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English Pages [140] Year 1972
ART FORMS
AND CIVIC LIFE IN THE LATE ROMAN EMPIRE
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IN THE LATE ROMAN EMPIRE By H. P. L’°ORANGE
PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS
Copyright © 1965 Princeton University Press ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
L. C. Card: 65-10831 ISBN 0-691-00305-X (paperback edn.) ISBN 0-691-03802-3 (hardcover edn.) This book is a translation from the Norwegian of Fra Pricipat til Dominat, published simultaneously in 1958 by H. Aschehoug & Co.
(W. Nygaard), Oslo, Norway, and P.A. Norstedt & Soéners Forlag, Stockholm, Sweden First PRINCETON PAPERBACK Edition, 1972
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FOREWORD T AN early point in my studies of Late Antiquity
Ai was struck by the marked similarity between the way in which the late antique state was organized and the predominating types of composition in both the figurative art and the architecture of that period. In my writings over the approximately thirty years I have devoted to the study of Late Antiquity, I have repeatedly drawn attention to the fact that the disintegration of the traditional society of the earlier empire—the Principate—
and the consequent establishment of a new order during the late antique empire—the Dominate—were accompanied in the realm of art around a.p. 300 by a corresponding disintegration of classical tradition and the _ emergence of a new form of expression. The same “system” expressed itself with the same structural patterns in the life of practical organization and in art. In order to examine this problem on a broader basis
and to undertake a comparative structural analysis as indicated above, I was granted in 1952 the Hoff-Farmand Scholarship by the University of Oslo. Circumstances led to interruptions and postponements which prevented me from completing the research until 1958. The work was
published in Norwegian in 1958 with a grant from the Svenska Humanistiska Forbundet by P. A. Norstedt & Soners Forlag (Stockholm) and by H. Aschehoug & Co. (Oslo). I wish to express my gratitude to the University of Oslo
for the Hoff-Farmand Scholarship, to the Svenska Humanistiska Forbundet, to Princeton University Press,
which in the present edition publishes the work in English, and finally to Professor Erik Sjoqvist and Professor Irving Lavin for their interest in the book and to Dr. and Mrs. Knut Berg, who generously translated it into English.
H.P.L.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS For objects owned by collections or museums,
the proprietor supplied the photograph unless another source is acknowledged. In other cases, acknowledgment is made to the following: Alinari: Figs. 10, 67 Alinari-Anderson: Figs. 17, 33, 35, 36, 51, 53 Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Rom: Figs. 2, 3 18-21, 30, 32, 37-39) 42-47, 50, 60, 62-65
Fototeca Unione, Rome: Figs. 5-7, 9 Istituto di Norvegia in Roma: Fig. 15 Middelthon, C.: Fig. 34 Teigen, K.: Fig. 52 Vasari, Rome: Fig. 4
CONTENTS
Foreword Vv Acknowledgments vi STRUCTURAL CHANGES IN LATE ANTIQUITY
I. Civic Life and the State 3
II. Architectural Forms 9 III. The Spiritual Background 19 THE GREAT CRISIS AND ITS SOLUTION UNDER DIOCLETIAN
I. The Reforms of Diocletian 37 Diocletian, 37. The Great Crisis, 39. The Tetrarchic State System, 42. The Tetrarchic State Administration, 53. Tax Reform, 55. The Price Law, 58. Diocletian’s Cultural and Religious Policy, 62
II. Transformations in the Art and Architecture of
the Diocletian Period 69
The Imperial Palace and the Basilica, 70. The Pictorial Relief, 85. Portrait Sculpture, 105
Conclusion 126
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STRUCTURAL CHANGES
IN LATE ANTIQUITY
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I. CIVIC LIFE AND THE STATE HE everyday life of the average man—his whole political, economic, and social life—was trans-
formed during Late Antiquity. The free and natural forms of the early Empire, the multiplicity and the variation of life under a decentralized administration, was replaced by homogeneity and uniformity under an ever-present and increasingly more centralized hierarchy of civil officials. Characteristic of the earliest period of the
Principate was the infinite variety in the modes of life on the local level, the vigorous natural growth of the towns, the provinces, and the land districts of the enormous Empire, the self-development and natural rounding-off of civic life in individual urban communities (municipia), each with its own municipal government and administration. Late Antiquity leveled and regulated these forms of free growth, the community organizations were absorbed into the compact, all-powerful state.
