Basic writings of Mo Tzu, Hsün Tzu, and Han Fei Tzu

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MO TZU, HSÜN TZU, and HAN FÈI TZU Basic W ritings of

Prepared for the Columbia College Program of Translations from the Oriental Classics W m . Theodore de Bary, Editor

Number l x x iv of the RECORDS OF CIVILIZATION: SOURCES AND STUDIES

Edited under the auspices of the Department of History, Columbia University

t€

Basic W ritings of

MO TZU, HSÜN TZU, and HAN FEI TZU Translated by BURTON WATSON

N ew York and London 1967 C O L U M B I A U N I V E R S I T Y PRESS

Burton Watson is the author of Ssu-ma CWien: Grand Historian of China (1 9 5 8 ) and Early Chinese Litera­ ture (1 9 6 2 ), and the translator of Records of the Grand Historian of China, translated from the Shih. chi of Ssu-ma CWien, 2 vols. (1 9 6 1 ), Chuang T zu : Basic Writings (1 9 6 4 ), and Su Tung-p’o: Selections from a Sung Dynasty Poet (1 9 6 5 ).

UNESCO COLLECTION OF REPRESENTATIVE WORKS

Chinese Series This hook has been accepted in the Chinese Series jf the Translations Collection of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization CUNESCO)

Copyright © 1963, 1964 Columbia University Press Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 67-16170 Manufactured in the United States of America

RECORDS OF CIVILIZATION: SOURCES A N D STUDIES Edited under the auspices of the Department of History, Columbia University General Editor W . T . H . Jackson, Professor of German and History

Past Editors 1915-1926 James T . Shotwell, Bryce Professor Emeritus of the History of International Relations 1926-1953 Austin P. Evans, Professor of History 1953-1962 Jacques Barzun, Seth Low Professor of History

Editor: Oriental Records W m . Theodore de Bary, Professor of Chinese and Japanese

Consulting Editors: Oriental Records Ainslie T . Embree, Associate Professor of Indian History Chih-tsing Hsia, Associate Professor of Chinese Donald Keene, Professor of Japanese Ivan Morris, Professor of Japanese Burton Watson, Assistant Professor of Chinese and Japanese C. Martin W ilbur, Professor of Chinese History

Editor: European Records W . T . H . Jackson, Professor of German and History

Consulting Editors: European Records Cerson D . Cohen, Associate Professor of History Gilbert H ighet, Anthon Professor of Latin Language and Literature Paul O. Kristeller, Professor of Philosophy Gerhart B. Ladner, Professor of History, University of California, Los Angeles John H . Mundy, Professor of History on the Mathews Foundation

FOREWORD

Basic Writings of Mo Tzu, Hsiin Tzu, and Han Fei Tzu is one of a group of publications, the Translations from the Oriental Classics, through which the Committee on Oriental Studies has sought to transmit to Western readers representative works of the Oriental traditions in thought and literature. In its volumes of source readings forming the “Introduction to Oriental Civiliza­ tions,” the Committee has provided a broad selection of excerpts from influential thinkers in India, China, and Japan, discussing the great problems of their times. Excerpts from Mo Tzu, Hsiin Tzu, and Han Fei Tzu are thus included in Sources of Chinese Tradition. Several of the great philosophers of classical China, however, deserve a fuller reading and analysis than such a survey allows, and there has been a need for more complete translations of them. To say this is not to deprecate the excellent work already done by pioneer scholars in opening these writers up to the West. Often, however, their translations have not been kept in print or available at prices most readers could afford. To give them much wider circulation in the home and classroom than heretofore is the aim of this series. We are indebted to Professor Watson that he has been willing to devote his considerable talents and learning to meet this need for accurate translations of basic works. His translations of Mo Tzu, Hsiin Tzu, and Han Fei Tzu have already appeared in paperbound books that received wide distribution. They are now being reissued in a clothbound edition as a result of numerous requests for a single volume presenting the three together in more durable form. The fourth volume in the original paperbound series, Chuang Tzu: Basic Writings, is to be expanded and pub­ lished separately as a complete translation of the text of Chuang Tzu. W M . THEODORE DE BARY

OUTLINE OF EARLY CHINESE HISTORY (Dates and entries before 841 B.C.

b .c .

are traditional)

D ynasty

Fu Hsi, inventor of writing, fishing, trapping.

2852

Culture Heroes

2737

Shen Nung, inventor of agriculture, commerce.

2697

Yellow Emperor.

2357

Yao. Sage Kings

2255

2205

l8l8

Yii, virtuous founder of dynasty. fHsia I Dynasty

1766 [c. 1300] 1154

Shun.

Chieh, degenerate terminator of dynasty. King Tang, virtuous founder of dynasty.

I Shang or Yin Dynasty

[Beginning of archeological evidence.] Chou, degenerate terminator of dynasty.

Three Dynasties

King Wen, virtuous founder of dynasty. King Wu, virtuous founder of dynasty.

1122

1115

878

Chou Dynasty

"Western King Cheng, virtuous founder of dynasty. Chou < (Duke of Chou, regent to King Cheng) King Li.

781 771 722

King Yu.

551

Period of the “hundred philosophers” (551-c. 233): Confucius, Mo Tzu, Lao Tzu (?), Mencius, Chuang Tzu, Hui Shih, Shang Yang, Kung-sun Lung, Hsün Tzu, Han Fei Tzu.

Spring and Autumn period (722-481).

Eastern Chou

403

Extensive wall-building and waterworks by Ch’in and other states.

4th to 3d cent. 249 221 214

Warring States period (403-221).

Lü Pu-wei, prime minister of Ch’in. Ch'in Dynasty (221-207

The First Emperor; Li Ssu, prime minister. B .C .)

The Great Wall completed.

MO TZU

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

I

HONORING T H E WORTHY

18

IDENTIFYING W ITH ONE’S SUPERIOR

34

UNIVERSAL LOVE

39

AGAINST OFFENSIVE WARFARE

50

MODERATION IN EXPENDITURE

62

MODERATION IN FUNERALS

65

T H E W ILL OF HEAVEN

78

EXPLAINING GHpSTS

94

AGAINST M U SIC

HO

AGAINST FATALISM

117

AGAINST CONFUCIANS

12 4

INDEX

l37

INTRODUCTION Almost nothing is known about the life of Mo Ti, or Master Mo, the founder of the Mo-ist school of philosophy. A num­ ber of anecdotes in which he figures are found in the Mo Tzu, the book compiled by his disciples to preserve the teachings of their master, and other late Chou and early Han works contain scattered references to him and his school. But they tell us little about the man himself. He seems to have lived some time between the death of Confucius in 4 7 9 b .c . and the birth of Mencius in 3 7 2 b .c ., flourishing probably in the latter half of the fifth century b .c . Hç is identified by some writers as a native of the state of Sung, by others as a native of Lu, the birthplace of Confucius. The Huai-nan T zu (ch. 2 1 ) , a work of the second century b .c ., says that he first studied under the scholars of the Confucian school (though in later years he bitterly attacked the Confudans), and cer­ tainly the frequency with which he quotes from the Book of Odes and the Book of Documents would seem to indicate that at some point he received thorough instruction in these an­ cient texts. Like Confudus and Mendus, he apparently trav­ eled a good deal, visiting one after another of the feudal rulers of the time in an attempt to gain a hearing for his ideas, and we are told that for a while he served as a high minister in the state of Sung. H e was particularly anxious to spread his doc­ trine of universal love and to persuade the rulers of his day to cease their incessant attacks upon each other. T he Mo T zu (sec. 50), for example, relates that, when he heard that Ch’u was planning an attack on Sung, he walked for ten days and

2

Mo Tz u

ten nights to reach the court of Ch'u, where he succeeded in persuading the ruler to call off the expedition. Mo Tzu and his followers believed that such attacks could be stopped not only by preaching sermons on universal love, but by strengthening the defenses of vulnerable states so as to diminish the chances of a profitable victory for aggressors. Thus they hastened to the aid of besieged states, and in time became experts on methods of warfare. They formed closeknit, disciplined bands (the school was said to have split into three groups after Mo T zus death), headed by an “elder” whose word was law and who, when death drew near, selected his successor from among the group. Later followers of the school also took up the study of logic, though perhaps, as Arthur Waley has suggested, this was less from any intrinsic interest in the subject than from a desire “to arm themselves against modernist attack.” 1 The Mo Tzu, a work in fifteen chapters and seventy-one sections, of which eighteen are now lost, reflects these interests of the later Mo-ist school, containing a number of sections on logic and military science. Of more importance in the history of Chinese thought, however, are the sections which expound the political and ethical ideas of Mo Tzu himself, and ir is from these sections that the excerpts translated here have been selected. The sections chosen deal with eleven topics, each topic being stated in the title of the section. Each section is divided into three subsections except the last, that entitled “Against Confudans,” which is divided into two. Over the centuries, however, some of these subsections have been lost, so that only six of the eleven sections are complete today. The subsections 1 Arthur W aley, The W ay and Its Power (London, Allen and U nw in, 1934)» P- 6 5 .

Introduction

3

within each section often differ in wording, order of ideas, and even slightly in content. But on the whole they resemble each other so closely that they appear to be no more than slighdy different versions of a single lecture or sermon. As stated above, the Mo-ist school was said to have split into three groups after the death of its founder, and scholars have sur­ mised that the three treatments of each topic may represent the doctrines of Mo Tzu as they were handed down in each of the three groups. In the translation I have, in order to avoid repetition, in most cases translated only the subsection which seemed to contain the most interesting and complete exposi­ tion of each topic, though in a few cases I have translated two subsections dealing with a single topic. All but the last section contain frequent uses of the formula “Master Mo Tzu said,” which would seem to indicate that they were written down not by Mo Tzu himself but by his disciples, though it is not altogether impossible that Mo Tzu wrote some of them him­ self, and that the phrase was added later by redactors. Before discussing the specific doctrines expounded in the portion of the work presented here, I wish to say a word about Mo Tzu s method of argumentation. In the section entided “Against Fatalism,” Mo Tzu lists three “tests” or criteria which are to be used to determine the validity of any theory: i ) its origin, by which he means whether or not it conforms with what we know of the practices of the sage kings of an­ tiquity; 2) its validity, i.e., whether or not it conforms with what we know from the evidence of the senses; 3) its appli­ cability, i.e., whether, when put into practice, it will bring benefit to the state and the people. Though Mo Tzu does not always employ all three in each case, these are the principal criteria upon which he bases his arguments. The modem reader will probably experience the greatest

4

Mo T zu

difficulty in accepting the pertinence of Mo T zu s first crite­ rion. All of us today tend to be skeptical of “what history proves,” since we have seen history cited to prove so many disparate and even contradictory assertions. Moreover the “his­ tory” which Mo Tzu cites to prove his arguments is often, even to the eye of the nonspecialist, patently no more than legend and myth. W e must remember, however, that in Mo Tzu s day, so far as we can gather, the majority of educated Chinese accepted without question the following two assump­ tions: i ) that, at certain periods in the past, enlightened rulers had appeared in China to order the nation and raise Chinese society to a level of peace, prosperity, and moral vigor un­ paralleled in later days; 2) that, in spite of the paucity of reliable accounts, it was still possible to discover, mainly through the records contained in the Book of Odes and Book .of Documents, how these rulers had acted and why—that is, to determine “the way of the ancient sage kings”—and to attempt to put it into practice in the present age. The appeal to the example of antiquity, which Mo Tzu so often uses to clinch his argument, therefore carried enormous weight in his day, and continued to do so in Chinese philosophy down to the present century. By making such an appeal, he was follow­ ing the approved practice of the thinkers of his age, and we may suppose that, if his listeners accepted the validity of his account of antiquity, they must have felt strongly compelled to accept his conclusions. The second criterion, the appeal to the evidence of the senses, he uses much less frequently, and then often with disastrous results, as when he argues for the existence of ghosts and spirits on the basis of the fact that so many people have reportedly seen and heard them. His third criterion, that of practicability, needs no comment,

Introduction

5

since it is as vital a part of argumentative writing today as it was in Mo Tzu s time. The eleven sections representing the basic doctrines of Mo Tzu are entided: “Honoring the Worthy,” “Identifying with One's Superior,” “Universal Love,” “Against Offensive W ar­ fare,” “Moderation in Expenditures,” “Moderation in Funer­ als,” “The W ill of Heaven,” “Explaining Ghosts,” “Against Music,” “Against Fatalism,” and “Against Confucians.” As will be noticed, Mo Tzu was “agin” quite a number of things, and this fact provides a valuable clue to his per­ sonality and the character of his thought. He seems to have been a passionately sincere but rather dour and unimaginative man who, observing the social and moral ills of his time and the suffering which they brought to so many of the common people, felt personally called upon to attempt a cure. One way of accomplishing his aim, he believed, was to attack the abuses of the feudal aristocrats and literati. So deep is his compassion for the common people, and so outspoken his criticisms of their rulers, that some scholars have recendy been led to speculate that Mo, which means “tattoo,” may not be a surname at all, but an appellation indicating that Master Mo was an ex-convict who had undergone the punishment of being tattooed, and flouted the fact in the face of society by adopting the name of his penalty. This suggestion, inter­ esting as it is, seems highly dubious, for, no matter how great his compassion for the common people may have been, his teachings were meant primarily for the ears of the rulers, and if he hoped to gain a hearing among them he would hardly have proclaimed himself a breaker of their laws. If Mo is not a surname, it is probably an appellation adopted by Mo Tzu, or given to him by his contemporaries, the meaning of which is now lost.

6

M o T zu

It is true, however, that Mo Tzu and his followers seem to have taken a far sterner and less compromising attitude toward the ruling class of the time and its foibles than did the mem­ bers of the other philosophical schools. The Mo-ists con­ demned the music, dances, and luxurious living of the aristoc­ racy because such pastimes taxed the wealth and energy of the common people and added nothing to the material welfare of the nation. (They failed to note the benefit which such pas­ times provided for the class of merchants, artisans, entertain­ ers, and servants who catered to such tastes, since for the Mo-ists, as for almost all early Chinese thinkers, the only common people who deserved consideration Were the farmers.) They denounced offensive warfare for the same reasons, be­ cause it was a burden and an expense to the people and provided litde in the way of material benefit^ and they like­ wise condemned elaborate funerals and all other “unneces­ sary” expenditures. They attacked fatalistic thinking because they wanted men to believe that wealth and good fortune came only in response to virtuous deeds, and opposed the Confucian scholars because Confucianism taught such fatalis­ tic doctrines and encouraged music and elaborate funeral rites. Such is the negative side of Mo Tzu s thought, a listing of the ideas and practices which he believed must be abandoned before society could be restored to peace and order. On the positive side, the first principle which he enunciates is that called “honoring the worthy”—the duty of rulers to seek out men of wisdom and virtue and employ them in their govern­ ments. This would seem to be a reasonable and innocuous enough doctrine. By Mo T zus time, the right of certain aristocratic families to maintain hereditary possession of minis­ terial posts in the feudal governments had already been seri­ ously challenged, and many rulers were doing just what Mo

Introduction

y

Tzu recommended—surrounding themselves with men chosen from the lower aristocracy or the common people who would be less encumbered by family ties and feel a greater personal devotion to the ruler who had promoted them. And no other philosophical school could be expected to take exception to Mo Tzu's doctrine, since each would no doubt interpret “wor­ thy men” to mean “our party”—except perhaps the Taoists and farmer-recluses, who professed not to be interested in acquiring government posts anyway. Mo Tzu may have been among the first to give clear and unequivocal expression to this ideal, which became a commonplace in Chinese political thought. But the growing conviction that character and ability rather than birth alone make the man was very much in the air at the time, and had already been stated by Confucius. Mo T zu s second principle, “identifying with one's supe­ rior,” is likewise less controversial than it may appear to modem readers in the West. There is a very strong strain of authoritarianism in early Chinese philosophy. Independence of thought and action, for the lower classes at least, is a rarely expressed concept in the works of the period—die only exam­ ple that comes to mind is Confucius' dictum: “The comman­ der of the forces of a large state may be carried off, but the will of even the common man cannot be taken from him” (Analects IX, 25). T he Taoists, it is true, talk much of free­ dom of thought and action, but it is a freedom which ignores or transcends the social order, not one that functions effec­ tively within it. The concept of the hierarchical social order itself, the neat pyramid of classes and functionaries topped by the Son of Heaven, was an ideal that apparently no thinker dreamed of challenging. Therefore when Mo Tzu urges that each group in society must accept its standards of judgment and take orders from the group above it, he is expressing an

8

Mo T zu

assumption common to Mo-ists, Confucians, and, later, Legal­ ists alike. Advice could, and indeed should, flow freely up­ ward in the hierarchy. But decisions, in normal times at least, come only from above. Each individual and group in society, if he or it goes morally awry, may thus be checked and cor­ rected by the group above. (Needless to say, Chinese society did not always function in this way, which explains why Mo Tzu and others spent so much time expounding this ideal.) But what happens if the man at the very top goes awry? The Confucians believed that in that case, and in that case alone, the normal process may be reversed and a new leader may rise up from the lower ranks to replace the man at the top who has, by his misrule, disqualified himself for the posi­ tion he holds. The new leader is able to do this because of his superior virtue, which wins for him both the support of society and the sanction of Heaven. Mo Tzu recognizes the same process, but pays less attention to the leader himself, who is only an agent of divine retribution, than to the power directing the process, the supernatural power of Heaven and the spirits. Which brings us to Mo Tzu's religious views. H e asserts that nature spirits and the ghosts of the dead exist, that they take cognizance of all human activities, and that they have the power to reward or punish any individual for his deeds. Heading the hierarchy of the supernatural world he envisions a deity called God, the Lord on High, or Heaven, who creates all beings, loves all beings, and desires their welfare, working towards that end through the earthly representatives of the deity, the Son of Heaven and his officers. There is nothing novel about such views; they are striking only as a reaffirma­ tion of traditional religious beliefs. If we turn to the Odes and Documents, we will find such assumptions underlying almost

Introduction

9

every line, while the mass of early historical legends pre­ served in the T so chuan abounds in stories of spirits who re­ turned from the land of the dead to take personal revenge upon their enemies. Yet the very insistence with which Mo Tzu proclaims these beliefs indicates that they had lost, or were losing, their hold on the men of his generation, at least those of the ruling class, the audience to which his words are addressed. T he Confucians, recognizing and even encouraging this trend toward skepticism and agnosticism, worked to sal­ vage and revitalize the old religious rites and forms by imbu­ ing them with new interpretations that were more in keeping with the changing intellectual climate of the time. Mo Tzu, on the other hand, attacked the trend of the times head on, and attempted to drag men back to the simple, pietistic, and fear-ridden faith of antiquity. For only through such a faith, he believed* could men be frightened into abandoning their evil ways and persuaded to love and benefit one another as Heaven desired them to. The doctrine of universal love is the most famous and orig­ inal of Mo Tzu’s contributions to Chinese thought. W e have already noted the negative side of it in his condemnations of offensive warfare, condemnations which could just as well have been made by thinkers of the Confucian or Taoist schools. But Mo Tzu alone of all Chinese thinkers was not content merely to condemn acts that are harmful to others. H e went a step further to proclaim that men should actually love the members of other families and states in the same way that they love the members of their own family and state, for all are equally the creatures and people of God. This is a noble and original ideal indeed, especially when we consider the fierce strife and hatred that characterized the society of Mo Tzu s time. Here at last is a man who dared to

io

Mo T zu

look beyond the hierarchical and geographical divisions of feudal society to a view of all mankind united in fellowship and love. W hen we examine the arguments which Mo Tzu puts forward to support such an ideal, however, we can under­ stand, at least in part, why it was for so many centuries neg­ lected or even scoffed at by the Chinese. In the form of an imaginary dialogue, Mo Tzu presents the objections which he believes his opponents will raise to his doctrine of universal love, and answers them one by one. In brief summary, this is how his argument runs: Q. W hat good is such a doctrine? A. It will bring the greatest benefit to the largest number of people. Q. Can it be put into practice? A . Yes. This is proved by the fact that it actually was prac­ ticed by the sage kings of antiquity. Q. How is it to be put into practice? A . The rulers can be persuaded of its usefulness, and they in turn will enforce it among the people by laws and coercion. The society of Mo T zus day, with its local prides and strong sense of family solidarity, could not be expected to respond with much sympathy to such a call for universal altruism and love. The need for a more pious and fearful regard for the spirits, for frugal living, for cessation of costly aggressive warfare—these were ideals all men could compre­ hend, though they might not agree with them. But a doctrine as novel as that of universal love was bound to be met with bafflement and ridicule. It alone among Mo Tzu’s ideas does not seem to have been a commonplace of the thought of his time, or to hark back to older beliefs of ancient Chinese society.

Introduction

11

On the contrary it is a startling, original, and even revolu­ tionary concept, and we might expect that Mo Tzu, when putting it forward, would attempt to support it with arguments that are as lofty and challenging as the ideal itself, to clothe it with some sort of poetry or rhetoric that would help the listener to believe that it was in fact attainable, or at least worth striving for. And yet, as we have seen, he defends it in exactly the same pedestrian and uninspired way in which he defends every other doctrine he preaches—by an appeal to material benefit, to authoritarianism, and to the dubious ac­ count of an ancient golden age. Perhaps he felt that only such (in his eyes) hardheaded and practical arguments could mask the visionary idealism of the doctrine itself and make it palatable to his hearers. Yet nowhere is the reader likely to feel more strongly the contrast, characteristic of Mo Tzu's thought as a whole, between the essential loftiness of his doctrines, and the plodding, matter-of-fact, and (in modem eyes) often painfully inadequate arguments by which he sup­ ports them. Moreover, the arguments delimit and qualify the ideals to such an extent that they end by dragging them down to their own level of cautious utilitarianism, and piety, noriaggression, and universal love become no more than judicious policies of govenfinent. These, then, are the principal doctrines of Mo Tzu and his followers. And how did such doctrines fare in the world of ancient China? It is customary to cite in answer the alarmed statement of Mencius, recorded in Mencius III B, ch. 9, that “The words of Yang Chu and Mo T i fill the world!” Yang Chu, another philosopher of the time, seems to have taught a rather extreme every-man-for-himself doctrine which Mencius believed posed, along with the universal love doctrine of Mo Tzu, the greatest threat to the Confucian Concept of unselfish

i2

Mo T zu

but carefully graded benevolence and kindness toward others. It would seem, therefore, that the teachings of Mo Tzu had attained considerable vogue in Mencius* time, though Men­ cius, like so many thinkers, probably has a tendency to exag­ gerate the over-all potency of philosophical ideas as a whole, and of those of his enemies in particular. It should also be noted that Mencius lived in the same northeastern area of China where Mo Tzu had lived and taught, and where Mo Tzu's ideas could be expected to have the strongest following. Nevertheless, other works of the third century in addition to the Mencius suggest that Mo-ism at this period stood side by side with Confucianism as one of the most important philosophical schools of the time. And yet, from the second century on, after the unification of the empire under the Ch’in and later the Han dynasties, though Mo-ism is still mentioned as a system of thought, we hear nothing more of the Mo-ist school and its followers. W hat became of them? Mencius, in the passage cited above, after commenting on the disturbing prevalence of Mo-ist ideas, proceeds to a biased and cursory rebuttal of them, claiming that Mo Tzu's doctrine of universal love is equivalent to “being without a father”; that is, it violates the Confucian concept of a graded love that is strongest for one's own relatives and friends and weaker for those less closely related by blood or association. Some scholars tend to regard this brief attack of Mencius as the blow that killed Mo-ism, though this is surely to invest the words of Mencius with far more weight and authority than they ever possessed in the intellectual world of ancient China. In later centuries, when Mencius was hailed as the true interpreter of Confucianism and the Mencius became a classic, such a pronouncement may have effectively discouraged any revival of interest in Mo Tzu and his ideas. But in the second and

Introduction

13

first centuries B.c. it could hardly have killed off the Mo-ist school. W hat killed Mo-ism, I believe, was the fact that profound changes in Chinese society and intellectual life rendered so many of its tenets unappealing to the members of the ruling class, the audience to which it was primarily directed. In the centuries following Mo T zus death, technological progress in agriculture and industry and the growth of trade made the life of the upper classes far more affluent than it had been in his day, and they were less inclined than ever to listen to sermons on frugality and plain living. At the same time, a growing atmosphere of sophistication and rationalism led men to reject or radically reinterpret the ancient legends and religious beliefs that Mo Tzu had so fervently affirmed. The common people probably continued to hold fast to the old beliefs, and indeed the idea of the retribution of the spirits re­ appears, as vigorous as ever, among the tenets of popular Taoism in the second century a .d . But educated men of the C h’in and Han no doubt cast a skeptical eye on Mo Tzu s tales of vengeful ghosts. Finally, the bald utilitarianism with which he supported his doctrines, though a cogent argument in nar­ rowly political concerns, was felt to be an inadequate basis for an entire system of moral philosophy. Beside Confucian ethics or the metaphysics of Taoism, it held little attraction for the men of an urbane and aesthetic-minded society. The author of a late chapter of the Chuang Tzu, comment­ ing upon the dour Mo-ist philosophy which allows “no singing in life, no mourning in death,” remarks: “It causes the people to be anxious, to be sorrowful, and its ways are hard to follow” ( Chuang T zu, ch. 10, “T ’ien-hsia”). This, we may suppose, was how most men of later centuries felt about the puritanical and superstitious elements of Mo T zus teachings. W hat re-

14

Mo Tzu

mained—his emphasis upon selecting and promoting worthy men to office, upon the welfare of the people, upon pacifism and benevolent authoritarianism—was perfecdy compatible, and in fact almost identical, with traditional Confucian teach­ ings, and could therefore be easily absorbed in the Confucian school. Thus we find writers of the second and first centuries b . c . talking about ]u~Mo, “the doctrines of the Confucians and Mo-ists,” not as though they were two fiercely rival systems of thought, but as though they were synonymous, or at least complementary.2 One more reason may be suggested for the decline of the Mo-ist school and the indifference of later ages to its doctrines. This is the nature of the work in which its ideas have been preserved, the Mo Tzu, particularly those portions described above which deal with Mo Tzu s own doctrines. W e do not know exacdy when these chapters were written, but it is probable that they represent one of the earliest attempts at philosophical writing in Chinese, preceded only by the frag­ mentary Analects. In view of this, it is perhaps unfair to com­ pare the book with the more subde, individualistic and polished works of the following century, such as the Chuang T zu, Hsün Tzu, and Han Fei Tzu. Nevertheless, making allow­ ances for its antiquity, one cannot help noting that the Mo Tzu, whatever the interest of its ideas, is seldom a delight to read. Its arguments are almost always presented in an orderly *So completely did Confucian ideas come to dominate the outlook of educated Chinese that, when scholars of the present century began once more to study Mo Tzu's philosophy, they found his religious views so radically “un-Chinese” that they were led to postulate a foreign origin for them. W ith more conviction than scholarship, they variously asserted that Mo T zu was an Indian Buddhist, a Brahmin, or a Moslem from Arabia ( 0 * For a convenient survey of these and other theories on the origin of the Mo-ist school, see the article in Chinese, “Mo-chia yiianliu pien ( I ) , ” by Lu Kuang-huan, World Forum, II Cnos. 5 -6 , 1961), 2 -5 .

Introduction

15

and lucid, if not logically convincing, fashion. But the style as a whole is marked by a singular monotony of sentence pattern, and a lack of wit or grace that is atypical of Chinese literature in general. Han Fei Tzu, sec. 32, records an anecdote in which a ruler of the time questions a Mo-ist scholar on the reason for the flat, unadorned style of the work. The Mo-ist replies with a parable intimating that, if a writer employs too florid and en­ gaging a style, his readers are apt to become so dazzled by the rhetoric that they lose sight of what is being said. Whatever one may think of the validity of this assertion, it is quite pos­ sible that the Mo-ists did deliberately adopt a straightforward, bare style for just such reasons. The extreme repetitiousness of the work, for example, suggests that the writer or writers are not repeating themselves merely out of paucity of inven­ tion, but are attempting purposely to drum certain set phrases into the mind of the reader, much like the slogan-vendors of our own time.8 W hen translating an author whose style is genuinely in­ teresting and varied, the translator may perhaps be justified in disguising minor lapses and redundancies when he brings the work over into another language. But when repetitious­ ness constitutes the main feature of the style of the original, he can be faithful tp the ethics of his trade, it would seem, only by reproducing such repetitions in full in the translation. This I have done, trusting that the reader will soon come to rec­ ognize the clusters of set phrases which, like patterns in a cloth, reappear again and again in the text.* * A n extreme example of this is the slogan "Making music is wrong!” which M o Tzu employs as a kind of refrain throughout his chapter attack­ ing music. W h en the C onfudan philosopher H sün T zu wrote a rebuttal to Mo Tzu's arguments, he parodied this feature of Mo T zu’s style by using a refrain of his own, "And yet Mo T zu criticizes it. W hy?” ( Hsün Tzu, sec. 2 0 ).

16

M o T zu

In addition to this flatness of style, the Mo T zu has been made even more taxing to read by the long neglect which the text has suffered. Whereas almost all other important works of early Chinese philosophy and literature had at least one com­ mentary appended to them by the third or fourth century a .d ., the Mo T zu did not enjoy this attention until some fifteen hundred years later. Meanwhile the text, difficult enough to comprehend without a commentary, fell into worse and worse condition at the hands of careless and baffled copyists. It is only in recent years that scholars have succeeded in urntangling most of the garbles and elucidating the meaning to a reasonably satisfactory extent. T he very repetitiousness of the text has considerably aided their efforts, since a passage which is corrupt in one section can often be restored from an uncor­ rupted parallel passage elsewhere. Nevertheless, many pas­ sages remain which cannot, without extensive and sometimes questionable emendation, be made to yield any sense at all. This is particularly true of Mo T zus frequent quotations from lost sections of the Book of Documents, which are in archaic style. Even where he quotes from sections of the Docu­ ments or Odes that are preserved today, we cannot be sure how he interpreted the passages he quotes. As pointed out in the notes, my translation is therefore in many places highly tentative. In the translation I have followed the text given in the Mo T zu chien-ku by Sun I-jang (1848-1908), reprinted by Chung-hua shu-chii (Shanghai, 1954), which is generally acknowledged to be the most reliable text and commentary. I have also profited by the Mo T zu hsin-cheng (preface dated 1938) by Yii Hsing-wu; the Japanese translation by Koyanagi Shigeta in the Kokuyaku kambun taisei series (Tokyo, 1920);

Introduction

17

and the English translation of these sections of the Mo T zu by Yi-pao Mei, T he Ethical and Political Works of Motse, Probsthain s Oriental Series, vol. XIX (London, 1929). I am particularly indebted to the last for many valuable suggestions on how to render Mo Tzu in English. Other important recent works on the Mo T zu are listed below. M i Ti, Alfred Forke. Berlin, 1922. Complete German translation of Mo Tzu. Mo Tzu ching-chi ssurhsiang, Hsiung Meng. Peking, 1925. On Mo Tzu's economic thought. Mo Tzu chi-chieh, Chang Ch'un-i. Shanghai, 1932. Commentary. Mo Tzushih-fu, Liu Shih-pei; in Liu Shen-shu hsien-sheng i-shu, 1934. Commentary. Bokushi, Kobayashi Ichiro. 2 vols. Keisho daikö series #16-17. Tokyo, 1938-39. Japanese translation and commentary. Bokushi no kenkyü, Ötsuka Banroku. Tokyo, 1943. A study of the Mo Tzu. Mo Tzu, Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinological Index Series, Supplement #21. 1948; reprinted 1961. Mo Tzu yen-chiu lun-wen chi, Luan Tiao-fu. Peking, 1957. Col­ lection of essays on various aspects of the Mo Tzu. Special studies of the Mo-ching or chapters on logic: Mo-ching chiao-shih, Liang Ch’i-chao. Shanghai, 1922. Com­ mentary. Mo-ching t’ung-chieh, Chang Ch’i-huang. Peking, 1931. Com­ mentary. Mo-'pien shurcheng, Fan Keng-yen. Shanghai, 1935. Commentary. Mo-ching chiao-ch'iian, Kao Heng. Peking, 1958. Commentary. Mo-ften fa-wei, T an Chieh-fu. Peking, 1958. Commentary. Special study of Mo Tzu s chapters on military science: Mo Tzu ch’eng-shou ko-y’ien chien-chu, Ts'en Chung-mien. Pe­ king, 1958. Commentary.

J C HONORING THE WORTHY PART I (

s e c t io n

8)

Master Mo Tzu1 said: These days the rulers and high officials who govern the nation all desire their states to be rich, their population numerous, and their administration well ordered. And yet what they achieve is not wealth but poverty, not a numerous population but a meager one, not order but chaos. In actual fact, they fail to get what they seek and instead achieve what they abhor. W hy is this? Mo Tzu said: It is because the rulers and high officials who govern the nation fail to honor the worthy and employ the capable in their administration. If a government is rich in worthy men, then the administration will be characterized by weight and substance; but if it is poor in such men, then the administration will be a paltry affair. Therefore the task con­ fronting the high officials is simply to increase the number of worthy men. But what means are to be used to increase the number of worthy men? Mo Tzu said: Let us suppose that one wishes to increase the number of skilled archers and chariot drivers in the state. One must set about enriching and honoring such men, respecting and praising them. Once this has been done, one will have no difficulty in obtaining a multitude of them. How

1This title, T zu M o Tzu (Master M o T z u ), is repeated innumerable times in the text. For the sake of brevity, I shall hereafter translate it simply as “Mo T zu.”

Honoring the W orthy

19

much more appropriate, therefore, that one should do this for worthy men, who are ardent in the practice of virtue, skilled in discourse, and broad in learning! Men such as these are the treasures of the nation and the keepers of its altars of the soil and grain. They too should be enriched and honored, respected and praised, and when this has been done, they may be obtained in plenty. Therefore, when the sage kings of ancient times adminis­ tered their states, they announced: '‘The unrighteous shall not be enriched, the unrighteous shall not be exalted, the un­ righteous shall be no kin to us, the unrighteous shall not be our intimates!” W hen the rich and exalted men of the king­ dom heard this, they all began to deliberate among themselves, saying, "We have trusted in our wealth and exalted position, but now the lord promotes the righteous without caring whether they are poor or humble. W e too, then, must become righteous.” Likewise the kin of the ruler began to deliberate, saying, 'W e have trusted in the bond of kinship, but now the lord promotes the righteous without caring how distant the relationship. W e too, then, must become righteous.” Those who were intimate with the ruler deliberated, saying, 'W e have trusted in the intimacy we enjoyed, but now the lord promotes the righteous without caring how far removed they may have been from him until now. W e too, then, must be­ come righteous.” And when those who were far removed from the ruler heard it, they also deliberated, saying, 'W e used to believe that, since we were so far removed from the ruler, we had nothing to trust in. But now the lord promotes the right­ eous without caring how far removed they may be. W e too, then, must become righteous.” So the vassals of distant and oudying areas, as well as the noblemen’s sons serving in the

20

Mo. Tzu

palace, the multitudes of the capital, and the peasants of the four borders, in time came to hear of this, and all strove to become righteous. W hy did the ancient kings do this? Those in a superior posi­ tion have one thing by which to attract men to their service— the promise of material benefits; those in a subordinate posi­ tion have one thing to offer to their superiors—a knowledge of the arts of government. Let us suppose there is a rich man who has built a high wall all around his house. W hen the wall is finished and plastered with mud, he pierces it with only one gate. Then, if a thief steals in, he may shut the gate by which the thief entered and set about searching for him, confident that the thief has no means of escape. Why? Because the rich man, like the ruler, has control of the vital point. Therefore in their administration the sage kings of ancient times ranked the virtuous high and honored the worthy, and although a man might be a farmer or an artisan from the shops, if he had ability they promoted him. Such men were honored with tides, treated to generous stipends, entrusted with important matters, and empowered to see that their orders were carried out. For it was said that if their stipends were not generous, the people would have no confidence in them; and if their orders were not carried out, the people would not stand in awe of them. These three benefits were bestowed upon the worthy not because the ruler wished to reward them for their worth but because he hoped thereby to bring about success in the affairs of government. Therefore at that time ranks were assigned according to virtue, duties allotted according to the office held, and rewards given according to the effort expended; achievements were weighed and stipends distributed accord­ ingly. Thus no official was necessarily assured of an exalted position for life, nor was any member of the common people

Honoring the W orthy

21

necessarily condemned to remain forever humble. Those with ability were promoted, those without it were demoted. This is what it means to promote public righteousness and do away with private likes and dislikes. In ancient times Yao raised up Shun from the sunny side of Fu Lake and entrusted the government to him, and the world was at peace. Yü raised up Yi from the land of Yin and en­ trusted the government to him, and the nine provinces were well ordered. T an g raised up Yi Yin from his labors in the kitchen and entrusted the government to him, and his plans were successful. King W en raised up Hung-yao Tai-tien from his place among the hunting and fishing nets and entrusted the government to him, and the western regions bowed in sub­ mission.2 So among the officials who enjoyed high ranks and generous stipends in those days, there were none who were not un­ failingly cautious and respectful, none who did not encourage and strive with each other in honoring virtue. It is gentlemen of true worth, therefore, who must act to assist and carry on the government. If the ruler can obtain the services of such gendemen, then his plans will never be thwarted nor his body worn by care; his fame will be established and his undertak­ ings brought to a Successful conclusion; his excellence will be manifest and no evil will appear to mar it. All this will come about because he has obtained the services of gentlemen. Therefore Mo Tzu said: W hen things are going well, gen-* * Yao, Shun, Yü, T a n g , and K ing W en were all ancient sage rulers, the last three the founders of the H sia, Shang, and Chou dynasties respectively, the so-called Three D ynasties. Yi of the land of Yin was an em inent m in­ ister o f Shun and Yü. Y i Y in was supposed to have been working in T'ang's royal kitchens w hen his worth was recognized. T he identity of H ung-yao T 'ai-tien and the anecdote upon w hich M o T zu’s statem ent is based are unknow n.

22

M o T zu

tlemen of worth must be promoted; and when they are not going well, gentlemen of worth must be promoted. If one wishes to emulate and carry on the ways of Yao, Shun, Yü, and T ’ang, then one must honor the worthy, for honoring the worthy is the foundation of good government.

