Asian Art. Catalog of the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam 9071450945, 9789071450945

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ASIAN ART JAN VAN CAMPEN MENNO FITSKI CHARLOTTE HORLYCK ROSE KERR PAULIN_E LUNSINGH SCHEURLEER ANNA SU\CZKA WILLIAM SOUTHWORTH

R!.JKS MUSEUM

CONTENTS 7

PREFACE

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ASIAN ART AND THE R!.JKSMUSEUM PAULINE LUNSINGH SCHEURLEER

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SOUTH ASIAN ART ANNA SLJ\CZKA

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SOUTHEAST ASIAN ART WILLIAM SOUTHWORTH

121 CHINESE ART ROSE KERR 177 KOREAN ART CHARLOTTE HORLYCK 192 JAPANESE ART MENNO FITSKI 248 ASIAN EXPORT ART JAN VAN CAMPEN 304 LIST OF OBJECTS: PROVENANCE AND LITERATURE 310 BIBLIOGRAPHY 316 INDEX

PREFACE

The present book opens with a brief history of the Rijksmuseum's collection of Asian art. This introduction is followed by five chapters, each devoted to a particular region, which examine a number of objects from the relevant parts of the collection. These are works of art that were valued in the places they were made and, in the case of statues, often venerated . In making the selection we focused on pieces of outstanding quality and those that provide a good overview of the different styles in the region in question. The last chapter takes a different approach and examines objects that were made in various Asian countries specifically for the European market. In the case of words that are foreign in derivation or relate to only a part of the region concerned, we decided to provide an identification of the language with the definition that follows. Sanskrit terms are consequently indicated in the chapter on Japan, for instance, whereas they are not in the descriptions relating to India and Indonesia. Words deriving from Tamil, on the other hand, are indicated in the entries on India, as are Old Javanese words and terms from Bahasa Indonesia in the chapter on South east Asia . This decision was prompted primarily by the frequent use of Sanskrit in the art history of these countries, particularly in regard to objects from the 'classical period' - the nucleus of the Rijksmuseum collection. Sanskrit words are given diacritical marks in line with the internationally accepted rules for transcription to Latin script.

a f

ri ii

s o d r:i

~

rn

as as as as as as

in in in in in in

'f2ther' 'need' 'bang' 'i_oj_ured' 'dish' ' br.!J.te'

known as retroflex, unknown in other lndoEuropean languages: the tip of the tongue is bent back so that the underside of the tongue touches the palate, and is then clicked forward aberrant retroflex that is a slightly harder form of 'sh', as in 'shun' another exception, often pronounced as an 'r' with a very slight vocalization, as in 'macabre' as in 'doom'

The following consonants should be pronounced thus: as in 'chamber' c g as in 'gargle' j as in 'iingle' as in 'long' ng In Japanese there is also the o (as in 'hQme') and the O (as in 'mood'), and in Korean the o (an unstressed vowel as in '2.way').

ASIAN ART AND THE R!.JKSMUSEUM* PAULINE LUNSINGH SCHEURLEER 1885 THE PRIDE OF HOLLAND When the Rijksmuseum opened its doors to the public for the first time on 13 July 1885, the whole focus was on national pride. At last the famous seventeenth-century Dutch Old Masters had a fitting setting where the whole world could admire them . Rembrandt's Night Watch - the pinnacle of the collection - had been incorporated in the architecture. Most of the other works of art were significant chiefly in terms of the nation's glorious past. Three existing collections were brought together in the new Rijksmuseum building. They continued to operate independently, side by side, each with its own director under an overall senior director. The Koninklijk Museum van Schilderijen (Royal Museum of Paintings), established by Louis Bonaparte, King of Holland (1806-10), and the Rijksprentenkabinet, the print collection that came from the Koninklijke Bibliotheek (Royal Library) - both housed in the Trippenhuis on Kloveniersburgwa l in Amsterdam since 1816 - were on the first floor. The ground floor wa s earmarked for the third collect ion, the Nederlandsch Museum voor Geschiedenis en Kunst (Netherland s Museum of History and Art), which had been built up in The Hague since 1875. It was not ready in time for the official opening and did not open to visitors until 12 June 1887. Objects made in Asia came under the auspices of the latter two institutions. It is often thought that when they were operating in Asia, working for the Dutch East India Company (VOC) which had been established in 1602, the Dutch collected Oriental art. They certainly did collect in Asia, but what they collected was limited. There were two reasons for this. One lay with the VOC itself, which was first and foremost a commercial enterprise with no interest in works of art. There were only a few types of Oriental decorative arts that were worth exploiting as merchandise - industrially made Chinese porcelain, Japanese lacquerware and the Indian printed cotton known as chintz. These goods were ordered in their countries of origin and came to the Dutch Republ ic in great quantities over the centuries. As well as attending to the Company's business, VOC officials could collect objects to take home as souvenirs or to sell. Because the VOC often established operations in places where other European companies would not go, its employees had the opportunity to bring highly unusual Oriental works back to the Republic. It was by way of private enterprise, for instance, that a stream of Indian miniatures reached the Netherlands. Seventeenth and eighteenth-century Dutch collections contained many rarities, and Amsterdam was the international market for them. European attitudes as a whole were also a limitation. In general the sorts of objects people collect are dictated by the prevailing mentality, their view of the world and its inhabitants, and the tastes of the times in which they live. The commercially-minded Company officials living in coastal towns were not interested in every aspect of the society and culture of their exotic surroundings. They were

most struck by the unusual. Among the strange things that took their fancy were natural materials like coral, soapstone, ostrich eggs, tortoiseshell, rhinoceros horns, coconuts and shells. and objects made out of them. These were sometimes mounted in precious metals when they got to Europe, to adapt them to western taste. The shape and decoration of Chinese porcelain and Japanese lacquerware could be customized to the clients' wishes when they were ordered. Lacquerware was often used to panel walls or built into cabinets in Europe. Similarly the patterns on the chintzes and the scenes on the Indian miniatures were tailored to the European customer. Objects that conveyed something of the exotic environment in Asia were also regarded as collectible - armour and weapons of all kinds, costume, statuettes of deities, plants and animals. There was no recognition of works of art that came from a culture other than that of Europe. It would be the late nineteenth century before this sort of sensibility developed. Sadly, only a fraction of what came to the Netherlands has survived. The Republic, a nation without monarchs, had very few palaces or stately homes where early collect ions could be preserved for generations.

1885 THE OVERSEAS LEGACY Little of this collecting history can be found in the early years of the Rijksmuseum. Although Chinese porcelain and Oriental carpets were permanent features of seventeenth century Dutch interiors, in 1885 they were only to be seen in the revered Dutch still lifes. The Rijksprentenkabinet, the print room where the prints and drawings were stored in boxes and cupboards, held the Witsen Album. This set of portraits of rulers made on the Indian subcontinent CF1G.1J was purchased by Louis Bonaparte in 1808, probably because the album was known to have belonged to Nicolaas Witsen (1641-1717), a burgomaster of Amsterdam and collector of ethnic art and artefacts. More Oriental objects could be seen after the Netherlands Museum of History and Art opened. The only reference in the visitor guide for 1888 was to the 'Chinese room'. This was a coromandel lacquer screen that had come from the stadholder's palace in Leeuwarden, where it had been cut up and used to panel a Chinese porcelain cabinet around 1695 (no. 100). There were, though, far more Asian objects than this on display. They came from two important collections in the Koninklijk Ka bi net van Zeldzaamheden (Royal Cabinet of Curiosities) in The Hague, which had been broken up in 1883: that of the Hague lawyer Jean Theodore Royer (1737- 1807), and the valuable pieces that Stadholder William V (1748-1806) managed to rescue from his art cabinet when he fled the Netherlands in 1795. Royer's collection, which he had built up through his contacts with Company officials, consisted chiefly of porcelain and other objects made in China for export to Europe (nos. 115, 118). He also had some pieces from other Asian countries, among them a porcelain box in the Japanese style CF1G 21 and contemporary

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Sheet fro m th e Witse n Album, Portrait of Shivaji, India, Golco nda, c. 1680. Body col our and go ld on pa per, 203 x 141 mm. Am st erdam, Rij ksmuse um, i nv. no. RP -T-00-3186; tra nsf erre d f ro m th e Konin klijke Bibl iotheek, Th e Hague, 1816

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Box in the Shope of o Knotted Cloth.

glass dishes from British India 1F1G. 3J . Royer had also col lected ethnographic objects, but they had gone to the Rijks Etnografisch Museum, now the Rijksmuseum Volkenkunde (Museum of Ethnology), in Leiden when the Cabinet of Curiosities was dispersed in 1883. The Asian pieces that were allocated to the Museum of History and Art at that time were classified as decorative art because of the superb craftsmanship that went into their making. The pecorative arts were highly regarded, and this appreciation was no longer confined to European products but embraced Oriental ceramics and other forms of applied art too. The other group of objects allocated to the Museum of History and Art from the Cabinet of Curiosities were related to Stadholder William V's honorary post as directorin -chief of the VOC. All that was left of the old stadholders' collections after the French occupation was what the stadholder himself had been able to save. His son, King William I, had inherited it and placed it in the Cabinet of Curiosities. Two sets of jewellery were all that remained of the full national costumes, including jewels and weapons, that had belonged to a Hindu and an Islamic couple from Surat, the international port in the northwest of the Indian subcontinent ( F1G. s ; see also no. 18). This was a costly variation on the traditional manner in which non -European peoples were introduced to the European public - as illustrations in prints. A Company official had recreated in a material form the outward appearance of the people with whom he did business - a gift worthy of the stadholder. A ceremonial knife with crystals and a gold handle 1F1G. 4J and two kastane (Singhalese ceremonial swords) were seized in the royal palace in Kandy, an indigenous kingdom on Ceylon (present-day Sri Lanka), during a punitive expedition in 1765 organized by the VOC governor of the island. He had presented these trophies to the stadholder. Similar luxury items tailored to Dutch taste were added to the collection in succeeding years - more Chinese and Japanese porcelain, chintz bedspreads and garments, including a housecoat (no. 110) and objects collected in the seventeenth century out of a fascination with a far-off exotic world, such as Cornelis Tromp's gun rack. A Chinese bronze pagoda designed as a garden ornament was purchased at the International and Colonial Export Exhibition in Amsterdam in 1883. In 1898 the Lombok treasure was

Japan. 1670-90. Kakiem o n porce lain. h. 9 cm. Ams t erdam. Rij ksm use um, inv. no. AK- NM-6382; transf erred f rom t he Ko nin klijk Ka binet van Zeld zaamheden (J.T. Royer Co ll ec ti on. Th e Hague), 1885

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Bowl, In dia, c. 1775- 18 0 0. Gl ass. painted in enam el co lo urs and gold, diam. 13.8 cm. Amsterda m. Rijksmuseum, inv. no. AK- NM -6981-A; t ransferred from t he Kon inklijk Ka binet va n Zeldzaam hede n (J.T. Roye r Collection. Th e Hague). 1885

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Ceremonial Knife. Ceylon. before 1765. Iro n. go ld, crysta l, wood, I. knif e 29.S cm. Amste rdam. Rijksmuseum. inv. no. NG-NM-7114; tra nsferred fro m t he Ko ni nklij k Kab inet van Ze ldzaam hede n. 1885 10

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added to the display. This was a collection of gold jewellery seized by the Dutch in the palace on Lombok in 1894 during the battle to subjugate the island to colonial authority - an action the nation was proud of at the time. This treasure appealed more to the visitors' nationalist sentiments than to any interest in the skill of Asian craftsmen. An Oriental jewel came to the Rijksmuseum in 1941 with J.W. Edwin vom Rath's collection of Italian art: an alabaster portrait relief of the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan (r. 1628- 58; no. 16). Because it was known that Rembrandt had copied miniatures of Mughal rulers and the relief was mounted in a seventeenth -century frame, this exotic little portrait was associated with the Dutch artist, again awakening patriotic feelings. There were, then, Oriental objects in the Rijksmuseum from the earliest days in 1885. They were all exhibited - the building had been designed without repositories but unobtrusively. They were integrated into the history of the Netherlands or identified as a particular type of 'arts and crafts' and the Asian provenance was of secondary importance. Nothing was collected for its own intrinsic artistic value - that was yet to come.

