' which decide on books for the public schools accept it, I am sure of being handsomely paid, which is my sole reason for giving eight precious months to the work." After much delay occasioned by the publishers, the work appeared in 1874. 91 It hardly proved as successful as its author had hoped. And yet, it is not entirely without merit. It is, of course, merely a complication. In his introduction Taylor candidly tells his readers: 92 "Besides referring to all the best authorities, I have based my labors upon three recent German works that of Dittmar, as the fullest, of Von Rochau, as the most impartial, and of Dr. David Miiller, 93 as the most readable." Taylor's history was reissued in 1897 by Appleton and Company "with an Additional Chapter by Marie Hansen Taylor." With some minor revisions by Sidney B. Fay, 9 4 it has been included in Henry Cabot Lodge's series, The History of Nations,95 as the volume on Germany. The work has gone through at least twelve editions. These facts speak well for the poet's short excursion into the fields of historical 146

writing. Furthermore, we have evidence that at least two German publishers were well pleased with this product of Taylor's industry. Herr F. H . Brockhaus, the publisher in Leipzig, wrote on September 6, 1873: 98 "I feel glad, as a German, that the history of our country has found in you such an excellent interpreter... It is even to Germany that you have rendered a great service by this work, since it will no doubt help towards a better knowledge of our development as a Nation. I sincerely congratulate you upon it." Mr. Taylor's remark: 97 "The offer of Dr. Auerbadi to publish a translation was equally unexpected and gratifying to me," shows that Auerbadi was enthused with the English work. Thus again, and in another field, do we find Bayard Taylor an acknowledged representative of German civilization, not only to his own country, but to the entire English-speaking world. We have only one regret to express concerning this historical venture; it was undertaken just at the time when Taylor was most enthusiastic about his Goethe-Sdiiller biographical researches. H a d he been able to devote to the latter task the amount of time dissipated on the History, at least some chapters of the biography might have been written before the poet's death. But here once more, as in so many of Taylor's undertakings, we have a case of "economic determinism" which decided against the higher task. One who has followed the career of Bayard Taylor must needs have been struck by the catholicity of his sympathies and the consequent extensive and varied nature of his literary acquaintances. It is safe to say that he was acquainted with practically every American author of importance in his day. Many of them he numbered among his intimate friends. In not a few cases a mutual interest in German literature served to make such relationships closer; in other instances a desire to learn from Taylor the excellences of that literature served to strengthen the bond of amity. Instances of assistance interchanged between Longfellow and Taylor in matters connected with German literature have already been cited. 98 Taylor also interested Emerson in his translation of Faust and in the proposed GoetheSchiller biography. 99 Even in Lowell, whose interest in German literature was none too enthusiastic, he fanned the smoldering embers. 100 But we cannot say that Taylor influenced the works of any of these authors in the direction of the German. In the case of Whittier the situation is quite different. Iola Kay Eastburn, who has succeeded in filling one hundred and sixty-one printed pages with a dissertation on Whittier's Relation to German Thought and Life, makes it clear that this Quaker poet was no student of German. 101 There was not a single German book in his library at the time she examined it. 102 But, she explains, 103 "the long years of close friendship with Bayard Taylor brought our poet perhaps into deeper touch with German literature and thought than any other influence.... His [Taylor's] many works on German subjects were well known to Whittier. In fact many, if not all, of Taylor's works were presented to Whittier by the author." Leaving the Abolitionist Quaker poet, we turn to the South and find that the two Rebel poets, Paul Hamilton Hayne and Sidney Lanier, despite the fact that they had both suffered greatly from the war in which Taylor's brother 10*

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Frederick died for the preservation of the Union, were warm friends of Taylor and were influenced, at least in some degree, by his interests in and imitations of German literature. Referring to the Picture of St. John, the former poet wrote from Copse Hill, Georgia, on April 7, 1896: 1 0 4 "The stanza selected, I should rather say, invented by you, possesses, to an extraordinary degree, the graceful pliancy of heroic narrative verse, (as practiced by Keats and Hunt), with the involved sweetness of the Spenserian measure." "I am about to study it with special care. Notwithstanding your successful innovation in regard to the form of your longest P o e m . . . . " A fortnight later, 105 still referring to the Picture of St. John, which he "finished reading studying rather " the night before, he continues: 108 "As for your measure, the more I study, the more I like it. It has a great deal of the peculiar balance of harmony which belongs to the true sonnet, and to my ear is as superior to the ordinary quatrain, ending with a rhymed couplet.. ." InHayne's volume, The Mountain of the Lovers (1875), 107 the "long, narrative" poem which gives the whole collection its name, shows what is probably the result of the Southerner's study of the Picture of St. John. Here "the stanza selected, I should rather say invented," 108 differs from the ottava rima and the Spenserian stanza, but is not so flexible as the eight-line stanza which Taylor modeled after that employed in Wieland's Oberon. Although Hayne's stanza is not a direct imitation of either the German's or the Pennsylvanian's it seems only fair to conclude, especially since Hayne had previously made no use of variations of the ottava rima,109 that Taylor's Picture of St. John, and hence indirectly Wieland's Oberon, helped to determine the metrical form of "The Mountain of the Lovers." It requires but a glance at the correspondence between Taylor and Sidney Lanier to ascertain that by an incessant display of his interest in German literature the former poet aroused the latter's dormant interest in this field. 110 In one of his last letters to Taylor, Lanier wrote "I have an unconquerable desire to stop all work for a few months except the study of botany, French and German and the completion of a long poem which I have been meditating." 111 A few weeks later 112 Lanier thus announced to his mentor the composition of his German poem, " T o Nanette Falk-Auerbach." 113 "Some time when you're riding in a street car; and haven't anything important to think about or rather, don't want to think of anything important, won't you be kind enough to read this sonnet (if you can) and find out if it is quite too absurd. Of course it is merely meant to please a friend here, a woman who plays Beethoven with the large conception of a man, and yet nurses her child all day with a noble sympathy of devotion such as I have rarely seen, being withal, in point of pure technique, the greatest piano-player I have ever heard." "I have been studying German in the wee minutes allowed by other occupations, without a teacher, and don't want you to think I would with malice prepense try to write a poem in that tongue." T o this communication Taylor replied on April 1, 1878: 1 1 4 "Both my wife and I find your sonnet quite remarkable for a neophyte in the language. It moves stiffly and somewhat 148

awkwardly, but it is anything but absurd on the contrary, informed with a distinct idea, whidi, moreover, is German in its nature. You have mastered the secret of the language already; now go on and master its literary treasures." Such was the encouragement which Taylor gave his brother-poet. Had not quick-following death cut off both the dispenser of this stimulus and its recipient, Lanier's literary productions would perhaps have shown increasing results of his interest in German literature. Turning to the West we must recall W. D. Howell's use of hexameter, especially in "The Mowers," and remember that D. G. Cooke has told us that Howells went "as Bayard Taylor, directly to the eighteenth century German popularizers of the measure," 115 and that, not only were these two poets friends, but Bayard Taylor was "the very first literary hero" whom Howell "met in the flesh." 1 1 6 When Howells was anxious to have his Venetian Life and Italian Journey published in the Tauchnitz series, he implored Taylor to request Baron Tauchnitz to accept these works. 117 Mark Twain, in a manner characteristic of him, acknowledged Taylor's superior ability in handling German. Complaining of the difficulty which he and his wife were encountering in acquiring a knowledge of German, he wrote to Taylor from Munich: 118 "We even go so far as to believe that you can read a German newspaper and undertand it; and in moments of deep irritation I have been provoked into expressing the opinion that you are the only foreigner except God who can do that thing." Coming nearer to Taylor's home we find that the poet served as mentor in matters affecting German literature to his lifelong friend, John B. Phillips. The latter translated extensively from Heine and other poets 119 and frequently submitted the translations to Taylor for criticism. The lively interest which Taylor took in this task as critic and the nature of the advice he gave is discernible to some extent from printed letters, 120 but more in detail from unpublished ones found in the Cornell University Library. 1 2 1 Another of Taylor's life-long friends, George H. Boker, turned to him for advice, encouragement and assistance when, in 1868, he was planning to write a dramatic poem "Tannháuser." 1 2 2 Probably urged in part to pro-Germanism by his friendship for the Taylors, Boker composed a paean on the occasion of the French surrender in 1870. Desirous of seeing this "German Unity" 1 2 3 poem translated into German, he again turned to Taylor. On the twenty-seventh of September of that year Taylor wrote to him: 1 2 4 "Your song is admirable: I like it as well as she [evidently Mrs. Taylor] does. It will be translated, no fear of that." The European career of the great Cornell scholar, Willard Fiske, was undoubtedly in a large degree the result of Taylor's Views Afoot,125 Surely Taylor gave the young Fiske invaluable assistance and enthusiastic encouragement in his first European adventure. 126 From May 15, 1850, until the time of Taylor's death Fiske was ever a warm admirer of Taylor, whom he recognized to be the outstanding Germanist in American literary circles. It was for this reason that Fiske, himself a reputable scholar in Germanic fields, took the initiative in causing Taylor to be appointed professor of German Literature at Cornell. 127 On the other hand, one of the first moves Taylor 149

made after being informed of his appointment as Minister to Germany was to suggest the desirability of Willard Fiske's appointment as Secretary of Legation. 128 Recognizing Taylor as a ready source of assistance and information in matters concerning German literature and art, Alexander W. Thayer wrote to him letters containing the following self-explanatory remarks: 129 "You must know I am that insane Yankee, who took a 'notion' in 1849 to come to Europe (after reading a book called Views Afoot) and write a Life of Beethoven. . . . You would do me a great favor if bei Gelegenheit you would enquire in Gotha if this work [Gothaischer Theaterkalender] can be had still, picked up at any antiquarians, or as duplicates in any library. I possess the vols, for 1776, 78, 80, 81, 85, 86, 87, 88, 90, 91, 93, 94, 95 the others I am desirous of finding as they all contain an amount of theatrical history of Bonn in Beethoven's youth nowhere else to be found." Later, when Taylor had become prominent as a Goethe scholar, Thayer wrote again: 130 "What I need is particular dates when he [Goethe] went to Toplitz and how long he remained there. You will readily divine, that I need this data, as an aid in discussing the question of the genuineness of the famous third letter of Beethoven to Mad. v. Arnim. I shall be grateful for anything from you on the subject the more the better and will make sudi use of it as you may indicate." Taylor's position as representative of German literature in America made his name on the title page of a work dealing with a German subject of no little value. Two good examples of this are R. H . Stoddard's The Life, Travels and Books of Alexander von Humboldt with an Introduction by Bayard Taylor and Bismarck: His Authentic Biography, Translated from the German of George Hesekiel by Kenneth R. H. Mackenzie, with an Introduction by Bayard Taylor.lsi In the latter volume Taylor's introduction is followed by an "editor's preface" by Mackenzie, which is of a similar nature to Taylor's foreword and somewhat longer. Hence it would seem that there was no need of Taylor's introduction save for the value attached to the use of his name. 132 As regards the Stoddard volume, the unpublished correspondence which passed between Stoddard and Taylor, and which is now to be found in the Cornell University Library, elucidates the whole story. I shall quote only those passages which bear directly upon Taylor's part in the genesis of the volume. Stoddard writes on June 3, 1859: "Dear Bayard: Rudd and Carlton proposed something to me the other day, which I think can be made to pay me something, if you see it in the light which they and I do. They proposed a life of Humboldt, to be written by me, and edited by you." He then goes on to rehearse his qualifications for undertaking such a work and the methods he means to employ. The letter concludes: "What Rudd and Carlton what [sic! want?] is your name as editor. Your name, they think, would make it sell. I don't ask you to do it, but to think the matter over and do as you please." To this Taylor promptly replied: 133 "About the Humboldt book 1 will write an introductory article, in preference to editing the 150

volume." This service Taylor offers to perform gratis. To indicate the part Taylor played in the composition of the volume, witness the following note from Stoddard to him: 134 "I copied yesterday from the Tribune your first letter about Humboldt: ough! but my fingers ached. The second I was lucky enough to find. What did Humboldt say about the Congress of Verona and Alexander? Wouldn't it do to be printed now? I shall call one chapter the one in which I shall use your letters "Humboldt at Home" 135 . . . good idea that, I think. The book promises well." Doubtless were it not for the friendship of Taylor, Stoddard would never have written the work on Humboldt. All things considered, we must hold that Professor Fiske was justified in saying that Taylor had long been a representative of Germany in America136 and must join with the editor of the Brooklyn Magazine when he writes: 137 "Most poignant of all the regrets over his death, after the universal sorrow at the quenching of his own torch, has been the belief that in that death much possible interest to English readers of German literature has been lost forever."

CHAPTER EIGHT Taylor as a Writer in German No American author of prominence has written poems in German which have been so universally acclaimed in the "Fatherland" as those of Bayard Taylor. Unfortunately only a small portion of Taylor's German compositions has been preserved. Speaking of the spring of 1857, the poet's wife writes:1 "Since Taylor had started on his travels in 1856 the Muse seemed to have turned her back upon him. Not one of his poems was written during his wandering. On the other hand, during his temporary visits to Gotha, he composed German verses (sometimes also parodies of German poems) which bear testimony to his overflowing spirits." She then quotes a German poem in the lighter vein and tells us: "This is a sample of quite a collection of comic German poems written by Bayard Taylor which I possess." Unquestionably one of this collection is the excellent parody on Goethe's "Mignon," which Taylor extemporized at Gotha and which is printed in Smyth's biography.2 What has become of the other comic German poems it is impossible to say. The Cornell collection contains only one, a composition of four quatrains each of which ends in the refrain: "Und Boker war ein Dichter!" 3 Likewise, in the Cornell collection is found the notation, probably made by Mrs. Taylor» "Der Herbst von Adelbert Stieftöchterchen, a parody in the style and manner of Adalbert Stifter." 4 As a result of his visit to Dr. William H. Furness's estate "Lindenshade" in the summer of 1869, whither he went to consult about the second part of Faust, Taylor wrote "in the style of Kotzebue's 'Wir sitzen so fröhlich beisammen' " as Smyth tells us,5 his own pretty little "Gruss an Lindenschatten."8 151

When the translation of Faust was published (December, 1870), Taylor prefixed to it his German ode, "An Goethe," which he had conceived in the summer of 1868. 7 Concerning it the author wrote to Professor J. M. Hart: 8 "It would be impossible for me to translate my own German proem, because it was conceived in German. I could only give the same thought, in English although my own in paler colors." Competent poets and critics have declared the ode both good poetry and good German. Gustav Freytag, to whom Taylor submitted it for criticism, "pronounced it truly German in spirit and diction, pointing out only a few grammatical mistakes." 9 David Asher has evaluated the poem thus: 10 "Die Widmung 'An Goethe' in deutscher Sprache, legt Zeugnis ab von Taylor's Beherrschung der deutschen Sprache und Gewandtheit im poetischen Ausdruck in derselben." E. C. Stedman, in a letter to Taylor, expresses the opinion: 11 "The invocation to Goethe, in German, is beautiful; this I can tell from what little German I know, from the ring of the lines, and more «specially from the good translation by C. T . L." In view of these authoritative opinions12 we can relegate to their proper sphere such rare judgments as those of two reviewers who found fault with the Faust translation as a whole and who, concerning the ode, took occasion to be, if not scoffing, at least condenscending. The critic for the St. Louis Republican writes: 1 3 "The Dedication to Goethe, which Mr. Taylor has written in German verse of the same meter as Goethe's Zueignung, and seemingly in imitation of Blackie, has a certain awkwardness about it, and clearly betrays the hand of a foreigner." The reverend reviewer for the Independent calls the ode 14 "an invocation of Goethe written smoothly in German verse the sentiment of which is as safely commonplace and trite as is very sure to be the case with poetry conceived in one language and expressed in another." The one German composition which served to make Taylor's name known by Germans everywhere, and which is without exception the most widely circulated piece of German verse ever written by an American poet, is his "Jubellied eines Amerikaners," composed on Sunday, September 4, 1870, upon receipt of the news of the surrender of Mac Mahon's army. This poem immediately spread like wildfire. It was published in the New York Tribune on the sixth of September and quickly copied into all the German-American newspapers.15 Taylor informed Willard Fiske on November 14, 1870, "My Jubel-lied has been published in all the German papers, and the autograph of it lithographed for the Berlin Sanitary Fair." 1 6 Moreover, it was translated into English so well as to deceive even Taylor's close friend, George H. Boker, as the following letter from the author of the song indicates. 17 "But bless me! how you are mistaken about mine [poem]! I wrote it in German myself, and have not the slightest idea of how it sounds in English. The Germans are delighted with it: they have distributed 100,000 copies and it has already been three times set to music. Somebody told me that a German had translated it into English: is it possible that you have been reading the German's lines for mine? It was my first attempt at writing a German poem for publication and I am delighted with the success: if you can find the English translation, please send it to me." Today one needs only to pick up a reputable Commersbuch 152

to find Taylor's "Jubellied" and an accompanying melody. In Schauenburg^ Allgemeines deutsches Commersbuch it appears with music by L. Bär under the title "Aus Amerika." 1 8 As early as October 26, 1870, Franz Lipperheide had written to Taylor expressing his conviction that the "Jubellied" was a "considerable contribution to German war-poetry," 1 9 and indicating his desire to publish it in fac-simile in Lieder zu Schutz und Trutz.20 The following excerpt, from a letter to Taylor from Dr. Müller von der Werra, Leipzig, June 3, 1875, gives further information concerning the popularity of the song and its author among German writers. 21 "In dem Commersbuch habe ich in der Vorrede Ihrer gedacht und die Liedersammlung selbst enthält Ihr schönes, uns Deutsche so hoch ehrendes Lied 'Aus Amerika, Triumph! Das Schwert in tapfrer H a n d ' . . . auf meinem Wunsch von meinem Freund Dörstling in Musik gesetzt. . . Ihr Lied habe ich 1871 auch in mein grosses vaterländisches Prachtwerk 'Alldeutschland', dessen Widmung Kaiser Wilhelm angenommen, . . . aufgenommen. Schon in meinem Reisebuch 'Thüringen', das vor 14 Jahren erschien, habe ich Ihrer freundlichst gedacht." Nor was the popularity of Taylor's song ephemeral. That we learn from a letter of a composer to the poet. 2 2 " D a s Lied fand ich im Jahre 1871 unter der Überschrift 'Sieges- und Friedenslied' in einem Liederhefte, und da der Text mir sehr gefiel, so componierte ich es sofort. Bis jetzt hat sich dasselbe hier vier grösserer Aufführungen zu erfreuen gehabt. Zuerst am 29. Juli 1877 bei Gelegenheit der Fahnenweihe des Gesangvereines Brühler Liederkranz von 14 Vereinen mit ca. 400 Sängern und grossem Orchester. Das zweite Mal am 14. August desselben Jahres bei Gelegenheit der Schlussprüfung am hiesigen Lehrer-Seminar von 100 Seminaristen. Das dritte Mal vom Gesangverein Brühler Liederkranz bei Sr. Maj. dem Kaiser im hiesigen Schloss dargebrachter Serenade am 8. September und das letzte Mal am 28. Mai, bei der Festfeier aus Anlass der Errettung Sr. Maj. des Kaisers, von den Seminaristen und dem Gesangverein Liederkranz unter Begleitung des Orchesters. Die günstigen Aufnahmen dessen [sie!] sich das Lied zu erfreuen hatte, geben mir den Muth Er. Excellenz dasselbe zu schicken mit der Bitte um wohlwollende Aufnahme." Although no other of his German poetic compositions are preserved for us, there is evidence that almost to his very end Taylor was ever ready to express himself in German verse. In January, 1874, he informs Stedman: 2 3 " I wrote a German distich under my photograph which I gave him [a young artist in Weimar], which I may translate thus: N e v e r forget, O Friend, that f o r A r t , the true, the eternal, Genius is sire that begets, Patience the mother that bears!

When vexed by the cares of office as Minister in Berlin, he expressed the sentiment: 24 "Wer nie sein Brod mit Tränen ass . . . der ist nie Amerik' Gesandter gewesen!" The earliest example of Taylor's ability to write German prose which I have been able to discover is a manuscript business letter of October 24, 1848, written to one Börnstein in behalf of the New York Tribune 2 5 It is in German 153

script in Taylor's well-known diirography, in good style and in grammatical German; however not devoid of a few imperfections in both style and grammar. Taylor made at least one assay at writing in German literary prose. This was his lecture on "Amerikanische Dichter und Dichtkunst," written in Gotha in the autumn of 1872.26 Concerning this lecture, more will be said below. 27 Suffice it here to note Taylor's own remark to Professor J. M. Hart. 2 8 "I have written it directly in German, but have no idea how I shall succeed in the delivery as I have never before tried such a thing." He also wrote to William Winter: 29 "I wrote the Lecture immediately in German, and to my surprise have received many compliments of account of the style." And witness Mrs. Taylor's comment as entered in a private diary: 30 "Nov. 19, 1872: B. commenced the German lecture he was to give for the Ladies' branch of the Gustav-Adolf Verein. I looked over what he had written and was surprised how well he had expressed himself." Thus we must conclude that as a writer of both German poetry and prose Taylor attained a goal seldom, if ever, approached by an American either before or since his day. 31

CHAPTER NINE A Representative of American Letters in Germany Long before he was appointed United States Minister to the Imperial Court at Berlin, Bayard Taylor had become a literary representative of America in Germany. Eight times he crossed the Atlantic to Europe, made not less than seventeen different visits to Germany and spent an aggregate of some seventy months of his all too brief existence in that country. When E. C. Stedman writes of him: 1 "Among his friends, he counted the wise and gifted of many lands. He had their respect and confidence; and his correspondence with them was extensive," we feel impelled to add: In no country was he more favored with such friends and acquaintances than in Germany. It is doubtful if any American author has ever enjoyed such an intimate acquaintance with so large and distinguished a group of the German republic of learning as did Bayard Taylor. As an almost penniless boy in 1844—1846 he sought out and was kindly received by some of the leading poets and artists of Germany; as a Goethe scholar in the early seventies he was accepted on equal footing by those to whom Goethe had been and was near and dear; as Minister to Germany in 1878 he was sought out by the literati and quasi-literati. In his numerous writings Taylor has rehearsed his relations with many of those persons whose names still live in German literary annals. It is therefore unnecessary to repeat these stories. We shall only indicate the circle of his German acquaintances, refer to his printed articles concerning them, when such are easily available, and introduce interesting incidents of these relationships in such cases where Taylor's accounts of them have never been put into print or lie hidden away in the files of newspapers and already forgotten magazines. 154

It has been shown in the section of this paper devoted to Views Afoot2 that Taylor's first visit to Germany resulted in establishing friendship with Freiligrath and Gerstacker and at least a very pleasant acquaintance with the composer Mendelssohn. In the Independent for November 8, 1860, he tells us more about his "Recollections of Mendelssohn." "During the winter (1844—45) the Society of St. Cecilia produced his 'Walpurgisnacht', the music to Goethe's words. I remember repeating to myself on the way to the concerthall, and imagining a light, joyous air: N o w laughs the M a y : T o forests g r a y T h e ice no more is clinging: T h e snow has f l e d , A n d every g l a d e Resounds with merry s i n g i n g ! "

Taylor now tells us that the manuscript score of this composition which Mendelssohn sent him was: 3 Still shines the d a y , Whene'er we m a y A pure heart bring to thee.

The young American poet gave to the old German a little poem which he had recently composed entitled "Beethoven." Taylor relates: " H e read it through carefully, partly aloud, in a very good English pronunciation, and on concluding, asked, 'May I keep it? Here is a stanza which I like especially.' " When Taylor took his leave, Mendelssohn invited the youth to visit him whenever they both happened to be in the same city, but death was destined to cut down the musician before this acquaintance had ripened into real friendship. 4 We have already spoken as much as we know of the relation which existed between Taylor and Gerstacker and have time and again made reference to his friendship with Freiligrath, which ended only with the latter's death. 5 The second crossing of the Atlantic was rewarded by interviews with Uhland and Rudkert. Both of these poets Taylor sought out in their respective homes in 1852. By Uhland the American was received in a most friendly manner, but this one visit was the beginning and end of their personal intercourse. 6 Since Taylor has himself given us his reminiscences of this visit which may be found in the Independent for December 20, \860, T we need here only recall that, in reply to the American's request for an autograph, that German poet wrote on a slip of paper, probably in German, but Taylor does not reproduce it in that language: "An inhabitant of the Suabian Land to the wanderer from the Orient," and signed his name thereto. The closeness of Taylor's relation to Riickert is attested to by the former's rather frequent visits to the latter and by the number of letters8 which passed between the families. But since Taylor has told in full the story of this relationship in his articles, "Friedrich Riickert" 9 and "Interviews with German Authors," 1 0 it is needless to repeat it here. The latter essay tells of the German writers and scholars with whom Taylor became acquainted when, in 1856, he crossed the Atlantic for the third time and spent four months in Germany. During this sojourn he not only revisited 155

Riickert 11 and dined with Gerstacker, 12 but, at Dresden, 13 he met Alexander Ziegler, the traveller; Berthold Auerbach, who became one of his bosom friends and who, in delivering a funeral oration over the bier of the American Minister in Berlin, termed himself Taylor's "oldest friend in the Old World"; 1 4 Karl Gutzkow, the dramatist; Dr. Karl Andree, the geographer; Wilhelm Wolfsohn, the dramatist; and Julius Hammer, who, when Taylor called, was seated at his desk engaged in translating the American's poem "Steiermark." 16 In the same year Taylor visited in Berlin Dr. Karl Ritter, the geographer; 18 Theodor Miigge, the novelist, 17 and him, the greatest of them all, Alexander von Humboldt, 18 with whom he kept up a correspondence until the time of the scientist's death in 1859. 19 At the celebration of the three hundredth anniversary of the University of Jena, in 1858, Taylor met Fritz Reuter. 20 His article on "Fritz Reuter and Authorship in Germany" in the New York Tribune21 tells us how nine years later, August 1867, the American called at the home of the German humorist in Eisenach and found the latter away, but that on the very same evening Reuter sought him out in his hotel. We know no more of the course of this acquaintance, save that we have a record of one letter from Reuter to Taylor dated August 20, 1867. 22 In the first line of his volume At Home and Abroad (1859) Taylor writes: "My friend, Ida Pfeiffer." How long before the publication of this volume Taylor had known the great German woman-traveller we are not able to ascertain, but as early as June 16, 1855, she wrote to him asking advice about some lecturing she proposed to do in St. Louis. 23 Another of Taylor's literary friends in Germany was Gustav Freytag. We have seen above how Taylor translated from Freytag 24 and sought his advice on matters of literary import. 25 From the early sixties intercourse between these authors was rather frequent and intimate. 26 When Charge d'Affaires at St. Petersburg, Taylor tells us, he met "at a soiree Richard Wagner, the composer, Rubenstein, the pianist, and a number of artists and literary men." 27 These meetings were merely formal and resulted in no further relation between the parties involved. With Duke Ernest II of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, Taylor was on the most friendly terms. During the score of years of their acquaintance the duke entertained the poet several times at the Callenberg. 28 That Taylor thought highly of his ducal friend is attested to by his essay, "Ernest of Coburg," 29 wherein he takes pains to inform us that Ernest II was an author as well as a prince. 30 That the duke reciprocated Taylor's esteem is proved by a letter of praise which he sent the translator of Faust and which he signed "Ihr alter Freund Ernst." 3 1 In By-Ways of Europe32 (1869) Taylor tells of his meeting with the poet Friedrich Beyer, "The Hermit of the Rothenburg," with Ludwig Storch and with Miiller von der Werra, of whom we have heard above. 33 When the translator of Faust went to Weimar in 1873 and 1874 to make researches preparatory to writing his Goethe-Schiller biography, he was welcomed by all the literary aristocracy of the former Athens of Germany. A rather full account of his visit to that place is found in his essays, "Autumn 156

Days in Weimar" and "Weimar in June." 34 Not only did he become well acquainted with Baron von Gleichen-Russwurm, a grandson of Schiller; Baron von Stein, a grandson of Frau von Stein; a grandson and granddaughter of Herder; the reigning duke, a grandson of Karl August; and a granddaughter of Wieland who invited him to lecture before the court circle, but he also found favor with the none too communicative grandsons of Goethe, Walther and Wolfgang. Among his special friends were the Privy-Councillor von Schöll and the old painter, Preller. I shall attempt to supplement Taylor's account of his visits in Weimar only by quoting from some unpublished communications which make it clear that the Weimar circle held the American in as high esteem as he held them. The first epistle requires no comment. Weimar, d. 17 ten Decbr., '73 Hier kommt pflichtschuldigermassen Ihr Geist und Leben athmender Vortrag an Sie, verehrter Herr und Freund, zurück mit warmem Dank nicht nur von mir und den meinigen, sondern auch von Preller, seiner Frau und all den Damen und Herren der Gesellschaft bei Preller zu Ende voriger Wodie, in welcher ich diese darstellende und an's Herz gehende Rede vorgelesen habe. Auch den Dank vom Geh. Staats R. Stichling, dem Enkel Herders, dem ich in den letzten Tagen auf seinen Wunsch Ihr Manuscript zu lesen gab, muß ich hinzufügen. Sie haben selbst bemerken müssen, dass Ihre Erscheinung in Weimar uns Bethlehemiten, Alten und Jungen, erquicklich und erbaulich war, und bei Einigen, worunter idi mich rechnen muß, nachhaltig wohlthuend. Dafür soll Ihnen und Ihrer Frau Gemahlin und k. Tochter das Christkindlein in dieser Weihnacht viel Schönes vom Himmel bescheren, und uns der Genius des neuen Jahrs Ihre fröhliche Wiederkunft nach Weimar mit dem 'ersten Lerchenschwirren'! worauf Sich vom ganzen Herzen freut, , r ' treuergebener, Schöll36 Several years later (April 26, 1878) one, Emily Talbot, wrote to Taylor from Weimar: 88 "I have met several persons who speak of you. Fräulein von Stein wished particularly to be remembered to you and grew quite tender as she recalled the almost perfectness of your German! A little lashing was reserved for most people, for you, none. A friend of mine, Fräulein Goullon who teaches the Princess (the youngest and it seems a great admirer of yours) Italian, brought me a message today to give you 'her warmest compliments and she wished very much to write you, on the death of Fräulein Frommann and the illness of Mr. Marshall but to tell the truth felt quite afraid to write to so a distinguished a p e r s o n ' . . . I am privately informed that the princess keeps a table devoted to your published works and adorned with your p i c t u r e . . . . " "I sent the criticism of Lowell's last book to the Princess to read, as well as your ballad. She, I believe, will subscribe for the Atlantic in consequence." Evidently in some relation to the foregoing stands the following, copied from a post card to T. B. Aldrich whidi is without date, but which bears the 157

place-name Boston: 37 "Dear A Mrs. T . wants very much two pictures of Bayard Taylor, one to adorn her own room in Weimar where he is so well known and esteemed,, and the other for the Duchess who is his a d m i r e r . . . . I. T . Talbot." When Taylor went to Berlin as Minister it fell to his lot to meet many more celebrities. Of course much of the respect paid him now was rendered to Taylor the representative of the United States government and not necessarily to Taylor the writer. Nor was he unaware of this situation. He wrote to Samuel Bancroft, Jr.: 3 8 " I don't know how many editors of German magazines and papers have written to me for contributions, all of which I refuse of course. I have already a dozen presentation copies from authors, and have been applied to for photographs to be engraved, or biographical material! I cannot candidly say that I am flattered, or even slightly pleased, by these manifestations, because I don't know how much is owing simply to my position." On his way to Berlin, Taylor made the acquaintance of Max Müller in London. 39 It was only natural that the Minister should become acquainted with the Crown Prince and Bismarck after his arrival in the German capital, but that they welcomed the American as much as an author as a diplomat is also evident. Here is Taylor's report: 40 "The Crown Prince received me last Friday with the greatest friendliness. He came up to me with out-stretched hand, saying, in English, 'Oh, I know you already! My wife was talking about your 'Faust' only a few weeks ago." In another letter he reports: 41 "Yesterday, when I had my first interview with Bismarck, he began with, 'I read one of your books through, with my wife, during my late illness.'" A few days later Georg von Bunsen gave the Minister a dinner at which he met Curtius, Mommsen, Lepsius and Helmholz. 42 Nor did Taylor, while coquetting with the nobility and scholarly aristocracy, lose contact with the publishers and newspaper men. On June 25, 1878, he "had a charming dinner with Rodenberg Auerbach, Max Maria v. Weber, Etienne of the Wiener Freie Presse, Kruse of the Kölnische Zeitung,"43 The mention of the names Rodenberg and Etienne immediately recalls the jouralistic banquet held in Vienna during the exposition in 1873, at which they were present and where Taylor, by delivering an eloquent address in excellent German, not only 44 "stirred up the only real enthusiasm of the evening" and caused the "Austrian editors and Prussian, French and Swedish" to crowd around him and shake his hand, but incidentally coined a new German word, "Weltgemüthlidikeit." 45 The Deutsche Zeitung46 carried a report of this banquet and the Neue Freie Presse,41 a long article written by Taylor about the New York Tribune. Besides those mentioned above, many minor literary luminaries48 were numbered among Taylor's personal acquaintances. I have mentioned these many connections which Taylor established in Germany not so much to suggest his personal popularity but to intimate that such connections could not have been without effect upon the circulation of his works in Germany and a resultant increased familiarity of German authors and scholars with American literature in general. His writings tended to make him more popular; his personal popularity in turn tended to make his writings 158

more widely known. Both as an author and as a man he did his share to popularize our literature in Germany. One method employed to accomplish this end was to lecture in German on American literature. First at Gotha on December 12, 1872, 49 and again in Weimar in December of the following year, 50 he delivered his lecture, "Amerikanische Dichter und Dichtkunst," 51 to appreciative audiences. Concerning the Gotha experiment he wrote: 52 "The ladies made over one hundred thalers profit, and everybody seemed delighted." He tells us further that after his Gotha lecture he was called upon several times to read in private circles a German translation of Whittier's "Song of the Slaves in the Desert." 53 After the Weimar lecture he states: 54 "Had I been sure of as many and as friendly hearers in other German crities, I should have been tempted to undertake a missionary tour in the interest of our literature." Not only by personal contact with German authors, publishers and newspaper men and by lectures delivered to select audiences, but also by allowing or causing his own works to be translated into German and published in Germany did Taylor perform missionary work for American literature in that country. With the limited facilities and materials available it is impossible to make an exhaustive report on the extent to which Taylor's works have been circulated in Germany, and perhaps such an investigation is not desirable. But it is easy enough to ascertain that, in addition to a goodly number of printed volumes, an almost incalculable number of pages of newspapers and magazines devoted to articles from the pen of the Pennsylvanian have come from the German presses. In his dissertation, Bibliographie und Kritik der deutschen Übersetzungen aus der amerikanischen Dichtung,65 Alfred I. Roehm informs us: "Longfellow and Poe sind die einzigen amerikanischen Dichter, die vollständig ins Deutsche übertragen sind." "Bryant, Whitman und Taylor sind jedoch durch starke Auswahlübersetzungen vertreten." But in his monograph "wird die Prosaliteratur nicht berücksichtigt."56 When we take the prose literature into consideration, the relative position of Taylor among these five authors as representatives of American literature in Germany becomes more favorable. Although by no means all of Taylor's prose volumes have found their way into German translation, twelve titles representing seventeen volumes of prose have been published in that language,57 in addition to a German version of Life and Letters, called Ein Lebensbild aus Briefen.58 Of these volumes Taylor's juvenile story book, Erzählungen für wackere Knaben has gone through at least four editions. 89 The German translations of Taylor's poetry have been only fairly well covered in Mr. Roehm's dissertation60 but since this work, whose first purpose is "eine vollständige Bibliographie der bis 1909 in Deutschland und Amerika erschienenen deutschen Übertragungen aus der amerikanischen Dichtung," 61 is not exhaustive and contains little inaccuracies, I shall, without laying claim to completeness, endeavor to supplement Mr. Roehm's information and correct what seem to be misstatements.62 159

As Mr. Roehm says,63 two German volumes have appeared which are devoted solely to Taylor's poetry, Karl Bleibtreu's translation of Taylor's lyrics 84 and Margerete Jacobi's rendition of Lars, Norwegisches Idyll.65 For the appearance of Taylor's poems in anthologies of translations, Roehm gives the following list. 66 "In Anthologien: 18 Gedichte Knortz 7 „ Strodtmann 7 „ Prinzhorn 6 „ Vollheim 6 „ Spielhagen Jubellied eines Amerikaners, Grabow. Ein Bild und ein paar andere, H. Leuthold."