The equalization, standardization, and centralization had already begun under Trajan. Jurisdictionally, the provinces arose to the level of Italy, which gradually lost its preeminence. The development tended towards a complete equalization of all the Roman provinces. The imperial idea won out over the old city-state of Rome and the old national state of Italy. As early as Hadrian, the Roman army had been recruited from all the provinces of the realm, and simultaneous with this provincialization of the army, the border districts were Romanized, again a step toward uniformity. The Constitutio Antoniniana of Caracalla from A.D. 212, which gave Roman citizen-
ship to all free subjects of the Empire, is a confirmation of this new situation. In the field of practical organization this advancing equalization of powers, this leveling, and this massive 3
Structural Changes in Late Antiquity consolidation of all elements, becomes apparent above all in the relations between the state and the municipalities. The great wars of Trajan had been an economic strain which had disrupted the finances of the cities; the central administration, therefore, placed imperial commissars in many municipalities to correct these disorders. Furthermore, ten-man committees were appointed by the city councils—decemprimi in the West, dexdmpwror in the East—in order to enable the central power through such committees to intervene more quickly in the internal affairs of the municipality." It was characteristic of the whole subsequent development that public offices in the municipalities—for example, the city councils and the ten-man committees—were burdened with state responsibilities, taking thereby the form of compulsory state
service (what Romans called munus and Greeks, hecroupyia). This change in the character of the municipal office struck at the organic expression of the particular way of life in the world of classical antiquity—city gov-
ernment.’ At the beginning of the third century a.p., great jurists such as Papinianus, Callistratus, Ulpianus, put into practice the theory of the municipal munera and gave this system its legal foundation.’ City officials 1E, Kornemann, Weltgeschichte des Mittelmeerraumes, u, Munich, 1949, p. 117.
2F, Oertel, CAH, x1, p. 259. 8 In the vita of Antoninus Pius we read that the Emperor deprived a number of people who did not work of their wages, saying that there was nothing meaner and more heartless than the man who lived off the state without giving anything in return (dicens nihil esse sordidius, immo crudelius, quam si rem publicam ts adroderet qui nthil in eam suo labore conferret). Script. hist. aug., vita Pit, 7. Here for the first time
in world history is proclaimed the officially controlled duty of all citizens to work (Kornemann, op.cit., p. 158). This is a step in the direction of state socialism, in sharp contrast to the individualism in economic theory of earlier times. “The replacement of one economic system by the other, and the substitution of a new civilization and
4
Civic Life and the State and wealthy council members now became personally responsible, in a way hitherto unknown, for the state revenue. Above all they were responsible with their personal fortunes for the collection of the taxes assessed in their city. Eventually, all who were not exempt in order to perform other state duties, such as military duty, had to take on municipal munera—financial, intellectual, physical, etc.—each according to his capacity and ability. Both the wealth and those who possessed it were bound to specific local munera, thereby becoming immovable.* In so far as the free guilds (collegia) performed a vital task for the state, they too were encroached upon by the
central authorities. They were now organized into corporations (corpora) and were obliged to render specific services to the state. The ship-owners (naviculari) and the corn-merchants thus were, for example, required to supply Rome with provisions, and the building trade had also to assume the duties of the fire brigade. Freedom
of work was thus replaced by the obligation to work for
the state and, through the transformation of the free trades into hereditary munus, people became bound to their professions and to their dwelling places. A similar immobilization occurred also in the social and economic
life of the rural population. On the large estates (lazfundia) and on the enormous imperial domains, there emerged a new class of small tenant farmers (colonzi), who became ascripted leaseholders under the landowners (possessores) or their vassals.°
The end result of this development was an unchangeable, firmly crystallized order. All classes, or at least all except the privileged class, were bound to their attitude toward life for the old took more than a century and a half. It was completed by the end of the m1 century, but the beginnings go back to the earliest years of the 1 century” (Oertel, op.cit., p. 256).
*Kornemann, op.cit., p. 158. 5 Ibid., p. 159. 5
Structural Changes in Late Antiquity professions, “the peasant farmer to his land and forced labor, the state-employed worker to his workshop, the trader, including the navicularius, to his business or his corporation, the small property-owner to his duties in connection with the munera, the large property owner to the curia, the soldier to his military service, and so on.”