1900 EUROPEAN DECORATIVE ART AND ITS ORIENTAL MODELS A new era dawned with the appointment of Adriaan Pit as director of the Netherlands Museum of Art and History (1898- 1917). Pit introduced the aesthetic approach. He put an end to the overcrowded galleries and thinned out the display cases. As far as possible he concealed architect Pierre Cuypers's overpowering wall decorations, and removed the casts of famous works of art that were dotted about among the originals. Pit's collecting policy focused on Dutch decorative arts. Wanting to show the development of forms, he put groups of similar objects together. When it came to the ceramics, this led him to Asian products. Turkish ceramics had influenced Italian potters in the sixteenth century, and their work, in turn, had influenced the ceramics of the Low Countries. Chinese porcelain that had been a sensation in the Republic in the seventeenth century had inspired Delft potters to make

s

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Items from Two Sets of Women's Jewellery, India, Surat, c. 1750. Gold, precious stones, pearls. Fo rehead jewel: I. 30 cm Neck lace: w. 16.5 cm Earrings: diam. 4.7 cm Hand jewel: w. 10 cm Amsterda m, Rijksmuse um, inv. nos. AK-NM -7064, 7061, 7057, 7069 & 7072; transferred from the Koninklij k Ka bi net van Ze ldzaa m heden, 1885

Interior of a Library with Borobudur Head of Buddha, 53 Laan van Meerdervoort, The Hague, c. 1920. The head was given t o t he As ian Art Society in t he Netherlands by W. van der Mande le in 1948. Amste rdam, Rijksmuseum, inv. no. AK-MAK-239

the burial sites of the old imperial capital cities were excavated, revealing bron ze vessels and ceramic sculptures of a kind never before exhibited. A new cra ze began. Other Oriental arts were carried along on this wave of enthusiasm. Outside the Rijksmuseum's walls, Asian art became increasingly popular.

mid -seventeenth century. The VOC had a trading post on the island of Deshima in Naga saki Bay; they were the only foreigners allowed. This isolation ended in 1854, and under the Meiji emperor who took power in 1868 the country turned to the West. This met with an eager response, and international trade flourished. Paris became the centre of a rage for everything to do with Japan. The city was overflowing with Japanese art and knickknacks. Japonisme reached its peak at the Paris World 's Fair of 1878, driven by famous artists, writers and art critics. They were convinced that Japanese culture had the effect of a refresh ing spring on western art. This craze had much less of an 1850-1900 ASIA COMES CLOSER impact in the Netherlands, perhaps because it had been AND LOOKS WEST possible t o purchase and see Japanese things brought With the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 and the invention in by way of the trading post on Deshima for so long. It did become fashionable to make a Japanese garden, but only of the steamboat, the route to the Far East had become shorter and faster - for freight, certainly, but also for wealthy one, Cl ingendael in Wassenaar, survives as a reminder. After their owners' deaths, many of the French collections passengers who enjoyed being pampered aboard luxury of Japonisme were auctioned off and reached the ocean liners, interspersed with excursions in Asian ports, Netherlands by that route. where they were awaited by the locals selling souvenirs. Around 1900 interest shifted to Chinese art. As railways Although this more open access applied to the whole and bridges were built in China under the direction of of the Far East, the change in Japan was the most specwestern engineers appointed by the Chinese government, tacular by far. The country had closed its borders in the

imitations in earthenware. Oriental ceramics had been the subject of attention because they had been important to Dutch decorative arts. Now, however, they were regarded as an art form in their own right and widely collected . Pit's successor and kindred spirit Marinus van Notten (1917- 24) continued the policy. The Rijksmuseum was not alone in this. The Gemeentemuseum in The Hague under its director H.E. van Gelder (1912 - 41) collected Asian art in the same way.

1900-1940 THE SPIRITUAL AND ARTISTIC CLIMATE IN THE NETHERLANDS

During this period, a remarkable number of peop le in the Netherlands we re seeking new forms of faith and found solace in theosophy and spiritualism, which were rooted in eastern mysticism and wisdom . Artists, too, looked for inspiration elsewhere and often found it in colonial and other Oriental art and religion. It became normal for art lovers to engage with works of art from every century and every place on earth. Well -to -do individual s surrounded themselves with vases, dishes, cabinets, caskets, statuettes and Buddha heads brought from Japan, China, the Dutch East Indies and other colonies in Asia, which they displayed among contemporary paintings in line with the latest 12

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fashion for the interior CF1G. 6J . They certa inly no longer saw these works of art as decoration pure and simple. When they looked at them they were overcome with emotion. Fascinated by their otherness, they ascribed a spiritual significance to them . A growing number of private individuals began to collect Asian art seriously. In 1920 a group of enthu sia sts in Amsterdam organized around the collection of the late Orientalist Raphael Petrucci (1872 - 1917). Calling them selves the Petrucci Circle, the ir goal was 'to approach the higher conceptual unity that transcends the contrast between eastern and western thought'. One very influen tial proponent of this view was the art educationalist H.P. Bremmer (1871 - 1956). Travelling t he length and breadth of the country, he gave lessons in art appreciation, drawing on examples from all over the world and from every era. He formulated a doctrine of beauty: 'art is what awakens emotion and is made with the intention of awaken ing (aesthetic) emotion .' In his view, the work of contemporary artists and works of art from other parts of the world and other eras were spiritually charged . He su cceeded in attracting a large band of faithful followers, of whom the best known was Helene Kroller-Muller (1869- 1939). Her

collection of paintings and other art works was housed in the Kroller-MOller Museum in Otterlo. Later art historical appreciation of her paintings far surpassed interest in her other purchases, so that this aspect of pre-war collecting went unheeded. Dirk Hannema (1895-1984), the former director of Museum Boijmans in Rotterdam, was a collector with similarly wide interests. As well as seventeenthcentury paintings and decorative art, he collected medieval woodcarvings, contemporary art, Japanese and Chinese ceramics and ethnographic artefacts. In 1947 he transferred his collection to the Hannema-de Stuers Foundation in Heino. Collections of Oriental art amassed at this time were by no means all particularly strong. People had not seen enough to gain an overview that enabled them to recognize the better pieces. To some extent they were probably blinded by emotion. Statues are damaged or no more than fragments. Heads of Buddhist statues were a particular favourite : the closed eyes of this, the most expressive part of the human body chimed perfectly with the notion of a profound inner life. By analogy with classical art, where portrait heads are a normal phenomenon, they were regarded as works of art in their own right, but in Hinduism and Buddhism they are seen as amputated body parts. These were generally objects that were easiest to remove from their original setting.

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To a design by T.W. Nieuwenhuis, Fire Screen, eighteenth century; stand, 1910. Chinese cloisonne ename l mounted in a wooden stand on legs, h. 67.S cm. Amsterdam, Rijksmu seum, inv. no. AK-MAK-S97; on loan from the As ian Art Society in the Netherlands (Mr and Mrs Westendorp-Osieck Bequest , Am sterdam, 1968 )

a To a design by Frans Zwollo, Tazza, 1923- 24. Si lver gi lt, h. 21.1 cm. The Hague, Gemeentemuseum Den Haag, inv. no. MME-0000-0024 14

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1918-1920 THE ASIAN ART SOCIETY IN THE NETHERLANDS AND THE MASTERPIECE MUSEUM

Dissatisfaction with the national museum situation led to the establishment of an advisory committee charged with making recommendations for the reorganization of the Dutch museums. Two years later, in 1921, the committee presented its report. The plan was to assemble a 'Masterpiece Museum' by selecting the best pieces in museums throughout the Netherlands. All cultures and ages were to be represented in a new building, which would be constructed behind the Rijksmuseum; the exhibits would include modern art and archaeology. Javanese antiquities had been classified as archaeology since the early nineteenth century, and the colonial government encouraged the collection of these objects in the Dutch East Indies and in the Netherlands. From 1903 onwards they were housed in the Museum of Ethnology in Leiden. Oriental art also had to feature in the Masterpiece Museum. That Asian art was even considered was thanks to the recently established Vereniging van Vrienden der Aziatische Kunst (Asian Art Society in the Netherlands). In keeping with the spirit of the age, the Society was established on 29 June 1918. Its aims were to encourage an appreciation for and the study of Asian art, to bring together lovers of this type of art, to help select Asian art works in museums in the Netherlands and in the colony, and to contribute to its preservation and expansion. The man behind the initiative was a private individual, H.F.E. Visser (1890 - 1965), who had trained as a mechanical engineer at the University of Technology in Munich. He had first encountered Asian art in 1912, when he saw batik work and brassware in Boeatan, a shop in The Hague that specialized in the arts and crafts of the Dutch East Indies. H.K. Westendorp (1868- 1941), an Amsterdam banker, became the Society's first chairman . He had married the painter Betsy Osieck (1880- 1968) in 1917, and had had his apartment designed and furnished by the fashionable firm of Van Wisselingh,

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Durga Slayin g the Buffalo Deman, Ind onesia, East Java, Ca ndi Singosa ri, c. 1290. Volcan ic sto ne (a nd esite), h. 175 cm. Leid en, Rijksmu se um Volke nkunde, inv. no. 140 3-1622

which customarily incorporated Asian art in its interiors. In 1910, for instance, T.W. Nieuwenhuis (1866-1951) designed for him a stand on legs to support a Chinese cloisonne enamel plaque, transforming it into a fire screen 1F1G. 1J . One of the versions of G.H. Breitner's painting of the Girl in a Red Kimono of 1893, now in the Stedelijk Museum in Amsterdam, came from him. He had been introduced to Asian art at an early age by Raymond Koechlin (1860-1931), a Frenchman and a great connoisseur of Japonisme. The vice-chairman was G.J. Verburgt (1871-1926), director of the Fatum insurance company in The Hague. As with many of his contemporaries, his love of Asian art went hand in hand with an interest in theosophy. Around 1924 he commissioned Frans Zwollo (1872-1945) to make a silver-gilt tazza, freighted with theosophical symbolism, now in the Gemeentemuseum in The Hague 1F1G.sJ . Visser had not known the other two prior to this, and despite the differences in age and social background, they bonded over their aesthetic view of Asian art. The other members of the board, thirteen in all, were well-known artists and collectors, representatives of the museum and university worlds, or came from local and national cultural politics. Because the concept of a Masterpiece Museum chimed perfectly with the Society's ideas, Visser, in his capacity as secretary, drew up a paper in which he advocated a select ion of As ian works of art from the collect ion in the Museum of Ethnology. He particularly had his eye on the most famous statues of Javanese antiquity - the life -size statues of deities from the Singosari Temple ( F1G.9; see also p. 78). This provoked great indignation among the members of the board. Depriving the museum of its best pieces for a goal that was in any case out of step with the principles of ethnol ogy was seen as an underhand attack. The opponents stood down. The proponents licked their wounds. The whole plan came to nothing anyway: the economic crisis meant that the Ministry responsible for culture could not come up with the funding. The Society then decided to build up a museum of Asian masterpieces itself. Frederik ,a Frederik Schmidt-Degener, late r director of t he Rij ksm useum, as a student and lover of Japon isme, c. 1900

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Schmidt-Degener 1F1G.10J , a great aesthete and one of the most influential members of the museum advisory committee, had meanwhile become the director of the Rijksmuseum (1921 - 41) and started to put his ideas into practice there. After the Second World War their likeminded views brought the Society, its museum and the Rijksmuseum together after all.

1920-1932 ON THE ROAD TO THE MUSEUM OF ASIAN ART

The board of the Society had formulated a broad -based strategy to put its ideas, particularly its aesthetic vision, into practice. A society of like-minded people was the start, but what it really came down to was showing good works of art. This could be achieved by creating its own museum, staging exhibitions, publishing books and repro ductions, and advising collectors on purchases. The board put things in place within a very short space of time, and a year later the Society had two hundred and thirty members, among t hem many well -known nam es in international cultural ci rcle s. In the autumn of 1919 it organi zed an exhibition of East Asian art in Am st erdam's Stedelijk Mu seum 1F1G.11J . The show w as acco mpanied by a catalogue, and t he members w ere prese nted with an album of plates printed by the collotype process, the best reproductive technique available at the time. The board also saw to it that the exhibition was widely publici zed through articles in Dutch and foreign magazines and journal s. This successful approach served the Society as a model for the future. The only shortcoming - which the organizers them selves identified after the event - was that most of the objects did not meet the aesthetic criterion . The reason for this was the general unfamiliarity with the subject and the focus on Dutch collections. There were very few good pieces in the Netherlands, although the situation

