Australian painting, 1788-2000 9780195515541

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AUSTRALIAN PAINTING This is the fourth edition of Bernard Smith’s Australian Painting, which has become an established classic. First published in 1962, Australian Painting was republished in 1971 with a detailed account of the great changes that altered the art scene during the 1960s, such as abstract expressionism, Pop Art and colour painting. Peter Fuller, the renowned British critic, commented: ‘As a study of its chosen subject, the book is a tour de force, unlikely ever to be superseded’ (The Independent, 1990). As in previous editions, the relationship between new influences from abroad and the changing political, social and artistic environments in Australia remain the central theme. Painting underwent a crisis in the 1960s. Terry Smith examines the response during the

1970s of the older generation—typified by Arthur Boyd and Fred Williams—and the painters who were prominent during the 1960s. He looks at the challenge of Conceptual Art and the impact of dissenting politics on painters.

The advent of feminism in Australian art of the mid 1970s resulted in a significant representation of women painters in the following decades, and the challenges that faced these women artists are examined here. The role of painting in traditional Aboriginal communities, as well as the remarkable emergence of art by Aborigines living in the major cities, is also discussed in detail. During the 1980s postmodern theories were prominent in both painting and art writing. Australian artists evolved a unique form of Post Conceptual painting in which questions of meaning and identity were explored in new ways.

For this new edition, Christopher Heathcote charts the 1990s. He outlines pressures upon Aboriginal painting, the influence of environmentalism on the landscape tradition, as well as evolving attitudes towards representation, abstraction and personal expression. Noting a shift into magic realism by artists shaping a postcolonial outlook, he concludes by discussing the grass-roots reinvention of painting by urban youth. Australian Painting 1755-2000 is written for those seeking a comprehensive introduction to the subject and will be valuable to students, teachers, and the general reader. It discusses the achievements of Australia’s leading artists and a great many who are less well known. All facets of Australian painting are generously illustrated. This new edition contains the most significant selection of paintings yet published. Bernard Smith is one of Australia’s most distinguished art historians and critics. He was Professor of Contemporary Art at, and Director of, the Power Institute of Fine Arts, University of Sydney (1967-77), and is a Fellow and former President of the Australian Academy of the Humanities. His publications include Place, Taste and Tradition, Kuropean Vision and the South Pacific, The Death of the Artist as Hero, The Critic as Advocate, Modernism’s History, and his autobiography The Boy Adeodatus: The Portrait of a Lucky Young Bastard. With Rudiger Joppien he co-wrote The Art of Captain Cook’s Voyages, volumes I-III. He is co-editor of The Art of the Farst Fleet and Other Early Austrahan Drawings and Baudin in Australian Waters.

Terry Smith is Andrew Mellon Professor of Contemporary Art, University of Chicago, and a

former Head of the Department of Fine Arts, University of Sydney. He is the author of Making the Modern: Industry Art and Design in Amenca, the editor of Art and Language: Australia 1975 and Constructing Austrahan Art: Eight Critiques, and co-editor, with Anthony Bradley, of Australian Art and Architecture: Essays Presented to Bernard Smith.

Dr Christopher Heathcote is a widely published art critic and cultural commentator. He was Associate Editor for Art Monthly Australia (1988-93) and senior art critic for the Melbourne Age (1990-94). He is the author of A Quzet Revolution: The Rise of Australian Art 1946-1966, which has become a standard work in this field.

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criticize d the ten dency an sais ne 3 SEE re to depict native peoples 3 A Family of New South Wales, engraving by

after the manner of Willem Dh. ater Govenae Ki 7 classical sculpture and to make their huts look like booths in English fairs.° The convention, how-

ever, lingered into the 1790s; and the finest of all the engravings which render the Aboriginal as a noble savage was also one of the last. This was William Blake’s A Family of New South Wales (3), which was engraved from a drawing by Lieutenant P. G. King and published in John Hunter's Historical Journal of the Transactions at Port Jackson and Norfolk Island (1793).

Cook’s voyages were undertaken to promote the cause of science and geographical discovery, and to advance Britain’s position as a maritime

power. Governor Arthur Phillip’s task was more mundane. He had to establish a penal settlement upon an unknown coast. The Admiralty did not supply him with artists as they had Cook on his second and third voyages. But drawing played a significant part in a naval officer's training. He was expected to be able to draw maps, charts and profiles of coasts, and to keep a journal, when visiting unknown or outlandish countries, which would contain an accurate record of all interesting and curious observations. Furthermore, many naval men shared the current enthusiasm for collecting and describing new plants and animals; others, with some skill in drawing,

4 AUSTRALIAN PAINTING

, ,- Um |47THE PORT Black JACKSON PAINTER, Swan,

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THE FIRST ARTISTS 23 of his Australian views by way of preparation apparently for his engravings. A comparison of these drawings with their corresponding engravings reveals

that in the process of engraving Lycett tended to make the scene correspond to conventional ideas of the picturesque landscape. In the engraving of Salt Pan Plain, Van Diemen’s Land (18), for example, the eucalypt in the left foreground of the corresponding water-colour drawing (19) has been transformed into two picturesque trees of an indeterminate species,

and the open tracery of the foliage has been turned into opaque and laterally-disposed foliage reminiscent of an oak. Figures have been introduced and the engraving as a whole looks more like a piece of English countryside than a land into which Europeans had recently entered. This was due, to some extent, to the sway of picturesque convention in landscape drawing. But the alterations may have been due also in some measure to quite practical reasons. Lycett’s was the first important illustrated book to hold out a direct appeal to the prospective migrant to settle in Australia. Such literature has always sought to depict the country in the ‘most favourable’ light. Lycett was transported to Australia for forging English bank notes. How many migrants he induced, by forging landscapes, to settle freely in the country will never be known.””

NOTES

1 EDWARD SMITH, The Life of Sir Joseph Banks, London, 1911, p. 16 2 SYDNEY PARKINSON, A Journal of a Voyage to the South Seas, in his Majesty’s ship, The Endeavour, London, 1773 3 JOHN HAWKESWORTH, An Account of the Voyages undertaken by the Order of His Present Majesty for Making Discoveries in the Southern Hemisphere ..., London, 1773 Because of a legal injunction granted to Hawkesworth restraining publication of Parkinson’s Journal, see sIR MAURICE HOLMES, Captain James Cook, B.N., F.R.S. A Bibliographical Excur-

sion, London, 1952, pp. 25-6, 53-5

5 See H. N. FAIRCHILD, The Noble Savage, New York, 1928 6 See L. FITZHARDINGE, ‘Some “First Fleet” Reviews’, Hist. Stud. Aust. and N.Z.. ix (1959), 88

7 Banks was elected President in 1778 8 Now better known as Sydney Harbour

9 The Port Jackson Painter may have been Henry Brewer, see EVSP, p. 118 n. 10 JUVENAL, Satire VI, 165

11 Accounts of the art work of these men will be found in: Moors, i, 10-11; EVSP, pp. 117-20 12 In the Royal Commonwealth Society Library, London 13 For Humboldt and nineteenth-century landscape painting see EVSP, pp. 151-7 14 On Westall see also Drawings by William Westall, Landscape artist on board H.M.s. Investi-

gator during the circumnavigation of Australia by Captain Matthew Flinders, R.N., in 1801-1803 (ed. T. M. Perry and D. H. Simpson), London, Royal Commonwealth Society, 1962.