Mr. Roehm's greatest mistake is in listing Bayard Taylor's original German "Jubellied," found in Hans Grabow's collection, 67 as a translation. Under the H. Leuthold entry the title "Ein Bild" is correct, but whence arises the authority for "ein paar andere," which, peculiarly enough, Mr. Roehm fails to enumerate, we are at a loss to ascertain. As far as I can detect, "Ein Bild" is the only translation by Leuthold from Taylor's works. 68 The Knortz entry is, if not incorrect, at least misleading. But it is probably both. An examination of all the Knortz volumes cited in Mr. Roehm's bibliography fails to disclose more than four translations by that author from Taylor's works. 69 In Karl Knortz's Poetischer Hausschatz der Nordamerikaner, 70 which is composed of translations by various Germans, there are fourteen translations from Taylor, one of these, "Lied," ("Tageskurzer Januar"), rendered by Knortz himself. Now, if we add to these fourteen the four translations contained in Knortz's Amerikanische Gedichte der Neuzeit,71 we get Mr. Roehm's number, eighteen. But, if we deduct one for "Lied" ("Tageskurzer Januar"), which occurs in both volumes, we get seventeen as the total number of translations of Taylor's lyrics published by Karl Knortz, only four of them being his own renditions. Of the seven translations contained in the Prinzhorn anthology, 72 only two are the work of Wilhelmine Prinzhorn, "Lied des Beduinen" and "Antwort". The other five are renditions by Karl Vollheim, 73 Karl Bleibtreu, Friedrich Spielhagen, 74 Adolf Strodtmann, 75 and M. von Westen, and all, with the exception of the one by the last-named translator, are accounted for again in the other entries in Roehm's list. "Aurum Potabile," contained in Knortz's anthology, was rendered by a translator of whom Mr. Roehm makes no mention, C. T. Eben. At Cornell University there is a newspaper clipping 76 which reads: "Goethe (Aug. 28, 1875) Ode von Bayard Taylor. Aus dem Englischen übersetzt für das Sonntagsblatt der N. Y. Staatszeitung von Carl Theodor Eben." 77 Also in the Cornell Library is found another clipping headed: 78 "Gedicht zur Preis-Composition des N. Y. Centennial Sänger-Verbands Von Bayard Taylor. Übersetzt von C. Th. Eben. Das Lied von 1876." Hence we have three translations by Taylor's friend Eben, the same Eben who has made what is perhaps the best translation of Poe's "Raven." 79 160

Likewise unmentioned by Roehm,, but also the translator of three of Taylor's poems, is John Straubemüller. Again the Cornell material is the source of our information. Here we find: 8 0 "El Canalo," "Die Büffeljagd" and "Jugend," übersetzt von John Straubenmüller. The first two are clippings and were evidently published, probably in the Beobachter am Hudson, whose imprint appears on the "Büffeljagd." The last named is in manuscript, hence we cannot be sure whether it ever found its way into print. The Cornell collection contains clippings which inform us of German translations of still other of Taylor's poems. Thus : 81 " 'Gruss an Amerika,' Preisgesang von Bayard Taylor, in Musik gesetzt von Benedict, gesungen von Mile Jenny Lind, [translated] H . Börnstein."; "Gedichte von Bayard Taylor. Für den Beobachter am Hudson übersetzt von Marie Westland. 1) 'Auf dem Kap.' Aus einer neuen Sammlung Gedichte Bayard Taylor's unlängst bei Ticknor und Fields in Boston erschienen, 2) 'Die Erscheinung'" which begins "Sie kam! Ich habe sie geschaut, Die meinem Tag und Traum entschwand." This same envelope contains in manuscript 82 "Steyermark von Bayard Taylor, übersetzt von Julius Hammer." Another scrap-book 83 contains a clipping of this translation which shows that it was subsequently published. Along with this clipping is another of an article from a Dresden newspaper dated November 17, 1856, announcing Taylor's presence in that city, lauding his accomplishments and closing with a translation of one of his early lyrics, "Das bairische Mädchen." 84 A clipping of three pages of Orion85 contains "Proben jüngster amerikanischer Lyrik. In den Versmaßen der Originale übersetzt von Adolf Strodtmann I Aus Bayard Taylor's 'Liedern des Orients' 1 Die Weisheit Ali's 2 Nubien 3 Kamadeva 4 Lied des Beduinen 5 Gulistan 6 Antwort"

In the same envelope 86 is also found, in German manuscript, Strodtmann's translation of Taylor's National Ode "Zur Feier des 4 ten Juli 1876" 87 This makes seven Strodtmann translations, as stated by Roehm. Still another clipping 88 from an unidentified periodical brings Friedrich Spielhagen's rendition of "Kubleh" on two full pages (204—205), one of which is devoted to a full-page illustration. And then there is a newspaper clipping 89 announcing the forthcoming appearance of "die Gedidite von Bayard Taylor in deutscher Übersetzung von Karl Bleibtreu mit einem Vorwort von Berthold Auerbach." Finally, there is in Tay. 54 a clipping: "Feuilleton für Kunst und Literatur. Dresden, 5. März, 1875," containing a translation entitled "An den Nil" by G. E. The manuscript translations 90 "Ein Phantom," "Die Rose," "Ein Sterbegedanke" ("A Funeral Thought") 9 1 and "Ein bachantisches Lied," remain unidentified. Undoubtedly these pieces did find their way into print in one or more publications. In addition to this we know that Frau Professor Jacobi translated some of Taylor's poems and circulated them 11

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in manuscript 92 and that Frau Taylor made a prose translation of her husband's Masque of the Gods for the private benefit of many friends and relatives of hers who could read no English. 93 In a pamphlet called Amerikanische Poesie, Dichter und Dichtung der neuen Welt in deutscher Übertragung there is another translation, "Wind und Meer," 95 by M. von Westen which is unmentioned in the Roehm dissertation. The well-known German-American periodical, Der deutsche Pioneer, printed in December, 1878, "Der Adlerjäger (nach Bayard Taylor) von Wilhelm Müller.*'96 This considerable body of Taylor's poetry carried over into the German idiom gave to those of his admirers, both in Germany and America, who were unable to read English verse, an opportunity to enjoy his compositions. Nor is it probable that the above list is complete. A complete catalogue showing definitely both the extent to which Taylor's verse was translated into German and the circulation which such translations enjoyed can be obtained only after a minute search of the files of all the German and German-American publications during the last fifty years of the nineteenth century. It would likewise require a special and extensive study to obtain a complete record of the translations of Taylor's prose works which appeared in German periodicals. The material here adduced lays no claim to completeness, but is meant only to show that Taylor must have been a fairly well-known figure to readers of periodical literature in Germany. Mrs. Taylor tells us that 9 7 "during his icy northern journey [1856—7] Bayard Taylor's name was often mentioned, not only in private circles, but also in the German press." At this time Bufleb wrote to Taylor: 9 8 "The Cologne Gazette brought us your visit to Humboldt; the Village Gazette in a very genial article your talk with Miigge; the Europa your views about several notabilities of German literature. Only this morning Z sent me some longer productions from your pen which the Saxon Constitutional had taken from the Tribune." In May, 1857, the young author wrote to his mother from Gotha: 99 "The newspapers regularly publish translations of my letters, and everybody is familiar with my doings." After his marriage to Marie Hansen, Taylor had in her a translator who was always eager and willing to turn his prose writing into German for publication in her native country. In June, 1861, Taylor writes to his publisher, James T. Fields, for copies of the "Confessions of a Medium," the "Haunted Shanty" and the "Experiences of the A. C." because his wife wants them "for translation and insertion in a German periodical." 100 In the summer of 1865, Taylor informed Fields "the 'Winter Life' is (translated) going the rounds of the German papers." 101 Let us not forget that Taylor's translation of Faust was also published in the country of Goethe and note that in a volume of Modern American Lyrics, edited by Karl Knortz and Otto Didkmann and published in 1880, twelve pages were devoted to eleven of Taylor's lyrics and compared with sixteen pages devoted to Bryant. Thus is there abundant evidence that Taylor's works were plentifully available to German readers. Not only did all of his four novels appear in 162

German translation, but nine other volumes of his prose, five of them volumes of travel and four of miscellaneous nature, were issued by German publishers. 102 Thus could the writer in the Magazin für die Literatur des Auslandes write 103 "Namen wie die von Washington Irving, Longfellow, Bret Harte, Bayard Taylor, erinnern uns,, dass es audi jenseits des Oceans eine Literatur gibt, die es verdient, dass wir Deutsche uns eingehend und voll Interesse mit ihrer Entwickelung beschäftigen." Likewise does the advertisement of the German edition of Taylor's Faust translation say in part: 1 0 4 "Der amerikanische Schriftsteller Bayard Taylor, auch in Deutschland durch seinen öftern Aufenthalt daselbst wie durch seine Schriften vorteilhaftig bekannt, bietet hier eine Übersetzung. . . . " Clement Vollmer, in his study, The American Novel in Germany, 1872—1913,105 maintains: "it is undoubtedly true that the appreciation of the delicate art of Longfellow, Poe, Whitman, Bryant, Lowell and Taylor gave our country a reputation for imaginative genius and creative power that led the Germans to inquire into the work of a Bret Harte, a Mark Twain, a Howells, a James, and a score of others who formed a formidable company of new novelists." Vollmer continues: "Perhaps another reason for Germany's approval of and participation in our later American novel may be found in the close touch which certain of our literary men have had with Germany. Bayard Taylor, for example, was always a friend and admirer of the Germans and their literature." But most important is Vollmer's conclusion: 106 "That there was a decided increase in the publication of American novels after 1878 is undoubted, and it might easily have been partly brought about through the popularity of Bayard Taylor." The evidence here advanced is enough to justify our statement that before he was a political representative of the United States in Germany, Bayard Taylor had become the personal representative of American literature to that nation. Justly could the writer of his in memoriam in Der deutsche Pioneer107 dub him "ein Bindeglied zwischen Hüben und Drüben." In attempting to evaluate the influence Taylor wielded for American letters in Germany and for German letters in his own country, the personality of our poet must not be lost sight of. On both sides of the Atlantic he had a host of friends and admirers. The unanimity of approval with which his appointment as Minister to Germany was greeted was surpassed only by the general outpouring of grief caused by his untimely death. His own country and the country second in his heart vied with each other in expressing their lament. The manifestations of this feeling of genuine sorrow and regret in Germany are legion. One scrap-book in the Cornell collection 108 is devoted to accounts, newspaper and periodical clippings and the like, concerning Taylor's death and the funeral ceremonies. Here we learn of the tributes which literary Germany paid to our dead poet. At a memorial service held in Leipzig Müller von der Werra read a sonnet to Taylor. 1 0 9 Numerous German newspapers printed laudatory articles about the career of this friend and lover of German literature. Some journals published German verses inscribed to his memory. The following from the Berliner Wespen of December 27, 1878, will show the general attitude taken by the Germans to Taylor's loss. 11»

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Die deutsche Muse steht in tiefer Trauer. Ith mußte, adi, in diesen trüben Tagen An mandies Edlen stiller Bahre klagen, Der mir gewidmet seines Lebens Dauer. N u n starb auch er, der thät'ge Schauer, Der viel verstand zu singen und zu sagen, Der meinen Ruhm zum fernsten West getragen U n d niederriß des Vorurtheiles Mauer. Dem Höchsten, was der deutschen Kunst entsprossen, Dem größten Werk, das deutschem Geist gelungen, Du hast ihm kühn die neue Welt erschlossen. Dir selbst den schönen Kranz hast D u errungen, Den jetzt zwei große Völker niederlegen Auf Deine Gruft, Dank folge Dir und Segen.

It was not a German diplomat or statesman who delivered the funeral oration at the bier of the dead Minister in Berlin; not a far-famed German explorer who bade the last farewell to "the great American traveller," not a German journalist who read the valedictory over the pall of the most popular American newspaper man who had ever visited that nation. It was a German poet and man of letters who pronounced over the mortal remains of a brother poet, who had come to Berlin to write a biography of Goethe and Schiller and who died over this task, words which Taylor had so richly deserved and dearly earned. " A representative of thy people among a foreign people. N o , not among a foreign people; thou art as one of ourselves; thou hast died in the country of Goethe, to whose lofty spirit thou didst ever turn with devotion; thou hast erected ä monument to him before thy people, and wouldest erect before all peoples another which, alas! is lost with thee. But thou thyself wast and art one of those whom he foretold, a disciple of a universal literature, in which, high above all bounds of nationality, in the free limitless ether, the purely human soars on daring pinions sunwards, in ever new poetic f o r m s . . . . " "Thou didst teach thy people the history of the German people, that they, being brothers, should know one another." Thus spoke Berthold Auerbach, in Berlin on December 22, 1878, over the remains of the American poet. 1 1 0 Such was the end of the career of Bayard Taylor, the foremost literary intermediary between this country and Germany. H e strove to establish between the two great Germanic peoples a community of literary interest. H e translated both poetry and prose of the German masters into his own tongue and in so doing gave to the English-speaking peoples the most acceptable rendition of the greatest monument of German literature. H e encouraged his fellow countrymen in their interests in German literature and language. H e endeavored to make America, and America literature, better known in Germany and succeeded to no small extent. H e established a greater number of personal friendships and acquaintances in the literary circles of Germany than any other American poet had ever done. H e delved into history and presented to his people the story of the German nation. Amid all this occupation with German writers and writings a receptive nature like Taylor's could not fail to absorb into itself some of the features of the writers and 164

writings with which it came into contact. Mudi of the so-called reminiscent note in his work may be defended, if defense it need, in the words which Shelley pronounces in his preface to Prometheus Unbound:111 "It is impossible that any one who inhabits the same age with such writers as those who stand in the foremost ranks of our own can conscientiously assure himself that his language and tone of thought may not have been modified by the study of the productions of those extraordinary intellects." Such a remark may well apply to the Goethean and Schilleresque echoes in Taylor's writings. But we have detected evidence of a more conscious imitation of certain German works, e. g., the resemblance which some of the Poems of the Orient bears to certain of Rückert's productions. Imitations of this sort, which are really equivalent to borrowings, Taylor might have defended as his master defended his own borrowing from Shakespeare. 112 "Thus my Mephistopheles sings a song of Shakespeare, and why shouldn't he? Why should I take the trouble to invent one of my own, when Shakespeare's was just the thing and said what was needed?" Taylor knew well Goethe's attitude towards originality 113 and his deeds, if not his words, show that he had adopted a similar attitude. It is not without significance that the translator incorporated into the notes to his Faust114 the following utterance of Goethe which he must have realized, and would probably have admitted, applied well to himself. "People talk forever of Originality, but what does it all mean! As soon as we are born the world begins to operate upon us, and continues to do so to the end. And everywhere, what can we call specially our own, except energy, strength, and will? If I should declare for how much I am indebted to great predecessors and contemporaries, there would not be a great deal left." Nor is this remark, when applied to the translator, any more condemnatory than when applied to the author of Faust. I am ready, mutatis mutandis, to assert of the disciple what Lord Byron asserted of the master. 115 "As to originality, Goethe has too much sense to pretend that he is not under obligation to authors, ancient and modern; who is not?" All of Taylor's occupation with German literature arose from the first longing of his nature, the desire to be a poet. In the depths of his heart Bayard Taylor was first and last a bard. He loved poetry, German poetry equally with that written in his mother tongue. He busied himself with the poetry of Germany more extensively, more fervidly, and more industriously than with English song. It ebbed and flowed with the very throbbing of his heart and hence had to make itself evident in the songs he sang. The German element in his works bears out the verity of the verse in Holy Writ: Wes das Herz voll ist, dess gehet der Mund über. 116

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NOTES INTRODUCTION 1

Edward Everett and George Ticknor were at Gottingen 1815—1817; George Bancroft, 1818—1820. See Charles Franklin Thwing, The American and the German University (New York, 1928). 2 See General Bibliography, infra. 3 Notably Americana Germanica, Monographs devoted to the Comparative Study of the Literary, Linguistic and other Cultural Relations of Germany and America, Marion Dexter Learned, Editor (Philadelphia, 1904—1918). See General Bibliography, infra. 4 Cf., however, the succinct estimate of B. Taylor as "the perfect medium between German and American literary culture" in H . A. Podimann, German Culture in America, 1600—1900, Madison, p. 453—456 and notes, p. 771—773. Mrs. Juliana Haskell's Bayard Taylor's Translation of Goethe's Faust (New York, 1908) confines itself to the Faust translation alone, or, more exactly, to an evaluation of the translation as poetry. See Calvin Thomas's note prefixed thereto (p. vii). Professor F. W. C. Lieder's article, "Bayard Taylor's Adaptation of Schiller's Don Carlos," Journal of English and Germanic Philology (XVI, 1917), concerns itself solely with this one performance of our poet and is valuable as being the only description of the exact nature of the adaptation. Taylor's work, which existed only in manuscript, has, at least for the time being, disappeared.

CHAPTER I 1

Histoire de la Littérature Anglaise (Paris, 1899), p. xxiii. Einführung in die Weltliteratur (München, 1913), I, 12. Letter to James T. Fields, Amesbury, 12'h, 12 mo. 1870. Life and Letters of Bayard Taylor, edited by Marie Hansen - Taylor and Horace E. Scudder, 2 vols. (Boston, 1884), hereinafter cited as Life and Letters, p. 543 f. 4 The German and Swiss Settlements in Colonial Pennsylvania (New York, 1901), p. 220. B Appendix I, infra. 6 Life and Letters, p. 5. 7 Cornell Collection, Tay. 67. We read: "and his grandm. knew Engl, only imperf. His mother spoke it bad" [sic!]. 8 Bayard Taylor (Boston and New York, 1895), p. 13. Hereinafter cited as Smyth. » Ibid. 10 "The Palm and the Pine," Poet's Journal (Boston, 1863), p. 182 ff. 11 (New York, 1877) p. 6. 12 A. B. Faust, The German Element in the United States, 2 vols. (Boston and New York, 1909), I, 264. 13 Ibid., II, 94. 14 Bayard Taylor was born at Kennett Square, Penna., January 11, 1825. 15 Cf. Smyth, p. 17 and pp. 23 ff. 16 Smyth's statement (p. 23), "German he had already [1840] in part acquired from Wieland's 'Oberon,' f r o m his grandmother and the Swiss servant of the family," is not to be taken too seriously. It will be shown later that, although Taylor was exposed to the Pennsylvania dialect throughout his entire youth, he probably knew nothing 2

3

166

of the German language before 1844. It is probable that the following passage from John Godfrey's Fortunes (p. 97) applies in the main, names, places and titles not taken too literally, to Taylor himself. "I remembered that Grandfather Hatzfeld, who had been educated in Bethlehem, spoke it [German] habitually, and that my mother retained her knowledge of it to the last. Among her books was an old edition of Herder and Liebeskind's 'Palmblätter,' which she had often read to me as a child, and I h^d then understood. This early knowledge, however, had long since faded to a blank, but it left the desire to be renewed, and perhaps unconsciously smoothed the first difficulties with the study." 1 7 Heidelberg, January 25, 1845, Cornell University, Tay. 6. 1 8 Heidelberg, Feb. 21, 1845, Cornell University, Tay. 6. 1 9 See following note. 2 0 Tay. 11. The essays occur in the reverse order of the above, i.e., in their chronological sequence, and between them occurs the notation, probably made by Mrs. Taylor, "Lectures after returning from the first European trip." Aside from this, internal evidence indicates that the second of the above extracts belongs to the preEuropean period. 2 * The writing of this word twice with small initial letters and as two words without even a hyphen is proof positive that this piece was written before the European trip. 2 2 See note 1, supra. 2 3 See note 1, Introduction, supra. See Goethe Jahrbuch, Bd. V (1884), 219—256 "Goethe in Amerika" von Horatio S. White and ibid. X X V (1904), 3—37 "Briefwedisel zwischen Goethe und Amerikanern" von Leonard L. Mackall. 2 4 Longfellow's first trip to Germany was 1826—29. 2 5 (New York, 1900) p. 296. 2 6 I, 315 if. (January, 1841). 27 Specimens of Foreign Standard Literature, edited by George Ripley, Vols. VII, VIII, IX, containing "German Literature," translated from the German of Wolfgang Menzel by C. C. Felton; in three volumes, Boston, Hilliard, Bray and Co., 1840. 2 8 I, 320. 2 9 This essay appeared along with others in book form in 1843. In the edition of Parker's works of 1864 (London) it will be found in IX, 161 if. 3 0 LI, 524 (October, 1840). 3 1 See note 25, supra. 3 2 See Faust, The German Element in the U.S., Vol. I. 3 3 See E. C. Parry, Schiller in America (Philadelphia, 1905), p. 23. 34 Life and Letters, p. 25 and Smyth, p. 2 f. 35 Life and Letters, p. 16. 38 Ibid., p. 17. March 18, 1840. 3 7 Tay. 40, Cornell University. 3 8 See also Life and Letters, p. 15. 3 8 Tay. 31. 4 0 Autobiographical sketch published in Orion, 1. Bd., 6. Heft, Juni 1863, hersg. von Ad. Strodtmann. Above translation from Life and Letters, p. 14 f. 4 1 This seems to be at variance with Smyth's statement (p. 23 and note 16, supra), for surely, had he not acquired German from his grandmother and the Swiss servant before this performance, it is not likely that he acquired it thus later. More of this anon, p. 14, infra. 4 2 See note 40, supra, and Life and Letters, p. 32. 4 3 To J. B. Phillips, dated West Chester, Sept. 18, Cornell Univ. 4 4 To W. Mifflin Hayhurst, West Chester, March 8, Cornell Univ. 4 5 Tay. 41, Cornell University. 4 6 To Hannah M. Darlington, February 25 t h ; Reminiscences of my First Year in Europe, Emma Taylor Lamborn (Philadelphia, 1914), p. 11. 4 7 Taylor read Willis's book Pencillings by the Way (London, 2nd ed., 1836) at the age of ten. See Life and Letters, p. 10. 167

48 William Howitt, The Rural and Domestic Life of Germany (Philadelphia, 1843). Cf. Views Afoot (ed. 1872), p. 18. 49 Tay. 67. 50 At Home and Abroad (New York, I860), p. 15. 51 P. 34. 62 The Life, Travels and Literary Career of Bayard Taylor, by Rüssel H . Conwell (Boston, 1881), p. 303. 63 Life and Letters, p. 37. 54 Ibid., p. 38. 55 At Home and Abroad (New York, 1860), p. 104.

C H A P T E R II 1

P. 23. See also note 16, supra. 2 See note 40, supra. 3 P. 14. 4 Tay. 67 (f). Smyth on the other hand has seen fit, not only to use this statement, but to strengthen it by substituting acquired for learned, thus giving us to understand that Taylor exerted himself to learn the foreign dialect of his grandmother and the family servant. 5 Tay. 11 and Tay. 33, No. 9, Cornell University. Here is another piece of evidence of Taylor being attracted to German literature through the activities of the New England school. It matters not that the lines here copied are in reality a translation of the French of Lamartine (see "Encore une Hymne", Whittier's Complete Poetical Works, Cambridge edition, Boston and New York, 1894, p. 420). Taylor really thought them to be of German origin. H e probably copied them from the Liberator of August 10, 1838, where they bore the title "From the German of Latimer." It is interesting to note that not only was Taylor deceived completely by this error, and some biographer, probably Mrs. Taylor, was at a loss to discover who Latimer might be and whether Whittier as early as 1840 knew enough German to translate from that language. (Tay. 11, Cornell Univ.) But even such a student as Mr. S. T. Pickard has been guilty of having these lines reprinted under the false caption in the Independent for September, 1901 (p. 2097). Finally the matter has been set aright in the dissertation of Iola Kay Eastburn, Whittier's Relation to German Thought and Life (Philadelphia, 1915), p. 95. 6 New York (1917—21), III, 41. 7 Taylor was accompanied by his cousin Frank and a friend, Barclay Pennock. 8 At Home and Abroad, p. 14. 9 Views Afoot, edition of 1872, p. 56 and p. 27. 10 Tay. 11 (Cornell University). These words were evidently written some time after the occurrence when Taylor had learned to appreciate the authors mentioned. 11 Views Afoot, edition of 1872, p. 101. See also At Home and Abroad, p. 33. 12 The German was "Sdione Aussicht." 13 Views Afoot (1872), p. 102. See also At Home and Abroad, p. 34. This was not, as Mrs. Haskell says (Bayard Taylor's Translation of Goethe's Faust, p. 15) in 1845, but in August, 1844. By December 5, 1844, Taylor was back in Frankfort where he spent the winter, making only a short visit to his cousin in Heidelberg before Christmas. See also Views Afoot (1850), p. 52—89. 14 Views Afoot (1872), p. 105. 15 At H o m e and Abroad, p. 30 f. 16 Four American Writers (American Book Co., 1899), p. 223. 17 The Unpublished Letters of Bayard Taylor, ed. by John Richie Sdiultz (San Marino, California, 1937.) 18 Smyth, p. 29. Taylor's West Chester period extended from the summer of 1842 to the summer of 1844. I have found nothing that might serve as a basis for Smyth's statement. N o reference to such an acquaintance occurs in Life and Letters. See, however, note I, 16, supra. Nowhere during his youthful period does Taylor mention 168