11 Exhibition of East Asian Art, th e first

improved with each successive exhibition the Society mounted. Visser went on a study trip that took him all round the world to learn more about Asian art. He began by reading up on the subject in the British Library in London. From there he visited American museums with Asian art holdings - Boston, New York, Chicago, Philadelphia - and on to Japan, Korea. China. Shanghai. Singapore, Batavia, Bali; then from French lndo-China (Cambodia and Thailand) to Calcutta, and via Sarnath en Ajanta to Ceylon in British India. He was away for almost two years. Thanks in part to the contacts he made then, the Society was able to include several foreign Joans in its next show in the autumn of 1922, when Indian Sculpture (lndische Beeldhouwkunst) was staged in the Mesdag Panorama in The Hague. A specialist in the field, William Cohn of Berlin, was invited to give a lecture. The Society tackled its third exhibition in the same way. The Exhibition of Chinese Art (Tentoonstelling van Chineesche Kunst) in the Stedelijk Museum in 1925 was built around important Joans from the Ostasiatische Kunstabteilung in Berlin, the Louvre in Paris and renowned English private collections fF1G . 121. These first three shows were ground-breaking - these subjects had never been on the agenda before - and the Society received international recognition for its efforts. An interest in Chinese art was evidently in the air, and the Society was swiftly outdone by bigger and better exhibitions in centres that had more resources and cooperation available to them : Berlin in 1929, which presented an overview of all the different Chinese arts over the whole period, and London in 1935, a show in which Chinese authorities were involved. An important step on the way to the Society's own museum was the semi-permanent exhibition in the Rijksacademie voor Beeldende Kunsten (Academy of Arts) in Amsterdam , which opened on 3 March 1928. There were still only a few pieces that were owned by the Society itself; the majority of the exhibits were loans from private individuals. Visser ensured that the display changed regu larly. From June 1929 onwards, the Society had its own Bulletin for publishing aesthetically sound works of art in the periodical Maandblad voor Beeldende Kunsten . Visser was its editor and wrote much of the copy. The obvious way for the Society to realize its museum ideal was to buy pieces for itself in Asia. Probably emulating the Rembrandt Syndicate, in which a number of wealthy individuals amassed money to purchase Italian paintings, the Society set up an acquisition fund. It was a great success: at the annual general meeting of 19 April 1930, the board was able to report that a sum of 151,000 guilders had already been raised . The Stedelijk Museum, which functioned as an art gallery at that time, held out the prospect of exhibition space. A memorandum of purchasing guidelines was compiled, and the chairman and the curator set off on a buying trip. In the summer of 1930 Westendorp, who was travelling with his wife, was allocated twelve stone sculptures (nos. 21-23) by the Oudheidkundige Dienst in Nederlandschlndie (Archaeological Service in the Dutch East Indies). All these pieces date from the Central Javanese period (eighthninth centuries), which was then seen as 'classical', and exactly suited the prevailing taste - unlike that of the 'wild'

st aged by th e Asian Art Soc iet y in th e Neth erl and s. Photograph 1919

12 Exhibition of Chinese Art, th e third

staged by th e As ian Art Societ y in th e Netherl ands. Ph otograph 1925

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East Javanese period (thirteenth-fifteenth centuries). There was probably a more practical reason, however, in that they came from a depository at the Candi Prambanan complex of Central Java, where a great many fragments from the surrounding area whose precise origin had been forgotten were gathered together. The Westendorps' next stop was Japan, where Visser joined them. lnada Hogitaro, a renowned Japanese collector and dealer in Japanese art, acted as their intermediary. From time to time they also consulted him about a particular piece. Here, naturally, they acquired Japanese objects, including no masks, a wooden Jiz6 statue, mirrors, some lacquer caskets, a folding screen and a scroll painting depicting the death of the Buddha, but they also picked up Chinese artefacts, such as Han Dynasty (206 BCE- 220 CE) belt hooks and gilt bronze buckles dating from the Six Dynasties (220-589). Practical obstacles prevented them from going to China, so the Westendorps went on to French Inda-China, where they were able to persuade the Department of Archaeology to Jet them have four fine stone statues from Angkor (no. 34). The purchasing trip had been a success. In his efforts to acquire pieces for the museum Visser had taken a different route. He had discovered a large Chinese bronze ritual bell - the like of which had never been seen in the Netherlands - in the art trade in Berlin. By no means everyone saw the beauty in it, however, so he was faced with the problem of raising the purchase price. Visser summoned up all his powers of persuasion and in 1930 went to the Vereniging Rembrandt (Rembrandt Society) for the first time. This society had been established in 1883 to preserve works of art for the Netherlands. Fortunately, the object had been broadened in line with the intellectual climate in the Netherlands. Visser's efforts were rewarded and the bell was purchased (no. 56). After this the Society continued to make successful appeals to the Rembrandt Society - in 1935, for instance, for the South Indian bronze statue of Shiva, King of Dancers (no. 9), and in 1939 for the Chinese polychromed wooden figure of Guanyin (no. 41). Asian art was achieving broader recognition . These successes meant that the Museum of Asian Art became reality. Housed in the Stedelijk Museum's Garden Room, it was officially opened on 16 April 1932. As they had done for the exhibitions, the board made sure that prominent cultural and government figures from the Netherlands and abroad were well represented . The museum's own collection was now the principal part, but of course it still had to be augmented with loans. The Garden Room was partitioned into three spaces. The Javanese Hindu and Buddhist sculptures were displayed in the centre room . One of the side rooms held East Asian paintings, early Chinese metal objects and a Japanese folding screen; the other displayed Chinese and Japanese sculptures, early Chinese ceramics, Chinese porcelain, Japanese Jacquerware and no masks. Visser had always had a feel for displaying the pieces as effectively as possible. Otto KUmmel , director of the Ostasiatische Kunstabteilung in Berlin, complimented the Society on having been the first to establish a museum of Asian art. The same ambition flourished in Berlin and London, where the collections may have been larger but this ideal had not been achieved.

The Rijksmuseum was still organized as a group of independently operating collecting departments, each with its own director, with a senior director overall. In 1927 SchmidtDegener split the Netherlands Museum of History and Art Under director David Roell (1945- 59), the Rijksmuseum was into a Department of National History and a Department totally reorganized and refurbished. Collections left the of Sculpture and Decorative Art. The Museum of Asian Art museum and others came in. The Museum of Asian Art, which had been housed in the Stedelijk Museum since 1932, continued to operate independently, with the collection held by the Society and Visser as curator and director, had established a good reputation and was now looking for more space. This suited the Stedelijk's director, Willem paid by the City of Amsterdam . The arrival of this important Sandberg (1945-62), down to the ground. He wanted to turn collection of Asian art - about which there were very his museum into a museum of contemporary art and he definite ideas - meant that from then on Oriental art in needed more room. The Museum of Asian Art was given new, the Rijksmuseum was acquired according to two different sets of guidelines: on the one hand that of Visser and the more spacious accommodation on the ground floor of the Society, and on the other that of the Rijksmuseum board, Rijksmuseum's Drucker extension, now the Philips Wing. which the Ministry allowed to purchase only Oriental art The installation of the ten rooms on the ground floor was completed in October 1952: eight rooms for the Museum that had a connection with European culture. The Department of Sculpture and Decorative Art acquired a whole of Asian Art - the Society's collection - and two adjacent galleries for the Rijksmuseum's Chinese porcelain. The first series of objects under this heading, which became increasroom was devoted to Indonesian art, the second and third ingly broadly interpreted. In 1952, for instance, a Renaissance-style pendant made to Japan, where folding screens were among the objects in Portuguese India - in which a makara, a local mythical on display. Then came two smaller rooms for Chinese art, water creature, replaced the usual dolphin (no. 17) - came from which there was a distant view of the large bronze to the museum in the Mannheimer Collection. In 1959 statue of Shiva, King of Dancers (no. 9), against the wall the Rijksmuseum bought a twelve-leaf coromandel lacquer of a gallery further along. In this room there was art from screen (no. 101) of the type that had been cut up in India, Ceylon, the Southeast Asian mainland and the Himalayas. From here visitors could catch a glimpse of the Leeuwarden around 1695 to panel a room ; however this screen had been in Europe since 1906, when other opinions Chinese wooden statue of the languid Guanyin (no. 41) in prevailed, and had awakened the admiration of lovers the next room, where there were also exhibits of Chinese of Japonisme in Paris. An Asian period piece dating from metal objects and early ceramics. Beyond this were two around 1900, a garden ornament in the shape of a Japanese more spaces, one showing Japanese lacquerware and the pagoda, came to the Rijksmuseum in 1961. This was followed other Chinese lacquer and decorative objects. Finally came the Chinese porcelain galleries. To accompany the opening, by a fragment of a North Indian floral carpet CF1G.13J , as a contrast to the carpets from the Near East that had the Society published an illustrated catalogue written by adorned Dutch tables since the seventeenth century, the curator. 1945 ASIAN ART AND THE R!JKSMUSEUM AFTER THE SECOND WORLD WAR

an ebony cradle made in Southern India with decorations incorporating both European and Indian water creatures, mermaids and makaras (no. 107) and an oval gold filigree pomander with European initials worked into it. In 1968 the Westendorp Bequest included an exquisite collection of Kakiemon porcelain. This bright white Japanese porcel ain decorated in vibrant colours had been very popular in Europe ever since the seventeenth century and was imitated in a number of places. Westendorp, who remained chair of the Asian Art Society until his death in 1941, specifically left this part of the collection to the Rijksmuseum, not the Society. In 1969 the Rijksmuseum devoted a special gallery to this very diverse collection of Asian art made for the Dutch and other Europeans. It also included pieces from the collection of the Stichting Cultuurgeschiedenis van de Nederlanders Overzee - a trust set up in 1961 with the aim of preserving the cultural artefacts of Dutch overseas territories - which came to the museum as a loan in 1966 and was purchased in 1994 when the trust was wound up. In 1965 the curator and director of the Museum of Asian Art was transferred from local authority to central govern ment employment. In the same year, the government made an annual sum available for the purchase of Asian art. The cost of exhibiting and maintaining its mu seum wa s too much for the Society's budget to bear, and so it decided to give the collection to the state on loan. The long-term loan agreement was signed in 1972. This was the last step in the process of tran sforming the Society's collection into a department of Asian art in the Rijksmuseum. A second curator's post was created at this time.

AESTHETICS ABOVE ALL FOR THE SOCIETY

The Society had an entirely different view of Asian art and never missed an opportunity to proclaim it. It was explicit in all the exhibition catalogues, Visser expressed it in 1920 in Rupam, a new art periodical published in Calcutta in British India. T.B. Roorda. a member of the board. expounded it in 1922 in a lecture opening a course in Asian art, and in 1928, on the Society's tenth anniversary, Westendorp spelled it out in his speech at the opening of the semi permanent exhibit in the Netherlands Academy of Arts. 'In the first instance it is solely the aesthetic value of the object that must dictate the choice, there can be no difference of sentiment there, but that does not alter the fact that once the object has been acquired for its beauty, identifying it gives just as much pleasure.' Although a new idea in the Netherlands, this approach to Asian art had actually existed for some time at various places in the western world . Berlin and Boston are prime examples. In Berlin Wilhelm van Bode, general director of the Royal Prussian Museums (1905- 20), conceived a plan to establish museums of non -western art as equal counterparts of the European art museum s. In 1907 he was able to acquire around seven hundred and fifty pieces of ancient Chinese and Japanese art from th e holdings of the di stingui shed Japanese art dealer, collector and connoisseur Hayashi Tadamasa (1853 - 1906) as the foundation for the new Ostasiatische Kunstabteilung. The promising German art historian Otto KUmmel (1874- 1952) was sent out to Japan to collect in the country itself. Supervised by the German expert on East Asian art Ernst Grosse (1862- 1927), he stayed in Japan from 1906 to 1909. His brief was to provide an overview of the art of East Asia (China, Japan and Korea), and the most important criterion was aesthetic value.

13 Fragm ent of o Floral Carpet,

No rth Ind ia, c. 1640- 50. Wool on a cotton wa rp, 127 x 40 cm Am sterda m , Rij ksmuseum, inv. no. BK-1962-10

Painting was regarded as the highest art form . The consultants were Hayashi, Grosse and the American connoisseur of Japanese art Ernest Fenollosa (1853-1908). As early as 1912 the Royal Academy of Arts in Berlin staged the Ausstellung a/t-Ostasiatische Kunst. China - Japan, an exhibition at which the Ostasiatische Kunstabteilung was strongly represented, but which also included objects from various German private collections. Kummel wrote the catalogue of 1,122 items. Berlin was the place where it all happened in Europe at that time. In America, Boston had become the hotbed of interest in East Asian art even earlier. Fenollosa, appointed professor of philosophy at the University of Tokyo in 1878, developed a profound interest in Japanese art. The Japanese government asked him to inventory the art treasures in temples, most of which had been there for centuries, and this prompted him to start collecting for himself. His method was to ask Japanese artists for their opinions of his potential purchases. In 1882 he went back to Japan, this time in the company of the American surgeon William Sturgiss Bigelow (1850-1926), who had already encountered Japonisme in Paris and had become curious about the source of all this beauty. Bigelow stayed there for seven years. He eventually gave his collection of thousands of objects to the Boston Museum of Fine Arts. Fenollosa's collection, purchased by a benefactor. Dr Charles Goddard Weld, was also donated to this museum, and he himself became curator of the Japanese art department. What the Asian Art Society in the Netherlands championed was entirely in line with a western trend, but in the Netherlands the Society had to fight for its approach. Strikingly, all the collections we have referred to valued the art of East Asia (China, Japan and Korea) above that of South and Southeast Asia (Pakistan, Nepal, India, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Burma - now Myanmar-. Thailand, Malaya - now Ma laysia-, Cambodia, Vietnam. Laos, the Philippines, Indonesia). This is clear from the make-up of the collections in Berlin. where the Museum fur lndische Kunst was not established until 1963, and those in Cologne, Stockholm, Paris (Cernuschi) and Geneva (the Bauer Collection), which consist exclusively of East Asian art. Even in the museums in western countries that had colonies in Asia, art from East Asia comes first. only then followed by the art of the former colony.