15 On Ferdinand Bauer see also w. BLUNT, The Art of Botanical Illustration, London, 1950, Ppp. 195-202, passim

16 For a more detailed account of these reactions see EVSP, pp. 133-4, passim 17 waTLINnG, Letters from an Exile, Penrith [n.d.] (1794), pp. 8-9 18 jbid., p. 9

24 AUSTRALIAN PAINTING 19 jbid., p. 26 20 WILLIAM FOSTER, ‘British Artists in India’, Walpole Soc., xix (1931), 88 21 On Watling see also HUGH S. GLADSTONE, “Thomas Watling Limner of Dumfries’, Transactions

of the Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society, 3rd ser., xx (1935-6), 70-133

22 op. cit., Pp. 225

23 See w. DIxsON, Notes on Australian Artists’, Journ. RAHS, v (1919), 231 24 On Eyre see also EVSP, pp. 162-4 25 On Evans see also article in AE, vol. iii 26 i.e. a lazy method of working 27 On Robert Barker see also article in DNB, voli, p. 1129 ff. 28 See EVSP, pl. 112 29 On Lewin see also PHYLLIS MANDER JONES, ‘John William Lewin: a Memoir’, Biblionews, Sydney (Nov. 1953), 36-46, and bibliography (Dec. 1953); EVSP, pp. 158-62, passim 80 On Lycett see also article in AE, vol. v

CHAPTER TWO

ARTISTS ON THE PASTORAL FRONTIER 1821-51]

New South Wales is a perpetual flower garden, but there is

not a single scene in it of which a painter could make a

landscape, without greatly disguising the character of the trees.

BARRON FIELD, Geographical Memoirs, 1825

Prior to 1821 settlement in Australia was confined to areas around Sydney, Hobart and Launceston. But after the recall of Macquarie expansion into

the unoccupied areas of New South Wales proceeded apace, and under the able administration of Colonel George Arthur (1824-36) the struggling

settlements of Van Diemen’s Land were transformed into a flourishing colony. From 1820 onwards both colonies, despite a minor slump in New South Wales in 1827, experienced boom conditions, based upon the expansion of the pastoral industry, which continued until the depression of 1843. The rapid expansion of the pastoral frontier brought a greater variety of scenery to the notice of travellers and artists. In New South Wales men came to realize that Australian scenery was far more diversified than the visual monotony of the Cumberland Plain, in its virgin state, had led the first settlers to believe. They became acquainted with the sub-tropical cedar brush of the Illawarra and Port Stephens districts, the precipitous sandstone scarps of the Blue Mountains, the open forest and savannah lands beyond the Great Divide.

Settlement in the interior also introduced a greater variety of human experience. Before 1821 the main occupation of artists in Australia had been to portray the curiosities of nature, the life of the Aboriginals and the progress of the small settlements. Indeed the new settlements founded during the period now under consideration, at Brisbane (1824), at Perth (1829), at Melbourne (1835) and at Adelaide (1836), stimulated both amateur and professional artists to recapitulate the graphic interests of Sydney's first artists, each settlement recording its local fauna and flora, its native peoples and its own progress. But in the older colonies a new range

of subjects, already foreshadowed in the work of John Lewin and Joseph Lyceit, illustrating frontier life, became increasingly popular. Colonials on horseback hunting the emu and kangaroo, bivouacking around an evening camp fire, or attacked by Aboriginals or bushrangers: these were 25

26 AUSTRALIAN PAINTING the themes which came to symbolize the adventurous colonial life and to attract migrants to the country. During the period Australia began to experience some of the effects of the romantic revival in arts and letters. Certainly, elements of romanticism can be found in Australian work before 1820, but they are exceptional. Distance and isolation from Europe created a noticeable time-lag in taste and fashion, a lag emphasized by the fact that the colonial economy was never affluent enough to support the arts in any but the smallest degree. The neo-classical taste of the late eighteenth century persisted in Australia well after 1820. Barron Field (1786-1846), who claimed, not without justification, to be Australia’s first poet, wrote poetry and prose in the 1820s, still governed largely by Augustan conventions; and John Glover's paintings of the 1830s, as we shall see, echo the pictorial tastes of eighteenth-century England.

It should be realized, too, that the Australian colonist was cut off from one of the most important sources of romantic sentiment and inspiration, the veneration of the past, especially the Christian medieval past of the northern nations of Europe. As John Ruskin wrote in 1856: . .. the charm of romantic association can be felt only by the modern European

child. It arises eminently out of the contrast of the beautiful past with the frightful and monotonous present; and it depends for its force on the existence of ruins and traditions, on the remains of architecture, the traces of battlefields. ... The instinct to which it appeals can hardly be felt in America.

He might equally have said Australia, for Australia as so many at the time remarked, possessed no ruins: she could not dream about her past, only about her future. There were, however, two sources of romantic sentiment available in the new colonies; the love of the simple and adventurous life freed from the conventions of civilized life, and the closely associated delight in wild, mountainous scenery. The noble savage itself was, at heart, a romantic symbol; and as the century progressed it shed its classical associations. Such a painting as Captain James Wallis’s Corroboree at Newcastle (20) admir-

ably expresses the romantic interests of the time. Here is that love of primitive man, wild scenery and moonlight which the romantics adored. And yet, for all its romantic interest, the image of the noble savage was quickly

replaced in the second and third decades of the century. Even in the eighteenth century, despite a wide currency, it had appealed only to a limited number of educated people. It ill accorded with colonial experience.

For the great majority of the colonists the natives represented the lowest condition of human existence. Contact with Europeans debauched their intricate tribal structure and shattered the economic basis of their existence. Clad in old rags to hide their nakedness from the eyes of the newcomers,

ARTISTS ON THE PASTORAL FRONTIER | 27

SS ae Ee = aoe oe UN ee 4 ee ON — 7 SS =e a

petdadl SEE eeeReeeoaee eevimee a ee i: Se Vor ee je 290 JAMES WALLIS, Corroboree at Newcastle, oil on wood, 28 x 48, c. 1817, Dixson Galleries

the Aboriginals became, during the 1820s and 1830s, the butt of a cruel and insensitive colonial humour.

The moral values of the convicts, such as they were, were still largely responsible for determining the moral values of colonial society at large.” And for the convicts the Aboriginals were a species of human being who belonged to a social class lower even than their own. Much of the cruelty which convicts experienced from their masters during the period of their servitude was visited upon natives with whom they came in contact on the pastoral frontier where so many became shepherds and stockmen in the years following their emancipation. T. R. Browne, a convict stationed at

Newcastle in the years 1812-13, was among the first to caricature the Aboriginal. He produced comical silhouettes of well-known natives called by nicknames such as Long Jack, Pussy-Cat, and Hump Backd Maria (21). Caricaturing the Aboriginal was carried on into the 1830s by W. H. Fernyhough (1812-49), a surveyor and architectural draughtsman, who lithographed Twelve Profile Portraits of the Aborigines of New South Wales in 1836. The grotesque gestures of his Native Dance (22) afford a sharp contrast with James Wallis’s Corroboree at N ewcastle. The Aboriginal is no longer conceived as a romantic figure performing his strange rituals under the light of the moon. He has become the colonial clown. Even more striking is the contrast between John Carmichael’s besotted and debauched Male and Female Black Natives (23) of 1839 and William Blake’s idyllic Family of New South Wales (3) of 1793. Such contrasts testify to the decline of the idea of the noble savage, an idea which did much to humanize relationships between Europeans and native peoples during the second half of the

28 AUSTRALIAN PAINTING

eee 21eeT. R. Back’d BROWNE, a. eefe| ee Hump Maria, a 7 yy ¢g BO Female well known about 7een es a . 7 Sydney, water-colour, 11% Oo oo te ii ¢ = x 9, c. 1819, Nan Kivel]

, a| a| goofy Collection, Be 7Commonwealth of Australia

| / i AOS sedi ay Pum cS re abiade we E q . oye _ ia —_ . >

. ten fey woe ne a ee eighteenth century. In place of the noble savage, the nineteenth century evolved the idea of the ignoble savage, a concept crystallizing largely out

of the attitudes formed by evangelists and evolutionists. For, to the thoroughgoing evangelist, Aboriginals were pagan savages who (saving Christian conversion) were destined to perdition; to the evolutionist they were creatures but one step above the brute creation, destined to extinction by the immutable laws of natural selection. To replace the eighteenth century’s black noble savage the nineteenth

century produced a white one: the noble frontiersman. He became the new representative, the new symbol, of a life freed from the restricting conventions of civilized life. His was a life lived close to nature, dangerous, adventurous and often heroic. The image arose in the art of many pioneering communities in the second decade of the century; in America, for instance,

in such forms as Natty Bumppo, the hero of several of James Fenimore Cooper's novels. In its Australian context, the graphic image is fore-