Herder. As has been seen, he at this time knew not enough German to read anything. It might be that Miss Evans did the reading in Taylor's presence, but it made no impression on him. 1 9 See note I, No. 49, supra. 20 Views Afoot, Chapter V I I I . 21 Cambridge History of American Literature, I I I , 41. 2 2 Edition of 1872, p. 128 if. Cf. A. J . Prahl, "Bayard Taylor and Goethe," Modern Language Quarterly V I I (June, 1946), 205—217. Also my "Bayard Taylor and Schiller" in Contributions to the Humanities, 1954, Louisiana State University Press, pp. 11—24. 23 Ibid., p. 105. 24 Ibid., p. 117 and p. 105. 25 At Home and Abroad, p. 34. 2 6 Edition of 1872, p. 119. The fact that Taylor acquired Uhland's Gedichte, Heidelberg, September 19, 1844 (see Appendix II), confirms this deduction. Further confirmation of the assumption is found in the following written by Taylor (The Independent, Dec. 20, I860): "The first German book which I ever attempted to read was Uhland's Poems. Before I had been a week in Heidelberg, and while I was still unable to ask for a clean towel, I had read 'The Blind King' and 'Little Roland' — I did not stop until I had mastered the book from beginning to end." 2 7 T o Frank Taylor, dated Frankfort a/M., Nov. 23, 1844, Cornell University. 2 8 He must have intended to write "Is it not" or " I t is now." 2 9 Edition of 1850, p. 89. This edition is here identical in content with the first edition, 1846. 3 0 In order to illustrate the proposition suggested above (p. 15), that Taylor, like other poets, is liable to intermingle fact and fiction in writing about incidents whidi the lapse of years has rendered hazy in his memory, we cite here the passage corresponding to the one just quoted as it appears in the edition of 1872 (p. 144). "Besides, after a tough grapple, I am just beginning to feel at home in German literature, and am so fascinated with the wonderful field it opens to me that I would rather undergo considerable privation than give up my regular hours of daily study." Likewise, in the edition of 1872, under the date of December 4, 1844 (p. 126), is found the following excessive claim which has no counterpart in the original edition: "The difficulties of the language are at last overcome, and all the familiar phrases of the hearty German tongue come as naturally to my lips as the corresponding English ones. I now read Hauff, and Uhland, and Schiller without difficulty and look forward to a winter of rich enjoyment, in the study of the great German authors." 31 Views Afoot (1872), p. 147. 3 2 T o Frederic Taylor, dated Frankfort on/the Main, Dec. 27, 1844. Cornell Collection. 3 3 It is interesting to note that the translation of this same German poem served John Quincy Adams as a means of acquiring a knowledge of the German language (see A. B. Faust, Wieland's Oberon, New York, 1940); that Taylor had written "a letter to the Hon. J . Q. Adams on March 8, 1842" (Diary a, Cornell University), and that on the eve of Taylor's departure for Germany in June, 1844, Adams shook the youth's hand and uttered "A few words of encouragement" (At Home and Abroad, p. 22). 3 4 T o J . B. Phillips; Frankfort on Main, Dec. 22, 1822, Cornell Collection. 3 5 T o Frank Taylor, dated Frankfurt, Feb. 20, 1845, Cornell Collection. 36 Views Afoot (1850), p. 109. 3 7 T o J . B. Phillips; Frankfurt a/M., April 18, 1845, Cornell Collection. 3 8 As early as Dec. 1, 1844, Taylor wrote in his diary (Tay. 42. Cornell Univ.): "In a walk this evening I crossed the Main . . . by a bridge over which Schiller leaned in the days of his early struggles, an exile from his native land, and said in the loneliness of despair — 'That water flows not so deep as my sufferings:.'" In Views Afoot (p. 102, ed 1848) the next sentence reads: "In the middle on an iron ornament stands the golden cock at whidi Goethe used to marvel as a boy." These comments 169

are significant indices of Taylor's regard for Schiller and Goethe at this time. See note 22, supra. 39 Views Afoot (1872), pp. 197, 288, 289, 290, 315. 40 See "Bayard Taylor's Adaptation of Schiller's Don Carlos " F. W. C. Lieder, Journal of English and Germanic Philology (January, 1917), XVI, 27. 41 Cf. Taylor's reaction, toward the Goethe statue in Frankfort (Views, 1872, p. 128) and that towards Schiller's in Stuttgart (ibid., p. 289). This difference is again typical of his attitude to the two poets at this time. 42 Cf. e. g., Hyperion, which was fresh in Taylor's mind. 43 Views Afoot (1872), p. 173. Cornell University Collection. Tay. 42, diary c, May 6, 1845, reads after "Brocken": "and it is very vividly described in the paragraph commencing 'Seh' die langen Felsenstücken! [sic!]." There is nothing in the diaries about his "fancy running wild with Goethe's witches," but we do learn there that on March 2 Taylor "saw Spohr's great opera of 'Faust'" and on April 19th he received from Mendelssohn an autographed copy of "the music of a chorus out of his 'Walpurgisnacht.'" But no mention of Goethe! 44 Ibid., p. 188. 45 Ibid. (1850), p. 128. The edition of 1872 has the proper spelling. Taylor had learned better in the interim. 46 Ibid. (1872), p. 197. 47 Ibid., p. 415. 48 Ibid., p. 428 f. 49 Ibid. (1850),. p. 79. 50 Ibid. (1872), p. 309 f. 61 There can be little doubt that Taylor's recent reading of Herwegh's poems is responsible for this form of Hutten's motto, for Herwegh's poem, which is introduced by the last seven lines of Hutten's "Ich hab's gewagt," and which has this last line as its refrain, is called "Jacta alea est!" (Werke, hrsg. Hermann Tardel Berlin, o. J., S. 95 f.). However, there is no doubt that Taylor knew Freiligrath's poem "Jacta est alea! Ich hab's gewagt." Then, too, Taylor might already have read H a u f f ' s Lichtenstein and have learned there the motto in its double form (cf. "Clag und Vormanung gegen dem übermäßigen, unchristlichen Gewalt des Babst zu Rom"). See supra, p. 17 and infra, p. 64. By 1851 Taylor had probably learned better and gives the motto in its familiar German form, "Ich hab's gewagt," in his sketch "Panorama of the Upper Danube" (At Home and Abroad, p. 96). 52 Edition of 1850, p. 199 f. 53 For reference see Appendix II, a list of German books which Taylor is known to have read or have possessed. The list may be regarded as complete for the first two years, but can make no claim to anything like completeness for later years when Taylor acquired German books in large numbers. 64 Frank Taylor to Bayard Taylor, dated Heidelberg, Monday, 1844, Cornell collection. N o m o n t h or date given, but it must necessarily have been written in October or later. 55 Heidelberg, Jan. 25, 1845. Cornell collection. 56 Book II, Chapter IV. 57 Views Afoot (1872), p. 137 ff. 68 In a letter to J. B. Phillips, dated Frankfort, Germany, July 26, 1845, Taylor includes the translation of the fourth stanza of the ballad with only one variation from the final form. Cornell Collection. 69 Edition of 1850, p. 80 f. 60 T o J. B. Phillips, dated Frankfurt a/M., April 8, 1845, Cornell. 61 Published in Graham's Magazine, X X V I I , 3 (July, 1845). 62 Ibid., X X I X , 42 (July, 1846). 63 Views Afoot (1850), p. 234 ff. 64 See Tay. 63. Cornell University. In Tay. 42 we read, Sept. 14, "I will not give you my 'Rheinlied' just now, and will only say concerning it, that the Rhine is personi170

fied as a giant, leaving the Alpine Land, the home of his youth, and passing through various adventures, to die at last on a distant strand." 85 T o o soon in fact to be based on any German poem, legend or the like. Hence we must protest against its inclusion in Dr. S. H . Goodnight's dissertation, German Literature in American Magazines Prior to 1846, Bulletin of the University of Wisconsin, Philological and Literature Series, IV, No. 1 (Madison, 1908), 238, especially since he expressly states (p. 108) — "Stories and poems with German titles, but which do not appear to be translations, have been disregarded, except as they claim a basis in German legend." To my mind the real source of the conception which Taylor expresses in the "Rhine Song" is Longfellow's Hyperion. This work was fresh in his mind, if not in his hand, when he wrote his poem. In that part of Views Afoot dated August 30 he makes direct reference to Hyperion (edition 1850, p. 54). Compare the date of the "Rhine Song" supra! Further: Compare the song with Hyperion, Book I, Chapter II, especially the following lines: "A band of apprentices passed by singing 'The Rhine! The Rhine! a blessing on the Rhine!' — There is hardly a league in its whole course, from its cradle in the Snowy Alps to its grave in the sands of Holland, which boasts n o t . . . I would be proud of it too; and of the clustering grapes that hang on its temples, as it reels onward through vineyards in a triumphal march, like Bacchus crowned and drunken (p. 12 f.); and Chapter III, especially, Down from the distant Alps, out into the wide world, it bursts away, like a youth from the house of his fathers. Broadbreasted and strong, and with earnest endeavors, like manhood, it makes a way through these difficult mountain-passes. And at length, in its old age, it falters, and its steps are weary and slow, and it sinks into the sand, and through its grave, passes into the great ocean, which is its eternity" (p. 25). Italics are mine. The Death Dirge is mentioned here because it does "claim a basis German legend" and is not mentioned in the list of articles cited in Mr. M. H . Haertel's dissertation, German Literature in American Magazines 1846—80 (Bulletin of the University of Wisconsin, Philological and Literary Series, IV, No. 2, Madison, 1908). H e is perhaps justified in excluding it, however, since he purports to include in his bibliography "only those titles which bear upon German literature in its narrower sense" (p. 95). 66 Edition of 1850. 67 See note 58, supra. 68 Tay. 65. Cornell Collection. 69 T o J. B. Phillips, Frankfort, July 26, 1845. Cornell Collection. 70 Views Afoot (1872), p. 140. 71 Life and Letters, p. 20. 72 Views Afoot (1872), p. 169 ff. 73 Ibid., p. 170. 74 See p. 155, infra. 75 Views Afoot (1872), p. 197. N.B. In the earlier editions the German author's name is not mentioned. 76 Strangely enough, all the letters to Taylor by German authors are missing from the Cornell collection. Evidently Mrs. Taylor once possessed these epistles, for: a) The few which I did find at Cornell were not with the correspondence, but scattered among the miscellaneous papers (Tay. 15), and hence were evidently overlooked by the one who deleted the German epistles; b) I have noticed in Mrs. Taylor's partial catalogue of her husband's correspondence (Tay. 66) written opposite certain entries "For German edition." See also note VII, 2, infra. 77 Life and Letters, p. 88. 78 Smyth, p. 51 f. See also note VII, 2, infra. 79 Berlin, Nov. 22, 1856. See Life and Letters, p. 325 f. 80 See Schultz, Unpublished Letters in the Huntington Library, etc., p. 216. 81 See p. 128 ff., infra. 82 Life and Letters, p. 48. 83 Ibid., p. 48. 84 Ibid., p. 48. 85 Views Afoot (1872), p. 441. 171

86 87 88

Ibid., p. 288. See p. 15, supra. See p. 135 ff., infra.

C H A P T E R III 1

Eastburn, Whittier's Relation to German Thought and Life, p. 87 ff. See Poems of Sidney Lanier (New York, 1884), p. xv, and Edwin Mims, Sidney Lanier (Boston and New York, 1905), p. 55 f. 3 Translated, "Frankfurt, Jan. 23, '45." See Tay. 65 and Tay. 9 + (Cornell University). 4 End of Chapter XI (1850), p. 79 f. 5 Americana Germanica, I (1897), 61 f. Professor Learned, strangely enough, makes no reference to this translation by his fellow-Pennsylvanian. 6 Item no. 1768, p. 238. 7 See Marie Appelmann, H. W. Longfellow's Beziehungen zu Ferdinand Freiligrath (Münster, 1915), S. 48. 8 The original reads thus: Seit in eure Hirschfellhütten Trat des Meeres kluger Sohn, Ist die Reinheit eurer Sitten, Ist das Glück von euch geflohn. 9 We refrain from quoting parallel passages here because Schauenberg's Allgemeines Deutsches Commersbuch, 41ste Auflage, Lahr, o. J., Nr. 109, S. 133 ff., or almost any other "Commersbuch," contains the original, and the translation occurs in all editions of Views Afoot. Earliest form is found in entry under Dec. 15, 1844, in Diary C. Tay. 42 (Cornell University). 16 X X X I V , 352, ff. 11 February 26, 1845. 12 Note especially verses 1, 3, 5, 6, 7. 13 Cf. Haskell, Bayard Taylor's Translation, p. 8. 14 Edition of 1872. 15 New York Tribune, Nov. 21, 1846, where the translation appeared. 16 The Tribune had already published five letters from Taylor, May 6—10, inclusive, entitled "The New Reformation in Germany," which dealt with the protest of the Catholic priest Ronge against the pilgrimages to Treves, where the miraculous tunic was being worshipped, and with the excommunication of Ronge. These letters were written at Frankfurt between the dates of Feb. 20 and March 12, 1845. The subjects of the other letters follow. The series was called "Glances at Modern Germany." No. 1, June 3, 1846 National Character of the Germans No. 2, June 10, 1846 Education No. 3, July 24, 1846 Condition of the Lower Classes Amusements No. 4, Nov. 7, 1846 Social Customs and Manners No. 5, Nov. 14, 1846 No. 6, Nov. 17, 1846 Present State of the Arts Modern Literature of Germany No. 7, Nov. 21, 1846 Modern Literature of Germany No. 8, Nov. 26, 1846 Music No. 9, Nov. 28, 1846 Religion No. 10, Dec. 2, 1846 Political Condition of Germany No. 11, Dec. 4, 1846 Political Condition of Germany No. 12, Dec. 15, 1846 17 See preceeding note, No. 7, supra. 18 See note 16, No. 8, supra. 19 See note 16, No. 12. 20 P. 35. 2

172

21 Tay. 59, Dec. 20, 1846 (cut); Feb. 2, Mar. 9, Apr. 6, May 18, June 22, Aug. 31, Sept. 14, 1847 and Feb. 15, 1848 (badly cut). Taylor had already severed his connections with the paper in January, 1848. 22 Tay. 67, Cornell Collection. 23 Cf. the assertions of doubtful validity in Haskell, Taylor's Translation, p. 5 f. 24 Dec. 29, 1846. 25 This statement is not entirely in accordance with fact, as can be gathered from the poem itself. It was written "zur Einleitung des zweiten Jahrganges von E. Dullers Phönix." 28 Jan. 12, 1847; not contained in the Cornell collection, but described there, Tay. 67. I use this description as my source. 27 Feb. 2, 1847. 28 In the manner of Ernest Moritz Arndt's "Was ist des Deutschen Vaterland?" 29 See Appendix III, infra. 30 No. 12, Mar. 16, Tay. 67. 31 Views Afoot (1872), p. 126. 32 Seep. 16ff., supra. 33 See p. 64, infra. 34 It is signed J. W. 35 See p. 142, note 42 if., infra. 36 August 31, 1847. 37 See note 21, supra. 38 Tay. 9. 39 March 9, 1847. 40 June 22, 1847. 41 See Life and Letters, p. 100. 42 Ibid., p. 102. 43 Boston, The Gorham Press, 1911. 44 Three pages. 46 We must disregard here such hack work as the translations of German novels, etc., in which field some workers were very prolific, for these translations can make no claim to special literary merit. 48 At Home and Abroad, "Weimar and its Dead," p. 396. 47 Appelmann, Longfellow's Beziehungen, p. 44, note. Concerning Taylor's second translation of the poem, see p. 68, infra and New York Tribune, Mar. 20, 1876, p. 2. 48 The Unpublished Letters of Bayard Taylor in the Huntington Library, by John Richie Schultz, p. 20. This entire letter is very important for its exposition of the relation of the American literati to the revolutionists in Germany just a century ago. 49 See Appendix IV. 50 Tay. 9, Cornell University. 51 Tay. 65 and Tay. 9, Cornell University. 62 P. 36. 53 Circa April 1876. See Tay. 65, Cornell University. 54 Tay. 65, and Tay. 9, Cornell Collection. 55 Ibid. 56 Tay. 65, Cornell University. 57 Probably by Mrs. Taylor. 58 Rhymes of Travel (New York, 1849), p. 95 if. and p. 113. 69 See p. 7 9 , i n f r a . 60 See p. 16, supra. 61 Tay. 65 and Tay. 9, Cornell University. 62 Nov. 21, 1846. 63 Mrs. Taylor's MS note opposite this entry in Tay. 9 reads: "publ. by Dennnett in an Engl, paper, 1879." 64 Seep. 64ff., infra. 65 Taylor to Freiligrath, Feb. 4, 1849, Schultz, Unpublished Letters, etc. p. 20 ff.

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66 A Taylor diary used in Germany, opening date, Frankfurt a/M. A,pr. 23, 1845 (Tay. 32 Cornell Univ.) shows that he copied several inscriptions in verse from shrines, etc., with the probable intention of translating them. One he translated freely. (4 lines). 67 German American Publication Society (New York, Copyright 1913—14). 68 Ibid, VII, 508. 69 V, 486. The foot-note in this place "Translators: Bayard Taylor and Lilian Bayard Taylor Kiliani" is, of course, misleading, since the translation was published as early as 1869 (See Appendix IV) when Lilian Taylor was only a child of ten. 70 Representative German Poems, Ballad and Lyrical (New York and Boston, 1885) p. 159. 71 Knortz's sources were the following three: (See p. xviii) Poems of Bayard Taylor (Boston, 1868); Studies in German Literature (1879); Critical Essays and Notes (New York, 1880). 72 Knortz, Representative German Poems, etc. p. 2. 73 Kendrick's translation appeared in Echoes; or Leisure Hours with German Poets (Rochester, 1855). 74 A good idea of how far Taylor's translation excelled many of those appearing in contemporary periodicals may be had by comparing his translation of this poem with that whidi appeared in the Messenger Bird, Mardi, 1851. 75 "Der Wegweiser," Representative German Poems, etc., p. 148 f. 76 About the end of November. 77 Journey to Central Africa, p. 96 (edition of 1872). 78 "Der Käfer," last stanza. 79 At Home and Abroad, Second Series, p. 308 (edition of 1872). 80 Atlantic Monthly, April, 1862, IX, 430. The article "The German Burns" by Henry Harbaugh which appeared in Hours at Home, III (1866), 555 f. shows no influence of Taylor's article, which Harbaugh evidently did not know. It contains only a few lines of translation. 81 Life and Letters, pp. 379—381. 82 1860. 83 Reprinted in Deutsche Abende, von Berthold Auerbach, Stuttgart, 1867. 84 Ibid, S. 154. 85 Taylor was in Germany from June to August 1861. See Life and Letters, p. 378 f. 86 The article in the Western Literary Review, I, 213: (See Haertel, German Literature, etc., No. 575) Hebel: "One or the Other" is merely a one page anecdote translated. The only other previous Hebel translation that of "Hexli" (8 stanzas, preceeded by one stanza in the original) appeared in the Knickerbocker Magazine (V, 185) March, 1835. The translator makes no effort to reproduce the dialectal peculiarities of the original. (See Goodnight, German Literature, etc., p. 181). 87 Atlantic Monthly, IX, 433. 88 Ibid, p. 430. 89 Ibid;p. 433. 90 Rob. Burns und Pet. Hebel, Eine literar-historische Parallele (Berlin, 1873), p. 37. 91 Atlantic Monthly, IX, 433. 82 Op. cit., p. 32. 93 Atlantic Monthly, IX, 434. 94 See W. Heinemann, Goethes Faust in England und Amerika, (Berlin, 1886) and W. Heinemann, Bibliographical List of English "Translations and Annotated Editions of Goethe's Faust (London, 1882). Also Lina Baumann, Die englischen Übersetzungen von Goethe's Faust, (Halle a. S. 1907). S. 6—23 and Hauhart, William Frederic, The Reception of Goethe's Faust in England in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century (New York, 1909), p. 134—145. 95 See preceding note and Taylor's Faust, (1882), p. xvi. 96 See Baumann, Die englischen Übersetzungen von Goethe's Faust, p. 15. 97 E. g., see Hauhart, William Frederic, The Reception of Goethe's Faust in England in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century, pp. 99, 116, 117, 121, 127. See also

174

Ruth Schumann Imhoff "Faust in England", Anglia XL (1951), No. 2, especially pp. 150, 172, 174 and 176. 98 P. 30 f. 99 L. 3194 Calvin Thomas's Edition, The First Part (New York, Copyright, 1892). 100 Ibid, 1. 5520, 8350, 969—70 (omitted 1871), 10524. 101 Cf. S. 83. There are two other stage-directions omitted from Taylor's translation, "Ab" (26861) and "Mephistophiles kommt" (2728 f ) . It is probable that these directions were not in the text from which Taylor translated. They do not occur in the text of Faust — Eine Tragödie — von J. W. Goethe — Beide Theile in Einem Bande. Stuttgart und Tübingen — J. G. Cotta'scher Verlag — 1851 (1854). This title page is identical with that of the edition used by Taylor (See Haskell, p. 31 f.), except Taylor's has Augsburg in place of Tübingen and the date of 1856. 2728 is not in the Urfaust, but 2686 is. In the Weimar edition (XIV, 272), "Lesarten," we find: "Vor 2729 ist ergänzt Mephistopheles kommt." We find nothing concerning the other variance. 102 Cf. Haskell, Bayard Taylor's Translation, p. 30, note 41. 103 See p. 17, supra. 104 Views Afoot. (1872), p. 169. 105 See p. 20, supra. 108 Life and Letters, p. 100. 107 Tay. 33, Cornell University. 108 T o Mary Agnes, Life and Letters, p. 109 f. 109 X X X I V , 373 ff. 110 P. 188, (1872). 111 The following excerpt from the traveller's book of the "Brockenhaus" copied by Willard Fiske into his diary is interesting in connection with the above. "4th May 1845 J. Bayard Taylor, from Pennsylvania, U. S. of America, climbed the Brocken in a horrible snow storm and after staying three hours was at last rewarded with an occasional view through the clouds." See Horatio S. White, Willard Fiske, Life and Correspondence (New York, 1925), p. 292. 112 Mrs. Haskell in her investigation of Taylor's translation found no earlier specimen than the "Soldier's Song" printed in the Knickerbocker for March, 1859 (LIII, 277). See Haskell, Taylor's Translation, p. 16 and note. It is therefore practically certain that this fragment of 1849 has just claim to being Taylor's first effort. 113 P. iii, edition of 1882. 114 Cf. Haskell, Taylor's Translation, p. 15, especially the statement: "But it can be shown that Taylor's interest in Goethe synchronizes with the advent of Marie Hansen into his life." and "We have no record in the Life and Letters that he read them [Goethe's works] before 1857, the year of his marriage." Of course Life and Letters does not contain all the available information, but even in that work there is some evidence. What more direct testimony could one ask than the following from a letter to R. H . Stoddard, written Aug. 10, 1854 (Life and Letters, p. 278), "I have just thought of a couplet of Goethe's, which please make note of: Gray and hoary is all Theory. Forever green Life's golden tree." Likewise in Taylor's Eldorado (1850) there is evidence that he was familiar with another of Goethe's works. Describing the beauty of the country around Jalapa, Mexico, Taylor records: 'Himmlisch Luft!' exclaimed the enraptured German, [a fellow-wayfarer] quoting 'Goetz von Berlichingen'". (Eldorado, II, 190). In the face of this evidence there can be no doubt that Taylor had been reading Goethe, and that his readings made a deep impression on his retentive memory. 115 Smyth, Bayard Taylor, p. 292. 116 Haskell, Taylor's Translation, p. 15 f. 117 Ibid. 118 Life and Letters, p. 554. 119 See note 112, supra. 120 LI. 9723 ff. 175

121

Jan. 8, 1863, To Lizzie Stoddard, Cornell University. Bayard Taylor, p. 179. 123 Marie Hansen Taylor, On Two Continents (New York, 1905), p. 150. 124 To R. H . Stoddard, March 15, 1863, Life and Letters, p. 410. 125 Life and Letters, p. 418. According to Mrs. Taylor, On Two Continents, p. 150, "Margaret at the Spinning Wheel" was translated prior to April, 1864. 126 Tay. 17. See also letter to Mrs. Stoddard, Sept. 6, 1864, On Two Continents, p. 151. 127 To Laura Redden, June 23, 1871, Life and Letters, p. 561. 128 Tay. 63, Cornell University. 129 Cornell University. 130 T o Jas. T. Fields, Oct. 13, 1864, Life and Letters, p. 426. 131 Life and Letters, p. 446. 132 Ibid, p. 451. 133 Taylor 63, Cornell Univ., according to which Taylor translated during the last five days of April eleven pages of the poem. 134 Schultz, Unpublished Letters, p. 87. To E. C. Stedman, May 19, 1866: "About one-third of the First Part is translated." 135 See Life and Letters, p. 459 f. 136 Ibid., p. 460. 137 Ibid., p. 464. 138 Ibid., p. 464. 139 To E. C. Stedman, Sorrento, March 3, 1868. Life and Letters, p. 489. 140 Life and Letters, p. 493. 141 See On Two Continents, p. 195. 142 T o Jas. T. Fields, Sept. 7, 1868, Life and Letters, p. 498. 143 Tay. 17, Cornell University. 144 Tay. 63, Cornell Univ. In a letter to J. T. Fields, July 5, 1869, Taylor says: "I have imported some f i f t y volumes of Faust literature, and need about 20 more to complete my material." 145 P. 497 f. 146 Pp. 505—555. 147 Chapter XI. 148 Tay. 63 and Tay. 64. 149 Cf. Schultz, Unpublished Letters, p. 117, Oct. 31, 1868. 150 At the very end of the manuscript copy of the Faust in Taylor's own hand appears the date — Cedercroft, June 15, 1869. This is a clean copy, probably made immediately after the first d r a f t was finished. See note 166, infra. 151 Tay. 64, Cornell University. 152 See also Life and Letters, p. 506. 153 Schultz, Unpublished Letters, p. 128 and p. 131, respectively. 154 Ibid., p. 131. 155 Ibid., loc. cit. 156 To R. H . Chittenden, August 12, 1869. Life and Letters, p. 517. 157 Home Pastorals and Ballads (Boston, 1857), p. 21 f. 158 See On Two Continents, pp. 201, 204, and Life and Letters, p. 525. 159 Life and Letters, 524—526. 180 Ibid., p. 525. 161 Ibid., p. 528. 162 Ibid., p. 536; to J. B. Phillips. 163 Ibid., p. 538; to J. T . Fields, November 3, 1870. 164 Tay. 64, Cornell University. 165 Ibid. 166 At the end of the Faust notes in the manuscript volume, in the H a r v a r d College Library, in Taylor's own hand, we read: 122

176

Translation of Faust Commenced, Sept. or Oct. Finished, May Notes, Commenced May Finished, February First Part, published Dec. Second Part published Mardi July Nov. or Dec.

167

1863 1870 1870 1871 1870 Boston 1871 1871 London 1871 Leipzig

S. 80—100. Columbia University Press, 1908. 169 Anzeiger d. Zeitschrift für d. Altertum, X X X I I I , 312. 170 Ibid., S. 313. In a conversation at "Untere Gänslände," Partenkirchen, Germany, in the fall of 1924, Mrs. Taylor told the present writer that the antagonistic attitude set forth in this dissertation resulted in her giving the Taylor collection of manuscripts to Cornell University instead of to Columbia University, as had been her original intention. 171 Life and Letters, p. 510, to Mrs. Marie Bloede, March 20, 1869. 172 I, xvi, edition of 1882. 173 Ibid., p. xv. 174 This (j o e s n o t mean that Taylor has left a rimed passage unrimed and compensated therefor by riming another. Such action might alter the spirit of the poem. H e has, when necessary, interchanged rimed and unrimed lines within the passage, thus retaining the atmosphere of the whole. 176 I, xiv f., edition of 1882. 176 Faust, II, xiv f. (1882). 177 Haskell, Taylor's Translation, p. 23. See also ibid., p. 25. 178 Ibid., p. 19 ff. 179 Ibid., p. 22. 180 Essays and Notes, p. 258, "On Bryant's Translation of the Illiad," written, February, 1870. 181 Life and Letters, p. 506. 182 Ibid., p. 507. 183 Haskell, Taylor's Translation, p. 20; also Essays and Notes, p. 261. 184 Essays and Notes, p. 261. 185 Ibid., p. 271. 186 Ibid., p. 274 f. 187 For Taylor's favorable opinion of this work see his Faust, I, iii f. 188 Ibid., I. iv. 189 Haskell, Taylor's Translation, p. 21. 190 Cf. Baumann, Die englisdoen Übersetzungen, S. 83; also Hauhart, The Reception of Goethe's Faust in England, p. 109. 191 Faust, I, viii (1882). 192 Ibid., p. vi. 193 Loc. cit. 194 Werke, Jub. Ausg., V, 304. 195 P. 42, supra. 196 Faust, I, x. (1882). 197 Ibid., p. xiii. 198 Ibid., p. xii. 199 Ibid., p. xiv. 200 Life and Letters, p. 543; to J. P. Fields, 12th 12 mo. 1870. 201 See p. 35 f., supra. 202 Haskell, Taylor's Translation, p. 54 and note 104. 203 Ibid., p. 5 ff. 204 P. 83. 205 Haskell, Taylor's Translation, p. 75. 168

12

Krumpelmann

177

206

Tay. 56, p. 47; cf. also Tay. 57, p. 90, Cornell University. See p. 22 ff., 5»/>rii. On The Continents, p. 195. 209 Life and Letters, p. 493. 210 Ibid., p. 533, 538. 211 Ibid., p. 545. The following excerpt from a letter of Lowell to Taylor (24th Jan. 1866) in a Catalogue of Autograph Letters, selections from the Literary Correspondents of Bayard Taylor and many others, June 21, 1905. The MerwinClayton Sales Company, New York . . . "shall be very glad to talk over Faust with you a little. But I have never made a special study of the Poem, and you must be a great deal wiser in it than I. It is a good thing that you should undertake the translation for you are admirably qualified and I have no doubt will do it as it should be done. I wish I were near enough to see you as it went on and squabble over it." 212 Life and Letters, pp. 498, 506 and ten letters in the Cornell Collection. 213 Ibid., 511. 214 Ibid., p. 517 ff. 215 Haskell, Taylor's Translation, p. 8. 216 Bayard Taylor, p. 273. 217 P. 556. Taylor wrote to J. B. Phillips, Oct. 31, 1870 (Cornell), "It [the Faust translation] has forced my mind into new directions and will surely give a different character to my future work." 218 Life and Letters, p. 458. 219 Laura Stedman and George M. Gould, Life and Letters of Edmund Clarence Stedman (New York, 1910), I, 446, to Taylor, January 8, 1871. 220 See Heinemann, W., Goethes Faust in England und Amerika, (Berlin 1886) S. 22 ff., and Adolf Ingram Frantz, Half a Hundred Thralls to Faust, Chapel Hill, 1949. 221 See p. 35 f., supra. 222 See Haskell, Taylor's Translation, p. 48 ff. and p. 43, supra., and p. 45, supra. 223 Faust, I, 11 ff. (1882). 224 Ibid., p. 170 f. 225 Haskell, Taylor's Translation, p. 2 f . Faust, 4656 f., 4689—4691; 10,097—10,102. 226 Die englischen Ubersetzungen, etc., S. 85. 227 Faust, I, 37 f. (1882). 228 Ibid., p. 39 f. 229 Ibid., p. 86 f. 230 Ibid., p. 91 f. 231 E. g., see The Letters of Horace Howard Furness, edited by H . H . F., Jr. (Boston and New York, 1922), II, 141. 232 Cf. Baumann, Die englischen Übersetzungen, S. 28 f., 48, 49; also S. 12, 15, 17, No. 24; S. 20, No. 35. 233 Taylor's Translation, p. 39. 234 Faust, II, xiii. (1882). 235 Faust, p. lxv., Calvin Thomas's edition. 236 G. von Loeper, Faust, eine Tragödie (Berlin, 1871). 237 See p. 54 ff., infra. 238 E. g., cf. Haskell, Taylor's Translation, p. 48, and Faust, I. 79; p. 50 and Faust I. 3321; p. 51 and Faust, I. 4538. Taylor was well aware of the meaning of "ins Freie* as can be seen from-an excerpt from an early letter: "I long to be out ins Freie, even if I have to tramp the whole day and eat my dinner by the roadside." T o Frank Taylor, Frankfurt, Feb. 20, 1845 (Cornell University). 239 See Haskell, Taylor's Translation, p. 48 ff. 240 Ibid., pp. 48—54. Mrs. Haskell cites twenty odd instances, a number of which are not errors (see notes 238 and 239, supra) and others are doubtful cases; e.g., the meaning of "Fideler" (1. 4338). 241 See note 202, supra. Cf. also Taylor to Dr. G. Bloede, Dec. 30, 1870 (Cornell University): "Whenever a popular edition is published I shall make another revision, 207

208

178

and therefore am still open to wise suggestions from every friend who knows the original. Pray bear this in mind." 242 Dec. 19, 1871, Cornell University. 243 Faust, I, xvi. 244 A Literary History of America, p. 458. 245 Faust, II, xii. 246 P. 57 if. 247 Haskell, Taylor's Translation, p. 57 ff. 248 Ibid., p. 62. 249 Ibid., p. 63. 250 Ibid., p. 64. 251 The Journal of English and Germanic Philology, VIII (1910), 588. 252 f j , p r e v e n t (he objection that the English does not use the nominalized adjective without the article, one need only turn to such an author as Milton. I open Paradise Lost at random (Book II, p. 91; see Bibliography) and find, in good Taylorian English: This, my long sufference, and my day of grace, They who neglect and scorn shall never taste; But hard be harden'd, blind be blinded more, That they may stumble on and deeper fall. And none but such from mercy I exclude. The entire charge that Taylor's language is un-English and influenced by the German when he uses the nominalized adjective is amusing to the student of language. It will be remembered that hardly more than a century before Taylor's translation was made the Gottschedian school was censuring the German poets for using nominalized adjectives to designate abstractions and calling such usage the result of an exotic (English) influence. A good example of this false and pedantic contention can be found in the article on "sdiön" in Schönaichs Neologisches Wörterbuch, Reprint 1900. 253 Cf. Haskell, Taylor's Translation, p. 61. 254 Mrs. Haskell, Taylor's Translation, cites some eighty-eight examples (p. 65), a none too great occurrence of this thoroughly English practice in twelve thousand, one hundred and eleven lines of verse. 255 P. 66. 256 P. 67. 257 Faust, I, 31. 268 P. 66. The Complete Poetical Works of William Wordsworth. John Morley, London & New York, 1889, p. 585. See also pp. 554, 585, 664, 528, et al. 259 Haskell, Taylor's Translation, Chapter III. 260

261

See ibid., p. 41, ff.