2014 THE LEGACIES OF THE ASIAN ART SOCIETY of a local collecting tradition. As they had been in the AND THE R!JKSMUSEUM European Middle Ages, statues in a religious context were regularly refurbished or revamped . They were destroyed Westendorp and Visser, pioneers in the Netherlands who or abandoned to their fate. Images of deities of defunct religions were buried in recognition of their sacred import- determined the style of the Society's collection, also had Japanese roots. Westendorp was initiated into Asian art by ance. Valuable artefacts were frequently replaced . Somea famous exponent of Japonisme. and a significant part of times ancient art still functioned in a religious or royal his collection came from lovers of Japonisme. Visser would context. At first the Europeans exercised restraint and left have acquired these views on his world tour of early centres shrines and palaces intact, taking only artefacts from of Asian art in 1920 and 1921, as he spent most of that time abandoned build ings and objects that were willingly made available to them. Later they became more aggressive and in Japan. The majority of the Society's purchases in 1930 were made in Japan. Had it been up to Visser. the two exerted pressure with money and violence. All this meant cultural areas of Asia would have had equal representation that there were not that many art objects available and in the Society's collection, as they had in Boston. He did they were harder to find . Of course for contemporary not succeed. The Society also endorsed Berlin's endeavour items they could always go to bronze casters and other to achieve an overview of the art of China, Japan and Korea, craftsmen. but then including that of South and Southeast Asia. It An important factor favouring East Asian art was prenever expressed this in so many words, because it realized cisely that there was a collecting tradition in that region . that acquiring large numbers of works of art in one fell In consequence many different types of old decorative objects were preserved in temples and by private individuals. swoop, as the museums in Berlin, Boston and many other places had done, would not have been feasible in the These the western collectors could get their hands on. Netherlands. The Society consequently looked selectively They included many beautifully made utensils, which were and successfully for representative works of art and masteraffordable and easier to appreciate than statues of gods pieces. Both Westendorp and Visser passionately believed with inhuman bodies. The predominant factor in favour of Japanese and other that the aesthetic aspect was paramount, and as a result they left a valuable legacy. East Asian art took hold when Japonisme held sway. In this Nowadays the Rijksmuseum still collects Asian art accordperiod of awakening interest in Oriental art it was believed ing to these two guidelines, but now jointly and clearly that genuine Asian art was infinitely available in Japan. formulated as 'Asian art' as defined by the Society and 'Asian Japanese who brought their works of art to Paris were export art' as defined by the Rijksmuseum . A purpose-built seen as the only people qualified to judge Asian art. pavilion for Asian art has now been constructed on the There were conventions to be observed in keeping and Rijksmuseum site, while galleries in the seventeenth and handling their works of art, and European connoisseurs eighteenth-century circuits of the main building have been took great pains to be initiated into this etiquette. Japan devoted to Asian export art. The Chinese and Japanese porwas also regarded as the ideal place to acquire Chinese art, which had also long been collected in Japan, because celain in the Rijksmuseum's superb collections is housed with the Special Collections in the undercroft. it was regarded there as the forerunner of Japanese art. This meant that the westerners were buying Chinese art * I am indebted to two former co ll eagues: Men no Fitski for an addition adapted to Japanese tastes. Chinese connoisseurs, in to an earlier version and Jan van Campen for con structive comments on a subsequent ve rsion . contrast, were seldom consulted . For Chinese art Otto Burch hard (1892-1965), a German expert who had settled in Peking, was the man on the spot. Famous col lectors like Charles Lang Freer (1854-1919) encountered Oriental art by way of Japonisme. They then went to 'the source', and for them that was Japan. In the end Japonisme had a very broad international impact, not just on art nouveau, but also on the recognition of Japanese and other Asian art as art.

THE DIFFERENCES BETWEEN EAST ASIA AND SOUTH AND SOUTH EAST ASIA

The art from these two regions of Asia did not start out on an equal footing. There were factors militating against an appreciation of the art of South and Southeast Asia and factors that favoured that of East Asia. What worked against art from South and Southeast Asia was that the most important art form was sculpture made for the Hindu and Buddhist faiths. An old, deeply-rooted prejudice had to be overcome to appreciate this art. In these religions, deities are presented as human beings, but some gods have multiple heads and arms, or the head of an animal. This provoked a profound aversion, to such an extent that Goethe (1749-1832) even wrote a poem about it. And there was another disturbing aspect in the representation of the human body, which was recorded by Caspar J.C. Reuvens. He was the first director of the Museum of Antiquities (Rijksmuseum van Oudheden) in Leiden (1815 - 35), where the Javanese antiquities, Hindu and Buddhist sculpture from the Dutch colony, were housed until 1903. He was repelled by 'the slackness and rotundity of the muscleless flesh'. In Asian art the ideal male body is usually plump and curved - not, like the classical ideal. muscular and broad -shouldered. For a long time this tenacious ideal blinkered westerners' view of the sculpted human form. The point is that these statues were not made for their beauty, but as a 'spot' or seat on which the deity can take his place. It was essential that the statues took the prescribed forms, for instance with four arms or an elephant's head, but there was no set way of depicting these forms - a sculptor did it in the way he had been taught. The makers of these images in British India belonged to the lowest castes, with whom a conversation about art would have been unthinkable for Europeans. For this reason the authorities on these sculptures. Brahmin who belonged to the highest caste, saw no room for aesthetics. They were ideal people to talk to about their religion, Hinduism, but not about art. European connoisseurs did, though, consult the celebrated French sculptor Auguste Rodin (1840-1917) for an opinion on Hindu sculpture. In 1913 he was shown photo graphs of the bronze statue of Shiva, King of Dancers, in Madras (now Chennai). He saw parallels with medieval art and found it very attractive. General recognition did not come until Ananda Kentish Coomaraswamy (1877-1947) emerged as an interpreter of Indian art for the West. He had grown up in England with his English mother and as an adult went to find out about the culture of his Singhalese father, who had died young. Although he took a degree in geology and botany, he soon turned to the study of art and acquired a reputation as a pioneering authority on Indian art with his illuminating writings. In 1917 his collection of Indian miniatures and sculptures was purchased by Denman W. Ross (1853-1935) and given to the museum in Boston, where Coomaraswamy was appointed curator. The city's familiarity with East Asian art made it easier to appreciate other Asian art as well. There was another. very different drawback to collecting art from South and Southeast Asia, and that was the lack 23

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J

SOUTH.ASIAN ART ANNA SL)\CZKA The term 'South Asia' refers to the countries in, or bordering, the Indian subcontinent: India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and the Maldives. Afghanistan is sometimes included as well. The greater part of the South Asian art in the Rijksmuseum comes from the area corresponding to present-day India; only a small proportion comes from regions that are now part of modern Pakistan, Nepal and Sri Lanka. India is the birthplace of Hinduism and Buddhism, which soon spread to other parts of Asia . Jainism, which still has many followers on the subcontinent, is another important religion. The strong presence of religion in everyday life is reflected in the art which , with the exception of some modern works, is religious in nature. The objects presented here consequently tend to depict gods and other supernatural beings, or are fragments of religious buildings. Most are linked to Hinduism and Buddhism, but one sculpture may come from a Jain shrine (no. 2).

shrine - possibly made of wood . This has led a number of art historians to take the view that the early Hindu shrines were built not long after their Buddhist equivalents. In the first centuries of the second millennium CE, Buddhism gradually lost its hold in India and eventually disappeared almost entirely from the subcontinent, aside from present-day Nepal, Bhutan and Sri Lanka. The Buddhist art and architecture in this region consequently underwent no changes for centuries, whereas Hindu art continued to develop - a process that is still going on today.

THE ABUNDANCE OF GODS

Hinduism has no founder and no clearly-defined body of holy writings. The number of texts that count as authoritative is extremely large and so it is difficult - if not impossible - to give a uniform idea of this rel igion. Most schools of Hinduism ma intain that the true nature of a god cannot be understood by a mere mortal. Man can, thou gh, be helped to make divinities understood and HINDU AND BUDDHIST ART tangibl e by means of statue s: they give 'form ' t o t he god s Aside from the bronze and terracotta figures that come from and also serve as 'seats' (prtha ) for the divine energy. Furthermore, as in many other traditions, the sculptures the Ind us civil ization of the third to the second millennium BCE (c. 2500 - 1900), whose function cannot be established serve to illustrate myths, although narrative reliefs in the Hindu art of India anyway play a smaller role than they with certainty, the earliest sculptures, which undoubtedly do in, say, South east Asia . have a religious context, date from around the third cenAn important god can be depicted in a number of differtury BCE. There are individual statues of nature spirits and ent ways; these are understood as particular 'manifestations' other beings standing alone in the landscape; these are associated with prosperity and fertility and include yakws or 'forms', for example the 'Nataraja' or the 'Somaskanda' forms of Shiva (see nos. 9, 10). Each of these manifesta(see, for example, no. 2) and nagas (snakes). tions emphasizes a key characteristic of the deity's power The origin of religious and secular architecture is hard to pin down because the very first buildings were of wood, - creative or destructive, for example. Sometimes events and no traces of them have survived. Compounding this is from the god 's mythology are illustrated, such as the marthe fact that many temples were substantially rebuilt over riage of Shiva and Uma or the appearance of Shiva from the centuries, which makes the dating difficult. Buddhist a linga of fire. Depictions of Vishnu often show one of his 'descents' (avatara), in which the god appears on Earth monasteries have in any event existed since the second century BCE, as fragments of a stupa enclosure from Bharhut to save the world in the form of a man or animal or a combination of the two. This abundance of manifestations is [FIG.Al have proved. The oldest surviving Hindu temples date the result of the syncretic nature of Hinduism. Important from around the fifth century CE [FIG a1 . Inscriptions dating from before the start of the Common Era - including the most gods like Shiva and Vishnu, and Devi (the Goddess) in their famous on the Heliodorus pillar in Besnagar, still in situ, current forms are in fact comp ilations of all kinds of local deities which were amalgamated over the centuries. and inscriptions from Bhilsa (Madhya Pradesh), Ghosundi and Hathibada (Rajasthan) and Nanaghat (Maharashtra) however refer to a cult of the hero -gods (V($f)i) VasudevaTEXTUAL SOURCES Krishna and Balarama-Samkarshana, which strongly suggests that there were already shrines in existence then for them and other pre-Hindu deities. In the area surrounding the Very early on, in any case from the late Gupta period (sixth century) onwards, codification and standardization Heliodorus pillar, fragments of various other columns and of the iconographic programme and composition developed traces of foundations have also been found ; the inscription from Bhilsa even refers to a 'temple' (prasada) of 'the Lord' in the decorative art of India. The rules were laid down (bhagavan), although we have no idea what it might have in silpasastras and vastusastras, technical manuals in Sanlooked like. In Southern India, in the village of Gudimallam skrit which date from around the eleventh to the sixteenth in Andhra Pradesh, there is a mysterious monumental linga century. Passages about iconography and temple building can also be found in the Brhatsa((lhita (an astrological (a phallic symbol associated with Shiva) from the second century BCE, which is now in a building from a much later handbook), compiled in the sixth century, and a number of puranas (literally 'old texts'), a collection of myths and period; it may originally have been encircled by a kind of

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A

Fragment of o stupo enclosure, Indi a,

legends specifically about the adventures of the gods. Everything is prescribed - the precise pose of a figure, hand gestures, jewellery and attributes, the 'mount' (vahana ; see no. 11) and the body proportions. The characteristics differ for each deity, and even for each manifestation or region in which the text originated. It is difficult to determine whether these treatises are prescriptive or descriptive and whether they were used by artists. Verb forms like 'he should ...' usually indicate a prescriptive function , but the instructions are seldom complete or clear enough to be a perfect correspondence between the text and the art. The most important directions do appear to have been followed, though, particularly within the same period and region. The Mayamata, a South Indian silpasastra from around the eleventh century, for instance, stipulates that Shiva must be shown in a Somaskanda group in a 'relaxed pose' (sukhasana) ; Uma has to sit on the god's left and Skanda, in his form as a child , between the two (cf. no. 10). The incomplete and sometimes inaccurate character of the silpasastras gave the artist leeway to use his creativity in some areas.

Mad hya Prades h, Bharhut, seco nd cent ury BCE

AESTHETICS AND STYLE

B

Because the statue has to serve as a 'seat' for the god, it is important for it to be attractive. The aesthetics must satisfy set rules, which are explained in the silpasastras. As a rule the gods have to conform to the ancient Indian ideal of beauty, with broad arms and a slim waist, while their female counterparts should have full breasts, a slim waist, wide hips and an elegant pose. The ideal measurements of limbs and the relationships between them - to which great importance was attached - are based on medical texts describing the characteristics of a healthy body. Men and women alike have slim, but never scrawny, bodies which are depicted without any prudishness. They both wear gossamer-fine garments and lavish adornments that further enhance the feeling of sensuality and corporality. Muscles are never accentuated, so people who are unfamiliar with Indian art often mistake male gods for females at first glance. The representation is idealized rather than realistic, and attributes, gestures and the beasts they ride are needed to identify the individual figures in the absence of personal features. One special feature of Hindu art is that figures occasionally have an unusual number of arms and heads ( F1G c, nos. 3, 9). This is a phenomenon that appeared as far back as the first century BCE, as we can see in the earliest known stone statue of the 'hero god' Vasudeva -Krishna . The extra body parts often serve to emphasize the god 's particular powers and now and then an explanation for them is given in mythology. For the same reason some gods can be hybrids, for example of a human and an animal.