ARTISTS ON THE PASTORAL FRONTIER 29

shadowed in pictorial embellish- a , on

ments to Joseph Lycett’s engrav- a | a

ings, but it is better expressed in Pt ee Dee NN the work of Augustus Earle (1793- MES ae NN

1838), to anaartist himself greatlyand ae Oe | ay ae given life of wandering ve' WG ae

adventure y Augustus Earle was ae the son ofWy ; ye ai ye“% ae x 7 James Earle (1761-96), and the ™ 4 —— ® - eed ee |

nephew of Ralph Earle (1751-2007 Ss eee 1801), a well-known American 22 W. H. FERNYHOUGH, Native portrait painter. Augustus’s father, Dance, lithograph, 8% x 11, 1836

who was himself a painter, travelled

to England as a young man, and his son studied at the Royal Academy. After completing his studies, Augustus travelled in the Mediterranean (1815-17), spent two years in the United States (1818-20) and four more in Brazil (1821-24). In 1824, on his way to India, Earle was wrecked on the

south Atlantic island of Tristan da Cunha. After an adventurous eight months on the island he was taken off by the Admiral Cockburn bound for Van Diemen’s Land, and arrived in Hobart in January 1825. He later visited

New Zealand and India, and in 1831 embarked as topographical artist aboard the Beagle, where he made the acquaintance of Charles Darwin. Earle only remained in Australia until October 1828, and there was an intervening visit of nine months to New Zealand. He was, therefore, only a bird of passage; but he worked with great industry and covered a large part of the country. He also became quite well known as a portrait painter in New South Wales. His best-known portrait is the full-length standing figure of Captain John Piper (1773-1851), the Naval Officer of Port Jackson (24). Piper is presented in his uniform of office, standing upon a southern point of Sydney Harbour, beside a

~ — eee! ~ gum tree. His splendid residence, | a Ne of the colony’s lavish enterat tainments duringmost the twenties, is | | ea - See portrayed behind him. Earle also , iy | Py painted portraits of Governor Bris: ¥ “n a yy ie bane and Governor Darling, and a

rn | "“\y YY ’ number of the notables of New |BE eeEarle Ved madeee many excursions into 23 JOHN CARMICHAEL, Male and the newly-opened regions of New

Female Black etching,including 4% x 7, | the Illa1830Natives, South Wales,

30 AUSTRALIAN PAINTING

0 EeeeeeAu§=6eveological curiosities, the oo Ge \geeee = life of the native people cc 5 Eee meme and the activities of the a oe : a . : : § so | Ye oS ‘ regions recently opened up A = Bee by European settlement. TY Mie Like many of the roving

ae _ = ees ,. . ec 4 "| artists of his time, Earle ee Sees ~ -— Bs was anxious to visit regions

— eee §= hitherto unvisited by any 6Qoes | artist’. In the early years of SE tS eee the century before the in-

(1839), when the perfecteee ae fcoe , oy ing of the coloured aquatint ea ee es eee eee and the lithograph was ae ee eee making illustrated travel ee books popular, there was a SE of little-known parts of the 24 AUGUSTUS EARLE, Captain John Piper, world. Earle was only one canvas, 75% x 47%, c. 1826, Mitchell Galleries of a great number of artists who wandered widely about the world seeking to provide them. Many years after his visit to Australia Augustus Earle, back in England after his work on the Beagle, exhibited a painting at the Royal Academy

of 1838, made from drawings executed in the Illawarra district of New South Wales. He called it A Bivouac of Travellers in Australia in a Cabbage

Tree Forest, Day Break (25). The painting seeks to present something of the life of the colonial frontiersman, which was now beginning to impress

itself upon the European imagination. The scene is set in a landscape highly exotic to English eyes. A group of travellers, accompanied by their native guides, are seen about their camp fire, which has been kept blazing all night. Around them are strewn saddles, rifles and dogs, and the results

ARTISTS ON THE PASTORAL FRONTIER 31 of the previous day's kill. Two men are preparing to break camp; another is about to place a quart-pot on the fire in preparation for breakfast. One traveller stretches himself on awakening; another is still asleep. By means of such paintings the image of the noble frontiersman was transmitted. It was just the kind of picture calculated to stir the imagination at a time when migration from the old world to a new was exercising the thoughts of thousands.

The noble savage had inhabited a romantic wilderness. The noble frontiersman entered, like Abram, into a land of sweet pastures. During the 1820s and 1830s, as sheep runs were pushed farther and farther into the interior, the pastoral imagery of the Bible rose constantly in the minds of travellers. It was the land of Canaan. ‘O I congratulate you’, exclaimed the Reverend Samual Marsden, as he encountered a family of settlers negotiating the precipitous passes of the Blue Mountains, “You are all going

to the land of Goshen.* And when Barron Field in 1822 rode into the Bathurst Plains (to which Marsden had been referring) he found, as he had never found upon the coast, a country his heart could warm to: I could hardly believe I was travelling in New Holland this day, so different, so English—is the character of the scenery—downs, meadows and streams, in the flat—no side scenes of eucalyptus. .. . You may see as far as the eye can reach. Stockmen, cattle and sheep occasionally form your horizon, as in old Holland— a Paul Potter or Cuyp effect rare in New Holland. At sunset we saw wooded hills, distant enough to display that golden glow which landscape painters love.*

And another traveller a year later wrote: The fatigue of the journey was now over, and we were really in a Christian country—the climate mild and delightful, the prospect cheerful and extensive—

the sheep returning to the fold seemed healthy and happy, and awakened thoughts of abundance—of content—of thankfulness. The gorgeous sun was setting in a robe of gold, over that undiscovered country west of the Macquarie, and the scene was altogether worthy of a Claude.®

Throughout the 1820s and 1830s some of the best pastoral land of eastern Australia was opened up by squatters and explorers. Their reports resounded

with a note of optimism and hope for the future. In 1836 Major Mitchell found, in the Western District of Victoria, the land of Australia Felix: As I stood, the first European intruder on the sublime solitude of these verdant plains, as yet untouched by flocks or herds, I felt conscious of being the harbinger

of mighty changes there for our steps would soon be followed by the men and the animals for whick it seemed to have been prepared.®

It is not surprising that the new pastoral country opened up should suggest to some the possibility of a new and independent school of landscape paint-

32 AUSTRALIAN PAINTING ing in Australia. Dr John Lhotsky, a Polish scientist who made a visit to the Southern Alps in 1834, wrote a few years later: Australian sky and nature awaits, and merits real artists to pourtray it. Its gigantic gum and acacia trees, forty feet in girth, some of them covered with a most smooth bark, externally as white as chalk; the enchantment—like appearance of forests,

the foliage of which is pruinose and mellow, in a way defying description— mornings and evenings so pure and serene that the eye is absorbed as it were, in the depths of the azure of the horizon. ... All this and more .. . will produce a Daniell, and in succession a Salvator Rosa, and, perhaps, such as will even succeed them.’

Lhotsky wrote his comment in 1839. By that time John Glover, a very well-known English artist who knew and revered the work of Claude and Salvator Rosa, had already been working for nine years in Australia seeking

to render as ably as he could the characteristic features of the country’s landscape. Augustus Earle had been a bird of passage, but Glover (17671849 ), who arrived in Hobart in February 1831, came to stay. He was the son of a Leicestershire farmer who first established himself as an artist and drawing master in Lichfield. In 1805 he began to practise in London and

rapidly became one of the most successful artists and art teachers in the kingdom. He was elected President of the Old Water-colour Society in 1807, and exhibited regularly at the Royal Academy and the Society of British Artists, holding one-man shows in London in 1823 and 1824. In 1830, however, at a time when Van Diemen’s Land was receiving considerable publicity in England as a desirable home for migrants with capital, and when Glover was sixty-four years of age, he decided to leave England to paint the little-known scenery of the new colony and to settle his family upon the land. In 1832 he obtained an extensive grant of land in north-eastern Tasmania on the northern slopes of Ben Lomond. There he built a fine two-storeyed stone house, and called his property ‘Patterdale’, after Patterdale in Cumberland where he had lived for some time before migrating to Van Diemen's