The individual no longer lived independently but within the state. He was no longer seen in his natural environment within life’s organic groupings, in lively harmony with his surroundings, but as a firmly incorporated immovable part in the cadre of the state. As with the individual, so also with the communities. The municipalities no longer lived within themselves, but in the state; we no longer see them in vigorous self-growth, but firmly incorporated into the great symmetrical order of the state. In contrast to the organic expansion based on the concrete and individual life, so to speak, along an elementary growth line reaching upward from below, we now
find an orientation directed downward from above, a higher order descends and is implanted into the elements—“an orientation is imposed from above upon the whole social and economic order.”" The characteristic feature of this higher order is the uniform simplification, the coordination of equal elements and the crystallic consolidation of the whole. Everywhere the finer social differentiations disappear and the sharp edges and the broad
planes of the blocklike mass of the state break through.
The rich articulation which distinguished the life of the Principate had been lost forever. The individuals and the natural civic organisms in which they were grouped, more and more seemed to disappear into the massive and
monotonous formations envisioned by the central administration as supporting walls for the Dominate’s state structure. 6 Oertel, op.ctt., p. 268. TIlbid., pp. 254 ff. 6
Civic Life and the State The increasing standardization and equalization of life, the blocklife fusion of the civic organisms, was revealed characteristically in the increasing militarization of society—indeed in the whole way of life. The soldieremperors’ simplification of the government according to a military pattern was followed by a general militarization of the civil service and an assimilation of the civil into martial law (castrensis jurisdictio).’ The whole administration of the state was increasingly organized and conceived according to military categories. Civil service was regarded as military service. Every civil servant, from the highest to the lowest, counted as an officer or a soldier. In all officia (public office), there are, according to Lactantius, mulites (soldiers), and their service is a militia (war service).” The wages for civil officials are stipendia (soldier’s pay). Subordinate civil servants are cohortales, i... belonging to a cohors (a military detachment). As the civil service was commonly called militia, a new name—miulitia armata—had to be invented to distinguish military service.” Such a martial conception regarding civil servants demonstrates that the state demanded the same discipline and obedience of its civil administration as that which was required of the army. Before the highest authority, the dominus, every form of protest is silenced. His bidding is a command to be obeyed blindly. The people subordinate themselves, each and every one without exception, en bloc to this command. It is this unconditional, mass obedience which suggests the associations with the soldier,
the military unit, and thereby with the whole militaristic 8S. L. Miller, CAH, x11, pp. 28 ff. ® De mort. pers., 31.
10W. Seston, Dioclétien et la Tétrarchie, Paris, 1946, pp. 347 f. (hereafter referred to as “Seston”); A. Alfdldi, “Insignen und Tracht der rémischen Kaiser,” Mittetlungen des Deutschen Archéolog. Instituts, Rom. Abt., 50, 1935, pp. 64 £.; Kornemann, op.cit., pp. 257 f.
7
Structural Changes in Late Antiquity terminology. Even Christian obedience of the period expresses itself, characteristically enough, in this style; God’s servants are milites Christi. This military way of life, which also becomes apparent
in the imperial art and architecture of the period, is in the strictest accord with the peculiar pattern of the Dom-
inate. The military aspect of man, that is, exactly the aspect which binds him to rank and file, letting him disappear as a person into a number within a unit, into a solid block, into a sum of uniform elements. Militarization, therefore, marks the basic characteristic in the form structure of the Dominate, in sharp contrast to the earlier Empire. The contrast between the military and the civil orders is just the contrast between mechanical coordination and organic grouping, between the natural formations in free life and a massive alignment in rank and square, between individual, natural motions and move-
ments en bloc. Both in community life and in art the large block formations and mass movements now appeared ever more clearly behind the continually thinning veil of traditional antique forms.
8
Il. ARCHITECTURAL FORMS HE same profound contrast between the Prin-
| cipate and the Dominate which we have found
in organized society is also apparent in art. In this chapter we shall limit our comparisons to architecture, and the transformation of form, which takes place here, may be described briefly in the following way. As the classical orders disintegrate during the Roman Empire, buildings lose their organic corporality, the clear articulation of their parts, and the functional relationships among them; they are gradually dissolved into — a system of plain, simple walls. Here again, we see the characteristic transition from organic articulation of a well-differentiated structure to an abstract simplification in great planes and lines. To make this transformation clear it is first necessary to characterize the classical conception of architecture.