Hindu temple, Indi a, Utt ar Prade sh, Bh it argao n, c. f ifth cen tury CE

FUNCTIONS OF STATUES

Sculptures could have various functions, from a cult statue in the sanctum - garbhagrha, the holiest and most central 26

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space in a temple - or in a side temple (no. 11) to an element in a building's structure (no. 5) or a wall decoration that also served as ritual protection of the temple complex (no. 13). The function always determined the finish and appearance of the statues. Most stone sculptures were executed in high relief and depicted frontally - after all only their fronts would be seen. Metal statues, on the other hand, particularly the monumental Chola bronzes (nos. 9, 10), which were carried in processions, were finished all round. The placement of sculptures in a temple complex was not random, but was determined by cosmological, ritual and iconographic requirements.

CONSECRATION CEREMONY

For a statue to become a 'seat' it had to be ritually cleansed and provided with divine energy - ritual handbooks give precise instruction about this, particularly in the case of a cult statue for the sanctum. First the statue was immersed in specially-prepared water for a specific time. Then, after a number of preparatory ceremonies, the god wa s invoked by gestures and the chanting of mantras to permeate the water in a pitcher. Afterwards this wa s poured over the statue, which absorbed the divine energy in it. In a subsequent ceremony 'the eyes were opened' with a gold needle. Before the statue was installed in the sanctum, symbolic objects such as semi -precious stones and pieces of gold leaf in various shapes were placed in the base to protect the statue - and the temple - and according to some to provide it with the 'breath of life'. Each part of the instal lation ceremony, which lasted a number of days, had to be carried out at a particular time fixed by an astrologer. It was only after a statue had undergone a ritual 'installation' (pratistha) like this that it was fit to be worshipped . Bronzes that served as processional statues (utsavamOrti) also went through a number of these ceremonies. During temple festivals, however, they received the 'divine energy' from the cult statue in the sanctum: this was then ritually transferred from the main statue to the bron ze statue for the duration of the festival.

ARTISTS AND PATRONAGE

Works of art in India were usually not signed - in contrast to Europe, where the value was in part determined by the maker's name. It has been suggested that this reflects the low social standing of artists and craftsmen in ancient India, but it is more likely to do with the nature of the objects and the role that they played in the Hindu religion ; putting a maker's name on an object that would then function as a 'seat' for a god, if not as the god itself, was perhaps thought not to be fitting. Occasionally, less important temple sculptures were signed, but this was hardly ever the case for images installed in the sanctum. Artists were united in guilds (sreai) and the trade was hereditary; this is still often the case today. Hindu, Jainist and Buddhist statues were frequently made by the same

craftsmen and may consequently resemble one another closely in style, at least within a given period and region . Royal houses are usually cited as clients and patrons of art. Many style names are derived from the dynasties, such as the 'Gupta style' or the 'Chol a style', yet monarchs played less of a role as patrons of art than has thus far been assumed. Many temple complexes and sculptures have proved to have had financial support not from reigning sovereigns, but from their queens and other members of the nobility, wealthy merchants, guilds (sometimes from artists themselves) and even from 'temple dancers' (devadasT) . This is particularly evident in the south of India, where, thanks to new studies of Tamil inscriptions on temples, it has been revealed that only a very small group of the 'Chol a temples' were actually built by the Cho la rulers. At early Buddhist sites monks and nuns often acted as donors 1F1G. 01.

DECORATIVE ARTS

Of course there was also non -religious art and decorative art in ancient India. The manufacture of purely decorative trinkets on a large scale only began in the time of the Mughal emperors. Their empire was founded by Babur in 1526, but it was chiefly under Akbar (r. 1556-1605), Jahangir (r. 1605-27) and Shah Jahan (r. 1628- 58) that new styles in art and architecture - exemplified by the legendary Taj Mahal - were developed . Workshops were set up at court to produce luxury items: elaborately ornamented weapons, cut and polished gems, textiles and furniture. Persian artists oversaw the making of miniature paintings for the delectation of private circles of connoisseurs. The

c Bhairava, India, Uttar Pradesh, Kalinjar, c. ninth ce ntury CE

o

Portrait of Sattan Gunabattan, landow ner from Alattur and co -founder of the Umama hesvara temple, India, Tamil Nadu, Konerirajapuram, c. 970 CE

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production of luxurious glass objects like water pipes, dishes, jugs and rosewater sprinklers flourished during this period. The court workshops employed not only craftsmen from Persia, but Europeans too, who had often come to India with trade delegations (see no. 16). Ivory had traditionally been a popular material for all kinds of luxury objects. The earliest known Indian examples date back to the beginning of the Common Era, but ivory working reached its zenith between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. The costly material was used predominantly in furniture (as feet or to cover the surface) and for decorative items like combs and boxes for valuables or requisites for the consumption of sirih (betel; no. 20). Manufacturing centres were concentrated in South India, on Ceylon and in Orissa. These products were not only popular with the local population, but with foreigners as well, including officers of the Dutch East India Company. Ornaments and jewellery have always played important roles as we can see from the sculptures and paintings on which they appear in profusion. They expressed social status in India even more than in Europe, and reflected the wearer's faith, marital status and social class. Unfortunately gold jewellery was regularly melted down to make new fashionable ornaments. Pre -nineteenth-century examples are rare. One providential exception is a set of ornaments from around 1750, which consequently occupi es an important place in the Rijksmuseum collection (no. 18; see also p.12, FIG s). Literature Blurton 1992; Dagens 1994; Kaimal 1996; Van Kooij 1999; Orr 2000; Ray 2004; Slijczka 2007; Schmid 2010

1

THE BODHISATTVA MAITREYA PAKISTAN, GANDHARA, THIRD CENTURY Slate, polychrome, gilding, h. 52 cm Inv. no. AK-MAK-1188 Maitreya has his right hand raised with the palm facing the viewer. This is abhayamudrtJ, an expression of reassurance. It is one of the most common gestures in Indian sculpture and can be made by both Buddhist and Hindu figures . Between Maitreya's fingers there are web-like membranes as a sign of his divinity. His left hand has been broken off, but thanks to the many comparable sculptures it is not difficult to imagine a jug, the missing attribute. Although this object was associated with the bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara in later art, around this period the jug was linked above all with Maitreya in Gandhara, a region in the north west of the Indian subcontinent. As is usual in bodhisattva figures from this area the outer garment is loosely draped over his right arm and left shoulder, falling in a deep swag to just above the knee. Also characteristic of Gandhara is the chain with three amulet boxes worn diagonally across the chest. The double string of pearls above it symbolizes the sacred cord (upavTta) , worn by the Brahmins and members of other high castes. The sharply-pleated undergarment and the characteristic hairstyle are reminiscent of Greek sculptures. Complete, Maitreya would have stood on a plinth, the feet in open sandals. Traces of red polychromy prove that the figure was originally decorated and gilded; red pigment was used as the basis for the gilding. Tradition has it that the historic Buddha Siddhartha (siddha-artha, 'who has realized his purpose') Gautama, also known as Shakyamuni (sakyamuni), is only the most

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recent of a whole series. He is the Buddha of our era, but in the future there will be others, including Maitreya. Until that time they remain in the Tushita heaven and will not yet be Budd has ('the awakened'), but bodhisattvas ('beings intended for enlightenment'), who consciously prepare themselves to become a Buddha. The concept and iconography of Maitreya probably arose in the northwest of the Indian subcontinent. This can be inferred from the huge number of statues of this bodhisattva in Gandhara, as opposed to the smaller number in Mathura and other early Buddhist centres. In part the rendering of Maitreya is based on that of the Hindu god Brahma, who also clasps a water jug in the art of this region. While the iconography is partly Brahman, the style of the statue points to another source of inspiration - Hellenic art. In 327 BCE Gandhara was conquered by Alexander the Great, but contacts with the Greeks from Bactria may stretch even further back in time. Gandhara lay on the Silk Route which linked China, Southern Asia and the Mediterranean countries and thanks to its position and wealth attracted foreign invaders and people from elsewhere, who settled there. Gandhara's eclectic art, which combined all kinds of elements from Asia and the Mediterranean region, flourished during the Kushana dynasty (first to third century CE). During their rule a completely different style, which shows no influences of Hellenism, also came into being in and around the town of Mathura (see no. 2).

2 YAK$i

INDIA, UTIAR PRADESH, MATH URA, SECOND CENTURY Sandstone, h. 95 cm Inv. no. AK-MAK-303 The yaksTstands in an elegant pose under a tree. Her garments are gossamer-fine, so that the voluptuous shape of her body is easy to see. Only the ends of the sash and the indication of folds in the material between her legs indicate that she is wearing a hip cloth . Its hem, shown in similar sculptures as a thin strip just below the anklets, seems to be missing or has become indiscernible over the course of time. The hip cloth is held in place by a belt of four rows of coins or beads with a buckle in the shape of a rosette. The woman wears long earrings, a chain of interlaced strings of beads or pearls, countless thin bracelets and one wide one of beads, and heavy anklets. The centre part of her hair seems to be combed back or forms a flat knot above her forehead . In her raised right hand she holds an attribute - possibly a lotus flower - which is partially broken. On her left shoulder she carries a woven basket of a type that can be seen in an almost identical shape borne by a number of other female figure s from Mathura; the ea rliest stem from t he first century BCE. We can only speculate about what is in the basket: does it contain floral wreaths and other offerings, or perhaps toiletries? YaksTs (or yaksi()Ts) , and their male equivalents, the yaksas, are nature spirits that symbolize fertility and abun dance. Their lord is Kubera (Jambhala), the god of wealth . Originally yaksas were worshipped as cult images in their own right, but no shrines dedicated to them have survived. Later they were incorporated in Buddhism and Jainism as minor figures and tutelary deities. The same development

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is reflected in art. There are many freestanding sculptures among the oldest yaksa effigies, from the second century BCE, but in later times they were more often carved onto the architectural elements of shrines, above all on the pillars of the enclosure (vedika) of Buddhist and Jainist stupas (p. 26, FIG.A ) . This yaksTmust have belonged to this latter group, as the projections for a mortise and tenon joint at the top and bottom and three holes on the sides, intended for crossbeams, indicate. The backs of pillars like these were usually decorated with narrative reliefs or, as here, with lotus medallions. The red flecked sandstone from which this sculpture was made immediately tells us that it came from around Mathura. The variety is often called Sikri sandstone, after the best-known stone, situated on the bank quarry in the region . Mathura of the Jumna (Yamuna) was the eastern capital of the Kushan Empire (first to th ird century) and an important cultural and religious centre. In and around the city there were countless sculptors' worksh ops, but regrettably it is impossible t o determine whe re exactly th is yaksTwas made. The eyes, the coquettish smile and the jewellery, particularly the belt clasp, point towards a number of sculptures from Bhutesvar in the Mathura district. On the other hand the dimensions of the pillar, the features in general and the way the long sash hangs down from the left hip bear a strong resemblance to those of the yaksTs from Sanghol, a site in Punjab, where several sculptures originating from Mathura were found.

3 VISHNU WITH THREE HEADS INDIA, JAM MU AND KASHMIR,

c. 750-825

Soapstone, h. 64 cm Inv. no. AK-RAK-1990-3

As well as a normal human face, this god has a wild boar's head on the left and a lion's head on the right. When the statue was complete it had four arms and held a lotus (pad ma) and a shell (sankha), known attributes of the god, in his upper hands. His rear right hand rested on a female figure, the left on a little man. They are the personifications of two other important attributes, respectively the club (gadti, a feminine word in Sanskrit and hence represented as a woman) and the discus (cakro). A diamond-shaped emblem is affixed in the centre of his chest. This is the kaustubha, a jewel associated with Vishnu, or according to some, srrvatsa, which symbolizes the constant presence of the goddess SrT ('radiant light, prosperity', another name of Lakshmi, Vishnu's wife) with the god. Unfortunately the legs are missing, but the goddess of the Earth (bhu) stood between the feet. This manifestation of Vishnu was very popular, particularly in Kashmir, between the eighth and the tenth century. This is indicated by other characteristics beside the extra heads and the number of arms. The full, round face, the large eyes and the strongly-arched eyebrows above them are also found on other statues from this region, likewise the threelobed crown and the muscular upper body. The dagger stuck in the belt is typical of sculptures after 750. The earliest representations of Vishnu with the heads of a lion and a wild boar were made in Mathura in the late Kushana period (around the third century). Examples with four heads were also quite popular in Kashmir. The fourth, t he head of a demon, was affixed to the back of the round aureole in low relief. Most of Vishnu's nimbus is missing here, but it is clear that it did not have a fourth head; there is nothing on the back of the aureole and the surface is flat. Opinions are divided as to the interpretation of the extra heads. It is often assumed that in images with three heads the lion's head refers to the descent (avattiro) of Vishnu as half man half-lion (Narasimha) and the boar's head to his descent as a boar (Varaha). The effigies with four heads are corn monly interpreted as visual representations of the four vyuhas: Vasudeva, Samkarshana, Pradyumna and Aniruddha. The vyahas are emanations of Vishnu according to the Vishnuist Paiicaratra doctrine. They are explained in various writings related to it and also, for example, in the Visnudharmottaropurtino, an important text from around

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the eighth century which contains much information about iconography. Some authors maintain that this last interpretation could also be applied to the three-headed figures; an early Paiicaratra text, the Jaytikhyasorrhitti (around the ninth century), gives other names for the vyahas, two of which, Narasimha and Vara ha, allude to the lion and boar heads. Nowadays it is generally assumed that there are four vyuhas, but the old texts are anything but clear about it. The Visnudhormottaropurano, for example, mentions a manifestation of Vishnu with four faces, but only describes three vyahas that correspond to them. It is quite possible that their number was still not fixed around the eighth century. In that case the statue in the Rijksmuseum could perhaps also be interpreted as a visual representation of the Paiicaratra doctrine of the vyahas. On the other hand it is possible, as has also been suggested, that the passage mentioned is unreliable and that half a verse is missing. For th is reason the question about the correct interpretation of this three-head ed Vishnu remains open.