Land. Here, as his family proceeded to farm, he continued to paint prolifically, as he had done throughout his life, and was able to prepare an exhibition ‘descriptive of the scenery and customs of Van Diemen’s Land’ which he held in Bond Street, London, in 1835. Glover's style was formed in the last decades of the eighteenth century, and he retained a great affection for those landscape masters, such as Claude Lorraine, Salvator Rosa and Gaspard Poussin, whom the connoisseurs of the time revered. Indeed, he owned two Claudes himself. It is not surprising,

therefore, that his interpretations of the Tasmanian landscape should at times recall these masters. Glover’s son, John Glover junior, remarked once that the rocks along the Tamar River reminded him of the rocks in Gaspard

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oeOy eeeaah panne Cee aees eee rs Ce IA nas ok SS ae otoh a ayeoeeka weeae SEU Byes 8 ens ES pee te Bey el Cees ea ghtre neee arnt Ree DESIG, hat EIE a ee ES ee eee ee ee . a | BRS a | : Se .! ey } ye “a OIC ey oe . wy Se those SERIDOE Sa PS eee PO ae ol Woe Ad 7 eo pot weeny By iets Ce ie go ee, yee he a ats! BS Eos ORS Ee RAE ee ed ee

id ° ’ 25 A Bivouac of Travellers in ustraiia in a V 141% 2%, c. 183 T Forest, Day Break, canvas, x 32%, c. ; an

” by Be SEALER aa SR EE cy ROR ea aan ee onathe uk i ee os eee

Cabbage Tree , }

Ki ll C ll ti Commonwealth of Australia

°

34 AUSTRALIAN PAINTING

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26 JOHN GLOVER, Australian Landscape with Cattle, canvas, 30 x 40, c. 1835, Nan Kivell Collection, Commonwealth of Australia

Poussin’s paintings;* and John Glover's painting of a hunting party on Ben Lomond (N.L.A.)° recalls the banditti scenes of Salvator Rosa and Gaspard

Poussin. This is not to say that Glover was incapable of catching the character of the local landscape. There need be little doubt that he had come to the colony with that intention very much in mind. Some of the remarks which he wrote into the catalogue of his 1835 exhibition are most perceptive, as when he observes: “There is a remarkable peculiarity in the trees in this country; however numerous they rarely prevent you tracing through them the whole distant country’. Such observations were also expressed in his drawings and paintings, as in his Australian Landscape with Cattle (26). This fine landscape concedes nothing to later artists like Louis Buvelot, Tom Roberts, Arthur Streeton

and Hans Heysen in the unmistakable clarity of its vision. Here is no Englishman painting the landscape with English eyes nor interpreting it by means of the ideal formula of Claude. The light and open foreground untidily strewn with fallen logs and branches, the translucent screen of trees in the middle distance, the pale blue hills beyond: such typical features of the local landscape are seen and depicted lucidly. In such paintings Glover established himself as one of the pioneers of Australian landscape painting. Yet in those optimistic years of the pastoral expansion everything seemed

possible, and the reality often faded imperceptibly into the ideal. In My Harvest Home (27) the old blends with the new.’® A bountiful harvest has sprung from what was once an antipodean wilderness. The

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aSUE ee cecae aged £03 Pos sg ARES eeeee «PEE OR ES Bere . ae ae :;: PEER OS aeee SE 2A nae pO ie4i. :.ae pkrfo aes SIRE ES cee ::fs 4es. Edereas anced Be os ee eea3 aa 2S :% aie ®: PES Side pace sie RNR a ges SEE Sse ES ei ZSRS ESTER OEE Toni Sse Se See . * ee 4 ag, eS? e # BBee ESS CRE Oe ers Se, aoe BEL SySe DEBE ans:Pde eeAeeeBe aRe,&: py Fs RUSE SAE SSRN SRA SE TSee. SARE SSae Ss Bee Ss Uta.Re Ae ERR - Migneeen x3 : : ange po ee ee ee ee ee ee “SS eee aegis ih Sal *. ees ony a eS BREEN EG ORS AM GRRE ry git gh SA ee . fa ° we a. ae Pee nS we “ = ieee 2.) ag os ae Ba

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ER ER EOE GRRRES Sy Reo e os Sa EE eee eS Re eo ee he RORY LI SBME lt sjpcters: Beyehsh con a BERS St SS Ue ae EER gens . BS

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BP Se ER BE we.: Pon vote oeeth UE Vig eP. SRR Re Ra ek Gee Be Boulet OSes ERPSer SEE co aioS Oe a oe ea kee eeeTe >SETH SeiPRIDE By ga aaa eae: g) PSR Es gal 2 achon nFTocho TPA SeeecS Se: gE a A RE OR aRcgaet ear eee

SEL aUE uaease Fries -aeos wy UPL Ba ioe RE oe2SS ee” ReSage ee Sage 2egecheéee er open re ye BeeRRP NE Ses GRAS TAS SRTae ESE Seae RE eee gos aea RE ee Sop LEE Ea ES aSee a ee Sec, SUE ee See . .-. :7ONT CORSE RaeSS ea SSE SR NPSe ErDeiat seRS eo 2Pa SSR Ee PeRES Se Seeae ae ee GeOS

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Se ed eS. ee i ee ee eR Be eigen ees ee ee * Se ys Se a Ga ee eR SE ee ae ee a wa Age ngag 2 ORES Sa OS SO oo cg Ot RRR ee MO SE gee

EE Pa Re RE eae 2 at sage - Oy Sep La Se ob TR Seis RSs SEE OE ee oe SO eee Se ae SE ue “yo UA PS gaia abies Ap Se a griacteen Aa . BSE RE TR i 2 a gue cdi eee Sa Rs Gees eg ae ow cide J ae cat Sea ri OR Be ni ose ter EME oo, HE we os feo BRADY CGE GE Soto eA 2 ee eR eT” . Reo SARIS RRR ReCSS RODEN SRE TaN FoyEe ee EROS ES ROUE ERIS, 7 2 EEE ns :cade eR BES oe Re a Pde ot8we a eee Spee Bete Sage GR ROR ER IRSESEDegee, 2 we aReSed1 eID Ge PRN ae Se PORES aks Dl ages Eafod : : :Ce ebES BaeRR peeRS 7 ER ees. ereSg REie*

Poe Sees Seaaeee eePepe ee ee BOE, Se8G ERE gee atgeee RRR RE TetRent) ae :eR eeoe Beeeee 2 SS: Lee PEER RSET 2 Seas Seaseae Pg. SEE nl 2p Sah Giigt iSBeee i 60 Ee EeRee D)em Re hg Ree i aee pe BE aS Soe Ne ea otae “ oft USERRA Re iseS EN BenDa pte ROR r RE e |,eee Pps ges totoem ie ag TTS i, pera ma oeFSR i eS aeSS ee Been BA _ eee1esSSR See ese :

St. eee eee ee fay he ge Le RE I Sa Cee nN i SERPs oes eS a | a ee 7 Ae eS RR PBL SSS SRR Se fa Age gre ea : a ef RR ER a Ee a 8 ed geese oe et 0" a Ree ot Es a RRC ae ee ES OT ARES

?. ?. 2 ?