See p. 44 f., supra. 282 See p. 43 f., supra. 283 Anzeiger der Zeitschrift f . d. Alterthum, X X X I I I , 313. 284 Atlantic Monthly, LXVI, 733 (1890). 285 Taylor's Translation, p. 38 f.; and Die englischen Übersetzungen, S. 99 f. 286 See Baumann, Die englischen Übersetzungen, S. 99 f. 287 Atlantic Monthly, LXVI, 733 ff. 288 Haskell, Taylor's Translation, p. 39. 289 See p.47f:, supra; also e. g., Wo ist dein Lieben geblieben? (II. 4495 f.), which Taylor translates: How changed in fashion Thy passion! (1-211) 270 LI. 3125ff.; Taylor's Translation, I, 140f. 271 Haskell, Taylor's Translation, p. 40. 272 Ibid. 273 Ibid. 274 I am inclined to doubt whether the sublimity attained by Goethe in these scenes can rightly be called "Teutonic." At least archangels and hierarchy of the 12'

179

Roman church ("Pater Seraphicus," etc.) hardly constitute a milieu which would contribute to the attaining of Teutonic sublimity in the ordinary sense of the word. 275 Life and Letters, p. 562. 2 7 6 April 2, 1871 (?); Cornell University. 277 Life and Letters, p. 545. 2 7 8 Cornell Univ. Taylor 10 (Apr. 28, 1870). 2 7 9 Tay. 56, Cornell Univ. At the Century Club banquet, April, 1878. 280 Ibid., Danvers, 3rd mo. 26th. 1878; (to the Dinner Committee). 281 Ibid., Boston, Mar. 23, 1878 (to the Dinner Committee). 282 Life and Letters of E. C. Stedman, I, 446. Jan. 8, 1871. 283 Old Friends (New York, 1909), p. 159. 2 8 4 (Cornell University) August 6, 1871. 2 8 5 E. g., The St. Louis Republican (see Haskell, Taylor's Translation, p. 101). See also note 288, infra., and the Springfield Daily Republican, Jan. 2, 1871. See also note 286, infra. 2 8 6 Tay. 61, Cornell University; The Independent. 2 8 7 See Bibliography. 2 8 8 W. D. Howells in the Atlantic Monthly for February, 1871. Taylor makes the following comment on the article in a letter to J . B. Phillips (March 8, 1871); (Cornell Univ.) "As for the article in the Atlantic about which you wrote, it is by Howells, a good friend of mine and a fine fellow. But he is not a good German scholar, and felt bound to write as though he were hence the awkward, constrained character fo the notice." It is interesting to observe that Howells later called Taylor's work "that incomparable translation of Faust which must always remain the finest and best, and which would keep his name alive with Goethe's if he had done nothing else worthy of remembrance." Literary Friends and Acquaintances (New York and London, 1900), p. 5. 2 8 9 See note 285, supra. 2 9 0 P. 41, supra. 291 Goethe Jahrbuch, II, 439. 2 9 2 Baumann, Die englischen Übersetzungen, S. 17. 2 9 3 P. 89. 294 p

57

See p. 52, supra. 296 Faust, I, xxii 2 9 7 See Hauhart, The Reception of Goethe's Faust, p. 58 ff. and 92 ff. 298 Ibid., p. 92 ff. 2 9 9 Cf. Calvin Thomas, Goethe's Faust, the First Part (New York, copyright 1892), Second Part (New York, copyright 1897), Revised, 1912, I, p. 340. 3 0 0 New York, 1877. 3 0 1 (Cornell University.) Richfield, N. Y., July 31, 1877. 3 0 2 Cf. J . M. Hart, Faust, Erster Theil, New York, 1878 p. vi. "My thanks are especially due to the Hon. Bayard Taylor for the loan of Scheible's Kloster, and the generous permission to make free use of the notes of his translation." Cf. also pp. 222, 225, 226, 230, 236, 238, 239, 241, 249, 251, 255, 257. See also Hart to Taylor, Mt. Auburn, Ohio, Nov. 3, 1877 (Cornell Univ.), where Hart requests the loan of four volumes of Scheible's Kloster containing recent contributions to the Faust saga. 3 0 3 Faust, Erster Teil, Julius Goebel, New York, 1907. 3 0 4 Goebel, Faust, p. 349. 305 Ibid., p. 374 f. Anster had previously used this translation, but cf. Thomas, Faust, p. 327. 3 0 6 Goebel, Faust, p. 367. 307 Goethe's Faust, see note 299, supra. 3 0 8 Cf. notes to lines 27, 93, 4095, 4411. 3 0 9 I have noted sixty-eight in Volume One. 296

310

J

311

Faust, II, i.

180

312 313

p. 381.

Ibid., p. 457. Cf. ibid., p. lxv, note and notes to II. 4672, 4725, 4756, 5026, 6883, 10876, and

314

I have noted ninety-two. Goethe and Schiller, Their Lives and Works, including a Commentary on Goethe's Faust, 9th edition, New York, 1904, p. ix. 316 Ibid., p. 111. 317 Pp. 101, 163, 170, 218, 221, 227, 233, 284, (edition of 1904). See also Boyesen's "Reminiscences of Bayard Taylor," Lippmcott's Magazine, X X I V (Aug., 1879), p. 209. 318 Faust, Part I, London, 1880. 319 Pp. 45—70. 320 Faust, The First Part, London, 1882. 321 P. vii. 322 London and New York (1st edition, 1885). 323 Edition of 1893, p. 333. 324 Ibid., pp. 240, 290, 250, 317, 329. 325 Faust in Two Parts, London and New York, 1892 (1879). 326 P. viii, edition of 1902. 327 The Reception of Goethe's Faust, etc., p. 133. 328 Dublin and London. 329 Fourteen quotations and five mentions. 330 Faust, A Tragedy, The First Part, Washington. 331 The First Part of Goethe's Faust. London and New York, 1892. 332 Pp. iii, 410, 419, 422, 438. 333 Ibid., p. 438. 334 Goethe's Faust, London. 335 London, 1885, p. 360. 336 Goethe's Faust, Erster und Zweiter Teil erklärt, Stuttgart, 1881. 337 A. I. Franz, Half a Hundred Thralls to Faust, p. 293 ff., demonstrates that Taylor's Faust leads all others in the number of editions and reprints. See especially pp. 275—298. 338 Cf. Haskell, Taylor's Translation, p. 15, and Nation, L X X X I I , 100 f. 339 P. 16, notes 73 and 74. 340 Poetical Works (edition of 1884), p. 214 f. "To Marie with a copy of the Translation of Faust." 341 Tay. 63 and Tay. 64. 342 Jan. 23, 1869. 343 Mardi 26, 1869. 344 Title page. 345 E.g., pp. 48f., 184, 196, 225, 237f. 348 Lieder, Journal of English and Germanic Philology, XVI, No. 1, 27 and 51 f. 347 See On Two Continents, p. 272. 348 Kennett Square, to E. C. Stedman (Cornell University). 349 See p. 17 f., supra. 360 Phoenixville, Oct. 15, 1847, Life and Letters, p. 102, to Mary Agnew. 351 See infra. 352 See Views Afoot (1872), p. 315; (1848) p. 228 ff., 224. 353 Journal of English and Germanic Philology, XVI, 28. 354 See note 348, supra. 365 P. 71 I f . 315

35« p 357

368 p 369 380 381 362 363

J3

P. 714, New York, December 29, 1877. 7 1 9

Lieder, Taylor's Adaptation, p. 32. Life and Letters, p. 722. Cornell University correspondence. Ibid. See Lieder, Taylor's Adaptation, etc., 30 ff. 181

364

Ibid., p. 36. Tay. 54, 166, Cornell University. LI. 1783 ff. 367 See Lieder, Taylor's Adaptation, p. 49 f. 388 Notice the effect of the repetition of the prefix "ver" in the last four lines of Schiller, and its absence in the translation. 3«9 Mrs. Taylor informs us, On Two Continents, p. 270: "Only the circumstance that he was required to shorten the idealistic work of the German poet and adapt it to the stage representation in such a fashion as the actor wished, was an irksome condition which caused him considerable difficulty." 370 Tay. 54, p. 166, Cornell University. 371 New York, 1912. 372 Journal of English and Germanic Philology, XVI, No. 1, p. 52. 373 Ibid., p. 52. 374 Das literarische Echo, V (1903), Sp. 946—953; 1018—1025. 376 Strassbourg, 1900. 378 Das Literarische Echo, V, Sp. 1020; 1, Mai, 1903. 377 Ibid., loe. cit. 378 Ibid., Sp. 1018. 379 (London, 1828—30) III, 102. 380 Taylor did write to Martha Kimber (Sept. 17, 1864): "I have lately received . . . a letter from Auerbach, with his photo and the MS. beginning of a novel which he wants me to translate. Perhaps I shall do it. Shall I?" Schultz, Unpublished Letters p. 79. A letter in the George S. Hellman Collection, West Chester County Historical Museum and Library, written by Taylor to R. H . Stoddard, Aug. 22, 1864, says in part "I am also to see Kapp about Auerbach's new novel having just received a letter from A. (who wants me to translate it)." 381 I, 36, A. C. Armstrong and Son, New York, 1880. 382 1911, Henry Holt and Company. 383 Date not ascertainable (Cornell Univ., Taylor 61). In a letter to Taylor, written Jan. 25, 1871, apropos his critical review of the Faust translation in the Missouri [sic! St. Louis?] Republican, Mr. Thomas Davidson intersperses among his sage remarks in defense of his Faust criticism, the following justified observation which should elucidate the Auerbach misunderstanding "The belief that you made the translation of Auerbach's Villa on the Rhine, published by Messrs. Leypold & Holt I shared, I fear, with tens of thousands. If you examine the title page of that book, you will see how excusable such a mistake is." See also Haskell, p. 101, note. 384 Life, Travels and Literary Career of Bayard Taylor (Boston, 1879), p. 297 f. 386 German Literature in American Magazines. 388 P. 1. See also Ibid., No. 1159 and The New Englander, X X I X , 360. 387 Tay. 56, p. 65, Cornell University. 388 Leipzig, d. 15 April 1878. 389 Taylor did not translate but only wrote an introduction to a transláted edition. 390 See p. 77 f., infra. 391 New York, April 4, 1866. 392 shall later see some indication of Taylor's interest in the Elective Affinities, infra., pp. 98 f., 129. 393 E. g., Faust, I, 326 (edition 1871). 394 p v . v i 395 Ibid. 398 Publications of the English Goethe Society, London, 1889. 397 Journal of English and Germanic Philology, X (1911), 535—56. 398 Ibid., p. 550. 399 II, 5 ff. 400 G. Bell and Sons, Ltd., 1919. Of course the 1919 impression could not have been the first to arrange the title page thus, else the German Classics must have gotten their information elsewhere. (See Bell's edition of 1890). 365

386

182

4 0 1 James Anthony Froude (1818—1894) was a friend of Carlyle at whose house Taylor met him in the spring of 1878 (Life and Letters, p. 737). The reason why Froude withheld his name from the translation is evident. The Affinities was considered by many an immoral work. Evidently after Froude's death the publishers were allowed to supply the name of the translator. 4 0 2 P. 16 ff., supra. 4 0 3 T o Frederic Taylor, dated Frankfort on the Main, Dec. 27, 1844 (Cornell University). 4 0 4 See, however, p. 28, supra. 4 0 5 Pp.24—30, supra.

406 p

8 0

T o Frank Taylor, Frankfort a/M. (Cornell University). 4 0 8 In a letter from Frankfort to J . B. Phillips. See Cornell University, Tay. 66; Catalogue II, Letters to J . B. Phillips. 409 p 2 2 4 f . (edition of 1850). The account is cut in the edition of 1872, pp.308, 309, 310. 410 Wilhelm Buchner is in error in his biography, Ferdinand. Freiligrath, 2 Bde. (Lahr. o. J., 1881?), II, 149, when he writes: "es kam er Nordamerikaner Bayard Taylor auf seiner ersten grossen Reise, ein beredtes Zeugnis, wie lebendigen Widerhall Freiligrath's Glaubensbekenntnis jenseits des Meeres gefunden." Taylor himself wrote in Frankfort, Dec. 4, 1844 (Views Afoot, ed. 1848, p. 79): "Freiligrath, . . . has within a few weeks published a volume of poems entitled 'My Confessions of Faith, or Poems for the Times.'" The volume appeared too late for Taylor to have known about it before his departure from America in June, 1844. 407

Written in Philadelphia (Cornell University). Phoenixville, Chester County, Penna., Dec. 21, 1846 (Cornell). On the same day he wrote to James T . Fields as follows: "Dennett sent me a letter lately from London, in which he speaks of having become acquainted with Freiligrath. I wonder whether a volume of selected translations from the latter's poems would sell in this country? He is beginning to be known and admired among us, although scarcely any of his pieces have been translated" (Cornell University Collection). 4 1 3 Tay. 66. See "Longfellow-Freiligrath Correspondence", J . T . Hatfield, Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, X L V I l I , 4 (Dec. 1933), 1258. 414 Americana Germanica, I, No. 21, (1897), 54—73. 415 New York Tribune, Dec. 4, 1846. 4 1 6 Mrs. Taylor wrote me from Garmisch-Partenkirchen, Bayern, 13. Jun. 1923: "But what concerns letters written by German authors to my husband, there has been but a limited correspondence and it of hardly any importance. The contact has been mostly by personal intercourse. This is the reason which induced me years ago to sell them as autographs. I have none of any value as to your work in my possession now." 4 1 7 Tay. 66, Cornell University (probably arranged by Mrs. Taylor). 4 1 8 The full name is given, but I have been able to decipher only the initials. 4 1 9 For a record of additional correspondence, see Appendix V. This same Caspar Butz, who was forced to leave Germany because of his republican activities, eventually settled in Chicago where he gained some prominence and held minor political offices. Cf. Memoires of Gustave Koerner, edited by Thomas J . McCormack (Cedar Rapids, Iowa, 1909), II, 545 ff. 4 2 0 See infra., p. 137 f. 4 2 1 September 10 (Cornell University). 4 2 2 He had been suffering from sore eyes. 4 2 3 Catalogue I, Tay. 66, Cornell University. 4 2 4 J . T . Fields, Southampton, Oct. 28, 1852. Life and Letters, p. 241. 4 2 6 Cornell University collection. 4 2 6 July 13 and Sept. 11. 4 2 7 Two letters whose dates I have not mentioned are of Nov. 9, 1857, and Jan. 10, 1861. See Appendix V. Two more letters to Freiligrath, dated Oct. 28, 1852, and 411

412

183

Sept. 23, 1867, in the Huntington Library are still unpublished. See Schultz, Unpublished Letters, pp. 212 and 216. 4 2 8 Münster i. W., 1916. 4 2 9 S. 48. 4 3 0 See Tay. 63 (Cornell), diary entry, Oct. 5, 1868, by Mrs. Taylor: "I read the paper on the 'Teutoberger Forest,' just finished." 431 By-Ways, p. 455. 432 On Two Continents, p. 256. This supplements Prof. Learned's statement (Germ. Amer. 1, 71), "Wolfgang sailed for America June 25, 1871, and settled first at St. Peter, Minnesota, as fur-trader. Büchner states he went later to California. Wolfgang returned to England in 1873 to marry Miss Eastman, and their son was called Ferdinand to perpetuate the name of the poet." As late as March 20, 1876, Taylor writes in the New York Tribune: "The oldest son, Wolfgang, is now a resident of Minnesota." 4 3 3 P. 66, supra. 4 3 4 See Catalogue of the Library of ]. Montgomery Sears, Including the Poetical Library of Ferdinand Freiligrath, by James Lyman Whitney, Cambridge, 1882, p. 298. 4 3 5 To J. T . Fields, St. Petersburg, Dec. 16, 1862, Life and Letters, p. 404. 4 3 6 This volume appeared in December 1848. See Life and Letters, p. 137. 4 3 7 Schultz, Unpublished Letters, p. 20 ff. 4 3 8 P. 2. col. 1. Taylor fails to identify himself as the author of the earlier American translation, although he says in colume 2, "Freiligrath's poem, 'The Dead to the Living,' was translated and published in England and the United States, but neither in the meter of the original nor with a clear presentation of the political references." See also Appleton's Journal, April 8, 1876. X V , 474. 4 3 9 Cedarcroft, August 22, 1860. Life and Letters, p. 370 f. 4 4 0 X X I I , 228—231. Taylor to George William Curtis, of Harpefs, September 3, 1860 (Cornell University): "I send this to you because I think it will be interesting to you who sing as Luther sang. The introduction is mine: the translation from Dr. Freytag's work, which is a most delightful collection of historical pictures (mainly biographical) of German life during the last four centuries." 4 4 1 Taylor makes acknowledgement of this in a footnote, p. 228. 442 Bilder aus der deutschen Vergangenheit, Zweite Auflage, Leipzig, 1860, I, 136—44. 4 4 3 To E. C. Stedman, May 21, 1866. Life and Letters, p. 459. 444 Ibid. 4 4 5 See Life and Letters, p. 329. 4 4 6 See p. 72, infra. CHAPTER IV P. 8. P. 7. 3 By-Ways, p. 7. 4 Views Afoot has already been sufficiently considered, pp. 16 ff., supra. The two volumes called At Home and Abroad and the volume called By-Ways of Europe I prefer to treat in another section, pp. 97 ff., 105 if., because their contents are not entirely devoted to travel and in some instances deal directly with German letters and writers. 5 I, 249. 6 II, 97. 7 II, 135. 8 Ibid., p. 149. 9 Ibid., p. 190. 1 0 See p. 69, supra. 1 1 P. 96. See p. 33, supra. 1 2

12 p 77

- •

P. 407. This seems to be a rather free translation of the first four lines of the second stanza of The Phoenix. See p. 27, supra. 13

184

14 See Central Africa, pp. 14 f., 95, 107, 161 f. Life and Letters pp. 222, 224, 237. In the last named place we read: "Since my German friend left me on the Nile, I have met no one with whom I could speak of poetry and be understood." 15 Central Africa, p. 49. 16 Although J. L. Burckhardt was a German-Swiss, he travelled in the service of England and his works were first published in English. 17 Central Africa, p. 283. 18 P. 346 ff. 19 P. 297. 20 P. 352. 21 See At Home and Abroad, p. 135. 22 Land of the Saracens, p. 212. 23 P. 344. 24 P. 389. 25 P. vi. 26 P. 247 f. 27 Cf. A Visit to China, India and Japan in the Year of 1853, p. 92 and p. 161. 28 Ibid., p. 106. 29 (Stuttgart, 1837) 2 Bde., II, 173 f. 30 See infra., p. 186 if. 31 There can be no doubt that Taylor means Engelbert Kämpfer's (1615—1716) History of Japan, trans, by Scheuchzer (London, 1727). 32 P. 389. 33 P. 390 and p. 446. Julius Heinrich Klaproth, 1783—1835. 34 Cornell University. See also Taylor to Boker, London, Oct. 18, 1852 (C. U.) and the record of Siebold's letter to Taylor, Oct. 24, 1852. Tay. 66 (Cornell University) and Taylor's letter of Oct. 28, 1852, to Freiligrath (Huntington Library), referred to by Schultz, Unpublished Letters, p. 212. 35 William Heine of Dresden, the German-American artist, traveller, diplomat and author, whose name appears frequently in Fr. Kluge's Seemannsprache, was a companion and friend of Taylor when they were both members of Commodore Perry's squadron. See Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, L. 135, and Taylor's India, China and Japan (ed. 1878), p. 399. 36 P. 316. 37 Pictures of Travel (Philadelphia, 1855), p. 13. 38 At Home and Abroad, p. 343; Life and Letters, p. 326. 39 Berlin, 1810. 2 Bde. 40 At Home and Abroad, p. 347f.; Life and Letters, pp. 326—329. 41 Cf. pp. 105, 122, 135, 145, 156, 282, 301. 42 E. g., cf. II, 8, 275; II, 175 ff.; I, 350ff.; I, 184 ff. with Taylor's work, pp. 180 ff., 128, 282 f., 259, respectively. 43 Philadelphia, 6th ed., 1858. See At Home and Abroad, p. 348 ff. and compare Morris's translation "carryall" for "cariole" (p. 419) and Taylor's remark in Northern Travel, "The carriole (carry-all) lucus a non lucendo, because it carries only one." See also At Home and Abroad, p. 248. See Whittier to James T. Fields, Amesbury, 6, 1st mo., 1856. "Bayard Taylor could have found Lapland here. . . withouth taking the trouble to follow in the trades of Afraja over the Lap mountains as he tells me he intends to do." Eastburn, Whittier, p. 35 f. 44 Pp. 104, 152, 268, 295. 45 P. 402 ff. 3. unveränderte Auflage. Breslau, 1862. 46 Pp. 228, 239. 47 Central Africa, p. 271 f. 48 Northern Travel, p. 126. 49 At Home and Abroad, p. 351 ff. 50 Cf. Smyth, Bayard Taylor, p. 95 and By-Ways of Europe, p. 13 f. 61 By-Ways of Europe, p. 13. 62 Ibid., p. 14. 63 Northern Travel, p. 195 f.

185

84

Reise durch Norwegen und Lappland, II, 295; I, 93 ff. By-Ways of Europe, p. 14. There can be no doubt that the origin of Taylor's information, "In this city [Bergen] the average number of rainy days in a year is two hundred" (p. 335), is Miigge's Afraja, which he knew in 1855 (see note IV, No. 44). "It rains regularly two hundred days in the year at Bergen" (Morris's translation, p. 215). 57 Greece and Russia, p. 288, p. 316, and At Home and Abroad, p. 360, p. 355. Compare respectively. 5S ' Greece and Russia, p. 294. 59 Ibid., p. 153. In one of Taylor's diaries in the Cornell University Library (Tay. 52) we find this statement: "Corinth," 16th March (i.e., 1858): "I repeated Schiller's lines 'Eure Tempel lachten gleich Palästen, etc.'" 60 Ibid., p. 238. 61 Ibid., p. 313. 62 Ibid., p. 328; see also pp. 305, 372. Johann Georg Kohl (1878—1898), Petersburg in Bildern und Skizzen (Dresden, 1841), translated, London, 1852, Panorama of St. Petersburg. See also Appendix II. 63 Ibid., p. 292. 64 "Know ye the land of the cypress and the myrtle, where the flowers ever bloom, the beams ever shine?" (p. 49) is, of course from Byron's "Bride of Abydos," Canto I, but it cannot be supposed that Taylor did not have also in mind the sources of Byron's inspiration, Goethe's "Mignon," which poem Taylor later translated and parodied. See Appendix IV. 85 Limni. 66 Greece and Russia, p. 252. 67 P. 324. 68 Ibid., p. 348. 69 Pp. 14, 29, 39, 104, 112, 127, 163, 181. 70 P. 79. 71 See pp. 105, 108. 72 Colorado, p. 142. 73 E.g. cf. Egypt and Iceland, pp.48, 69, 73, 79, 85, 104f., 106, 119, 120, 121, 122 f., 127. 74 Ibid., p. 57. 75 Ibid., pp. 58, 59, 60 (the book referred to is Im Herzen von Africa, Leipzig, London, 1874, which Taylor had probably read cursorily), p. 62. 76 Ibid., pp. 105, 110. 77 Ibid., p. 108. 78 Ibid., p. 110. 79 Ibid., p. 111. 80 Leipzig, 1872. 81 Aegypten und die Bücher Moses, Leipzig, 1. Bd., 1868; 2. Bd. was never published. 82 Auguste Mariette-Bey, Deuxième Edition, Paris, 1870. 83 Notice des Principaux Monuments exposés, dans les Galeries Provisoires du Musée D'Antiquités Égyptiennes à Boulaq, Paris, 1869. 84 Tay. 64, Cornell University. 85 E.g., cf. Egypt and Iceland, pp.79, 88 f., 128—132, with Aperçu, etc., p. 32 ff., pp. 62—69, respectively, and Egypt and Iceland, Chap. IX—X, with Mariette's Notice, especially Egypt, pp. 121, 123, 125 f., with Notice, pp.20, 85, 79f., respectively. 86 Cf. Egypt and Iceland, p. 117, with Durch Gosen zum Sinai, p. 76, and p. 83 f. 87 Egypt and Iceland, p. 148. 88 July 16, 1874 (Cornell University). 89 Ibid., p. 210. 90 Egypt and Iceland, p. 230. 91 Ibid., p. 235. 92 Ibid., p. 236. 93 Ibid. 55

56

186

94

Cincinnati, 1856. See Cyclopedia, p. x. E.g., m a n y of H u m b o l d t ' s works and that of M e y e n d o r f f . 97 Burckhardt's works. 98 Britain, t w e n t y - o n e ; America, seven. 99 Britishers average circa 12 pages, Americans about 20, French, 39. Of course the last average goes high because the French are represented by only two men, H u e and Caillaud. 100 See Bibliography. 101 T a y l o r wrote on Apr. 29, 1871 (see Life and Letters, p. 558), calling his "compilation of Travels in Arabia for Scribner and Co. "a piece of labor which I have undertaken f o r money, and f o r money alone." See also Life and Letters, pp. 589, 596, 619, 632. 102 This labor seems to have extended f r o m spring, 1871, through the year of 1873. See Life and Letters, pp. 558, 619, 632. 103 London, 1863. 104 Corbeil, near Paris, 1870. 3 + 860 pp., 2 vols. 105 See p. 72, supra. 106 See Japan, in our Day, pp. 6 and 8. 107 Central Asia, pp. 10 f f . los p 46—48. 109 270 pages, of which 200 are f r o m Palgrave alone. 110 See Appendix I I I . 1X1 P. 30 ff 112 Pp. 29 f f . , 65 f f . 113 See Appendix I I I 114 Reisen in Südafrika, 1849—57, deutsch von J. H u n f a l v y , Pest, 1859. 115 See p. 150, infra. 116 Life and Letters, p. 316 f. 117 Ibid., p. 78 f., N o v . 27, 1846. 118 Ibid., p. 104, Oct. 24, 1847. u » Atlantic Monthly, March, 1869; X X I I I , 329 f f . 120 Harper's Monthly, X X I I , 228ff., s e e p . 168, supra. 121 Tribune, between M a y 3 and June 29, 1867. 122 Ibid., M a y 17, 1867. 123 Ibid., August 30, 1867. 124 Ibid., N o v e m b e r 29, 1867. 125 Ibid., March 20, 1876. See p. 68, supra. 126 Ibid., September 3, 1869. 127 Loc. Cit. 128 Since b o o k reviews were n o t initialed by their a u t h o r , it is n o t possible t o identify all of T a y l o r ' s reviews, but that he was the Tribune's authority on German literature is evident f r o m the number of works we k n o w he reviewed. A partial list of these reviews f o r the years of 1869—1872, compiled by Mrs. T a y l o r , is to be f o u n d in the library of Cornell University. ( T a y . 59). Cf. p. 138 note 13, infra. 95

96

CHAPTER V P. 15. 2 See Life and Letters, p. 27 f f . 3 P. 17 ff., supra. 4 P. 116. 5 P. 13. 6 See Didotungen, Stuttgart und Tübingen, I, 117. 7 See pp. 19, 23, 26, 28, 31, 40, 45. 8 See Life and Letters, p. 82 (Jan. 24, 1847). 9 P. 130. 10 P. 95. 1

187

1 1 E.g., The Wayside Dream was finished March 14, 1847 (Tay. 44, Cornell University), and first appeared in Graham's Magazine for December, 1847. 1 2 Taylor's diary (Tay. 44, Cornell University), under the date of Mar. 14, 1847, reads: "Uhland says: 'Schaurig süsses Gefühl — lieblicher Frühling du nahst.'" In a letter to Mary Agnes, June 29, 1847 (Life and, Letters, p. 97), he writes: "Morning. My dreams were not of thee, but I had an inspiring vision. I thought old Ludwig Uhland sat beside me, leaning his silver head on my shoulder, and repeated some of his beautiful German ballads. It was a singular thought, but perhaps it had a mysterious connection with my waking reflections; for I was turning over in my mind the resolution to write no more poetry. . . . But there is no fear of it, I believe. A flower which has been planted by Nature, and cherished by years of thought, cannot die from such a slight neglect." From the data in hand and the nature of the opening stanza of Taylor's poem, I am inclined to believe that this composition was written about the time of this dream. 13 Rhymes of Travel, p. 116. In Tay. 65 (Cornell University) is a record of a translation thus: "Uhland's Harald Frankf., Nov. 14 1844." Also in Tay. 9. 14 Views Afoot, p. 126 (ed. 1872). 1 5 Taylor was in Heidelberg in September; note also the season represented in the poem is Autumn. E.g., cf. Views Afoot, p. 250f. and Taylor's statement that "The Wayside Dream" was written March 14, 1847 (Cornell, Tay. 44).