P A R T II (se c tio n

9)

Mo Tzu said: In caring for the people, presiding over the altars of the soil and grain, and ordering the state, the rulers and high officials these days strive for stability and seek to avoid any error. But why do they fail to perceive that honoring the worthy is the foundation of government? How do we know that honoring the worthy is the founda­ tion of government? Because when the eminent and wise rule over the stupid and humble, then there will be order; but when the stupid and humble rule over the eminent and wise, there will be chaos. Therefore we know that honoring the worthy is the foundation of government. Therefore the sage kings of ancient times took great pains to honor the worthy and employ the capable, showing no special consideration for their own kin, no partiality for the eminent and rich, no favoritism for the good-looking and at­ tractive. They promoted the worthy to high places, enriched and honored them, and made them heads of government; the unworthy they demoted and rejected, reduced to poverty and humble station, and condemned to penal servitude. Thus the people, encouraged by the hope of reward and awed by the fear of punishment, led each other on to become worthy, so

Honoring the W orthy

23

that worthy men increased in number and unworthy men became few. This is what is called advancing the worthy. And when this had been done, the sage kings listened to the words of the worthy, watched their actions, observed their abilities, and on this basis carefully assigned them to office. This is called employing the capable. Those who were capable of ordering the state were employed to order the state; those who were capable of heading a government bureau were employed as heads of bureaus; and those who were capable of governing an oudying district were employed to govern the oudying districts. Thus the administration of the state, of the govern­ ment bureaus, and of the oudying districts was in every case in the hands of the most worthy men of the nadon. W hen a worthy man is given the task of ordering the state, he appears at court early and retires late, listens to lawsuits and attends to the affairs of government. As a result the state is well ordered and laws and punishments are jusdy adminis­ tered. W hen a worthy man heads a government bureau, he goes to bed late and gets up early, collecting taxes on the barriers and markets and on the resources of the hills, forests, lakes, and fish weirs, so that the treasury will be full. As a re­ sult the treasury is full and no source of revenue is neglected. W hen a worthy mân governs an oudying district, he leaves his house early and returns late, plowing and sowing seed, plant­ ing trees, and gathering vegetables and grain.8 As a result there will be plenty of vegetables and grain and the people will have enough to eat. W hen the state is well ordered, the • • T h e text reads as though the officials of the outlying districts actually go out and work in the fields, w hich seems highly unlikely. T h e probable m eaning is that they supervise the work of the peasants. M o T zu, like m any earlier C hinese writers, is som etim es betrayed by h is fondness for strict verbal parallelism into saying som ething other than just what he

24

M o T zu

laws and punishments will be justly administered, and when the treasury is full, the people will be well off. The rulers will thus be supplied with wine and millet to use in their sacrifices to Heaven and the spirits, with hides and currency to use in their intercourse with the feudal lords of neighboring states, and with the means to feed the hungry and give rest to the weary within their realm, to nourish their subjects and attract virtuous men from all over the world. Then Heaven and the spirits will send down riches, the other feudal lords will be­ come their allies, the people of their own realm will feel affec­ tion for them, and worthy men will come forward to serve them. Thus all that they plan for they will achieve, and all that they undertake will be brought to a successful conclusion. If they stay within their realm, their position will be secure, and if they venture forth to punish an enemy, they will be victorious. It was by this method alone that the sage kings of the Three Dynasties, Yao, Shun, Yü, T ang, W en, and W u, were able to rule the world and become the leaders of the other lords. But if one knows only the policy to be adopted, but does not know what means to use in carrying it out, then he cannot be sure of success in government. Therefore three principles should be established. W hat are these three principles? They are that if the tides and positions of worthy men are not ex­ alted enough, then the people will not respect such men; if their stipends are not generous, then the people will not have confidence in them; and if their orders are not enforced, then the people will not stand in awe of them. Therefore the sage kings of antiquity honored the worthy with tides, treated them to generous stipends, entrusted them with important affairs, and empowered them to see that their orders were carried out. These benefits were bestowed not bcause the ruler wished to

Honoring the W orthy

25

reward his ministers, but because he hoped thereby to bring about success in the affairs of government. T he Book of Odes says: I admonish you to take thought for the needy; I teach you how to assign the titles; For who can take hold of something hot Without first moistening his hand?4 This verse shows how important it was for the rulers and lords of antiquity to secure good men to be their ministers and aides, and compares this to the necessity of moistening the hand before grasping anything hot so as to spare the hand from injury. Thus the sage kings of antiquity gave all their thought to finding worthy men and employing them, handing out tides to honor them, apportioning lands to enfeoff them, and never to the end of their days stinting their efforts. Worthy men for their part thought only of finding an enlightened lord and serving him, exhausting the strength of their four limbs in carrying out their lord s business, never to the end of their days growing weary, and if they achieved anything that was beautiful or good, they gave credit for it to the ruler. Thus all that was beautiful and good came to reside in the ruler, while all grudges and complaints were directed against his subordinates. Peace and joy was the portion of the ruler, care and sorrow that of his ministers. This was how the sage kings of ancient times administered their rule. Now the rulers and high officials of the present day attempt to imitate the ancients in honoring the worthy and employing the capable in their governments. But although they honor them with titles, the stipends which they allot to them do 4 Ta ya section, “Sang jou” (M ao text no. 2 5 7 ).

26

Mo T zu

not follow in proportion. Now if an official has a high-sound­ ing title but a meager stipend, he can hardly inspire the con­ fidence of the people. Such an official will say to himself, “The ruler does not really appreciate me, but is only making use of me as a means for his own ends.” And how can men who feel that they are being made use of ever have any affec­ tion for their superiors? Therefore the kings of antiquity used to say: “He who is greedy for power in government can never bring himself to assign responsibility to others, and he who is too fond of wealth can never bring himself to dole out stipends/’ And if one refuses to delegate responsibility or dole out stipends, though one invites all the worthy men of the world, what inducement will they have to come to the side of the ruler and his officers? If the worthy do not come to the side of the ruler and his officers, it will be the unworthy who will wait at their left and right, and when the unworthy wait upon their left and right, then praise will not be meted out to the worthy and censure to the wicked. If the ruler honors unworthy men such as these and uses them in governing the state, then rewards will not necessarily find their way into the hands of the worthy, and punishments will not necessarily fall upon those who deserve them. If the worthy are not rewarded and the wicked are not punished, then there will be no way to encourage the worthy or put a stop to evil. Unworthy men such as these are not loving or filial to their parents at home nor respectful and friendly to the people of their neighborhood. Their ac­ tions show no sense of propriety, their comings and goings no sense of restraint, and their relations with the opposite sex no sense of decorum. Put in charge of a government bureau, they steal and plunder, assigned to guard a city, they betray

Honoring the W orthy

27

their trust or rebel. If their lord encounters difficulty, they will not accompany him into exile. W hen they are as­ signed the task of hearing lawsuits, their judgments are not apt; when they are given that of apportioning wealth, their allotments are not equitable. W ith men such as these to work with, the ruler s plans will reach no fulfillment and his under­ takings no success. Though he stays within his realm, he will know no security, and if he ventures forth to batde, he will win no victory. It was for this reason alone that the evil kings of the Three Dynasties, Chieh, Chou, Yu, and Li, lost their kingdoms and brought destruction to their altars of the soil and grain.5 All of this comes about as a result of understanding petty affairs but failing to understand important ones. Now the rulers and high officials know that if they cannot cut a suit of clothes for themselves, they must employ the services of a skilled tailor, and if they cannot slaughter an ox or a sheep for themselves, they must employ the services of a skilled butcher. In these two instances the rulers are perfectly aware of the need to honor worthy men and employ the capable to get things done. And yet when they see the state in confusion and their altars of the soil and grain in danger, they do not know enough to employ capable men to correct the situation. Instead they employ their relatives, or men who happen to be rich and eminent or pleasant-featured and attractive. But just because a man happens to be rich and eminent or pleasantfeatured and attractive, he will not necessarily turn out to be wise and alert when placed in office. If men such as these are• • C hieh was the last ruler of the H sia dynasty, Chou the last ruler of the Shang, and Yu and L i two rulers of the Chou dynasty in the 9th and 8th centuries b .c . A ll four are sym bols o f evil and incom petent rulers.

28

M o T zu

given the task of ordering the state, then this is simply to entrust the state to men who are neither wise nor intelligent, and anyone knows that this will lead to ruin. Moreover, the rulers and high officials trust a m ans mental ability because they are attracted by his looks, and treat him with affection without bothering to examine his knowledge. As a result a man who is incapable of taking charge of a hun­ dred persons is assigned to a post in charge of a thousand, and a man who is incapable of taking charge of a thousand persons is assigned to a post in charge of ten thousand. W hy do the rulers do this? Because if they assign a man they like to such a post, he will receive an exalted title and a generous stipend. Hence they employ the man simply because they are attracted by his looks. Now if a man who is incapable of taking charge of a thou­ sand persons is given a post in charge of ten thousand, then he is being given a post that requires ten times what he is capable of. Affairs of government arise every day and must be attended to each day, and yet the day cannot be made ten times longer for the sake of such a man. Furthermore, it takes knowledge to attend to such affairs, but if the man’s knowl­ edge cannot be increased tenfold and he is still assigned to a post that requires ten times what he is capable of, then it will result in his attending to one matter and neglecting nine others. Though the man works day and night to attend to the duties of his post, it is obvious that they will never be attended to. All of this comes about because the rulers and high officials do not understand how to honor the worthy and employ the capable in their government. Earlier I described the method for honoring the worthy and employing the capable in government so as to achieve order, and here I have described how rejecting the worthy

Honoring the W orthy

29

and failing to employ the capable in government leads to chaos. Now if the rulers and high officials truly wish to order the state properly, to achieve stability and avoid error, why do they fail to perceive that honoring the worthy is the foun­ dation of good government? Moreover, this principle, that honoring the worthy is the foundation of government, is not something asserted by Mo Tzu alone. It is the way of the sage kings, and is found recorded in the books of the former kings and embodied in the sayings which have been handed down from antiquity. Thus one book says: “Seek out sages and wise men to protect and aid you!” And the “Oath of T ang” states: 'T h en I sought out a great sage with whom to unite my strength and join my mind in governing the empire.” 6 These quotations show that the sages did not fail to honor the worthy and employ the capable in their government. Thus the sage kings of ancient times gave all their attention to this problem alone, and did not allow themselves to become distracted by other affairs, and all the world enjoyed the benefits thereof. In ancient times Shun farmed at Mount Li, made pottery on the banks of the river, and fished at Thunder Lake. Yao discovered him on the sunny side of Fu Lake and promoted him to the position of Son of Heaven, turning over to him the task of ruling the empire and governing the people. Yi Chih served in the bridal party of the daughter of the Hsin clan when she went to marry T ang, and by his own wish became a cook in T an g s kitchens. There T an g discovered him and made him his chief minister, turning over to him the task of ruling the empire and governing the people. Fu Yiieh,• • T he “Oath o f T ang" is one o f the sections of the Book of Documents, but no such passage is found in the present text of that section. T he source o f the preceding quotation is unknow n.

30

Mo T zu

wearing a coarse robe and a girdle of rope, was working as a convict laborer at Fu-yen when Wu-ting discovered him and made him one of the three highest officers, turning over to him the task of ruling the empire and governing the people. How did it happen that these men started out in humble positions and ended in exalted ones, began in poverty and ended in riches? Because the rulers and their high officials understood the importance of honoring the worthy and em­ ploying the capable. So among their people were none who were hungry and yet found no food, cold and yet found no clothing, weary and yet found no rest; there were none who were disorderly and yet in time did not learn obedience. The ancient sage kings, in giving all their thought to honor­ ing the worthy and employing the capable in government, were patterning their actions on the ways of Heaven. For Heaven too shows no discrimination between rich and poor, eminent and humble, near and far, the closely and the distandy related. It promotes and honors the worthy, and de­ motes and rejects the unworthy. If this is so, then who were those that, possessing wealth and eminence, still strove to be worthy, and received their reward? The sage kings of the Three Dynasties of old, Yao, Shun, Yü, T'ang, W en, and W u, were such. And how were they rewarded? W hen they ruled the world, they loved all men universally, worked to benefit them, and taught their subjects to honor Heaven and serve the spirits. Because they loved and benefited their subjects, Heaven and the spirits rewarded them by setting them up as Sons of Heaven and causing them to act as fathers and mothers to the people. The people in turn praised them, calling them sage kings, and so they are called even today. These then were the rich and eminent ones who strove to be worthy and who received their reward.

Honoring the W orthy

31

W ho were those that, possessing wealth and eminence, still practiced evil, and were punished for it? The wicked kings of the Three Dynasties of old, Chieh, Chou, Yu, and Li, were such. How do we know that this is so? Because when they ruled the world, they hated all men universally, set about to oppress them, and taught the people of the world to curse Heaven and abuse the spirits. Because they oppressed and tyrannized their subjects, Heaven and the spirits punished them by bringing execution and death to their persons, scat­ tering their sons and grandsons, destroying their houses, and cutting off their descendants. The people accordingly con­ demned them, calling them wicked kings, and so they are called even today. These then were the rich and eminent ones who practiced evil and who were punished for it. W ho was it that, though closely related to the ruler, failed to do good and was punished for it? Such was Lord Kun, the eldest son of the emperor.7 He turned his back on the virtuous ways of the emperor and so was banished to the fields of Yii and imprisoned where no warmth nor light could reach him, and the emperor showed him no favor. He, then, was one who, though closely related to the ruler, failed to do good and was punished for it. W ho were th e capable ones who were employed by Heaven? Such were Yii, Chi, and Kao T ao.8 How do we know that this is so? Because among the documents of the former kings is the “Penal Code of Lii,” which says: 'T h e august emperor carefully inquired among the lower people, and there were 7 Various accounts are given of this m ythical figure. According to the one w hich M o T zu appears to he follow ing, he was the son of a ruler named Chuan H sii. It is not clear whether O m an H sü him self, or one of h is successors, banished Lord Kun. 9 T hese m en were all said to have been enlightened m inisters under the sage Shun. In the quotation from the Book of Documents w hich follow s, however, Kao T ’ao is not m entioned, hut instead Po Y i, another em inent m inister o f Shun.

32

Mo T zu

complaints against the Miao barbarians. . . . The attention of the various lords was extended among the lower people and they brought to light the enlightened, no matter who they were, so that even widowers and widows were not left un­ recognized. The virtuous might of the sovereign overawed the people; his virtuous enlightenment made them bright. Then he charged three lords to be zealous in doing good for the people. Po Yi handed down the statutes, restraining the people with punishments. Yii regulated the water and the land and presided over the naming of the hills and rivers. Chi descended from his high position to sow seed and teach the people to grow fine grain. W hen these three lords had com­ pleted their work, the people were gready benefited.” 9 The three sages mentioned in this passage were careful in their words, circumspect in their actions, and thorough in their thoughts and plans. They sought to discover every hid­ den matter in the world, every benefit that had previously been overlooked. They served Heaven above, and Heaven re­ sponded to their virtue. They acted for the sake of the people below, and the people received benefit their whole life through. Thus the former kings used to say: “This Way! Use it on a grand scale throughout the world and it will never prove too petty; use it on a small scale and it will never prove confining; use it for a long time and the people will benefit their whole lives through.” The hymns of Chou speak of it in these words: The virtue of the sage Is high as heaven,* * From the Lu hsing, or "Penal Code of L ü,” in the Book of Documents. O n the w hole I have follow ed the interpretation of Karlgren, though for "they brought to ligh t the enlightened, no matter w ho they were," he reads "clearly elucidated the irregular practices (sc. punishm ents)." In m ost cases w e can only guess from context how M o T zu him self inter­ preted the passages w hich he quotes from the Odes and Documents.

Honoring the W orthy

33

Broad as the earth; It shines upon the world, Solid as the ground, Lofty as the mountains, Never faltering, never failing, Brilliant like the sun, Bright like the moon, Constant as heaven and earth.10 This describes how brilliant, broad, deep-rooted, and ever­ lasting is the virtue of the sage. The virtue of the sage may in fact be said to embrace all heaven and earth! Now the rulers and high officials wish to rule the world and become leaders of the feudal lords. Yet if they are without such virtue and righteousness, what means will they have to achieve their aims? Some say that such aims can be accom­ plished through a display of might and power, but why should the rulers attempt to display might and power? Those who strive to overthrow others simply drive the people to their death. W hat the people long for most is life, and what they hate most is death. Yet under such rulers they cannot achieve what they long for, but are subjected in case after case to what they hate. From ancient times down to the present there has never been anyone who succeeded in ruling the world and becoming the leader of the feudal lords in this way. Now the rulers and high officials say they want to rule the world and become leaders of the feudal lords. But if they really wish to have their way with the world and leave behind them a name for future generations to remember, why do they not realize that honoring the worthy is the foundation of good govern­ ment? This is a principle which the sages were most careful to practice. 10N o such passage is found among the hym ns (su n g ) of Chou pre­ served in the Book of Odes.

IDENTIFYING WITH ONE'S SUPERIOR PART I (

s e c t io n

i i

)

Mo Tzu said: In ancient times, when mankind was first bom and before there were any laws or government, it may be said that every man's view of things was different. One man had one view, two men had two views, ten men had ten views— the more men, the more views. Moreover, each man believed that his own views were correct and disapproved of those of others, so that people spent their time condemning one an­ other. W ithin the family fathers and sons, older and younger brothers grew to hate each other and the family split up, unable to live in harmony, while throughout the world people all resorted to water, fire, and poison in an effort to do each other injury. Those with strength to spare refused to help out others, those with surplus wealth would let it rot before they would share it, and those with beneficial doctrines to teach would keep them secret and refuse to impart them. The world was as chaotic as though it were inhabited by birds and beasts alone. To anyone who examined the cause, it was obvious that this chaos came about because of the absence of rulers and leaders. Therefore the most worthy and able man in the

Identifying with O nes Superior

35

world was selected and set up as Son of Heaven.1 After the Son of Heaven had been set up, because his strength alone was insufficient, other worthy and able men were selected from throughout the world and installed as his three high ministers. After the Son of Heaven and the three high min­ isters had been set up, because the world was so broad, and because it was not always possible for the ruler and his min­ isters alone to judge accurately what would be right and profitable for people living in distant countries and strange lands, the world was divided up into coundess states, and feudal lords and chiefs were set up to administer them. After the feudal lords and chiefs had been set up, because their strength alone was insufficient, worthy and able men were chosen from the various states to act as their officials. W hen all these officials had been installed, the Son of Heaven proclaimed the principle of his rule to the people of the world, saying, “Upon hearing of good or evil, one shall report it to his superior. W hat the superior considers right all shall consider right; what the superior considers wrong all shall consider wrong. If the superior commits any fault, his subordinates shall remonstrate with him; if his subordinates do good, the superior shall recommend them. To identify oneself with on^’s superior and not to form cliques on the lower levels—such conduct as this shall be rewarded by those 1 It is not clear w ho does the selecting. In the original, the sentence is in the active mood hut w ith no subject expressed, a construction w hich is perfectly perm issible in C hinese but w hich m ust be rendered into English in the passive unless the translator chooses to supply a subject. Y. P . M ei supplies the word “H eaven” as the subject and supports this by reference to a parallel passage in sec. 13 Coot translated h ere) w hich he reads as “T hereupon H eaven w ished to u n ify the standards in the world.” But this reading is based on an em endation that does not seem w holly justified. N evertheless, if pressed, M o T zu, lik e the C onfucians, would no doubt say that H eaven, expressing its w ill through some human or natural agency, did in fact select the Son of H eaven.

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Mo T zu

above and praised by those below. If, upon hearing of good or evil, one fails to report it to his superior; if what the superior considers right is not accepted as right and what the superior considers wrong is not accepted as wrong; if his subordinates fail to remonstrate with the superior when he commits a fault, or if the superior fails to recommend his subordinates when they do good; if the subordinates make common cause among themselves and fail to identify themselves with their supe­ riors—if there is such conduct as this, it shall be punished by those above and condemned by the people at large/' The rulers meted out their rewards and punishments on this basis, examining with the greatest care to make sure that such re­ wards and punishments were just. The head of each local community was the most benevolent man in the community, and when he took office, he pro­ claimed to the people of the community the principle of his rule, saying, “Upon hearing of good or evil, you shall report it to the town head. W hat the town head considers right all shall consider right; what the town head considers wrong all shall consider wrong. Leave your evil words and imitate the good words of the town head; leave your evil actions and imitate the good actions of the town head!" As long as this command was heeded, how could there be any disorder in the township? If we examine into the reason why the township was well ordered, we find that it was simply that the town head was able to unify the standards of judgment in the township, and this resulted in order. The town head was the most benevolent man in the town­ ship, and when he took office, he proclaimed to the people in the township the principle of his rule, saying, “Upon hear­ ing of good or evil, you shall report it to the lord of the region.

Identifying with O nes Superior

37

W hat the lord considers right all shall consider right; what the lord considers wrong all shall consider wrong. Leave your evil words and imitate the good words of the lord; leave your evil actions and imitate the good actions of the lord!” As long as this command was heeded, how could there be any disorder in the region? If we examine into the reason why the region was well ordered, we find that it was simply that the lord was able to unify the standards of judgment throughout the region, and this resulted in order. The lord of the region was the most benevolent man in the region, and when he took office he proclaimed to the people of the region the principle of his rule, saying “Upon hearing good or evil, you shall report it to the Son of Heaven. W hat the Son of Heaven considers right all shall consider right; what the Son of Heaven considers wrong all shall con­ sider wrong. Leave your evil words and imitate the good words of the Son of Heaven; leave your evil actions and imitate the good actions of the Son of Heaven!” As long as this command was heeded, how could there be any disorder in the world? If we examine the reason why the world was well ordered, we find that it was simply that the Son of Heaven was able to unify the standards of judgment throughout the world, and this resulted in order. But although all the people in the world may identify them­ selves with the Son of Heaven, if they do not also identify themselves with Heaven itself, then calamities will never cease. The violent winds and bitter rains which sweep the world in such profusion these days—these are simply the punishments of Heaven sent down upon the people because they fail to identify themselves with Heaven.

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M o T zu

So Mo Tzu said: In andent times the sage kings devised the five punishments2 so as to bring order to the people. These were like the main thread binding a skein of silk or the main cord controlling a net, by which the sage kings bound and hauled in those among the people of the world who failed to identify themselves with their superiors.

9Various interpretations of the “five punishm ents" are given in early works, hut they are usually considered to he tattooing, cutting off the nose, cutting off the feet, castration, and death.

UNIVERSAL LOVE PA R T III (se c tio n

16)

Mo Tzu said: It is the business of the benevolent man to try to promote what is beneficial to the world and to eliminate what is harmful. Now at the present time, what brings the greatest harm to the world? Great states attacking small ones, great families overthrowing small ones, the strong oppressing the weak, the many harrying the few, the cunning deceiving the stupid, the eminent lording it over the humble—these are harmful to the world. So too are rulers who are not generous, ministers who are not loyal, fathers who are without kindness, and sons who are unfilial, as well as those mean men who, with weapons, knives, poison, fire, and water, seek to injure and undo each other. W hen we inquire into the cause of these various harms, what do we find has produced them? Do they come about from loving others and trying to benefit them? Surely not! They come rather from hating others and trying to injure them. And when we set out to classify and describe those men who hate and injure others, shall we say that their actions are motivated by universality or partiality? Surely we must answer, by partiality, and it is this partiality in their dealings with one another that gives rise to all the great harms in the world. Therefore we know that partiality is wrong. Mo Tzu said: Whoever criticizes others must have some

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M o T zu

alternative to offer them. To criticize and yet offer no alterna­ tive is like trying to stop flood with flood or put out fire with fire. It will surely have no effect. Therefore Mo Tzu said: Partiality should be replaced by universality. But how can partiality be replaced by universality? If men were to regard the states of others as they regard their own, then who would raise up his state to attack the state of another? It would be like attacking his own. If men were to regard the cities of others as they regard their own, then who would raise up his city to attack the city of another? It would be like attacking his own. If men were to regard the families of others as they regard their own, then who would raise up his family to overthrow that of another? It would be like overthrowing his own. Now when states and cities do not attack and make war on each other and families and individ­ uals do not overthrow or injure one another, is this a harm or a benefit to the world? Surely it is a benefit. W hen we inquire into the cause of such benefits, what do we find has produced them? Do they come about from hating others and trying to injure them? Surely not! They come rather from loving others and trying to benefit them. And when we set out to classify and describe those men who love and benefit others, shall we say that their actions are motivated by partiality or by universality? Surely we must answer, by universality, and it is this universality in their dealings with one another that gives rise to all the great benefits in the world. Therefore Mo Tzu has said that universality is right. I. have said previously that it is the business of the benev­ olent man to try to promote what is beneficial to the world and to eliminate what is harmful. Now I have demonstrated that universality is the source of all the great benefits in the world and partiality is the source of all the great harm. It is

Universal Love

41

for this reason that Mo Tzu has said that partiality is wrong and universality is right. Now if we seek to benefit the world by taking universality as our standard, those with sharp ears and clear eyes will see and hear for others, those with sturdy limbs will work for others, and those with a knowledge of the Way will endeavor to teach others. Those who are old and without wives or children will find means of support and be able to live out their days; the young and orphaned who have no parents will find someone to care for them and look after their needs. W hen all these benefits may be secured merely by taking universality as our standard, I cannot understand how the men of the world can hear about this doctrine of universality and still criticize it! And yet the men of the world continue to criticize it, say­ ing, “It may be a good thing, but how can it be put to use?” Mo Tzu said: If it cannot be put to use, even I would criticize it. But how can there be a good thing that still cannot be put to use? Let us try considering both sides of the ques­ tion. Suppose there are two men, one of them holding to partiality, the other to universality. The believer in partiality says, “How could I possibly regard my friend the same as myself, or my friend s father the same as my own?” Because he views his friend in this way, he will not feed him when he is hungry, clothe him when he is cold, nourish him when he is sick, or bury him when he dies. Such are the words of the partial man, and such his actions. But the words and actions of the universal-minded man are not like these. He will say, “I have heard that the truly superior man of the world regards his friend the same as himself, and his friend's father the same as his own. Only if he does this can he be considered a truly superior man.” Because he views his

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Mo T zu

friend in this way, he will feed him when he is hungry, clothe him when he is cold, nourish him when he is sick, and bury him when he dies. Such are the words and actions of the universal-minded man. So the words of these two men disagree and their actions are diametrically opposed. Yet let us suppose that both of them are determined to carry out their words in action, so that word and deed agree like the two parts of a tally and nothing they say is not put into action. Then let us venture to inquire further. Suppose that here is a broad plain, a vast wilderness, and a man is buckling on his armor and donning his helmet to set out for the field of battle, where the fortunes of life and death are unknown; or he is setting out in his lords name upon a distant mission to Pa or Yiieh, Ch’i or Ching, and his return is uncertain. Now let us ask,1 to whom would he en­ trust the support of his parents and the care of his wife and children? Would it be to the universal-minded man, or to the partial man? It seems to me that, on occasions like these, there are no fools in the world. Though one may disapprove of universality himself, he would surely think it best to entrust his family to the universal-minded man. Thus people con­ demn universality in words but adopt it in practice, and word and deed belie each other. I cannot understand how the men of the world can hear about this doctrine of universality and still criticize it! And yet the men of the world continue to criticize, saying, “Such a principle may be all right as a basis in choosing among ordinary men, but it cannot be used in selecting a ruler.” Let us try considering both sides of the question. Suppose there are two rulers, one of them holding to universality, the 1The text at this point appears to he corrupt and a few words have been omitted in translation.

Universal Love

43

other to partiality. The partial ruler says, “How could I pos­ sibly regard my countless subjects the same as I regard myself? That would be completely at variance with human nature! M ans life on earth is as brief as the passing of a team of horses glimpsed through a crack in the wall.” Because he views his subjects in this way, he will not feed them when they are hungry, clothe them when they are cold, nourish them when they are sick, or bury them when they die. Such are the words of the partial ruler, and such his actions. But the words and actions of the universal-minded ruler are not like these. H e will say, “I have heard that the truly enlight­ ened niler must think of his subjects first, and of himself last. Only then can he be considered a truly enlightened ruler.,, Because he views his subjects in this way, he will feed them when they are hungry, clothe them when they are cold, nour­ ish them when they are sick, and bury them when they die. Such are the words and actions of the universal-minded ruler. So the words of these two rulers disagree and their actions are diametrically opposed. Yet let us suppose that both of them speak in good faith and are determined to carry out theiT words in action, so that word and deed agree like the two parts of a tally and nothing they say is not put into action. Then let us venture to inquire further. Suppose this year there is plague and disease, many of the people are suffering from hardship and hunger, and the corpses of countless vic­ tims he tumbled in the ditches. If the people could choose between these two types of ruler, which would they follow? It seems to me that, on occasions like this, there are no fools in the world. Though one may disapprove of universality himself, he would surely think it best to follow the universalminded ruler. Thus people condemn universality in words but adopt it in practice, and word and deed belie each other. I

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Mo Tzu

cannot understand how the men of the world can hear about this doctrine of universality and still criticize it! And yet the men of the world continue to criticize, saying, “This doctrine of universality is benevolent and righteous. And yet how can it be carried out? As we see it, one can no more put it into practice than one can pick up Mount T ai and leap over a river with it! Thus universality is only some­ thing to be longed for, not something that can be put into practice.” Mo Tzu said: As for picking up Mount T a i and leaping over rivers with it, no one from ancient times to the present, from the beginning of mankind to now, has ever succeeded in doing that! But universal love and mutual aid were actually practiced by four sage kings of antiquity. How do we know that they practiced these? Mo Tzu said: I did not live at the same time as they did, nor have I in person heard their voices or seen their faces. Yet I know it because of what is written on the bamboo and silk that has been handed down to posterity, what is engraved on metal and stone, and what is inscribed on bowls and basins. T he “Great Oath” says: “King W en was like the sun or moon, shedding his bright light in the four quarters and over the western land.” 2 T hat is to say, the universal love of King W en was so broad that it embraced the whole world, as the universal light of the sun and the moon shines upon the whole world without partiality. Such was the universality of King W en, and the universality which Mo Tzu has been telling you about is patterned after that of King W en.* * T h e “Great O ath,” supposedly a speech by K ing W u, the son o f K ing W en , was a section of the Book of Documents. It was lost long ago, and the text by that name included in the present Book of Documents is a forgery of the 3d century a.d., though it includes a passage m uch lik e the one quoted here by M o T zu.

Universal Love

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Not only the “Great Oath” but the “Oath of Yü” 8 also expresses this idea. Yii said: “All you teeming multitudes, listen to my words! It is not that I, the little child, would dare to act in a disorderly way. But this ruler of the Miao, with his unyielding ways, deserves Heaven's punishment. So I shall lead you, the lords of the various states, to conquer the ruler of the Miao.” W hen Yü went to conquer the ruler of the Miao, it was not that he sought to increase his wealth or eminence, to win fortune or blessing, or to delight his ears and eyes. It was only that he sought to promote what was beneficial to the world and to eliminate what was harmful. Such was the universality of Yü, and the universality which Mo Tzu has been telling you about is patterned after that of Yü. And not only the “Oath of Yü” but the “Speech of T'ang” 4 also expresses this idea. T an g said: “I, the little child, Lü, dare to sacrifice a dark beast and make this announcement to the Heavenly Lord above, saying, ‘Now Heaven has sent a great drought and it has fallen upon me, Lü. But I do not know what fault I have committed against high or low. If there is good, I dare not conceal it; if there is evil, I dare not pardon it. Judgment resides with the mind of God. If the myriad regions have any fault, may it rest upon my person; but if I have any fault, may it not extend to the myriad re­ gions.' ” This shows that, though T an g was honored as the Son of Heaven and possessed all the riches of the world, he did not hesitate to offer himself as a sacrifice in his prayers and entreaties to the Lord on High and the spirits. Such was the universality of T ang, and the universality which Mo Tzu has been telling you about is patterned after that of Tang. This idea is expressed not only in the “Speech of T an g ” but in the odes of Chou as well. In the odes of Chou it says: *A section of the B ook o f D o cu m en ts, now lost. 4A section of the B ook o f D o cu m en ts, now lost. Almost the same quota­ tion is found at the beginning of Book XX of the Confudan A n a lects .

46

M o T zu Broad, broad is the way of the king, Neither partial nor partisan. Fair, fair is the way of the king. Neither partisan nor partial. It is straight like an arrow, Smooth like a whetstone. The superior man treads it; The small man looks upon it.5

So what I have been speaking about is no mere theory of action. In ancient times, when Kings W en and W u admin­ istered the government and assigned each person his just share, they rewarded the worthy and punished the wicked without showing any favoritism toward their own kin or broth­ ers. Such was the universality of Kings W en and W u, and the universality which Mo Tzu has been telling you about is patterned after that of W en and W u. I cannot understand how the men of the world can hear about this doctrine of universality and still criticize it! And yet the men of the world continue to criticize, saying, “If one takes no thought for what is beneficial or harmful to one's parents, how can one be called filial?" Mo Tzu said: Let us examine for a moment the way in which a filial son plans for the welfare of his parents. W hen a filial son plans for his parents, does he wish others to love and benefit them, or does he wish others to hate and injure them? It stands to reason that he wishes others to love and benefit his parents. Now if I am a filial son, how do I go about accomplishing this? Do I first make it a point to love and benefit other men's parents, so that they in return will love * T h e first four lin es are now found, not in the Book of Odes, hut in the Hung fan section of the Book of Documents. T h e last four lin es are from the Book of Odes, Hsiao ya section, 'T a tung” (M ao text no. 2 0 3 ).

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and benefit my parents? Or do I first make it a point to hate and injure other men's parents, so that they in return will love and benefit my parents? Obviously, I must first make it a point to love and benefit other men's parents, so that they in return will love and benefit my parents. So if all of us are to be filial sons, can we set about it any other way than by first making a point of loving and benefiting other men s parents? And are we to suppose that the filial sons of the world are all too stupid to be capable of doing what is right? Let us examine further. Among the books of the former kings, in the “Greater Odes" of the Book of Odes, it says: There are no words that are not answered, No kindness that is not requited. Throw me a peach, 111 requite you a plum.6 T he meaning is that one who loves will be loved by others, and one who hates will be hated by others. So I cannot under­ stand how the men of the world can hear about this doctrine of universality and still criticize it! Do they believe that it is too difficult to carry out? Yet there are much more difficult things that have been carried out. In the past King Ling of the state of Ching loved slender waists. During his reign, the people of Ching ate no more than one meal a day, until they were too weak to stand up without a cane, or to walk without leaning against the wall. Now reducing ones diet is a difficult thing to do, and yet people did it because it pleased King Ling. So within the space of a single generation the ways of the people can be • T h e first two lines are from the poem "Yi” (M ao text no. 2 5 6 ), in the “Greater Odes“ or Ta ya section of the Book of Odes. T he last two lin es, though not found in exactly this form , bear a close resem blance to lines in the poem “M u-kua” (M ao text no. 6 4 ), in the Kuo feng or “Airs from the States“ section of the Odes.

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M o T zu

changed, for they will strive to ingratiate themselves with their superiors. Again in the past King Kou-chien of Yiieh admired bravery and for three years trained his soldiers and subjects to be brave. But he was not sure whether they had understood the true meaning of bravery, and so he set fire to his warships and then sounded the drum to advance. The soldiers trampled each other down in their haste to go forward, and coundess numbers of them perished in the fire and water. At that time, even though he ceased to drum them forward, they did not retreat. The soldiers of Yiieh were truly astonishing. Now consigning one's body to the flames is a difficult thing to do, and yet they did it because it pleased the king of Yiieh. So within the space of a single generation the ways of the people can be changed, for they will strive to ingratiate themselves with their superiors. Duke W en of Chin liked coarse clothing, and so during his reign the men of the state of Chin wore robes of coarse cloth, wraps of sheepskin, hats of plain silk, and big rough shoes, whether they were appearing before the duke in the inner chamber or walking about in the outer halls of the court. Now bringing oneself to wear coarse clothing is a difficult thing to do, and yet people did it because it pleased Duke W en. So within the space of a single generation the ways of the people can be changed, for they will strive to ingratiate themselves with their superiors. To reduce one's diet, consign one's body to the flames, or wear coarse clothing are among the most difficult things in the world to do. And yet people will do them because they know their superiors will be pleased. So within the space of a single generation the ways of the people can be changed.

Universal Love

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Why? Because they will strive to ingratiate themselves with their superiors. Now universal love and mutual benefit are both profitable and easy beyond all measure. The only trouble, as I see it, is that no ruler takes any delight in them. If the rulers really delighted in them, promoted them with rewards and praise, and prevented neglect of them by punishments, then I believe that people would turn to universal love and mutual benefit as naturally as fire turns upward or water turns downward, and nothing in the world could stop them. The principle of universality is the way of the sage kings, the means of bringing safety to the rulers and officials and of assuring ample food and clothing to the people. Therefore the superior man can do no better than to examine it carefully and strive to put it into practice. If he does, then as a ruler he will be generous, as a subject loyal, as a father kind, as a son filial, as an older brother comradely, and as a younger brother respectful. So if the superior man wishes to be a generous ruler, a loyal subject, a kind father, a filial son, a comradely older brother, and a respectful younger brother, he must put into practice this principle of universality. It is the way of the sage kings and a great benefit to the people.

J C AGAINST OFFENSIVE WARFARE PART I (se c tio n

17)

If a man enters an orchard and steals the peaches and plums, everyone who hears about it will condemn him, and if those above who administer the government catch him they will punish him. Why? Because he injures others to benefit him­ self. W hen it comes to carrying ofiF dogs, swine, chickens, and piglings, the deed is even more unrighteous than entering an orchard to steal peaches and plums. Why? Because the loss to others is greater. It shows a greater lack of benevolence and is a more serious crime. W hen it comes to breaking into an­ other m ans stable and seizing his horses and cows, the deed is even more unrighteous than carrying off dogs, swine, chick­ ens, and piglings. Why? Because the loss to others is greater, and if the loss is greater, it shows a greater lack of benevolence and is a more serious crime. And when it comes to murdering an innocent man, stripping him of his clothing, and appro­ priating his spear and sword, the deed is even more unright­ eous than breaking into a stable and seizing someone’s horses and cows. Why? Because the injury to others is even greater, and if the injury is greater, it shows a greater lack of benev­ olence and is a more serious crime. Now all the gentlemen in the world know enough to con­ demn such acts and brand them as unrighteous. And yet when it comes to the even greater unrighteousness of offen­ sive warfare against other states, they do not know enough to

Against Offensive Warfare

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condemn it. On the contrary, they praise it and call it right­ eous. Is this what it means to know the difference between righteousness and unrighteousness? If someone kills one man, he is condemned as unrighteous and must pay for his crime with his own life. According to this reasoning, if someone kills ten men, then he is ten times as unrighteous and should pay for his crime with ten lives, or if he kills a hundred men he is a hundred times as unrighteous and should pay for his crime with a hundred lives. Now all the gendemen in the world know enough to con­ demn such crimes and brand them as unrighteous. And yet when it comes to the even greater unrighteousness of offensive warfare against other states, they do not know enough to condemn it. On the contrary, they praise it and call it right­ eous. Truly they do not know what unrighteousness is. So they make a record of their wars to be handed down to posterity. If they knew that such wars were unrighteous, then what reason would they have for making a record of their unrighteous deeds to be handed down to posterity? Now if there were a man who, on seeing a little bit of black, called it black but, on seeing a lot of black, called it white, we would conclude that he could not tell the difference between black and white. Or if there were a man who, on tasting a little bit of bittemess, called it bitter but, on tasting a lot, called it sweet, we would conclude that he could not distinguish between bitter and sweet. Now when a great wrong is committed and a state is attacked, men do not know enough to condemn it, but on the contrary praise it and call it righteous. Is this what it means to be able to distinguish between righteousness and unrighteousness? So we know that the gendemen of the world are confused about the dis­ tinction between righteousness and unrighteousness.

5*

Mo T zu

PA R T III SEC TIO N

19

Mo Tzu said: W hen the people of the world praise something as good, what is their reason? Do they praise it because it brings benefit to Heaven on high, to the spirits in the middle realm, and to mankind below? Or do they praise it because it fails to bring benefit to Heaven on high, to the spirits in the middle realm, and to mankind below? Even the stupidest man will reply that it is praised because it brings benefit to Heaven on high, to the spirits in the middle realm, and to mankind below. Everyone agrees that the ways of the sage kings constitute a standard of righteousness. Yet many of the feudal lords of today continue to attack and annex their neighboring states. They claim they are honoring righteousness, but they fail to examine the truth of the matter. They are like blind men, who talk about black and white in the same way as ordinary men, but in practice cannot distinguish between them. Can this be called real discrimination? Therefore when the wise men of ancient times planned for the welfare of the world, they were careful to consider and ac­ cord with what is right, and only then did they act. So there was no uncertainty in their movements, and they achieved speedy success and certain realization of their desires. To accord with what benefits Heaven, the spirits, and the com­ mon people—this is the way of the wise man. Similarly, when the benevolent men of ancient times ruled the world, they strove for amicable relations among the large

Agßinst Offensive Warfare

53

states, united the world in harmony, brought together all within the four seas, and led the people to serve and honor the Lord on High, the sacred mountains and rivers, and the spirits. Many were the benefits they brought to mankind, and great was their success. Therefore Heaven rewarded them, the spirits enriched them, and men praised them. They were honored with the rank of Son of Heaven, enriched with the possession of the world, and their names formed a triad with those of Heaven and earth, enduring to this day. Such, then, are the way of the wise man and the means by which the former kings held possession of the world. But the rulers and feudal lords of today are not like this. They all set about to examine the relative merits of their soldiers, who are their teeth and claws, arrange their boat and chariot forces, and then, clad in strong armor and bearing sharp weapons, they set off to attack some innocent state. As soon as they enter the borders of the state, they begin cutting down the grain crops, felling trees, razing walls and fortifica­ tions, filling up moats and ponds, slaughtering the sacrificial animals, firing the ancestral temples of the state, massacring its subjects, trampling down its aged and weak, and carrying off its vessels and treasures. The soldiers are urged forward into batde by being told, “To die in the cause of duty is the highest honor, to kill a large number of the enemy is the next highest, and to be wounded is next. But as for breaking ranks and fleeing in defeat—the penalty for that is death without hope of pardon!” So the soldiers are filled with fear. Now to seize a state and overthrow its army, massacre its subjects, and undo the labors of the sages—is this intended to benefit Heaven? Yet it is the people of Heaven who are gathered together to, attack a city of Heaven.1 So they are 1Le., all men are the people of Heaven and all cities are its cities.