Bes ER RERS SE oe Se ag PE tales Qe. pri og SERRE pong pgs & fe : O55, £ af PRE 2 RRRSE S Bnei 1 fA ge gy ane See Ge erage Se ASae aaae areSeed get Sas ee SReee Sons ie fpeatt HEE SRR ne Ug CRE ee ES a oh Ss Se PegoSn - :aaa PDA, Oeen RRR SgyeRipe hig og BS gE ER OE Roe ERERC hy, ear ae) Wii en: a SES Be OY ve, Boas TOatee Bary meer. ee oe Spee cirtey eee CESS AUR es cae iras acim aae AT ne”

A

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wa Ol1Ou x 26: t né€omraquctuse, § V er-C TY, 73172

1864 Dixson Li rary

40 AUSTRALIAN PAINTING Only rarely did Martens reach such heights, and then only in his finest water-colours. He had been trained as a, water-colour painter and his oils tend, by comparison, to be heavy in treatment and flat in colour. It was a

medium he never fully mastered. : Although Martens will always be remembered for his romantic interpretations of Sydney Harbour, the plains of the interior attracted him as they had Barron Field. In the early 1850s he sailed to Brisbane, travelled across the Great Divide to the Darling Downs, and made his way down the New England Tableland painting landscapes and the residences of squatters. The district had been occupied, during the 1820s and 1830s, and Martens found some hospitality (and an occasional patron) in the homesteads he drew and painted. His Darling Downs landscapes have certain similarities with the Mills Plains landscapes of John Glover in the way the pictorial elements are assembled. Foregrounds have a sense of spaciousness,

groups of trees tend to be placed in the middle distance, and there is a further emphasis upon treeless spaces in the depths beyond. The emphasis is upon openness, flatness and bigness. But the Australian savannah, which was to prove such a compulsive image to:the painters of later generations, was not Martens’s true métier. At heart a romantic, he was more at home painting the gorges and sandstone battlements of the Blue Mountains, and those foreshores of Sydney Harbour from which there sprouted in Martens's own day many Gothic Revival mansions whose battlemented heads, rising above the gum trees, served to remind their owners in exile of the ancient northern origins from whence they had sprung.*® Until the end of the 1820s colonial art in Australia was produced almost

entirely for an English audience; though there was always some local demand for portraits and miniatures. The period from 1830 to 1851, however, witnesses the emergence of local patronage in New South Wales and Van Diemen’s Land. Artists became aware that a small local market for

their work existed. It depended very largely upon the interests of professional people: the higher civil servants, Army and Navy officers, doctors and lawyers, together with some members of the older pastoral families, such as the Macarthurs, as distinct from the newer class of squatters who, during those years, were too fully occupied establishing themselves upon their holdings to have any time or money’ for the cultivation of the arts. One indication of the rise of local patronage is the publication from time to time of engraved and lithographic views of Sydney and Hobart. Some-

times these were brought together in book form. Thus Charles Atkinson published his Views through Hobart Town in 1833, in which he made some

concession to contemporary taste by featuring himself standing before a Gothic ruin. In 1836 J. G. Austin published his Lithographic Drawings of Sydney and its Environs, and two years later J. Maclehose published his

ARTISTS ON THE PASTORAL FRONTIER 41 Picture of Sydney. Similar publications followed during the 1840s. Such books rarely rose above the level of modest topography but they were produced for a local market not an English one. Another indication of the growth of colonial taste and patronage is to be found in the emergence of amateur art circles and the organization of the first art exhibitions. In early Victorian England the ability to sketch in water-colours was an elegant accomplishment suited alike to ladies of fashion and gentlemen of taste. And among a small and select circle of Van Diemen’s Land society water-colour painting became quite fashionable

during the 1830s and 1840s. From the time of John Glover’s arrival in 1831 an amateur interest in painting flourished. During the 1840s the amateur painters included G. T. W. B. Boyes, the Colonial Auditor; Dr F. R.

Nixon, the first Bishop of Tasmania; George Frankland, the SurveyorGeneral of Tasmania (1828-38); Lieutenant F. G. Simpkinson, the nephew of Lady Franklin, and Samuel Prout Hill, a journalist, lecturer and poet. Some of the work possessed distinction, notably that of Boyes, who also wrote an outstanding personal diary invaluable for the study of his life and

times, which has never been published.’* Rallying points for those like Boyes and others who were interested in raising standards of public taste were provided by the establishment of Mechanics’ Institutes, first in Hobart in 1827, then in Sydney in 1833. By 1851 the capital of every Australian State had its own institution. These Institutes provided among other things a forum for public lectures and the exchange of ideas concerning the fine arts and standards of public taste.'® Art exhibitions also helped artists and potential patrons to come together. An exhibition of his own work which Augustus Earle held in Sydney in July 1826 aroused considerable interest; but little appears to have been done until many years later. John Skinner Prout (1806-76) awakened considerable interest in painting through his lectures at the Sydney Mechanics’

Institute when he arrived in 1840. Seven years later a Society for the Promotion of Fine Arts was established under the presidency of Sir Charles Nicholson, and held its first exhibition in the Australian Library, Sydney,

in June 1847. In Hobart, which he visited in 1843, Prout’s lectures and teaching aroused widespread interest. “The prevalent fashionable epidemic, instead of betraying symptoms of the ancient Berlin wool influenza or the

knitting disorder, had taken an entirely new turn’, wrote Louisa Ann Meredith, ‘and that a landscape-sketching and water-colour fever raged with extraordinary vehemence .’° The enthusiasm led to the organization by Prout, Boyes, Nixon and others, of the island’s first exhibition, which was held in the Legislative Council Chambers in January 1845. An art exhibition in which John Glover participated was held at the Launceston Mechanics Institute in 1848.

42 AUSTRALIAN PAINTING

eee ee ea Apart from Conrad Martens, the

two most important artists working

- 7 in the Australian colonies during

Ao Co Bg oeS the 1840s were John Skinner Prout

i and George French Angas (1822-

f£- a {fo | ~ 86). Both of them, however, like

rd) “ - i ence in picturesque travel before ee [ee Ye at arriving in Australia. John Skinner

TS Bee)» §— taught, he had obtained consider{OS temeghy ; eS Ugo. ae aoa :aes Pe REL en fe Se Pe erie eae Bas & Son? Ae ;aie see: eee B ELEN, SRE ER siES gg BOR Rec iREE Hes ck 3ow ‘fies. Te -oe7REE S3eerie Bo esee ee . HE Spee ate 8: Smo Sfp. CORSE Aes cae 3 | EVES sas Rous. Bees: SR Se Se EE Se FOS RRR MK og eR eee ag BO oa Ek. RSE RS B. % = Seeaeee P a Ee SES ES Pc See “Sorte ee ee ee as ‘SSC Sar = ee RE Ae Poe ee ot ee ae: “A La ME ES

TES. eS ae | ee agit ae ae 0 Se ag % aegis. ees eee

BE: *. 28S SRR a PM ee=REy, Pe aoe ’$7ted &8Be aacee mes xg “ay Tt aS5225 gear 2Og O25, oe gene ee. aes: i%me - PS va 4SE ea perme eet Ge Bei :fog cae :Pa eeeee me bt es ee:RM Gene aeees SSSR esa— SIMMS aay pees On ipPEs. TRE, SARS ale ae aRBe . voce aanoeBoe = FB Pg She a

ge,acggg eei ae es=ee ae =: #ee gee Boor Ewg %ee&: 5a&2eM aoe rr rin ee : Bo: , ve . : or ; : e * a EE p oe . Ee 3SSEaesclee a Rg Eaeee:; Rear a : ER eeaye, -.™, eon &Be Seas. . Se . -5geoe Siow ¥3 wwe meee eg "9 See - "ae os ESE aces,&ve Edioea3 i Ce ~~ PRES ee pss a rd 7 DEE “ .ERE igghees “2: Ey Sap e Me cag ar: Bae b eee Se eh aa ee Pe, + Eee aerene . %3 ee> 7:&aesaat BG " SBR Pe Rooe Raeee rcoh ae “ ma Seeea ee arr: eee Rises a:

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go AUSTRALIAN PAINTING ... the shouts of the men, the galloping of horses and the barking of dogs as the thousands are driven, half-seen, through the hot dust to the yards .. . but being circumscribed by my art it was only possible ... to give expression to

y my yp § p

one portion of this .. . it seemed that (in the woolshed) I had the best expression of my subject, a subject noble enough and worthy enough if I could express the meaning and spirit of strong masculine labour ... and the great human interest

of the whole scene... I believe ... that by making art the perfect expression of one time and one place, it becomes art for all time and of all places.!®

Roberts possessed an easy and natural manner and appears to have been quite at home among shearers. We cannot in fairness say that his paintings are romantic or that he was painting a world unfamiliar to his experience. Certainly he may never have himself observed a genuine holdup or break-

>>

away, but such things still happened, though much less frequently, and Roberts did all he could to reconstruct such situations as realistically as possible. Both The Breakaway, with its informal composition, and Bailed Up (Sydney ), with its lack of histrionics, are splendid examples of this. Of course, Roberts thought out and carefully composed his larger figure compositions. But this is a feature of all large work of this kind, including many examples by the French impressionists. To come nearer home, a painting like Shearing the Rams, which combines careful formal artistry with a high

degree of realism, may be compared with the similar craftsmanship that went to the writing of Henry Lawson’s short stories.