"

S

'

7 4

'

Except the final line of each of the first three of Taylor's stanzas, which is hexameter. 1 9 Taylor, of course, makes no attempt to imitate the feminine rimes when such occur in the German. 2 0 See Views Afoot, p. 126 (ed. 1872). 21 Taylor's Translation, p. 9 ff. 22 Ibid., p. 11. 23 Life and Letters, p. 14. 24 Life and Letters, p. 14, Cf. Orion, hersg. von Adolf Strodtmann, I, 6, 450 (June, 1863). 2 5 See note 16, supra. 26 Rhymes of Travel, p. 109. 2 T Smyth, Bayard Taylor p. 304. 2 8 See supra, p. 81. 2 9 S. 22, 25, 26, respectively. N. B. that these three poems stand close together near the beginning of the volume (ed. 1841), making it likely that Taylor learned them soon after his introduction to Kerner's lyrics. 3 0 Cf. Views Afoot, p. 250 (ed. 1872). 3 1 II, 8 (ed. 1843). 3 2 The underlining is mine. 3 3 In "The American Legend," written June-July, 1850, for the Phi Beta Kappa at Harvard, is found the line: "We swing their swords, we sing their lusty songs" (p. 16), which also seems reminiscent of Uhland's "Berglied." 3 4 See Life and Letters, p. 130 f. 35 Scribner's Monthly, X I X , 86. 36 Home Pastorals, p. 181. 37 Heines Lieder und Gedichte (Macmillan, 1897), p. xixf. 3 8 Pp. 137—151. 3 8 See p. 26, supra. 4 0 See p. 69 f., supra. 4 1 "From the bosom of ocean I seek thee" is printed as two eight line stanzas, but it is essentially four four-line stanzas. 4 2 P. 145. 4 3 The probability that this poem owes a debt to Heine is strengthened by the relation of Taylor th Heine. See p. 95 f., infra. 4 4 P. 418. 18

188

45

Cf. p. 36 ff., supra. "The Summer Camp" was written in January, 1851 (see Life and Letters, p. 201 f.). Smyth assigns "Ariel" to 1849 (Smyth, p. 304.). 47 4613—20; 4634—78; see also 4621—33. 48 The latter undoubtedly because of the very few lines which Shakespeare's Ariel sings, but compare Taylor, verses 7, 55, 56, 94, with Shakespeare. 49 Faust, II, p. 3 (ed. 1882); original, 4613 f. 00 Ibid., p. 4; original, 4634 f. 51 Ibid., p. 4; original, 4641. 52 Ibid., original 4624 f. 53 Life and Letters, p. 202. 54 Faust, 1, 4679. 55 P. 88. 58 Underlining is mine. 57 Taylor's Faust II, 6 (ed. 1882). 58 4684 f. 59 P. 61. 60 Cf. Life and Letters, p. 213, and note the date of "Summer Camp." 61 Ibid., p. 173 ff. and also Bibliography. 62 P. 85, supra. 83 Cf. Stedmann, Poets of America (Boston and New York, 1886), p. 406. 64 Bayard Taylor, p. 98. 65 Ibid., p. 202. 66 E.g., cf. Haskell, Taylor's Translation, 11 f. 87 See Life and Letters, p. 237 ff. 88 Essays and Notes, p. 95 f. 69 Ibid., p . 9 6 f f . 70 Tay. 33 [larger]; see Appendix II. 71 Taylor left Gotha on October 8, 1852, after a stay of three weeks in the vicinity (New York Tribune, Dec. 2, 1852). 72 The Morgl. Sagen und Geschichten, as published in 1837, comprises two volumes. 73 Smyth, Bayard Taylor, p. 302 f. 74 II, 173 f. 75 P. 106; cf. also p. 288. 76 Cf. India, China and Japan, p. 92 and p. 161. 77 See p. 90, infra. 78 See p. 86, supra. 79 Morgl. Sagen und Gesch., I, 135. 80 Morgl. Sagen und Gesch., I, 56 ff. 81 See India, China and Japan, p. 508. 82 Cornell University, Tay. 49. 83 See Stedman, Poets of America, p. 408; Henry A. Beers, Initial Studies in American Letters, (New York, 1895), p. 178 f.; Haskell, Taylor's Translation, p. 12. 84 Morgl. Sagen und Gesd}., II, 315 ff. 85 P. 12. 88 Scribner's Monthly, X I X , 87. 87 P. 86f. 88 The fact that Taylor prints these lines each time in italics does not indicate that they are a quotation, but that they constitute a song. See the songs in the Faust translation and elsewhere. 89 Tay. 37, Cornell University. fl0 Cornell University, Tay. 67. See Appendix II. 91 London, 1825, II, 477. 92 The poem has been set to music by A. W. Foote. In this form it was repeatedly sung by Harvard Glee Club in the spring of 1923. 93 Morgl. Sagen und Gesch., II, 295. 94 Cornell University, Tay. 37, a note-book of the Far Eastern journey: mostly financial accounts and poems. 48

189

95

Cf. Life and Letters, p. 277 and p. 274 ff. S. 111. It must not be forgotten that, although Taylor knew a little colloquial Arabic, he probably could not read that language and positively knew nothing of its literature from direct contact with the language. 98 Morgl. Sagen und Gesch., I, 68. 99 Smyth, Bayard Taylor, p. 303; also Cornell University, Tay. 62, we read: "Oct. 7, 1853. I have just finished my 'Hymn to Air' and so got rid of a poem which has been troubling my mind for three years past." 100 I, 58. 101 "Ihn [den Wind] zu halten an Ketten Sind sieben Engel bestellt," occurs in Riickert's poem. 102 Infra., pp. 93 if. 103 Boston, 1854. 104 Leipzig, 1822. 105 See p. 36, supra. 106 Essays and Notes, p. 100. 107 In favor of his assumption is the fact that the "Proem Dedicatory — An Epistle from Mount Tmolus" was composed in May-June, 1854 (see Note 95, supra.). Against it argues Taylor's little lyric, "Persian Serenade," written at Grenada, Spain, November, 1852 (published, Atlantic Monthly, February, 1879; XLII, 247), which is thoroughly in the "Stimmung" of the Oriental Roses. It might be that Taylor acquired this volume when he acquired the Morgenleindische Sagen und Geschichten, read it in Spain, and, when lightening his impedimenta for his Far-Eastern trip, sent it to his American home where he found it and used it on his return. 108 Bayard Taylor, p. 98. 109 p 202. 110 Smyth, Bayard Taylor, p. 303, reads "The Angel of Patevin," which is an error for the above title. See R. H . Stoddard in Atlantic Monthly XLIII, 242 ff. (February, 1879). 111 A full discussion of Whittier's poem and its relation to the German will be found in Iola Kay Eastburn's Whittier's Relation to German Thought and Life, p. 96 ff. 112 Ibid., p. 34. 113 Heme in America, Americana-Germanica, No. 23 (Philadelphia, 1918), p. 152. 114 Smyth, Bayard Taylor, p. 303. 116 Evidently he has used some collection of Taylor's poem and not the individual volumes. See Sachs Heine in Amerika, p. 152. 116 See Life and Letters, p. 277 and p. 274 ff. 117 The metrical form of these pieces is of frequent occurrence in Riickert's Morgl. Sagen und Gesch., which Taylor had recently been reading. 118 "L'Envoi," see p. 93 f., supra. "Proem Dedicatory," May-June 12, 1854. See Life and Letters, p. 277 and p. 274 ff. "L'Envoi" was written even later than June 12th. (Life and Letters, p. 277). Taylor must have been reading Faust I at this time, for on August 10, 1854, he quoted from it in a letter to Stoddard. See Life and Letters, p. 278 and p. 175, infra, note 114. 119 Cf., however, "The Voyage of a Dream," p. 158. Come down! Come down! And let me quit this perilous height, This icy royalty of thought, to glide. Nearer the homes of men, the embowered nests Of unaspiring, lowliest content, with Faust "Von dem Thor", especially 937 ff. 120 "Proem Dedicatory," Poems of the Orient, p. 11. Cf .Faust, 354 f f . through1770. 121 Cf. especially Faust, 1770 ff., and note that the lines Taylor quoted in his August letter are 2038 f., i. e., they follow this closely. 122 "L'Envoi," Poems of the Orient, p. 161. Cf. Faust 1770 ff. 123 Cf. Faust, 4705 ff. 96

97

190

Atlantic Monthly X L I I I , 246 (February, 1879). Ibid., p. 247. 126 Gesch. der engl. Lit. (Leipzig, 1906, Sechste Auflage), S. 457. 1 2 7 Preface, dated October, 1855; published November. (See Smyth, Bayard Taylor, p. 300). 1 2 8 See Poems of Home and Travel, p. 3. 1 2 9 It seems probable that Taylor had already at least glanced over C. G. Leland's translation of Heine's Reisebilder, a presentation copy of which he had in his library (see Appendix I I I ) . We know he read this work soon after these poems were written (See note 156, infra). 1 3 0 1 8 59 and 1862, respectively. The sketches contained in both volumes appeared for the most part in periodicals at irregular intervals from 1851—1862. 1 3 1 "Scenes at a Target-Shooting," At Home and Abroad, p. 455. This incident occurred August, 1858. 1 3 2 Berlin, 1905, S. 33, 139 f. 133 p 7 0 134 At Home and Abroad, Preface. 1 3 5 It is peculiar that Taylor does not mention Heine in speaking of the song, for he was surely already ac.uainted with Heine's poems. See p. 26, supra. 136 Ibid., p. 456. 1 3 T See Appendix I V . 1 3 8 First published in the Atlantic Monthly, V I , 699 ff. (December, 1860). 1 3 9 See Studies in German Literature, p. 322. 1 4 0 C f . Faust I, note 35, p. 242 (ed. 1882); Studies in German Literature, p. 322. 1 4 1 See p. 36, supra. 1 4 2 The date he began his "Confessions," etc. See Cornell University, T a y . 62. 1 4 3 C f . Goethejahrbuch, V, 225. 144 Stuttgart, 1898, S. 134. 1 4 5 P. 451 (twice) 453, 459, 463 (twice), 464, 468, 469. 1 4 8 P. 463, 467. 1 4 7 P. 464. 1 4 8 P. 464. 1 4 9 P. 451. 1 5 0 See Jub. Ausg. X X I , 38 f f . 151 Ibid., S. 40. 1 8 2 N . B . "soul-matter," supra. 1 5 3 See Smyth, Bayard Taylor, p. 300. 154 Life and Letters, p. 404; cf. T a y l o r always refers to Goethe's biography as "Wahrheit und Dichtung." Faust I, p. 230, 252, 264, 282, etc. (ed. 1882). m s Heine in America, p. 152. 1 5 8 Sachs, Heme in Amerika, p. 81, 152. See also Appendix I I I , infra. 1 5 7 Cornell University has a copy of this volume designated as "Author's copy with his annotations." See also T a y . 65, in which the dates of the various poems are written in the margin in pencil by the author: " I n Winter" bears the date June 11 (1860). 158 "Heimkehr," No. 7. T a y l o r translates stanza six of this poem in Northern Travel (1857). See p. 72 (supra). 1 5 9 "Heimkehr," No. 16, verse 6. 180 Poet's Journal, p. 81. 1 8 1 C f . August Walther Fischer, Über die volkstümlichen Elemente in den Gedichten Heines, S. 52—62. 1 6 2 Here, however, the rime is in couplets. 1 8 3 P. 38. 184 Faust, 9723 ff. 165 Faust, 9901 f. 1 8 8 P. 132 f. 1 8 7 Verses 11726 f f . 188 Life and Letters, p. 336. See also p. 73, supra. 124

125

191

169

See p. 9, supra. Atlantic Monthly III, 230 (February, 1859). Coburg, 1858. It is not improbable that Taylor knew the Stolberg's poem, "Graf Gleichen." There is no evidence to show he did, but undoubtedly some of his friends had called his attention to the poem "Ritter Bayard," which stands almost next to "Graf Gleichen" in the Stolberg volume. 172 Poet's Journal, p. 78, p. 145. 173 Life and Letters, p. 374 f. 174 Smyth, Bayard Taylor, p. 301. 175 July 15, 1861, At Home and Abroad, Second Series, p. 257 f f . 176 P. 56. 177 P. 108. 178 P. 251. 179 P. 254. 180 P. 337. 181 P. 336. 182 P. 438. See Appendix IV. 183 ]ohn Godfrey's Fortunes, p. iii. 184 Pp. 6, 97. See also p. 9 f., supra. 185 P. 265. 186 P. 273. 187 P. 418. 188 P. 510. 189 P. 331. wo p 3i9 See also Life and Letters, p. 601. 191 P. 395. See "Mihi est propositum," Commersbuch, S. 231. 192 P. 413 f. See Appendix IV. 193 Cf. p. 38 f., supra. 194 P. 327. 195 S. 185 ff. and S. 161 ff., respectively (Cotta, 1874, Bd. X). 196 Ibid., S. 187. 197 Be it also noted that the Latin song referred to above (p. 102) which the singer "had learned in Düsseldorf" (John Godfrey's Fortunes, p. 395), and which Taylor undoubtedly got from a Commersbuch, was sung in the "Ichneumon." This might indicate that Taylor had a German institution in mind when he invented his cave. Again, "The Echo Club," another such fraternity as that which met in "Ludlamshöhle" and in the "Ichneumon," has a meeting-place of the same kind. "In the rear of Karl Sdiäfer's lager-beer cellar and r e s t a u r a n t . . . there is a small room, with a vaulted ceiling, which Karl calls his 'Löwengrube,' or Lion's Den. Here in the Bohemian days Zoilus and the Gannet had been accustomed to meet and discuss literary projects, and read fragments of manuscript to each other. The Chorus, the Ancient, and young Galahad gradually fell into the same habit, and thus a little circle of six, seven, or eight members came to be formed. The room could comfortably contain no more: it was quiet, with a dim, smoky, confidential atmosphere, and suggested Auerbach's Cellar to the Ancient, who had been in Leipzig." "Here authors, books, magazines, and newspapers were talked about; sometimes a manuscript poem was read by the writer; while mild potations of beer and the breath of cigars delayed the nervous, fidgety, clattering-footed American Hours" (Echo Club, p. 14 f.). The very mention of "American" here implies that the author has in mind a similar situation whidi is non-American. Is the "Löwengrube" another "Ludlamshöhle?" 198 Story of Kennett, p. 76. 199 Act II, Sc. I, 15 (Cotta, 1874, VI, 58). 200 "Was sich neckt, das liebt sich." Franz Joseph Lipperheide, Spruchwörterbuch (Leipzig, 3. unveränderter Abdruck, 1935), S. 658. 201 The reference to the woman who drags the fisherman into the flood (Joseph and his Friend, p. 226) is an echo of Goethe's "Der Fischer." Cf. Ferdinand Gregorovius, 170

171

192

The Island of Capri (Boston, 1897), p. 87, which Taylor read about the time he was working on his novel. 202 Smyth, Bayard Taylor, p. 300. The Cabinet Edition (1865) is the same as this edition. 203 Most of them are dated. The dates of the others are ascertainable from Life and Letters, except that of "Through Baltimore." But the position of this poem in the volume and the manner in which it speaks of the incident described (April 19, 1861) seems to indicate that it was written about that date. 204 Life and Letters, p. 379. 205 P.iiif. 2oe Wieland often ends his stanza in a rimed couplet. This couplet frequently introduces a fourth rime into the stanza, but because of the frequent variation in the length of either one or both of the lines, it is incorrect to call them Alexandrines. About 46 %> of Wieland's stanzas end in a couplet of any sort. Taylor is without justification in saying that Wieland's stanzas "almost invariably" close thus. The percentage of stanzas ending in a rimed couplet in Taylor's poem is also large (40%) in spite of his effort to resist "the temptation to close with an Alexandrine" (p. VI 20T P y \r / 208 p j ' 209 When Taylor wrote his article "The Kyffhäuser and its Legends," whidi appeared in the Atlantic Monthly X X I , May, 1868, he had Wieland's Oheron fresh in mind. See By-Ways of Europe, p. 325. 210 Taylor's Translation, p. 11. 211 Picture of St. John, "The Artist," XLI, ( X X X V , Haskell, p. 11, refers to Poetical Works of Bayard Taylor, Household Edition, 1880, p. 254.) 212 Faust, 1112 f f . 213 See Thomas's Faust, I, note to line 1112 and his Appendix III. 214 P. 153. ^ 215 Faust, 7080—7092. See also Taylor's note to these lines, Faust II, note 66. These echoes of Faust are probably real ones as Taylor had gotten down to serious work on his translation before he finished St. John. Note also Clelia's prayer (p. 88 ff.) is to the "Mater Dolorosa" as Gretchen's had been. The former prays to the Virgin: "bend Thine ear" (XLVIII), "Incline Thy countenance . . . for Thou didst ne'er deny Compassion unto love" (L), as Gretchen had prayed: "Ach, neige, I Du Schmerzenreiche, I Dein Antlitz gnädig meiner Noth!" (3587 ff.). 216 On Two Continents, p. 142. 217 The Picture of St. John, Book I, stanza X V I I I . 218 Taylor must have once thought of calling his poem St. John of Sonnenheim. A loose sheet in one of his scrapbooks (Cornell University, Tay. 35, Blank Book VII) contains the three first stanzas of The Picture of St. John in its original form with the title St. John of Sonnenheim. Although the stanzas are in Taylor's hand, the chirography of the title suggests another scribe. 219 From May, 1864—January 1869. One of the articles, "The Grande Chartreuse," is from the New York Tribune, November 14, 1867. 220 p 13 221 p 14 222

Ibid.' P. 16. P. 23—112. 225 P. 143. 226 p 122 f. 223

224

227

P. 166 f. P. 168. 229 4 202 ff. 230 Like most commentators, Taylor, in his Faust translation, fails to give any note on this passage. For evidence suggesting that his story is a possible source of Goethe's inspiration, see John T. Krumpelmann, "Goethe's Faust, 4203—4205," Modern Language Notes, XLI, N o . 2, 107 f f . (February, 1926). 228

13

Krumpelmann

193

231 232 233

P. 261. P. 327. P. 317.

234 p 3 2 0 .

P. 323. On p. 433 is a translation from Goethe's Zahme Zenien. See Appendix IV. 2 3 7 This chapter from Wanderjahre in Italien, My citations and references are to the English translation by Lilian Clarke, Boston, 1879. 2 3 8 See Appendix IV. 230 By-Ways, p. 351; Gregorovius, Capri, p. 62. 2 4 0 P. 16. 2 4 1 P. 346. 2 4 2 P. 61. 2 4 3 P. 350. 2 4 4 For further evidence compare: Tiberius and Vesuvius, G., p. 15; T. p. 346; Napoleon and Tiberius, G., p. 72, T., p. 351; the order in which the description of the Blue Grotto is followed by that of the Green grotto, G., p. 87, T., p. 360 ff., and others ad libitum. 2 4 5 P. 377. 2 4 6 I, 207. 2 4 7 P. 397. 2 4 8 I, 9. 2 4 9 See Taylor, p. 400; Gregorovius, I, 160. 2 5 0 P. 414; see Appendix IV. 2 5 1 I, 200. 2 5 2 P. 417. 2 5 3 On August 19, 1868, Taylor announced that his Corsican article was half written (Life and Letters, p. 494). He had actually made the personal acquaintance of Gregorovius on March 28, 1868 (Cornell Univ., Tay. 63). The following evidence from an article in Essays and Notes (p. 25), dated May, 1877, seems to fix conclusively the source of the stanza referred to above. "In the delightful volume on Corsica by Ferdinand Gregorovius, there is a cradle-song of the Corsican mothers, the first stanza of which runs thus, in translation as literally as possible." Then follows the stanza exactly as found in By-Ways. 2 3 4 II, 264. 235

236

255 p

439

This work is probably Garibaldi's Denkwürdigkeiten, nach handschriftlichen Aufzeichnungen desselben u. nach authentischen Quellen, bearb. u. her ausg. 2 Bde., Hamburg, 1851, Hoffmann und Campe, X X I V , 474 S., Schwartz, Marie Esperance (Brandt) von, 1819—99 (alias, Melena Elpis). 2 5 7 H. Sauerländer, Ein Fremdenführer durch Detmold und den TeutobergerWald (Detmold, 1865). 2 5 8 P. 456. 259 Ibid. 2 6 0 P. 455. 2 6 1 P. 459; Die Ruinen und Museen Roms (Braunschweig, 1854), S. 175. 2 6 2 P. 463; Werke, Jub. Ausg. X X X V , 241, lines 11 ff. 263 Life and Letters, p. 572. See Dramatic Works, p. 332. 2 6 4 Clipping, Tay. 54 (147), Cornell University. 265 Bayard Taylor, p. 230 f. 268 Dramatic Works, p. 322. 2 8 7 Cf. Life and Letters, p. 653 and On Two Continents, p. 220. 288 Ibid. 269 Life and Letters, p. 584. 270 Ibid., p. 592. 271 Ibid., p. 575. 272 p p 20—26, incl. 258

194

273

P. 21; cf. But the nymphs of our fountains leave them untended, And the god of the stream is gone from his urn. and: Aus den Urnen lieblicher Najaden Sprang der Ströme Silbersdiaum. and see p. 107 f. The following passage of an unpublished letter of Taylor to J. B. Phillips (Cornell University), dated Mar. 8, 1871, is significant in this connection. "The other day in the street, I translated four lines which I copy as an imperfect specimen: Misty Oreads filled the nearer mountains, Yonder tree was then the Dryad's home; Where the Naiad held the urns of fountains Gushed the streams in silver foam. and also this Where, as now our sages have decided, Soulless whirls a ball of fire on high, Helios then his golden chariot guided Grandly through the silence of the sky. These are simply dashed off without second examination." Cf. also Studies in German Literature, p. 282 f. 274 P. 34. 275 P. 45. 276 P. 47. Cf. Am farbigen Abglanz haben wir das Leben. Faust, 4727 ff. 277 p 40 278 3455. 279 p 24 280 Pp. 36, 162. 281 I.e., Der neue Pitaval, Hitzig und Häring (W. Alexis) (Leipzig, 1842—49). 282 P. 162. 283 P. 163. 284 P. 200. 285 p. 229. 286 Cf. Life and Letters, pp. 595 and 599. 287 Ibid., p. 609. 288 Ibid., 335. 289 See p. 72, supra. 290 T. B. Aldrich to Taylor, January 9, 1873 (Cornell University). 291 John H a y to Taylor, November 5, 1873 (Cornell University). 292 Dramatic Works, p. 325 ff. 293 Two Continents, p. 243—250. 294 Ibid., p. 238. 295 Life and Letters, p. 582 f. 296 Smyth, Bayard Taylor, p. 301. 297 See also Improvisations, IV, p. 161. 298 E.g., The Holly Tree, John Reed, Napoleon at Gotha. 299 New York, 1922, p. 120 f. 300 p 1 2 0 f 301 P. 121. 302 CIX, 301. The Blameless Prince and other Poems. 303 Aug. 14, 1869; Life and Letters, p. 517. 304 Aug. 20, 1869; Life and Letters, p. 520. 305 "Euphorion," see On Two Continents, p. 204. 306 "An August Pastoral," Atlantic Monthly, X X I V , 470 ff. 307 Finished August 12, 1869; Tay. 64 (Cornell University). 308 On Two Continents, p. 204. 309 Poetical Works (1902), p. vi. 310 On Two Continents, p. 204. Mrs. Taylor's statement that in addition to the poems of Goethe and Gregorovius, the "Amours de Voyage" of Clough had prepossessed her husband in favor of this metre (On Two Continents, p. 204) and Emerson's 13»

195

wondering "whether Clough had risen again and was pouring rich English hexametres" (ibid. See also Life and Letters, p. 543) must not induce us to consider that, in addition to the German models, our poet had an English one, for such is hardly in accordance with fact. An extract from Taylor's discussion of the hexameter about this time ("Bryant's Translation of the Illiad," Essays and Notes, p. 261 f.; dated February, 1870) will reveal his attitude in this respect. "In spite of the efforts of Longfellow, Clough and Kingsley to naturalize it, hexameter retains an artifical character for most English readers." "In the German language the case is different. Hexameter has conquered its place, and now finds acceptance from the common as well as the classical ear. One cause of this success, we suspect, is the modification of the metre by the German poets, to adapt it to the genius of the language. Klopstock, Voss, Goethe and others write a hexameter which is German, not classic, in quantity and the arrangement of the cesural pauses." 3 1 1 Cf. Faust II, p. 332, note 19; p. 388, note 74 (edition of 1882). 3 1 2 Cf. p. 115, infra. 3 1 3 We have already seen that Taylor was familiar with the poems of Schiller in general (e.g., pp.28, 71, 73). He knew the "Spaziergang" by the spring of 1870 (see note 340, infra). Mrs. Taylor tells us that in 1872 she and her husband followed the same path which Schiller had immortalized in this poem (On Two Continents, p. 225 f.). 314 Home Pastorals, p. 20. 3 1 5 "Spaziergang," 7 f. 3 1 8 P. 21. 3 1 7 Z. 14—24. 3 1 8 P. 22. 3 1 8 Z. 30. 3 2 0 Z. 43 ff. (Italics mine.) 3 2 1 P. 28; cf. "Spaziergang," 173 ff. 3 2 2 P. 28 f. 3 2 3 "Spaziergang," 51. 324 p

25,

325 p

27

326

327 p

Ibid.' 29

P! 171. 3 2 9 Dient sie knechtisch dem Gesetz der Schwere Die entgötterte Natur. "Götter Griechenlands," the first half of which Taylor translated sometime before April 1870. See Studies in German Literature, p. 281 ff. and Appendix IV, infra. 3 3 0 The last two lines of each Goethean stanza forms a couplet. 3 3 1 P. 196. 3 3 2 Treasure Vault, Cornell University. 3 3 3 These two distidies do not rightly belong to the "Four Seasons," but have been inserted in later editions, together with four others, between Nos. 45 and 46. See Jub. Ausg., I, 365. 3 3 4 Nr. 45. 3 3 5 Preceding Nr. 46. See Jub. Ausg. I, 365. 336 Treasure Vault, Cornell University. 3 3 7 See Home Pastorals, p. 161. 3 3 8 Written 1870—1871. See p. 41, supra. 3 3 9 Cf. note 19, Paust II, also note 73. 340 Studies in German Literature, p. 318 f. Written Spring, 1870. 3 4 1 "Implora Pace", Home Pastorals, p. 121. 3 4 2 "Sunshine of the Gods," ibid., 95 f. Written, Summer, 1868. 3 4 3 "Penn Calvin," ibid., p. 123. 3 4 4 "Canopus," ibid., p. 170. 3 4 5 "Shakespeare's Statue," ibid., p. 203. 346 Life and Letters, p. 668. 328

196

347

See On Two Continents, p. 237 f. Ibid. 2nd stanza of "In der Fremde" (5), Sämtliche Werke (Leipzig, 1864), I, 262, only a few pages from "Sehnsucht." 350 Taylor has equivalents from Matthison's "Nachtigallen" (5); "Im Gefilde der Sterne," (7); "im zarten Laube im Gras," ( 9 f ) ; and "Eine Blume der Asche meines Herzens," (14). 351 Sämtliche Werke, I, 267 f. The underlining is mine. 352 Commentary on the verse: "Is it the far postillion's horn?" Mrs. Taylor in an unpublished note states: "The original melody which suggested the Variation to Bayard Taylor is to be found in one of Joseph von Eichendorff's finest lyrics, entitled Sehnsucht. The refrain of the first and last stanza of the poem also suggested Summer Night." ("Appendix to Editorial Notes for Bayard Taylor's Poems by me [Mrs. Taylor] in 1895—96." Cornell University). 353 See note 349, supra. 354 I have not been able to ascertain the date of composition of "Improvisation VIII.", but it was almost certainly written later than "Summer Night" for all the "Improvisations" whose dates I know are arranged in the volume chronologically and No. VI was published in January, 1874. 355 Harper's Monthly, XLVII, 445 (1873). 358 Likewise probably attributable to accident is the coincidence in metrical form and cadence between "Improvisation VI" (first published Harper's Monthly, January, 1874} and Uhland's little "Waldlied." 3uT Tay. 63, Cornell University; Jan. 25 (1864) "alone with B. in the eve. I read to him from Eichendorff's poems " (Mrs. Taylor's diary.). 368 John Godfrey's Fortunes, p. 208. 369 By-Ways of Europe, p. 311. 360 On Two Continents, p. 201. See New York Tribune, Sept. 9, 1871. 361 Smyth, Bayard Taylor, p. 301. 362 Echo Club (1876), p. ix. 383 On Two Continents, p. 218. 384 Cf. Echo Club, p. v.; On Two Continents, p. 146 f. 365 Life and Letters, p. 564 ff. 368 Ibid., p. 286; to G. H . Boker, Sept. 13, 1854. 367 See p. 103, supra, note 197. 388 Echo Club, p. 18. 369 Ibid., p. 64. 370 Ibid., p. 74. 371 Ibid., p. 102. 372 Ibid., p. 51 and p. 134. 373 Ibid., p. 167. 374 Ibid., 375 Ibid., pp. 43, 74, 79, 91. 376 Ibid., p. 50. 377 Ibid., p. 114. 378 Ibid., p. 134. 379 Ibid., p. 79. 380 Ibid., pp. 55, 144. 381 Ibid., p. 107. 382 Ibid., p. 115 f. 383 Ibid. 384 Ibid., p. 117. 383 A MS copy of the entire adaptation is found in Tay. 33, Cornell University. 388 On Two Continents, p. 257. 387 Dramatic Works, p. 334. 388 Ibid., and On Two Continents, p. 257. 389 Dramatic Works, p. 334. 390 Life and Letters, p. 684 and p. 711. 348

349

197

Ibid., p. 667. See p. 135 ff., infra. 393 Life and Letters, p. 675; November 14, 1875. 3 9 4 P. 715 f. 3 9 5 See Dramatic Works, p. 335; A. A. Watts and Anna Mary Howett (?), Aurora, London, 1875. See Eos, note 386 supra. 396 Ibid.; Siegfried Lipiner Der entfesselte Prometheus, Leipzig, 1876. In Mrs. Taylor's diary (Tay. 64, Cornell Univ.) we read: "1878 Feb. 3. B. read me passages from the Entfesselten Prometheus a new poem by a new German poet, which is surprising and startling." 3 9 7 Tay. 54 (Cornell Univ.); Dec. 17, 1878, p. 6, col. 4. 398 Ibid., Dec. 2, 1878, p. 3, col. 1 f. 3 9 9 Tay. 54. 4 0 0 December 7, 1878. 4 0 1 XLIII, 119, January, 1879. 402 Prince Deukalion, p. ix. 4 0 3 P. 119 f., supra. 391

392

404 p

123.