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massacring the subjects of Heaven, driving out the spirits of their ancestors, overthrowing their altars of the soil and grain, and slaughtering their sacrificial animals. This brings no bene­ fit to Heaven on high. Is it intended then to benefit the spirits? But to murder men is to wipe out the caretakers of the spirits, to cause the spirits of the former kings to suffer neglect, to oppress the subjects of the state and scatter its people. This brings no benefit to the spirits in the middle realm. Is it in­ tended then to benefit mankind? But murdering men is a paltry way to benefit them indeed, and when we calculate the expenditures for such warfare we find that they have crippled the basis of the nation’s livelihood and exhausted the resources of the people to an incalculable degree. This brings no bene­ fit to mankind below. Now when the armies fail to gain any advantage over each other, they say, "If our generals are not brave, our officers not spirited, our weapons not sharp, our ranks not well drilled, our force not large, our soldiers not in harmony, our authority not firm, our sieges not sustained, our assaults not swift, our control over the people not strict, and our hearts not hard­ ened, then our allies among the other feudal lords will begin to doubt us, and if our allies begin to doubt us, then the enemy will have time to lay his plans and fulfill his desires.2 But even if all these conditions are met before one sets out to war, the state will still lose its fighting men and the common people will be forced to abandon their occupations. Let us examine the reason for this. W hen a state which delights in aggressive warfare raises an army, it must have several hundred high officers, several thousand regular officers, and a hundred thousand soldiers, before it can set out. T he time required for the expedition will *Reading y in g instead o£ lei.

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be several years at the longest, several months at the least. During that time the leaders will have no time to attend to affairs of government, the officials no time to manage their departments of state, the farmers no time to sow or reap, the women no time to spin or weave. So in this case too the state will lose its fighting men and the common people will be forced to abandon their occupations. Moreover, there will be the damage and depreciation to the horses and chariots to consider, while if one fifth of the tents and hangings, army supplies, and weapons can be salvaged from the campaign, the state will be lucky. In addition, a countless number of men will desert or become lost along the way, or will die and end tumbled in a ditch due to the starvation, cold, and sick­ ness caused by the length of the journey or the fact that sup­ plies do not arrive in time.8 Such is die injury which warfare inflicts upon men, the harm it brings to the world. And yet the rulers and officials delight in carrying out such expeditions. In effect they are taking delight in the injury and extermination of the people of the world. Are they not perverse? At present the states in the world which are fondest of warfare are Ch’i, Chin, Ch u, and Yiieh. If these four states were in a position to order the rest of the world about, they could easily increase their present populations by tenfold and still have land left over to feed even more. This is because they have too few people and an excess of land. And yet now they go to war with each other over land and succeed only in doing further injury to each other s people. This is simply to destroy what one does not have enough of for the sake of what one already has in excess! *The text of this ,paragraph and the preceding one is in poor condition and the translation at numerous points is highly tentative.

56

M o T zu

Now these rulers who delight in offensive warfare attempt to put a pleasing façade upon their doctrines and criticize Mo Tzu, saying, “Do you claim that offensive warfare is an unrighteous and unprofitable thing? In ancient times Yii launched an expedition against the ruler of the Miao, T ang attacked Chieh, and King W u attacked Chou, and yet all three are regarded as sage kings. W hy is this?0 Mo Tzu said: You have failed to examine the terminology which I employ and do not understand the reasoning behind it. W hat these men did was not to “attack0 but to “punish.0 In ancient times the three Miao tribes were in great disorder and Heaven decreed their destruction. The sun came out at night and for three days it rained blood. A dragon appeared in the ancestral temple and dogs howled in the market place. Ice formed in summertime, the earth split open until springs gushed forth, the five grains grew all deformed, and the people were filled with a great terror. Kao Yang gave the command in the Dark Palace, and Yii in person grasped the jade staff of authority and set out to subdue the ruler of the Miao. Amidst the din of thunder and lightning, a spirit with the face of a man and the body of a bird came, bearing a jade baton to wait upon Yii. The general of the Miao was felled by an arrow, and the Miao army thrown into great confusion. After this their power waned. W hen Yii had conquered the three Miao, he marked off the mountains and rivers, separated those things which pertained to above and below, and clearly regulated the four extremities of the world, so that neither spirits nor people committed any offense, and all the world was at peace. This was how Lii launched an expedition against the ruler of the Miao.4 4 The text of this and the two succeeding paragraphs is in poor condition and requires considerable emendation before it will yield any sense. We

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In the case of King Chieh of Hsia, Heaven likewise sent down its direst command. Sun and moon failed to appear at the proper time, hot weather and cold mingled in confusion, and the five grains were seared and died. Spirits wailed throughout the land and cranes shrieked for more than ten nights. Heaven gave its command to T an g in the Piao Palace, ordering him to take over the solemn mandate from the Hsia, for the Hsia had fallen into grave disorder.5 Only then did T ’ang dare to lead forth his troops in obedience to the com­ mand and advance toward the border of Hsia, and God caused the city of Hsia to be secretly overthrown.6 After a while a spirit appeared and reported to T ang: “The virtue of the Hsia is in great disorder. Go and attack it, and I will surely cause you to win victory over it, for I have already received the command from Heaven.” Then Heaven ordered Chu-jung to send down fire on the northwest comer of the city of Hsia, and T'ang, leading the army of Chieh, conquered it. Then he summoned all the nobles to Po and made clear to them the command of Heaven, sending word of it to the four quarters, and none of the feudal lords in the world failed to do obei­ sance to him. This was how T an g punished Chieh. In the case of King Chou of Shang, Heaven would not sanction his power..His sacrifices were untimely; for ten days and ten nights it rained earth at Po, and the nine cauldrons moved about. Phantom women came out after dark and ghosts wailed at night. A woman turned into a man, flesh rained down from Heaven, and brambles grew on the state roads.*• have little information concerning the various legends to which Mo Tzu here refers, and what we have is mostly from later writers, confused and contradictory. *The seventeen characters which follow at this point seem to he a dittograph of the speech of the spirit, and have been omitted in translation. • The meaning of the last part of the sentence is very doubtfuL

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And yet the king continued to behave in an even more willful and abandoned way. A red bird holding in its beak a baton of jade alighted at the altar of the Chou state in the city of Ch’i and proclaimed: “Heaven orders King W en of Chou to attack Yin [i.e., Shang] 7 and take possession of its state.” T ai-tien journeyed to pay his respects to the Chou ruler, the river cast up its chart, and the land brought forth the “ridingyellow” beast.8 King W u ascended the throne, and in a dream he saw three spirits who said to him: 'W e have already drowned Chou of Shang in the power of wine. Go and attack him, and we will surely cause you to win victory over him!” So King W u went and attacked him, and replaced the state of Shang with that of Chou, and Heaven presented King W u with the yellow bird pennant. After King W u had conquered the Shang dynasty and received the gifts bestowed by God, he assigned guardians to the various spirits, instituted sacri­ fices to Chou s ancestors, the former kings of Shang, and opened up communications with the barbarians of the four quarters, so that there was no one in the world who did not pay him allegiance. This was how he carried on the labors of T ang. Thus, if we examine the cases of these three sage kings, we will see that what they did was not to “attack” but to “punish.” But still those rulers who delight in offensive warfare at­ tempt to put a pleasing façade upon their doctrines and criti­ cize Mo Tzu, saying, “Do you claim that offensive warfare is an unrighteous and unprofitable thing? In ancient times Hsiung-li, the founder of the state of Ch u, was first enfeoffed in the region of Mount Sui; Yi-k’uei, a descendant of Hsiung7 Or perhaps the text should be emended to read “replace Yin.” 8 A mythical beast, said to resemble a fox and to have two horns

out of its back.

growing

Against Offensive Warfare

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ch u, was made ruler of the state of Yüeh; while Tang-shu and Lii Shang were given possession of the states of Chin and C h’i respectively. All of these states originally covered an area of no more than a few hundred li square, and yet by annexing their neighbors they have succeeded in dividing up the world among the four of them. How do you explain this?” Mo Tzu said: You have failed to examine the terminology I employ and do not understand the reasoning behind it. In ancient times the Son of Heaven enfeoffed over ten thou­ sand feudal lords. And yet now, because of the annexation of one state by another, these ten thousand domains have all disappeared and only the four remain.9 But it is rather like the case of a doctor who administers medicine to over ten thou­ sand patients but succeeds in curing only four. He cannot be said to be a very skilled physician. Yet these rulers who delight in offensive warfare attempt once more to put a pleasing façade upon their doctrines, say­ ing, “It is not that we have any lack of gold and jewels, cour­ tiers and waiting women, or land. It is only that we wish to establish a reputation for righteousness in the world and at­ tract the other rulers to our virtue!” Mo Tzu said: If you were really able to establish a reputa­ tion for righteousness in the world and attract the other rulers by your virtue, then it would be no time at all before the whole world had submitted to you, for the world has for a long time been plagued by warfare and is as weary as a little boy who has spent the day playing horse. Now if only there 9 This is rather misleading. There were over a dozen more or less inde­ pendent states in China in Mo Tzu’s time, though the four he mentions, Ch’i, Chin, Ch’u, and Yüeh, seem to have been the most powerful. The state of Ch'in, which eventually conquered the others and united China, was at this time undergoing a period of internal disorder and hence Mo Tzu does not list it among the great powers.

6o

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were someone who would conduct his diplomatic affairs in good faith and would think first of all how to benefit the other feudal lords; who, when a large state committed some un­ righteous act, would feel concerned along with others; who, when a large state attacked a small one, would go to the rescue of the small state along with others; who, when the walls and fortifications of the smaller state were in poor con­ dition, would see to it that they were repaired; who, when the smaller state's supplies of doth and grain were exhausted, would supply more; who, when the smaller state's funds were insufficient, would share his own—if one were to conduct his relations with the large states in this manner, then the rulers of the smaller states would be pleased. If others struggle while one is at ease, then one's own military position will become stronger. If one is merdful and generous, substituting affluence for want, then the people will surely be won over. If one substitutes good government in one's own state for offen­ sive warfare, then one will achieve manifold success. If one weighs the expenditures of one's own army and compares them with the ruinous expenditures of the other feudal lords, one will see that one has gained rich benefits. If one conducts one's affairs in accordance with what is correct, acts in the name of righteousness, strivés for lenience in ruling one's subjects and good faith in dealing with one's army, and thus sets an example for the armies of the other feudal lords, then one will have no enemy under heaven and will bring incal­ culable benefit to the world. This is what benefits the world, and if the rulers and offi­ cials do not know enough to make use of it, then they cannot be said to understand the most important way of benefiting the world. Therefore Mo Tzu said: If the rulers and officials and gen-

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tlemen of the world sincerely desire to promote what is bene­ ficial to the world and to eliminate what is harmful, they should realize that offensive warfare is in fact a great harm to the world. If they wish to practice benevolence and righteous­ ness and become superior men; if they wish to act in accord­ ance with the way of the sage kings and benefit the people of China, they should not fail to examine what I have said in my condemnation of offensive warfare.

^

MODERATION IN EXPENDITURE PART I (SE C TIO N

2

o)

W hen a sage governs a state, the benefits to the state are doubled; when he governs the world, the benefits to the world are doubled. The doubling is not accomplished by acquiring territory outside, but by eliminating needless expenditures within the state itself. In this way the benefits can be doubled. W hen the sage administers the government, in issuing orders, beginning enterprises, employing the people, or expending wealth, he does not do anything that is not in some way use­ ful. Therefore wealth is not wasted, the strength of the people is not taxed, and yet many benefits are procured. W hat is the purpose of making clothing? To keep out the cold in winter and the heat in summer. Therefore the way to make clothing is to design something that will provide warmth in winter and coolness in summer. Whatever is merely deco­ rative and does not contribute to these ends should be avoided. W hat is the purpose of building houses? To keep out the wind and cold in winter and the heat and rain in summer, and to provide protection against thieves. Whatever is merely decorative and does not contribute to these ends should be avoided. W hat is the purpose of armor, shields, and the various kinds of weapons? To provide protection against rebels and bandits. W hen faced with rebels and bandits, if one has armor, shield, and weapons, one can overcome them, but if

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not, one is helpless. Therefore the sages made armor, shields, and weapons. One tries to make them as light, sharp, durable, and difficult to break as possible. W hat is merely decorative and does not contribute to these ends should be avoided. W hat is the purpose of making boats and carts? In the case of carts it is to provide a means of getting about on land and in the case of boats to provide a means of traveling on rivers, so that all areas may enjoy the benefits of communica­ tion with each other. In making boats and carts, one strives for lightness and convenience. W hat is merely decorative and does not contribute to these ends should be avoided. In making these five things, nothing is done that does not contribute to their usefulness. Therefore wealth is not wasted, the strength of the people is not taxed, and yet many benefits are procured. If one can persuade the rulers to give up their passion for collecting jewels, birds, beasts, dogs, and horses, and to in­ crease the amount of clothing, houses, armor, shields, weap­ ons, boats, and carts, then it is easy enough to double the number of these articles. W hat, then, is it difficult to double the number of? It is difficult to double the number of people. And yet it can be done. In ancient times, the sage kings made a law saying: “No man of twenty shall dare to be without a family; no woman of fifteen shall dare to be without a husband/' Such was the law of the sage kings.1 But since the sage kings passed away, the people have taken to following their own desires. Those who want to have a family early in some cases marry at twenty; 1So says Mo Tzu. But a Confudan work, the C h ou li or R ites o f C h ou , which daims to represent the practices of the early Chou, under m et shih (the match-maker]), prescribes the marriage age as thirty for men and twenty for women.

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those who want to have a family late in some cases marry at forty. The average marrying age is therefore ten years later than that prescribed by the law of the sage kings. Since fam­ ilies usually have one child in three years, then by marrying earlier they could have had two or three children during those ten years. But can one double the population without causing the people to marry early? Certainly not! There are many ways in which the rulers of the world today actually cause their populations to decrease. They work the people until they are weary and exact heavy taxes from them, so that the wealth of the people is exhausted and count­ less numbers of them die of cold and starvation. Moreover, the rulers insist upon raising armies and setting off to attack neighboring states, the expeditions lasting sometimes as long as three years, or at the shortest three months. Thus men and women are separated for long periods of time, and this serves in effect to diminish the population. Countless numbers die of insecure living conditions, irregular food, and sickness, while countless more are killed in ambushes, fire attacks, as­ saults on cities, and batdes in the open field. Does it not seem, then, that the rulers of today are deliberately inventing ways of diminishing the population? These did not exist when the sages administered their rule. W hen they administered their rule, they invented ways of increasing the population, did they not? Therefore Mo Tzu said: To do away with needless expen­ diture is the way of the sage kings and the source of great benefit to the world.

^

MODERATION IN FUNERALS PA RT III (

s e c t io n

25)

Mo Tzu said: The benevolent man in planning for the wel­ fare of the empire is no different from a filial son planning for the welfare of his parents, is he? Now when a filial son plans for the welfare of his parents, what is it he aims at? If his parents are poor, he seeks to enrich them; if the members of the family are few, he seeks to increase their number; if the family is in disorder, he seeks to bring it to order. In his efforts he may in time find his strength prove insufficient, his wealth inadequate, and his wisdom wanting. And yet so long as he has unused strength, untried schemes, and unrealized pros­ pects for benefit, he dares not cease working for the welfare of his parents. It is by seeking these three aims that the filial son plans for the welfare of his parents. The same is true of the benevolent man planning for the welfare of the world. If the people of the world are poor, he seeks to enrich them; if they are few, he seeks to increase their number; and if they are in disorder, he seeks to bring them to order. In his efforts he may in time find his strength prove insufficient, his wealth inadequate, and his wisdom wanting. And yet so long as he has unused strength, untried schemes, and unrealized pros­ pects for benefit, he dares not cease working for the welfare of the world. It is by seeking these three aims that the benevolent man plans for the welfare of the world. Now that the sage kings of the Three Dynasties of an-

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tiquity have passed away and the world has forgotten their principles, there are some gentlemen of later ages who main­ tain that elaborate funerals and lengthy mourning are mani­ festations of benevolence and righteousness and the duty of a filial son, while there are others who maintain that elaborate funerals and lengthy mourning are contrary to benevolence and righteousness and should not be practiced by filial sons. The proponents of these two views are directly opposed in their words and actions, and yet both sides claim that they are following the way handed down from antiquity by Yao, Shun, Yü, T ang, W en, and W u. Since their words and actions are contradictory, people are in doubt as to which to follow. If people are in doubt as to which to follow, let us try examining the government of the state and its people and see to what degree elaborate funerals and lengthy mourning contribute to the three aims of the benevolent man men­ tioned above. In my opinion, if by following the principles and adopting the instructions of those who advocate elaborate funerals and lengthy mourning one can actually enrich the poor, increase the population, and bring stability and order to the state, then such principles are in accordance with benevolence and righteousness and are the duty of a filial son. Those who lay plans for the state cannot but recommend them, and the benevolent man seeking to promote what is beneficial to the world cannot but adopt them and cause the people to praise and follow them all their lives. If, on the other hand, by fol­ lowing the principles and adopting the instructions of those who advocate elaborate funerals and lengthy mourning one cannot actually enrich the poor, increase the population, and bring stability and order to the nation, then such principles are not in accordance with benevolence and righteousness

Moderation in Funerals

6y

and are not the duty of a filial son. In that case those who lay plans for the state cannot but oppose them, and the benevolent man seeking to eliminate what is harmful to the world cannot but discard them and cause the people to condemn and shun them all their lives. For it has never happened that, by pro­ moting what is beneficial to the world and eliminating what is harmful, one has failed to bring order to the states and people of the world. How do we know that this is so? There are still many gentlemen in the world today who are in doubt as to whether elaborate funerals and lengthy mourn­ ing are actually right or wrong, beneficial or harmful. There­ fore Mo Tzu said: Let us try examining the matter. If we follow the rules of those who advocate elaborate funerals and lengthy mourning and apply them in the state, then, we are told, the funeral of a king or high minister will require several inner and outer coffins, a deep grave, numerous grave clothes, a large amount of embroidery for decorating the coffins, and a large grave mound. If the family of the deceased happen to be humble commoners the wealth of the family will be ex­ hausted, and if they are feudal lords their treasuries will be emptied. After the above articles have been supplied, one still needs gold, jewels, and pearls to adorn the corpse, and bundles of silk, carriages, and horses to inter in the grave. In addition there must be draperies and hangings, tripods, baskets, tables, mats, vessels, basins, spears, swords, feather banners, and articles of ivory and hide to bury with the dead before the requirements are fulfilled. And as to those who are chosen to accompany the dead, in the case of a Son of Heaven anywhere from several ten to several hundred persons will be sacrificed, while in the case of generals or high ministers the number will be from several to several tens. And what are the rules to be observed by the mourner? W e

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are told that he must wail and cry in a sobbing voice at irregu­ lar intervals, wearing hemp mourning garments and with tears running down his face. He must live in a mourning hut, sleep on a straw mat, and use a clod of earth for a pillow. In addi­ tion he is urged not to eat so as to appear starved, to wear thin clothes so as to appear cold, to acquire a lean and sickly look and a dark complexion. His ears and eyes are to appear dull, his hands and feet lacking in strength, as though he had lost the use of them. And in the case of higher officials we are told that during a period of mourning they should be unable to rise without support or to walk without a cane. And all this is to last for three years.1 Now if the rulers and high officials are to adopt these practices, they cannot appear at court early and retire late, attend to the five ministries and six bureaus, encourage farm­ ing and forestry, and fill the granaries. If the farmers are to adopt these practices, they cannot leave their homes early and return late, planting their fields and cultivating their crops. If the artisans are to adopt these practices, they cannot construct boats and carts and fashion dishes and utensils, while if women are to adopt these practices they cannot devote them­ selves day and night to spinning and weaving. Thus we see that in elaborate funerals much wealth is buried, while lengthy mourning prevents people from going about their activities for long periods of time. If the wealth and goods that have already been produced are to be bundled 1Not three whole years, hut into the third year, i.e., twenty-five months. On the whole. Mo Tzu's description of elaborate funerals and mourning practices follows what was prescribed by the Confucians, though the latter stressed that mourning practices were never to he carried to the point where they endangered the health of the mourner. It should he noted, however, that the Confucians never advocated the ancient and grisly custom of human sacrifice—the so-called "following in death" which Mo Tzu men­ tions—but on the contrary took every opportunity to denounce it.

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69

up and buried in the ground, and the means of future produc­ tion are to be prohibited for long periods of time, and one still hopes in this way to enrich the state, then it is like prohibiting planting and still hoping for a harvest. One could never acquire wealth that way! Thus if one hopes to enrich the state, this is obviously not the way to do it. But if one hopes to increase the population, then are elaborate funerals and lengthy mourning perhaps of benefit? Again we find that the answer is no. Now suppose one follows the rules of those who advocate elaborate funerals and lengthy mourning and applies them in government. W e are told that one should mourn three years on the death of a ruler, three years on the death of a parent, three years for a wife or eldest son, one year for paternal uncles, brothers, and younger sons, five months for other close relatives, and several months for aunts, sisters, and cousins on the maternal side. There are rules requiring one to appear emaciated, to acquire a lean and sickly look, a dark complexion, ears and eyes that are dull, hands and feet that are lacking in strength and useless. And in the case of higher officials we are told that they should be unable to rise without support or to walk without a cane. And all of this in most cases is to last three years. Yet if ihese practices are adopted and people really are reduced to a starved condition, then the common people will be unable to bear the cold in winter or the heat in summer, and coundess numbers of them will sicken and die. Moreover, the relations between men and women will in many cases be disrupted. To hope in this way to increase the popula­ tion is like ordering a man to fall upon his sword and wishing him long life. Thus if one hopes to increase the population, this is ob­ viously not the way to do it. But if one hopes to bring order to

7o

Mo Tzu

the government, then are elaborate funerals and lengthy mourning perhaps of benefit? Again we find that the answer is no. If one follows the rules of those who advocate elaborate funerals and lengthy mourning and applies them in govern­ ment, then the state will become poor, the people few, and the government disordered. For if one applies these rules, then those in superior positions will be unable to attend to affairs of government, while those in inferior positions will be unable to pursue their tasks. If those in superior positions do not attend to affairs of government, then disorder will result, and if those in inferior positions do not pursue their tasks, then there will not be enough food and clothing. And if there is not enough food and clothing, then the younger brother, seek­ ing help from his older brother but receiving none, will feel no more love for his older brother but instead will come to hate him. Similarly, the son, seeking help from his father but receiving none, will become unfilial and will hate his father. And the minister, seeking help from his lord but receiving none, will become disloyal and will turn against his superior. Then evil and immoral people, with neither clothing to go abroad in nor food at home, will be stung by shame in their hearts and will give themselves up to uncontrollable evil and violence. Thus thieves and bandits increase in number and lawabiding persons grow few. If thieves and bandits increase in number and law-abiding persons grow few, and yet one seeks in this way to achieve order, it would be like ordering a man to turn around three times without showing his back to you. If one hopes to achieve order, this is obviously not the way to do it. But if one hopes to prevent large states from attacking

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small ones, then are elaborate funerals and lengthy mourning perhaps of some use? Again we find that the answer is no. Now that the sage kings of antiquity have passed away and the world has forgotten their principles, the feudal lords rely upon force of arms to attack each other. In the south are the kings of Ch'u and Yüeh, and in the north the lords of Ch'i and Chin, all of whom drill and discipline their soldiers, attack and annex their neighbors, and seek to rule the world. Only one thing will deter a large state from attacking a small one, and that is for the small state to have a plentiful supply of provisions, walls and fortifications in good repair, and superiors and subordinates who work in harmony. In that case the large states will have no desire to attack. Now if one follows the rules of those who advocate elab­ orate funerals and lengthy mourning, and applies them in government, then the state will become poor, the people few, and the government disordered. If the state is poor, it cannot store up plentiful supplies of provisions. If the people are few, there will not be enough men to keep the fortifications and moats in repair. And if the government is disordered, then the state will be unable to win victory abroad or defend its position at home. Thus, if one hopes to prevent large states from attacking small ones, this is obviously not the way to do it. But if one hopes to win blessing from the Lord on High and the spirits, then are elaborate funerals and lengthy mourming perhaps of some use? Again the answer is no. Now if one follows the rules of those who advocate elab­ orate funerals and lengthy mourning, and applies them in government, then the state will become poor, the people few, and the government disordered. If the state is poor, then its

72

Mo T zu

offerings of millet and wine will not be of the required purity. If the people are few, there will not be enough of them to serve the Lord on High and the spirits. And if the govern­ ment is disordered, then the sacrifices will not be conducted at the proper times or in the proper fashion. Now if one conducts the government in this way, effectively preventing the proper worship of the Lord on High and the spirits, then the Lord on High and the spirits will look down from above and, con­ sidering how to deal with the people, will say to each other: "Is it better for us that these people exist or that they cease to exist? It makes no difference to us whether they exist or not!” Then the Lord on High and the spirits will send down chas­ tisement for the people's faults and harsh punishment, and will abandon them. And they will have good reason for doing so, will they not? Therefore the ancient sage kings prescribed the following rules for funerals and mourning: A coffin three inches thick is sufficient to bury a rotting body; three pieces of clothing are sufficient to cover a smelly corpse. In interring the coffin, it should not be placed deep enough to reach water, nor so near the surface as to allow the odor to escape. A grave mound three feet in height is large enough. After the dead one has been buried, the living shall engage in no prolonged mourning, but shall return speedily to their tasks, each doing whatever he is able to do and working for the benefit of others. Such were the rules of the sage kings. Now those who advocate elaborate funerals and lengthy mourning say: "Although elaborate funerals and lengthy mourning cannot enrich the poor, increase the population, and insure stability and order, yet they represent the way of the sage kings.” Mo Tzu said: This is not so. In ancient times, when Yao

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went north to instruct the eight Ti tribes, he died on the way and was buried on the north side of Mount Ch’iung. Three pieces of clothing wrapped his corpse, and the coffin was of a poor variety of wood and tied shut with vines. No wailing was done until after the coffin was interred. The grave was filled in, but no mound was constructed, and after the burial horses and oxen plodded over the ground the same as before. W hen Shun went west to instruct the seven Jung tribes, he died on the way and was buried in the market place of Nanchi. Three pieces of clothing wrapped his corpse, and the coffin was of a poor variety of wood and tied shut with vines. After the burial the people in the market walked over the spot the same as before. W hen Yü went east to instruct the nine Yi tribes, he died on the way and was buried at Mount K uai-chi. Three pieces of clothing wrapped his corpse, and the coffin was made of soft paulownia wood, three inches thick, and tied shut with vines. The coffin was not tighdy bound shut, nor was a large pit dug. The grave was not deep enough to strike water, but not so shallow as to allow the odor to escape. After the burial the loose earth was gathered together on top to form a grave mound three feet in size, and this was considered sufficient. So if we examine the case of these three sage kings, we can see that elaborate funerals and lengthy mourning do not in fact represent the way of the sage kings. These three kings were honored with the position of Son of Heaven and pos­ sessed the riches of the whole world. Surely they did not choose to be buried in this way because they were concerned about the expenditure! But the burials of the rulers and officials of today are very different from this. They must have outer and inner coffins, three layers of embroidered hide, jades and jewels; and when

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Mo Tzu

these have been provided, they still require spears, swords, tripods, baskets, vessels, basins, embroideries, silks, countless horse bridles, carriages, horses, waiting women, and musicians. On top of this they demand roads and approaches to the grave going this way and that, and a mound as round and high as a hill.2 All of this interferes with the daily labors of the people and wastes their wealth to an incalculable degree. Such is the uselessness of elaborate burials! Therefore Mo Tzu said: I have already stated above that if, by following the rules and using the plans of those who advocate elaborate funerals and lengthy mourning, one can actually enrich the poor, increase the population, and bring stability and order to the government, then such principles must be in accordance with benevolence and righteousness and be the duty of a filial son. In that case those who lay plans for the state cannot but recommend them. But if, by following the rules and using the plans of those who advocate elaborate funerals and lengthy mourning, one cannot actually enrich the poor, increase the population, and bring stability and order to the government, then such principles are not in accordance with benevolence and righteousness and are not the duty of a filial son. In that case those who lay plans for the state cannot but condemn them. Therefore if one seeks to enrich the state by adopting such practices, he will only bring greater poverty; if he seeks to increase the population, he will only decrease it further; if he seeks to bring about order in government, he will only achieve greater disorder, if he seeks thereby to prevent large states from attacking small ones, he will have no hope of success; and if he seeks for blessing from 2 The text of this passage is doubtful in several places, particularly the mention of “countless horse bridles,” which should perhaps he emended to read “six carriage bells.”

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the Lord on High and the spirits, he will obtain only mis­ fortune. If we examine the ways of the sage kings Yao, Shun, Yü, T ang, W en, and W u, we find that they were the direct opposite of such practices. But if we examine the practices of the evil kings Chieh, Chou, Yu, and Li, we find that they ac­ cord exactly with these. From this we can see that elaborate funerals and lengthy mourning were not the way of the sage kings« Now those who advocate elaborate funerals and lengthy mourning say: "If elaborate funerals and lengthy mourning are in fact not the way of the sage kings, then why do the gentlemen of China continue to practice them and not give them up? W hy do they carry them out and not abandon them?” Mo Tzu said: This is because they confuse what is habitual with what is proper, and what is customary with what is right. In ancient times east of the state of Yüeh lived the people of the land of K'ai-shu. W hen their first son was born, they cut him up and ate him, saying that this would be beneficial to the next son. W hen their fathers died, they loaded their mothers on their backs, carried them off and abandoned them, saying, "One can't live in the same house with the wife of a ghost!” These weje regarded by the superiors as rules of gov­ ernment and by the people as accepted procedure. They con­ tinued to practice these customs and did not give them up, carried them out and did not abandon them. And yet can we actually say that they represent the way of benevolence and righteousness? This is what it means to accept what is habitual as proper, and what is customary as right. South of Ch'u live the people of the land of Yen. W hen their parents die, they scrape the flesh off the dead person's bones and throw it away« After that they bury the bones, and

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thus consider that they have fulfilled their duty as filial sons. West .of C h’in live the people of the land of Yi-ch'ii. W hen their parents die, they gather together brushwood and burn the bodies, and when the smoke rises up they say that the dead have ‘ascended far off.” After this they feel that they have fulfilled their duty as filial sons. In these lands such customs are regarded by the superiors as rules of government, and by the people as accepted procedure. They continue to practice them and do not give them up, carry them out and do not abandon them. Arid yet can we actually say that they represent the way of benevolence and righteousness? This is what it means to accept what is habitual as proper, and what is customary as right. If we examine the practices of these three lands, we find them too casual and heartless, while if we examine those of the gendemen of China, we find them too elaborate. Some practices being too elaborate and others too casual, we must seek for moderation in the matter of funerals and burials. Food and clothing are the greatest benefit to the living, and yet they must be used with moderation. Since funerals and burials are the greatest benefit to the dead, how then can we fail to exer­ cise moderation in their case as well? Therefore Mo Tzu prescribes the following rules for fu­ nerals and burials: a coffin three inches thick is sufficient to bury rotting bones; three pieces of clothing are sufficient to cover rotting flesh. The hole in the ground should not be deep enough to reach dampness, nor so shallow that the gases escape above ground. A mound sufficiendy large to mark the spot is all that is needed. Mourners may weep going to and from the burial, but after that they should devote themselves to making a living. Sacrifices should be carried out at appro­ priate times in order to fulfill one's filial duty to parents. Thus

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in this way the rules of Mo Tzu neglect the benefits of neither the living nor the dead. So Mo Tzu said: If the officials and gentlemen of the world today sincerely desire to practice benevolence and righteous­ ness and become superior men, if they wish to act in accord­ ance with the way of the sage kings and to benefit the people of China, they ought to adopt moderation in funerals as a principle of government. They should not fail to examine the matter.

X

4TÄ t h e w i l l of h e a v e n PART I (se c tio n

26)

Mo Tzu said: The gentlemen of the world today understand small matters but not large ones. How do we know this? W e know it from the way they conduct themselves at home. If at home a man commits some offense against the head of the family, he may still run away and hide at a neighbor s house. And yet his parents, brothers, and friends will all join in warning and admonishing him, saying, “You must be more cautious! You must be more circumspect! W hen you are living at home, how can it be right for you to offend the head of the family?” This is true not only of a man who lives at home, but of a man who lives in a state as well. If a man living in a state commits some offense against the ruler of the state, he may still run away and hide in a neighboring state. And yet his parents, brothers, and friends will all join in warning and admonishing him, saying, “You must be more cautious! You must be more circumspect! How can you live in a state and still consider it right to offend the ruler of the state?” If people warn and admonish a man this sternly when he still has some place to run away to and hide, how much more sternly should they feel obliged to warn and admonish him if there is no place for him to run away and hide. There is a saying that goes: “If you commit a crime here in the broad daylight, where will you run and hide?” There is no place to

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run and hide, for Heaven will spy you out dearly even in the forest, the valley, or the dark and distant place where no one lives! And yet with regard to Heaven the gentlemen of the world for some reason do not know enough to warn and admonish each other. Thus I know that the gentlemen of the world understand small matters but not large ones. Now what does Heaven desire and what does it hate? Heaven desires righteousness and hates unrighteousness. Thus if I lead the people of the world to devote themselves to righteousness, then I am doing what Heaven desires. If I do what Heaven desires, then Heaven will do what I desire. Now what do I desire and what do I hate? I desire good fortune and prosperity and hate misfortune and calamity. If I do not do what Heaven desires and instead do what Heaven does not desire, then I will be leading the people of the world to devote themselves to what will bring misfortune and calamity. How do I know that Heaven desires righteousness and hates unrighteousness? In the world, where there is righteous­ ness there is life; where there is no righteousness there is death. W here there is righteousness there is wealth; where there is no righteousness there is poverty. W here there is righteousness there is order; where there is no righteousness there is disorder. Now Heaven desires life and hates death, de­ sires wealth and hates poverty, desires order and hates disorder. So I know that Heaven desires righteousness and hates un­ righteousness. Moreover, righteousness is what is right. Subordinates do not decide what is right for their superiors; it is the superiors who decide what is right for their subordinates. Therefore the common people devote their strength to carrying out their tasks, but they cannot decide for themselves what is right. There are gentlemen to do that for them. The gentlemen

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devote their strength to carrying out their tasks, but they cannot decide for themselves what is right. There are ministers and officials to do that for them. The ministers and officials devote their strength to carrying out their tasks, but they can­ not decide for themselves what is right. There are the three high ministers and the feudal lords to do that for them. The three high ministers and the feudal lords devote their strength to managing the affairs of government, but they cannot decide for themselves what is right. There is the Son of Heaven to do that for them. But the Son of Heaven cannot decide for himself what is right. There is Heaven to decide that for him. The gentlemen of the world have no difficulty in perceiving that the Son of Heaven decides what is right for the three high ministers, the feudal lords, the gentlemen, and the common people. But the people of the world are unable to perceive that Heaven decides what is right for the Son of Heaven. Therefore Yü, T ang, W en, and W u, the sage kings of the Three Dynasties of antiquity, wishing to make it clear to the people of the world that it is Heaven that decides what is right for the Son of Heaven, all without exception fed their sacrificial oxen and sheep, fattened their dogs and pigs, prepared clean offerings of millet and wine, and sacrificed to the Lord on H igh and the spirits in order to seek blessing and good fortune from Heaven. But I have never heard of Heaven seeking blessing and good fortune from the Son of Heaven! So I know that it is Heaven that decides what is right for the Son of Heaven. The Son of Heaven is the most eminent person in the world and the richest in the world. H e who desires riches and eminence must not fail to obey the will of Heaven. H e who obeys the will of Heaven, loving all men universally and work­ ing for their benefit, will surely win reward. But he who dis­ obeys the will of Heaven, showing partiality and hatred and

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working to injure others, will surely incur punishment. Who, then, were those who obeyed the will of Heaven and won re­ ward, and who were those who disobeyed the will of Heaven and incurred punishment? Mo Tzu said: Yü, T ang, W en, and W u, the sage kings of the Three Dynasties of antiquity—they were the ones who obeyed the will of Heaven and won reward. Chieh, Chou, Yu, and Li, the evil kings of the Three Dynasties of antiquity— they were the ones who disobeyed the will of Heaven and in­ curred punishment. How did Yü, T ang, W en, and W u win reward? Mo Tzu said: Above they honored Heaven, in the middle realm they served the spirits, and below they loved men. Therefore the will of Heaven announced: “These men love all those I love and benefit all those I would benefit. They love men widely and benefit them greatly.” Therefore Heaven caused them to be honored with the position of Son of Heaven, and enriched with the possession of the world. They were succeeded by their sons and grandsons for countless generations, and their goodness was praised throughout the world. Even today people praise them, calling them sage kings. How did Chieh, Chou, Yu, and Li incur punishment? Mo Tzu said: Above they blasphemed against Heaven, in the middle realm they'blasphemed against the spirits, and below they did harm to men. Therefore the will of Heaven an­ nounced: “These men show discrimination and hatred against those I love, and do harm to those I would benefit. They hate men widely and harm men greatly!” Therefore Heaven caused them to die before their time and to perish in a single genera­ tion, and even today people condemn them, calling them evil kings. How do we know that Heaven loves the people of the

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world? Because it enlightens them universally. How do we know that it enlightens them universally? Because it possesses them universally. How do we know that it possesses them uni­ versally? Because it accepts sacrifices from them universally. How do we know that it accepts sacrifices from them uni­ versally? Because within the four seas, among all the people who live on grain,1 there are none who do not feed their sacrificial oxen and sheep, fatten their dogs and pigs, prepare clean offerings of millet and wine, and sacrifice to the Lord on High and the spirits. Since Heaven possesses all the cities and people, how could it fail to love them? Moreover I say that he who kills one innocent person will invariably suffer one misfortune. W ho is it that kills the in­ nocent person? It is a man. And who is it that sends down the misfortune? It is Heaven. If Heaven did not love the people of the world, then why would it send down misfortune simply because one man kills another? Thus I know that Heaven loves the people of the world. He who obeys the will of Heaven will regard righteousness as right. H e who disobeys the will of Heaven will regard force as right. W hat does it mean to regard righteousness as right? Mo Tzu said: If one is in a large state, he will not attack a small state. If one is a member of a large family, he will not bully a small family. T he strong will not oppress the weak; the eminent will not lord it over the humble; the cunning will not deceive the stupid. This, then, will bring benefit to Heaven on high, to the spirits in the middle realm, and to man below. And because these three types of benefits are realized, the fairest names in the world will be given to such a man, and he will be called a sage king. But a man who regards force as right is different. His words and actions will be directly op-

11.e., the Chinese, as opposed to the nomadic tribes surrounding China.

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posed to these, as though he were galloping off in the opposite direction. If he is in a large state, he will attack a small state. If he is a member of a large family, he will bully small families. The strong will oppress the weak; the eminent will lord it over the humble; the cunning will deceive the stupid. This will bring no benefit to Heaven on high, to the spirits in the middle realm, or to man below. And because none of these three types of benefits are realized, the foulest names in the world will be given to such a man, and he will be called an evil king. Mo Tzu said: The will of Heaven is to me like a compass to a wheelwright or a square to a carpenter. The wheelwright and the carpenter use their compass and square to measure what is round or square for the world, saying, 'W h at fits these measurements is right; what does not fit them is wrong.” Now the books of the gendemen of the world are too numerous to be listed, and their sayings too many to be examined in full. Among the highest circles the gendemen lecture to the feudal lords, and in lower circles they expound to men of honor. And yet on matters of benevolence and righteousness they are fai apart. How do I know? Because I measure them by the clearest standard in the world [i.e., the will of Heaven.]