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Creek (1907) contained a landscape background based on 1 r ‘t Augusta landscape °around Por ista. °

a

L taff did not take long to establish himself as a fashionable portrait

painter following his arrival in London in 1901. From the moment OF Ji in England, arrival he never looked back. Shortly‘landing after landing nd, he had been e

itsoof tl commissioned by the Imper ial Colonial Club to paint portraits Prince and Princess of Wales for their clubrooms. Then the young Beauchamp freshly returned from Ms governors 1p O ew south ales J

°

*

ISS] ‘tr ard VII for 1899-1901) commissioned a portralt o Vthe ?

*

National e

Gall f New Wales, he had acted for a short period as a allery orSouth Ne uth W where , s

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impending resolved that a companion portral O 1€ ueen Snou ?

commissioned. In consequence, through the good o 1 ;

then the Premier o ew vouth Wales e Ladies oO ew sou a

2

EXODUS 141 humbly begged Queen Alexandra also to sit for Longstaff, and later paid

for the portrait. In the event, however, Longstaff found that he was expected to paint the portraits almost entirely from photographs and other data. The King gave him an hour when the portrait was nearing comple-

tion; but he had to content himself with mental notes of the Queen's appearance while standing close to her during a court presentation.

It is not at all surprising that, in the circumstances under which they were painted, the two royal portraits are not to be numbered among the finest of Longstaff’s work, or that now, suffering considerably from crackle and mould, they are rarely exhibited. Such commissions, however, helped to establish Longstaff quickly in London, and each year found him repre-

sented at the Academy. Some notable portraits of this period included: Sir Edmund Barton, the first Prime Minister of Australia; the Australianborn Countess of Darnley (1905); Mrs Breitmeyer, the wife of Louis Breit-

meyer, the South African diamond merchant; Marjorie Williamson, a daughter of J. C. Williamson, the Australian theatrical impresario; Mrs Reginald Turner, Mrs Stewart Dawson, Miss Alice MacDonald, and the Countess of Eldon in her Coronation robes.

Longstaft possessed good looks, an easy and pleasant manner, and a punctilious regard for the social conventions of Edwardian England. ‘Night after night’, writes Nina Murdoch, his sympathetic biographer, ‘he spent at dancing clubs, and week-end after week-end saw the successful portrait

painter setting forth as one of a gay crowd bidden to one or another of England’s country houses’.** In his seventies he declared himself that he

had never known what it was to feel tired. By 1910 he had thoroughly established himself as a portrait painter of fashion with a large studio in St John’s Wood which once belonged to R. W. MacBeth, r.a. In the following year he made a hurried trip to Australia to visit his ageing parents. The dutiful son of an affectionate mother, Longstaff had always written a weekly letter to her during his long years in Paris and London, outlining his experiences and successes. He returned to Melbourne on the Grosser

Kurfiirst, the Nord Deutscher Lloyd Company setting aside for him a five-berth cabin as a bedroom and an adjoining four-berth as a dressing

room. On arriving in Melbourne he boarded the train for his parents home at Shepparton to find, to his surprise—and doubtless to his delight— a cheering crowd awaiting him. The Shire President and Councillors made formal speeches of welcome, and the admiring crowd escorted him home,

while the town band in front played ‘See the Conquering Hero Comes’. They asked him if he felt glad to be home, to which he replied: Am I glad to be home again? I cannot tell you how glad. The Australian landscape has always seemed to me the most beautiful in the world as well as the most mysterious. When I first saw the brown, hot earth from the ship’s decks

142 AUSTRALIAN PAINTING at Fremantle I cannot tell you the emotion it gave me—after all that confounded sappy English green!?°

Unfortunately, however, he could not remain home for long. On arriving at Shepparton he found several important commissions awaiting him which he could not bring himself to reject. So, after a day or two with his parents, he was off to Sydney where, during the next two months he completed six portraits. By May he was on his way back to his family and the ‘sappy English green’. Portrait commissions continued to flow steadily in England, too, and when the war came, Longstaff became an official War Artist with the A.I.F. in France.*®

The third artist from Australia to study at the Atelier Cormon was Charles Conder, who arrived in Paris in August 1890. His uncle had agreed,

shortly after the Exhibition of 9g X 5 Impressions, to allow him £120 a year in order to study abroad. Conder took a studio at 13 Rue Ravignan, a long low wooden building, high up in Montmartre above the Boulevard de Clichy. It was a centre of Bohemian life and housed many avant-garde artists and writers. Some years later Max Jacob christened it the Bateau Lavoir; and it was there that Picasso lived between 1904 and 1909 and executed some of his finest paintings.

Although it is not on record, it is almost certain that Conder knew Russell, who may have been responsible for his enrolment at Cormons. Conder, however, also spent half his time working at the Académie Julian, where Julian Ashton had studied in the 1870s. Conder, tall and extremely handsome, like Russell himself, soon became a well-known figure in Montmartre. Louis Anquetin and Toulouse-Lautrec became his close friends and

companions. Lautrec painted his portrait, and also included it in his painting of Two Waltzers at the Moulin Rouge. Conder’s work in France and England belongs to the art of the fin de siécle and does not need to be dealt with here. Yet the formative influence of his early years should be stressed. Conder was a child of the British Empire. Born in London in 1868, he

was the third son of a railway engineer who accepted a Government appointment in India two years after his son’s birth. Conder’s mother followed her husband to India but died when her son was five years of age.

He was then sent back to England where he spent ten unhappy years attending, with his brother James, between 1874 and 1876, first a dame's school and then a boys’ day school, and later, between 1877 and 1883, a boarding school at Eastbourne. Conder’s relations with his father were not happy. He refused to become an engineer and was sent to Australia in 1884 to work under his uncle, William Jacomb Conder, an official in the Lands Department of New South Wales. Eight months in the Department’s office was followed by two years (1884-85) in a Trigonometrical Survey

EXODUS 143 Camp. About 1887, apparently with the help of his uncle, he gained employment as a lithographic apprentice with Gibbs Shallard, and became

an illustrator for their paper, the Illustrated Sydney News, to which he contributed regular weekly drawings from April to October 1887. It was not long afterwards that he met Roberts and joined the Heidelberg group. In Australia Conder became an artist. In the survey camp he discovered his passion for landscape painting, and about this time first fell in love—

with his cousin, Margaret Conder. The experience meant much to a motherless and homeless youth, and his art became a kind of nostalgic celebration of the transience of love. The femme fatale symbol, so much a feature of his later work, was already present in his Australian drawings and paintings. It was Roberts who introduced him to impressionism, and Eaglemont which provided him with his first vision of Arcadia and of a life

dedicated to art. “Give me, he wrote to Roberts later from Paris, ‘one summer again with yourself and Streeton—the same long evenings— songs—dirty plates—and the last pink skies’.*7 It was in Australia that he made his first contact with the aesthetic movement, decorating his Melbourne studio with liberty silks and Madras muslins. And it was in Australia, by all accounts, that he contracted the disease which slowly killed him.

Australia fashioned the artist but it could not contain him, for Montmartre was his spiritual home. He was not, in his maturity, in the least provincial like his friends, the Longstaffs. John Longstaff came to Paris to learn how to become a successful painter; Conder came to learn how to live. The Longstafts, significantly enough, shortly after their arrival in Paris, moved to a ménage in the Rue Notre Dame des Champs in Montparnasse,

at that time a quarter favoured by English and other foreign students, quieter, more medieval and more academic than Bohemian Montmartre. The difference in personality was reflected in different attitudes to art. Longstaff was attracted to the more conservative art of the Old Salon, Conder to the somewhat more experimental art of the New Salon. This is revealed in Conder’s letters to Tom Roberts, on 22 May 1891, for example, Longstaff has a picture in the Old Salon and it seems popular with most of the students at Cormons I think he may get a mention or medal on it—The Old salon is most uninteresting I think and the New most charming I find so much I like at the latter and the Whistlers—Puvis de Chavannes—Dagnans etc most exciting and make one want to work.