When the classical Greek fashioned something, he required of the form that it give the clearest possible expression of the object’s particular function. A vase, for instance, is a container which has the special ability to en-
close a liquid and hold its mass in balance. This function is physically expressed in the form of a Greek vase and is reflected in its decoration. No column is found in which the column’s function—that of being a support— and no capital is found in which the capital’s function— that of absorbing and transmuting pressure between the architrave and the column—is stamped with such objective clarity as in Greek architecture. One might say that the plastic form is brought forth from deep within the object itself. The form is organic, immanent.
Thus, the classical artist does not bring the form to an object from without or above, but brings it forth from 9
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Structural Changes in Late Antiquity Typical of the new architectural style are thus the large
continuous wall surfaces, interrupted only by the functional wall-supports which, by more frequent repetition, give a firm, monotonous division of the wall through the
regular and uniform passage along it of large arches and flat pilaster strips. In the Senate building of Diocletian at the Forum Romanum (Fig. 6), the great wall surface of the facade, crowned by a simple gable, is broken only by the portal and three large windows; strong corner pillars support the high walls. In Constantine’s Basilica in Trier (Fig. 7, cf. Fig. 8), the outer walls are strengthened by arcadelike projections, which—as regular as the archivolts of an aqueduct and unrestrained by traditional decoration—run along the plain walls.’ Exactly as the architecture here throws off the traditional column-architrave decoration, the contemporary figurative art, as we shall see, drops the traditional patterns of composition. In contemporary portraiture the individual modeling sinks into the surface and the whole physiognomical complex is simplified into a crystalline regular totality, just as the plastic articulation of the building structure disappears into the great continuous wall surfaces. 8 A. Boéthius has made fundamental studies in this late antique architecture in, for example, Roman and Greek Town Architecture (Géteborgs Hogskolas Arsskrift, 54, 1948: 3); Stadsbebyggelsen i Roms
Hamnstad Ostia (Goteborgs Hogskolas Arsskrift, 57, 1951:2).
18
Ill. THE SPIRITUAL BACKGROUND N OUR comments upon architecture in the pre| vious chapter the transformation of form appears mainly in a rather negative light: namely, the dissolution of the classical building structure. A positive side of this transformation is a new experience of space, a new feeling for the interior itself, which is an expression of the new spirit of the time. An appreciation of this positive side makes it possible for us to meet with a better understanding the peculiarly abstract—as it were, the distant glance which we have continually encountered in Late Antiquity.
It is of decisive importance that the large and simple wall surfaces of the new architectural style act as clearly defined space-enclosing boundaries in quite a different
way from the much divided structural forms which they displace, thus in a new way making the unified interior manifest (Fig. 9). As the plastic decoration disappears into smooth walls, simple planes now enclose a clear and unified interior. It is in this interior that the eye now becomes immersed. Architecture becomes introspective. The building structure is reduced to a mere shell surrounding what is encompassed. It becomes no more than the enclosure of space.* Let us illustrate this with an example. An important innovation which presumably first be-
comes common in the architecture of the third and fourth century—seen, for example, in the Christian basilica
—is a continuous stretch of wall which now rises above the row of columns (Fig. 10). Such a construction is in conflict with the fundamental principles of classical archi1 The new room architecture of the Empire is excellently described by G. von Kaschnitz-Weinberg, “Vergleichende Studien zur italischromischen Struktur,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archdolog. Instituts, Rom. Abt., 59, 1944, pp. 89 ff. 19
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The Spiritual Back ground to the classical rule, only repeat this interplay between column and entablature, as seen, for instance, in the twostory rows of columns in the interior of the classical temple (Fig. 11). Now, with the massive wall replacing the organically muscular system of rows of columns and entablature recurring over one another, the classically organized building structure disappears behind a merely space-enclosing wall. The columns are withdrawn into
the wall they support and are subordinated to the new | crystalline totality of space. Everything now serves this interior. Above all, light is the space-creating element and models in its various intensities the different parts of the interior. In the Christian basilica, for example, the superstructure appears with radiant luminosity in contrast to the twilight of the lower zone which becomes even dimmer in the aisles. In this transformation of the architectural forms during the Roman Empire we study in reality the profound human conversion from the “corporal beauty” of classical tradition to the transcendent contemplation indicative of the Middle Ages. One renounces the whole corporeal building—the columns, friezes, architectural ornament,
the whole décor which Vitruvius still considered the
dignitas of architecture—in order to immerse oneself in incorporeal space, in the insubstantial, intangible interior