PART II (s e c tio n

27)

Mo Tzu said: Now if the gendemen of today wish to prac­ tice benevolence and righteousness, they must not fail to ex­ amine the origin of righteousness. If they must not fail to

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examine the origin of righteousness, then what is the origin of righteousness? Mo Tzu said: Righteousness does not originate with the stupid and humble, but with the eminent and wise. How do we know that righteousness does not originate with the stupid and humble, but with the eminent and wise? Righteousness means doing what is right. How do we know that righteous­ ness means doing what is right? Because when there is right­ eousness in the world, then the world is well ordered, but when there is no righteousness, then it is in disorder. Therefore we know that righteousness means doing what is right. Now the stupid and humble cannot decide what is right for the eminent and wise. There must first be the eminent and wise, who can then decide what is right for the stupid and humble. Therefore we know that righteousness does not originate with the stupid and humble, but with the eminent and wise. Then who is eminent and who is wise? Heaven is pure eminence and pure wisdom. Therefore righteousness in fact originates with Heaven. Now people in the world say: “It is perfecdy obvious that the Son of Heaven is more eminent than the feudal lords and that the feudal lords are more eminent than the ministers. But we do not know that Heaven is more eminent and wise than the Son of Heaven!” Mo Tzu said: I know that Heaven is more eminent and wise than the Son of Heaven for this reason: If the Son of Heaven does something good, Heaven has the power to reward him, and if he does something had, Heaven has the power to punish him. If the Son of Heaven is suffering from some ill­ ness or misfortune, he must fast and purify himself, prepare clean offerings of wine and millet, and make sacrifices to Heaven and the spirits, and then Heaven will take away the

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affliction. But I have never heard of Heaven praying for blessings from the Son of Heaven. So I know that Heaven is more eminent and wise than the Son of Heaven. But this is not all. I also know it from one of the books of the former kings which explains the enlightened and unfathomable Way of Heaven in these words: Enlightened and wise is Heaven, Looking down upon and governing the world below.2 This, then, tells us that Heaven is more eminent and wise than the Son of Heaven. I do not know whether there is some­ thing even more eminent and wise than Heaven. But, as I have said, Heaven is pure eminence and wisdom. Therefore right­ eousness in fact originates with Heaven. So Mo Tzu said: If the gentlemen of the world truly desire to honor the Way, benefit the people, and search out the basis of benevolence and righteousness, then they must not fail to obey the will of Heaven. If one must not fail to obey the will of Heaven, then what does Heaven desire and what does it hate? Mo Tzu said: The will of Heaven does not desire that large states attack small ones, that large families overthrow small ones, that the strong oppress the weak, the cunning de­ ceive the stupid, or the eminent lord it over the humble. This is what Heaven does not desire. But this is not all. It desires that among men those who have strength will work for others, those who understand the Way will teach others, and those who possess wealth will share it with others. It also desires that those above will diligendy attend to matters of government, and those below will diligently carry out their tasks. If those 2 Probably a reference to the opening lines of “Hsiao ming” (M ao text no. 2 0 7 ), Hsiao ya section, Book of Odes, though the text in the present version of the Odes is slightly different.

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above diligently attend to matters of government, then the state will be well ordered. If those below diligently carry out their tasks, then there will be enough wealth and goods. If the state is well ordered and there are enough wealth and goods, then it will be possible to prepare clean offerings of wine and millet and to sacrifice to Heaven and the spirits within the state, and to provide circlets and other ornaments of jade and pearl by which to carry on diplomatic relations with sur­ rounding states. W hen the state need not worry about the other feudal lords rising in anger against it or about armed clashes on its borders, when it can devote its efforts to feeding the hungry and giving rest to the weary at home and taking care of its own subjects, then its rulers and superiors will be generous and its subordinates and subjects loyal, its fathers and older brothers loving and its sons and younger brothers filial. Therefore, if one clearly understands how to obey the will of Heaven and put it into practice in the world at large, then the government will be well ordered, the population harmonious, the state rich, and wealth and goods plentiful. The people will all have warm clothes and plenty to eat, and will live in comfort and peace, free from care. Therefore Mo Tzu said: If the gentlemen of today truly desire to honor the Way, benefit the people, and search out the basis of benevo­ lence and righteousness, then they must not fail to obey the will of Heaven. Now the way in which Heaven holds possession of the world is no different from the way in which a ruler or a feudal lord holds possession of all within the four borders of his domain. W hen a ruler or a feudal lord holds possession of the land within the four borders of his domain, does he desire that his subjects should strive to harm each other? If he is a mem­ ber of a large state and attacks a small state, if he is a member

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of a large family and overthrows a small family, though he may hope thereby to win reward and praise, he will never succeed, but will suffer punishment instead* Now the way in which Heaven holds possession of the world is no different. If one lives in a large state and leads it to attack a small one, if one lives in a large city and leads it to attack a small city, though one may hope thereby to win blessing and reward from Heaven, he will never succeed, but instead will call down upon himself misfortune and disaster. Thus, if men do not do what Heaven desires, but instead do what Heaven does not desire, then Heaven will likewise not do what men desire, but instead will do what men do not desire. W hat is it that men . do not desire? Sickness, misfortune, and disaster. Thus, if one does not do what Heaven desires, but instead does what Heaven does not desire, this is simply to lead the multitudes of the world in pursuing the path to misfortune and disaster. Therefore the sage kings of antiquity sought to understand clearly what Heaven and the spirits would bless, and to avoid what Heaven and the spirits hate, and in this way they worked to promote what is beneficial to the world and eliminate what is harmful. Thus Heaven sent forth its heat and cold in season, the four seasons proceeded in order, the yin and yang, rain and dew were timely, the five grains ripened, the six types of domestic animals8 grew to maturity, and disease, pestilence, and famine did not occur. Therefore Mo Tzu said: If the gentlemen of today truly desire to honor the Way, benefit the people, and search out the basis of benevolence and righteousness, then they must not fail to obey the will of Heaven. In the world there are those who are unbenevolent and ill• Horses, cattle, sheep, swine, fowl, and dogs. Dogs were raised to be eaten.

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omened. If a son does not serve his father, a younger brother does not serve his older brother, or a subject does not serve his lord, then all the gentlemen of the world will call him illomened. Now Heaven loves the world universally and seeks to bring mutual benefit to all creatures. There is not so much as the tip of a hair which is not the work of Heaven. And since the people enjoy all these benefits, may we not say that its love for them is generous indeed? Yet in the case of Heaven alone they do nothing to repay this love, but even fail to perceive that they are unbenevolent and ill-omened. There­ fore I say that gentlemen understand trifling matters but fail to understand important ones. Moreover, I know for the following reason that Heaven loves the people generously: It sets forth one after another the sun and moon, the stars and constellations to lighten and lead them; it orders the four seasons, spring, fall, winter, and summer, to regulate their lives; it sends down snow and frost, rain and dew, to nourish the five grains, hemp, and silk, so that the people may enjoy the benefit of them. It lays out the mountains and rivers, the ravines and valley streams, and makes known all affairs so as to ascertain the good or evil of the people. It establishes kings and lords to reward the worthy and punish the wicked, to gather together metal and wood, birds and beasts, and to see to the cultivation of the five grains, hemp, and silk, so that the people may have enough food and clothing. From ancient times to the present this has always been so. Suppose there is a man who delights in and loves his son, and does everything within his power to benefit him. If the son, when he grows up, does nothing to repay his father, then all the gentlemen of the world will call him unbenevolent and ill-fated. Now Heaven loves the world universally and seeks

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to bring mutual benefit to all creatures. There is not so much as the tip of a hair which is not the work of Heaven. And since the people enjoy all these benefits, may we not say that its love for them is generous indeed? Yet in the case of Heaven alone they do nothing to repay this love, but even fail to per­ ceive that they are unbenevolent and ill-fated. Therefore I say that gentlemen understand trifling matters but fail to understand important ones. Yet this is not the only reason that I know that Heaven loves the people generously. If someone kills an innocent person, then Heaven will send down misfortune upon him. W ho is it that kills the innocent person? A man. And who is it that sends down the misfortune? Heaven. If Heaven did not love the people generously, then what reason would it have to send down misfortune upon the murderer of an in­ nocent person? Thus I know that Heaven loves the people generously. Yet there is another reason that I know that Heaven loves the people generously. There are those who, by loving and benefiting others and obeying the will of Heaven, have won Heaven's reward. And there are those who, hating and injur­ ing others and disobeying the will of Heaven, have incurred Heaven's punishment. W ho were those who, loving and bene­ fiting others and obeying the will of Heaven, won Heaven's reward? Yao, Shun, Yü, T'ang, W en, and W u, the sage kings of the Three Dynasties of antiquity. W hat did Yao, Shun, Yü, T ang, W en, and W u devote themselves to? They devoted themselves to universality and shunned partiality. Universality means that if one is in a large state he will not attack a small state, and if one is a member of a large family he will not overthrow a small family. The strong will not oppress the weak, the many will not bully the few, the cunning will not

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deceive the stupid, and the eminent will not lord it over the humble. Examining such a policy, we find that it brought benefit to Heaven above, to the spirits in the middle realm, and to man below. And because, of these three types of bene­ fits, there were none that were not realized, it was called heavenly virtue. All the fairest names in the world were given to such a ruler, and people said, ‘T his is benevolence; this is righteousness! This is what it means to love and benefit others, to obey the will of Heaven, and to win Heaven s re­ ward!” But this is not all. Such deeds were recorded on bamboo and silk, engraved on metal and stone, inscribed on bowls and basins, and handed down to posterity in generations after. W hy was this done? It was done so that men would know how these rulers loved and benefited others, obeyed the will of Heaven, and won Heaven's reward. Thus the ode “Huang Yi” says: God said to King Wen : I am won by your bright virtue. Though renowned, you do not make a display; Though the leader of the land, you do not change. . Without considering, without thinking, You obey the laws of Cod.4 God admired the way King W en obeyed his laws, and there­ fore gave him possession of the realm of Yin as a reward, honoring him with the position of Son of Heaven and enrich­ ing him with the world, and even today the sound of his praise never ceases. So we know who those were who, loving and benefiting others and obeying the will of Heaven, won Heaven s reward. W ho were those who, hating and injuring others and dis4 Book of Odes, T a ya section, "Huang Yi" ÇMao text no. 2 4 1 ).

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obeying the will of Heaven, incurred Heaven's punishment? Chieh, Chou, Yu, and Li, the evil kings of the Three Dy­ nasties of antiquity. W hat did Chieh, Chou, Yu, and Li devote themselves to? They devoted themselves to partiality and spumed universality. Partiality means that if one is in a large state he will attack a small state, and if one is a member of a large family, he will overthrow small families. The strong will oppress the weak, the many will bully the few, the cunning will deceive the stupid, and the eminent will lord it over the humble. Examining such a policy, we find that it brought no benefit to Heaven above, to the spirits in the middle realm, or to man below. And because it failed to realize these three types of benefits, it was called an offense against Heaven. All the foulest names in the world were given to such a ruler, and people said, “This is not benevolence; this is not righteous­ ness! This is what it means to hate and injure others, to dis­ obey the will of Heaven, and to incur Heaven's punishment!" But this is not all. Such deeds were recorded on bamboo and silk, engraved on metal and stone, inscribed on bowls and basins, and handed down to posterity in generations after. Why was this done? It was done so that men would know how these rulers hated and injured others, disobeyed the will of Heaven, and incurred Heaven's punishment. Thus the “Great Declatation" 5 says: “Chou sits with his legs sprawled out and refuses to serve the Lord on High. He neglects the spirits of the former kings and fails to sacrifice to them. And yet he insists, ‘I have the mandate of Heaven!' He gives himself up to insult and tyranny, and Heaven therefore casts him away and will not protect him." If we examine the matter, we will realize that Heaven cast Chou away and would not protect 6 A lost section of the Book of Documents. T h e section by this name in the present text of the Documents is spurious.

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him because he disobeyed the will of Heaven. So we know who thqse were who, hating and injuring others and disobey­ ing the will of Heaven, incurred Heaven’s punishment. Therefore Mo Tzu said: The will of Heaven is to me like a compass to a wheelwright or a square to a carpenter. The wheelwright uses his compass to test the roundness of every object in the world, saying, “W hat matches the line of my compass I say is round. W hat does not match my compass I say is not round.” Therefore he can tell in every case whether a thing is round or not, because he has a standard for roundness. The carpenter uses his square to test the squareness of every object in the world, saying, “W hat matches my square is square. W hat does not match my square is not square.” There­ fore he can tell in every case whether a thing is square or not, because he has a standard for squareness. In the same way Mo Tzu uses the will of Heaven to meas­ ure the government of the rulers and ministers above, and the writings and words of the multitudes below. He observes their actions, and if they obey the will of Heaven, he calls them good actions, but if they disobey the will of Heaven, he calls them bad actions. He observes their words, and if they obey the will of Heaven, he calls them good words, but if they disobey the will of Heaven, he calls them bad words. He ob­ serves their government, and if it obeys the will of Heaven, he calls it good government, but if it disobeys the will of Heaven, he calls it bad government. Thus he employs this as a standard, establishes it as a measurement, and with it measures the benevolence or unbenevolence of the rulers and ministers of the world, and it is as easy as telling black from white. Therefore Mo Tzu said: If the rulers, ministers, and gendemen of the world truly desire to honor the Way, benefit

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the people, and search out the basis of benevolence and right­ eousness, then they must not fail to obey the will of Heaven, for obedience to the will of Heaven is the standard of right­ eousness.

K

EXPLAINING GHOSTS PA RT III (s e c tio n

31)

Mo Tzu said: Now that the sage kings of the Three Dynasties of antiquity have passed away and the world has forgotten their principles, the feudal lords regard might as right. So we have rulers and superiors who are not generous and subordi­ nates and subjects who are not loyal, fathers and sons, younger and older brothers who are not loving or filial, brotherly or respectful, virtuous or good. The leaders of the state do not diligently attend to affairs of government, and the humble people do not diligently pursue their tasks. The people give themselves up to evil, violence, thievery, and rebellion, using weapons, knives, poison, fire, and water to assault innocent persons on the roads and byways and seize their carriages and horses, robes and furs, for their own benefit. All of these con­ ditions come about for the same reason, and as a result the world is in disorder. Now why do we have this state of affairs? It all comes about because people are in doubt as to whether ghosts and spirits exist or not, and do not realize that ghosts and spirits have the power to reward the worthy and punish the wicked. If we could only make all the people in the world believe that the ghosts and spirits have the power to reward the worthy and punish the wicked, then how could there be any disorder in the world? Those who claim that ghosts do not exist say: “Of course

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there is no such thing!”, and morning and evening they preach this doctrine to the world, spreading skepticism among the people and causing them to be in doubt as to whether ghosts and spirits exist or not. Thus the world becomes disordered. Therefore Mo Tzu said: If the rulers, ministers, and gentle­ men of the world today truly desire to promote what is bene­ ficial to the world and eliminate what is harmful, they must face this question of whether ghosts and spirits exist or not and examine it. It is clear that one must examine this question of whether ghosts and spirits exist or not. Well then, if the examination is to be sound, what method should we use? Mo Tzu said: T he way to determine whether something exists or not is to find out whether people actually know from the evidence of their own ears and eyes whether it exists, and use this as a standard. If someone has actually heard it and seen it, then we must assume that it exists. But if no one has heard or seen it, then we must assume that it does not exist. If this is to be our method, then why don't we try going to some village or community and asking? If from antiquity to today, from the beginning of mankind to the present, there have been people who have seen ghostlike and spiridike beings and heard their voices, then how can we say they don't exist? But if no one has seen or heard them, then how can we say they exist? Now those who claim that ghosts do not exist say: ‘There are coundess people in the world who say they have seen or heard ghosdike or spiritlike beings. But who among them has ever really seen or heard such a being?''1 Mo Tzu said: If we are to go by what many people have jointly seen and what many people have joindy heard, then 1The meaning of this sentence is doubtful.

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there is the case of T u Po. King Hsüan [traditional dates 827— 783 B.c.l of the Chou dynasty put to death his minister T u Po, though he had committed no crime. T u Po said, “M y lord, you are going to put me to death, though I have com­ mitted no crime. If the dead have no consciousness, that will be the end of the matter. But if the dead have consciousness, then before three years are over I will make you know it!” Three years later King Hsüan called together the feudal lords and went hunting at P u . His party of several hundred hunt­ ing chariots and several thousand attendants filled the field. At midday T u Po appeared, wearing a vermilion hat and robe, holding a vermilion bow and vermilion arrows, and riding in a plain chariot drawn by a white horse. He pursued King Hsüan and shot him in his chariot. The arrow pierced the kings heart and broke his back. He fell down in his chariot, slumped over his quiver, and died. At that time there were none among the Chou attendants who did not see what happened, and no one in distant regions who did not hear about it.2 It was recorded in the spring and autumn annals of Chou,8 rulers used it to instruct their subjects, and fathers to warn their sons, saying, “Be careful! Be circumspect! All those who kill innocent men will suffer misfortune and incur the punishment of the ghosts and spirits with just such rapidity!” If we examine what is written in the book, how can we doubt that ghosts and spirits exist? And yet it is not only what is written in this book that proves it. Once long ago Duke M u of Ch’in [659-620 b . c . ] 4 a Mo T zu uses the verb “to hear” at this point in the sense of “to hear the report o f/' which is hardly the same thing as hearing a voice or sound that would prove the existence of spirits. ■“Spring and autumn“ is here a generic term for the season-by-season chronicles kept by the historiographers of the various states. 4 T he text says “Duke M u of Cheng,” but the legend is traditionally associated with Duke M u of Ch'in.

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was in his ancestral temple during the day, when a spirit entered the gate and turned to the left. It had the face of a man and the body of a bird, wore a white robe with black borders, and wäs very dignified and grave in appearance. W hen Duke M u saw it, he was frightened and started to run away, but the spirit said, “Do not be afraid. God rec­ ognizes your enlightened virtue and has sent me to bestow upon you nineteen more years of life. He will make your state prosperous and your descendants numerous, and they shall not lose possession of Ch m!” Duke Mu bowed twice, lowered his head, and said, “May I ask the name of this spirit?” and the spirit replied, “I am Kou Mang.” If we are to accept as reliable what Duke M u of Ch’in saw in person, then how can we doubt that ghosts and spirits exist? And yet it is not only what is written in this book that proves it. In ancient times Duke Chien of Yen [504-492 b .c .] put to death his minister Chuang Tzu-i, though he had committed no crime. Chuang Tzu-i said, “My lord, you are going to put me to death, though I have committed no crime* If the dead have no consciousness, that will be the end of the matter. But if the dead have consciousness, then before three years are over I will make you know it!” A year later the ruler of Yen was about to set off in his chariot for Tsu. (T su in Yen is like She-chi in Ch'i/Sang-lin in Sung, and Yiin-meng in C h u , a place where men and women gather to sightsee.)5 At noon, just as the duke of Yen was about to set off on the road for Tsu, Chuang Tzu-i appeared carrying a vermilion staff and struck down the duke in his chariot. At that time there were none among the Yen attendants who did not see what hap5 T he sentence in parentheses is in the nature of a note, perhaps added by a later writer. T h e places mentioned were apparently the; scenes of religious observances.

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pened, and no one in distant regions who did not hear about it. It was recorded in the spring and autumn annals of Yen, and the feudal lords handed down the story, saying, “All those who kill innocent men will suffer misfortune and incur the punishment of the ghosts and spirits with just such rapidity!” If we examine what is written in the book, how can we doubt that ghosts and spirits exist? And yet it is not only what is written in this book that proves it. Long ago, in the time of Pao, Lord W en of Sung [610— 589 B.c.j, there was a minister named Kuan-ku the Invocator, who served in the ancestral temple of the state. Once a shaman appeared from the temple, bearing a club, and said, “Kuan-ku, what does this mean? The sacramental jades and circlets do not fulfill the proper standard, the offerings of wine and millet are impure, the sacrificial animals are not fat and flawless as they should be, and the ceremonies appropriate to the four seasons are not performed at the right times! Is this your doing or Pao s?” Kuan-ku replied, “Pao is an infant, still in swaddling clothes. W hat does he know of such matters? I am in charge, and it is all my doing!” Then the shaman raised his club and struck Kuan-ku, and he fell dead on the altar. At that time there were none of the Sung attendants who did not see what happened, and no one in distant regions who did not hear about it. It was recorded in the spring and autumn annals of Sung, and the feudal lords handed down the story, saying, “All who fail to conduct sacrifices with the proper respect and cir­ cumspection will incur the punishment of the ghosts and spirits with just such rapidity!” If we examine what is written in the book, how can we doubt that ghosts and spirits exist? And yet it is not only what is written in this book that proves it. Long ago, in the time of Lord Chuang of Ch'i [794731 b .c.], there were two ministers named Wang-li Kuo and

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Chung-li Chiao. These two men had been engaged in a law­ suit for three years, but no judgment had been handed down. Lord Chuang thought of executing them both, but he was afraid of killing an innocent man. He also thought of acquitt­ ing them both, but he was afraid of setting free one who was guilty. H e therefore ordered the two men to bring a lamb and take an oath on the Ch’i altar of the soil. The two men agreed to take the oath of blood. The throat of the lamb was cut, its blood sprinkled on the altar, and Wang-li Kuo’s version of the case read through to the end. Next Chung-li Chiao s version was read, but before it had been read half through, the lamb rose up, butted Chung-li Chiao, broke his leg,6 and then struck him down on the altar. At that time there were none of the attendants of Ch’i who did not see what happened, and no one in distant regions who did not hear about it. It was re­ corded in the spring and autumn annals of Ch’i, and the feudal lords handed down the story, saying, “All those who take oaths in insincerity will incur the punishment of the ghosts and spirits with just such rapidity!” If we examine what is written in the book, how can we doubt that ghosts and spirits exist? Therefore Mo Tzu said: Even in the deep valleys, the broad forests, the dark and distant places where no one lives, you must not fail to act with sincerity, for the ghosts and spirits will see you even there! Now those who claim that ghosts do not exist say, “How can one rely upon the eyes and ears of the multitude in set­ tling doubts? Can one hope to be a superior gentleman of the world and still trust the eyes and ears of the multitude?” Mo Tzu said: If one is not to trust the eyes and ears of the multitude in settling doubts, then, may I ask, are the sage • The text is somewhat garbled at this point.

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kings of the Three Dynasties of antiquity, Yao, Shun, Yü, T ang, W en, and W u, worthy to be accepted as a standard in such matters? Surely every man who is above the average will answer that they are. Therefore let us review for a moment the deeds of these sage kings. In ancient times, after King W u had attacked the state of Yin and punished its ruler, Chou, he ordered the feudal lords to divide up the sacrificial duties, saying, “Those who are closely related to the throne may participate in the inner wor­ ship; those distantly related may participate in the outer worship.” It is clear that King W u must have believed in the existence of ghosts and spirits, since, after attacking Yin and overthrowing Chou, he ordered the feudal lords to divide up the sacrificial duties in this way. If no ghosts or spirits existed, then why would King W u have had the sacrificial duties divided up? And yet it is not only the deeds of King W u that prove their existence. The sage kings of old always bestowed re­ wards at the ancestral temple and meted out punishment at the altar of the soil. W hy were rewards bestowed at the ancestral temple? To announce to the spirits that the division of rewards was fair. W hy were punishments meted out at the altar of the soil? To announce to the spirits that the sen­ tence was just. And yet it is not only what is written in the hooks about King W u that proves their existence. In ancient times, on the day when the rulers of Yii, Hsia, Shang, and Chou, the sage kings of the Three Dynasties, first established their states and set up their capitals, they always selected a site for the main altar of the state, and constructed an ancestral temple there. They would select a site where the trees were particularly fine and luxuriant, and there in the grove set up the altar of the

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soil. Then they would select the most kind, filial, virtuous, and good men among the elders of the state to act as invocators of the temple; select the plumpest, most perfectly shaped and colored among the six domestic animals to he sacrificial victims; provide jade circlets, badges, and pendants of the proper quality and number; and select the most fragrant and yellow of the five grains to be used for the offerings of wine and millet, the quality of the wine and millet varying with the abundance of the year. This was how the sage kings of ancient times, when they ruled the world, put the affairs of the ghosts and spirits first, and those of the people last. Therefore it was said that, when the government offices provide the im­ plements of state, they must first see to it that the proper vessels and robes for use in the sacrifices are fully stocked in the storehouses, that the invocators of the temple and other officials in charge of sacrifices have been appointed in full number in the court, and that the animals to be used as sacrificial victims have been separated from the common herds. Since the ancient sage kings conducted their government in this fashion, they must have believed in the existence of ghosts and spirits. Such was their deep concern for the service of the ghosts and spirits. But, fearing that their sons and grandsons in later ages would not understand this, they made a record of it on bamboo and silk to be handed down to posterity, Again, fear­ ing that these might rot and become lost, so that later ages would have no way to learn what had been written on them, they inscribed it on bowls and basins, and engraved it on metal and stone as well. Still they feared that their descendants might not show the proper reverence, and therefore fail to obtain blessing. Therefore, in the books of the former kings, among the words of the sages, we find, within one scroll of

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silk or one bundle of bamboo writing slips, repeated mentions of the existence of ghosts and spirits. W hy is this? Because this is what the sage kings were most concerned about. Now those who claim that ghosts do not exist and go about saying that there are no such things as ghosts or spirits are turning their backs on the concerns of the sage kings. This is surely not the way of a true gendeman! Those who claim that ghosts do not exist say, ‘T hese books of the former kings, these words of the sages, which within one scroll of silk or one bundle of bamboo writing slips re­ peatedly mention the existence of ghosts and spirits—tell us, what books are they?” Mo Tzu said: Among the books of Chou there are the “Greater Odes,” for instance. The “Greater Odes” says: King Wen is on high, He shines in Heaven! Chou is an old people But its charge is new. The leaders of Chou became illustrious. Was not God’s charge timely given? King Wen ascends and descends On the left and right of God. Majestic is King Wen, His good fame never ceases.7 If ghosts and spirits do not exist, then how could King W en, who was already dead, be “on the left and right of God?” So I know that the books of Chou recognize the existence of ghosts. But if there are ghosts in the books of Chou, but none in the books of Shang, then we do not have sufficient proof for our argument. Therefore let us try going back a little further and

7Book

of Odes, “Greater Odes” or Ta y a section, ‘W e n wang” (M ao

text no. 2 3 5 ).

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examining the books of Shang. There we find it written: “Ah, in ancient times, before the rulers of Hsia were visited by misfortune, among all the beasts and living creatures, even to the birds that fly, there were none that did not follow the proper way. How much more those creatures with the faces of men! Would they have dared to have contrary hearts? Like­ wise the ghosts and spirits of the mountains and rivers—would any of them have dared to be restless? So the rulers of Hsia, with reverence and sincerity, brought harmony to the world and guarded the land below.” 8 Now if we examine the reasons that the ghosts and spirits did not dare to be restless, we find that it is because they were aiding Yü in his rule. So I knew that the books of Shang recognize the existence of ghosts. But if there are ghosts in the books of Shang, but none in the books of Hsia, then we do not have sufficient proof for our argument. Therefore let us try going back a little further and examining the books of Hsia. The “Declaration of Yü” says: “There was a great batde at Kan. The king summoned the six commanders of the left and right and made this declara­ tion to the army, saying: 'The lord of H u violates the five elements and discards the three standards [of Heaven, earth, and man]. Heaven therefore cuts off his mandater He also said: "This day I shall fight with the lord of H u for the day’s fate. You ministers, officers, and commoners, it is not that I covet your fields or guarded lands. I am only respectfully carrying out Heaven’s punishment. If you on the left do not do your duty on the left, or if you on the right do not do your duty on the right, you will not be carrying out my orders. If you charioteers do not correctly manage your horses, you will• • Mo T zu is apparently quoting from some lost section of the Book of Documents. It is possible that the quotation should end with the word “restless,” and that the sentence which follows is Mo Tzu's comment.

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not be carrying out my orders. Rewards will be conferred in the ancestral temple and punishments meted out at the altar of the soil/ ” 9 W hy were rewards conferred at the ancestral temple? To show that the division of rewards was fair. W hy were punishments meted out at the altar of the soil? To show that the sentences were just. Because the ancient sage kings believed that it was through the ghosts and spirits that the worthy were rewarded and the evil punished, they invariably conferred rewards in the ancestral temple and meted out punishments at the altar of the soil. So I know that the books of Hsia recognize the existence of ghosts. Thus, first in the books of Hsia and then in the books of Shang and Chou, we find the existence of ghosts and spirits mentioned again and again. W hy is this? Because the sage kings were deeply concerned about such matters. If we examine what is written in these books, how can we doubt that ghosts and spirits exist? It is said that in ancient times, on the propitious day tingmao, the Chou people offered prayers to the altar of the soil and the four quarters, and yearly prayers to the ancestors, in order to prolong the years of their life. If there were no ghosts or spirits, then how could they hope in this way to prolong their lives? 10 Therefore Mo Tzu said: If the fact that the ghosts and spirits reward the worthy and punish the evil can be made a cornerstone of policy in the state and impressed upon the •T h e passage, with some textual variations, comprises almost all of the section known as the “Declaration at Kan“ in the present Book of Docu­

ments. 10 The text of this passage and its relation to what comes before and after are very doubtful. Ting-mao is the designation of one of the days in the sixty-day cycle in use for recording dates at least from Shang times on.

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common people, it will provide a means to bring order to the state and benefit to the people. W hen there is corruption among the officials and heads of bureaus, or illicit relations be­ tween men and women, the ghosts and spirits will see it. W hen the people give themselves up to evil and violence, thievery and rebellion, using weapons, knives, poison, fire, and water to assault innocent persons on the roads and byways and seize their carriages, horses, robes, and furs for their own benefit, the ghosts and spirits will see this too. Therefore the officials and heads of bureaus will not dare to be corrupt. W hen they see good, they will not dare to withhold reward, and when they see evil, they will not dare to withhold punish­ ment. And the people who give themselves up to evil and violence, thievery and rebellion, using weapons, knives, poison, fire, and water to assault innocent persons on the roads and byways and seize their carriages, horses, robes, and furs for their own benefit—all these people will as a result cease their activities,11 and the world will be well ordered. Beneath the sharp eyes of the ghosts and spirits, dark caves and broad swamps, mountain forests and deep valleys are no protection. The ghosts and spirits will invariably spy you out and know what you have done. Before the punishment of the ghosts and spirits, wealth, honor, strength of numbers, bravery, might, "strong armor, and sharp weapons are of no avail, for the punishment of the ghosts and spirits will over­ come all these* , Do you think it is not so? In ancient times King Chieh of the Hsia dynasty was honored with the position of Son of Heaven, and possessed all the wealth of the world. Yet above u Twenty-one characters, representing some sort of textual garble, have been omitted at this point.

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he blasphemed against Heaven and despised the spirits, while below he abused and slaughtered the common people.12 Thereupon Heaven commanded T ang to carry out its enlight­ ened punishment. T ang, with his nine chariots arranged in the Bird Formation and the W ild Goose March, ascended Ta-tsan, scattered the forces of Hsia, entered the suburbs of the capital, and with his own hands captured T ’ui-i Ta-hsi. Thus in ancient times King Chieh of the Hsia was honored with the position of Son of Heaven, and possessed all the wealth of the world; he had in his service a man of daring and strength named T'ui-i Ta-hsi who could tear apart a live rhinoceros or tiger and directed the killing of others; and he had such millions of soldiers that they filled the lowlands and hills. And yet he could not ward off the punishment of the ghosts and spirits. So I know from this that before the punishment of the ghosts and spirits, wealth, honor, strength of numbers, bravery, might, strong armor, and sharp weapons are of no avail. Yet this is not all. In ancient times King Chou of the Yin dynasty was honored with the position of Son of Heaven, and possessed all the wealth of the world. Yet above he blas­ phemed against Heaven and despised the spirits, while below he abused and slaughtered the common people. H e cast aside the aged, murdered litde children,, roasted innocent men alive, and cut open pregnant women. The common people and the aged, the widows and widowers wept and cried, but they had no one to appeal to. Thereupon Heaven commanded King W u to carry out its enlightened punishment. King W u, with a hundred select chariots and four hundred brave warriors, an­ nounced his intentions to the other lords and, with the seals of authority, reviewed the troops. He fought with the men of Yin u A garble of eight characters has been omitted. The text of this whole paragraph is in very poor condition.

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in the field of M u, and with his own hands captured Fei Chung and E Lai, and the multitude deserted and ran away. King W u rushed after them into the palace,13 and cut off Chou's head and hung it from a red ring mounted on a white banner, thus carrying out punishment for the feudal lords of the world. So in ancient times King Chou was honored with the position of Son of Heaven, and possessed all the wealth of the world; he had in his service men of daring and strength such as Fei Chung, E Lai, and Hu, the marquis of C hung, who directed the killing of others; and he had such millions of soldiers that they filled the lowlands and hills. And yet he could not ward off the punishment of the ghosts and spirits. So I know from this that before the punishment of the ghosts and spirits, wealth, honor, strength of numbers, bravery, might, strong armor, and sharp weapons are of no avail. Moreover the words of Ch'in Ai tell us: “Attaining virtue is not a small matter; wiping out a family is not a large one." 14 That is to say, when the ghosts and spirits confer rewards, no matter is too small to be rewarded. And when the ghosts and spirits mete out punishment, no consideration is great enough to interfere. Those who claim that ghosts do not exist say, “This not only fails to benefit parents, but actually does harm to filial sons, does it not?" 15 Mo Tzu said: The ghosts and spirits of past and present are of three kinds only: the spirits of Heaven, the spirits of the mountains and rivers, and the ghosts of men who have died. Now it sometimes happens, it is true, that a son dies 11A four-character garble has been omitted at this point. the Book of Documents, objection of the anti-ghost party at this point, nor what connection it has with what comes before and after. The statement apparendy concerns family sacrifices to deceased parents.

14Perhaps from a lost section of 151 do not fully understand the

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before his father, or a younger brother before his older brother. And yet, as the old saying of the world has it, “He who is born first dies first.” So those who die first will be either one’s father or one’s mother, one’s elder brother or one’s elder sister. Now when we prepare pure wine and millet and offer them with reverence and circumspection, if ghosts and spirits really exist, then we are thereby providing food and drink for our fathers, mothers, elder brothers, and elder sisters. Is this not a great benefit? Of course if ghosts and spirits do not really exist, then it would seem that we are wasting the materials we use, the wine and millet. But though we expend them, it is not as though we were simply pouring the wine in a sewage ditch and throwing the millet away. For the members of the family and the people of the community can all gather to drink and eat them. Therefore, though no ghosts or spirits existed at all, we would still have the opportunity to gather together a pleas­ ant group and make friends with the people of the community. Those who claim that ghosts do not exist say, “There has never been any such thing as ghosts and spirits. Therefore I shall not expend my wealth on wine, millet, and sacrificial animals. It is not that I begrudge the expense of such things, but what is to be accomplished by offering them?” This is to oppose what is written in the books of the sage kings and violate the way of a filial son of the people. Such people claim to be the superior men of the world, but this is surely not the way to be a superior man! Therefore Mo Tzu said: Now when I perform sacrifices, it is not as though I were pouring the wine in a sewage ditch and throwing the millet away. Above I am seeking the bless­ ing of the ghosts and spirits, while below I am gathering together a pleasant group and making friends with the people

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of the community. And if the ghosts and spirits really exist, then I am able to provide food and drink for my father, my mother, and my elder brothers and sisters. Is this not beneficial to the whole world?16 Therefore Mo Tzu said: If the rulers, ministers, and gendemen of the world truly desire to promote what is beneficial to the world and eliminate what is harmful, they must believe in the existence of ghosts and spirits and honor them accord­ ingly, for this is the way of the sage kings. u In this closing section Mo Tzu speaks as though he were not himself wholly convinced of the existence of ghosts and spirits.

K

AGAINST MUSIC PART I (s e c tio n

32)

It is the business of the benevolent man to seek to promote what is beneficial to the world, to eliminate what is harmful, and to provide a model for the world. W hat benefits men he will carry out; what does not benefit men he will leave alone. Moreover, when the benevolent man plans for the benefit of the world, he does not consider merely what will please the eye, delight the ear, gratify the mouth, and give ease to the body. If in order to gratify the senses he has to deprive the people of the wealth needed for their food and clothing, then the benevolent man will not do so. Therefore Mo Tzu con­ demns music1 not because the sound of the great bells and rolling drums, the zithers and pipes, is not delightful; not because the sight of the carvings and ornaments is not beau­ tiful; not because the taste of the fried and broiled meats is not delicious; and not because lofty towers, broad pavilions, and secluded halls are not comfortable to live in. But though the body finds comfort, the mouth gratification, the eye pleasure, and the ear delight, yet if we examine the matter, we will find that such things are not in accordance with the ways of the sage kings, and if we consider the welfare of the world we irrh e term “music” in ancient China customarily denoted not only music itself, but dances and pantomimes that accompanied it. Here, how­ ever, M o T zu seems to be using the term even more broadly to include the lavish banquets and sumptuous surroundings that in his m ind were associated with the musical entertainments of the aristocracy.

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will find that they bring no benefit to the common people. Therefore Mo Tzu said: Making music is wrong! Now if the rulers and ministers want musical instruments to use in their government activities, they cannot extract them from the sea water, like salt, or dig them out of the ground, like ore. Inevitably, therefore, they must lay heavy taxes upon the common people before they can enjoy the sound of great bells, rolling drums, zithers, and pipes. In ancient times the sage kings likewise laid heavy taxes on the people, but this was for the purpose of making boats and carts, and when they were completed and people asked, ‘W h at are these for?” the sage kings replied, “The boats are for use on water, and the carts for use on land, so that gentlemen may rest their feet and laborers spare their shoulders.” So the common people paid their taxes and levies and did not dare to grumble. Why? Because they knew that the taxes would be used for the benefit of the people. Now if musical instruments were also used for the benefit of the people, I would not venture to condemn them. Indeed, if they were as useful as the boats and carts of the sage kings, I would certainly not venture to condemn them. There are three things the people worry about: that when they are hungry they will have no food, when they are cold they will have no" clothing, and when they are weary they will have no rest. These are the three great worries of the people. Now let us try sounding the great bells, striking the rolling drums, strumming the zithers, blowing the pipes, and waving the shields and axes in the war dance. Does this do anything to provide food and clothing for the people? I hardly think so. But let us leave that point for the moment. Now there are great states that attack small ones, and great families that molest small ones. T he strong oppress the weak, the many tyrannize the few, the cunning deceive the stupid,

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the eminent lord it over the humble, and bandits and thieves rise up on all sides and cannot be suppressed. Now let us try sounding the great bells, striking the rolling drums, strum­ ming the zithers, blowing the pipes, and waving the shields and axes in the war dance. Does this do anything to rescue the world from chaos and restore it to order? I hardly think so. Therefore Mo Tzu said: If you try to promote what is bene­ ficial to the world and eliminate what is harmful by laying heavy taxes on the people for the purpose of making bells, drums, zithers, and pipes, you will get nowhere. So Mo Tzu said: Making music is wrong! Now the rulers and ministers, seated in their lofty towers and broad pavilions, look about them, and there are the bells, hanging like huge cauldrons. But unless the bells are struck, how can the rulers get any delight out of them? Therefore it is obvious that the rulers must have someone to strike the bells. But they cannot employ old men or young boys, since their eyes and ears are not keen enough and their arms are not strong, and they cannot make the sounds harmonious or see to strike the bells front and back. Therefore the rulers must have young people in their prime, whose eyes and ears are keen and whose arms are so strong that they can make the sounds harmonious and see to strike the bells front and back. If they employ young men, then they will be taking them away from their plowing and planting, and if they em­ ploy young women, they will be taking them away from their weaving and spinning. Yet the rulers and ministers will have their music, though their music-making interferes to such an extent with the people s efforts to produce food and clothing! Therefore Mo Tzu said: Making music is wrong! Now let us suppose that the great bells, rolling drums, zith­ ers, and pipes have all been provided. Still if the rulers and

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ministers sit quietly all alone and listen to the performance, how can they get any delight out of it? Therefore it is obvious that they must listen in the company of others, either humble men or gentlemen. If they listen in the company of gentlemen, then they will be keeping the gendemen from attending to affairs of state, while if they listen in the company of humble men, they will be keeping the humble men from pursuing their tasks. Yet the rulers and ministers will have their music, though their music-making interferes to such an extent with the peoples efforts to produce food and clothing! Therefore Mo Tzu said: Making music is wrong! In former times Duke Kang of Ch'i [404-379 b .c .] loved the music of the W an dance.2 The W an dancers cannot wear robes of cheap cloth or eat coarse food, for it is said that unless they have the finest food and drink, their faces and complex­ ions will not be fit to look at, and unless they have beautiful clothing, their figures and movements will not be worth watch­ ing. Therefore the W an dancers ate only millet and meat, and wore only robes of patterned and embroidered silk. They did nothing to help produce food or clothing, but lived en­ tirely off the efforts of others. Yet the rulers and ministers will have their music, though their music-making interferes to such an extent with the people's efforts to produce food and clothing! Therefore Mo Tzu said: Making music is wrong!