P. 125*. 4 0 6 P. 171. 4 0 7 P. 150 f. 4 0 8 P. 154. 4 0 9 P. 171. 4 1 0 Jub. Ausg., XV, 377. 411 On Two Continents, p. 216. 4 1 2 See Faust II, p. 425 (edition of 1882). 4 1 3 Tay. 64, Cornell University. 4 1 4 It was also about this time that Taylor discussed Pandora with the Duke of Weimar. In Essays and Notes (p. 197) (See also Atlantic Monthly, X X X V I , 229 (1875), and X X X V , 26ff. (1875)) we read: "The Grand-Duke remarked 'We have just been reading Goethe's Pandora, for the first time, now I suppose you have read it long ago.' 'Yes,' I answered, 'but I should like to hear, first, what impression it makes upon you.' 'It is wonderful!', he exclaimed, 'Why is such a poem not better known and appreciated?'" 4 1 5 This interest may be responsible for the prominence of the Biblical element in the Prophet (1874) and in Prince Deukalion. 4 1 6 Smyth, Bayard Taylor, p. 202. 417 Ibid., p. 257. 4 1 8 Goethe's play being a fragment, we cannot tell exactly what part Pandora, Dämonen and Helios would have played, as they do not appear in the fragment. 4 W P. x. 420 Deukalion, p. 131. See also p. 134. 4 2 1 P. 82 ff., especially p. 84 ff. 4 2 2 Z. 37 f. 4 2 3 Z. 50 ff. 4 2 4 Cf. Max Morris, Goethe-Studien (Berlin, 1902), 276 ff. 428 Heinrich Düntzer, Erläuterungen, X V I I , 141, which commentary Taylor probably knew. Düntzer explains: "Dämonen, Geistige Mächte." Taylor's Buddha is Buddhaism; Medusa, the Papacy; Calchas, Protestantism. 426 Life and Letters, p. 716. 427 Erläuterungen, X V I I , 139. Max Morris (Goethe-Studien, S. 263) says: "Es muss also doch wohl bei Moria = Jerusalem bleiben, nur dürfen wir darunter nicht das irdische Jerusalem verstehen, sondern das neue Jerusalem der Apokalypse. Wie der Sabbat der auf Erden für eine kurze Zeit sich verwirklichende Zustand von Friede, Schönheit, und Heiligkeit ist, so schaut Johannes ein solches vollkommendes Glüdk als eine in die Zukunft verlegte Vision in seinem neuen Jerusalem. Das Drama von Pandoras Wiederkunft ist eine verwandte Vision, und so können Sabbat und Moria dem 405

198

Dichter hier als Merkworte dienen, die natürlich in der Dichtung selbst nicht genannt worden wären. Morris's words might without much mutatis mutandis be applied to Taylor's drama. 428 Cf. Prince Deukalion, p. 150 f. 429 Jub. Ausg. XV, 373. 430 P. 134. 431 P. 156. 432 Z. 55 f. 433 O t t o Pniower, Jub. Ausg., XV, 375. 434 P. 285 ff. 435 P. 159. 436 Cf. the implied equation "Agathon = Schönheit," supra. 437 P. 17. 438 II, vi, Z. 696 ff. 439 Z. 753. 440 Z. 761 ff. 441 P. 112. 442 I, xiv, 470 ff. N. B. Taylor's sententia written circa September, 1874, "It makes a great deal of difference whether we wear social forms as bracelets or handcuffs" (cf. note 471, infra.). 443 (Leipzig, 1881) S. 277. 444 Studies in German Literature, p. 279. 445 Deukalion, p. 141 f. 446 P. 26. 447 See pp. 107—108. 448 Dramatic Works, p. 343. 449 See Studies in German Literature, p. 282 ff. 450 Prince Deukalion, p. 97. 431 Dramatic Works, p. 343. 432 "Götter Griechenlands," l l l f . 453 Brooklyn Magazine, February, 1880, p. 57. "The Best of Bayard Taylor." 434 A Tribute to Bayard Taylor (Washington, 1879), p. 3. 455 Essays and Notes, p. v. 456 P. 33 ff., supra. 457 Published, Atlantic Monthly, XVIII, 33 ff. (1866). 438 T o J. T. Fields, Apr. 15 and Apr. 20, 1866 (Cornell University). 459 Apr. 20, 1866 (Cornell University). 460 See Appendix IV. 481 Atlantic Monthly, X X X V , 26 ff. (1875). 482 Ibid., X X V I , 229 ff. 483 Essays and Notes, p. 47 f. 484 Ibid., p. 120. 485 Ibid., p. 136. 488 See also ibid., pp. 38, 302, 305, 323, 343, 374. 487 Essays and Notes, p. 333 ff. 488 It was never collected into one of Taylor's volumes, but appeared in Stories by American Authors, I, Scribner and Sons, 1884. 489 Stories by American Authors, I, 31. 470 Ibid., p. 10 f. 471 Cf Goethe (Jub. Ausg. X X I , 188 f.), "Durch das, was wir Betragen und gute Sitten nennen, soll das erreicht werden, was ausserdem nur durch Gewalt, oder audi nicht einmal durch Gewalt zu erreichen ist." (See note 442, supra.) 472 Cf. Goethe (Jub. Ausg. XXI, 174). "Einem bejahrten Manne verdachte man, dass er sich nodi um junge Frauenzimmer bemühte. Es ist das einzige Mittel, versetzte er, sich zu verjüngen, und das will jedermann." 473 Cf. ibid., S. 225. "Ein Leben ohne Liebe, ohne die Nähe des Geliebten, ist nur eine Comedie a tiroir, ein schlechtes Schubladenstück." 474 P. 7 f. 199

475 Faust I, p. 242, note 35 (edition of 1882). It might also be borne in mind that "Who was She?" was written while Taylor was sojourning in Gotha, Germany (See Life and Letters, p. 640). 476 The edition of 1902 contains only one additional poem "The Centennial Hymn," which does not concern us here. 477 Poetical Works, p. iii. 478 "A Lover's Test," "My Prologue," "Gabriel." See note VI, 4, infra. 479 See Appendix IV. 480 See p. 56 f., supra. 481 Life and Letters, p. 762. See also letter of Sept. 18, 1878, ibid., p. 759. 482 A Sdiool History of Germany, see p. 146 ff., infra, and Studies in German Literatur, see p. 140 ff., infra. 483

p

4 0

C H A P T E R VI Tay. 67. Life and Letters, 615. 3 Ibid., p. 646. 4 See Smyth, Bayard Taylor, p. 254. Letter to T. B. Aldrich, May 21, 1874. 5 Life and Letters, p. 545. 8 Ibid., p. 544. 7 By-Ways of Europe, pp. 330—333, incl. This article appeared in the Atlantic Monthly in 1868 (XXI, 614). 8 Tay. 57, Cornell University; dated Boston, March 15, 1878. 9 Cf. especially Life and Letters, pp. 550, 572, 593, 597, 599, 602 f., 612, 619, 621, 630, 640 ff., 652, 653, 703, 714, 719, 720, 723, 725, 735, 745, and On Two Continents, pp. 215—250, incl. 10 See Life and Letters, p. 572. 11 Essays and Notes, p. 155 ff. 12 Ibid., p. v. 13 Life and Letters, p. 620 f. 14 In a letter to E. C. Stedman (Weimar, Oct. 14, 1873; Cornell University), Taylor says that he had taken occasion recently to impart his plan to Gustav Freytag and that the latter had said "it would give Goethe's biography an entirely new character." 15 Gotha, January 16, 1874. Life and Letters, p. 641 ff. 16 Tay. 10. In "Autumn Days in Weimar," Taylor repeats at length Preller's account of the death of August Goethe. Karl Knortz in his Goethe und die Wertherzeit, mit dem Anhang, Goethe in Amerika (Zürich, 1885), S. 49, quotes in full this published account from Taylor's essay. 17 The account is item 2, in the diary, Tay. 10. It fills both sides of one sheet of writing paper and is in Taylor's own chirography. 18 Essays and Notes, p. 203 f. 18 Cf. Schultz, Unpublished Letters, No. 107, p. 178 ff., July 7, 1874. 20 Life and Letters, p. 653. See p. 136, infra., especially note 35. 21 Ibid., loc. cit. 22 Ibid., p. 657. 23 Ibid., p. 703. 24 T o Whitelaw Reid, July 13, 1877; Life and Letters, p. 708. 25 See Life and Letters, p. 707, p. 720 (to Sidney Lanier); p. 723 (to P. H . Hayne); p. 725 (address to the Goethe Club). Cornell Univ., unpublished letter to Prof. J. M. Hart, dated Kennett Square, Aug. 7, 1877, "I am not going to Russia, although I presume I could have gone had I desired. But what could I do there? My biography of Goethe is my sole absorbing interest, and that alone impels me, now to wait the pleasure of the Government, which may either give or take away my diance of completing the great design within the next two or three years. Say nothing of this to any one! . . . I cling to my plan with such tenacity that I surely must be allowed to 1

2

200

accomplish it before I die." See also to George P. Smith, Dec. 4, 1877, Schultz, Unpublished, Letters, No. 123, p. 199 f. 26 Goethe Jahrbuch, V, 240. 27 See Schultz, Unpublished. Letters, No. 126, p. 204 (March 10, 1878). 28 Ibtd., p. 223 (Feb. 23, 1878). 29 Tay. 55, Cornell University, a clipping. 30 Life and Letters, p. 714. 31 (New York, 1881) P. 103 ff. 32 Life and Letters, p. 745. 33 Ibid., p. 760. 34 Letter to Prof. J. M. H a r t , dated Russischer H o f , Weimar, October 31, 1873 (Cornell University). 35 Tay. 19., 1. A scrap of blue paper with four lines of German verse in (German) script and signed Goethe. 2. List of 174 titles in Taylor's handwriting entitled "Works Concerning Goethe, Correspondence, etc." 3. 24 sheets containing closely written notes on Goethe and Schiller, and comprising partly bibliographical material. For the most part the notes are copied from periodicals. 4. A manuscript bibliography of 48 titles (Goethe and Schiller). 5. A manuscript bibliography of 17 titles (Goethe and Schiller). 6. A piece of notepaper with a quotation from Grillparzer about Goethe. 7. T h r e j scraps of paper with notes about Goethe. 36 See p. 132 ff., supra. 37 See By-Ways of Europe, p. 330. 38 Studies in German Literature, p. 304 ff. 39 Tay. 56, p. 48; Cornell University; marked Troy Times, April 5, 187Ö. 40 Life and Letters, p. 609 f. 41 T o J. M. Hart, November 12, 1873 (Cornell University). C H A P T E R VII 1

Ithaca, March 30, 1878. (Cornell University). Tay. 66 cf., Bayard Taylor's ein Lebensbild aus Briefen zusammengesetzt von Hansen-Taylor und Horace E. Scudder, übersetzt und bearbeitet von Anna M. Koch (Gotha, 1885), S. 76: "Dieselbe lautet im Auszug: "Werter Herr! Es sind nun schon mehrere Jahre vergangen, seit ich das Vergnügen hatte, Sie in Leipzig kennen zu lernen, und es ist mehr als wahrscheinlich, dass Sie sogar meinen Namen vergessen haben. Ich habe Sie aber nicht vergessen, und hätte Ihnen auch längst geschrieben, erfuhr aber erst kürzlich durch eine Kritik Ihres Buches im Athenäum, wo es sehr gelobt wurde, Ihre Rückkehr nach Amerika. Ich hätte es gerne gelesen, konnte es aber hier nicht bekommen und musste nach Amerika darum schreiben. Zugleich mit diesem Brief schicke ich Ihnen meinen letzten Roman, den ich nach Arkansas verlegt habe, wo ich über vier Jahre verlebte und die Zustände gründlich kennen gelernt habe. Die Menschen, die eine Rolle in dem Buch spielen, leben teilweise noch dort. Vielleicht finden Sie manches interessant genug, um das ganze durchzulesen. Es wäre mir lieb, Ihre Meinung darüber zu hören — aber wahr und offen — ob idi den Charakter der guten und der schlechten Amerikaner, wie man sie im Leben und in Romanen findet, richtig geschildert habe . . . Wenn ich Ihnen hier in Deutschland von irgendwelchem Nutzen sein kann, so zählen Sie auf meine Bereitwilligkeit.. . . Ihr ganz ergebener, Friedrich Gerstäcker. 3 Aug. 6, 1868. See Schultz, Unpublished Letters, p. 216. 4 The original is also missing from the Cornell collection. I quote Mrs. Taylor's description. (Tay. 66). 5 Tay. 10. 6 See Life and Letters, p. 425. 7 See Memoirs of Gustave Koerner (Grand Rapids, Iowa, 1909) II, 545 ff. 8 Mr. John Welsch, Minister to Great Britain; see President Hayes's comment in the New York Tribüne, Dec. 21, 1878. 2

201

9 Cf. Schultz, Unpublished Letters, No. 125, p. 203, Taylor to Martha Kimber, Feb. 22, 1878. "As for Illinois, — why, I partly owe the nomination to the fact that the leading Illinois Rep. Congressman told the President that Illinois would be satisfied to have me appointed!" See also ¥ m . Aldrich to Taylor, Feb. 16, 1878, diary C, Cornell Univ. and also Butz to Taylor, Feb. 4, 1878 and Feb. 17, 1878 (Cornell). 10 Life and Letters, pp. 124, 133, 138. 11 On Two Continents, p. 260 ff. 12 Bayard Taylor, p. 276. 13 Tay. 59 and Tay. 60. See also Tay. 22. 14 New York Tribune, Sept. 8, 1870. 15 Ibid., Sept. 5, 1870. 18 A German on the Tribune staff. Prof. Alex. J. Schern (?). See Deutsches Conversations-Lexicon, 19 vols., New York, 1869 — 17 On Two Continents, p. 212. 18 Volumes 3, 4, 5. 19 Life and Letters, p. 661. 20 Leipzig, 22 Jan. 1876; Tay. 33 (larger), Cornell University. 21 Tay. 33 (larger), Cornell University. 22 March 3, 1875, (Cornell University), Cf. 160, infra. 23 This point is treated more fully below, but see also Brooklyn Magazine, February, 1880, p. 57, "The Best of Bayard Taylor," by the editor (Henry Morford), especially these lines from Taylor's letter: "Your poem on Tell is excellently conceived and expressed. You probably do not know that Uhland has a ballad with the same title and with the same metre quite a striking coincidence. I do not think it has been translated." 24 Cornell University. 25 The article on the Schlegels was contributed by Clemens Petersen; see Johnson's Encyclopedia, Vol. 4. 26 Cornell University.

27 I b i d 28

'

According to A History of Columbia University, 1754—1904, (Columbia University Press, 1904) p. 120 f., the first two appointees were J. Louis Teilkampf, J. U. D., 1843—47 and Rev. Henry I. Schmidt, 1847—1880. 29 Life and Letters, p. 733. 30 Cf. Smyth, Bayard Taylor, p. 195. 31 Ibid., p. 195 f. Cf. Taylor to Whitelaw Reid, April 29, 1870 (Cornell University) "My course is going finely. I have all the students 550 and about 200 outsiders." 32 Probably two on Goethe, i. e., one on Faust. See Life and Letters, p. 526. 33 Schultz, Unpublished Letters, No. 89, p. 149. Taylor to Fiske, May 11, 1871. At the end of the MS copy of the lecture on the "Literature of the Seventeenth Century" we find in the West Chester collection a list of all the lectures contained in Studies and these additional titles "13 Romantic School Tieck, Novalis, Schlegel. 14 Epigonen — Uhland, Rückert, Platen. 15 Modern School Chamisso, Heine." This shows that Taylor was giving more than passing thought to the extension of his repetory. 34 Smyth, Bayard Taylor, p. 196. 35 Life and Letters, p. 692. Also Tay. 64, Cornell Univ. 38 Ibid., p. 697 f. In New York they began February 20th and extended to March 29. See Taylor 64, Cornell University. Also Charles Duffy, The Correspondence of Bayard Taylor and Paul Hamilton Hayne (Louisiana State University Press, 1945) p. 84. To Hayne, March 23, 1877 "I am at present . . . giving twelve lectures in German Literature here, repeating the same in Brooklyn." 37 New York Tribune, Dec. 24, 1878, p. 2, col. 4. 38 P. v. 39 XIX, 472. 40 LIII, 531.

202

41 Life and Letters, ?. 667. Cf. Taylor to Whitelaw Reid, May 1, 1875 (Cornell University), "have to finish a lecture on Richter (Jean Paul) one of the knottiest of subjects." 42 To E. P. Needles, West Chester, Sept. 19, 1843 (Cornell Univ.), "In the language of Richter 'It was like the touch of a friendly hand seeking out and clasping mine'." 43 See p. 28, supra. 44 Tay. 49, Cornell University. 45 At Home and Abroad (1859), p. 128 ff. 46 Ibid., p. 135 and p. 396; cf. also The Lands of the Saracens, (1854), p. 212. 47 At Home and Abroad, pp. 139, 394. 48 P. 302 ff. 49 P. 251. 50 P. 510. 51 On Two Continents, p. 110. 52 P. 337 I s P. 377. 54 See Appendix II. 05 2723, p. 18. 56 Philadelphia, 1905, p. 86 f. See Krumpelmann, "Bayard Taylor and Schiller," Louisiana State University Press, Humanities Series, No. 5, (1954), 11—24. 57 P. 15 f. 58 Edition of 1902, p. iv. 69 Life and Letters, p. 197. 80 Cornell University. 61 Life and Letters, p. 567. 62 Tay. 54, p. 190. 63 Tay. 64 (Cornell University). 84 Ibid. 65 See p. 97 f., supra. 88 See p. 156, infra. 87 See p. 150, infra. 88 Tay. 63. 89 Tay. 54, p. 180. 70 From newspaper clippings found in .the Cornell Library Tay. 57. See also Tay. 54. In a letter of Sept. 1, 1865 (Schultz, Unpublished Letters, No. 49, p. 82) Taylor remarks: "Mr. Howison's course towards me was instigated, I am aware, by a vile and lying account of my lecture on Humboldt, given in a Philadelphia Presbyterian newspaper, then edited by a Virginia clergyman." 71 Humboldt died May 6, 1859. 72 Cf. Life and Letters, p. 563. 73 I find only one record that one of the lectures on the earlier literature was given out of course. In Tay. 64, Cornell Univ. we find: 1877, Aug. 22. "We started for Newport where B. on the 24th delivered his lecture of 'The Minnesinger' before the 'Town and Country Club' which met at the residence of Mrs. Petersen of Phil." 74 At Home and Abroad (1859), p. 67 ff. 75 "Panorama of the Upper Danube," At Home and Abroad, p. 88 f. Cf. p. 89 and p. 130. 7 « Tay. 63. 77 Tay. 64. 78 New York Tribune, July 29, 1871. The article also contains a couplet from Goethe: Du hast keine verfallene Schlösser Und keine Basalte. 79 Tay. 54. (Cornell University). I cannot determine the origin of this article. It is marked: "J. L. Figaro." 80 The collection embraces, in addition to all twelve lectures published in Studies in German Literature and the Humboldt lecture, a large number of unpublished lectures. See: "Unpublished Lectures of Bayard Taylor," by Robert Warnock, American Literature V, No. 2, pp. 123 ff., (May, 1933).

203

81

4 vols. Citations are from "Sechste unveränderte Auflage," Leipzig, 1873. Cf. Studies, pp. 178, 179, 184, 186, respec. E.g. compare: Kurz Geschichte II 206f. and Studies, 173 „ 222 f. „ „ 175 „ 257 f. „ „ 183 „ 262 f. „ „ 183 „ 283 f. „ „ 193 etc. 84 The New Englander, XL, 41. 85 Life and Letters, p. 621. 86 William Winter, Old Friends, p. 173. 87 Tay. 64 (Cornell University) contains the following entries "Feb. 1. B. has commenced the third chapter." "Feb. 28. B. is writing on his History." "Mch. 16. (work on History interrupted)" "May 29. (1st 10 chapters of History prepared for the printer in Leipzig.)" "June 13. (received first proof sheets)" "July 28. B. writes last chapter." 88 Old Friends, p. 173. 89 Life and Letters, p. 628. 90 Weimar, Oct. 14, 1873. (Cornell University). 91 Cf. Smyth, Bayard Taylor, p. 301. 92 P. v. 93 It is also on this work that Charlton T. Lewis's History of Germany (New York, copyright 1874) is based. In the introduction to his Short History of Germany (New York, 1917), p. viii, Mr. Ernest F. Henderson speaks of Lewis's work as "founded on antiquated German text-books," but does not mention Taylor. 94 These revisions are in no way extensive enough to diange the general nature of the work, which remains Taylor's not Fay's. Cf. p. 475 (1874) where the editor omits a long paragraph on "intellectual development." This diange is typical of the difference between the poet and the historian. 95 Volume X V I I I , Copyright, 1906. The latest listed in the Library of Congress being 1939, a memorial edition on the fifteenth anniversary of the death of the general editor, Henry Cabot Lodge. 96 Tay. 67, Cornell University; c f . also Life and Letters, p. 628. 97 "To the German Reader," an introduction (manuscript) to Taylor's History of Germany; Tay. 33, larger; Cornell University. 98 See pp. 16ff., 52, 119, supra. 99 Cf. Life and Letters, p. 542 f. and p. 619. 100 See p. 45 f., supra. 101 Op. cit., p. 87 ff. and p. 7 f f . 102 P. 8 and 152 ff. 103 p 34. c j a [ s 0 p p 32—42 inclusive. 104 Cornell University. See D u f f y , Correspondence of Bayard Taylor and Paul Hamilton Hayne, p. 23 ff. 105 Ibid., p. 28 ff., April 22, 1869. 106 Ibid., loc. cit. 107 New York. 108 Jacob Schipper, A History of English Versification (Oxford, 1910), p. 352 ff. cites no eight-line stanza of this type. 109 Another poem in modified ottava rima form "Morning" is, like "The Mountain of the Lovers," contained in that part of Hayne's complete Poems (Boston, 1882), entitled "Legends and Lyrics, 1865—1872" and was probably written after the receipt of Taylor's St. John. 110 Cf. Atlantic Monthly, L X X X I I I , p. 792; L X X X I V , 131, 137 and Life and Letters, 682. Evidently Lanier had commenced the study of German years earlier. See "The Literary Relationship of Sidney and his Father," by Edgely W. Todd. The Western Humanities Review, Spring, 1951, p. 182. "Besides Sidney was studying 82

83

204

the German language, a knowledge of which would give him first hand access to German thought and literature, whidi he loved." See also ibid., p. 180, 183, 184. 111 Atlantic Monthly, L X X X I V , 138 f., dated Feb. 3, 1878. 112 March 23, 1878, ibid., p. 140. 113 See H . B. Sachs, Heine in America, p. 92 f. 114 Cornell University. 1X5 WiUiam Dean Howells, p. 120f. See also p. I l l , supra. 116 Ibid., p. 129. 117 Cf. W. D. Howells to Taylor (Cornell University), Dec. 28, 1873 and July 14, 1874. 118 From Sam'l Clemens, Dec. 14, 1878. (Cornell Univ.). See John T. Krumpelmann, Mark Twain and the German Language (Louisiana State University Press, 1953). 119 Cf. Sachs, Heine in America, p. 100 f., and Life and Letters, p. 36. See also obituary noticed by Taylor, New York Tribune, May 4, 1877. 120 Cf. Life and Letters, p. 541 f. and p. 551. 121 T o J. B. Phillips, Sept. 20, 30; Nov. 28, 1870. Jan. 3; Mar. 8; April 25, 1871. The unpublished letter of Nov. 28, 1870 makes it evident that H . B. Sachs took too much for granted in assuming that the reference to "your translation of the 'Gods of Greece"' in Taylor's letter to Phillips, Feb. 8, 1871 (Life and Letters, p. 551; cf. Sachs, p. 152 and note) was to a translation of Heine's "Götter Griechenlands." In the unpublished letter, Taylor advised his friend: " T r y a stanza or two of Schiller's 'Götter Griechenlands' and send me the result. I know you'll enjoy it." Was not Feb. 8, 1871 about the natural time for Taylor to send his comment on such an attempted translation to the translator? Taylor's letter of Mar. 8, 1871 also concerns itself with Schiller's "Götter Griechenlands" and nowhere is there any mention of Heine's poem by this name. 122 Cf. Boker to Taylor (Cornell University) Jan. 1, April 1, Oct. 30, 1868; also Taylor to Boker March 3, 1868 (Cornell University). 123 Boker to Taylor, Sept. 26, Oct. 11, 1870; Jan. 29 and Feb. 20, 1871 (Cornell University). 124 Cornell University. 125 Horatio S. White, Life and Correspondence of Willard Fiske (New York, 1925), p. 14. Ibid., p. 340 ff. 127 See ibid., p. 60 f. and p. 293 ff. 128 Ibid., p. 303 f. and Sdiultz, Unpublished Letters, pp. 204, 223. 129 Vienna, June 6, 1863. (Cornell Univ.). See Taylor's reply, June 22, Schultz, Unpublished Letters, p. 214. 130 Trieste, Nov. 6, 1874 (Cornell University). 131 New York, Fords, Howard and Hulburt. (1877?). 132 This introduction is found reprinted in the volume, Two German Giants, Frederic the Great and Bismarck, by John Lord (New York, 1894), pp. 115—130. 133 Kennett, June 9, 1859. (Cornell University). 134 New York, July 15, 1859. (Cornell University). 135 Book IV, Chapter I; see p p . 4 5 4 f f . 136 See note 1, supra. 137 February, 1880, p. 56. C H A P T E R VIII 1

On Two Continents, p. 47 f. Bayard Taylor, p. 185. 3 Cornell University Correspondence: To George Boker. I have refrained from copying this parody because of Mrs. Taylor's injunction, included in the letter of donation, that the unpublished poems contained in the collection must never see the light of day. 4 Taylor 33 (larger), No. 4. 2

205

5

Bayard Taylor, p. 130. See also On Two Continents, p. 274. See p. 129 f. On Two Continents, p. 195. 8 Smyth, Bayard Taylor, p. 187. 9 Tay. 17 (Cornell University). See also On Two Continents, p. 195. 10 Blätter für literarische Unterhaltung, 14. März, 1872, S. 173. 11 Life and. Letters of E. C. Stedman, I, 447. 12 For other favorable opinions by Germans, see Hamburgische Correspondenz, 10. Jan., 1872; Hamburgis&e Nachrichten, No. 56, 6/III/72. 13 Tay. 61; see also Haskell, Taylor's Translation, p. 101 and p. , supra. 14 Tay. 61. See p. 53, supra. 15 Life and Letters, p. 354 and p. 531. 16 Cf. White, Willard Fiske, p. 297. 17 Cornell University; dated Cedarcroft, September 27, 1870. 18 44. Auflage, No. 85, S. 93. 19 Tay. 16, Cornell University. 20 Berlin, October bis Dezember, 1870, contains in facsimile Taylor's poem, S. 119 f. 21 Tay. 16, Cornell University. 22 From J. Blied, Kgl. Seminar Musiklehrer; dated Brühl, den 10. Juni, 1878. Cornell University. 23 Life and Letters, p. 644. 24 On Two Continents, p. 279. 25 Original in the Huntington Library, San Marino, Calif. See also Sdiultz, Unpublished Letters, p. 211. 26 Life and Letters, p. 604. 27 See infra, p. 159. 28 Smyth, Bayard Taylor, p. 200; see also Life and Letters, p. 604. 29 Old Friends, p. 176. 30 Tay. 64, Cornell University. 31 In March, 1868, Brockhaus in Leipzig requested of Taylor a biographical sketch of himself for the Conversations Lexicon (Life and Letters, p. 489). It seems probable that Taylor furnished it in English, for in the Cornell University library (Tay. 22) there is an "Autobiographische Skizze von Bayard Taylor" (Cf. Orion, Bd. 166, H e f t , Juni, 1863, herausgegeben von Ad. Strodtmann) and a duplicate of the same in English manuscript (probably the original) both dated April, 1863. 6

7

CHAPTER IX 1

Poets of America (Boston and New York, 1886), p. 420. P. 20 {.¡supra. See p. 20, supra. 4 This article of Taylor's is reprinted in the English translation of W. A. Lampadius's Life of Mendelssohn, edited and translated by W. L. Gage, Boston and New York, copyrighted 1865. 5 See p. 66, supra and note III, 410ff., supra. See also Taylor's obituary notice of Freiligrath in the New York Tribune, March 20, 1876, p. 2. 8 See Taylor to Boker, London, Oct. 8, 1852 (Cornell University): "From Munich to Heidelberg, visiting Tübingen on my way, where I spent a delightful hour with Uhland one of the truest singers that Germany ever produced. 7 See also Essays and Notes, p. 237 f. 8 See Appendix V. 9 Essays and Notes, p. 92 ff. See also Atlantic Monthly, XVIII, 33—39 (July, 2

3

1866). 10 11 12

206

At Home and Abroad X X V I I I . Ibid., p. 339. Ibid., p. 342.

13 Ibid., p. 343 ff. See also Life and Letters, p. 326. See Koch, Bayard Taylor, ein Libensbild, S. 250. 14 Life and Letters, p. 766. See also On Two Continents, pp. 224 f., 294; and At Home and Abroad (Second Series), P. 242. 15 See note 13, supra. 16 Life and Letters, p. 329. 17 Cf. p. 72, supra. 18 See At Home and Abroad, X X I X . The value of this article by Taylor is borne out by the fact that the compilers of Karl Bruhn's three volume work, Alexander von Humboldt, Eine wissenschaftliche Biographie (Leipzig, 1872), desiring to introduce an example of the scientist's home life, say (II, 436): "Am besten wird uns sogleich mitten hineinführen die berühmte Erzählung, die der amerikanische Reisende Bayard Taylor am 25. Nov. 1856 über einen Besuch bei Humboldt für die New York Tribune, verfasst hat." Then follows for ten pages (436—45) a German translation of Taylor's article. See also Jane and Caroline Lasell's translation of Bruhn's work, Life of Alexander von Humboldt, 2 vols. (London, 1873) II, 375—82. For other echoes in German publications of this essay of Taylor's see Dr. W. Ahrens Gelehrten-Anekdoten (Berlin, 1911), S. 12. Cf. also Koch, Bayard Taylor, ein Lebensbild, S. 252. 19 Cf. Stoddard's Life of Humboldt, p. viii. "His last letter to me, written a short time before his death, betrayed no sign of failing faculties." See also Appendix V. 20 See At Home and Abroad, p. 432 f. 21 November 29, 1867, p. 3, col. 1. 22 See Appendix V. 23 Ibid. 24 P. 68, supra. 25 P. 45, supra. 2 s See On Two Continents, p. 182, p. 195; At Home and Abroad (Second Series), p. 239; Life and Letters, p. 376 and Appendix V. 27 By-Ways of Europe, p. 105. 28 See On Two Continents, pp. 102—107, 143, 175, 182. 29 At Home and Abroad (Second Series), pp. 243—253. 30 Ibid., p. 250 f. 31 Tay. 17, Cornell University. 32 P. 317. 33 P. 153, supra. 34 Essays and Notes, pp. 155—230 incl. See also Life and Letters, pp. 641—644, 653; On Two Continents, pp. 239—249. 35 Cornell University, printed in Koch, Bayard Taylor, ein Lebensbild, S. 396 f. The lecture referred to is Taylor's "Amerikanisdie Dichter und Diditkunst." See p. 159, infra. 36 Tay. 16, Cornell University. 37 Ibid. Because of the irregular ¿urography of the original, I am doubtful about the initials involved. The rest is decipherable. 38 June 18, 1878, Life and Letters, p. 747. 39 Life and Letters, p. 735. 40 Berlin, May 18, 1878, Life and Letters, p. 743. 41 T o Whitelaw Reid, June 9, 1878, Life and Letters, p. 744; cf. Smyth, p. 177 and p. 193. 42 See Life and Letters, p. 746. 43 On Two Continents, p. 288. 44 Life and Letters, p. 624. 45 Ibid., p. 625. 48 Ibid., p. 628 and c f . Taylor to Whitelaw Reid, Vienna, May 6, 1873 (Cornell Univ.). "My speech appeared in the principal journals of Germany — Leipzig, Berlin, Cologne and Augsburg — and will be in the Tribune." A copy of the Deutsche Zeitung account containing the speech is found in Tay. 55, p. 24, Cornell University. 47 May 17, 1873. See On Two Continents, p. 236.

207

48 E. g., see Appendix V; also By-Ways of Europe, p. 317; At Home and Abroad, pp.316, 319. 49 Life and Letters, p. 613. 50 Essays and Notes, p. 193 f. In a letter of Nov. 23rd Taylor informed his mother: "I am to go there on the 2nd of December and give a lecture which the Grand-Duchesses and Princesses have promised to attend." (Harvard University MS.) On the 30th of Nov. he advised his sister Emma: "On Tuesday I go there [Weimar] again to lecture in German on American Literature." (Allison-Shelly Collection. See next note. 6 1 Cf. "Amerikanische Dichter und Dichtkunst" edited by Horst Frenz and P. A. Shelley, Jahrbuch f. Amerikastudien, II, 89—133. 5 2 William Winter, Old Friends, p. 175. 63 Life and Letters, p. 612. 54 Essays and Notes, p. 196. Cf. also Sdiöll's letter p. 157, supra. 6 5 Leipzig, 1910, S. 58. 56 Ibid., S. 1. 5 7 See Appendix VI. These figures are exclusive of John Godfrey's Fortunes about which more is said in the Appendix. 5 8 By Anna M. Koch. This book contains additional material not found in Life and Letters. 5 9 See Appendix VI. 6 0 S.44—47. 61 Ibid., S. 3. 8 2 It is only fair to call attention to Roehm's admission (S. 3) "Die Bibliographie ist einfach an der Hand der Bücherkataloge zusammengestellt und kann nur durch relative Vollständigkeit Anspruch an wissenschaftlichen Charakter machen." 6 3 S. 44. 8 4 Karl Bleibtreu, Taylors Gedichte, Berlin, 1879. 6 5 Stuttgart, 1887. 8 6 S. 44. 67 Die Lieder aller Völker und Zeiten, Hamburg, 1882. 88 H. Leuthold, Gedichte, zweite Auflage (Frauenfeld, 1880), contains no poem from Taylor. Vierte Auflage, 1894, contains only "Ein Bild" (S. 389). The edition of 1914 (three volumes) which is supposed to be authoritative contains only "Ein Bild." Roehm's bibliography indicates that he used or had reference to 3. Auflage, Frauenfeld, 1884. This impression I have not at my disposal, but in view of the fact that it is only an "Auflage" there is little reason to believe that it contains more than the 4. Auflage. Moreover the editor of the edition of 1914 tells us in his critical notes (III, 422) that the edition of 1894 is identical in content with that of 1884. 6 9 See Amerikanische Gedichte der Neuzeit, Leipzig, 1883, 1. "Lied (Tageskurzer Januar)," 2. "Zu Hause," 3. "Der Nachbar," 4: "Am Morgen." 7 0 Oldenberg und Leipzig. 7 1 Leipzig, 1883. 72 Von beiden Ufern des Atlantik, Halle. 73 Perlen der neuen englischen und amerikanischen Lyrik, Leipzig, 1864. 74 Amerikanische Gedichte, Leipzig, 1877. 75 Amerikanische Anthologie, Hildburghausen, 1870. 7 8 Tay. 54, p. 156. See also Tay. 25, No. 12, a calligraphic copy of Eben's translation of the Ode. 7 7 Eben's "Aurum Potabile" was also originally made for the N. Y. Staatszeitung. See clipping, Tay. 25, Cornell University. 7 8 Tay. 25, No. 11. 7 9 See p. 139, supra. 8 0 Tay. 25, nos. 4, 8, 9. 81 Ibid., nos. 2, 5 respectively. 82 Ibid., No. 16. 8 3 Tay. 54, see note 13, supra. 84 Ibid., p. 36.