Then, on Thursday 26 May, he continued, *... I am glad to say that Longstaff has a mention . . . He was here yesterday and seemed very pleased about it. Longstaff is a nice fellow and I’m glad of his success. I feel little enough sympathy with him on art matters . . .’.?8

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150 AUSTRALIAN PAINTING Phillips Fox was the son of Alexander Fox, a Melbourne photographer.

He studied art first under O. R. Campbell and G. F. Folingsby at the Gallery School, and in 1886 went to Paris to study at Julian’s, the Beaux Arts

under Géréme, and with Thomas Harrison. He first exhibited at the Old Salon in 1890, the year in which he returned to Melbourne, where he held a one-man show in December 1892. In the year following he formed the Melbourne Art School with his friend, Tudor St George Tucker, where plein-air and impressionist methods of painting were taught. A summer school section was conducted at ‘Charterisville’. In 1901 Fox shared the Gilbee Bequest with Sir John Longstaff and repaired to England, according to the conditions of the will, to paint his history painting, The Landing of Captain Cook. In 1905 he married Ethel Carrick, a former Slade student,

and settled in Paris where in 1908 he became an associate, and in 1910 a member of the Société Nationale des Beaux Arts. In 1912 he became a member of the International Society of Painters, Sculptors and Gravers, and travelled in Spain and Algeria. Fox visited Melbourne in 1908 and held a one-man show at the Guildhall. He came out again in 1913 and held successful shows in Melbourne and Sydney. The colourful paintings of the south of France which he exhibited on that occasion were well received by young art students, like Roland Wakelin, then becoming interested in the

modern movement. The outbreak of the First World War found Fox in Tahiti still in search of sunshine and colour. He returned to Australia in 1915 to organize an art union for the Red Cross, but died on 8 October of that year.”?

Streeton arrived in London in 1898 and remained for eight years that were the most difficult of his life. The Australian students who had pre-

ceded him to Europe, Roberts, Russell, Bunny, Fox, Mackennal and Conder, to name the more prominent, came as young men. They enjoyed the camaraderie of the art schools and gained lifelong friends. Furthermore, they were sustained during their early years abroad by scholarships or remittances from Australia. But Streeton arrived in London not as an art student but as a man with a colonial reputation. For much of the time he worked in loneliness and isolation. He had come without introductions, and, as he remarked ruefully to Roberts in a letter written from Hampstead three years after his arrival, “K [i.e. Conder| was right when he said a long time back that you must have friends in London. I came without a letter and I knew only two men—Mackennal and Minns.*” Shortly after his arrival he visited the Royal Academy of 1898 which had rejected one of his paintings, and continued to do so, with a single exception, during the eight years of his first sojourn in England. He found himself admiring the Sargent portraits, ‘quite as fine as the great Rembrandt’,** and the work of Greiffenhagen, Brangwyn and G. F. Watts. The atmosphere of

EXODUS 151 the Academy was, he felt, commercial rather than artistic, and he preferred

the International Exhibition at Knightsbridge which included work by Rodin, Whistler, Conder, Rothenstein, Beardsley and Charles Keene. The

distinctly romantic nature of Streeton’s interests, discernible since the Heidelberg days, revealed itself sharply in London. Constable, Turner, Titian and G. F. Watts were the masters which excited him most. In his Chelsea studio it was Chatterton, the Lake Poets and the Brontés which he read. In 1902 he went to the Wye Valley to paint Chepstow Castle. Compared with Russell, Conder and Bunny there was something quaintly old-

fashioned about Streeton’s taste. Like Longstaff he possessed a simple transparency of mind, yearned for public success, and was cast down by

indifference and loneliness. Certainly there was a lyrical impulse in Streeton’s romanticism, but he was not at all drawn, either by curiosity or temperament, to the darker and tragic aspects of romanticism. It was a sweet vision of youth and happiness at Eaglemont which he recalled again and again throughout his life. ‘Innocent Streeton’ was Conder’s description of him. And Streeton in turn, writing to Roberts, said of Conder, ‘For me he’s

not healthy, tho’ I like him very much as of old, and his work. He's a fine artist’.** Streeton’s imagination, in short, did not contain the density and intelligence of Conder’s. His rugged determination to show that he could equal the English landscape painters on their own ground reveals his naivety about the nature of artistic success. In a letter to Roberts he said: I heard lately that the boss of the New English (Steer, who is always amiable when I meet him) does not like my work: well I'm competing with him. I’ve been down this summer painting his favourite subject and painting it in my own way, and I begin to feel I’m all right. They ll have to accept me yet.*°

But neither the New English Art Club nor the English art world as a whole

ever accepted Streeton. His letters from London frequently reveal the poverty and isolation of his situation. He wrote, for example, in 1901: I tried the R.A., New English, and International—with the usual result. I don't mind being hard up for years to come, save for the cursed waste of opportunity. These are my most precious years, and all last winter, spring and summer I was confined here—no coin for models. Just doing my best and hoping for the future, and eating my heart out to think of the sweet passing summer and the hills in the country.*®

English criticism need not be blamed for its neglect of Streeton. All the best that he ever painted and wrote reveals how greatly he depended upon the Australian landscape for his inspiration. During his London years he sought to emulate Constable, Sargent and Steer to little purpose. The great landscape painters were not tourists in search of culture but men with a deep sense of intimacy with the scenes they painted; and there was little

152 AUSTRALIAN PAINTING intimacy between Streeton and the English landscape. It is clear from his letters, too, that he was thoroughly homesick. Sensing his misery Roberts, in 1902, sent him some gum leaves to burn in his grate, and Streeton wrote a little later: Lord, how far back it all seems, yet how clear—every detail and trifle ingrained in my brain for life—the Houstons, the creek, the horehound patch, the black wattle, the messmate, the long open space up to the road, the hurrying up the hill on Sunday evenings with Prof. well to the fore: Heidelberg, the she-oak and sienna dust over all; the straw brown hills; pale Dandenongs; the Old England; College tennis; pines and coppery light; hazels, japonica; Impressionist Exhibition;

gorse up the drive; girls; the picnics in the twilight and all the loveliness—all a dream!3?

But by that time Streeton was far from being the only artist in Chelsea with nostalgic memories of Australia. “They all seem to be here’, he wrote, ‘Mackennal, Longstaff, Mahony, Fullwood, Spence, Norman, Minns, Fox, Tudor St George Tucker, Quinn, Coates, Bunny, Altson, K., Sonny Pole’.*®

Indeed, by 1902, the exodus to Europe was at full flood. It was in the Chelsea Arts Club that the Heidelberg School established its last and least distinguished camp.

In 1906 Streeton heard that his Australian December, which he had painted in 1887 and sold for £8, had exchanged hands for £75. Deciding that an exhibition in Australia would be timely, he gathered a collection of his paintings and arrived in Melbourne in December. With the help of his friend, Professor Baldwin Spencer, he put on a most successful one-man show at the Guildhall, Melbourne, in April 1907, following it with a show in Sydney, and a third in Melbourne shortly after. But he had no intention of remaining. A letter which he wrote to Roberts from Sydney on 5 October 1907, shortly before he returned to England, reveals his state of mind very clearly at the time: The harbour and the long promontories look as glorious as ever, and I wish I] could settle among it all. But I must get back. What is there for one here? I could paint a couple of years free and then be condemned to get half-a-dozen

pupils at two or three guineas a quarter, as all the other chaps here do; and then if I got to London again, ['d have to serve another apprenticeship before I got into the shows there.*®

Tom Roberts had arrived in England with his wife and son in March 1903, the task of completing his picture of the Opening of the first Commonwealth Parliament before him. He was provided with a studio at the Imperial Institute and completed the painting in November. The work had given him, he informed his friend, Alfred Deakin, ‘a very happy time... and for the first time no anxiety about money .*° After completing ‘the Big Picture’, Roberts entered a difficult phase of his life which his son, Caleb,

EXODUS 153 has called his black period. He was uncertain as to the direction his art should follow; he suffered from gout and inflammation of the eyes; the Academy constantly rejected his paintings for four years; and he fared little better at the hands of the selection committees of the New English and other art societies. Roberts suspected that the Royal prerogative which had ensured the exhibition of the big picture at the Academy of 1904 would

not endear him to the Academicians. *. . . they can't biff your painter in this effort though doubtless they'll be very careful to do it in others’,*' he prophesied to Deakin at the time. Nor did commissions flow from his contact with ‘the great ones of the earth’ as Mr N. Graves B. Jefferson had

so cheerfully imagined. But in Roberts there was no bitterness and he remained throughout his life as equally loyal to his birthplace as to his adopted country: England does not really want anybody; she has everybody and everything. The supply is in excess of the demand. She has the world to draw upon, and everyone comes here sooner or later. The only thing is to make her want you, and that is difficult, for she only really wants the exceptional in any line.*?