Now man is basically different from the beasts, birds, and insects. The beasts, birds, and insects have feathers and fur for their robes and coats, hoofs and claws for their leggings and shoes, and grass and water for their food and drink. Therefore the male need not plow or plant, the female need* * For a summary of the little that is known about this ancient type of dance, see Arthur W aley, Book of Songs (London, Allen and U nw in, 1937; reprint, N ew York, Grove Press, i9 6 0 ) , pp. 338-40-

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not weave or spin, and still they have plenty of food and clothing. But man is different from such creatures. If a man exerts his strength, he may live, but if he does not, he cannot live. If the gentlemen do not diligendy attend to affairs of state, the government will fall into disorder, and if humble men do not diligendy pursue their tasks, there will not be enough wealth and goods. If the gendemen of the world do not believe what I say, then let us try enumerating the various duties of the people of the world and see how music interferes with them. The rulers and ministers must appear at court early and retire late, hearing lawsuits and attending to affairs of government—this is their duty. The gendemen must exhaust the strength of their limbs and employ to the fullest the wisdom of their minds, directing bureaus within the government and abroad, collecting taxes on the barriers and markets and on the re­ sources of the hills, forests, lakes, and fish weirs, so that the granaries and treasuries will be full—this is their duty. The farmers must leave home early and return late, sowing seed, planting trees, and gathering large crops of vegetables and grain—this is their duty. Women must rise early and go to bed late, spinning, weaving, producing large quantities of hemp, silk, and other fibers, and preparing cloth—this is their duty. Now if those who occupy the position of rulers and ministers are fond of music and spend their time listening to it, then they will not be able to appear at court early and retire late, or hear lawsuits and attend to affairs of government, and as a result the state will fall into disorder and its altars of the soil and grain will be in danger. If those who occupy the position of gentlemen are fond of music and spend their time listening to it, then they will be unable to exhaust the strength

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of their limbs and employ to the fullest the wisdom of their minds in directing bureaus within the government and abroad, collecting taxes on the barriers and markets and on the re­ sources of the hills, forests, lakes, and fish weirs, in order to fill the granaries and treasuries, and as a result the granaries and treasuries will not be filled. If those who occupy the position of farmers are fond of music and spend their time listening to it,8 then they will be unable to leave home early and return late, sowing seed, planting trees, and gathering large crops of vegetables and grain, and as a result there will be a lack of vegetables and grain. If women are fond of music and spend their time listening to it, then they will be unable to rise early and go to bed late, spinning, weaving, producing large quantities of hemp, silk, and other fibers, and preparing cloth, and as a result there will not be enough cloth. If you ask what it is that has caused the ruler to neglect the affairs of government and the humble man to neglect his tasks, the answer is music. Therefore Mo Tzu said: Making music is wrong! How do we know that this is so? The proof is found among the books of the former kings, in T an g s “Code of Punish­ ment,” where it says: “Constant dancing in the palace—this is the way of shamans! As a punishment, gentlemen shall be fined two measures of silk, but for common men the fine shall be two hundred pieces of yellow silk.” 4 It also says: “Alas, all this dancing! The sound of the pipes is loud and clear. T he Lord on High does not aid him, and the nine* * T h e possibility of farmers and peasant women in ancient China becom­ ing fatally infatuated with the music of the aristocracy seems so remote that w e must suppose that Mo Tzu's argument from here on is merely rhetorical. 4 Apparently from a lost section of the Book of Documents. T h e meaning of the last sentence is very doubtful.

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districts are lost to him.® The Lord on High does not approve him, but sends down a hundred misfortunes. His house will be destroyed.” If we examine the reason why he lost the nine districts, we will find that it was because he idly spent his time arranging elaborate musical performances. The “W u kuan” says: “Ch’i0 gave himself up to pleasure and music, eating and drinking in the fields. CWiang-ch-iang, the flutes and chimes sounded in unison! H e drowned himself in wine and behaved indecendy by eating in the fields. Splen­ did was the W an dance, but Heaven clearly heard the sound and Heaven did not approve.” So it was not approved by Heaven and the spirits above, and brought no benefit to the people below. Therefore Mo Tzu said: If the rulers, ministers, and gendemen of the world truly desire to promote what is beneficial to the world and eliminate what is harmful, they must pro­ hibit and put a stop to this thing called music! 'T h e nine districts that were supposed to have made up the China of ancient times. T he “he” of the quotation is presumably Chieh, the evil ruler of the Hsia who was overthrown by T ’ang. • T he identity of this man and the source of the quotation are a matter of controversy. T h e text of all three quotations is in very poor condition.

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AGAINST FATALISM PART I (s e c tio n

35)

Mo Tzu said: These days the rulers and high officials who govern the nation all desire their states to be rich, their popu­ lation to be numerous, and their administration to be well ordered. And yet what they achieve is not wealth but poverty, not a numerous population but a meager one, not order hut chaos. In actual fact, they fail to get what they seek and achieve what they abhor. W hy is this? Mo Tzu said: It is because of the large number of fatalists among the people. The advocates of fatalism say, “If fate decrees that the state will be wealthy, it will be wealthy; if it decrees that it will be poor, it will be poor. If it decrees that the population will be numerous, it will be numerous; if it decrees that it will be meager, it will be meager. If it decrees that there will be order, there will be order; if it decrees that there will be chaos, there will be chaos. If it decrees that a man will have a long life, he will have a long fife; if it decrees that he will die young, he will die young. Though a man tries to combat fate, what can he do?” They expound such doctrines to the rulers and high officials, and keep the people from pursuing their tasks. Hence the fatalists are lacking in benevolence, and their words must therefore be carefully examined. Now how are we to go about examining their doctrines? Mo Tzu said: W e must set up a standard of judgment, for to try to speak without a standard of judgment is like trying to

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establish the direction of sunrise and sunset with a revolving potter's wheel. It will be impossible to determine the differ­ ence between what is right and wrong, what is beneficial and what is harmful. Therefore a theory must be judged by three tests. W hat are these three tests of a theory? Its origin, its validity, and its applicability. How do we judge its origin? W e judge it by comparing the theory with the deeds of the sage kings of antiquity. How do we judge its validity? W e judge it by comparing the theory with the evidence of the eyes and ears of the people. And how do we judge its applic­ ability? W e judge it by observing whether, when the theory is put into practice in the administration, it brings benefit to the state and the people. This is what is meant by the three tests of a theory. Now among the gentlemen of the world there are those who believe in the existence of fate. Let us try examining this belief in the light of what we know of the sage kings. In ancient times chaos prevailed under Chieh, but T a n g fol­ lowed him and there was order; chaos prevailed under Chou, but King W u followed him and there was order. W ithin a single generation, with the same people, the world was in chaos under Chieh and Chou, and well ordered under T an g and W u. How then can we say that order or chaos in the world are decreed by fate?1 Yet there are still some gendemen in the world who believe in the existence of fate. Let us try examining this belief in the light of the writings of the former kings. Among the writings of the former kings are those that were issued by the state and promulgated among the people, and these were called “stat1 This argument, needless to say, does not refute the claims of the fatalists, who can just as well assert that the decree of fate changed abrupdy when the rule passed from Chieh to T a n g and from Chon to W u .

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utes.MAmong the statutes of the former kings, were there ever any that said: “Good fortune cannot be sought for and bad fortune cannot be avoided. Being reverent will not help your chances, and doing evil will not harm them.”? The writings by which law cases were setded and crimes punished were called “codes of punishment.” Among the codes of punish­ ment of the former kings, were there ever any that said: “Good fortune cannot be sought for and bad fortune cannot be avoided. Being reverent will not help your chances, and doing evil will not harm them.”? The writings by which the armies were organized and the soldiers commanded to advance or retreat were called “declarations.” Among the declarations of the former kings, were there ever any that said: “Good fortune Cannot be sought for and bad fortune cannot be avoided. Being reverent will not help your chances, and doing evil will not harm them.”? I have not exhausted all the evidence—it would be impossible to cite all the excellent writings in the world—but have enumerated only a few important examples, namely, the three types of writings mentioned above. Yet no matter how we search, we can find no evidence to support the theories of the fatalists. Should not such theories be re­ jected then? To accept the theories of the fatalists would be to overthrow righteousness in the'world. To overthrow righteousness in the world would be to replace it with the concept of fate and create worry for the people. And to expound a doctrine that creates worry for the people is to destroy the men of the world. W hy do we desire righteous men to be in authority? Be­ cause when righteous men are in authority, the world will be ordered, the Lord on High, the hills and rivers, and the ghosts and spirits will have worshipers to sacrifice to them, and the people will enjoy great benefit. How do we know? Mo Tzu

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said: In ancient times T an g was enfeoffed in Po. Making allowances for the irregular boundary line, his domain meas: ured only a hundred square lu He worked with his people for universal love and mutual benefit, and shared with them what was in abundance. He led his people to honor Heaven and serve the spirits above, and therefore Heaven and the spirits enriched him, the feudal lords became his allies, the people loved him, and worthy men came to serve him. Before he died he became ruler of the world and leader of the other lords. In former times King W en was enfeoffed in Chou at Mount Ch'i. Making allowances for the irregular boundary line, his domain measured only a hundred square lu He worked with his people for universal love and mutual benefit, and shared with them what was in abundance. So those nearby found security in his government and those far away were won by his virtue. All those who heard of King W en rose up and went to him, and the morally weak, the unworthy, and the crippled who could not rise stayed where they were and pleaded, saying, “Couldn't the domain of King W en be ex­ tended to our borders, so that we too could benefit? W hy can't we too be like the people of King Wen?" Therefore Heaven and the spirits enriched him, the feudal lords became his allies, the people loved him, and worthy men came to serve him. Before he died he became ruler of the world and leader of the other lords. Previously I said that when righteous men are in authority, the world will be ordered, the Lord on High, the hills and rivers, and the ghosts and spirits will have worshipers to sacrifice to them, and the people will enjoy great benefit. And this is how I know that it is so. Therefore the ancient sage kings issued statutes and pub­ lished laws, providing rewards and punishments in order to

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encourage good and prevent evil. So men were loving and filial to their parents at home and respectful and friendly to the people of their neighborhood. Their actions showed a sense of propriety, their comings and goings a sense of re­ straint, and their relations with the opposite sex a sense of decorum. Thus, if they were put in charge of a government bureau, they did not steal or plunder; assigned to guard a city, they did not betray their trust or rebel. If their lord encoun­ tered difficulties, they would risk death for him; if he was forced to flee the state, they would accompany him into exile. Conduct like this was what the authorities rewarded and people praised. And yet the advocates of fatalism say: *'W ho­ ever is rewarded by the authorities was destined by fate to be rewarded. It is not because of his worthiness that he is re­ warded!” If this were so, then men would not he loving or filial to their parents at home nor respectful and friendly to the people of their neighborhood. Their actions would show no sense of propriety, their comings and goings no sense of restraint, and their relations with the opposite sex no sense of decorum. Put in charge of a government bureau, they would steal and plunder; assigned to guard a city, they would betray their trusts or rebel. If jheir lord encountered difficulty, they would not risk death for him; if he was forced to flee the state, they would not accompany him into exile. Conduct like this is what the authorities punish and the people condemn, and yet the advocates of fatalism say: ‘W hoever is punished by the authorities was destined by fate to be punished. It is not be­ cause of his evil actions that he is punished!” Believing this, rulers would not be righteous and subjects would not be loyal; fathers would not be loving and sons would not be filial; older brothers would not be brotherly and younger brothers would

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not be respectful. Those who insist upon holding such views are the source of pernicious doctrines. Theirs is the way of evil men! How do we know that fatalism is the way of evil men? In ancient times there were impoverished people who were greedy for food and drink and lazy in pursuing their tasks, and as a result they did not have enough food and clothing, and found themselves troubled by cold and hunger. But they did not have sense enough to say, “W e are weak in virtue and unworthy, and we have not been diligent in pursuing our tasks.” Instead they said, “Fate has decreed that we shall be poor!” In ancient times there were evil kings who could not control the passions of their ears and eyes, or the wicked desires of their hearts. They did not follow the way of their ancestors, and so in time they lost their countries and brought destruction to their altars of the soil and grain. But they did not have sense enough to say, 'W e are weak in virtue and unworthy, and have not governed well.” Instead they said, “Fate has decreed that we shall fail!” The “Announcement of Chung H ui” says: “I have heard that the man of Hsia, pretending that he was acting under the mandate of Heaven, issued orders to his people. God was dis­ pleased and destroyed his hosts.” 2 This shows how "Tang condemned Chiehs belief in fate.8 The “Great Declaration” says: “Chou lived in insolence and would not serve the Lord on High and the spirits. H e cast 9 T he “man of Hsia" is Chieh; Chung H ui is identified as a minister of King T ’ang, who overthrew Chieh. Both this and the following quotation are presumably from lost sections of the Book of Documents. 9Mo T zu apparendy feels justified in making this statement because the words translated as “mandate” and “orders” are written with the same character as the word “fate.” Taken in context, however, d ie words are so far apart in meaning that the quotation can hardly be said to prove that Chieh believed in fate.

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aside his ancestors and the spirits and would not sacrifice to them, saying, 'My people are ruled by fate/ He gave himself up to arrogance and tyranny, and Heaven thereupon cast him aside and would not protect him.” This shows how King W u condemned Chou’s belief in fate. Now if we were to accept the theories of the fatalists, then those above would not attend to affairs of state and those below would not pursue their tasks. If those above do not attend to affairs of state, then the government will fall into disorder, while if those below do not pursue their tasks, there will not be enough wealth and goods. There will be no way to provide millet and wine for offerings to the Lord on High and the spirits above, and no way to provide security for the worthy and able men of the world below. There will be no means to entertain and conduct exchanges with the feudal lords who come as guests from abroad, while within the state there will be no means to feed the hungry, clothe the cold, and care for the aged and weak. Hence fatalism brings no benefit to Heaven above, no benefit to the spirits in the middle realm, and no benefit to mankind below. Those who insist upon holding such views are the source of pernicious doc­ trines, and theirs is the way of evil men. Therefore Mo Tzu said: If the gentlemen of the world truly hate poverty and wish to enrich the world, if they truly hate disorder and wish to bring order to the world, then they cannot but condemn the doctrines of the fatalists, for these bring great harm to the world.

AGAINST CONFUCIANS PART I (s e c tio n

39)

The Confucians1 say: “There are degrees to be observed in treating relatives as relatives, and gradations to be observed in honoring the worthy.” 2 They prescribe differences to be observed between close and distant relatives and between the honored and the humble. Their code of rites says: “Mourning for a father or mother should last three years; for a wife or eldest son, three years; for a paternal uncle, brother, or younger son, one year; and for other close relatives, five months.” Now if the length of the mourning period is determined by the degree of kinship, then close relatives should be mourned for a long period and distant relatives for a short one. Yet the 1 T he word ju, translated here as “Confudans,” denotes a group of scholars in Chou times who devoted particular attention to matters of ritual and etiquette. Confucius became their most renowned representative, and after his time the word customarily refers to his disciples and those scholars who followed his teachings. T he Hum-nan T zu , a work of the 2d century b .c ., states (ch . 2 1 ) that Mo Tzu himself in his youth studied the teachings of the ju. * T he “Doctrine of the M ean/' a section of the Confucian Book of Rites, contains a passage much like this. “Benevolence is acting like a human being, and the most important part of it is treating one's relatives as rela­ tives. Righteousness is doing what is right, and the most important part of it is honoring the worthy. T he degrees to he observed in treating one's relatives as relatives, and die gradations to he observed in honoring the worthy, are the result of ritual principles" ( Chung yung XX, 5 ). Legge translates the phrase ch'in ch’in as “loving Cone’s) relatives,” hut I have used the more literal “treating one's relatives as relatives" in order to distinguish this type of love from the very different “universal love" advo­ cated by Mo Tzu.

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Confucians mourn the same length of time for a wife or eldest son as for a father or mother. And if the length of the mourning period is determined by the degree of honor due, then this means that the wife and eldest son are honored the same as the father and mother, while the paternal uncles and brothers are placed on the same level as younger sons! W hat could be more perverse than this? 8 W hen a parent dies, the Confucians lay out the corpse for a long time before dressing it for burial while they climb up onto the roof, peer down the well, poke in the ratholes, and search in the washbasins, looking for the dead man. If they suppose that they will really find the dead man there, then they must be stupid indeed, while if they know that he is not there but still search for him, then they are guilty of the greatest hypocrisy.4 W hen a Confucian takes a wife, he goes to fetch her in person. Wearing a formal black robe, he acts as his own coach­ man, holding the reins and handing her the cord by which to pull herself up into the carriage, as though he were escorting an honored parent. The wedding ceremonies are conducted with as much solemnity as the sacrifices to the ancestors. High * * Mo T zu is assuming that there is a closer relationship between a man and his parents than between a man and his wife and children, and that he owes greater respect to his parents and elder relatives than to his younger ones. T he Confucians agreed in principle with these assumptions hut, as we may see from their rules for mourning, modified them somewhat in practice. 4 These were ancient practices handed down from the time when people really believed that they could find the soul of the dead man and bring him hack to life. T h e Confucians, with their fondness for old rites, probably continued to practice them in Mo T zu’s time. Confucian works such as the Book of Rites actually advocate the practice of “ascending the roof” to call back the dead man, not because such rituals were believed to have any real efficacy, but because they were regarded as fitting expressions of love for the deceased.

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and low are turned upside down, and parents are disregarded and scorned. Parents are brought down to the level of the wife, and the wife is exalted at the expense of service to the parents. How can such conduct be called filial? The Confucians say: “One takes a wife in order that she may aid in the sacrifices to the ancestors, and the son who is bom of the union will in time become responsible for maintaining the ancestral temple. Therefore the wife and son are highly re­ garded/' But we reply that this is false and misleading. A man's uncles and older brothers may maintain the temple of the ancestors for many years, and yet when they die the Confucian will mourn for them only one year. The wives of his brothers may aid in the sacrifices to the ancestors, and yet when they die he will not mourn for them at all. It is obvious, therefore, that the Confucians do not mourn three years for wives and eldest sons because wives and eldest sons maintain or aid in the sacrifices. Such concern for one's wife and son is a troublesome involvement, and in addition the Confucians try to pretend that it is for the sake of their parents. In order to favor those whom they feel the most partiality for, they slight those whom they should respect the most. Is this not the height of perversity? In addition, the Confucians believe firmly in the existence of fate and propound their doctrine, saying, “Long life or early death, wealth or poverty, safety or danger, order or dis­ order are all decreed by the will of Heaven and cannot be modified. Failure and success, rewards and punishments, good fortune and bad are all fixed. Man's wisdom and strength can do nothing." If the various officials believe such ideas, they will be lax in their duties; and if the common people believe them, they will neglect their tasks. If the officials fail to

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govern properly, disorder will result; and if agriculture is neglected, poverty will result. Poverty and disorder destroy the basis of the government, and yet the Confucians accept such ideas, believing that they are the doctrine of the Way. Such men are the destroyers of the people of the world! Moreover, the Confucians corrupt men with their elaborate and showy rites and music and deceive parents with lengthy mournings and hypocritical grief. They propound fatalism, ignore poverty, and behave with the greatest arrogance. They turn their backs on what is important, abandon their tasks, and find contentment in idleness and pride. They are greedy for food and drink and too lazy to work, but though they find themselves threatened by hunger and cold, they refuse to change their ways. They behave like beggars, stuff away food like hamsters, stare like he-goats, and walk around like castrated pigs. W hen superior men laugh at them, they reply angrily, “W hat do you fools know about good Confucians?” In spring and summer they beg for grain, and after the har­ vests have been gathered in they follow around after big funerals, with all their sons and grandsons tagging along. If they can get enough to eat and drink and get themselves put in complete charge of a few funerals, they are satisfied. W hat wealth they possess comes from other men's families, and what favors they enjoy are the products of other men's fields. W hen there is a death in a rich family, they are overwhelmed with joy, saying, “This is our chance for food and clothing!” The Confucians say: “The superior man must use ancient speech and wear ancient dress before he can be considered benevolent.” But we answer: The so-called ancient speech and dress were all modem once, and if at that time the men of antiquity used such speech and wore such dress, then they

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must not have been superior men. Must we then wear the dress of those who were not superior men and use their speech before we can be considered benevolent? Again the Confucians say: “The superior man should be a follower and not a maker.” 6 But we answer: In ancient times Yi invented the bow, Yü invented armor, Hsi-chung invented carts, and the craftsman Ch’iu invented boats. Do the Confucians mean, then, that the tanners, armorers, cartmakers and carpenters of today are all superior men and Yi, Yü, Hsi-chung, and the craftsman C h m were all inferior men? Moreover, someone must have invented the ways which the Confucians follow, so that in following them they are, by their own definition, following the ways of inferior men. The Confucians also say: “W hen the superior man is vic­ torious in battle, he does not pursue the fleeing enemy. He protects himself with his armor, but does not shoot his arrows, and if his opponents turn and run, he will help them push their heavy carts.” But we answer: If the contestants are all benevolent men, then they will have no cause to become ene­ mies. Benevolent men instruct each other in the principles of giving and taking, right and wrong. Those without a cause will follow those who have a cause; those without wisdom will follow those who are wise. W hen they have no valid arguments of their own, they will submit to the arguments of others; when they see good, they will be won by it. How then could they become enemies? And if both parties in the strug­ gle are evil, then although the victor does not pursue his fleeing opponents, protects himself with his armor but refrains from shooting them, and helps them push their heavy carts if 'Probably a reference to Confucius’ description of himself as “a trans­ mitter, and not a maker” (Analects VII, i ) . T h e verb tso, “to make,” may also mean “to invent.”

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they turn and run—though he does all these things, he will still never be considered a superior man. Let us suppose that a sage, in order to rid the world of harm, raises his troops and sets out to punish an evil and tyrannical state. But, having gained victory, he employs the methods of the Confucians and orders his soldiers, saying: “Do not pursue the fleeing enemy! Protect yourselves with your armor but do not shoot your arrows, and if your opponents turn and run, help them push their heavy carts.” Then the evil and disorderly men will get away alive, and the world will not be rid of harm. This is to inflict cruelty upon the parents of the world and do the age a great injury. Nothing could be more unrighteous. Again the Confucians say: 'T h e superior man is like a bell. Strike it and it will sound; do not strike it and it will remain silent.” But we answer: The superior man exerts the utmost loyalty in serving his lord and strives for filial piety in serving his parents. If those whom he serves achieve goodness, he will praise them; and if they have any fault, he will admonish them. This is the way of a subject. Now if one sounds only when struck and remains silent otherwise, then one will he concealing his knowledge and sparing his strength, waiting in dumb silence until, he has been questioned. Though he may know of some way *0 bring benefit to his lord or parents, he will not mention it unless asked. A great revolt may be about to break out, bandits to rise up, or some trap to spring, and no one knows of it but himself, and yet, though he is actually in the presence of his lord or his parents, he will not mention it unless asked. This is the most perverse kind of treason! As subjects such men are disloyal; as sons they are unfilial. They are disrespectful in serving their elder brothers and unfaithful in their dealings with others. Though one may prefer not to speak out in court before

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being questioned, he should at least be concerned to speak out when he sees something that will profit himself. And if the ruler makes some proposal that does not seem beneficial, one should fold ones hands, gaze at the ground and, speaking in a hoarse voice as though lost in thought, reply, “I do not fully understand the matter. Though it is an emergency, we must avoid acting wrongly.” 6 Every doctrine, discipline, and standard of benevolence and righteousness is intended on a larger scale to be used in gov­ erning men, and on a smaller scale to fit one for holding office; abroad it is to be spread among all men, and at home it serves for self-cultivation. One should not abide in unrighteousness nor practice what is not in accordance with principle. He should work to promote what is beneficial to the world, both directly and indirectly, and avoid what is of no benefit. This is the way of the superior man. And yet, from what we have heard of the conduct of Confucius, it was exacdy the opposite of this. Duke Ching of Ch’i asked Master Yen,7 “W hat sort of man is Confucius?” Master Yen did not reply. The duke asked once more, but again Master Yen did not reply. Duke Ching said, “Many people have spoken to me about Confu­ cius, and all of them believed him to be a worthy man. Now when I ask you about him, why dont you answer?” Master Yen replied, “I am a worthless person and incapable of recognizing a worthy man when I see one. But I have heard 6The translation of this paragraph is highly tentative. 7 Master Yen or Yen Ying (d . 500 b .c .), acted as chief minister to Duke Ching and two of his predecessors. H e was noted for his emphasis upon frugality in government and was a favorite figure of Mo-ist writers. A collection of anecdotes about Yen Ying and the rulers he served, strongly colored by Mo-ist thinking, is preserved under the title Yen-tzu ck'un-ch'iu (Spring and autumn of Master Yen}.

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it said that when a worthy man enters a foreign state, he will do his best to promote friendly relations between its ruler and its subjects and to dispel hatred between superiors and sub­ ordinates. Yet when Confucius went to the state of Ching, he knew that the lord of Po was plotting revolt, and yet he aided him by introducing Shih Ch’i to him. As a result the ruler almost lost his life and the lord of Po suffered punishment.8 I have also heard that when a worthy man obtains favor with those above, he does not waste the opportunity, and when he obtains favor with those below, he does nothing dangerous. If his words are heeded by the ruler, they will bring benefit to men; if his doctrines are carried out by those below, they will bring benefit to the ruler. His words are plain and easy to understand; his conduct is plain and easy to follow. His conduct and righteousness enlighten the people; His plans and schemes bring understanding to the lord and his minis­ ters. Now Confucius conceived deep plans and far-reaching schemes in the service of a traitor. He racked his brain and exhausted his wisdom in carrying out evil. To encourage sub­ ordinates to rebel against their superiors and teach subjects how to murder their lords is not the conduct of a worthy man! To enter a foreign state and ally oneself with its traitors is not. the mark of a righteous man. To realize that men are being disloyal and yet urge them on to rebellion is not in accordance with benevolence and righteousness, To hide from others and then plot, to flee from others and then speak—this 8 T he lord of Po, a prince of the state of Ch’u (or Ching, as the text designates it here), led a revolt against the ruler of Ch'u in 479 b .c ., the year of Confucius* death. H e was quickly defeated and committed suicide. According to all reliable sources, both Duke Ching and Yen Ying had by this time been dead for some years. There is likewise no evidence that Confucius ever had any connection with the lord of Po or his famous retainer, Shih Ch'i.

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is not the kind of conduct and righteousness that enlightens the people; this is not the kind of planning and scheming that brings understanding to the ruler and his ministers. I cannot see how Confucius is any different from the lord of Po. That is why I did not answer your question.” Duke Ching said, “I have benefited greatly by your works. If it were not for you, I would never have realized that Con­ fucius is the same as the lord of Po!” Confucius went to the state of Ch’i and had an interview with Duke Ching. Duke Ching was pleased with him and wanted to enfeoff him in Ni-ch'i. W hen he announced his intention to Master Yen, the latter said, “T hat will not do! The Confucians behave in an arrogant and self-righteous manner, which makes it impossible for them to set a good example for their subordinates. They love music and corrupt others, which makes it impossible to entrust them with a personal share in the government. They preach fatalism and neglect their tasks, which makes it impossible to entrust them with an office. They make much of funerals and seek to pro­ long grief, which makes it impossible for them to take proper care of the people. They wear strange clothes and affect a humble manner, which makes it impossible for them to be leaders of the multitude. Confucius, with his imposing ap­ pearance and attention to elaborate detail, misleads the age. W ith his music and dancing he attracts followers; with his multitude of ritual prescriptions to he observed in ascending and descending stairs he propounds his ceremonies; with his emphasis upon the rules for hastening and scurrying about court he impresses the multitude. His broad learning is of no use in deciding what is right for the age; his labored thinking does nothing to aid the people. One could live a couple of life­ times and still not master all the learning of the Confucians;

Against Confucians

133

in all those years one could not succeed in carrying out all their rites; while the largest fortune would not be sufficient to cover the expenses of their music. W ith their attention to appearance and detail and their evil practices they delude the rulers of the time; with their elaborate musical performances they corrupt the ignorant people. Their doctrines cannot be used as a model for the age; their learning cannot be used to guide the multitude. Now you intend to enfeoff Confucius because you hope he will reform the customs of the people of Ch’i, but this is not the way to lead the nation and guide the multitude!” ‘Very well,” said the duke. After that he treated Confucius with generosity and courtesy but withheld the fief. He re­ ceived him with respect but did not inquire about his doc­ trines. Confucius was furious and grew angry at Duke Ching and Master Yen. He persuaded Ch’ih-i Tzu-p’i to become a fol­ lower of T ie n C h’ang and then, having told Master Hui of Nan-kuo what he wanted done, returned to Lu.9 After a while, word came that Ch’i was planning to attack Lu. Con­ fucius said to his disciple Tzu-kung, “Tz’u, now is the time to begin the great undertaking!” He dien sent Tzu-kung to Ch’i, where, through the introduction of Master Hui of Nan-kuo, 9 T he T ien s, who had originally been rulers of the state of Ch en and are therefore often referred to by the surname Ch’en, were a powerful ministerial family of Ch’i who eventually overthrew the ducal house of Ch’i and assumed rulership of the state. In 481 b .c ., two years before Con­ fucius died, T ie n Ch’ang assassinated Duke Chien of Ch i, and this is the “revolt” referred to later on. As in the previous anecdote, the Mo-ists are attempting to show that Confucius and his disciples were at the bottom of all this dirty work, though there is no evidence in other sources to support this. On the contrary, Analects XIV, 22, and Tso chuan, Duke Ai 14, tell us that, when T'ien Ch’ang assassinated Duke Chien, Con­ fucius personally urged the duke of Lu to undertake an expedition to punish him.

134

Mo Tzu

he was able to see T ie n Ch’ang. He urged T ie n C h’ang to attack W u instead of Lu, and persuaded Kao-kuo Pao-yen not to interfere with T ie n Ch’angs plans for revolt. Then he went and urged Yiieh to attack W u. For three years both C h i and W u were in danger of being destroyed, and the corpses of the dead piled up in coundess numbers. This was due to the scheming of Confucius. W hen Confucius was acting as minister of justice in Lu, he spumed the ducal house and supported Chi Sun.10 Chi Sim was prime minister of Lu, but he ran away from his post and, as he was struggling with the men of the city to get out the gate, Confucius lifted up the gate bar for him. Once, when Confucius was in trouble between T sai and C hen, he lived for ten days on soups made of greens without any rice mixed in.11 His disciple Tzu-lu boiled a pig for him, and Confucius ate the meat without asking where it had come from. Tzu-lu also robbed someone of his robe and ex­ changed it for wine, and Confucius drank the wine without asking where it came from. But when he was received by Duke Ai of Lu, Confucius refused to sit down unless his mat was straight, and refused to eat unless the food was cut up properly. Tzu-lu came forward and asked, ‘W h y do you do the opposite of what you did when we were between Ch en and Tsai?” Confucius said, “Come here, and I will tell you. At that time we were intent upon staying alive. Now we are intent 10 Chi Sun was a member of a powerful ministerial family of Lu that, like the T’ien family in Ch’i, had in effect usurped control of the govern­ ment from the ducal family. Again there is no evidence to support the charges made against Confucius. “ The fact that Confucius and his disciples, in the course of their travels, ran out of provisions in the area of the-states of Ch en and Ts’ai, is attested by A n alects XV. The rest of the anecdote is apocryphal.

Against Confucians

135

upon acting righteously.” Thus when Confucius was starving and in trouble, he did not hesitate to grab at anything at all to keep himself alive, but when he was satiated he behaved hypocritically in order to appear refined. W hat greater vileness and hypocrisy could there be? Once, while Confucius was sitting and chatting with his disciples, he said, ‘W h en Shun saw Ku Sou, he felt uneasy. At that time, the empire was in danger.12 Tan, the duke of Chou, was not a benevolent man, was he? W hy did he aban­ don his home and go off to live alone?” 18 Such was the conduct of Confucius and the way his mind worked. His followers and disciples all imitated him. Thus, Tzu-kung and Chi Lu aided R ung Li in raising a revolt in the state of Wei; Yang Huo revolted in Ch'i; Pi Hsi held the territory of Chung-mou in rebellion; and Ch'i Tiao suffered a mutilating punishment. No one could be worse than these m en!14 Disciples and students, following their teacher, will practice “ Ku Sou was the evil father of Shun. T he remark is found in many early works, and is customarily interpreted to mean that Shun was uneasy at the thought that, though ruler of the empire, he was obliged to remain respectful and obedient to such an evil parent. T he Mo-ists, however, apparently interpreted it as an attack by Confucius on the character of Shun. There is no' evidence that Confucius actually made the remark. “ A legend, repeated elsewhere in the Mo Tzu (ch. 11, sec. 4 6 ), says that the duke of Chou, brother of King W u , resigned from his ministerial position at court and retired for a time to his fief in Lu. Since he was revered as a sage, the Mo-ists are attempting to damage Confucius’ reputa­ tion by picturing him as sneering at the duke of Chou. 14 Tzu-kung and Chi Lu, i.e., Tzu-lu, were disciples of Confucius. There is no evidence, however, that the former had anything to do with the revolt in W ei, and the name should perhaps be emended to Tzu-kao, an official of W ei who was said to have been a disciple of Confucius. Tzulu ’s part in the revolt, which took place in 480 b .c ., is recorded in Tso chuan, Duke A i 15. T h e other men mentioned seem to have had litde or no connection with Confucius.

i$6

M o T zu

his doctrines and use his conduct as a model, only in some cases thëir strength and wisdom are not equal to those of the teacher. Now if Confucius behaved in such a way, it is obvious that Confucian scholars should be regarded with suspicion!

INDEX Ai, Duke, of Lu, 134 Analects, 45«, 133», 134*1; quoted, 7, 128 » Animals, domestic, 87 Argumentation, Mo T zu’s method of. 3 -5 Benefits given to men of merit, 2 0 21, 24 -2 5 Benevolence, 124*» Book of Documents, 1, 4, 8 -9 , 16; quoted, 29, 3 1 -3 2 , 44, 45» 91» 103-4, 115—16, 122-23 Book of Odes, 1, 4, 8 -9 , 16; quoted, 25» 32- 33» 46, 47 » 85, 90, 102 Book of Rites, 125 n Carpenter, 83, 92 C h e n (state), 133 Chi (m inister), 31, 32 Chi Lu (T zu -lu ), 134, 135 Chi Sun, 134 Ch’i (c ity ), 58 Ch'i (man. mentioned in “W u kuan”) , 1 16 C h i (state), 59» 71» 97 » 133» 134»

135 C h’i Tiao, 135 Chieh (k in g ), 27, 31, 57, 75, 81, 91, 105-6, 115*, 118, 122 Chien, Duke, of Ch’i, 133M Chien, Duke, of Yen, 9 7 -9 8 Ch’ih-i Tzu-p'i, 133 Chin (state), 48, 59, 71 C h’in (state), 59», 97 Ch’in Ai, quoted, 107 Ching (country), 47 Ching (C h ’u; state), 131

Ching, Duke, of Ch’i, 130-33 Chou (king), 27, 31, 57-58, 75, 81, 91, 100, 106-7, 118, 120, 122-23 Chou (state), 2 in , 27n, 58, 96, 100, 102 Chou H QRites of Chou), 63n Chu-jung, 57 Ch'u (state), 1-2, 58, 59n, 71, 97, 131** Chuang, Lord, of Ch’i, 98-99 Chuang Tzu, quoted, 13 Chuang Tzu-i, 97 Chung H ui, 122 Chung-li Chiao, 99 Chung-mou (state), 135 Confucians, 124-36; and Mo-ists, 6 -1 4 passim Confucius, 130-36; quoted, 7; see also Confucians Crime, warfare as, 50-55 Criteria of judgment, Mo T zu’s, 3 -

5» 117-18 Customs, savage, 75-76 Declarations, 119

“Doctrine of the Mean,” quoted, 124M E Lai, 107 Emperor, and Heaven, 80-81 Expenditure, moderation in, 6 2 -6 4 Faults,

of

Confucians,

passim Fatalism, 117-23, 126-27 Fei Chung, 107

124-36

138

Index

Filial piety: described, 46-47; com­ pared with concern for welfare of empire, 65; and funeral ob­ servances, 6 5 -7 7 passim Fu Lake, 21, 29 Fu Yiieh, 2 9-30 Funerals: moderation in, 65-77; elaborate, requirements for, 67, 7 3 -7 4 , results of, 6 8 -7 2 , 74-75; rules of sage kings for, 72; Mo Tzu’s rules for, 76; Confucian practices, 125 Ghosts, 9 4 -109 Government, 18-33 passim; effect of elaborate funerals and mourn­ ing on, 6 9 -7 0 Heaven: ways of, 30; and the em­ peror, 35w; offensive warfare as crime against, 53-54; will of, 78— 93 Hierarchy, establishment of, 3 4 -37 History, as a criterion, 3 -4 , 9 9 -1 0 4 Honoring the worthy, see Worthy, honoring Hsia (dynasty), 2 m , 27», 57, 100, 10 3 ,1 0 4 Hsiung-ch’ü, 5 8-59 Hsiung-li, 58 Hsüan, King, 96 H sün Tzu, I5n H u, lord of Gh’ung, 104, 106 H ui, Master, of Nan-kuo, 133

Huaiman Tzu, 1, 124M Hung-yao T ’ai-tien, 21 Identifying with one's superior, see Superiors, identification with /ft, 124» Jtt-Mo, 14 Jung tribes, 73 K’ai-shu (la n d ), 75 Kan, 103 K’ang, Duke, of Ch’i, 112

Kao T a o (m inister), 31 Kao Yang, 56 Karlgren, Bernhard, 329t Kou-chien, King, 48 Kou Mang, 97 Koyanagi Shigeta, 16 Ku Sou, 135 Kuan-ku the Invocator, 98 Kun, Lord, 31 K'ung Li, 135 Lamb, sacrificial, as agent of super­ natural punishment, 99 Legge, James, 124» Li (k in g ), 27, 31, 75, 82, 91 Ling, King, 47 Logic, Mo-ists and, 2 Lord on H igh, 7 1-72 Love, of Heaven for mankind, S i -

82, 88—çz Lu (state), 133, 134 Lu, duke of, 133M Lu Kuang-huan, 149» Lü Shang, 59 Luxury, 63, 110-16 Marriage, 63-64; Confucian rites, 125-26 M ei, Yi-pao, 17 Mencius, quoted, 11 M o (tattoo), 5 Mo, Master, see Mo T zu Mo T i, see Mo Tzu Mo Tzu: life of, 1-2; followers of, 2; personality, 5; theories on na­ tionality of, 149t M o Tzu: subjects treated in, 2-3; style of, 14-15; corruption of the text, 16; translations and works on, 16-17 Mo-ist school: division of, 2, 3; de­ cline of, 12-14 Mount Ch'iung, 73 M ount K’uai-chi, 73 Mount Li, 29 Mount Sui, 58

Index Mount T ’ai, 44 Mourning: rules for, 6 7 -6 8 , results of, 68-72; rules of sage kings for, 72; Mo Tzu's rules for, 76; Confucian rules for, 124-25, 126 Mu, 107 M u, Duke, of Cheng, 96« M u, Duke, of Ch’in, 9 6 -9 7 Music, 110-16 Nan-chi, 73 Ni-ch'i, 132 Pao, Lord W en of Sung, 98 Partiality, 3 9 -4 3 passim, 91 Peace, M o T zu’s concern for, 1-2 Pi H si, 135 Po, 57, 120 Po, lord of, 131-32 Po Yi, 3 in , 32 Population: increasing, 63-64; effect of elaborate funerals and mourn­ ing on, 69 Practicability, as a criterion, 3 -4 P’u, 96 Punishment, codes of, 119 Punishments, five, 38« Quotations, Mo T zu’s use of, 16 Religion, Mo-ist view of, 8 -9 "Riding-yellow” beast, 58 Righteousness, 7 9 -9 3 passim, 11921, 124« Rites of Chou ( Chou It), 63n Ruler: partial, 43; universal-minded, 43

Ruling class, Mo-ist attitude towards, 6

Sacrifices, 98, 1 00-9 passim; hu­ man, at funerals, 67, 68« Sang-lin, 97 Senses, evidence of, as a criterion,

3,4,95 ff-

139

Shaman, spirit of, 98 Shang (Y in ) dynasty, 21«, 27«, 57, 58, 90, 100, 102-3 She-chi, 97 Shih Ch’i, 131 Shun (sage king), 21, 24, 29, 30, 31«, 66, 75, 89, 100, 135; fu­ neral of, 73 States, large and small, relations be­ tween, 59-60 Statutes, 118-19 Sun I-jang, 16 Sung (state), 1, 97 Superior man, Confucian rules for, 127-29 Superiors, identification with, 7 -8 , 34-38

Supernatural manifestations, 56-58 T ’ai-tien, 58 Tan, duke of Chou, 135 T ’ang (sage king), 21, 24, 29, 30, 45» 56, 57, 66, 75, 80, 81, 89, 100, 106, 1151», 118, 120, 122 T ’ang-shu, 59 Ta-tsan, 106 Three Dynasties, 21« Thunder Lake, 29 T i tribes, 73 T ’ien Ch’ang, 133-34 T ’ien family, 133« Ting-mao, 104 Ts’ai (state), 133 Tso chuan, 9, 133«, 135» Tsu, 97 T u Po, 96 T ’ui-i Ta-hsi, 106 Tzu-kao, 135«

Tzu-kung, 133-34, 135 Tzu-lu (Chi Lu), 134, 135 Universal love, 1, 2, 9 -1 1 , 39-51» 89-90

Universality, see Universal love Unrighteousness, 7 9 -9 2 passim

140

Index

Views, differing, and world disorder, 34 W aley, Arthur, 113ft; quoted, 2 W an dance, 113, 116 Wang-li Kuo, 9 8 -9 9 Warfare: Mo-ists and, 2; offensive, 50-61; punitive, 56-58, 100, 103-4, 106-7; effect of elaborate funerals and mourning on, 70— 71; Confucian rules for, 128-29 W ay, of the sage, 32-33 W ay and Its Power, The (W a ley ), quoted, 2 W ealth: conservation of, 62-63; waste of, by elaborate funerals, 67, 6 8 -6 9 , by musical perform­ ances, 110-16 passim W ei (state), 135 W en (sage king), 21, 24, 30, 44, 46, 58, 66, 75, 80, 81, 89, 90, 100, 102, 120 W en, Duke, 48 Wheelwright, 83, 92 Worthy, honoring, 6 -7 , 18-33; in­ creasing the number of, 18 ff. Worthy man, behavior of, 2 3 -2 4 W u (sage king), 24, 30, 44», 46, 56, 58, 66, 75, 80, 81, 89, 100, 106-7, n 8 , 123

W u (state), 134 "Wu kuan,” quoted, 116 W u-ting, 30 Yang Chu, n Yang Huo, 135 Yao (sage kin g), 21, 24, 29, 30, 66, 75, 89, 100; funeral of, 7 2-73 Yen (lan d ), 7 5 -7 6 Yen (state), 9 7 -9 8 Yen (Y en Y ing), Master, 130-33 Yen~tzu ch'un-chiu, 130» Yi, 21 Yi Chih (Y i Y in ), 21, 29 Yi-ch'u (lan d ), 76 Yi-kuei, 58-59 Yi tribes, 73 Yi Yin (Y i C h ih ), 21, 29 Yin (country), 21 Yin (dynasty), see Shang (Y in ) dynasty Yu (k in g ), 27, 31, 75, 81, 91 Yü (m inister), 31, 32 Yü (sage king), 21, 24, 30, 45, 56, 66, 75, 80, 81, 89, 100, 103; fu­ neral of, 73 Yü (state), 100 Yü Hsing-wu, 16 Yüeh (state), 48, 59, 71, 134 Yün-meng, 97

HSÜN TZU

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

I

ENCOURAGING LEARNING

15

IMPROVING YOURSELF

24

TH E REGULATIONS OF A KING

33

DEBATING MILITARY AFFAIRS

56

A DISCUSSION OF HEAVEN

79

A DISCUSSION OF RITES

89

A DISCUSSION OF M U SIC

1 12

DISPELLING OBSESSION

121

RECTIFYING NAMES

139

MAN'S NATURE IS EVIL

157

INDEX

173

INTRODUCTION W hat little is known of the life of Hsün Tzu, or Master Hsiin, is culled from evidence in his own writings and from the brief biography of him written by the historian Ssu-ma Ch’ien some hundred years or so after his death, which forms part of Chapter 74 of the Shih chi. His personal name was K’uang,1 and he was a native of Chao, a state situated in the central part of northern China. T he date of his birth is unknown, but it was probably around 312 b . c . , when his famous predecessor in the Confucian school, Mencius, was already well along in years. Nothing whatever is known of his early life; we hear of him first at the age of fifty, journeying to the court of the state of Ch’i to study and teach. In 386 b . c . the T iens, who for generations had served as ministers to the royal family of Ch’i, usurped the throne of C h’i and set themselves up as its new rulers. In order to con­ solidate their power and prove their fitness for so lofty a sta­ tion, these new rulers of the T ie n family, particularly the second major one, King Hsiian (reigned 342-324 b . c . ) , en­ couraged scholars from other regions to come to the court of C h’i by offering them honorary tides, stipends, living quarters, and complete leisure to pursue their studies and expound their various doctrines. Before long Ch’i had become the leading center of intellectual activity in China; Mencius visited the 1 H e is often referred to as H sün Ch’ing or Ch’ing-tzu, though it is not certain whether Ch’ing is a name or an honorary title like “lord.” H is sur* name is frequently written with the character for “grandson,” pronounced Sun in modem Chinese; perhaps the two characters H sün and Sun were homophones in ancient Chinese, though other explanations are offered.