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BUDDHA INDIA, JAM MU AND KASHMIR, NINTH-TENTH CENTURY Brass, h. 23 cm Inv. no. AK-RAK-1990-1 This Buddha stands in an elegant pose, his weight on his left leg and with his right foot out-turned. The resultant slight bend of the neck and in the hips brings movement to this otherwise static figure. The slim body is wrapped in a monk's cloak of extremely thin, smooth fabric that enhances his figure. The absence of folds reinforces this effect. The undergarment on the other hand, a piece of which is visible just above the ankles, is deeply creased . As is usual for standing Budd has, the right hand makes the gesture of reassurance (abhayamudra); the left hangs down beside the body and holds a corner of the cloak. The head is covered with tiny curls; the U$1Jisa ('turban', here the protuberance on the head) is rather high. The Buddha's gaze is directed downwards. The eyes and the birthmark on the forehead (tJrl)a) are inlaid with silver. The U$1Jisa, the IJrl)a, the webbing between the fingers and the elongated earlobes are familiar characteristics of a Buddha. The frequent use of silver and copper inlay work - the latter seen here in th e workmansh ip of the mouth - is characte ristic of the art of Kashmir.

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Compared with other, mainly earlier statues from the region (see no. 3), the Buddha's body is slimmer and not as muscular. The verticality is further emphasized by the double almond -shaped wreath of flames around the body, tapering to a point. The shape is typical of sculpture from Kashmir and occurs in many bronzes. The entire composition radiates serenity and elegance: this is a figure that could be a perfect aid to meditation. We do not know when the production of metal statues began in Kashmir, but it is conceivable that it happened quite early on, influenced by the art of neighbouring Gandhara (see no. 1). In general brass was used, occasionally bronze. In the third century, Kashmir was also an important centre of Buddhism, which explains the large number of sculptures associated with it that come from this region . Old texts even refer to colossal metal Budd has, but no t races of them have been found : most of the figures are quite small . Kashmir always had strong lin ks with Tibet. Many Buddhist sculpt ures survived there in monasteri es lon g after Buddhi sm had disappeared from Kashmir. The reciprocal stylistic influences are evident in the art.

5 APSARAS INDIA, MADHYA PRADESH, KHAJURAHO, c. 950 Sandstone, h. 96 cm Inv. no. AK-MAK-185

The woman stands under a mango tree. Her somewhat faraway look and the nail impressions on her left temple and shoulder show that she has just been in the company of her lover. The long stole has slipped from her neck and falls in soft waves. The woman clutches the end of her hip cloth with her left hand in an attempt to defend herself against a monkey tugging playfully at the bottom of it. There are two other monkeys in the tree, apparently on the point of jumping down. In her raised right hand the woman holds a fly-whisk (ctimara) , which she uses to try and chase the animals away. This motif occurs quite often in Central Indian art between the tenth and the twelfth centuries. As befits a celestial being, the apsaras wears an abundance of jewellery: earrings, a number of chains, bracelets, bands on her upper arms, anklets and rings. She has an oval dot (tilaka) on her forehead. Her hair is combed back and tied at the neck with a ribbon and a string of beads. There are si x little curls on each side of her forehead ; her hair is adorned w ith a head jewel and fresh flowers that look like the blossom of the Ashoka tree (Saraca indica) . On her left stands a much smaller female figure, likewise richly adorned . The workmanship of the fabric and the ornaments, especially in the main figure, is high quality: the hanging chain, the undulating stole and the thin material of the hip cloth are very lifelike. The contrast between the exuberantly rendered adornments and the smooth skin reinforces the lifelike effect.

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Lakshmana temple, Indi a, Mad hya Prad es h, Kh ajuraho, 954 38

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The woman is an apsaras or surasundarT, a celestial nymph. Apsarasas are stunningly beautiful and have supernatural powers. They inhabit the heavens, but also visit the Earth. In Khajuraho the outer walls of temples are almost entirely covered with sculptures of gods and other celestials, the apsarasas perhaps forming the largest group. However this statue does not come from a temple wall, but functioned as the false bracket of a pillar in a temple hall. On the top we can still see traces of the mortise and tenon joint with which the sculpture could be attached to the ceiling. Each pillar was decorated with four such heavenly nymphs, alternating with figures of mythical beasts (vytila) . There is a short inscription on the base: bhtii/a or possibly bhtiTla. Its meaning is unknown, but it may be the name of the donor. Many sculptures and temple elements in Khajuraho bear short inscriptions like this. The inscription and the stylistic characteristics of the sculpture - the pro portions of the body, the jewellery, the nymph's hairstyle and the way the tree is represented - t ell us that this figure almost certainly formed part of a pillar of the Lakshmana temple, one of the largest and most impressive in Khajuraho tF1G. sAJ . It is built in the Chandella style and was consecrated in 954. There are four other apsarasas from the same temple in the Indian Museum in Kolkata (Calcutta), which also originally adorned the tops of pillars.

6 DURGA SLAYING THE BUFFALO DEMON BANGLADESH, BENGAL, ELEVENTH CENTURY Stone, h. 87.S cm Inv. no. AK-RAK-1992-1

In Sanskrit ·ourga' means 'she who is unattainable' and the goddess is shown here in the guise of mahi?asuromardini: literally, the (female) killer (mardini) of the buffalo demon (mahi?a -asuro). One glance at the sculpture is enough to understand the name. The ten-armed goddess stands erect with one foot on the body of the demon. Its severed buffalo head lies on the ground, but the demon re-emerges from the neck, this time as a dwarf. Durga grabs his hair and impales him with her trident. Even though Mahisha has a sword in his hands he stands no chance against the heavilyarmed goddess. The Devyamata, an old Indian text which may well have been known in Bengal at around this time, says that the demon 'appears defeated' and that his pride is destroyed; he 'bites nervously on his lower lip'. The goddess, on the other hand, remains calm and serene; the fight caused her no trouble at all, says the same source. The lion, Durga's mount, helps her by biting Mahisha's foot. Behind the buffalo body we can see the goddess's female helper. The male figure beside Durga's left foot is a member of the demon army and tries to protect himself as he flees from the goddess's blows. His malevolent character is expressed in his large, bulging eyes and deep scowl. This battle is described in several Sanskrit texts. The most popular version has it that Mahisha, the king of the demons, became so powerful that he even began to threaten the gods. None of them was able to defeat him individually so a goddess was created from the energy of all the gods. Equipped with weapons she got from them - here, from

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the top down, a sword and shield, a bow and arrow, a discus (pre-eminently the weapon of the god Vishnu), an axe, a lance, a mace, a trident (Shiva's weapon) and a serpent cord with which she tied the hair of the demon - she was easily able to kill Mahisha. The first images of Durga slaying the buffalo demon were made as early as the second century, near the town of Mathura. A few centuries later, statues of her could be found everywhere on the Indian subcontinent. The story of Durga and her iconography were exported to Southeast Asia along with Hinduism, and probably adapted to a local myth there (see no. 26). As the cult spread, so the iconography evolved. In the early sculptures the goddess has only four, six or eight arms and she is not shown killing the demon with her trident or any of her other weapons, but holding the head of the buffalo with her bare hands or, in the fol lowing Gupta period (fourth to sixth century), a hind leg or its tail. It was not until the eighth century that the mani festation with the large number of arms, the dwarf emerging from the severed buffalo head, the trident used to kill the monster and the lion mount made its appearance. The smooth black stone is typical of the area where this statue comes from. The shape of the stele and the attributes also confirm that the sculpture comes from Northeast Bengal. The flower-shaped ornament on the top is typical of the region around Rajshahi in Bangladesh. Bengal has an extremely strong Durga cult and nowhere is the popular DurgapOja festival celebrated as exuberantly as there.

7 THE BODHISATTVA MANJUSHRI INDIA/BANGLADESH, BENGAL, ELEVENTH-TWELFTH CENTURY Bronze, silver, h. 12.3 cm Inv. no. AK- MAK-522

The fact that this figure represents Manjushri can be gathered from his attributes: the two blue water lilies at his sides and the manuscript of piled-up palm leaves on one of the flowers. The blue water lily (nT/otpa/a) with its narrow petals is usually shown half open and is easy to distinguish from the fully open lotus, which accompanies the bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara among others. The manuscript probably represents the Prajfltiptiramitti sutra ('Perfection of Wisdom') - very appropriately, as Manjushri is regarded as the personification of transcendental insight. The bodhisattva sits relaxed in the lalittisana position (see no. 10) on a flat lotus cushion, which at the same time acts as a saddle for the lion, his mount. It lies on a base of two rows of lotus leaves decorated with a pearl edge. Manjushri's left leg is supported by a similar flower. He is adorned with two necklaces, the longest of which may be a tiger claw chain. This was worn by young men - and hence also by young gods - as protection against evil. The elongated pendant in the middle may be an amulet box. The hair consists of three piled-up rings of decreasing width, a style that was characteristic of this bodhisattva around the tenth century. In it is a diadem with four triangular leaves, tied up with wide ribbons, the ends of which flutter either side of the head. The chain, the diadem and the sign on the forehead (Druo) are silver-plated. The diadem, the upper arm jewellery and the belt buckle were originally probably inset with precious and semiprecious stones. The stem of one of the water lilies coils around the bodhisattva's arm, as it often does in statuettes from this region . The hands show the gesture of setting in motion the wheel of (Buddhist) teaching,

dharmacakrapravartanamudrti.

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This way of representing Manjushri was particularly popular in Bengal around the eleventh to the twelfth century. Some elements, like the double lotus base with the beaded edge, the distinctive hair style and the diadem, were adopted by Tibetan artists and can often be seen on bronzes from the same period in imitation of the Bengalese style. East India, including Bihar, Bengal and Orissa, was an important region for the development of the later Buddhist philosophy and iconography. The latter not only influenced the art of Tibet, but had its impact on the Buddhist art of Nepal as well, and even in some parts of Southeast Asia . Monks and pilgrims came to East India to visit monasteries and temples. On the way back they often took small bronze effigies of the Buddhas and the bodhisattvas with them. The fact that these figures were regularly found in areas outside Bengal makes it rather difficult to determine where they were made. However there is no doubt at all about the provenance of this Manjushri. The beautiful round forms, the attention to detail - evide nt in the workmanship of the diadem and other ornaments show that the bodhisattva came from Bengal, probably from the north.