208

85 1. 6. 401—406 (1863?) (Tay. 25). Cf. Taylor to Stoddard Jan. 8, 1863, St. Petersburg "He [Strodtmann] has translated my 'Amran's Wooing', 'Gulistan', 'Camadeva", and others." and; April 27, 1863, St. Petersburg "I had a letter from Strodtmann this very day. He will have an article on my 'Orientals' in the sixth ' O r i o n ' . . . . H e talks of translating my whole volume of Oriental poems." (Hellman Collection, West Chester Historical Association). 86 Tay. 25 (Cornell University). 87 Published in the Neue Freie Presse, (Clipping in Tay. 54.). 88 Tay. 25. 89 No. 303 Mittwoch. See Bibliography. 90 Ibid., Nos. 13 and 17 respectively. 91 Tay. 54, pp. 32—34. 92 Life and Letters, p. 324. 93 Ibid., p. 605. 94 Lincoln Nebraska, n. d. 85 This translation is also contained in W. Prinzhorn's anthology which Roehm does mention; but only under the name of Prinzhorn. See p. 160, supra. 96 See X, 345. 97 On Two Continents, p. 45. 98 Ibid., p. 46. 99 Life and Letters, p. 332. 100 Ibid., p. 378. 101 Cornell University, Correspondence, July 14, 19. The article referred to is undoubtedly "Winter Life in St. Petersburg." Cf. Smyth, p. 305. "Weimar im Juni," Deutsch von Marie Hansen-Taylor appeared in the Deutsche Revue, IV. Jahrg., 10. H e f t , S. 56—66. "Herbsttage in Weimar," ibid., H e f t 12, S. 275 ff. 102 See Appendix VI. 103 21 Juni, 1879, S. 394. 104 Mag. f . d. Lit. d. Auslandes, 3. Feb., 1872, S. 67. 105 German American Annals, Old Series, X I X (1917) p. 175. 106 Ibid., p. 176. 107 X, 391. 108 Tay. 58, Cornell University. 109 Ibid., p. 31. 110 Tay. 67, Cornell Univ. The translation is that of Prof. Whitney of Yale. See Bibliography. 111 Shelley's Prometheus Unbound; Preface, paragraph 6. 112 T o Eckermann, Jan. 18, 1825. The translation is Calvin Thomas's. (Faust I, p. 322). 113 Cf., e.g., Taylor's Faust II, (1882), note 58. 114 Biedermann, Goethes Gespräche, 202 (To Eckermann, May 12, 1825) Taylor's translation. Cf., preceding note. 115 The Works of Lord Byron (London, 1901), V, 510. 116 Matth. XII, 34, Luther's translation.

14

Krumpelmann

209

APPENDIX I Taylor's Ancestry

Bayard Taylor

1825—1878

210

APPENDIX II German books which Taylor is known to have read or acquired arranged in the order in which he became acquainted with them. This list is based primarily on material contained in the Cornell collection (Tay. 22, larger, and Tay. 67) and arranged probably by Mrs. Taylor. 1. Uhland's Gedichte; acquired Heidelberg, Sept. 19, 1844. 2. Tiedge's Urania; read Autumn, 1844. 3. Wieland's Oberon; owned "J. Bayard Taylor from Dennett, Christmas, Frankfurt a. M. 1844." (Tay. 33, larger). Wieland's Oberon; read, 1847. 4. Schubart's Gedichte, 3 vols.; "from R. L. Willis, Xmas, 1844." (Tay. 33, larger) 5. Rückert's Deutscher Musenalmanach, "J. Bayard Taylor von seinem Freunde B. Pennock, Christmas, 1844. Frankfurt a. M." (Tay. 33, larger) 6. L. F. von der Velde's Schriften "from Schenck-Rinck's, Xmas, 1844." (Tay. 33, larger). 7. Goethe's Ballads; read in original in 1844. 8. H a u f f ; read in 1844—45. Pennock received at Xmas, 1844. 9. Freiligrath's Poems; read, 1845. 10. Rückert's Poems; read, 1845. 11. Biirger's Poems; read, 1845. 12. Schiller's Wilhelm Tell; read, Spring, 1845. 13. Geschichte der freien Stadt Frankfurt a. M. "J. B. Taylor, Frankfurt a. M., 1845." (Tay. 33, larger). 14. Schiller's Works; read, 1847; owned, 1848. 15. Goethe's Works; owned, before Sept. 8, 1847. Life and Letters, p. 100, acquired "in two large vols." (Tay. 33). 16. Beda Weber's Lieder aus Tyrol; acquired, N. Y., Aug. 1, 1848. 17. Russeger, "stray vol."; read. 18. Rückert's Morgenländische Sagen und Geschichten; owned. "Bavard Taylor, Oct. 5, 1852." 19. Sale's Koran; "bought of Putnam," 1854. (Tay. 67). This book is not German, but the record is important. 20. Lepsius, Exple. Egypt; "bought of Putnam," 1854. 21. Humboldt, 2 vols., edition of 1850; owned. (Tay. 33, larger). 22. Lewis's (?) Goethe; owned, 1855. (Tay. 67). 23. Kohl's Russia; read, 1857. 24. Gutzkow, Die Ritter vom Geiste; read 1857. (Tay. 67). 25. Jean Paul, Cumpaner Thai; 1862. (Tay. 67). 26. Auerbachs Edelweiss; 1862. (Tay. 67). 27. Gustav Frey tag's Neue Bilder aus der deutschen Vergangenheit; 1862. 28. Puschkin's Poetical Works; 1862. Probably in the translation by Friedrich Bodenstedt, 1854; note the spelling "sch" and see Appendix III. 29. Eichendorff's Poems; read, 1864. 30. Goethe; reread, 1866. 31. Gregorovius, Corsica; read, 1867. Gregorovius, History of the City of Rome, 1868. Gregorovius, Euphorion, 1869. 32. Overbeck's Pompeii, 1868. 33. Hamerling's König von Sion. Hamerling's Ahasver m Rom, 1869. 34. Prof. Sdienkel's Brennende Fragen in der Kirche der Gegenwart; read, 1869. 35. Goethe and Schiller studies for Studies in German Literature. 36. Protestantenbibel, 1873. 37. Goethe's Pandora; 1873. Goethe's Letters to Frau von Stein; 1873. 14»

211

38. Emil Braun, Griechische Götterlehre; 1873. 39. Sdiliemann, Troy, Ithaca; 1874. 40. Georg Ebers, Die fünf Bücher Moses; 1874. Georg Ebers, Durch Gosen zum Sinai; 1874. 41. Briefwechsel, Charlotte und Schiller; 1874. 42. Frau von Stein, Diclo; 1874. 43. Hermann Grimm's Goethe; 1877. 44. S. Leyeiner (Lipiner?), Der entfesselte Prometheus; 1877. 45. Correspondence between Schiller and Koerner; 1878.

APPENDIX III The German books and books dealing with German or related subjects in that portion of Taylor's library which was sold after his death, taken from Catalogue of the Library of the Late Mr. Bayard Taylor English, German and American Books including many Presentation Copies To be sold at Auction Monday and Tuesday, November 24th and 25th, 1879 By Bangs and Co. 739 and 741 Broadway, New York. 3. Aigner, L. Ungarische Volksdichtungen, 12 mo. 1873. 16. Asmus, Geo. Amerikanisches Schizzenbüchelche, 16 mo., N. Y., 1874 (2 copies). 17. — Camp Paradise, Novelle, 12 mo., 1877. 21. Auerbach, Poet and Merchant, 16 mo., N. Y., 1877. 36. Barth, H. North and Central Africa, 12 mo., Phil., 1859. 45. Bibliothek der Populären Wissenschaft, (?) 12 mo., N. Y. 50. Blitzstrahl wider Rom (?) 8 vo., 1871. 52. Bodenstedt, Fr. Aus Ost und West, 12 mo. 1861. 62. Brief Biographies: English Statesmen, German and French Leaders, 3 vols., 16 mo., N.Y., 1876. 63. Brodkhaus, Fr. Sein Leben und Wirken, Erster Teil, 8 vo., 1872. 78. Bube, A. Naturbilder-Gedichte, 16 mo., Gotha, 1859. 83. Bulwer Schiller's Poems and Ballads. Translated, 12 mo., N.Y. 1844. 85. Burckhardt, J . L. Travels in Nubia, 4 to., London, 1819. 86. — Travels in Syria and the Holy Land, 4 to., London, 1822. 101. Carlyle, T. Translations from the German, 2 vols., 16 mo., N.Y. 104. Cassian, (H.) Handbuch der Weltgeschichte, 3. Auflage, 8 vo. 120. Conversations Lexicon für den Handgebrauch, 4 vols. 8 mo., Leipzig, 1854. 132. Cron, Clara, Lebens-Bilder, 16 mo., Stuttgart. 139. Das Reich der Natur und der Sitten; eine moralische Wochenschrift, 12 vols, in 6, 8 vo., 1757. 145. Deutsche Jugend, Illustrated, 4 to., Leipzig. 150. Die Grenzboten, Zeitschrift für Politik und Literatur, 8 vols., 1860—66, incomplete set, Leipzig. 154. Dornrosen, Deutsche Lyrik, 16 mo., N. Y., 1871. 172. Ersch und Gruber, Allgemeine Encyklopädie der Wissenschaft und Künste in Alphabetischer Folge von genannten Schriftstellern, bearbeitet und herausgegeben von J . S. Ersch und J . G. Gruber. Vols. 1 to 86 and Vols. 90 and 91. Second Section, from H to Junius, 3 vols. Third Section, from O to Phyzies, 25 vols. Together 144 vols. 4 to., Leipzig, 1816—1850.

212

174. 175. 185. 186.

Evans, Deutsche Literatur Geschichte, 12 mo, N.Y., 1869. Ewald, A. Nach fünfzehn Jahren, 2 vols., 16 mo., 1867. Freiligrath, Shakespeare's Venus and Adonis, 12 mo., 1849. (From the translator). — The Rose, Thistle and Shamrock; a selection of English Poetry, 26 mo., Stuttgart, 1857. 187. Freytag, G. Die verlorene Handschrift, 2 vols., 12 mo., 1869. 203. Gardthausen, G. Gedichte, 16 mo. 207. Gladwin, Fr. Dissertations on the Rhetoric, Prosody and Rhyme of the Persians, 4 to., London, 1801. (Not German but important to this study). 209. Goethe, Götz von Berlichmgen, 12 mo., 1871. 210. — Hermann und Dorothea, 16 mo., N. Y., 1875. 211. — Novels and Tales, translated, 12 mo., Bohn. 215. Goldsmith, O. Der Wanderer, 16 mo., Berlin, 1869. 218. Gotthelf, J . Erzählungen und Bilder, 2 vols., 12 mo., 1850. 226. (Griffin, M.) Impressions of Germany by an American Lady; Old Facts and Modern Incidents, 2 vols., 12 mo., Dresden. 229. Grün, A. Gedichte, 16 mo., 1858. 230. — Gedichte, 16 mo., 1858. 231. Gumpert, Töchter-Album, 8 vo. 233. Gutzkow, Karl Der Zauberer von Rom, Roman in neun Büchern, 9 vols., 12 mo., Leipzig, 1858. 234. — Uriel Acosta, translated, 12 mo., 1860. 241. Hallam, H. Literature in Europe, 9 vols., N. Y., 1847. 245. Hamerling, R. Ahasver in Rom, 12 mo., 1879. 250. Hart, J. M. German Universities; a Personal Experience, 12 mo., N. Y., 1874. 251. Harthausen, Studien über die innern Zustände, das Volksleben und insbesondere die ländlichen Einrichtungen Russlands, 3 vols., 8 vo., Hanover, 1847. 252. Harff, Die Pilgerfahrt von Cöln durch Italien, Syrien, Egypten, Arabien, Aethiopien, Nubien, Palästina, die Türkei, Frankreich und Spanien, 8 vo., Cöln, 1860. 253. Hauffs Werke, Vol. 5, 16 mo., 1840. 258. Hawthorne, L. Saxon Studies, 12 mo., London, 1876. 271. Heine, W. Wanderbilder, 12 mo., Leipzig, 1853 (Presentation Copy). 272. Heine, H. Pictures of Travel, 12 mo., Phil., 1855. (Presentation Copy from the translator, C. G. Leland). 273. — Book of Songs, by Leland, 16 mo., Phil. 275. Heirathen und Hochzeiten aller Völker der Erde, 16 mo. 276. Helfer, F. W. Zunftwesen und Gewerbefreiheit, 16 mo., 1857. 277. Henry, J . Sketches of Moravian Life and Character, 12 mo. 287. Hohenstaufen (Die) Ein Epos in sechs Gesängen, 12 mo., 1859. 305. Humboldt, Kleinere Schriften (Erster Band), 8 vo., 2 vols., 1853. 306. — Essay on New Spain, 2 vols., 8 vo., N.Y., 1811. 307. — Travels in Equinoctial Regions of America, 3 vols., 12 mo., Bohn, 1852. 308. — Views of Nature, Bohn, 1850. 309. — Ein Biographisches Denkmal, von Prof. Klencke, 1854. 310. — Letters to von Ense, 12 mo., 1860. 311. Lives of the Brothers Humboldt, 12 mo., London. 327. Junghahn, Fr. Reisen durch Java, 8 vo., 2 vols., 1854. 334. Kehr, Der Christliche Religions-Unterricht in der Volksschule, 2 vols., 8 vo., Gotha, 1864. 335. Keil, R. Geschichte des Jenaischen Studentenlebens, 1548—1858, 12 mo., Leipzig, 1858. 346. Klaproth, J . Reise in den Kaukasus und nach Georgien, 3 vols., 8 vo., 1812. 347. Klopstock, Der Messias, 16 mo. 348. Kohl, J . G. Reisen in Südrussland, 3 vols., 12 mo., Dresden, 1847. 349. Kolb, Schauspiele für die Jugend, 12 mo. 350. Krez, K. Gedichte, 16 mo., N.Y., 1875. 361. Ledetour, C. F. Reise durch das Altai Gebirge, 2 vols., 8 vo., Berlin, 1829. 367. Leland, C. G. Meister Karl's Sketch-Book, 1855. 213

368. 369. 370. 371. 374. 381. 396. 411. 415. 430. 431. 441. 442. 449. 456. 471. 472. 478. 480.

— Hans Breitmann in Church. Lermontoff, M. Poetischer Nachlass, 2 vols., 16 mo., 1852. — The Circassian Boy, 16 mo., 1875. Lesestunden, Numerous Illustrations, 8 vo., Leipzig. Lessing, Nathan the Wise, 16 mo., N.Y., 1873. Livingstone's Reisen im Innern Afrikas, Illustrated, 2 vols., 12 mo., Leipzig. Mangan, J. C. German Anthology, 2 vols., 16 mo., Dublin, 1845. Menzel, W. History of Germany, 3 vols., Bohn, 1852. Merz, J. Gedichte. Mollinger, Die Gottidee der neuen Zeit, 8 vo. Moritz, A. Tagebuch der Reisen in Norwegen, 8 vo., Stettin, 1853. Mügge, T. Leben und Lieben in Norwegen, 12 mo., 1858. — Nordisches Bilderbuch, 12 mo., 1857. Niebuhr, C. Voyage en Aarabie et en d'autres Pays, 2 vols., Amsterdam, 1774—80. (Ullendorfs Russische Sprachlehre, 2 vols. Petermann, Mittheilungen aus Justus Perthes Geogr. Anstalt, 1855, 4 to. — Dr. A. 1856, 12 nos. Petter, Fr. Dalmatien, 8 vo., Gotha, 1857. Phillips, J. B. Poems translated from Spanish and German, Phil., 1878, 12 mo., only 100 copies printed for private circulation. 485. Pilz, Dr. C. Cornelia, Zeitschrift für häusliche Erziehung, Vol. 7, 13, 15, 16. 486. Pischon, Leitfaden zur Geschichte der Deutschen Literatur, 1848. 504. Puschkin, Alex. Gedichte, 3 vols., 16 mo., Berlin, 1854. 508. Raab, F. Ch. Frauenspiegel, 8 vo. 514. Reichenbach, Das Buch der Tierwelt, I, 1856. 527. Riditer, J. P. F. Titan, a Romance, 2 vols., Boston. 528. — Hesperus, 2 vols., Boston. 529. Richter, J. P. F., Life o f , E. B. Lee, Boston, 1864. 530. Riditer, C. G. F. Mark-Steine-Gedichte, 16 mo., N . Y . 531. RiethmuIIer, C. J. Teuton, a Poem, London, 1861. 536. Ruppius, O. Aus den Deutschen Volksleben, Leipzig, 1862. 547. Sarytschew, Achtjährige Reise, 8 vo., Leipzig, 1865. 551. Schern, A. J. Deutsch-Amerikanisches Conversations-Lexicon, Vol. I, 8 vo., Presentation Copy. 552. Schiller, Wilhelm Tell, Gedicht, von F. Sdmake, 2 vols. 553. Schmid, H . The Habermeister, 16 mo., N . Y . , 1869. 554. Schmidt, M. Volkerzählungen, 16 mo., 1863. 555. Schmidt, M. Technik der Aquarell-Malerei, 16 mo. 556. Schomburgk, O. S. Reisen in Guiana und am Orinoka, 8 vo., Leipzig, 1841. 557. Schramm, J. Walhalla, 16 mo. 558. Schumacher, A. Geschichte Peter des Dritten, 8 vo., 1858. 560. Shelley, Mary W. Frankenstein, 12 mo., 1869. 569. Speke, J. H . Journal of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile, 8 vo., N . Y., 1864. 571. Spielhagen, Problematische Naturen; Durch Nacht zum Licht, 2 vols., 12 mo., Berlin. 572. Spindler, Taschenbuch, 12 mo., 1846. 573. Spix und Martius, Reise in Brazilien auf Befehl Sr. Majestät Maximilian Joseph I, in den Jahren 1817 bis 1820, 3 vols., 4 to., München, 1823—31. 581. Sternhagen, Dr. Der Kleine Dane, 12 mo., 1850. 583. Stifter, A. Der Nachsommer, 3 vols., 12 mo., Pesth, 1857. 588. Strodtmann, A. Amerikanische Anthologie, 12 mo., 1870. 589. — Tennyson's Ausgewählte Dichtungen, 12 mo., 1867. 590. — Gedichte, 16 mo., 1870. 591. — Die Arbeiterdichtung in Frankreich, 16 mo. 592. — Brutus, Schläfst du?, 16 mo. 593. — Lothar, Rohana, 2 vols., 24 mo. 596. Suersen, W. Die Pflege der Zähne, 16 mo., 1867. 607. Tegner, E. Frithiof's Saga, in German, 16 mo., 1861. 214

618. Tieck, L. Die Elfen, Das Rothkäppchen, 12 mo. 625. Tullock, J. Leaders of the Reformation, 12 mo., 1859. 634. Von Budi, L. Travels through Norway and Lapland during 1806—1808, London, 1813. 635. Von Tsdiudi, Dr. Travels in Peru, 12 mo., N.Y., 1848. 637. Wagner, Hausschatz für die Deutsche Jugend, 8 vod., 6te., Band. 638. Walchner, A. Muse-Spenden, 16 mo., 1848. 644. Weller, Dichterstimmen der Gegenwart, 16 mo., Leipzig, 1856. 647. Werne, Expedition to the White Nile, 2 vols. 648. Wertheimer, E. Cromwell, Tragödie, 16 mo., Leipzig, 1876.

APPENDIX IV A catalogue of Taylor's metrical translations from the Gerrpan, arranged in chronological order. In each instance the title of the piece, the name of the author and, if possible, the date of translation and the place of publication of the translation are given. 1. "Freiheit und Redit," Freiligrath; translated Frankfort, Nov. 12, 1844; published, Views Afoot, p. 80, edition of 1850. 2. "Landesfather," Probably translated about Dec., 1844; published Views Afoot, p. 84, edition of 1850. 3. "Audubon,' Freiligrath, translated, Jan., 1845; published, Graham's Magazine, June, 1845. 4. "Des Knaben Berglied," Uhland, translated, July-August, 1845; published, Views Afoot, p. 188, edition of 1850; New York Tribune, Nov. 21, 1846; Sheaf of Poems. 5. "Der Phoenix," Freiligrath, translated 1845 or 1846, published, Phoenixville Pioneer, Dec. 29, 1846. 6. "Reunion," "from the German of Karl Christian Tenner," translated before the close of 1848; published, Rhymes of Travel. 7. Brocken scene, from Faust I (12 verses); published Graham's Magazine, June, 1848. 8. If one the German land would know, And love with all his heart, Then let him go to Nuremberg, The home of noblest art. Schenkendorf, translated, Oct., 1851; published, At Home and Abroad, p. 81. 9. I am the landlord of the Wolf; Ye travellers, come to me; For you, the landlord is no wolf A little lamb is he! A Sign on A Beer-Travern; translated, Oct., 1851 published, At Home and Abroad, p. 136. 10. What good living is, if you would know, You must straight upon my Jura go: Jura is the prettiest girl, you'd say, If the others all had gone away. Refrain from a Folk-Song, translated, Oct., 1856, published, At Home and Abroad, 307. 11. What's the drink of the Tyrolese? What's their drink? Nothing but water and sour wine, Which they swill like thirsty swine. Say, what smoke the Tyrolese? What do they smoke? 215

12.

13. 14. 15. 16. 17

18. 19. 20.

21 22.

216

Fine tobacco they smoke, to be sure: It smells no better than stable manure. Where are the beds of the Tyrolese? Where are their beds? Beautiful beds have man and spouse, Among the calves and among the cows. Popular Ballad, translated, Oct., 1856; published At Home and Abroad, p. 330. The body is a temple, built by God, And looked upon by his parental eye. He, testing, sees whether the soul within The high-priest's function nobly exercise. An altar is thy heart, oh consecrate T o holy Nature all its services. What she with spotless hand has written there Be true to that with love's most faithful care. And hold this knowledge fast kind Nature's part Lays but the germ of good within the heart. Her law thy kingdom is: if thou reverse Her sacred canons, straightway comes a curse. But straying from the road she bids you lead Germ of all Evil is, and poisonous seed. Her bounties grow: keep, then, within thy breast The holy double-glow, the first and best: The glow of love, that life and blessing showers Of Wrath, like fiery rain on Sodom's flame, But let Love only be the nurse of Wrath. This is the grand primeval law, which holds The world, enfranchised, in its equal arms. Receive and follow, thou, a type of God, An undimmed spark of his eternal sun. Julius Hammer New York Tribune, Dec. 19, 1856. "Die Götter Griechenlands," Schiller; 4 lines translated, March, 1858; published in Greece and Russia, p. 153. Faust, Goethe, a couplet, At Home and Abroad, p. 390; the earliest translation from the Faust see p. 36, supra. "Über allen Gipfeln," Goethe, translated 1858 (?); published, At Home and Abroad (1860), p. 396. "The Shepherd's Lament," Goethe, translated 1858 (?); published, At Home and Abroad, p. 396, Poet's Journal, Sheaf of Poems. Who comes from Leipzig without a wife, And from Halle in body sound, And f r o m Jena without a wound H e may boast of a lucky life! Student Song (Jena) translated, August, 1858, published, At Home and Abroad, p. 417 "Hymn of Consolation," John Frederick, translated, August, 1858, published, At Home and Abroad, p. 420. "Vor Jena," Student Song; 8 lines, translated, Aug., 1858, published, At Home and Abroad, p. 423. In happy hour have we united, A mighty and a German band, etc.; 8 lines. Ernst Moritz Arndt, translated, Aug., 1858, published, At Home and Abroad, p. 428. "Du hast Diamanten und Perlen," Heine; translated, Aug., 1858, published, At Home and Abroad, p. 455. Sheaf of Poems. "Das zerbrochene Ringlein," Eidiendorff; translated, Sept., 1858; published, At Home and Abroad, p. 404.

23. "Soldier's Song," (Faust); Goethe; published, Knickerbocker Magazine, March, 1859, p. 277. 24. "I have climbed to this summit with much toil," says Herwegh, in one of poems, "and the dust of those streets where I lived is dearer, to me than this pure, cold air. I can almost grasp Heaven with my hands, and my heart desires to be down on the earth again." At Home and Abroad, (Second Series, 1862) p. 361. 25. Walpurgisnacht, Mendelssohn, 6 lines; published in The Independent, for Nov. 8th., 1860. 26. "Crossing the Ferry," Uhland, 4 lines; published Dec. 12, 1860 in The Independent. Many a year is in its grave since Since I crossed this restless wave, If now a soul from heaven descended, At once a hero and a bard. 27. "To the Nameless One," Uhland; published in The Independent for Dec. 20, 1860. Oh, would that I were standing Upon the Mountain's crown, With thee on vales and forests, With thee, love, looking down: There all around I'd show thee The World in morning's shine, And say: if it were mine, love, So were it mine and thine! And in my heart's deep valleys Couldst thou but thus look down, Where all the songs are sleeping God sent, my life to crown, The truth I cannot utter There might thy dear eyes see: Each hope and each achievement Received its life from thee. 28. "Malicious Song;" translated, July, 1861, published, At Home and Abroad, p. 207. Tell me, of what is the church-spire made, Oho, in Friedrichsroda? They took and killed a lean old cow, And made the spire of her tail, I trow, Oho, in Friedrichsroda! 29. "Der Wanderer," Volksweise; translated, July 6, 1861; published in At Home and Abroad, II, 218, 286. A rose in his hat, and a staff in his hand, The pilgrim must wander from land unto land, Through many a city, o'er many a plain, But oh! he must leave them, must wander again! 30. "Rheinweinlied," Matthias Claudius; translated, July 24, 1861; published, At Home and Abroad, II, p. 276. So crown with leaves the brimming beaker, And drain its liquid bliss; Search Europe over jovial nectar-seeker, There is no such wine as this! 31. "The Three Songs," Uhland; translated, 1861 or earlier; published, Poet's Journal, Sheaf of Poems. 32. "The Garden of Roses," Uhland; translated, 1861 or earlier; published, Poet's Journal, Sheaf of Poems. 33. "Jade and Maggie" "The Meadow" (an extract) "The Contented Farmer" "The Guide Post" "The Ghost's Visit on the Feldberg"

217

Hebel; translated, Autumn, 1861; published, Atlantic Monthly, April, 1862; Notes and Essays; Sheaf of Poems. 34. "Euphorion" (Faust), Goethe; translated, Dec., 1861; published, Atlantic Monthly, Oct., 1862, Poet's Journal. 35. "Song of Clarchen," (Egmont), Goethe; translated, 1863; published, Hannah Thurston. 36. Faust (771—774), Goethe; translated, 1864; published, John Godfrey's Fortunes. 37. Ruckert, Aus der Stdubigen Residenz (12 verses) Would you taste purest East, (18 verses) Much I make as makes the others, (4 verses) She came to meet me, (27 verses) translated April 15—20, 1865; published Atlantic Monthly, July, 1866; also in Essays and Notes. 38. "Barbarossa," Ruckert; published, Atlantic Monthly, 1868, By-Ways of Europe, 1869, Sheaf of Poems. 39. "Zahme Xenien," V I (1824—1831), Goethe; published Atlantic Monthly, May, 1868; By-Ways of Europe. Stature from father, and the mood Stern views of life compelling; From mother I take the joyous heart, And love of Story-telling; Great-grandsire's passion was the fair What if I still reveal it? Great-grandam's was pomp; and gold, and show, And in my bones I feel it. 40. "A Greek Inscription from the Grotto of Mitromania," from the German translation of Gregorovius. published, Atlantic Monthly, June, 1868; By-Ways of Europe. Ye who inhabit the Stygian lands, beneficient demons, Me, the unfortunate, take ye also now to your Hades, Me, whom not the will of the Gods, but the power of the Ruler, Suddenly smote with death, which guiltless, I never suspected. Crowned with so many a gift, enjoying the favor of Caesar, Now he destroyeth my hopes, and the hopes of my parents. Not fifteen have I readied, not twenty years have I numbered. Ah! and no more I behold the light of the beautiful heavens. Hypates am I by name; to thee I appeal O my brother, Parents, also, I pray you, unfortunate, mourn me no longer! 41. "Corsican Cradle Song," from the German translation of Gregorovius; published, Atlantic Monthly, Nov., 1868; By-Ways of Europe, p. 414. A little pearl-laden ship, my darling, Thou carriest silken stores, And, with silken sails all set Com'st from the Indian shores, And wrought with finest workmanship Are all thy golden oars. Sleep, my little one, sleep a little while, Ninni, Nanna, sleep! 42. Year after year, thy slopes of olives hoar Give oil, thy vineyards still their beauty pour! Thy maize on golden meadows ripen well, And let the sun thy curse of blood dispel, Till down each vale and on each moutain-side The stains of thy heroic blood be dried! Thy sons be like their fathers, strong and sure, Thy daughters as thy mountain rivers pure, And still thy granite crags between them stand And all corruption of the older land. 218

43.

44. 45.

46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60.

61. 62. 63.

Fair isle, farewell! thy virtue shall not sleep; Thy fathers' valor shall their children keep, That ne'er this taunt to thee the stranger cast, Thy heroes were but fables of the past! From the German of Gregorovius, translated, Nov., 1868 published, Atlantic Monthly, Nov., 1868 also By-Ways of Europe. Uhland, "Prelude to Graf Eberhard der Rauschebart," 12 lines "Konradin-Fragment," 9 lines "Die Schlacht bei Reutlingen," 4 lines published, Atlantic Monthly, March, 1869. "Den Vereinigten Staaten" (lahme Xenien, IV, 742 ff.), Goethe; published, Atlantic Monthly, March, 1869. "Popular Song" I'd willingly engage to take Belgrade by storm again Rather than drink a second time The wine of Reutlingen! published, Atlantic Monthly, March, 1869. "A Group in Tartarus," Schiller; translated probably before the spring of 1870; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 273, Sheaf of Poems. "Elysium," Schiller; the first half only; translated before the spring of 1870; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 274 and in Sheaf of Poems. "Gods of Greece," Sdiiller; 6 stanzas; translated before the spring of 1870; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 281. "Wilhelm Tell," Sdiiller; part of opening scene; translated, probably before the spring of 1870; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 296, Sheaf of Poems. "Epilogue to Schiller's Song of the Bell;" Goethe; translated, probably before the spring of 1870; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 303; Sheaf of Poems. Messiah, Klopstock; passage from; translated circa spring, 1870; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 293 f. Oheron, Wieland; 2 stanzas; translated, Spring, 1870; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 251 f. "The Watch on the Rhine" ("The Rhine Guard"), Max Schneckenburger; translated, Sept., 1870; published, New York Tribune, Sept. 8, 1870 Sheaf of Poems. "Song of Hildebrand;" translated, probably in the spring of 1871; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 13. Heiland (a passage from); translated probably in the spring of 1871; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 17 f. Evangelienbuch, Otfried, a passage from; translated, Spring, 1871; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 21. Ludwigslied, (a passage from); translated, Spring, 1871; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 24. "The Falcon," Diethmar von Aist; translated, Spring, 1871; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 36, Sheaf of Poems. Heinrich von Morungen (a quatrain); translated, Spring, 1871; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 37; Sheaf of Poems. Walther von der Vogelweide, "The Bliss of May", "A Minne Song," "The Glorious Dame" (an extract) "Spring and Woman" translated, Spring, 1871; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 39 ff.; Sheaf of Poems. "Ich sunge ein bispel oder ein spel", etc.; The Marner, translated, Spring, 1871; published in Studies in German Literature, p. 47. "Jar lane wil diu linde", etc.; Conrad von Würzburg; translated, Spring, 1871; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 49; Sheaf of Poems. "Honor Women!", Heinrich von Meissen; translated, Spring, 1871; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 55. 219

64. "Minstrel's Lament", Tannhäuser; translated, Spring, 1871; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 59. 65. Erek, Hartmann von Aue; (Passage from); translated, Spring, 1871; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 68. 66. Tristan, Gottfried von Strassburg, (passage from), translated probably Spring, 1871; published, Studies m German Literature, p. 79 ff. 67. Parzival, Wolfram von Eschenbadi Titurel, Wolfram von Eschenbadi (passages from both), translated probably Spring, 1871; published, Studies in German Literature, pp. 88 ff. and 98 ff. 68. Nibelungenlied, (passage from) translated probably, Spring, 1871; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 108 ff. 69. Gudrun, (passage from), translated probably, Spring, 1871; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 182. 70. "Trooper's Song" (15th Century) "Woluf, ir lieben gesellen", etc. translated probably, Spring, 1871, published, Studies in German Literature, p. 141. 71. "Vom Himmel hoch da komm ich her", Luther; translated, probably, Spring, 1871; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 156 ff. 72. "Hymn", Duke John Frederick of Saxony (See no. 18, supra); translated, probably, August, 1858; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 159 ff. 73. "The Poet and the Singer", Hans Sachs, translated, probably, Spring, 1871; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 162 f f ; Sheaf of Poems. 74. "Hunter's Song" "Es jagt ein jeger wolgemut", etc. translated, probably, Spring, 1871; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 164f.; Sheaf of Poems. 75. "The Nettle-Wreath", Folk Song of the 16th Century; translated, probably, Spring, 1871; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 165; Sheaf of Poems. 76. "The Haste of Love", Martin Opitz; "To the Germans (one stanza) Martin Opitz; translated, probably, Spring, 1871; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 177. The former also in Sheaf of Poems. 77. "A H y m n " "A Sonnet written on his Deathbed", Paul Fleming, translated, probably, Spring, 1871; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 184 and p. 183, resp., also in Sheaf of Poems. 78. "Welcome to Spring", Siegmund von Birken; translated, probably, Spring, 1871; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 193. 79. Fungus' mouth is like a mill, and as fast as ever ran; For each handful of wit it grinds, there's a bushel of wordy bran. A mill-stone and the human heart are whirled forever round: Where either nothing has to grind, it must itself be ground. Friedrich von Logau, translated, probably, Spring, 1871; published, Studies in German Literature, p. 194 f. 80. "Hartz-Journey in Winter", Goethe; translated between 1872—1875; published, Poems (Household Edition); Sheaf of Poems. 81. "Death of Tell", Uhland; translated after 1875 (Only reference to this translation is that found in "The Best of Bayard Taylor" by Henry Morford, Brooklyn Magazine, February, 1880, p. 57. 82. "The Dead to the Living", Freiligrath, translated, probably, in the late '40* s; published in the New York Tribune, Nov. 1, 1848 (Weekly) and Mardi 20, 1876. 83. "The Song of Mignon", Goethe; translation first attempted in Heidelberg, Sept. 7, 1844; published, Mayflower Magazine, April, 1876 (?), Poems (Household Edition); Sheaf of Poems. 84. "Deutsch-amerikanische Hymne zur Centennial-feier der Nordamerikanischen Union Von Ocean zu Ocean" Müller von der Werra; translated 1876; published? 85. "Rhine-Wine Song", Claudius (See no. 30, supra). Thiiringia's land, for sad example, bringeth, A stuff that looks like wine,

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But is not! he who drinketh never singeth, Nor gives a cheerful sign, translated before January, 1877; published, Atlantic Monthly, X X X I X , 61 (Jan'y 1877). 86. "King in Thule", Goethe. Cf. letter, Taylor to W. J. Stillman, July 22, 1873: "I have never heard of my translation of the 'King in Thule' being set to music." Cornell University.