2

H sün T zu

state during the reign of King Hsüan and many other well known philosophers resided there permanently. By the time Hsün Tzu arrived in Ch’i, probably around 264 b .c., the ranks of government-supported scholars attracted by King Hsüan and his successors had been thinned by death, and Hsün Tzu was welcomed as an eminent elder and honored with titles and marks of esteem. Because of slanderous talk against him, however, he eventually left C h’i and went south to the state of Ch'u, where the lord of Ch’un-shen, nominally the prime minister of C h’u but virtually its ruler, appointed him to the post of magistrate of Lan-ling, a region in southern Shantung. T he Lord of Ch un-shen was assassi­ nated by a court rival in 238 b . c . (the only date in Hsün T zu s life that can be fixed with certainty), and Hsün Tzu lost his post as magistrate, but remained in Lan-ling the rest of his life and was buried there. The date of his death is unknown, so it is impossible to say whether he lived to witness the final unification of China under the First Emperor of the C h’in, which was completed in 221 b .c . The book which bears his name indicates that Hsün Tzu visited the state of Ch m, probably during the period 266-255 b .c ., and that he debated military affairs in the presence of King Hsiao-ch eng (reigned 265-245 b .c .) of his native state of Chao. H e undoubtedly had many disciples, and it is un­ fortunate for his reputation as a Confucian that the two most famous of them should have been Han Fei Tzu, who became the leading exponent of the Legalist school, and Li Ssu, the statesman who assisted the First Emperor of the Ch m in the unification of the empire, both men whose names are in­ separably linked with the ridicule and persecution of Con­ fucianism. Hsün T zu s life, then, or what can be known of it, was a

Introduction

3

long and rather quiet one of teaching and study, with a minor excursion into local political administration. Later scholars have marveled that his worth, like that of Confucius and Mencius, should have been so litde recognized by the political leaders of his time, and that he should have been allowed to live and die in relative obscurity. But the rulers of China, it seems, were not yet ready to give serious ear to the teachings of the Confudan school. In Hsiin Tzu’s day China was dominated by three power­ ful states: C h i in the east, C h u in the south, and C h in in the west. In the northwest and northeast four or five smaller states, among them Hsiin Tzu s native state of Chao, maintained a precarious existence by allying themselves with one or another of the major powers. The old ruling house of Chou, which once claimed sovereignty over all these so-called feudal states, had dwindled into utter insignificance, its territory shrunken to a tiny area in the center of China, its ancient ritual vessels and emblems of authority eyed with greed by its neighbors, and in 249 r . c . the dynasty finally passed out of existence al­ together. For the first time in history, if traditional accounts are to be believed, China was left without even a nominal Son of Heaven, and no one knew where to turn his eyes in the hope of peacoand unity. Known as the era of the Warring States, this period was an age of political instability and fer­ ment, of incessant intrigue and strife. Paradoxically, it was also an age of prosperity and cultural progress. Trade flourished, cities increased in size, men trav­ eled freely from one state to another, and literacy and learning spread beyond the narrow confines of the ruling class. Even the art of warfare, though a melancholy index of progress, achieved a scale and complexity undreamed of in earlier days. T he rulers of the various states, roused by the fierce com-

4

Hsün T zu

petition for survival, cast about for ways to improve the effi­ ciency of their administration, win the support of their people, and enrich their domains. In response to their call, thinker after thinker came forward to offer his analysis of the prob­ lem and propound his solution. Return to the ways of an­ tiquity, make better use of the land, lessen your desires, love the people, leave things alone!—advice swamped the rulers, and each set about assiduously applying that which took his fancy. Hsün Tzu lived at the very end of this period, and there­ fore in his solution to the ills of the time he was able to draw upon the speculations and suggestions of his predecessors, at the same time refuting what he believed to be their errors. His thought is thus marked by eclecticism, embracing a strain of Taoist quietism, a hard-headed realism reminiscent of the Legalist writers, a concern for the correct use of terminology which he had learned from the philosophers of the school of Logic, and other borrowings which, if more of the writings of his predecessors were extant, could undoubtedly be identi­ fied with greater certainty. Again, perhaps because of the advantage he enjoyed in be­ ing able to survey the entire range of ancient thought, Hsün Tzu's work represents the most complete and well-ordered philosophical system of the early period. It is so well ordered and integrated, in fact, that one scarcely knows where to begin in describing it, since each part fits into and locks with all the others. The core of it is the ethical and political teach­ ings of Confucius and his disciples, but around this core cluster areas of investigation and speculation that were hardly touched upon in earlier Confucian writing. As a philosophical system, Hsün T zus thought rests upon the harsh initial thesis that man’s nature is basically evil. Con-

Introduction

5

sidering the cutthroat age he lived in, this is not a surprising conclusion, and it allows him to place tremendous emphasis upon the need for education and moral training. But it flatly contradicts the view of Mencius, who taught that man is naturally inclined to goodness, and in later centuries, when Mencius1view came to be regarded as the orthodox one, it led to an unhappy clouding of Hsiin T zus entire system of thought. To this dark initial thesis Hsiin Tzu contraposes the almost unlimitedly bright possibilities for improvement through study and moral training. The subject of this study is to be the classical texts, the rituals and ritual principles created for m ans guidance by the sages of the past and present; and the teach­ ers are to be the sages themselves. Are we to assume, then, that these sages, the saviors of mankind from inborn evil, be­ long to some species apart? Absolutely not, replies Hsiin Tzu. The sages in their basic nature and desires are exactly like all other men; only, as he explains in à strikingly modem chap­ ter on epistemology and psychology, they have learned to employ their minds in such a way as to attain moral under­ standing and insight. And on the basis of this understanding they are able to define correcdy the ethical relationships that govern the hierarchical order of society, the order which dis­ tinguishes man from the beasts. The proper end of this process of education, the proper function of the sage, is to govern. Once he has become not only sage and teacher, but ruler as well, he may, as Hsiin Tzu explains in his chapters on political science, economics and ritual, set about ordering the state on the basis of proper moral principles and insuring peace and prosperity to the world. Like so many of his predecessors and contemporaries, Hsiin Tzu frequently harks back to the golden ages of the past—

6

Hsün T zu

the reigns of the sage rulers Yao, Shun, Yii, King T an g of the Shang dynasty, and Kings W en and W u of the Chou— as examples of such periods of ideal peace and order. But, un­ like most Confucian philosophers, he also urges men to ob­ serve the examples of later rulers of virtue, who lived in the less distant past and whose ways are therefore easier to learn about and to practice. Hsün Tzu maintained that, although political and social conditions invariably change, human na­ ture and basic moral principles do not, and therefore the prin­ ciples that were correct and brought order in the past will, if faithfully followed, do so again. He is thus calling not for a return to the precise ways of antiquity, but for a reconstruc­ tion of the moral greatness of antiquity in terms of the pres­ ent. As he states in one of the sections not translated here, if you apply these eternally valid moral principles of the sages today, "then Shun and Yü will appear again, and the reign of a true king will arise once more” (sec. 11 ). Hsün Tzu s view of the ideal ruler and his administration is very close to that of Mencius, though Hsün Tzu had less patience than Mencius with the feudal system and declared that hereditary tides2 should be abolished and men promoted and demoted in the social hierarchy solely on the basis of merit. And, unlike Mencius, he was willing to compromise with the frailty of his age to the extent of describing other easier and less ambitious ways of ruling than simply that of the ideal king, the ruler of perfect virtue. He thus devotes con­ siderable space to discussions of how to become a successful pa—dictator or overlord—a ruler who possesses neither the virtue nor the popular sanction of a true king, but who is nevertheless able to insure well-being and stability, if not * N ot to be confused with hereditary rights to government offices, which were condemned by M encius and all late Chou philosophers alike.

Introduction

7

moral guidance, to his subjects. He himself had visited the state of Ch m, and he had a healthy respect for the military and economic accomplishments of its rulers, though he de­ plored the harsh and terroristic methods by which such gains had been won. And he was no doubt conscious that Mencius had failed to win acceptance for his ideas from the rulers of the time precisely because he refused to discuss anything but the most uncompromisingly high ideals of political morality. Finally, like Confucius and Mencius before him, he took care to emphasize that the legitimacy and survival of the ruler rest ultimately upon the support of his people: he is a boat, they the water which may bear him up or capsize him as they choose. No claims of hereditary right or iron discipline can hold out forever in the face of popular indifference or anger; no ruling house can long survive when it has ceased to fulfill the functions for which it was called to office. This was a lesson which Mencius and Hsiin Tzu found abundandy clear in the troubled history of their own age, and they were deter­ mined to impress it upon the minds of the rulers, to waken them to the full moral responsibilities of government. For they believed that, if the rulers did not wake to and accept these responsibilities, the day would come when the people would rise up, as the peasants of the French Revolution were to do, to ask of their leaders, in the words of Carlyle: “How have ye treated us, how have ye taught us, fed us, and led us, while we toiled for you?” These, then, are the positive aspects of Hsiin T zus phi­ losophy, the methods and aims which he would have men adopt. But much of his writing is also concerned with the things he wishes them to reject First of all he would have them reject all beliefs and practices that seek to put man in contact with the supernatural or to endow him with super-

8

Hsün T zu

natural powers. Since the mind of man itself is the source of all moral order, and hence of human perfection, such at­ tempts to venture beyond the human realm are to Hsiin Tzu poindess and futile. Certain religious or magical practices he condemns outright, such as prayers for rain or for the cure of sickness, or physiognomy, the art of divining a m ans future by the configuration of his face. Others he is willing to countenance, such as the art of divination by the tortoise shell and milfoil stalks, or, as in the case of the mourning and sacrificial rites, even willing to encourage, providing that they are interpreted, at least by men of intellect, in a purely human­ istic fashion. In other words, such rites and practices should not be regarded as acts possessing any supernatural efficacy, but as purely human inventions designed to ornament the social life of man and guide him in the proper expression of his emotions. He specifically denies the existence of baleful ghosts or demons (the bugbears with which Mo Tzu hoped to terrify men into good behavior); and though he occasionally uses the word shen, which in other writers denotes the spirits of the ancestors and of the powers of nature, he defines it as “that which is completely good and fully ordered” (sec. 8), making it a quality of moral excellence. He is thus the most thoroughly rationalistic of the early Confucian writers, and since sections of his work, particularly those dealing with mourning and sacrificial rites, were incorporated in the Li chi or Book of Rites, which became one of the five Confucian Classics, his rationalism has had a very great influence upon later Chinese thought. He also called upon men to renounce all paths of inquiry that would lead them away from human moral concerns and into (in his opinion) a barren and unending search for knowledge in the realms outside the world of man. Too many

Introduction

9

of the thinkers of his time, he felt, were directing men into just such paths, or into others equally erroneous, and for this reason he frequently recorded his objections to the various philosophical schools of late Chou times, often with consider­ able asperity. (Fairness and restraint in appraising each other's opinions is not a characteristic of early Chinese philosophers, and Hsün Tzu is certainly no exception.) The chief target of his attacks is Mo Tzu, whose doctrines were for many reasons repugnant to him. He devotes a whole essay to answering Mo Tzu's objections to music, and else­ where he attacks the Mo-ist teachings on frugality, social uniformity, and meager burial rites. He criticizes Chuang Tzu for dwelling too much on the mystical workings of nature and slighting human concerns, the Legalists for their belief that precise laws can replace the personal leadership of a virtuous ruler, and two other little-known philosophers, Shen Tao and Sung Chien, for their doctrines of passivity and the elimina­ tion of desire. And in an essay on the correct use of termi­ nology, he replies to the teachings of the logicians Hui Shih and Kung-sun Lung, whose famous paradoxes and conun­ drums he felt were endangering the sane and efficient use of language. Finally, he did not hesitate to condemn what he believed were errors in the doctrines of the Confucian school as well. I have already noted how his theory of human nature directly contradicts that of Mencius, whom he criticizes by name. In another essay (sec. 18), in which he discusses a number of popular misconceptions, he vehemently refutes the legend that the ancient sage ruler Yao selected Shun from among the common people to be his successor and ceded the throne to him. This legend is recorded in the Book of Documents, the Analects, and the Mencius, and was evidently widely accepted

io

Hsün T zu

among the followers of the Confucian school. Scholars now believe that it is an invention of fairly late Chou times, and that the passages referring to it in the Book of Documents ( “Canon of Yao”) and the Analects (ch. 20) are likewise of late date. Possibly it originated with the followers of the Mo­ ist school, which may explain why Hsün Tzu rejects it so violendy (though Mencius accepted it without question). In any event, he is unique among early Confucian writers in doing so, and his objections were completely ignored by later scholars, who unanimously accepted the legend as historical fact.8 Hsün T zu s work therefore represents a critique and ap­ praisal of late Chou thought as a whole, at the same time presenting the fullest and most systematic exposition of the doctrines of the Confucian school as he understood them. He wrote at a time when the unification of China under a central government was almost in sight, though how clearly he realized this we cannot say. His program for the rule of a unified nation was rejected by the Ch'in dynasty, which pre­ ferred Legalist doctrines, and was temporarily eclipsed by the First Emperor’s systematic suppression of Confucianism. But the expeditious fall of the C lu n in 207 b .c . discredited the harsh policies of Legalism, and the Confucians once more came forward in an effort to gain a hearing from the leaders of the newly founded Han. Mo-ism, for reasons not entirely clear, had faded into the background, and Taoism, though * It is interesting to note that in 316 b .c . the king of the state of Yen was persuaded to follow the example of Yao and the other ancient sage rulers who were said to have ceded the empire to worthy aides. H e volun­ tarily turned over the throne of Yen to his prime minister, and in no time the state was tom by internal strife and had fallen prey to invaders. Per­ haps H sün T zu had this fiasco in mind when he took up his brush to de­ nounce the exponents of the ceding legend.

Introduction

11

favored by several of the prominent statesmen of the time, proved too nebulous and apolitical to serve as the philosophy of a great nation. Han Confucianism, based upon Hsün Tzu s thought but with numerous extraneous elements borrowed from other doctrines, eventually won the day, and toward the end of the second century b . c . was declared the official creed of the Han state. True, the Han ignored many of Hsün T zus most admirable dicta. It granted hereditary titles, a practice he had con­ demned; and far worse, it followed Ch’in custom in enforcing the cruel “three sets of relatives” penalty, by which all the close kin of a major criminal were sentenced to death along with the offender himself, though Hsün Tzu had denounced this barbarous practice as the mark of a degenerate age (sec. 24). Moreover, many of its thinkers, among them scholars of the Confudan school, turned their attention to the very specu­ lations and magical practices which Hsün Tzu had warned them away from; where Hsün Tzu poked fun at rain-making ceremonies, the leading Confucian writer of the early Han, Tung Chung-shu, solemnly wrote a chapter on how to con­ duct them. Nevertheless, many evidences of the healthy influence of Hsün T zus thought are discernible in Han intellectual life. His rationalism and humanism are reflected in the work of men like the historians Ssu-ma Ch'ien and Pan Ku, or the philosophers Yang Hsiung and Wang Ch'ung, and his strong emphasis upon education and the study of the Classics led to the founding of a state university and government support and encouragement of dassical learning. Compared to later dynasties, the H an was in many respects a bloody and bar­ barous age, but without Hsün T zus humanizing influence it might well have been darker still.

12

Hsün T zu

W e have no way of telling when or where Hsün Tzu wrote the various sections of his work, or what state the text was in at the time of his death. The first edition of his work was com­ piled by the Han court scholar Liu Hsiang (77-6 b . c . ) , who states that he examined 322 f i e n —sections, or bundles of bamboo writing slips—and, after sorting out the duplicates and fitting together fragments, arrived at the present arrange­ ment of the text in 32 sections. (Evidence of the fragmentary and faulty state of the text even after it had passed through Liu Hsiang's hands may be noted in the parts I have trans­ lated.) It is doubtful whether all 32 sections are by Hsün Tzu himself, though I see no reason to question the authenticity of the sections presented here. In addition, 10 f i e n of poems in the fu or rhyme-prose style by Hsün Tzu are recorded in the “Treatise on literature" of the History of the Former Han (H an shu 30), but except for one brief section of fu preserved in the Hsün T zu itself, these seem to have been lost long ago. W hile the Analects and Mencius were provided with com­ mentaries by late Han scholars, the Hsün T zu unfortunately did not enjoy this attention until much later. The earliest commentary is by the T an g scholar Yang Liang, and it is upon his edition, preface dated a . d . 818, that all later texts of the work are based. Further information on the texts and commentaries utilized in my translation will be found at the end of this introduction. Finally a word should be said about the form and style of Hsün Tzu s work. W ith the spread of literacy and the in­ creased interest in philosophical and technical literature that marked the late years of the Chou, the art of prose advanced remarkably in organization, clarity, and subdety of expression. Hsün Tzu utilized these advances to the full. In the writings of the Mo-ist school he had examples of clear, well-ordered

Introduction

13

essays centered around a single theme, and it was this form which he chose for the large part of his own work, though a few sections are in anecdote form. From the Mo-ists, too, and from Mencius he adopted the practice of rounding off a paragraph or step in his argument with an appropriate quota­ tion from the Odes or Documents, or some traditional saying. In the first few sections of his work the style tends to be rather choppy and aphoristic; but in others, such as those on Heaven or the nature of man, his arguments are much more carefully spelled out and closely knit, perhaps evidence that these sec­ tions were composed later in his life. Though he employs the balanced, rhythmic style common to the period, he avoids the monotony and repetitiousness that mar the Mo-ist writings, taking care to vary his sentence patterns and to devise new and interesting modes of expression. His work, in fact, stands second only to the Chuang T zu as a masterpiece of early Chinese expository writing. He deliberately eschewed the mystical thought of Chuang Tzu, and with it he lost much of the wit and fantasy that put the Chuang T zu in a class by it­ self. But he substituted for these a dignity, sincerity, and orderliness of expression that are unrivaled in the ancient period. Much of the lasting influence of his thought is due not only to the appeal and soundness of his ideas, but to the clarity and elegance with which they are set forth. A great deal of work was done on the Hsiin T zu by Ch mg scholars, the results of which were admirably summed up in the edition and commentary published in 1891 by Wang Hsien-ch’ien entided Hsün-tzu chi-chieh. (It has recently been reprinted on the mainland with no date given.) This edition is the basis of my translation and except when I have indicated otherwise, the emendations and interpretations I

14

Hsün T zu

have followed are taken from Wang's commentary. The other most valuable aid I have used is the modem-language Japanese translation of the Hsün T zu by Kanaya Osamu published in 1961-62 in the Iwanami bunko series. Kanaya has utilized earlier commentaries by Japanese scholars, notably the Doku Junshi (preface dated 1763) by Ogyù Sorai, and the Junshi zöchü (1820) by Kubo Ai, which were unknown to W ang Hsien-ch'ien, as well as all the most important recent studies by Chinese and Japanese scholars. Among these the most important, which I have also consulted, are: Hsün-tzu pu-shih and Hsün-tzu chiao-pu by Liu Shih-p’ei, included in the Liu Shen-shu hsien-sheng i-shu (1934; the former recently re­ printed on the mainland, with no date); Hsün-chu ting-pu by Chung T a i (1936); Hsün-tzu hsin-cheng by Yii Hsing-wu G 937); Hsün-tzu chien-shih by Liang Ch'i-hsiung (Peking, 1956; a revised edition of the work by the same name pub­ lished in 1936); and Hsün-tzu chiao-cheng by Juan T'ing-cho (Taipei, 1959). Kanaya also states that he has consulted the T u Hsün-tzu cha-chi by T'ao Hung-ch mg, and the Hsün-tzu chi-chieh purcheng by Lung Yü-ch un, two works not available to me. In addition to Kanaya's translation, I have consulted the older Japanese translation by Hattori Unokichi in the Kanbun sösho series (1922), which is far superior to that by Sasakawa Rinpü in the Kokuyaku kanbun taisei series (1920); the Eng­ lish translation by Homer H. Dubs, The Works of Hsüntze (1928), as well as his companion study, Hsüntze: T he Moulder of Ancient Confucianism (1927); and the transla­ tion by J. J. L. Duyvendak of Section 22, “Hsün-tzu on the Rectification of Names," T'oung Pao, XXIII, 221-54. Also of importance is the Concordance to Hsün Tzu, Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinoloogical Index Series, Supplement # 2 2 (1050),

ENCOURAGING LEARNING (

s e c t io n

i

)

The gentleman says: Learning should never cease. Blue comes from the indigo plant but is bluer than the plant itself. Ice is made of water but is colder than water ever is. A piece of wood as straight as a plumb line may be bent into a circle as true as any drawn with a compass and, even after the wood has dried, it will not straighten out again. The bending process has made it that way. Thus, if wood is pressed against a straightening board, it can be made straight; if metal is put to the grindstone, it can be sharpened; and if the gentleman studies widely and each day examines himself, his wisdom will become clear and his conduct be without fault. If you do not climb a high mountain, you will not comprehend the highness of the heavens; if you do not look down into a deep valley, you will not know the depth of the earth; and if you do not hear the words handed down from the ancient kings, you will not understand the greatness of learning. Children bom among the Han or Yiieh people of the south and among the Mo barbarians of the north cry with the same voice at birth, but as they grow older they follow different customs. Education causes them to differ. The Odes says: Oh, you gendemen, Do not be constandy at ease and rest! Quiedy respectful in your posts, Love those who are correct and upright And the gods will hearken to you And aid you with great blessing.1 1 “Lesser Odes," Hsiao-ming, Mao text no. 207. Here and elsewhere in quotations from the Odes and Documents I have for the most part followed the interpretations of Karlgren.

16

Hsün T zu

There is no greater godliness2 than to transform yourself with the Way; no greater blessing than to escape misfortune. I once tried spending the whole day in thought, but I found it of less value than a moment of study.8 I once tried standing on tiptoe and gazing into the distance, but I found I could see much farther by climbing to a high place. If you climb to a high place and wave to someone, it is not as though your arm were any longer than usual, and yet people can see you from much farther away. If you shout down the wind, it is not as though your voice were any stronger than usual, and yet people can hear you much more clearly. Those who make use of carriages or horses may not be any faster walkers than any­ one else, and yet they are able to travel a thousand li. Those who make use of boats may not know how to swim, and yet they manage to get across rivers. The gendeman is by birth no different from any other man; it is just that he is good at mak­ ing use of things. In the south there is a bird called the meng dove. It makes a nest out of feathers woven together with hair and suspends it from the tips of the reeds. But when the wind comes, the reeds break, the eggs are smashed, and the baby birds killed. It is not that the nest itself is faulty; the fault is in the thing it is attached to. In the west there is a tree called the yeh-kan. Its trunk is no more than four inches tall and it grows on top of the high mountains, from whence it looks down into valleys a hundred fathoms deep. It is not a long trunk which affords the tree such a view, but simply the place where it stands. If pigweed grows up in the midst of hemp, it will stand up straight without propping. If white sand is mixed with mud. * Hsün Tzu repeats the word shen (gods) from the ode, but gives it a humanistic interpretation, making it a moral quality of the good man; I have therefore translated it as “godliness.” 8 A paraphrase of Confucius’ remark in Analects XV, 30.

Encouraging Learning

17

it too will turn black.4 The root of a certain orchid is the source of the perfume called chih; but if the root were to be soaked in urine, then no gentleman would go near it and no com­ moner would consent to wear it. It is not that the root itself is of an unpleasant quality; it is the fault of the thing it has been soaked in. Therefore a gentleman will take care in select­ ing the community he intends to live in, and will choose men of breeding for his companions. In this way he wards off evil and meanness, and draws close to fairness and right. Every phenomenon that appears must have a cause. The glory or shame that come to a man are no more than the image of his virtue. Meat when it rots breeds worms; fish that is old and dry brings forth maggots. W hen a man is careless and lazy and forgets himself, that is when disaster occurs. The strong naturally bear up under weight; the weak naturally end up bound.5 Evil and corruption in oneself invite the anger of others. If you lay sticks of identical shape on a fire, the flames will seek out the driest ones; if you level the ground to an equal smoothness, water will still seek out the dampest spot. Trees of the same species grow together; birds and beasts gather in herds; for all things follow after their own kind. Where a target is hung up, arrows will find their way to it; where the forest trees grow thickest, the axes will enter. W hen a tree is tall and shady, birds will flock to roost in it; when vinegar turns sour, gnats will collect around it. So there are words that invite disaster and actions that call down shame. A gentleman must be careful where he takes his stand. Pile up earth to make a mountain and wind and rain will rise up from it. Pile up water to make a deep pool and dragons will appear. Pile up good deeds to create virtue and godlike * T his sentence has been restored from quotations of Hsün T zu preserved in other texts. • Following the interpretation of Liu Shih-p’ei.

18

Hsün T zu

understanding will come of itself; there the mind of the sage will find completion. But unless you pile up little steps, you can never journey a thousand li; unless you pile up tiny streams, you can never make a river or a sea. The finest thoroughbred cannot travel ten paces in one leap, but the sorriest nag can go a ten days journey. Achievement consists of never giving up. If you start carving and then give up, you cannot even cut through a piece of rotten wood; but if you persist without stopping, you can carve and inlay metal or stone. Earthworms have no sharp claws or teeth, no strong muscles or bones, and yet above ground they feast on the mud, and below they drink at the yellow springs. This is because they keep their minds on one thing. Crabs have six legs and two pincers, but unless they can find an empty hole dug by a snake or a water serpent, they have no place to lodge. This is because they allow their minds to go off in all directions. Thus if there is no dark and dogged will, there will be no shining accomplishment; if there is no dull and determined effort, there will be no brilliant achievement. He who tries to travel two roads at once will arrive nowhere; he who serves two masters will please neither. The wingless dragon has no limbs and yet it can soar; the flying squirrel has many talents but finds itself hard pressed. The Odes says: Ringdove in the mulberry, Its children are seven. The good man, the gentleman, His forms are one. His forms are one, His heart is as though bound.® a “Airs of T s’ao,” Shih-chiu, Mao text no. 152. T h e last line I have interpreted differently from Karlgren in (»der to make it fit H sün T zu ’s comment.

Encouraging Learning

19

Thus does the gentleman bind himself to oneness. In ancient times, when H u Pa played the zither, the fish in the streams came forth to listen; when Po Ya played the lute, the six horses of the emperors carriage looked up from their feed trough. No sound is too faint to be heard, no action too well concealed to he known. W hen there are precious stones under the mountain, the grass and trees have a special sheen; where pearls grow in a pool, the hanks are never parched. Do good and see if it does not pile up. If it does, how can it fail to be heard of? W here does learning begin and where does it end? I say that as to program, learning begins with the recitation of the Classics and ends with the reading of the ritual texts; and as to objective, it begins with learning to he a man of breeding, and ends with learning to be a sage.7 If you truly pile up effort over a long period of time, you will enter into the highest realm. Learning continues until death and only then does it cease. Therefore we may speak of an end to the program of learning, but the objective of learning must never for an in­ stant be given up. To pursue it is to be a man, to give it up is to become a beast. The Book of Documents is the record of government affairs, the Odes the repository of correct sounds, and the rituals are the great basis of law and the foundation of precedents. Therefore learning reaches its completion with the rituals, for they may be said to represent the highest point of the Way and its power. The reverence and order of the rituals, the fitness and harmony of music, the breadth of the Odes and Documents, the subtlety of the Spring and Autumn

7 H sün T zu customarily distinguishes three grades in the moral hierarchy of men: shih, chiin-tzu, and sheng-jen, which I have translated as “man of breeding,“ “gentleman,“ and “sage“ respectively, though at times he uses the first two terms more or less interchangeably.

20

Hsün T zu

Annals—these encompass all that is between heaven and earth. 1 The learning of the gentleman enters his ear, clings to his mind, spreads through his four limbs, and manifests itself in his actions. His smallest word, his slightest movement can serve as a model. The learning of the petty man enters his ear and comes out his mouth. W ith only four inches between ear and mouth, how can he have possession of it long enough to ennoble a seven-foot body? In old times men studied for their own sake; nowadays men study with an eye to others.8 The gentleman uses learning to ennoble himself; the petty man uses learning as a bribe to win attention from others. To volunteer information when you have not been asked is called officiousness; to answer two questions when you have been asked only one is garrulity. Both officiousness and gar­ rulity are to be condemned. The gentleman should be like an echo. In learning, nothing is more profitable than to associate with those who are learned. Ritual and music present us with models but no explanations; the Odes and Documents deal with ancient matters and are not always pertinent; the Spring and Autum n Annals is terse and cannot be quickly under­ stood. But if you make use of the erudition of others and the explanations of gentlemen, then you will become honored and may make your way anywhere in the world. Therefore I say that in learning nothing is more profitable than to associate with those who are learned, and of the roads to learning, none is quicker than to love such men. Second only to this is to honor ritual. If you are first of all unable to love such men and secondly are incapable of honoring ritual, then you will only 8 This sentence is quoted from Analects XIV, 25, where it is attributed to Confucius.

Encouraging Learning

21

be learning a mass of jumbled facts, blindly following the Odes and Documents, and nothing more. In such a case you may study to the end of your days and you will never be any­ thing but a vulgar pedant.9 If you want to become like the former kings and seek out benevolence and righteousness, then ritual is the very road by which you must travel. It is like picking up a fur coat by the collar: grasp it with all five fingers and the whole coat can easily be lifted. To lay aside the rules of ritual and try to attain your objective with the Odes and Documents alone is like trying to measure the depth of a river with your finger, to pound millet with a spear point, or to eat a pot of stew with an awl. You will get nowhere. Therefore one who honors ritual, though he may not yet have full understanding, can be called a model man of breeding; while one who does not honor ritual, though he may have keen perception, is no more than a desultory pedant. Do not answer a man whose questions are gross. Do not question a man whose answers are gross. Do not listen to a man whose theories are gross. Do not argue with a contentious man. Only if a man has arrived where he is by the proper way should you have dealings with him; if not, avoid him. If he is respectful in his person,10 then you may discuss with him the approach to the" Way. If his words are reasonable, you may discuss with him the principles of the Way. If his looks are gende, you may discuss with him the highest aspects of the Way. To speak to someone you ought not to is called officious­ ness; to fail to speak to someone you ought to is called secre­ tiveness; to speak to someone without first observing his tem9 Literally, “vulgar Confucian,” but here and below H sün Tzu uses the word ju in the older and broader sense of a scholar. 10 Reading t'i instead of li in order to complete the parallelism with “words” and ‘looks.”

22

Hsün T zu

per and looks is called blindness.11 The gentleman is neither officious, secretive, nor blind, but cautious and circumspect in his manner. This is what the Odes means when it says: Neither overbearing nor lax, They are rewarded by the Son of Heaven.12 He who misses one shot in a hundred cannot be called a really good archer; he who sets out on a thousand-mile journey and breaks down half a pace from his destination cannot be called a really good carriage driver; he who does not compre­ hend moral relationships and categories and who does not make himself one with benevolence and righteousness cannot be called a good scholar. Learning basically means learning to achieve this oneness. He who starts off in this direction one time and that direction another is only a commoner of the roads and alleys, while he who does a little that is good and much that is not good is no better than the tyrants Chieh and Chou or Robber Chih. The gentleman knows that what lacks completeness and purity does not deserve to be called beautiful. Therefore he reads and listens to explanations in order to penetrate the Way, ponders in order to understand it, associates with men who embody it in order to make it part of himself, and shuns those who impede it in order to sustain and nourish it. He trains his eyes so that they desire only to see what is right, his ears so that they desire to hear only what is right, his mind so that it desires to think only what is right. W hen he has truly learned to love what is right, his eyes will take greater pleasure in it than in the five colors; his ears will take greater 11 This sentence is a paraphrase of Analects XVI, 6, where the saying is attributed to Confucius. u “Lesser O des/' Ts'ai-shu, Mao text no. 222. But H sün T zu quotes from the Lu version, which differs slightly from the Mao text.

Encouraging Learning

23

pleasure than in the five sounds; his mouth will take greater pleasure than in the five flavors; and his mind will feel keener delight than in the possession of the world. W hen he has reached this stage, he cannot be subverted by power or the love of profit; he cannot be swayed by the masses; he cannot be moved by the world. He follows this one thing in life; he follows it in death. This is what is called constancy of virtue. He who has such constancy of virtue can order himself, and, having ordered himself, he can then respond to others. He who can order himself and respond to others—this is what is called the complete man. It is the characteristic of heaven to manifest brightness, of earth to manifest breadth, and of the gentleman to value completeness.

IMPROVING YOURSELF (

s e c t io n

2)

W hen you see good, then diligently examine your own be­ havior; when you see evil, then with sorrow look into yourself. W hen you find good in yourself, steadfastly approve it; when you find evil in yourself, hate it as something loathsome. He who comes to you with censure is your teacher; he who comes with approbation is your friend; but he who flatters you is your enemy. Therefore the gentleman honors his teacher, draws close to his friends, but heartily hates his enemies. He loves good untiringly and can accept reprimand and take warning from it. Therefore, though he may have no particular wish to advance, how can he help but do so? The petty man is just the opposite. He behaves in an unruly way and yet hates to have others censure him; he does unworthy deeds and yet wants others to regard him as worthy. He has the heart of a tiger or a wolf, the actions of a beast, and yet resents it when others look upon him as an enemy. He draws close to those who flatter him and is distant with those who reprimand him; he laughs at upright men and treats as enemies those who are loyal. Therefore, though he certainly has no desire for ruin, how can he escape it? This is what is meant by the lines in the Odes: They league together, they slander; It fills me with sorrow. When advice is good They all oppose it. When advice is bad, They follow all together.1 1 “Lesser Odes,” Hsiao-min, Mao text no. 195.

Improving Yourself

25

This is the way with impartial goodness: use it to control your temperament and nourish your life and you will live longer than Peng Tsu;2 use it to improve and strengthen3 yourself and you may become equal to the sages Yao and Yii. It is appropriate when you are in a time of success; it is profit­ able when you are living in hardship. It is in fact what is meant by ritual. If all matters pertaining to temperament, will, and understanding proceed according to ritual, they will be ordered and successful; if not they will be perverse and violent or slovenly and rude. If matters pertaining to food and drink, dress, domicile, and living habits proceed according to ritual, they will be harmonious and well regulated; if not they will end in missteps, excesses, and sickness. If matters pertaining to deportment, attitude, manner of movement, and walk pro­ ceed according to ritual, they will be refined; if not they will be arrogant and uncouth, common and countrified. Therefore a man without ritual cannot live; an undertaking without ritual cannot come to completion; a state without ritual can­ not attain peace. This is what is meant by the lines in the Odes: Their rites and ceremonies are entirely according to rule, Their laughter and talk are entirely appropriate.4 To make use of good to lead others is called education; to make use of good to achieve harmony with others is called amenity. To use what is not good to lead others is called be­ trayal; to use what is not good to achieve harmony with others is called sycophancy. To treat right as right and wrong as wrong is called wisdom; to treat right as wrong and wrong as right is called stupidity. To speak ill of good men is called * An ancient worthy supposed to have lived for seven hundred years. 8 Reading chiang instead of ming. 4 “Lesser Odes,” Ch’itrtzu, Mao text no. 209.

2,6

Hsiitt T zu

slander; to do harm to good men is called brigandage. To call right right and wrong wrong is called honesty. To steal goods is called robbery; to act on the sly is called deceit; to go back on your word is called perfidy. To be without a fixed standard in your actions is called inconstancy. To cling to profit and cast aside righteousness is called the height of depravity. He who has heard much is called broad; he who has heard litde is called shallow. He who has seen much is called practiced; he who has seen litde is called uncouth. He who has diffi­ culty advancing is called a laggard; he who forgets easily is called a leaky-brain. He whose actions are few and well prin­ cipled is called orderly; he whose actions are many and dis­ orderly is called chaotic. This is the proper way to order the temperament and train the mind. If your temperament is too strong and stubborn, soften it with harmony. If your intellect is too deep and with­ drawn, unify it with mild sincerity. If you are too courageous and fierce, correct the fault with orderly compliance. If you are too hasty and flippant, regulate the fault with restraint. If you are too constrained and petty, broaden yourself with liberality. If you are too low-minded, lethargic, and greedy, lift yourself up with high ambitions. If you are mediocre, dull, and diffuse, strip away your failings by means of teachers and friends. If you are indolent and heedless, awaken yourself with the thought of imminent disaster. If you are stupidly sincere and ploddingly honest, temper your character with rites and music.5 Of all the ways to order the temperament and train the mind, none is more direct than to follow ritual, none more vital than to find a teacher, none more godlike than to learn BI have omitted five characters which destroy the balance of the sentence and do not seem to belong here.