With this realistic appraisal of the situation in mind he set himself to win a small place in the art world of England for himself. It was a most modest place that he did win, but it was not failure. For

Roberts, as for Streeton, however, the first five years were bleak and difficult. “The Big Picture’ completed, he took a studio first in Warwick Square, then in Harrington Road, South Kensington, while the family lived in a flat in Putney. The summers of 1905 and 1906 were spent in Holland, and of 1907 and 1908 in Mundesley, Norfolk. During that time he felt, knowing that recognition came late in England, that he had arrived ten years too late to gain it. The family was sustained very largely at this time through the efforts of Roberts’s wife, who attended L.C.C. classes and became a skilled carver and gilder of frames. Roberts, however, was not the kind of person to suffer isolation for long. Warm-hearted and sociable, he made friends wherever he went, and his

house was open both to his English and Australian artist friends. He became a centre for the Australian artist community in London, which by 1903 was quite a considerable one; was responsible in 1905 for the estab-

lishment of an annuai dinner among them (gum leaves were set alight with much ceremony at table in a censer); and was the originator of the Jarge reception which Australian artists gave to the Australian and New Zealand Imperial Conference of 1911. He was also a very active member ot the Chelsea Arts Club. With his Mundesley Barn of 1908, Roberts appears to have emerged from a period of indecision. He had been more alive than Streeton to the dangers

154 AUSTRALIAN PAINTING of experimenting promiscuously with a diversity of styles. ‘Tll have to stand very firm and be sure, he wrote to Deakin in August 1904, but referred more than once in the years that followed to the need for a ‘new departure’.*? In this search he was helped by his Australian friends, the portrait painters George Coates and James Quinn. He adopted a restricted palette, making much use of muted tones and subtle greys. In 1910 Roberts moved with his family to Golders Green and entered

upon a period of painting which gave him considerable satisfaction. In the summer of 1913 he worked in Italy and held a one-man show in Walker's Galleries, in February 1914, of paintings done in the neighbour-

hood of Lake Como and the Spliigen Pass. Criticism was, in general, favourable, the Observer noting the ‘unity of vision, tact in selection, and a certain tenderness, not untinged with melancholy’ .** Roberts returned to Italy the following summer and was there when war was declared. Back in England, he joined the R.A.M.C. in company with twenty-four other members of the Chelsea Arts Club and was posted to the Third London Hospital, Wandsworth, where he worked with a number of Australian

artists including Streeton, George Coates, Miles Evergood, and A. H. Fullwood and the companion of his youth on the Spanish walking tour, Dr. William Maloney.

George Lambert, who left Australia to study in Europe in i1goo and returned twenty-one years later, was one of the most talented of the Edwardian expatriates. Lambert's early years were in many ways like those of Charles Conder. Conder was the son of an English engineer employed upon the construction of railways in India; Lambert the son of an American

engineer employed upon railway construction in Russia. Lambert spent his early years in Russia and Germany; Conder his first years in India. Conder’s mother died when he was five; Lambert's father three months before he was born. Both of them were educated in England; both came to Australia in their youth; Conder at the age of sixteen, Lambert at the age of fourteen. Conder spent two years in the bush on a trigonometrical survey; Lambert spent his early years on his maternal granduncle’s property at Eurobla, near Nevertire, New South Wales, where, as a stationhand, he was involved in post and rail fencing, branding and dipping sheep, horsebreaking and droving. Both Lambert and Conder developed their early passion for drawing and painting during their years in the bush, and both were drawn to Sydney in the hope of becoming professional artists with the Sydney illustrated Press. Conder became an illustrator on the Illustrated Sydney News, Lambert a regular contributor (of humorous illustrations of bush types and bush life) to the Sydney Bulletin.

Physically, too, they had much in common. They were both big men, and both, in their own ways, extremely handsome. But there the similarities

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87 GEORGE LAMBERT, A Bush Idyll, oil on canvas, 19 x 30%, 1896, Sydney

ended. For their temperaments and early emotional experiences were quite different. The motherless Conder grew up to detest a father who had little affection for him and resisted his desire to become an artist, to resist also his father’s profession as he experienced it in the rough masculine life of the survey camp. The fatherless Lambert, though always an affectionate son to his widowed mother, was drawn in a family of women (he had three

elder sisters) to his maternal grandfather, the only male in the English household. Conder became the ladies’ man, indolent, dreamy, highly sensitive and poetic, adding to good looks a charm and graciousness of manner irresistible to women. It was a prodigious indulgence in women and alcohol that destroyed his powerful, athletic constitution and finally killed him at the comparatively youthful age of forty-one. Lambert was the man’s man, observant, energetic, realistic in all he undertook, attractive to women by the magnetism of his personality—a ‘job-lot Apollo’ one of his friends called

him—but essentially a talented craftsman who gave his greatest love to his work and his horses. Lambert’s early work belongs to the Bulletin school of graphic draughtsmanship, with its incisive line and topical comment. His first oil painting of any consequence, A Bush Idyll (87), is painted with that loose breadth

and informality of composition to which the plein-air manner of Julian Ashton gave currency among Sydney painters, but its muted grey-blue tones still owe much to the wash-drawing techniques favoured by the Bulletin school. In this regard the painting may be compared with the Jlustrations Lambert made for A. G. Stephens’s edition of Barcroft Boake’s Where the Dead Men Lie (1897). A Bush Idyll was purchased by the Sydney Gallery from the 1896 Ex-

hibition of the Society of Artists. The unexpected tribute encouraged

aie 156 AUSTRALIAN PAINTING

88 GEORGE LAMBERT, Across the Black Soil Plains, canvas, 354 x 1204, 1899, Sydney

Lambert to exchange station work for employment as a grocer’s clerk in the city, a position which enabled him to take the evening classes at Julian Ashton’s studio. Soon, however, he was able to support himself entirely

by means of his graphic work and become a day student. While with

Ashton he painted Across the Black Soil Plains (88), a large picture in the manner of Roberts's heroic paintings of pastoral life. The dependence upon tone rather than colour reveals the continued influence of his wash-drawing

work, and the lowness of tone that interest in dark painting then current both in Sydney and Melbourne. The broad and rather decorative treatment of the landscape contains an element of art nouveau that Lambert may well have gained from Ashton’s other outstanding pupil, Sydney Long. The subject painting, Youth and the River (1900), painted for the Travelling Scholarship (first awarded in that year by the Society of Artists) is, with

its strongly allegorical note, even more closely related to Long. Here a nude youth and girl are both mounted upon horses which are stepping into a dark river from which dim faces threaten and black swans glide, all quite in the manner of the art nouveau allegories of the time. Lambert won the scholarship, befriended Hugh Ramsay on the voyage

over and studied in Paris with him, first at Colarossi’s and then at the Atelier Delecluse. He had married shortly before leaving Australia and both he and his wife settled in the Latin Quarter quite near a studio shared by the three Australians, Ambrose Patterson, J. S$. MacDonald, and their friend, Ramsay.

During those early years abroad, Lambert’s work was influenced by Ramsay's painterly style. Both of them painted dark in the current manner and came under the spell of Velasquez, at that time the idol of the studios. Lambert's Equestrian Group (89), in his Velasquez manner, is one of the most distinguished and painterly of all his compositions. His son, Maurice,

has been posed in a manner reminiscent of Don Balthasar Carlos. The Three Kimonos (Sydney), painted a few years before, and shortly after the family left Paris and settled in Chelsea, added a touch of Japonisme to

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