APPENDIX V Correspondence received from German men of letters. Tay. 66, Cornell University. Letters, (Miscel.) Catalogue N o . I. [Added notes are those of the catalogue.] 1847. June 26, Leipzig, "An Engl, letter from Gerstäcker. It appears from it they met in 1845 at Leipzig. He sends him his novel about Arkansas and wishes to hear his opinion about it." 1848. Dec. 13, Köln, from Freiligrath, introducing J. R. 1849. Aug. 21, Cologne, F. Freiligrath, introducing and soliciting interest in Charles Post, Dr. Greuel — Caspar Butz German revolutionary matters. 1852. Oct. 24, St. Martin bei Boppard, Oberst von Siebold; scholarly advice in regard to Japan. Oct. 26, F. Freiligrath, Hackney, inviting T. to his house. 1855. June 16, Ida Pfeifer, London, "Wants B. to advise her about lecturing in St. Louis." 1856. Nov. 24, Alex. v. Humboldt, (no date), Marie Riickert. June 7, Fr. Gerstäcker. 1857. Oct. 4, Alex. v. Humboldt. Oct. 31, Alex. Ziegler, Dresden. Nov. 3, Alex Ziegler, Eisenach. Nov. 8, Voigt and Gunther, Leipzig. Nov. 9, F. Freiligrath, London. 1858. May 24, Alex. Ziegler, Dresden. Aug. 31, Karl Andree. Sept. 10, Karl Andree. Oct. 27, Karl Andree. Sept. 23, Berthold Auerbach, Dresden. 1859. Aug. 10, Dr. Karl Reuter, Berlin. 1860. Feb. 27, Auerbadi, Berlin; "projecting to come to America." Aug. 11, Johannes Seifert, Berlin. 1861. Jan. 10, F. Freiligrath, London. 1862. Oct. ??, Marie Rückert. Dec. 1, Adolf Strodtmann. Dec. 29, Adolf Strodtmann. (No date), Marie Riidkert. 1863. (date?) Marie Riickert, 3 letters. Feb. 17, Adolf Strodtmann. Apr. 23, Adolf Strodtmann. June 11, Adolf Strodtmann. July 4, 29, Adolf Strodtmann. Aug. 14, 22, Adolf Strodtmann. Sept. 16, Adolf Strodtmann. 1864. July 20, Auerbadi, Berlin. Oct. 26, Auerbadi, Berlin. Dec. 19, Auerbadi, Berlin.

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1865. Mar. 28, Auerbach, Berlin. June 16, Auerbach, Berlin. Nov. 10, Auerbach, Berlin. 1866. (no date), Auerbach, Berlin. 1867. July 13, Kate Freiligrath, London, with P.S. from Freiligrath. Sept. 11, Kate Freiligrath, London, with P.S. from Freiligrath. July 14, Strodtmann, Hamburg. Aug. 2, Strodtmann, Hamburg. Aug. 20, Fritz Reuter, Eisenach. 1868. Feb. 14, Dr. Edw. Brockhaus, Leipzig. July 22, Gustav Freytag. July 4, Fr. Gerstäcker, Dresden. Dec. 6, Fr. Gerstäcker, Dresden. 1870. Mar. 13, A. Strodtmann, Hamburg. Dec. 23, A. Strodtmann, Versailles. Oct. 26, F. Lipperscheide, Berlin. Nov. 16, Brockhaus, Leipzig; about publ. Faust. 1871. Mar. 28, Brodshaus, Leipzig; about publ. Faust. 1871. Apr. 28, Brockhaus, Leipzig; about publ. Faust. Dec. 30, Brockhaus, Leipzig; about publ. Faust. June 3, Müller von der Werra; (Tay. 16. Cornell Univ.) Aug. 14, Mme. von Holzendorff (Faust). Sept. 25, Count Sackendorff, for the Crown Prince of Germany. Sept. 29, M. v. Palezieux, for the Grand Duke of Weimar. 1873. Feb. 15, Adolf Strodtmann and Mrs. S. June 7, Alex. Ziegler. Sept. 28, Adolf Strodtmann and Mrs. S. 1873. Apr. 21, Brockhaus, Leipzig. Apr. 9, Brockhaus, Leipzig. Sept. 6, Brockhaus, Leipzig. Oct. 25—26, Auerbach. Nov. 1, G. Rohlfs. Nov. 12, Fr. Preller. Nov. 30, A. Schöll. Dec. 17, A. Schöll. 1876. Jan. 22, Müller von der Werra. Mar. 3, Gerh. Rohlfs. May 15, Gerh. Rohlfs. May 14, Müller von der Werra. 1876. June 3, Müller von der Werra. June 24, Gerh. Rohlfs. July 10, Brockhaus. July 24, A. Strodtmann. 1877. Dec. 1, Brachvogel. 1878. Feb. 19, Brachvogel. Apr. 16, Gerh. Rohlfs. May 25, Auerbach. July 6, Auerbach. June 10, J. Blied. July 6, Fr. v. Bodenstedt.

APPENDIX VI Taylor's works that have been published in German in book form. 1. El Dorado, Schilderungen einer Reise über Panama nach Californien u. des Aufenthalts daselbst, etc., nach d. Engl, von Carl Hartmann, Weimar, 1851, Voigt.

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2. Eine Reise nach Central Afrika oder Leben und Landschaften von Egypten bis zu den Negerstaaten am weissen Nil, übersetzt von Johannes Ziethen, Leipzig, Voigt und Günther, 1855. 3. Nordische Reise, Sommer- und Winterbilder aus Schweden, Lappland und Norwegen. Autorisierte Ausg., Leipzig, 1858, Voigt und Günther. 4. Eine Reise nach Lappland von Bayard Taylor. Deutsch bearb. von Friedr. Coszmann in Lorck's C. B. Eisenbahnbücher, Nr. 29. 5. Reisen in Griechenland nebst einem Ausflug nach Kreta. Aus dem Englischen von Marie Hansen-Taylor. Autoris. Ausg., Leipzig, 1862, (Voigt) u. Günther. 6. Hannah Thurston, die Emancipirte. Roman aus dem amerikanischen Leben. Deutsch vom Verf. (???), autorisierte Ausg.; 3 Bde., Hamburg, 1864, Hoffmann u. Campe. 7. Kennett Roman. Aus dem Englischen von Marie Hansen-Taylor, 2 Bde., Autoris. Übersetzung, Gotha, Thienemann, 1867. 8. Geschichte von Deutschland. Aus dem Englischen übers, von Marie Hansen-Taylor. Mit 8 histor. Karten, Stuttgart, 1876, Auerbach. 9. Joseph u. sein Freund, Roman. Nach dem amerikanischen Orig. frei bearb. von C. Steinitz, Berlin, 1878, Janke. 10. Erzählungen aus dem amerikanischen Leben. In's Deutsche übertr. v. Marie Hansen-Taylor, 2 Bde., 8. (181 u. 202 S), Berlin, 1879, Paetel. (See Doehn, S. 282). 11. Erzählungen für wackere Knaben, Berlin, 1879. 2. Aufl., Berlin, 1890; 4. Aufl. Leipzig, 1899. 12. Ausgewählte Schriften, 1. u. 2. Bd., Leipzig, 1881, 1882, Grieben. 1. Die Dichtung in Bildern, Literarische Studien. (Contains the Weimar papers, essays on the thief German writers and on Thackery and Tennyson.) 2. Goethes Faust, 1. u. 2. Thl. Erläuterungen und Bemerkungen dazu. 13. John Godfrey's Fortunes. In German 1865 translated by Mrs. Taylor. (Cf. New York Tribune, Mar. 14, 1879, p. 8, cl. 2. No mention of the publication of this volume is found either in Hinrich's or Kayser's publishers' catalogues. In reply to an offer to publish a translation of this novel in the Westliche Monatshefte Taylor reports: "I have written to Butz, accepting his offer in case the publication in Germany is assured, that being our main object." October 11, 1864, see Life and Letters, p. 425.) POETRY 1. Gedichte. Mit Bewilligung des Verf. übers, v. Karl Bleibtreu, mit einem Einleitungsgedichte v. Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, Berlin, 1879, Schleiermacher. 2. Lars, Norwegisches Idyll, Deutsch von M. Jacobi, Stuttgart, 1887, Lutz.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Part I: Taylor's Works Manuscript: The Cornell University Collection, embracing, (a) some 3088 letters, most in manuscript, but many typewritten copies, exchanged between Taylor and 445 friends, acquaintances, etc., and, (b) some 45 diaries, notebooks, scrapbooks, ledgers, etc. The Harvard University Collection, 5 vols, and 3 portfolios. The University of Pennsylvania, original manuscript of lecture "Amerikanische Dichter und Dichtkunst" (photostat copy in "Bayard Taylor as a Literary Mediator between Germany and America" (Ph. D. diss.), John T. Krumpelmann, 1924); ed. by H . Frenz and Ph. A. Shelley in Jahrbuch fur Amenkastudien II (1957), 89—133. New York Public Library (Manuscript Division): 84 letters and a considerable number of MS copies of poems. 223

West Chester Historical Museum and Library: 27 MS lectures and a number of miscellaneous items and The George S. Hellman Collection comprising 5 folders containing 99 letters (Taylor-R. H. Stoddard) and 1 folder containing 9 original poems and translations in verse. The Huntington Library, San Marino California, contains unpublished letters of Bayard Taylor (see John Richie Schultz. The Unpublished, Letters of Bayard Taylor. San Marino, 1937). Printed Volumes: The American Legend Before the Phi Beta Kappa Society of Harvard University. July 18, 1850; Cambridge, 1850. At Home and Abroad, A Sketch-Book of Life, Scenery, and Men. New York, 1860. At Home and Abroad, Second Series. New York, 1862. The Ballad of Abraham Lincoln. Boston, 1870. Beauty and the Beast and Tales of Home. New York, 1872. A Book of Romances, Lyrics, and Songs. Boston, 1852. Boys of Other Countries, Stories for American Boys. New York, 1876. By-Ways of Europe. New York, 1869. Colorado, A Summer Trip. New York, 1867. Critical Essays and Literary Notes. Edited by Mrs. Marie Hansen-Taylor, New York, 1880. The Dramatic Works of Bayard Taylor, with notes by Marie Hansen-Taylor. Boston, 1880.

The Echo Club and Other Literary Diversions. Boston, 1876. The Echo Club, With a prologue by Richard Henry Stoddard. New York, 1895. Egypt and Iceland in the Year 1874. New York, 1874. Eldorado, or Adventures in the Path of Empire. New York, 1850. Faust, A Tragedy by Johann Wolfgang Goethe. The First Part, Translated, in the Original Metres; Boston, 1871. Faust, A Tragedy by Johann Wolfgang Goethe. The Second Part, Translated, in the Original Metres; Boston, 1871. Faust, A Tragedy by Johann Wolfgang Goethe, Translated, in the Original Metres; Boston, 1882. Hannah Thurston, A Story of American Life. New York, 1863. Home Pastorals, Ballads and Lyrics. Boston, 1875. Jenny Lind's Greeting to America, Music by (Sir) Julius Benedict. New York, Copyright, 1850. John Godfrey's Fortunes; Related by Himself, A Story of American Life; New York, 1860.

Joseph and his Friend, A Story of Pennsylvania; New York, 1870. A Journey to Central Africa; or, Life and Landscapes from Egypt to the Negro Kingdoms of the White Nile; New York, 1854. The Lands of the Saracens; or Pictures of Palestine, Asia Minor, Sicily, and Spain; New York, 1855. Lars, A Pastoral of Norway; Boston, 1873. The Masque of the Gods, Boston, 1872. The National Ode, The Memorial Freedom Poem; Boston, 1877. The National Ode (facsimile); Boston, 1876. Northern Travel, Summer and Winter Pictures of Sweden, Denmark and Lapland; New York, 1856. The Picture of St. John; Boston, 1866. Poems of Home and Travel; Boston, 1855. Poems of the Orient, 5th Edition; Boston, 1856. This edition is the same as the first. The Poems of Bayard Taylor; Boston, 1865 (1864?); The "Blue and Gold" edition. Poems, Cabinet Edition; Boston, 1865. The Poetical Works of Bayard Taylor, Household Edition; Boston, Copyright, 1883. The Poet's Journal; Boston, 1863. 224

Prince Deukalion, A Lyrical Drama. Boston, 1878. The Prophet. Boston, 1874. Rhymes of Travel, Ballads and Poems. New York, 1849. A School History of Germany; from the Earliest Period to the Establishment of the Empire. New York, 1874. A History of Germany from the Earliest Times to the Present Day. With an additional chapter by Marie Hansen-Taylor, New York, 1895. Editor-in-Chief; Germany. Revised The History of Nations. Henry Cabot Lodge from the work of Bayard Taylor by Sidney B. Fay, Vol. X V I I I , Philadelphia. A Sheaf of Poems. Bayard Taylor and Lillian Bayard Taylor Kiliani; Boston, 1911. The Story of Kennett. New York, 1866. Studies in German Literature. With an introduction by George H . Boker; New York, 1879. Travels in Greece and Russia, with an Excursion to Crete. New York, 1859. Views Afoot, or Europe as seen with Knapsack and Staff. With a preface by N . P. Willis; New York, 1846. Views Afoot: or Europe as seen with Knapsack and Staff. With preface by N . P . W i l lis, 9th edition; New York, 1850. Views Afoot; or Europe as seen with Knapsack and Staff. New York, 1872. A Visit to India, China and Japan in the year 1853. New York, 1855. Who was She? New York, 1884. In Stories by American Authors (Scribner's) Vol. I, 5—32. Ximena or the Battle of the Sierra Morena and other Poems. Philadelphia, 1844. Anthologies and Collections containing translations of Taylor's poems. Amerikanische Poesie, Dichter und Dichtung der neuen Welt in deutscher Übersetzung. Lincoln, Nebr., U.S.A. The Press Publishing Company (n.d.). Ansprache an das deutsche Volk September, 1870. In Germania, Zur Feier des Einigen Deutschlands, New York, 1870. Bleibtreu, Karl. Taylors Gedichte. Berlin, 1879. Grabow, Hans. Die Lieder aller Völker und Zeiten, aus 75 fremden Sprachen in metrischen deutschen Übersetzungen und sorgfältiger Auswahl. Hamburg, 1882. Knortz, Karl. Amerikanische Gedichte der Neuzeit. Leipzig, 1883; 2. Aufl., Oldenburg. Knortz, Karl. Poetischer Hausschatz der Nordamerikaner. Oldenburg und Leipzig, 1902. Leuthold, H . Gedichte. 3. Aufl. Frauenfeld, 1884. 4. Aufl. Frauenfeld, 1894. —. Gesammelte Dichtungen in drei Bänden. Eingeleitet und nach der Handschrift herausgegeben von Gottfried Bohnenblust, Frauenfeld, 1914. Lipperheide, Franz. Lieder zu Schutz und Trutz, Gaben deutscher Dichter aus der Zeit des Krieges im Jahre 1870. Dritte Sammlung, Berlin, October bis December 1870. Prinzhorn, Wilhelmine. Von beiden Ufern des Atlantik. Halle, 1894. Spielhagen, Friedrich. Amerikanische Gedichte. In Sämtliche Werke; Supplement Band. Leipzig, 1877. Strodtmann, Adolf. Amerikanische Anthologie. Hildburghausen, 1870, (Bibliographisches Institut). Vollheim, Karl. Perlen der neueren englischen und amerikanischen Lyrik. Leipzig, 1864.

Part II: Taylor as Editor Central Asia, Travels in Cashmere, Little Thibet and Central Asia. Arranged and Compiled by Bayard Taylor, New York, 1874. Cyclopedia of Modern Travel. Prepared and Arranged by Bayard Taylor, Cincinnati, 1856. Hand-book of Literature and Fine Arts. Compiled and Arranged by Bayard Taylor, New York, 1852. Japan in Our Day. Compiled and Arranged by Bayard Taylor, New York, 1872. The Lake Regions of Central Africa. Compiled and Arranged by Bayard Taylor, New York, 1873. 15

Krumpelmann

Picturesque Europe. Edited by Bayard Taylor, New York, 1878. Travels in Arabia. Compiled and Arranged by Bayard Taylor, New York, 1881. Travels in South Africa. Compiled and Arranged by Bayard Taylor, New York, 1881.

Part III: Taylor as Prefacer Bismarck; His Authentic Biography. Translated from the German of George Hesekiel by Kenneth R. H . Mackenzie. With an Introduction by Bayard Taylor, New York, 1877. Two German Giants: Frederick the Great and Bismarck, The Founder and the Builder of the German Empire. By John Lord, D.D., LL D., To which are added A Character Sketch of Bismarck By Bayard Taylor and Bismarck's Great Speech on the Enlargement of the German Army in 1888. New York, 1894. A Hunter's Life among the Lions, Elephants and other Wild Animals of South Africa. Roualeyn George Gordon Cummings. With an Introduction by Bayard Taylor, New York, 1858. The Life, Travels and Books of Alexander von Humboldt. Richard Henry Stoddard. With an Introduction by Bayard Taylor, New York, 1859. Personal Narrative of a Pilgrimage to El-Medinah and Meccah. By Richard F. Burton, Lieut., Bombay Army. With an Introduction by Bayard Taylor, First American Edition, New York, 1856.

Part IV: General Bibliography The following bibliography does not purport to be complete for all phases of Taylor's literary activity. It includes only those writings which deal with his occupation with German literature and sudi other works as have been consulted in the composition of this study. For a rather full general bibliography, especially of periodical literature, the reader is referred to the Haskell dissertation listed in this bibliography.

Volumes and Monographs Biographies: Beatty, C. Bayard Taylor, Laureate of the Gilded Age. Norman, 1936. Conwell, R. H . The Life, Travels and Literary Career of Bayard Taylor. Boston, 1879. Koch, Anna M. Bayard Taylor, Ein Lebensbild aus Briefen. Zusammengestellt von Hansen-Taylor und Horace E. Scudder, übersetzt und bearbeitet von Anna M. Koch, Gotha, 1885. (Contains material not in Life and Letters). Smyth, Albert H. Bayard Taylor. Boston and New York, 1896. Taylor, Marie Hansen and Horace Scudder. The Life and Letters of Bayard Taylor. 2 vols., Boston, 1884. Taylor, Marie Hansen. On Two Continents. New York, 1905. Miscellaneous: Ahrens, Dr. W. Gelehrten-Anekdoten. Berlin-Schöneberg, 1911. Alcock, Rutherford. The Capital of Tycoon, a Narrative of Three Years Residence in Japan. London, 1863. Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie. 56 Bde., Leipzig, 1875—1912. American Catalogue. A. C. Armstrong and Son, New York, 1880. Americana Germanica, New Series; Monographs devoted to the Comparative Study of the Literary, Linguistic and other Cultural Relations of Germany and America. Editor, Marion Dexter Learned, Philadelphia, 1904— Appelmann, Maria. H. W. Longfellow's Beziehungen zu Ferdinand Freiligrath. Münster i. W„ 1915. 226

Auerbach, Berthold. Deutsche Abende. Stuttgart, 1867. —. The Villa on the Rhine. Author's Edition, with a Portrait of the Author, and a biographical Sketch by Bayard Taylor, New York, 1869. —. The Villa on the Rhine. Translated by J. Davis, Henry Holt and Co., 1911. In Memoriam. Addresses delivered at the Funeral of Bayard Taylor, By J.P.Thompson, D.D., and Berthold Auerbach, December 22d, 1878, Berlin. Bartels, Adolf. Einführung m die Weltliteratur, München, 1913. Bates, Katherine Lee. American Literature. New York and London, 1898. Baumann, Lina. Die englischen Übersetzungen von Goethes Faust. Halle a. S., 1907. Baumgarten, Alexander. Longfellows Dichtungen, Freiburg in Breisgau, 1887. Bechstein, Ludwig. Der Sagenschatz des Thüringerlandes. Hildburghausen, 1862. —. Thüringer Sagenbuch, Coburg, 1858. Beers, Henry A. Initial Studies in American Letters. New York, 1895. Betz, Louis Paul. La Littérature comparée. Strasbourg, 1900. Bole, John Archibald. The Harmony Society. Philadelphia, 1904. (Reprint from German American Annals.). Boyesen, H . H . Goethe and Schiller, Their Lives and Works including A Commentary on Goethe's Faust. Ninth Edition, New York, 1904. (Copyright, 1879). Braun, Emil. Griechische Götterlehre. Hamburg und Gotha, 1854. —. Die Ruinen und Museen Roms. Braunschweig, 1854. Braun, Frederick A. Margaret Fuller and Goethe. New York, 1910. (Dissertation, University of Illinois). Brümmer, Franz. Deutsche Dichter-Lexicon, 2 Bde., Eichstatt und Stuttgart, 1876. Bruhns, Karl. Alexander von Humboldt, Eine wissenschaftliche Biographie. 3 Bde., Leipzig, 1872. Life of Alexander von Humboldt. Compiled by J. Löwenberg, Robert Avé Lallement and Alfred Dove; Edited by Professor Karl Bruhns, in two volumes. Translated from the German by Jane and Caroline Lassell. Vol. II, London, 1873. The Bryant Memorial Meeting. Goethe Club of the City of New York. New York, 1879. Buch, Leopold von. Reise durch Norwegen und Lappland. 2 Bde., 1810. Buchner, Wilhelm. Ferdinand Freiligrath, ein Dichterleben in Briefen. 2 Bde., Lahr, o . J . (1881?). Bürger, Gottfried August. Gedichte. Göttingen, 1841. Byron, (George Gordon) Lord. The Works, Letters and Journals. Edited by Rowland E. Prothero, M. A., London, 1901. The Cambridge History of American Literature. New York. 1917—1921. Campbell, Thomas Moody. Longfellows Wechselbeziehungen zu der deutschen Literatur. Leipzig, 1907 (Dissertation). Cary, Richard. The Genteel Circle: Bayard Taylor and his New York Friends, Ithaca, N.Y., 1952. Clarke, Isaac Edwards. A Tribute to Bayard Taylor. March 8, 1879, An Essay and a Poem. Washington, D.C., 1879. Cody, Alpheus Sherwin. Four American Writers, Washington Irving, Edgar Allan Poe, James Russel Lowell, Bayard Taylor. New York: American Book Co. (1899). Columbia University, A History o f , 1847—1880. New York, 1904. Conway, Moncure D. Thomas Carlyle. New York, 1881. Cooke, Delmar Gross. William Dean Howells, A Critical Study. New York, 1922. Corrodi, August. Rob. Burns und Pet. Hebel, eine literar-historische Parallele. Berlin, 1873; Sammlung gemeinverständlicher Vorträge, herausgegeben von Rud. Virchow und Fr. v. Holtzendorf, viii. Serie, H e f t 182, Berlin, 1873. Coupland, William Chatterton. The Spirit of Goethe's Faust. London, 1885. Davis, Edward Ziegler. Translations of German Poetry in American Magazines, 1741—1810. Philadelphia, 1905. (Reprint from German American Annais). Deutsches Conversations-Lexicon. 19 Bde. Ed. Prof. Alex. J. Schern, New York, 1869 f. Doehn, Rudolf. Aus dem amerikanischen Dichterwald. Leipzig, 1881. D u f f y , Charles. The Correspondence of Bayard Taylor and Paul Hamilton Hayne. Baton Rouge, La., 1945. 15*

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Periodical Literature Americana Germanica Learned, Marion Dexter. "Ferdinand Freiligrath in America," I (1897), 54—73. American Literature Warnock, Robert. "Unpublished Lectures of Bayard Taylor," V (May, 1933), 123—132. —. "Bayard Taylor's Unpublished Letters to his Sister Annie," VII (March, 1935), 47—55. Schultz, John Ritchie. "New Letters of Mark Twain," VIII (March, 1936), 47 ff. Anzeiger der Zeitschrift für deutsches Alterthum und deutsche Litteratur. Meyer, Richard M. "Bayard Taylor's Translation of Goethe's Faust by Julia Haskell," X X X I I I (April, 1909), 312—313. Atlantic Monthly Lanier, H . W. "Letters between Two Poets. The Correspondence of Bayard Taylor and Sidney Lanier," L X X X I I I (1899), 791—807. Bookman Colbron, Grace I. "The American Novel in Germany," X X X I V (March, 1914), 45—49. Der deutsche Pioneer Fick, H . H . "Dem Andenken Bayard Taylors," X (1878), 391—394. Deutsche Revue Taylor, Bayard. "Weimar in Juni," 1880, 10. Juli, S. 56 ff. —. "Herbsttage in Weimar," 1880, 12 Sept., S. 275 ff. (Both translations by Marie Hansen-Taylor). Gegenwart Brachvogel, Udo. "Aus dem Nadilasse Bayard Taylors," X V I I (1880), Nr. 5, S . 7 0 f f . German American Annais Vollmer, Clement. "The American Novel in Germany, 1871—1913," X V — X V I (New Series, 1917), 113—144; 165—219. Journal of English and Germanic Philology Lieder, F. W. C. "Faust in England and America," VIII (1909), 584—593. —. "Goethe in England and America," X (1911), 535—556. —. "Bayard Taylor's Adaption of Schiller's Don Carlos," X V I , No. 1 (Jan., 1917), 27—52. Frenz, Horst. "Bayard Taylor and the Reception of Goethe in America," XLI, No. 2 (April, 1942), 125—139. Krumpelmann, John T. "The Genesis of Bayard Taylor's Translation of Goethe's Faust," XLII No. 4 (October, 1943), 551—562. Lippincott's Magazine Boyesen, H . H . "Reminiscenses of Bayard Taylor," X I V (1879), 209 ff. Das literarische Echo Betz, L. P. "Deutsches in der amerikanischen Literatur," V (1903), 946—946; 1018— 1025. 233

Magazin für die Literatur des Auslandes Haynel, E. "Bayard Taylor," LV, N r . 8 (Feb. 22, 1879), 117 ff. Modern Language Quarterly Prahl, A. J. "Bayard Taylor and Goethe," VII (June, 1946), 205—217. Modern Philology Benson, Adolph B. "English Criticism of the 'Prologue in Heaven' in Goethe' Faust," X I X No. 3 (February, 1922), 225—243. Monatshefte Prahl, A. J. "The Goethe Club of the City of New York," XLIV, No. 6 (Oct. 1952), 291—302. Über Land und Meer Brachvogel, Udo XL (1878), 570. Unsere Zeit Doehn, Rudolf. "Bayard Taylor, nordamerikanischer Schriftsteller, Dichter und Diplomat," 1879, 13. H e f t , S. 1—23; 14. H e f t , S. 81—109. Western Humanities Review Todd, Edgely W. "The Literary Relationship of Sidney Lanier and his Father," V, No. 2 (Spring, 1951), 175—194.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Page

Foreword

5

Introduction

7

Chapter

I II III

IV V VI VII VIII IX

The Origin of Taylor's Interest in German Letters . . . The Course of the Development of this Interest . . . . The Manifestation of this Interest in Taylor's Works. His Non-Creative Works His Original, Non-literary Works His Original, Literary Works Proposed Works A Disseminator of the Knowledge of German Taylor as a Writer in German A Representative of American Letters in Germany . . .

Notes

22 69 78 130 137 151 154 166

Appendix I II III IV V VI

Taylor's German Ancestry German Books Read by Taylor German Titles in a Catalogue of Taylor's Library . . . A Catalogue of Taylor's Translations from the German Record of Letters received from German Literari . . . . Publication of Taylor's Volumes in Germany

Bibliography Part

9 14

I II III IV

210 211 212 215 221 222 223

Taylor's Works Taylor as Editor Taylor as Prefacer General Bibliography

223 225 226 226

235

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Der Bestrafte Brudermord Shakespeares „Hamlet" auf der Wanderbühne des 17. Jahrhunderts Umfang 130 Seiten • D I N A 5 • Preis: Kart. DM 12,— Stoff, Verfasser und Entstehungszeit des „Bestraften Brudermordes" werden untersudit. Aus neuen Gesichtspunkten wird eine endgültige Lösung der umstrittenen Quellenfrage gesucht. Eine Strukturanalyse des Komödianten-Hamlet erhellt die geistige Welt der Wanderbühne und spürt den Wesensmerkmalen ihrer literarischen Produkte nach.

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Studien zur Entstehung der neueren amerikanischen Literaturkritik Die Arbeit bemüht sich um Aufhellung einer vernachlässigten Periode der amerikanischen Literaturkritik, vom Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts bis zur Erneuerung der amerikanischen Literatur zwischen 1910 und 1920. Hier liegen die Wurzeln der „neueren" Kritik, deren Urteile über die eben vergangene Zeit, aus der Kampfsituation heraus einseitig, allzu bedenkenlos von der Forschung übernommen wurden. Quellenlektüre ergab neue Wertungen so „eingeordneter" Autoren wie B. Wendeil, G. Santayana, J. Macy, J. E. Spingarn und der sog. „genteel critics". Kapitel über das Grundproblem der Nationalliteratur der USA, die Handbücher amerikanischer Literaturgeschichte und Matthew Arnold und Amerika verbinden die Ergebnisse mit der Problemlage seit der Entstehung einer eigenen amerikanischen Literatur überhaupt.

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