Improving Yourself

27

to love one thing alone. This is called the proper way to order the temperament and train the mind. If your will is well disciplined, you may hold up your head before wealth and eminence; if you are rich in righteous ways, you may stand unmoved before kings and dukes. Look well inside yourself and you may look lightly upon outside things. This is what the old text6 means when it says, ‘T h e gentleman uses things; the petty man is used by things.” Though it may mean labor for the body, if the mind finds peace in it, do it. Though there may be little profit in it, if there is much righteousness, do it. Rather than achieve success in the service of an unprincipled ruler, it is better to follow what is right in the service of an impoverished one. A good farmer does not give up plowing just because of flood or drought; a good merchant does not stop doing business just because of occa­ sional losses; a gentleman does not neglect the Way just be­ cause of poverty and hardship. If you are respectful in bearing and sincere in heart, if you abide by ritual principles and are kindly to others, then you may travel all over the world and, though you may choose to live among the barbarian tribes, everyone will honor you. If you. are the first to undertake hard work and can leave ease and enjoyment to others, if you are honest and trustworthy, persevering, and meticulous in your job, then you can travel all over the world and, though you choose to live among the barbarians, everyone will want to employ you. But if your bearing is arrogant and your heart deceitful, if you follow dark a Chuan, the general term for a text or saying handed down from former times. It is impossible to identify the source of such quotations in Hsün Tzu.

28

H sü n T z u

and injurious ways7 and are inconsistent and vile in feeling, then you may travel all over the world and, though you pene­ trate to every comer of it, there will be no one who does not despise you. If you are shifdess and evasive when it comes to hard work but keen and unrestrained in the pursuit of pleas­ ure, if you are dishonest and insincere, concerned only with your own desires8 and unattentive to your work, then you may travel all over the world and, though you penetrate to every corner of it, there will be no one who does not reject you. One does not walk with his arms held out like wings be­ cause he is afraid of soiling his sleeves in the mud.9 One does not walk with his head bent down because he is afraid of bumping into something. One does not lower his eyes when meeting others because he is overcome with fright. It is simply that a man of breeding desires to improve his conduct by himself and to cause no offense to his neighbors. A thoroughbred can travel a thousand li in one day, yet even a tired old nag, given ten days to do it in, can cover the same distance. But will you try to exhaust the inexhaustible, to pursue to the end that which has no end? If you do, then you may wear out your bones and flesh but you will never reach your goal. If, however, you set a limit to your journey, then you may arrive there sooner or later, before others or after them, but how can you fail to arrive at your goal some time? W ill you be an unwitting plodder who tries to exhaust the inexhaustible, to pursue to the end that which has no end? 7 Following the interpretation of Liu Shih-p'ei. T h e older interpretation is “if you follow the ways of Shen Tao [a Taoist-Legalist thinker] and Mo T zu.” 8 Following the interpretation of Liu Shih-p'ei. "Compare the description of Confucius in Analects X, 3: “H e hastened forward, with his arms like the wings of a bird.”

Improving Yourself

29

Or will you choose to set a limit to your journey? It is not that the propositions concerning black and white, sameness and difference, thickness and non-thickness are not penetrating.10 But the gentleman does not discuss them because he puts a limit to his goal. Therefore in learning there is what is called “waiting.” If those who have gone before stop and wait, and those who are behind keep going, then, whether sooner or later, whether first or last, how can they fail all in time to reach the goal? If he keeps putting one foot in front of the other without stopping, even a lame turtle can go a thousand li; if you keep piling up one handful of earth on top of another without ceasing, you will end up with a high mountain. But if you block the source of a river and break down its banks, even the Yangtze and the Yellow River can be made to run dry; if they take one step forward and one step back, pull now to the left and now to the right, even a team of six thorough­ breds will never reach their destination. Men are certainly not as widely separated in their capacities as a lame turtle and a team of six thoroughbreds; yet the lame turtle reaches the goal where the team of thoroughbreds fails. There is only one reason: one keeps on going, the other does not. Though the road is short, if you do not step along you will never get to the end; though the task is small, if you do not work at it you will never get it finished. He who takes many holidays will never excel others by very much.11 He who loves law and puts it into effect is a man of breed­ ing. He who has a firm will and embodies it in his conduct is “ These were among the favorite paradoxes or topics of logical debate propounded hy H ui Shih, Kung-sun Lung, and other philosophers of the School of Names. Though H sün T zu learned much from these men, he scorned the discussion of logic for its own sake. u Reading jen instead of ju.

30

Hsün T zu

a gentleman. He who has a keen insight which never fails is a sage. ' A man who has no laws at all is lost and guideless. A man who has laws but does not understand their meaning is timid and inconsistent. Only if a man abides by laws and at the same time comprehends their wider significance and applica­ bility can he become truly liberal and compassionate. Ritual is the means by which to rectify yourself; the teacher is the means by which ritual is rectified. If you aTe without ritual, how can you rectify yourself? If you have no teacher, how can you understand the fitness of ritual? If you unerr­ ingly do as ritual prescribes, it means that your emotions have found rest in ritual. If you speak as your teacher speaks, it means that your understanding has become like that of your teacher. If your emotions find rest in ritual and your under­ standing is like that of your teacher, then you have become a sage. Hence to reject ritual is to be without law and to reject your teacher is to be without a guide. To deny guide and law and attempt to do everything your own way is to be like a blind man trying to distinguish colors or a deaf man, tones. Nothing will come of it but confusion and outrage. Therefore learning means learning to regard ritual as your law. The teacher makes himself the standard of proper conduct and values that in himself which finds rest in ritual. This is what is meant by the lines in the Odes: Without considering, without thinking, He obeys the laws of God.12 If a man is sincere, obedient, and brotherly, he may be said to have a certain amount of good in him. But if he adds to this u “Greater Odes,” Huang-i, Mao text no. 241.

Improving Yourself

31

a love of learning, modesty, and alertness, then13 he may be considered a gentleman. If a man is mean and lazy, lacking in modesty, and a glutton over food and drink, he may be said to have a certain amount of bad in him. But if in addition he is wanton, reckless, and disobedient, vicious and evil and lacking in brotherly feeling, then he can be called ill-omened,14 and no one can protest if he falls into the hands of the law and is executed. If you treat old people as they ought to be treated, then young people too will come to your side. If you do not press those who are already hard pressed, then the successful too will gather around you. If you do good in secret and seek no reward for your kindness, then sages and unworthy men alike will be with you. If a man does these three things, though he should commit a grave error, will Heaven leave him to perish? The gentleman is careless in the pursuit of profit but swift in avoiding harm. Timidly he shuns disgrace but he practices the principles of the Way with courage. Though poor and hard pressed, a gentleman will be broad of will. Though rich and eminent, he will be respectful in his manner. Though at ease, he will not allow his spirit to grow indolent; though weary, he will not neglect his appear­ ance. H e will "not take away more than is right because of anger, nor give more than is right because of joy. Though poor and hard pressed, he is broad of will because he honors benevolence. Though rich and eminent, he is respectful in manner because he does not presume upon his station. Though at ease, he is not indolent because he chooses to folu Omitting the four characters that follow, which do not seem to belong here. 34 Omitting the shoo, a contamination from the sentence above.

32

Hsün T zu

low what is right. Though weary, he does not neglect his appearance because he values good form.15 He does not take away too much in anger nor give too much in joy because he allows law to prevail over personal feeling. The Book of Documents says: “Do not go by what you like, but follow the way of the king; do not go by what you hate, but follow the kings road.” 16 This means that a gentleman must be able to suppress personal desire in favor of public right. 18Reading wen instead of chiao. MDocuments of Chou, Htmg-fan or "Great Plan.”

J C THE REGULATIONS OF A KING (

s e c t io n

9)

Someone asked how to govern, and I replied: In the case of worthy and able men, promote them without waiting for their turn to come up. In the case of inferior and incompetent men, dismiss them without hesitation. In the case of incorrigibly evil men, punish them without trying to reform them.1 In the case of people of average capacity, teach them what is right without attempting to force them into goodness. Thus, even where rank has not yet been fixed, the distinction between good and bad will be as clear as that between the left and right ancestors in the mortuary temple.2 Although a man may be the descendant of kings, dukes, or high court ministers, if he cannot adhere to ritual principles, he should be ranked among the commoners. Although a man may be the descend­ ant of commoners, if he has acquired learning, is upright in conduct, and can adhere to ritual principles, he should be promoted to th& post of prime minister or high court official. 1 This recognition of a category of incorrigibly bad men seems to contra­ dict the rest of H sün Tzu's philosophy and is rare in early Confucian thought as a whole. Nevertheless, H sün T zu refers to it elsewhere, as in sec. 18, where he argues that the existence of a very few such perverse and unteachahle men even in the time of a sage ruler is not to be taken as evidence that the ruler himself is at fault. a This sentence has long puzzled commentators, and the translation is tentative. According to Chou practice, the mortuary temple of the founder of a noble family was placed in the center, with the temples of the second, fourth and sixth descendants ranged to the left and called chao, while those of the third, fifth, and seventh descendants were ranged to the right and called mu.

34

Hsün T zu

W hen it comes to men of perverse words and theories, per­ verse undertakings and talents, or to people who are slippery or vagrant, they should be given tasks to do, taught what is right, and allowed a period of trial. Encourage them with rewards, discipline them with punishments, and if they settle down to their work, then look after them as subjects; but if not, cast them out. In the case of those who belong to the five incapacitated groups,3 the government should gather them to­ gether* look after them, and give them whatever work they are able to do. Employ them, provide them with food and cloth­ ing, and take care to see that none are left out. If anyone is found acting or using his talents to work against the good of the time, condemn him to death without mercy. This is what is called the virtue of Heaven and the government of a true king. These are the essential points to remember when listening to proposals in government. If a man comes forward in good faith, treat him according to ritual; if he comes forward in bad faith, meet him with punishment. In this way the two cate­ gories will be clearly distinguished, worthy and unworthy men will not be thrown together, and right and wrong will not be confused. If worthy and unworthy men are not thrown to­ gether* then men of extraordinary character will come to you, and if right and wrong are not confused, then the nation will be well ordered. This accomplished, your fame will increase each day, the world will look to you with longing, your orders will be carried out, your prohibitions heeded, and you will have fulfilled all the duties of a king. In listening to reports and proposals, if you are too stern and severe and have no patience in guiding and drawing 8 Defined by commentators as those who are dumb, deaf, crippled, missing an arm or leg, or dwarfed.

T he Regulations of a King

35

others out, then your subordinates will be fearful and distant and will withdraw into themselves and be unwilling to speak. In such a case important matters are likely to be left unat­ tended to and minor matters to be botched. If, however, you are too sympathetic and understanding, too fond of leading and drawing others out, and have no sense of where to stop, then men will come with all sorts of perverse suggestions and you will be flooded with dubious proposals. In such a case you will And yourself with too much to listen to and too much to do, and this also will be inimical to good government. If there are laws, but in actual practice they do not prove to be of general applicability, then points not specifically covered by the laws are bound to be left undecided. If men are ap­ pointed to posts but they have no over-all understanding of their duties, then matters which do not specifically fall within their jurisdiction are bound to be neglected. Therefore there must be laws that prove applicable in practice and men in office who have an over-all understanding of their duties. There must be no hidden counsels or overlooked ability on the lower levels and all matters must proceed without error. Only a gentleman is capable of such government Fair-mindedness is the balance in which to weigh pro­ posals;4 upright harmoniousness is the line by which to meas­ ure them. W here laws exist, to carry them out; where they do not exist, to act in the spirit of precedent and analogy—this is the best way to hear proposals. To show favoritism and par­ tisan feeling and be without any constant principles—this is the worst you can do. It is possible to have good laws and still have disorder in the state. But to have a gentleman acting as ruler and disorder in the state—from ancient times to the present I have never heard of such a thing. This is what the 4 Reading t ’ing instead of chih.

36

Hsün Tzu

old text means when it says, “Order is bom from the gentle­ man, disorder from the petty man.” Where ranks are all equal, there will not be enough goods to go around; where power is equally distributed, there will be a lack of unity; where there is equality among the masses, it will be impossible to employ them. The very existence of Heaven and Earth exemplifies the principle of higher and lower, but only when an enlightened king appears on the throne can the nation be governed according to regulation. Two men of equal eminence cannot govern each other; two men of equally humble station cannot employ each other. This is the rule of Heaven. If men are of equal power and station and have the same likes and dislikes, then there will not be enough goods to supply their wants and they will in­ evitably quarrel. Quarreling must lead to disorder, and dis­ order to exhaustion. The former kings abhorred such disorder and therefore they regulated the principles of ritual in order to set up ranks. They established the distinctions between rich and poor, eminent and humble, making it possible for those above to join together and watch over those below. This is the basis upon which the people of the world are nourished. This is what the Documents means when it says, “Equality is based upon inequality.” 5 If the horses are frightened of the carriage, then the gentle­ man cannot ride in safety; if the common people are frightened of the government, then the gentleman cannot occupy his post in safety. If the horses are frightened of the carriage, the best thing to do is to quiet them; if the common people are fright­ ened of the government, the best thing to do is to treat them 5 1 take it that this is the way H sün T zu, quoting very much out of con­ text, wishes us to understand these four characters. In context, in the sec­ tion called Lü-hsing or “T h e Code of Marquis Lü,” they have a quite different meaning.

T h e Regulations of a King

37

with kindness. Select men who are worthy and good for gov­ ernment office, promote those who are kind and respectful, encourage filial piety and brotherly affection, look after orphans and widows and assist the poor, and then the com­ mon people will feel safe and at ease with their government. And once the common people feel safe, then the gendeman may occupy his post in safety. This is what the old text means when it says, “The ruler is the boat and the common people are the water. It is the water that bears the boat up, and the water that capsizes it.” Therefore, if the gendeman desires safety, the best thing for him to do is to govern fairly and to love the people. If he desires glory, the best thing is to honor ritual and treat men of breeding with respect. If he desires to win fame and merit, the best thing is to promote the worthy and employ men of ability. These are the three great obliga­ tions of the ruler. If he meets these three, then all other obliga­ tions will likewise be met; if he does not meet these three, then, although he manages to meet his other obligations, it will scarcely be of any benefit to him. Confucius has said, “If he meets both his major and minor obligations correcdy, he is a superior ruler. If he meets his major obligations but is incon­ sistent in meeting his minor ones, he is a mediocre ruler. If he fails to meet his major obligations, though he may meet his minor ones correctly enough, I do not care to see any more of him.” Marquis Ch eng and Lord Ssu were rulers who knew how to collect taxes and keep accounts, hut they did not succeed in winning the support of the people.6 Tzu-ch’an won the sup• Tw o rulers of the state of W ei (th e small state northwest of Ch'i, not to he confused with the much more powerful state in the old territory of Chin whose name is also read “W ei”) in the late fourth century b . c . A s the state of W ei dwindled in size and power, its rulers voluntarily down­ graded themselves from the title of duke to marquis, and later from marquis to lord.

38

Hsün Tzu

port of the people but did not succeed in governing them.7 Kuan-Chung governed the state but did not get around to promoting ritual.8 He who promotes ritual will become a true king; he who governs well will be strong; he who wins over the people will find safety; but he who pays attention only to the collection of taxes will be lost. Thus, a king enriches his peo­ ple, a dictator enriches his soldiers, a state that is barely manag­ ing to survive enriches its high officers, and a doomed state enriches only its coffers and stuffs its storehouses. But if its coffers are heaped up and its storehouses full, while its people are impoverished, this is what is called to overflow at the top but dry up at the bottom. Such a state will be unable to protect itself at home and unable to fight its enemies abroad, and its downfall and destruction can be looked for at any moment. The ruler of such a state, by collecting excessive taxes, brings about his own destruction, and his enemies, by seizing his territory, make themselves stronger than ever. Too much attention to tax collecting invites bandits and fattens 7 Chief minister of the small state of Cheng in the 6th century b . c . (T h e b . c . ) H e was widely praised for his wise and benevolent policies, especially by Confucius (see Analects V , 15). But H sün T zu here follows the more reserved estimation of Mencius (M encius IVB, 2 ): “Tzu-ch’an . . . was kind but did not understand how to govern.” 8 Chief minister to Duke Huan of Ch’i in the 7th century b . c . and a wellknown figure in history and legend. According to Shth chi 32, he died in 645 b . c . The philosophic work known as Kuan T zu is said to embody his teachings on economics and statecraft H e is credited with having made Duke Huan the first of the pa (overlords, dictators, or hegem ons). H sün Tzu, like all early Confucian writers, distinguishes carefully between the wang, the true kings who qualify for their position by virtue and public sanction and who conduct their government on the basis of correct ritual principles, and the pa, feudal lords who, by strengthening their military and economic power and overawing the other feudal lords, were for a time’ able to dictate to the empire and even force a kind of recognition from the Chou king.

Tso chuan records his death in 522

T he Regulations of a King

39

ones enemies. It is the path which leads to the destruction of the state and the peril of its lord, and for that reason the enlightened ruler does not follow it. The king works to acquire men, the dictator works to acquire allies, and the ruler who relies on force works to acquire territory. He who acquires men wins the allegiance of the feudal lords; he who acquires allies wins the friendship of the feudal lords; but he who acquires territory incurs their enmity. H e who commands the allegiance of the feudal lords may become a king; he who wins their friendship may become a dictator; but he who incurs their enmity is in danger. He who lives by force must use his might to conquer the cities that other men guard and to defeat the soldiers9 that other men send forth to batde, and in doing so he inevitably inflicts great injury upon the people of other states. If he inflicts great injury upon them, they will inevitably hate him fiercely and will day by day grow more eager to fight against him. Moreover, he who uses his might to conquer the cities that other men guard and to defeat the soldiers that other men send forth to batde must inevitably inflict great injury upon his own people as well. If he inflicts great injury upon his own people, they will inevitably hate him fiercely and will day by day grow less eager to fight his batdes. W ith the people of other states growing daily more eager to fight against him, and his own people growing daily less eager to fight in his defense, the ruler who relies upon strength will on the contrary be reduced to weakness. He acquires territory but loses the sup­ port of his people; his worries increase while his accomplish­ ments dwindle. H e finds himself with more and more cities to guard and less and less of the means to guard them with; thus in time the great state will on the contrary be stripped * Reading shift instead o f cWu here and in the parallel sentence helow.

40

Hsün T zu

down in this way to insignificance. The other feudal lords never cease to eye him with hatred and to dream of revenge;10 never do they forget their enmity. They spy out his weak points and take advantage of his defects, so that he lives in constant peril. One who truly understands how tô use force11 does not rely upon force. He is careful to follow the commands of the nominal king, builds up his might, and creates a fund of good will.12 W ith his might well established, he cannot be weakened by the other feudal lords; with a fund of good will to rely on, he cannot be reduced to insignificance by the other feudal lords. Thus, if he happens to live in a time when there is no true king or dictator in the world, he will always be victorious. This is the way of one who truly understands how to use force. The dictator is not like this. He opens up lands for cultiva­ tion, fills the granaries, and sees that the people are provided with the goods they need. He is careful in selecting his offi­ cials and employs men of talent, leading them on with rewards and correcting them with punishments. He restores states that have perished, protects ruling lines that are in danger of dying out, guards the weak, and restrains the violent. If he shows no intention of annexing the territories of his neighbors, then the other feudal lords will draw close to him. If he treats them as friends and equals and is respectful in his dealings with them, he will win their favor. He can win their intimacy by not attempting to annex them, but if he shows any inclination to annex their lands, they will turn away from him. He can win their favor by treating them as friends and equals, but if he 10 Following the interpretation of Liu Shih-p’ei. 11 Reading too instead of ta. 18 Hsün Tzu says, literally, “establishes his virtue.” But it is dear that he is using the word te (virtue), not in the higher ethical sense, hut in the sense of favors or good turns done to others which put them in debt to one.

T he Regulations of a King

41

shows any inclination to treat them as subjects, they will reject him. Therefore he makes it clear from his actions that he does not wish to annex their territory, and inspires faith in them that he will always treat them as friends and equals. Thus, if he happens to live in a time when there is no true king18 in the world, he will always be victorious. This is the way of one who truly understands how to be a dictator. The reason that King Min of Ch’i was defeated by the armies of the five states, and that Duke Huan of Ch’i was threatened by Duke Chuang of Lu was none other than this: they did not follow the way appropriate to their own positions, but tried to act in the manner of a true king.14 The true king is not like this. His benevolence is the loftiest in the world, his righteousness is the loftiest in the world, and his authority is the loftiest in the world. Since his benevolence is the loftiest in the world, there is no one in the world who does not draw close to him. Since his righteousness is the loftiest in the world, there is no one who does not respect him. Since his authority is the loftiest in the world, there is no one who dares to oppose him. W ith an authority that cannot be opposed, abetted by ways which win men's allegiance, he gains victory without batde and acquires territory without attack. He need not wear out his men and arms, and yet the whole world is won over to him. This is the way of one who understands how to be a king. He who understands these MOmitting the fa, which is clearly superfluous here. b . c ., according to Shih chi 46, King Min, who had aroused the anger of the other feudal lords, was attacked by a combination of them and driven from his capital. In 681 b .c ., Duke Huan of Ch’i, the first of the fa or dictators, called the other feudal lords to a conference in Ch’i. Accord­ ing to what is probably a late legend, recorded in the Kung yang Com­ mentary (D u ke Chuang 13), the general of Duke Chuang of Lu managed to threaten Duke Huan with assassination and force him to return to Lu the territory which he had earlier seized.

u In 285

42

Hsün T zu

three ways may choose to become a king, a dictator, or a man of force as he wishes. These are the king s regulations: they do not seek to pattern themselves on anydiing earlier than the Three Dynasties,15 they do not reject the model of later kings. Seeking a pattern in the age before the Three Dynasties will lead to confusion; rejecting the model of later kings will lead to inelegance. Clothing should be of a fixed type, dwellings of fixed size, and servants and followers of fixed number. Likewise, the vessels and trappings used in mourning and sacrifice should all be fixed in accordance with social rank. All music that is lacking in classical elegance should be abandoned; all decorations that do not follow old patterns should be given up; all vessels and trappings that are not like those of earlier times should be discarded. This is what is called reviving the old. These are the king s regulations. These are the judgments of a king: no man of virtue shall be left unhonored; no man of ability shall be left unemployed; no man of merit shall be left unrewarded; no man of guilt shall be left unpunished. No man by luck alone shall attain a position at court; no man by luck alone shall make his way among the people. The worthy shall be honored, the able employed, and each shall be assigned to his appropriate posi­ tion without oversight. The violent16 shall be repressed, the evil restrained, and punishments shall be meted out without error. The common people will then clearly understand that, if they do evil in secret, they will suffer punishment in public. This is what is called having fixed judgments. These are the king’s judgments. 18 T he Hsia, Shang or Yin, and Chou dynasties. By H sün T zu’s time the Chou dynasty was regarded as extinct in all but name. MReading foa instead of yüan.

T he Regulations of a King

43

These are the lin g s laws,17 They fix the various rates of taxation, regulate all affairs, exploit the ten thousand things, and thereby provide nourishment for all people. The tax on the fields shall be one tenth. At barriers and in markets, the officials shall examine the goods but levy no tax. The moun­ tains, forests, lakes, and fish weiis shall at certain seasons be closed and at others opened for use, but no taxes shall be levied on their resources. Lands shall be inspected and the amount of tax graded according to their productivity. The distance over which articles of tribute must be transported shall be taken into consideration and the amount of tribute fixed accordingly. Goods and grain shall be allowed to circu­ late freely, so that there is no hindrance or stagnation in dis­ tribution; they shall be transported from one place to another as the need may arise, so that the entire region within the four seas becomes like one family. Thus those close to the king will not hide their talents or be stinted in their labors, and all regions, even the most distant and out of the way, will hasten to serve him and find peace and joy under his rule. This is what is called being the leader of men. These are the king s laws. In the far north there are fast horses and howling dogs; China acquires and breeds them and puts them to work. In die far south there are feathers, tusks, hides, pure copper, and cinnabar; China acquires them and uses them in its manufac­ tures. In the far east there are plants with purple dye, coarse hemp, fish, and salt; China acquires them for its food and clothing. In the far west there are skins and colored yaks' tails; China acquires them for its needs. Thus the people living in lake regions have plenty of lumber and those living 17 Supplying die word fa from the end of the paragraph.

44

Hsün T zu

in the mountains have plenty of fish. The farmers do not have to carve or chisel, to fire or forge, and yet they have all the tools and utensils they need; the artisans and merchants do not have to work the fields, and yet they have plenty of vegetables and grain. The tiger and leopard are fierce beasts, but the gendeman strips off their hides for his personal use. Thus, wherever the sky stretches and the earth extends, there is nothing beautiful left unfound, nothing useful left unused. Such goods serve above to adorn worthy and good men, and below to nourish the common people and bring them security and happiness. This is what is called a state of godlike order. The Odes refers to this when it says: Heaven made a high hill; T ai Wang opened it up. He began the work And King Wen dwelt there in peace.18 One starts with general categories and moves to particular ones; one starts with unity and moves to plurality. W hat be­ gins must end; what ends must begin again; and so the cycle repeats itself without interruption. Abandon this principle, and the empire will fall into decay. Heaven and earth are the beginning of life, ritual principles are the beginning of order, and the gentleman is the beginning of ritual principles. Acting on them, practicing them, guarding them, and loving them more than anything else—this is the beginning of the gentle­ man. Therefore Heaven and earth produce the gentleman and the gentleman brings order to Heaven and earth. The gende­ man forms a triad with Heaven and earth; he is the controller of all things, the father and mother of the people. W ithout M“Hymns of Chou,” T ’ien-tso, Mao text no. 270. T h e high hill is Mount Ch’i, where T a i W ang, the ancestor of the Chou royal family, built his capital.

T he Regulations of a King

45

the gentleman, Heaven and earth will lack order and ritual principles will lack unity. There will be no true ruler or leader above, no true father or son below. This is what is called the extreme of chaos. The correct relationships between ruler and subject^ father and son, elder and younger brother, and hus­ band and wife begin and are carried through to the end, end and begin again. They share the order of Heaven and earth, they last for ten thousand generations. They are what is called the great foundation. The rules that govern mourning and sacrificial rites and the ceremonies of the court and army are based upon this single foundation. Those which guide the ruler in honoring or humbling, punishing or freeing, giving or taking from his subjects are based upon this unity. Those which teach men how to treat rulers as rulers, subjects as sub­ jects, fathers as fathers, sons as sons, elder brothers as elder brothers, younger brothers as younger brothers are based upon this unity. Those which make a farmer a farmer, a man of breeding a man of breeding, an artisan an artisan, and a merchant a merchant are based upon this unity. Fire and water possess energy but are without life. Grass and trees have life but no intelligence. Birds and beasts have intelligence but no sense of duty.19 Man possesses energy, life, intelligence, and* in addition, a sense of duty. Therefore he is the noblest being on earth. He is not as strong as the ox, nor as swift as the horse, and yet he makes the ox and the horse work for him. Why? Because he is able to organize himself in society and they are not. W hy is he able to organize himself in society? Because he sets up hierarchical divisions. And how is he able to set up hierarchical divisions? Because he has a sense of duty. If he employs this sense of duty to set up hier19 YL Elsewhere I have translated this word as righteousness.

46

Hsün Tzu

archical divisions, then there will be harmony. W here there is harmony there will be unity; where there is unity there will be strength; and where there is strength there will be the power to conquer all things. Thus men can dwell in security in their houses and halls. The reason that men are able to harmonize their actions with the order of the seasons, utilize all things, and bring universal profit to the world is simply this: they have established hierarchical divisions and possess a sense of duty. Men, once bom, must organize themselves into a society. But if they form a society without hierarchical divisions, then there will be quarreling. W here there is quarreling, there will be chaos; where there is chaos, there will be fragmentation; and where there is fragmentation, men will find themselves too weak to conquer other beings. Thus they will be unable to dwell in security in their houses and halls. This is why I say that ritual principles must not be neglected even for a moment. He who can follow them in serving his parents is called filial; he who can follow them in serving his elder brothers is called brotherly. He who can follow them in serv­ ing his superiors is called obedient; he who can follow them in employing his inferiors is called a ruler. The ruler is one who is good at organizing men in society.20 W hen society is properly organized, then all things will find their proper place, the six domestic animals21 will breed and flourish, and all living beings will fulfill their allotted span of life. If breeding and tending is done at the proper time, the six domestic animals will increase. If planting and cutting is 30 H sün T zu is here punning on the words chiin (ruler) and ch’ün (to form a group). * Horses, cows, sheep, pigs, dogs, and chickens. Dogs were raised to be eaten.

T he Regulations of a King

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done at the proper time, plants and trees will flourish. If gov­ ernment commands are issued at the proper time, then the common people will be unified, and worthy and good men will offer their services. These are the regulations of a sage king. W hen plants and trees are flowering or putting out new growth, no axes may be taken into the hills and forests, for they would destroy life and injure the growing things. W hen fish and other water creatures are breeding, no nets or poisons may he used in the lakes, for they would destroy life and in­ jure the growing things. T he farmers plow in spring, weed in summer, reap in fall, and store away in winter. Because they do each at the proper season, there is a never-ending supply of grain and the people have more than enough to eat. Be­ cause the lakes and rivers are watched over carefully and closed off at the proper time, there is an ever-increasing supply of fish and other water creatures and the people have more than they can use. Because the felling of trees and cutting of brush is done only at the proper time, the hills are never de­ nuded and yet the people have all the wood they need. These are the measures of a sage king. He looks up to examine heaven, looks down to direct the work of the earth, completes all that is necessary between heaven and earth, and applies, his action to all things. His actions are dark and yet of bright result, brief and yet long-lasting, narrow and yet broad. His understanding is of godlike clarity and breadth, and yet of the finest simplicity. Therefore it is said, he whose every move is founded on unity is a sage.22 The list of officials. The master of tiles shall have charge of " T h e end of this paragraph is couched in highly mysterious language and the translation, particularly of the last sentence, is tentative. Com­ mentators offer various suggestions for amending the text, but none seems convincing enough to adopt.

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matters pertaining to the reception of guests, religious cere­ monies, banquets, and sacrifices. The minister of the interior shall have charge of matters pertaining to clan regulations, the walling of cities, and the standardization of utensils. The minister of war shall have charge of matters pertaining to military expeditions, weapons, carriages, and troop divisions. To enforce the ordinances and commands, examine songs and writings, and abolish licentious music, attending to all matters at the appropriate time, so that strange and barbaric music is not allowed to confuse the elegant classical modes— these are the duties of the chief director of music. To repair dikes and weirs, open up canals and irrigation ditches, and cause water to flow freely and to be stored up properly in the reservoirs, opening or closing the sluice gates at the appropri­ ate time, so that even in times of bad weather, flood, or drought, the people have fields that can be planted—these are the duties of the minister of works. To inspect the elevation of the fields, determine the fertility of the soil, decide what type of grain should be planted, examine the harvest and see that it is properly stored away, attending to all matters at the appropriate time, so that the farmers remain honest and hard­ working and do not turn to other occupations—these are the duties of the administrator of the fields. To enforce the laws pertaining to the burning off of forests, and to conserve the resources of the mountains and woods, the marshes and lakes, such as trees, shrubs, fish, turtles, and various edible plants, attending to all matters at the appropriate time, so that the nation has the articles it needs and no resources are depleted —these are the duties of the director of resources. To order the provinces and communities, fix the regulations pertaining to dwellings, promote the raising of domestic animals and the planting of trees, encourage moral education, and promote

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filial piety and brotherly affection, attending to all matters at the appropriate time, so that the people are obedient to com­ mands and live in their communities in security and happiness —these are the duties of the director of communities. To judge the merits of the various artisans, determine the most appropriate time for their work, judge the quality of their manufactures, encourage efficiency and high quality, and see that all necessary goods are available, making sure that no one dares to manufacture sculptured or ornamented decorations privately at home—these are the duties of the director of arti­ sans. To observe the yin and yang, judge the meaning of por­ tents, divine by the tortoise and milfoil, conduct exorcisms, fortunetelling, and divination by the five types of signs, and understand all that pertains to good and bad fortune—these are the duties of hunchback shamanesses and crippled sha­ mans. To attend to affairs of public sanitation, keep the roads in repair, eliminate thieves and highway bandits, insure a fair assignment of public buildings and market stalls,23 attending to all matters at the appropriate time, so that traveling mer­ chants can conduct their business in safety and there is an unobstructed flow of goods—these are the duties of the direc­ tor of markets. To forestall violence and cruelty, prevent licentiousness, -and wipe out evil, employing the five punish­ ments24 as a warning, causing the violent and cruel to change their ways and the wicked to desist from,wickedness—these are the duties of the minister of justice. To lay the foundation of governmental education, see that the laws and regulations are upright, receive reports and pro­ posals and review them at fixed times, judge the merits of the 28 Reading ssu instead of lii. 34 Tattooing of criminals, cutting off the nose, cutting off the feet, castra­ tion, and death.

50

Hsün T zu

lesser officials, and decide what rewards or punishments are to be meted out, attending to all matters carefully and at the proper time, so that the minor officials are encouraged to do their best and the common people do not dare to be slack— these are the duties of the prime minister. To fix rites and music, reform conduct, spread moral education, and beautify the customs of the people, taking cognizance of all matters and harmonizing them into a unity—these are the duties of the high officials.25 To complete the Way and its virtue, establish the highest standards, unite the world in the fullest degree of order, overlooking not the smallest detail, and caus­ ing all men in the world to be obedient and submissive—these are the duties of the heavenly king. Therefore, if the affairs of government are in disorder, it is the fault of the prime minister. If the customs of the country are faulty, it is due to the error of the high officials. And if the world is not unified and the feudal lords are rebellious,26 then the heavenly king is not the right man for the job. W hen27 one has all the appurtenances of a king, he can be a king; when he has all the appurtenances of a dictator, he can be a dictator; when he has die appurtenances of a ruler who can preserve his state, he will preserve his state; and when he has the appurtenances of a ruler who will destroy his state, he will destroy i t If one heads a state of ten thousand war chariots, then his might and authority will naturally com“ Following Kanaya, I take die phrase pi-hung to refer to the son-hung or three high officials: the grand tutor, the grand protector, and the director of music. They had charge of affairs pertaining to manners, and moral edu­ cation. Some translators, however, take pi-hung to refer to the feudal lords. " Reading pei instead of su in accordance with the suggestion of Kubo A i. " T h e remainder of the chapter lacks Yang Liang’s commentary and is difficult to make out at numerous points. I have in general followed Kanaya and somewhat expanded the original in a few places to make it intelligible in translation.

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mand respect, his fame will be widespread, and his enemies will submit. It will be within the power of the ruler himself, not men of other states, to regulate his safety and goodness. It will be within the power of the ruler himself, not other men, to decide whether he will become a king or a dictator, whether he will choose preservation or destruction. But if his might and authority are not sufficient to intimidate his neighbors and his fame is not the kind to spread throughout the world, then he does not yet have the power to stand alone, so how can he hope to escape difficulties? Threatened by the power of some evil neighbor state, he and the rulers of other states may have to ally themselves with it and be forced to do things they do not wish to do. But although they may find themselves day by day imitating the deeds and actions of the tyrant Chieh, it does not necessarily mean that, given the opportunity, they could not become sage rulers like Yao. Only this is not the way to win merit and fame and to assist other states that are in danger of being wiped out. The way to win merit and fame and to assist other states that are in danger of being wiped out is to remain free and flourishing and to act from the sincerity of ones innermost heart. If one is truly able to administer his state in the manner of a king, then he may become a king. If he administers his state so as to place it in a condition of danger and near destruction, then he will face danger and destruction. He who is in a flourishing condition may stand upon what is right, showing no favoritism to any side but conducting all his affairs as he wishes; he may keep his armies at home and sit back and watch while the evil and violent nations of the world fall upon each other. If he regulates the teachings of his government properly, examines carefully the rules and pro­ posals of his officials, and encourages and educates his people.

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then the day will come when his armies can stand up against the strongest forces in the world. If he practices benevolence and righteousness, honors the highest principles, makes his laws upright, selects worthy and good men for his government, and looks after the needs of his people, then the day will come when his reputation may match in fairness that of any ruler in the world. Weighty in authority, strong in military might, fair in reputation—even the sages Yao and Shun who united the world could find nothing to add to such a ruler. If schemers and plotters who would overthrow the state are forced to retire, then men of worth and sage wisdom will come forward of themselves. If punishments and government regula­ tions are just, the people harmonious, and the customs of the country well moderated, then the armies will be strong, the cities secure against attack, and enemy nations will submit of their own free will. If attention is paid to agriculture, and wealth and goods are accumulated, if one does not forget to guard against lavishness and excessive expenditure, and causes the officials and common people to act in accordance with the rules and regulations, then wealth and goods will increase and the state will automatically grow rich. If these three conditions are realized, then the whole world will pay allegiance to such a ruler, and the rulers of evil states will automatically find themselves unable to use their armies against him. Why? Because no one will join them in the attack. If they carry out a military expedition against him, it must be with the support of their own people. But if their own people favor the good ruler, look up to him as a father or mother and rejoice in him as in the fragrance of iris or orchid, and on the contrary regard their own rulers as so many wielders of branding irons and tattooing knives, as their foes and enemies, then, human nature being what it is, even if the

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people should be as cruel and violent as the tyrant Chieh or Robber Chih, how could they be willing to fight for the sake of men they hate and do harm to one they love? For this reason such evil rulers will be overthrown. Therefore, in an­ cient times there were men who began as rulers of a single state and ended by becoming rulers of the world, but it was not because they went about making conquests. They con­ ducted their government in such a way as to make all men wish to become their subjects, and in this manner they were able to punish the violent and suppress the wicked. Thus when the duke of Chou marched south, the states of the north were resentful and asked, “W hy does he neglect only us?”; and when he marched east, the states of the west grew angry and asked, ‘W h y does he leave us to the last?” 28 W ho could stand up against such a ruler? Therefore he who can order his state in this way may become a true king. He who is in a flourishing condition may hold his armies in reserve and give his soldiers rest, may love and look after his people, open up new lands for cultivation, fill his granaries, and see that all necessary goods are supplied. W ith care he will select men of talent and promote them to office, where he will offer rewards to encourage them and threaten strict punish­ ments in order ter restrain them from evil. He will choose men who know how to handle such things and employ them to attend to and manage all affairs. Then he may sit back at ease and goods will pile up, all will be well ordered, and there will be enough of all things to go around. W hen it comes to weapons and military supplies, his war-loving enemies will day by day be smashing and destroying theirs and leaving Mencius ( i B , 1 1 ) quotes a similar passage from a lost section of the

Book of Documents where the hero, however, is not the duke of Chou but T a n g , the founder of the Shang dynasty.

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them strewn over the plains of battle, while he polishes and mends his and stacks them away in his arsenals. As for goods and grain, his enemies will day by day be wasting theirs and pouring them out to supply the campgrounds, while he gathers his in and stores them in his granaries and supply houses. As for men of talent, wise counselors, and brave and fierce warriors, his enemies will day by day be destroying and wearing theirs out in strife and batde, while he attracts more and more of them to his state, selects all those who are worthy, and trains them at his court. In this way his enemies will daily pile up depletion while he piles up abundance; they will daily pile up poverty while he piles up riches; they will daily pile up labor while he piles up ease. In the states of his ene­ mies relations between ruler and minister, superior and in­ ferior will be pervaded by bitterness and day by day grow more harsh and strained; while with him such relations will be marked by warmth and will daily become closer and more affectionate. Therefore he can stand by and wait for the decay of his enemies and, ordering his own state in this way, may become a dictator. If a ruler follows ordinary customs in his behavior, attends to affairs in accordance with ordinary practice, selects ordinary men and promotes them in government, and treats his in­ feriors and the common people with ordinary lenience and bounty, then he may dwell in safety. If a ruler is frivolous and coarse in his behavior, hesitant and suspicious in attending to affairs, selects men for office because they flatter and are glib, and in his treatment of the common people is rapacious and grasping, then he will soon find himself in peril. If a ruler is arrogant and cruel in his behavior, attends to affairs in an irrational and perverse manner, selects and promotes men who are insidious and full of hidden schemes, and in his treatment

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of the common people is quick to exploit their strength and endanger their lives but slow to reward their labors and ac­ complishments, loves to exact taxes and duties but neglects the state of agriculture, then he will surely face destruction. One must be careful to choose well from among these five categories, for these are the appurtenances that make one a king, a dictator, a ruler who dwells in safety, one who faces peril, or one who faces destruction. He who chooses well can control others; he who chooses badly will he controlled by others. He who chooses well may become a king; he who chooses badly will be destroyed. To he a king or to be de­ stroyed, to control others or to be controlled by them—the two conditions are far apart indeed!