8 KRISHNA PLAYING THE FLUTE INDIA, ORISSA, SIXTEENTH-SEVENTEENTH CENTURY Brass, h. 20 cm Inv. no. AK-MAK-192

Orissa is best known for its stone sculptures, but there are also metal figures that come from this area, albeit rarely from the heyday of Hindu architecture between the eighth and the thirteenth century, when magnificent temples were built in and around Bhubaneswar. This changed around 1600 with the growth of the individual cult of the god Krishna, who became extremely popula r, particularly in the east of the Indian subcontinent, in Orissa and Bengal. As a result a large number of metal statues of Krishna and his consort Radha were made, primarily intended for private devotion. Here Krishna stands on a round lotus cushion. He has four arms. In his raised right hand he holds the discus, the cakra, in his left the shell, the sankha - both known attributes of the god Vishnu , of whom Krishna is the most important descendant (avatara). He makes the gesture of playing the flute with his two foremost hands. The round lotus cushion, the wooden sandals and the shape of the crown are typical of the art of Orissa. Over his arms hangs a long garland of wild flowers (vanamala), likewise an attribute of Vishnu. The young god is also adorned with flower-shaped earrings, chains, bracelets, upper arm ornaments and anklets. He wears a loincloth with a complex

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Scenes from the Early Youth of Krishna, from the Bhagavatapurana. Bru sh and colours and gold, 238 x 331 mm. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum, inv. no. RP-T-1993-422; gift of P. Formijn e, Amsterdam, 1993 44

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design, which is knotted around his waist with a wide sash. He has a round, engaging face, with large almond eyes and full lips; he looks wholly occupied and absorbed in his music. The finish of the details here is of higher quality than a number of other images of Krishna from this period and region. The representations of a flute-playing Krishna allude to the time in his youth that he spent with cowherds in the forest near Vrindavan in Uttar Pradesh, near the town of Mathura. His music was so irresistible that all the herdswomen (gopi) fell in love with him. At night they crept out of their homes to dance the rasolrla with him. But Krishna's heart belonged only to Radha, his beloved. In Krishna worship (kr~()abhakti) she stands for the soul of the believer and symbolizes the total devotion to the god. The love story of Krishna and Rad ha was described in countless popular and classical texts. The best known are the Grtagovinda by Jayadeva (twelfth century), who himself came from Orissa, and the Bhagavatapuro()a (around the ninth-tenth century, but based on oral versions that may have been much older). We know of countless manuscripts of these texts, many of them lavishly illustrated. The Rijksmuseum has a number of pages from different copies of the Bhagavatapuro()a [F1G. sAJ .

9 SHIVA, KING OF THE DANCERS INDIA, TAMIL NADU, TWELFTH CENTURY Bronze, h. 15 3 cm Inv. no. AK-MAK-187

Here Shiva dances the onondotont;fovo His left leg is raised, so that his knee is almost level with his navel. The foremost right hand shows the gesture of reassurance (obhoyomudro); the pose of the outstretched left arm imitates an elephant's trunk (gojohosto) . The other two hands hold the double-sided t;fomoru drum and the flame. The long braided hair with flowers and ribbons is shown almost horizontally, set in motion by the power of the dance. The goddess Ganga, the personification of the River Ganges, sits in his tresses on the right. She is shown as a mermaid, with her hands clasped in adoration. A skull, a cobra, a crescent moon, a calyx from the poisonous Doturo flower and a fan -shaped bundle of kondroi leaves (Indian laburnums, Cassia fistula) adorn the crown of Shiva's head. A kTrtimukha ('face of glory'), which is often used as a decorative motif, acts as a union between the headdress and the aureole. The hair is held in pla ce by a ribbon fastened to the back of the head with a round knot. The shorter locks of hair fall over the neck in two semi -circular layers, while two med ium length tresses lie on the shoulders. Shiva wears a short loincloth and a narrow stole over his left shoulder, and is adorned with the sacred cord and innumerable jewels. A tiny bell hangs from his left calf. An unusual jewel, a coiled cobra, circles his right arm. With his right foot he tramples a little dwarf with a snake in its hand, lying on a base of two rows of lotus leaves. This base is supported on a rectangular platform with rings at the bottom of the short sides. The figure of the god is surrounded by an aureole with five-pointed flames, which issue from the mouths of makaros, crocodile-like mythical beasts. The same creatures, along with a small kTrtimukha, decorate the clasp of Shiva's girdle. The image radiates harmony and balance, created by the symmetry of the hair fanning out in

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the movement of the dance, the graceful poise of the arms and the slight rotation of the body. The fine features, large almond-shaped eyes, narrow nose and full, sensual lips are characteristic of Chola art. As is usual in bronzes from this period (ninth-thirteenth century) the back of the figure (see pp. 48 - 49) has been finished as precisely as the front. This figure of Shiva is referred to in most publications as Nataraja (nataroja, 'King of the Dancers'), but this term does not occur with this meaning in Sanskrit texts from around the twelfth century and only appears for the first time in an inscription from the middle of the thirteenth century, a couple of hundred years after the creation of the first Nataraja images at the beginning of the Chola period (around the ninth century). There are also stone statues of this subject, but the Nataraja form achieved its ultimate perfection in bron ze. Nowadays this dancing god, rin ge d by a circle of flames, is on e of the best-known international symbols of India and Hind uism. Modern reproduct ion s of it , almost like a cliche, can be found everywhere - from yoga schools to travel brochures. There has long been speculation about the interpretation of the dance and the attributes and opinions differ greatly. In any event it is doubtful whether all Natarajas since the beginning of the Chola period carry the same meaning. Cho la bronzes were almost always solid, cast using the lost wax method (cire perdue). This is the case here too, including the dwarf and the aureole. This is very remarkable, since the casting of large and complicated statues like this is extremely difficult. At 153 centimetres tall, the Shiva in the Rijksmuseum is one of the largest surviving bronze Natarajas from the Chola period.

10 SOMASKANDA INDIA, TAMIL NADU, c TWELFTH CENTURY Bronze, h. 47.1 cm, w. 64.5 cm Inv. no. AK-RAK-2012-1

'Somaskanda' literally means '[Shiva] with [his wife] Uma century) hardly any were made from stone and images and [the child] Skanda '. Shiva, shown frontally, sits in the in bronze were produced on a large scale. One of the earliest comes from Tiruvalangadu (Thiruvallur District, lalitasana or sukhasana, the 'relaxed position', where one leg rests on the seat and the other hangs down. His broad Tamil Nadu) and is dated to the beginning of the tenth shoulders and chest radiate masculine strength. Uma, her century. Like Shiva, King of the Dancers (no. 9), the Somaskanda body turned slightly towards the centre of the composition, looks tenderly at the child Skanda, who stands on his short is a processional statue. Every large Hindu temple has at legs between his parents. With her heavy breasts, slim waist least one 'immovable' (aeala) and one 'movable' (ea/a) and wide hips Uma conforms wholly to the Indian ideal statue of every important god. The aeala are usually made of beauty. The divine couple display the usual objects and of stone and are too large and heavy to be moved (like the gestures. Shiva's foremost right arm is in the abhayamudra, stone lingo in the sanctums). The ea/a are lavishly decorated which expresses reassurance (see no. 1), his left arm in the with flowers, fabrics and ornaments during temple festivals kataka (often used to hold attributes). The god 's other two and carried on a palanquin through the streets of the town, arms hold an axe and a deer, which only feature on South so that the believers - including those who are not able or Indian representations of Shiva. As is usual when children are forbidden to go into the temple - have the opportunity are depicted, Skanda is naked, but is lavishly adorned with to see the gods. The statues (utsavamarti) used for festivities are almost all made of bron ze. The holes and rings jewellery. He holds two lotus buds. The figures were cast separately using the lost wax method and are completely in the base, as here and in the dancing Shiva, were used solid. They each rest on their own base, which is mounted to fasten the statues on to a palanquin or a processional chariot. The Somaskanda and the Nataraja are among the in the hollow pedestal. This iconographic depiction was made in the south most important utsavamartis, which no Shiva temple may of India. North Indian likenesses of Shiva's family usually be without. show Ganesha, the divine couple's other child . However in the south, Skanda, who is associated with the local god Murugan, takes the lead role. His prominent position is also evidenced by the fact that his name appears in the title of the whole composition. Somaskandas appear for the first time on stone reliefs from the time of the Pallavas (around the seventh - eighth century; F1G . 10A). They were carved into the back wall of the sanctums of Shiva temples, as the only figurative decoration in the room normally reserved for the lingo - the symbol of the god. The representation was hugely popular, as can be seen from the large number of reliefs that have survived, some forty in total. In the Chola period (ninth - thirteenth

10A

Som askanda relief (a lingo in the foreground) in the Kai lasanatha temple, In dia, Tami l Nad u, Kanc hipuram, eighth century S1

11 RECUMBENT BULL INDIA, TAMIL NADU, ELEVENTH-TWELFTH CENTURY Sandstone, I. 64 cm Inv. no. AK-MAK-520

All Hindu gods have a mount (vtihana) on which they travel and which symbolizes their characteristics. Shiva's is a bull, the symbol of strength and fertility. As the god's mount he is elaborately decked out. Around his neck he wears four collars: a string of beads with a rosette, a cord with tinkling bells, one with bells and tassels and right at the bottom one with a long tassel. On his forehead he has a rosette, which is tied to his horns with a ribbon, the ends of which hang down beside his ears. He has a small hump behind his neck which leaves enough room for a lavishly embroidered cloth. The hump and the comparatively large dewlap are typical of the Indian zebu bull (Bos taurus indicus), a close relative of the European domesticated bull (Bos tourus). The animal lies on a dais hewn from the same piece of stone. His tail droops over his right hind leg. This endearing bull once graced one of the Shiva temples in Tamil Nadu in Southern India. The figure of the bull can be found in various locations in these shrines. It accompanies its master in the reliefs in the niches in the exterior walls of the sanctums (gorbhagrha) and the entrance halls (maf)r;iapa), can be found on the superstructures and temple walls, supports the statues of Shiva that are carried through the streets of towns during temple festivals. The most prominent place the bull occupies as Shiva's mount is facing the sanctum. It lies, often in its own small pavilion, with

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its head facing the entrance, so that it is the first statue the visitor sees inside the temple walls. The one in the Rijksmuseum would originally have stood in front of the entrance to the sanctum. In view of its height it probably came from a medium-sized shrine, like many in the area around the Kaveri Delta in Tamil Nadu . We know from old Sanskrit texts - the Mayamata among others - that the dimensions of the animal are related to the size of the entrance to the sanctum. Given the relatively short muzzle, the unwrinkled dewlap and the small hump, this bull was probably made around the eleventh or twelfth century. Shiva's bull is popularly known as Nandi, but he appears under this name in virtually no sources. In old Sanskrit texts about temple construction and iconography, the vastusastras and silpasastras, and in ritual treatises like the agomas he is simply referred to as vrsa or vrsabha ('bull'). Nandi or Nandishvara, on the other hand, is a servant described in the majority of texts as having the same appearance as Shiva. He is the master of the gaf)as, which form part of Shiva's retinue and are often shown beside the god as figures dancing or making music. In other writings, along with Mahakala (see no. 24), he is given the function of doorkeeper of a Shiva temple. Over time Nandi and the bull became confused with one another, a misunderstanding that persists to this day.

12 RELIGIOUS TEACHER INDIA, KARNATAKA (?), c FOURTEENTH CENTURY Bronze, h. 16.8 cm Inv. no. AK-RAK-1988 -1

The extremely concentrated pose of this teacher is evi dence of his total control over his body and mind. His right hand makes the gesture of instruction (vitarkamudra) . The left wrist rests on his knee. The features are a little blurred, possibly through the repeated application of oil and other substances during rituals. Nonetheless the face radiates harmony and serenity. He wears no adornment save for the sacred cord (upavita) , which hangs over his left shoulder. A long, thin undergarment is held in place by a sash, the ends of which are visible on the thighs. The teacher sits on a double lotus pedestal with a square base beneath it, with two little figures who venerate him. The entire support does not appear to belong to the statue and in any event is from a later date. It is difficult to identify the teacher as we know of few comparable statues. Perh aps he is one of the Alvars (Tamil: tizhvar, plural tizhvtirkar), the poet-saints of Tam il Nadu,

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who between the sixth and ninth century went from temple to temple in order to sing the praises of Vishnu. Tradition has it that there are twelve Alvars, the most important being Nammalvar. He is often seated with his right arm shown in the vitarkamudra position, but it is not certain whether this is indeed he. The left hand is in a different position from the usual one for Nammalvar and the mark that is applied to the forehead by followers of Vishnu is missing. In the two known bronze images of Ramanuja, the great Vishnuist theologian and philosopher of the twelfth century, he is shown with a vitarkamudra . The lack of similar statues also makes it hard to attribute this sculpture to a region and period, although the style and proportions suggest Southern India - Karnataka or perhaps Tamil Nadu. Nevertheless, thanks to the soft, natural shapes and the elegant pose, the figure can be regarded as a very successful work of art.

13 APSARAS INDIA, KARNATAKA, TWELFTH CENTURY Slate, h. 83 cm Inv. no. AK-RAK-1975-2

The body of this apsaras, a heavenly nymph, is bedecked with jewellery. The high crown, innumerable necklaces, the wide belt with floral motifs and the many strings of pearls create the impression of wealth and abundance. The round ornament behind her head (sirascakra) appears on many sculptures of gods and acts as a nimbus. In her right hand the apsaras has a fruit which is usually described as a b[japura ('full of seeds'), Sanskrit for a lemon or pomegranate and also the symbol for fertility. However the shape of the fruit would tend to suggest a sugar-apple (Annona squamosa), which looks something like a very large, greenish raspberry. Along the nymph's left arm (part of which has broken off) there are still visible traces of the second attribute, a flywhisk made from the tail of a yak (camara; ctimara literally means 'from a yak'). Its presence makes it clear that the apsaras is only a secondary figure. She would probably have been found on or in the outside wall of the templ e, alongside an important deity like Shiva or Vishnu .