DEBATING MILITARY AFFAIRS

ÿC (

se c t io n

15)

The lord of Lin-wu and Hsün Tzu were debating military affairs in the presence of King Hsiao-ch'eng of Chao.1 “May I ask what are the most essential points to be observed in taking up arms?” inquired the king. The lord of Lin-wu replied, “Above, utilize the most season­ able times of heaven; below, take advantage of the most profitable aspects of the earth. Observe the movements of your enemy, set out after he does, but get there before him. This is the essential point in the art of using arms!” “Not so!” objected Hsün Tzu. “From what I have heard of the way of the ancients, the basis of all aggressive warfare and military undertaking lies in the unification of the people. If the bow and arrow are not properly adjusted, even the famous archer Yi could not hit the mark. If the six horses of the team are not properly trained, even the famous carriage driver Tsao-fu could not go far. If the officers and people are not devoted to their leaders, even the sages T an g or W u could not win victory. The one who is good at winning the support of his people is the one who will be good at using arms. There­ fore what is really essential in military undertakings is to be good at winning the support of the people.” “I disagree,” said the lord of Lin-wu. “In using arms, one 1 T he lord of Lin-wu is identified by commentators as a general of the state of Ch’u. H sün Tzu is referred to throughout the chapter as Sun Ch'ing-tzu (see Introduction, p. 1). King Hsiao-ch’eng of Q iao reigned 265-245 B.C.

Debating Military Affairs

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should place the highest value upon advantageous circum­ stances, and should move by stealth and deception. He who is good at using arms moves suddenly and secretly, and no one knows from whence he comes. Sim W u and W u C h i2 employed this method and there was no one in the world who could stand up against them. W hy is it necessary to win the support of the people?” “You do not understand,” said Hsiin Tzu. ‘W h a t I am speaking about are the soldiers of a benevolent man, the inten­ tions of a true king. You speak of the value of plots and ad­ vantageous circumstances, of moving by sudden attack and stealth—but these are matters appropriate only to one of the feudal lords. Against the soldiers of a benevolent man, decep­ tions are of no use; they are effective only against a ruler who is rash and arrogant, whose people are worn out; they are effective only against a state in which the ruler and his sub­ jects, superiors and inferiors, are tom apart and at odds. There­ fore a tyrant like Chieh may practice deception upon another Chieh, and, depending upon how cleverly he proceeds, may happily achieve a certain success. But for a Chieh to try to practice deception against a sage like Yao would be like trying to break a rock by throwing eggs at it, or trying to stir boiling water with your bare finger. He will be like a man consumed by fire or drowned in water. “As for the relations between superior and inferior under the rule of a benevolent man, the various generals will be of one mind, and the three armies of the state will work together. Subjects will serve their lord and inferiors will serve their su­ periors like sons serving a father or younger brothers serving * T w o famous generals and military experts of the late 4th and 3d cen­ turies respectively. Both are reputed authors of early works on military science, known today as the Sun T zu and Ww T zu .

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an elder brother* They will be like hands held up to guard the face and eyes, arms clasped to protect the breast and belly. Try to attack such a ruler by deception and you will see the hands fly up in warning and then dart forward in attack. “Moreover, if the benevolent man rules a state which is ten li square, the people for a hundred U around will act as listen­ ers for him; if he rules a state of a hundred U, a thousand li will listen for him; and if he rules a state of a thousand li, the whole region within the four seas will listen for him. H e will receive clear intelligence and warning, and the whole region will draw about him in unity. Thus the soldiers of a benevo­ lent man, when gathered together, will form themselves into companies; when spread out, they will form in ranks. In strik­ ing power they are like the long blade of the famous sword Mu-yeh; what comes beneath it will be cut off. In keenness they are like the sharp point of Mu-yeh; what falls upon it will be pierced through. Drawn up in square encampment and surrounded by sentries, they will be like a solid rock; what butts against it will be smashed, crushed, broken, defeated, and forced to fall back.8 “W hen rulers of evil and war-loving states carry out their expeditions, who can they get to accompany them? Obviously they must employ their own people. But if their own people favor the benevolent ruler, look up to him as to a father or mother, and rejoice in him as in the fragrance of iris or orchid, and on the contrary regard their own superiors as so many wielders of branding irons and tattooing knives, as their foes and enemies, then, human nature being what it is, even if the * This last clause contains seven characters that are quite unintelligible. Commentators generally agree that they must have the meaning given in die translation, though efforts to interpret or amend the individual charac­ ters are scarcely convincing.

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59

people should be as cruel and violent as the tyrant Chieh or Robber Chih, how could they be willing to fight for the sake of men they hate and do harm to one they love? This would be like trying to force men to do harm to their own fathers or mothers. They will surely come, therefore, and give warning to the benevolent ruler, and in that case how can the evil rulers hope to carry out their deceptions? "Therefore, when the benevolent man rules the state, he grows day by day more illustrious. Those among the other feudal lords who lead the way in paying allegiance to him will find safety, those who lag behind will be in danger, those who oppose him on too many points will find their territory stripped away, and those who turn against him will perish. This is what die Odes means when it says : The martial king raised his banners, Firmly he grasped his battle-ax. Blazing like a fierce fire, Who then dared oppose us?” 4 "Very good,” replied King Hsiao-cheng and the lord of Lin-wu. "And may we ask what ways and what modes of ac­ tion the true king should follow in employing his soldiers?” Hsün Tzu said, "Such detailed matters are of minor im­ portance to Your Majesty, and may be left to the generals. W hat I would like to speak about, however, are the signs which indicate whether the king and the feudal lords are strong or weak, whether they are destined to survive or to perish, and the circumstances which insure safety or invite danger. "If the ruler is a worthy man, the state will be ordered; if 4 “Hym ns of Shang,” CWang-fa, Mao text no. 304. T he martial king is T a n g , the founder of the Shang dynasty.

6o

Hsün T zu

he is incompetent, the state will he disordered. If he honors rites and values righteousness, the state will be ordered; if he disdains rites and despises righteousness, the state will be dis­ ordered. The ordered state will be strong, the disordered one weak. This is the basis of strength and weakness. “If superiors have the qualities that command respect, then inferiors can be employed. If superiors do not command re­ spect, then inferiors cannot be employed. If inferiors can be employed, the state will be strong; if not, the state will he weak. This is a constant rule of strength and weakness. “To honor rites and seek to achieve merit is the highest manner of action. To work hard for one’s stipend and value integrity is the next highest manner. To consider merit above all other things and despise integrity is the lowest manner. This is the constant principle of strength and weakness. “He who treats his officers well will be strong; he who does not will be weak. He who loves his people will be strong; he who does not will be weak. He whose government decrees are trusted will be strong; he whose government decrees are not trusted will be weak. He whose people are unified will be strong; he whose people are not unified will he weak. He whose rewards are generous will be strong; he whose rewards are meager will be weak. He whose punishments are held in awe will be strong; he whose punishments are regarded with contempt will be weak. He whose supplies and armaments are complete and efficient will be strong; he whose supplies and armaments are crude and inefficient will be weak. H e who uses his soldiers with caution will be strong; he who uses them rashly will be weak. He whose strategies proceed from a single source will be strong; he whose strategies proceed from several sources will be weak. This is the abiding rule of strength and weakness.

Debating Military Affairs

6i

“The men of Ch’i place great emphasis upon skill in per­ sonal attack.5 He who by such skill comes back with the head of an enemy is rewarded with eight ounces of gold levied from the men who accomplished no such deed, but outside of this there are no regular battle rewards.6 If one is faced with an enemy who is weak and small in numbers, such methods may achieve a certain temporary success, but if the enemy is numerous and strong, one’s own forces will quickly disinte­ grate. They will scatter like birds in flight, and it will he only a matter of days before the state will be overthrown. This method of employing soldiers will doom a state to destruction; no way leads to greater weakness. It is in fact hardly different from going to the market place and hiring day laborers to do one’s fighting. “The rulers of Wei select their foot soldiers on the basis of certain qualifications. They must be able to wear three sets of armor,7 carry a crossbow of twelve-stone weight, bear on their backs a quiver with fifty arrows, and in addition carry a spear. They must also wear helmets on their heads, a sword at their waist, carry three days’ provisions, and still be able to march a hundred It in one day. W hen men have met these qualifica­ tions, their families are exempted from corvée labor and are given special tax benefits on their lands and houses. Thus, al­ though individual soldiers may grow old and their strength wane, their privileges cannot be readily taken away from them, and in addition it is not easy to train a sufficient number of new recruits to replace them. For this reason, though the 8 W riting some 150 years later, the historian Ssu-ma Ch’ien noted the same fact: “T h e people (o f Ch’i ) . . . are timid in group warfare hut brave in single combat” QShth chi 129). 8Following the interpretation of Kubo Ai. 7Defined by commentators as breastplates, waist guards, and shin guards.

6z

Hsün T zu

territory of the state is large, its taxes are meager. This method of employing soldiers puts a state in grave peril. "As for the rulers of Ch'in, they have only a narrow, con­ fined area on which to setde their people. They employ them harshly, terrorize them with authority, embitter them with hardship, coax them with rewards, and cow them with punish­ ments. They see to it that if the humbler people8 hope to gain any benefits from their superiors, they can do so only by achieving distinction in battle. They oppress the people before employing them and make them win some distinction before granting them any benefit. Rewards increase to keep pace with achievements; thus a man who returns from batde with five enemy heads is made the master of five families in his neigh­ borhood. In comparison with the other methods I have men­ tioned, this is the best one to insure a strong and populous state that will last for a long time, a wide expanse of territory that yields taxes. Therefore C h’in’s repeated victories during the last four generations9 are no accident, but the result of policy. "So the skilled attackers of Ch’i cannot stand up against the armed infantry of Wei, and the armed infantry of W ei cannot stand up against the fierce officers of C h’in. But neither could the fierce officers of Ch'in come face to face with the wellregulated troops of the dictators Duke Huan of Ch’i or Duke W en of Chin, nor could the troops of Duke Huan or Duke W en possibly hold out against the benevolence and righteous­ ness of King T an g or King W u. Before such a force they would be like something burned and shriveled, something flung against a rock. 8 Omitting t’ien, which makes no sense here. 8 Probably a reference to the reigns of Duke Hsiao and Kings H ui, W u, and Chao of Ch’in, or the period from 361 to 250 b .c ., w hen Ch’in was steadily growing in size and power.

Debating Military Affairs

63

“The soldiers of states like Ch'i, Wei, or Ch’in axe all merely seeking reward or striving for some profit. They are following the ways of hired laborers or tradesmen, and as yet have not understood what it means to honor their superiors, conform to regulations, and fulfill their moral obligations. If one of the other feudal lords were truly able to imbue his people with a sense of honor, then he could rise up and menace them all without difficulty. Therefore, to attract men to military service and recruit soldiers as they do, to rely upon force and deception and teach men to covet military achievements and profit—this is the way to deceive the people. But to rely upon ritual principles and moral education—this is the way to unite them. W hen deception 'meets deception, the victory may go either way, depending upon the cleverness of the combatants. But to try to use deception to meet unity is like trying to hack down Mount T a i with an awl—no one in the world would be stupid enough to attempt it! Thus, when the true king leads forth his troops, there is no doubt of the outcome. W hen King T ang set out to punish Chieh, and King W u to punish Chou, they had only to give a wave of their hands and a nod, and even the most powerful and un­ ruly nations hastened to their service. Punishing Chieh and Chou then became no more difficult than punishing a lone commoner. This is what the 'Great Oath' means when it speaks of 'Chou, the lone commoner/ 10 “Those whose soldiers achieve a major degree of unity may control the world; those whose soldiers achieve only a minor degree of unity may still be strong enough to menace11 their enemies close by. But those who attract men to military service 10 From the “T'ai-shih” (Great O ath), a lost section of the Book of Docu­ ments. T h e section by that name in the present text is a later forgery. n Reading tai instead of chik.

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and recruit soldiers, rely upon deception, and teach men to covet military achievements and profit—their soldiers will sometimes win, sometimes lose, but do neither consistently. At times such men will contract their sphere of influence, at times they will expand it; at times they will survive, at times they will go under, like rivals struggling for supremacy. Mili­ tary operations of this kind are like the raids of robber bands; the gendeman has nothing to do with such ways. “Thus, for example, T'ien Tan of C h’i, Chuang Ch’iao of Ch'u, Wei Yang of Ch'in, and Miao Chi of Yen12 were all men who were popularly said to have been skilled in the use of soldiers. Yet, though these men achieved varying degrees of cleverness and might, they all followed essentially the same methods, and none of them ever got so far as to bring true harmony and unity to their armies. They all relied upon sud­ den seizures, deceptions, stratagems, and swift overthrows, and for this reason their armies were no different from robber bands. Duke Huan of Ch'i, Duke W en of Chin, King Chuang of Ch'u, King Ho-lii of W u, and King Kou-chien of Yiieh18 were all able to attain harmony and unity in their

13T'ien Tan was a well-known general of Ch’i who, in 2 85-284 b . c ., drove the invading troops of Yen and her allies from the state and rescued the royal house of Ch'i from destruction. H is biography is found in Shih chi 82. Chuang Ch’iao was a general of Ch’u who, in the time of King W ei of Ch’u (339-32.8 b . c . ) , gained control of a large area west of C h’u in present day Szechwan and Kweichow provinces. H e later turned against his sovereign and made himself an independent ruler in the region of Lake Tien in Yünan. Cf. Shih chi 116. W ei Yang, often referred to by his tide Lord Shang, was the famous statesman and Legalist adviser to Duke Hsiao of Ch’in (3 6 1 -3 3 8 b . c . ) , whose biography is the subject of Shih chi 68. H e is the reputed author of the Legalist work, The Book of Lord Shang. Miao Chi is otherwise unknown. 13 This is the usual list of the five pa or dictator leaders of the feudal lords. T h e dates of their reigns are: Duke Huan of Ch'i, 6 85-643 b .c .; Duke W en of Chin, 6 3 6 -6 2 8 b . c .; King Chuang of Ch’u, 613—591 b jc.; King Ho-lü of W u , 514-496 b .c .; King Kou-chien of Yüeh, >-465 b . c .

Debating Military Affairs

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armies, and it may therefore be said that they at least entered the realm of the true way. And yet they never grasped the essentials of the matter. So they were able to become dictators, hut not to become true kings. These are the signs of strength and weakness/’ “Excellent!” exclaimed King Hsiao-cheng and the lord of Lin-wu. “And now may we ask how to become a good general?” Hsiin Tzu replied, “In knowledge, nothing is more impor­ tant than discarding what is doubtful; in action, nothing is more important than avoiding mistakes; in undertakings, noth­ ing is more important than to he without regret. Only make sure that you will not regret the undertaking, and then you need not worry about whether it will be successful or not. “In regulations and commands, strive for strictness and authority. In rewards and punishments, strive for consistency and aptness. In establishing encampments and depots, strive to make them well-guarded and secure. In troop movements, strive for an air of gravity and deliberateness, at the same time striving for alertness and rapidity. In observing the disposition and movements of the enemy, strive to obtain the most com­ plete and penetrating reports, and see that they are checked for reliability. In, meeting the enemy in batde, proceed on the basis of what you understand thoroughly, not on the basis of what you are in doubt about. These are called the six arts. “Do not think only of maintaining your rank as a general and shudder at the thought of losing your command. Do not press too hard for victory and forget about defeat. Do not be too stem with your own men and despise the enemy. Do not fix your eyes on gain alone and take no thought for loss. Seek ripeness in all your plans and liberality in your use of supplies. These are called the five expedients.

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“There are three cases in which a general refuses to obey the command of his ruler. Though threatened with death, he cannot be made to take up a position that is untenable. Though threatened with death, he cannot be made to attack where there is no hope of victory. Though threatened with death, he cannot be made to deceive the common people. These are known as the three extremities. “If the general, having received his commands from the ruler, relays them to the three armies, and sees to it that the three armies are properly regulated, that the officers are as­ signed to their proper ranks* and that all matters are correctly disposed of, then the ruler will have no particular occasion to rejoice nor the enemy to feel resentment.14 This is called the highest type of service. “Plan before any undertaking, and carry it out with circum­ spection; be as careful about the end as you are about the beginning, and end and beginning will be alike. This is the most auspicious policy. The success of all undertakings rests upon circumspection; their failure derives from negligence. Therefore, when circumspection prevails over carelessness, the result will be good fortune; when carelessness prevails over circumspection* the result will be annihilation. W hen plan­ ning prevails over personal desires* the result will be progress; when personal desires prevail over planning, the result will be disaster. Fight as though you were trying only to hold your ground; march as though you were already in battle; regard any success you achieve as merely lucky. Be cautious in strategy and never neglectful; be cautious in your undertakMI am not sure I understand what Hsiin Tzu means by this. Apparently he is saying that if the army is regulated according to objective principles, both the ruler and the enem y w ill take its efficiency as a matter of course and feel no particular emotional reaction. But perhaps the text is faulty.

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67

ingsand never neglectful; be cautioiis in dealings with your officers and never neglectful; be cautious in using your men and never neglectful; be cautious in regard to the enemy and never neglectful. These are caHed the five things that must not be neglected. “H e who carefully observes the six arts, the five expedients, and the three extremities, and who disposes of all matters with assiduity and circumspection, never allowing himself to be neglectful, may be called a true general of the world. He par­ takes of a godlike intelligencer “Very good,” said the lord of Lin-wu. “And now may I ask about the regulations of the kings army?” Hsün Tzu replied, “The general dies with his drums; the carriage driver dies with the reins; the officials die at their posts; the leaders of the fighting men die in their ranks. When the army hears the sound of the drums, it advances; when it hears the sound of the bells, it retreats. Obedience to orders is counted first; achievements are counted second. To advance when there has been no order to advance is no différent from retreating when there has been no order to retreat; the penalty is the same. The king's army does not kiU the enemy's old men and boys; it does not destroy crops. It does not seize those who retire without a fight, but it does not forgive those who resist. It does not make prisoners of those who surrender and seek asylum. In carrying out punitive expeditions, it does not punish the common people; it punishes those who lead the common people astray. But if any of the common people fight with the enemy, they become enemies as well. Thus those who flee from the enemy forces and come in surrender shall be left to go free.15 K'ai, the prince of Wei, was enfeoffed ” Following the interpretation of Liu Shih-p’e i

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in Sung, but Ts ao Ch’u-lung was executed in the presence of the army.18 The Yin people who submitted to the leaders of the Chou army, however, were allowed to live and were cared for the same as the people of Chou. Hence, those close by sang songs and rejoiced, and those far off hastened to the Chou leaders with the greatest speed. There was no country so re­ mote and out of the way that it did not hurry forward to serve them and find rest and joy in their rule. All within the four seas became as one family, and wherever the report of their virtue penetrated, there was no one who did not submit. This is what is called being a true leader of the people. The Odes refers to this when it says: From west, from east, From south, from north, There were none who thought of not submitting.17 “A true king carriès out punitive expeditions, but he does not make war. W hen a city is firmly guarded, he does not lay siege to it; when the soldiers resist strongly, he does not attack. W hen the rulers and their people of other states are happy with each other, he considers it a blessing. He does not mas­ sacre the defenders of a city; he does not move his army in secret; he does not keep his forces long in the field; he does not allow a campaign to last longer than one season. Therefore the “ •The prince of W ei was a brother of Chou, the last ruler of the Yin. Having admonished Chou in vain, he retired from court and, when King W u attacked and overthrew Chou, he greeted the army and acknowledged his submission. In return he was enfeoffed in Sung and given the task of carrying on the sacrifices of the Yin royal family. H is name is Ch’i, but it has here been changed by H an editors to K'ai in order to avoid the taboo on the personal name of Emperor Ching of the Han. Ts'ao Ch’u-lung is usually identified as an evil adviser to the tyrant Chieh of the Hsia, but H sün Tzu apparently takes him to be an adviser to the tyrant Chou of the Yin. 17 "Greater Odes,” Wen-wang yu-sheng, Mao text no. 244.

Debating Military Affairs

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people of badly ruled states delight in the report of his govern­ ment; they feel uneasy under their own rulers and long for his coming.” “Excellent,” said the lord of Lin-wu. Ch en Hsiao18 said to Hsiin Tzu, “W hen you talk about the use of arms, you always speak of benevolence and right­ eousness as being the basis of military action. A ,benevolent man loves others, and a righteous man acts in accordance with what is right. Why, then, would they have any recourse to arms in the first place? Those who take up arms do so only in order to contend with others and seize some spoil!” Hsiin Tzu replied, “This is not something that you would understand. The benevolent man does indeed love others, and because he loves others, he hates to see men do them harm. The righteous man acts in accordance with what is right, and for that reason he hates to see men do wrong. He takes up arms in order to put an end to violence and to do away with harm, not in order to contend with others for spoil. Therefore, where the soldiers of the benevolent man encamp they com­ mand a godlike respect; and where they pass, they transform the people. They are like the seasonable rain in whose falling all men rejoice. Thus Ÿao attacked Huan Tou, Shun attacked the rulers of the* Miao, Yii attacked Rung Rung, T ang at­ tacked the ruler of the Hsia, Ring W en attacked Ch ung, and Ring W u attacked Chou. These four emperors and two kings all marched through the world with their soldiers of benevo­ lence and righteousness. Those nearby were won by their goodness, and those far off were filled with longing by their virtue. They did not stain their swords with blood, and yet near and far alike submitted; their virtue flourished in the 1A disciple of Hsfin Tzu, otherwise unknown.

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center and spread to the four quarters. This is what the Odes means when it says: The good man, the gentleman, His forms are without fault; His forms are without fault; He corrects the countries of the four quarters.1* Li Ssu20 said to Hsün Tzu, “For four generations now Ch’in has won victory. Its armies are the strongest in the world and its authority sways the other feudal lords. It did not attain this by means of benevolence and righteousness, but by taking advantage of its opportunities, that is all.” Hsün Tzu replied, 'T his is not something that you would understand. W hen you talk about opportunities, you are speaking of opportunities that are in fact inopportune. W hen I speak of benevolence and righteousness, I mean opportu­ nities that are in fact great opportunities. This benevolence and righteousness which I speak of are the means whereby government is ordered properly, and when government is properly ordered, then the people will draw close to their superiors, delight in their rulers, and think it a light matter to die for them. Therefore I have said that matters pertaining to the army and the leadership of the generals are of minor im­ portance. Ch’in has been victorious for four generations, yet it " “Airs of Ts'ao,” Shih-chiu, Mao text no. 152. T h e present Hsün T zu text quotes only the first two lines, hut commentators believe that the next two lines should he added in order to make the quotation tie in with H sün Tzu s remarks. 90 A native of Ch’u who, after studying for a time under H sün T zu, traveled west to the state of Ch’in and gained the ear of the young king. W ith Li Ssu’s advice and aid, the king in time succeeded in conquering the other states and becoming supreme ruler, taking the title of First Emperor of the Ch’in. Li Ssu, as prime minister, had much to do with the establish­ ment of the new dynasty, but after the death of the First Emperor he was ousted from power by a court rival and in 208 b .c . was condemned to death.

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lias lived in constant terror and apprehension lest the rest of the world should someday unite and trample it down. These are the soldiers of a degenerate age, not of a nation which has grasped the true principle of leadership. Thus T an g did not have to wait until he had cornered Chieh on the field of Ming-t’iao before he could accomplish his overthrow; King W u did not have to wait until his victory on the day chia-tzu before he could punish Chou for his evil deeds.21 They had al­ ready assured victory for themselves by all their earlier deeds and actions. This is what it means to employ the soldiers of benevolence and righteousness. Now you do not try to get at the root of the matter, but look for a model in superficial ap­ pearances. This is the way to bring disorder to the world!” Rites22 are the highest expression of hierarchical order, the basis for strengthening the state, the way by which to create authority, the crux of achievement and fame. By proceeding in accordance with ritual, kings gam possession of the world; by ignoring it, they bring destruction to their altars of the grain and soil. Stout armor and sharp weapons are not enough to assure victory; high walls and deep moats are not enough to assure defense; stem commands and manifold penalties are not enough to assure authority. W hat proceeds by the way of ritual will advance; what proceeds by any other way will end in failure. The men of Ch u make armor out of sharkskin and rhinoc­ eros hides, and it is so tough it rings like metal or stone. They carry steel spears made in Yiian, sharp as the sting of a wasp, n T he field of Ming-t’iao was the scene of T ang's final victory over Chieh, the last ruler of the Hsia; chia-tzu was the day of the sixty-day cycle upon which King W u won final victory over Chou, the last ruler of the Yin. 28 T he remainder of the chapter is not in anecdote form. T h e three para­ graphs that follow are duplicated in Ssu-ma Ch’ie n s ‘Treatise on Rites,” . Shih chi 23.

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and move as nimbly and swifdy as a whirlwind. 'And yet C hV s troops were defeated at Ch’iu-sha and their general, T ang Mei, was killed; and from the time when Chuang Ch’iao turned against the king of Ch’u, the state wTas tom apart.28 Surely this did not come about because Ch’u lacked stout armor and sharp weapons. Rather it was because its leaders did not follow the proper way. They had the Ju and Ying rivers to protect them, the Yangtze and the Han as their moats; they were bounded by the forests of Teng and shielded by Mount Fang-ch’eng. And yet the Ch’in forces swept down * and seized the Ch’u capital city of Yen in Ying as easily as one might shake down a dry leaf 24 Surely it was not because Ch’u lacked natural defenses and barriers to protect it. Rather it was because its leaders failed to follow the proper way. The tyrant Chou cut out Pi Kan’s heart, imprisoned Chi Tzu, and made the punishment of the burning pillar. He murdered and massacred without season and his ministers and people were filled with terror and gave up all hope of saving their lives. Yet, when the armies of King W u came sweeping down, none of Chou s commands were obeyed and he found he could not rally his people about him. Surely it was not because his com­ mands were not stem enough, or his punishments not mani­ fold. Rather it was because in leading the people he failed to follow the proper way. In ancient times the only weapons were spears, lances, bows, and arrows, and yet enemy states did not even wait un­ til these were used against them, but submitted at once. Men * In 300 B.c. the army of King Huai of Ch’u was defeated at Ch’iu-sha hy the combined forces of Ch'in, Han, W ei and Ch’i. For Chuang Ch’iao, see above, n. 12. “ H sün Tzu is referring to the attack against Ch’u led by the Ch'in general Po Ch’i in 278 b .c ., when the Ch’in forces seized the Ch’u capital and forced King Ch’ing-hsiang to flee.

Debating Military Affairs

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did not build walls and batdements or dig ditches and moats; they did not set up defenses and watch stations or construct war machines, and yet the state was peaceful and safe, free from fear of outside aggression and secure in its position.25 There was only one reason for this. The leaders illumined the W ay and apportioned all ranks fairly; they employed the people at the proper season and sincerely loved them, so that the people moved in harmony with their superiors as shadows follow a form or echoes answer a sound. If there were any who did not follow commands, then and only then were punishments applied. Therefore, the rulers had only to punish one man and the whole world submitted. Men who had been punished bore no ill will against their superiors, for they knew that the fault lay in themselves. Therefore, the rulers seldom had to use punishments, and yet their authority was rec­ ognized by all. There was only one reason for this: they fol­ lowed the proper way. In ancient times, when Yao ruled the world, he executed one man, punished two others, and after that the whole world was well ordered. This is what the old text means when it says, “let your authority inspire awe, but do not wield it; set up penalties but do not apply them.” It is the way with all men that, if they do something only for the sake of winning rewards and benefits, then, the mo­ ment they see that the undertaking may end unprofitably or in danger, they will abandon it. Therefore rewards, punish­ ments, force, and deception are in themselves not enough to make men put forth their full efforts or risk their lives for the state. If the rulers and superiors do not treat the common people in accordance with ritual principles, loyalty, and good faith, but rely solely upon rewards, punishments, force, and deception, oppressing them and trying merely to squeeze some * Following the reading of Shik chi 23.

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kind of service and achievement out of them, then when an invader comes, if entrusted with the defense of a threatened city, they will surely betray their trust; if led into battle against the enemy, they will invariably turn and flee; if assigned to some difficult and demanding task, they will certainly run away* The bonds that should hold them will melt, and in­ feriors will turn upon and seize control of their superiors. Re­ wards ami punishments, force and deception may be the way to deal with hired laborers or tradesmen, but they are no way to unify the population of a great state or bring glory to the nation. Therefore, the men of ancient times were ashamed to resort to such ways. Lead the people by magnifying the sound of virtue, guide diem by making dear ritual principles, love them with the utmost loyalty and good faith, give them a place in the govern­ ment by honoring the worthy and employing the able, and elevate them in rank by bestowing tides and rewards. Demand labor of diem only at the proper season, lighten their burdens, unify them in harmony, nourish diem and care for them as you would litde children. Then, when the commands of gov­ ernment have been fixed and the customs of the people unified, if there should be those who depart from the custom­ ary ways and refuse to obey their superiors, the common people will as one man turn upon them with hatred, and regard them with loathing, like an evil force that must be exorcised. Then and only then should you think of applying penalties. Such are the kind of men who deserve severe pun­ ishment. W hat greater disgrace could come to them? If they try to profit by evil ways, they find themselves confronted by severe punishment. W ho but a madman or a fool, perceiving such an outcome, would fail to reform?

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After this the common people will become enlightened and will learn to obey the laws of their superiors, to imitate the ways of their ruler, and will find rest and delight in them. Then, if men should appear who can train themselves to do good, improve and rectify their conduct, practice ritual prin­ ciples, and hone» the Way, the common people will as one man show them deference and respect, will favor and praise them. Then and only then may you think of doling out re­ wards. Such are the kind of men who deserve lofty titles and generous emoluments. W hat greater glory could come to them? If they fear to suffer some loss by their virtuous ways, they find themselves supported and sustained by titles and emoluments. W hat man is there alive who would not wish to receive the same? W ith lofty titles and generous emoluments clearly held out before him, and explicit penalties and deep disgrace unmis­ takably hovering behind him, though a man might have no wish to reform his ways, how could he help himself? There­ fore, the people will flock about their ruler like water flowing downward. Where he is present, he commands a godlike respect; when he acts, he transforms the people (and they be­ come obedient).2®The violent and daring are transformed to sincerity; the prejudiced and selfish-minded are transformed to fairness; the quick-tempered and contentious are trans­ formed to harmony. This is called the great transformation and the highest unity. T he Odes refers to this when it says: The king's plans were truly sincere, And the country of Hsü came in submission.27 " T h e words in parentheses, two characters in the original, break the rhythm of the passage; either they are part of a clause the rest of which has dropped out of the text, or they do not belong here at alL w “Greater Odes,” Ch’ang-wu, Mao text no. 263.

y6

Hsün T zu

There are three methods by which you may annex a neigh­ boring-state and bring its people under your rule: you may win them over by virtue, by force, or by wealth. If the people of a neighboring state respect your reputation, admire your virtuous actions, and desire to become your sub­ jects, they will throw open their gâtes, dear the roads, and welcome you to their cities. If you allow them to follow their old customs and remain in their old homes, the common people will all rest easy and will willingly obey your laws and commands. In this way you will acquire new territory and your power will increase; you will have added to your popu­ lation and your armies will be stronger than ever. This is what it means to win over a neighbor by virtue. If the people of a neighboring state do not respect your reputation or admire your virtuous actions, but are awed by your authority and intimidated by force, then, although they will feel no loyalty to you in their hearts, they will not dare to resist annexation. In such cases, however, you will have to en­ large your garrisons and increase your military supplies, and your government expenditures will increase likewise. In this way you will acquire new territory but your power will de­ crease; you will have added to your population but your armies will be weaker than before. This is what it means to win over a neighbor by force. If the people of a neighboring state do not respect your reputation or admire your virtuous actions, but are poor and are looking for some way to get rich, are starving and in search of plenty, then they will come to you with empty bellies and gaping mouths, attracted by your food alone. In such a case, you will have to issue supplies of grain from your storehouses in order to feed them, hand out goods and wealth to enrich them, and appoint conscientious officials to look out for them,

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and only after three years have passed can you put faith in their loyalty. In this way you will acquire new territory but your power will decrease; you will have added to your popu­ lation but the state will be poorer than before. This is what it means to win over à neighbor by wealth. Therefore I say, he who annexes a state by virtue is a true king; he who annexes it by force will be weakened; and he who annexes it by wealth will be impoverished. From ancient times to the present it has always been the same. It is easy enough to annex territory; the difficult thing is to stabilize and maintain control over it. Ch’i was able to annex Sung, but could not hold on to it, and so Wei snatched it away. Yen succeeded in annexing Ch’i, but could not hold on to it, and so T ien Tan seized control of it. Han’s territory of Shang-tang, a region several hundred li square, rich and well inhabited, chose to become part of Chao, but Chao could not hold on to it, and hence Ch’in took it away.28 He who is able to annex territory but not to hold on to it will invariably be stripped of his acquisitions; he who can neither annex ter­ ritory nor hold on to what he has will surely be destroyed. He who can hold on to territory will invariably be able to acquire more. W hen one can both acquire and hold on to territory, there, is no limité to the amount he can annex. In ancient times T ’ang began with the region of Po and King W u began with Hao, both of them areas of only a hundred li square. The reason they were able to unite the world under their rule and win the allegiance of all the other feudal lords was simply this: they knew how to secure their hold upon their territory. * Ch’i annexed Sung in 286 b .c . but lost it two years later to W ei. For T ’ien Tan and the invasion of Cb’i by Yen, see above, n. 12. The region of Shang-tang, originally a part of Han, chose to become part of Chao in 261 B .C ., but three years later it was taken over by Ch’in. 9 Reading ch'iang (border) instead of chiang.

y8

H sûn T zu

Secure your hold on the aristocracy by means of ritual; secure your hold on the people through government. W ith ritual well ordered, the aristocracy will submit to your rule; with the government fairly administered, the people will feel safe. W ith the aristocracy submissive and die people content, you will attain what is called a situation of great stability. If you remain within your borders, you will be unassailable; if you mardi to batde, you will be strong. W hat you command will be done, what you forbid will cease, and the undertakings , of a true king will be complete in you.

A DISCUSSION OF HEAVEN (se c tio n

1 7 )

Heavens ways are constant. It does not prevail because of a sage like Yao; it does not cease to prevail because of a tyrant like Chieh. Respond to it with good government, and good fortune will result; respond to it with disorder, and misfortune will result. If you encourage agriculture and are frugal in expenditures, then Heaven cannot make you poor. If you provide the people with the goods they need and demand their labor only at the proper time, then Heaven cannot afflict you with illness. If you practice the Way and are not of two minds, then Heaven cannot bring you misfortune. Flood or drought cannot make your people starve, extremes of heat or cold can­ not make them fall ill, and strange and uncanny occurrences cannot cause them harm. But if you neglect agriculture and spend lavishly, then Heaven cannot make you rich. If you are careless in your provisions and slow to act, then Heaven cannot make you whole. If you turn your back upon the Way and act rashly, then Heaven cannot give you good fortune. Your people will starve even when there are no floods or droughts; they will fall ill even before heat or cold come to oppress them; they will suffer harm even when no strange or uncanny happenings occur. The seasons will visit you as they do a well-ordered age, but you will suffer misfortunes that a well-ordered age does not know. Yet you must not curse Heaven, for it is merely the natural result of your own actions. Therefore, he who can distinguish between the activities of

8o

Hsün T zu

Heaven and those of mankind is worthy to he called the highest type of man. To bring to completion without acting, to obtain without seeking—this is the work of Heaven. Thus, although the sage has deep understanding, he does not attempt to exercise it upon the work of Heaven; though he has great talent, he does not attempt to apply it to the work of Heaven; though he has keen perception, he does not attempt to use it on the work of Heaven. Hence it is said that he does not compete with Heavens work. Heaven has its seasons; earth has its riches; man has his government. Hence man may form a triad with the other two. But if he sets aside that which allows him to form a triad with the other two and longs for what they have, then he is deluded. The ranks of stars move in progression, the sun and moon shine in turn, the four seasons succeed each other in good order, the yin and yang go through their great transformations, and the wind and rain pass over the whole land. All things obtain what is congenial to them and come to life, receive what is nourishing to them and grow to comple­ tion. One does not see the process taking place, but sees only the results. Thus it is called godlike. All men understand that the process has reached completion, but none understands the formless forces that bring it about. Hence it is called the ac­ complishment of Heaven.1 Only the sage does not seek to un­ derstand Heaven. W hen the work of Heaven has been established and its ac­ complishments brought to completion, when the form of man is whole and his spirit is bom, then love and hate, delight and anger, sorrow and joy find lodging in him. These are called his heavenly emotions. Ears, eyes, nose, mouth, and body all have that which they perceive, but they cannot substitute for 1Adding the word ku n g at the end of the sentence.

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81

one another. They are called the heavenly faculties. The heart dwells in the center and governs the five faculties, and hence it is called the heavenly lord. Food and provisions are not of the same species as man, and yet they serve to nourish him and are called heavenly nourishment. He who accords with what is proper to his species will he blessed; he who turns against it will suffer misfortune. These are called the heavenly dictates. To darken the heavenly lord, disorder the heavenly faculties, reject the heavenly nourishment, defy the heavenly dictates, turn against the heavenly emotions, and thereby destroy the heavenly accomplishment is called dire disaster. The sage purifies his heavenly lord, rectifies his heavenly faculties, cherishes the heavenly nourishment, obeys the heav­ enly dictates, nourishes the heavenly emotions, and thereby preserves the heavenly accomplishment. In this way he under­ stands what is to be done and what is not to be done. Hence Heaven and earth too perform dieir functions and all things serve him. His actions are completely ordered; his nourish­ ment of the people is completely appropriate; his life is with­ out injury. This is what it means to truly understand Heaven. Hence the really skilled man has things which he does not do; the really wise man has things that he does not ponder.2 W hen he turps his thoughts to Heaven, he seeks to under­ stand only those phenomena which can be regularly ex­ pected. W hen he turns his thoughts to earth, he seeks to understand only .those aspects that can be taken advantage of. W hen he turns his thoughts to the four seasons, he seeks to understand only the changes that will affect his undertakings. W hen he turns his thoughts to the yin and yang, he seeks to 3 In this passage, which I fear goes rather ponderously into English, H siin Tzu uses die word t’ien in the sense of “Nature” or “natural.” I have translated it as “Heaven” or ‘‘heavenly” throughout, however, in order to malcg c l__. L ; . innection with what has gone before.

8z

Hsün T zu

understand only the modulations which call for some action on his part. The experts may study Heaven; the ruler himself should concentrate on the Way. Are order and disorder due to the heavens? I reply, the sun and moon, the stars and constellations revolved 8 in the same way in the time of Yü as in the time of Chieh. Yü achieved order; Chieh brought disorder. Hence order and disorder are not due to the heavens. Are they then a matter of the seasons? I reply, the crops sprout and grow in spring and summer, and are harvested and stored away in autumn and winter. It was the same under both Yü and Chieh. Yü achieved order; Chieh brought dis­ order. Hence order and disorder are not a matter of the seasons. Are they due to the land? I reply, he who acquires land may live; he who loses it will die. It was the same in the time of Yü as in the time of Chieh. Yü achieved order; Chieh brought disorder. Hence order and disorder are not due to the land. This is what the Odes means when it says: Heaven made a high hill; T ai Wang opened it up. He began the work And King Wen dwelt there in peace.4 Heaven does not suspend the winter because men dislike cold; earth does not cease being wide because men dislike great distances; the gentleman does not stop acting because petty men carp and clamor. Heaven has its constant way; earth has its constant dimensions; the gentleman has his constant demeanor. The gentleman follows what is constant; the petty * Following Kanaya, I read huan instead of jui. 4 “Hymns of Chou,” T tien-tso, Mao text no. 270.

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man reckons up his achievements. This is what the Odes means when it says : If you have no faults of conduct. Why be distressed at what others say? 5 The king of Ch u has a retinue of a thousand chariots, hut not because he is wise. The gentleman must eat boiled greens and drink water, but not because he is stupid. These are acci­ dents of circumstance. To be refined in purpose, rich in vir­ tuous action, and clear in understanding; to live in the present and remember the past—these are things which are within your own power. Therefore the gentleman cherishes what is within his power and does not long for what is within the power of Heaven alone. The petty man, however, puts aside what is within his power and longs for what is within the power of Heaven. Because the gendeman cherishes what is within his power and does not long for what is within Heav­ en's power, he goes forward day by day. Because the petty man sets aside what is within his power and longs for what is within Heaven's power, he goes backward day by day. The same cause impels the gendeman forward day by day, and the petty man backward. W hat separates the two originates in this one point alone. W hen stars fall or trees make strange sounds,6 all the people in the country are terrified and go about asking,