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The abundance of ornaments and the precision with which they are sculpted are characteristic of the Hoysala style. The softness of the slate from the region made it possible to achieve the crisp high relief. The nymph's broad face and round, sturdy limbs can be found in other Hoysala figures. The Hoysalas ruled from the mid-eleventh century to halfway through the fourteenth . Their empire covered the south of the modern state of Karnataka and was governed from Sosevur (near the modern city of Chikmagalur) and later from Dorasamudra (now Halebid). The larger temples built in this period are almost entirely covered with sculptures and are some of the most elaborately decorated in the Indian subcontinent. This apsaras displays many stylistic similarities to the sculptures from the Hoysalesvara temple in Halebid, which was built during the reign of King Raja Narasimha I (r. 1152- 73).

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GARUDA NEPAL TWELFTH CENTURY(?) Gilded copper, h. 20 cm Inv. no. AK-MAK-1509

The mythical bird Garuda, the mount (vahana) of the Hindu god Vishnu, is a popular subject in Southern and Southeast Asian art. As well as a bird it can also be shown as a human being or a hybrid of the two. In this hammered half relief, Garuda is presented as a man, but with a bird 's beak and long, graceful wings. He stands with his feet somewhat splayed and takes his weight on his slightly bent left leg. His right hand is raised in a respectful greeting; his left rests on his hip and holds a basket of flowers or other offerings. This pose is rather unusual for Garuda, who in Nepal almost always has his hands together in the anja/T position. As the arch-enemy of snakes he often holds one in his beak or in his claws. Here he has made the creature into a necklace and a sacred cord, from where a small snake's head looks him in the face. The bracelets and the upper arm ornaments also look like snakes, and the upswept hair is fastened with one. Traces of pink pigment can be seen on his brow and in his hair. In Nepal the doors and windows of important buildings have carved wooden frames with depictions of the gods and mythical beings. Metal statues are often placed over these figures. Many freestanding stone sculptures also have coverings like these, which in Nepalese are known as kavaca (armour) or kasa (treasure). They are intended as offerings from a believer to the deity concerned and are usually made of gilded copper, and occasionally of gold or silver. This Garuda probably functioned as such a 'suit of armour'. The eyelets by the right wrist and behind the left ear and

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the holes at the end of the wings (the hole in the left wing has been filled in) were probably used to mount the statue on something. On the wooden tympanums of Nepalese temples and on stone reliefs, Garuda often stands on Vishnu 's left; the place on the god's right is reserved for his wife, the goddess Lakshmi. It is possible that this Garuda also originally flanked his master. Covering wooden and stone statues with plates of gilded copper that have been shaped by means of repausse - hammering - has a long tradition in Nepal. This technique was employed mainly by the Newars, a community that had specialized in wood and metalworking since at least the Malla period (1200-1767). The craftsman began by making a sketch on which the proportions of the statue are recorded . This was done by pressing wires that had been drawn through red powder on to a sheet of paper to create an impression - a technique that is also familiar to sculptors. A drawing was made on the basis of this sketch to serve as a guideline for the craftsman . He then transferred the silhouette of the statue on to a robust metal plate, after which the desired pattern was hammered out. This treatment causes damage to the structure of the metal and it becomes too brittle to work so the plate has to be heated a number of times during the process to restore its malleability. The repousse technique requires great skill; any mistakes, for example a section that is pushed out too far from the plate, can only be corrected with great difficulty.

15 INDRA NEPAL, SEVENTEENTH CENTURY Bronze, gilding, precious and semi-precious stones, h. 28.7 cm Inv. no. AK- MAK-1393

As befits a king of the gods, lndra sits completely relaxed Statues have been cast in Nepal since at least the sixth century: the earliest example is a standing Buddha, which in the maharaja/Tla position with one leg raised and the other resting on the seat. His right hand shows the gesture according to an inscription on it was made in 591. Metalworking was the speciality of the Newar sculptors, who of instruction (vitarkamudra) . A lotus stalk winds up his outstretched arm from the fingers of his left hand and ends were the undisputed masters of the casting technique - the lost wax method (cire perdue) - as well as repousse. near his shoulder in an open flower; an identical flower is Until around three hundred years ago the material used placed symmetrically on the other side. Both flowers bear attributes: the one near the left shoulder has a manuscript almost always had a high copper content. In contrast to the south of the Indian subcontinent in the Hima layas, including and the other a vajra (thunderbolt). This way of illustrating attributes stems from Buddhist art, where it is frequently Nepal, the statues were hollow cast and then gilded. This was done by applying an amalgam of gold and mercury employed, for example on statues of bodhisattvas (no. 7). to the surface and then heating it until the mercury had On the forehead is the third eye, the symbol of the innuburned off and the pure gold remained . This released merable eyes of lndra, who in Vedic hymns is called 'the hazardous mercury fumes, which is why the technique thousand-eyed' (sahasrak~a). Unlike the eye of the god is now banned in most countries. Also characteristic of Shiva (no. 9), it is placed horizontally. lndra wears lavish adornments and a crown elaborately decorated with precious Nepalese art is inlaying statues of gods with precious and semi-precious stones. Its shape, like the king's posture, and semi-precious stones, as we can see here in lndra's crown and jewellery. is typical of images of this god in Nepal. The Rijksmuse um also has a Nepalese bronze of ln drani In the Vedic hymns, which date from around 1500 BCE, [FIG. 1sA1 , lndra's wife and at the same time his energy (sakti) . lndra is the powerful ruler of rain and thunder. The vajra, In terms of style and execution it is very like that of her his most important attribute, is a relic from this period. Down the centuries, however, lndra's importance gradually husband. declined. In the later texts - and still for Hindus in India he is just one of the four guardians of the world (lokapa/a or dikpala), that of the East. In Nepal, on the other hand, he still plays an important role. The lndra -yatra festival, when images of the god are carried through the streets, is celebrated there every year.

15A

lndrani, Nepal, sixtee nth ce ntury. Bro nze, g ilding, prec ious and se mi -prec ious sto nes, h. 16.3 cm. Am sterdam, Rijk sm use um, in v. no. AK-RAK-1995-6; purcha sed w ith th e suppo rt of th e Batou we Stiftun g and Mr and Mrs Oorthu ys- Lutj ens, Baa k, 1995 60

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RELIEF WITH A PORTRAIT OF SHAH JAHAN INDIA, c.1630-50 Alabaster, polychrome, h. 11.7 cm, w. 8.6 cm Inv. no. AK-NM-12249 The Mughal ruler Shah Jahan (r. 1628-58) is depicted here at the window where he was in the habit of appearing before the people. His right hand rests on a cloth hanging over the window sill, which was originally coloured red - as was his turban, which is adorned with a string of pearls and a wide, gold band, in the middle of which there is a sarpech (ornament) with a plume of black heron's feathers. There are countless painted images of this monarch, but portraits in stone are extremely rare. This is the only known portrait in alabaster. The Victoria and Albert Museum in London has a cameo in sardonyx, in which Shah Jahan is shown at the age of around forty, as he is in this portrait. Cameos from Italy and other European countries must have reached the Mughal court as far back as the reign of Jahangir (r. 1605-27), Shah Jahan's father. Jacques de Courtre, a Flemish dealer in precious stones who lived in Goa from 1603, was perhaps the first person to bring carved trinkets like thi s to the powerful rulers. During his

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stay in Agra in 1619 he gave a large cameo to Prince Khurram, the future Shah Jahan. The prince's great delight with the gift is evident from the fact that he made the dealer one of his 'personal guests' and - as De Courtre minutely described in his memoires - provided him with splendid accommodation in one of his palaces. Jahangir was also impressed by these exotic baubles; cameos featured regularly on the list of objects that Francisco Pelsaert, the head of the Dutch East India Company's trading post in Agra between 1624 and 1627, ordered in Europe to give the emperor as gifts. De Courtre's gift sparked off a fondness for cameo portraits and may well have been instrumental in the development of glyptic art under the patronage of Jahangir and Shah Jahan. Both emperors employed many foreign - mainly French and Italian - stone carvers and th is alabaster portrait of Shah Jahan is in all probab ility the work of one of them .

17 PENDANT IN THE SHAPE OF A MAKARA IN DO-PORTUGUESE, GOA OR CEYLON, c.1600 Gold, rock crystal, rubies, sapphires, w. 10.5 cm Inv. no. AK-RBK-17524 This pendant was made as a whistle. From the monster's muzzle to halfway along the body there is a narrow cylindrical channel connected to a diagonal notch that has been cut out in the belly. Theoretically, blowing into the monster's mouth would make a whistling sound, but that is not the purpose here: this trinket was not designed to be used, but purely as an ornament. Although made in India - the makara is a centuries-old, mythical aquatic creature which often features as an ornamental motif in India (see no. 9) - the design of the pendant was inspired by European whistles which were used in the sixteenth century by admirals and other senior naval officers and also by the German nobility while hunting. They were made in precious metals and designed as jewels. It is not easy to determ ine where exactly this makara was made. Initially it was thought that the whistle had come from Agra, once the Mughal emperors' capital, where rock crystal was w idely used. Later it was suggested that it may have had its origin in Goa or even Ceylon (Sri Lanka) - the

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Sabaragamuwa region in particular was rich in preciou s stones and rock crystal. Goa was known for its highly-skilled craftsmen who made jewellery and other decorative objects in a style that reflected influences from Portugal and India. These characteristics can be found in objects that were made in that city between 1575 and 1600, possibly inspired by the Mughal craftsmen who travelled with the first embassies to Goa in this period and then remained there for some time. A similar whistle made of gold set with diamonds, rubies and emeralds, which has been kept in the treasury of the Teutonic Order in Vienna since 1619, is part of this group of objects. Furthermore, the way the gold in the makara whistle is worked looks very similar to the workmanship of a crystal figure of Jesus as the Good Shepherd, which may have been made in Goa around 1600 (London, Wallace Collection). The use of cabochon-cut precious stones in a lozenge-shaped sett ing also suggests export production in that city from the beginning of the seventeenth century.

18 TIKA INDIA, SURAT, GUJARAT,

c. 1750

Gold , pearls, precious stones, h. 4.5 cm Inv. no. AK-NM-7060

This magnificent tika is shaped like a crescent moon inlaid with red stones, its curve filled with gems. Nine pearls hang beneath the crescent. At the top there is an eyelet intended for a string of pearls - now lost - which was fixed to the hair so that the jewel lay in the centre of the forehead . The back is engraved with floral patterns, a practice that was particularly popular in Southern India and also would have been employed in Surat, an international port at that time. Tika (Hindi: tika, from the Sanskrit tikkika: initially a 'white spot on a horse's brow') in the broader sense means 'a sign on the forehead', here 'a forehead jewel'. Jewels like this are still worn by Indian women on festive occasions such as weddings. This tika was made around 1750 in Gujarat in the west of India. It is part of a group of thirty-three pieces of jewellery from Surat now in the Rijksmuseum (see also p. 12, F1G. s). Originally there would have been many more of them, in four sets: the apparel and accessories - jewellery and weapons - of an Islamic man and woman and those of a Hindu couple. There were also four stone statuettes showing the two couples in their traditional costumes. These, like the weapons, have unfortunately not survived, but the majority of the jewellery has remained intact. Some of it, like nose rings, upper arm ornaments, anklets and toe rings must have seemed unusual to the Europeans in those days.

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The collection was amassed in Surat by a Dutchman in the service of the Dutch East India Company, probably helped by a local. The pieces then came into the possession of Julius Valentijn Stein van Gollenesse, who held the office of director general of the Company in Batavia (now Jakarta) from 1750 until his death. In 1754 he gave them to Princess Anne, the mother and regent of the future Stadholder William V. An inventory of the objects made in 1760 has fortunately survived. This appears to have been based on information gathered in Surat and added to the collection, and consists of an accurate description of each object, its use and its name (phonetically) in Gujarati. The jewellery was divided into three groups: for a 'Heindensche vrou' (for a Hindu woman), for a 'Moorsche vrou' (for a Muslim woman) and one category that covered both. The tika ('thica' in the inventory) falls into the last category. In India gold jewellery was regularly melted down to make new, fashionable ornaments. This means that very few examples made before the nineteenth century have survived - we know of no other comparable set from Surat. As the group, part of which is now in the Rijksmuseum , arrived in the Netherlands in 1754, the jewellery must have been made before that date. The fact that we know from the inventory what they were called in Gujarat and what they were used for in the eighteenth century may without doubt be termed unique.

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TWO ILLUSTRATIONS FROM THE BOOK OF EXPLANATIONS OF DREAMS INDIA, MEWAR, 1710-34 Paper, brush and colours, 260 x 217 mm and 197 x 174 mm Inv. nos. RP-T-1993-489, 120

Explaining dreams and other ways of foretelling the future, of wealth and victory, happiness and abundance, and like astrology and palm reading, have a long tradition anyway can lead to the growth of knowledge' (arthalabharr, in India. One of the best-known is the Brhatsarr,hita, a work jayaf!) caiva I saubhagyaf!) pu$(im evo ea I nityaf!) vrddhi that covered such things as astrology, temple building, vijaniyat I garu