filled with light and shadow. From the clear, plastic definition of form one turns toward the realm of the abstract: a turning which, better than anything else, characterizes the whole attitude toward life in Late Antiquity. Plastic art too is marked by this new attitude. It is thus
significant that sculpture toward Late Antiquity adopts a technique that abolishes plastic form as such. While in classical times the whole modeling was accomplished by the chisel, one now finds a decidedly wider use of the 21
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separated from each other in order that each body may be
seen in itself as an organic unit and a corporeally beautiful whole; at the same time they are, by their position, movement, and gesture, placed in a certain rhythmic mutual relationship, a certain reciprocal contact which causes us to perceive them as an organic, living group. In the development which takes place during the critical third century, this classical composition is shattered. At the same time as the disintegration of the Empire and the general social and economic disorganization (pp. 39 ff.), there takes place in art a characteristic destruction of traditional form. One may choose examples of this among the circus, the Prometheus and Phaethon sarcophagi of that period (Figs. 32-34). The figures lose their corporeal beauty and no longer exist in organic groupings. They overlap and cover one another in such a way that they no longer appear as organic units but rather as parts of entwined tangles of figures. The organic groups of harmonically related figures are replaced by turbulent throngs of entwined but contrasting figures. The contours of the figures no longer flow rhythmically, but are formed by straight and jagged lines, somewhat spasmodically; characteristic are the abrupt, marionettelike movements. With distinctive exaggeration of gestures, movements, and mimicry, the confrontation of the individual figures is rich in contrast and drama. We are faced with singularly excited and harried, peculiarly dis88
Transformations in the -Art and ~Architecture integrated compositions with a strangely glimmering and flickering life.“* One may speak of anarchy of form.
Toward the end of the third century and during the first decades of the fourth, the disconnected pictorial elements are collected into a new compositional order. But, as in the contemporary tetrarchic reorganization of state and civic life, the new order in art is not, as in the classical tradition, an organic order based upon free figures in spontaneous groupings, but a mechanical order imposed upon objects from above, regulating their
mutual relationship—an order which is based upon a higher regularity than that of nature. If we look at the two well-known reliefs on the facade of the Arch of Constantine (312-315)—namely Orazio, i.c., Constantine’s
speech on the Rostra at the Forum Romanum (Fig. 35), and Liberalitas, i.e., Constantine’s distribution of a gift of money to the citizens of Rome (Fig. 36)—we will find this new mechanical order fully developed: the separate figures are not gathered in free, natural groups, but are 12 The art of the Tetrarchy and the late third century was, on the basis of then unpublished material, analyzed and characterized in my work Studien zur Geschichte des spatantiken Portrdts, Instituttet for sammenlignende Kulturforskning, Oslo, 1933. The sarcophagi of that period have, above all, been treated in German research, G. Rodenwaldt, F. Gerke, Fr. Matz, H. von Schoenebeck, cf. bibliography in L’Orange—von Gerkan, Der spdtanttke Bildschmuck des Konstantinbogens, Berlin, 1939, p. 207, note 4; cf. also Rodenwaldt, op.cit., CAH, XII, 1939, p. 558. In the work already mentioned on the Arch of Constantine, pp. 192 ff., I have presented the material on which my analysis of the stylistic development in that work and in the present study is based.
36. Liberalitas. Relief on the Arch of Constantine, Rome, a.p. 312-315
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The Great Crisis and Its Solution arranged as uniform elements side by side in rows; neither
these rows nor the architecture that frames them are free, but everything 1s strictly subordinated to and sym-
metrized according to the dominating figure of the Emperor at the center of the relief; the compelling regularity which row and symmetry impose upon the figures, is increased by the fact that the axes of the whole com-
position conform to the horizontals and verticals of the framework. The main lines in the figures and architecture represented either coincide with or are parallel to the framework—for example, the line just above the head of the figures and that just under the feet. The new composi-
tional system is thus characterized by row formations, symmetry, and the total subordination to the ordinates of the framework: an organization of form that completely corresponds to the structure of the Dominate. At the same time that the individual figure loses its wellproportioned, organic integrity, and becomes straightened out according to the verticals of the framework the tradi-
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of the dominus is expressed in this arrangement: his central position in the state, the dependence and subordination of all citizens on him, his superhuman nature. Here is created a compositional scheme expressing the mazestas domini, which was to be of fundamental importance for the official art of Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages. Let us choose as an example of this scheme the famous silver emperor-image in Madrid, representing the Emperor Theodosius enthroned between his co-emperors,
°°°°a
Valentinian and Arcadius (Fig. 24). It is not the laws of life and nature which are at work in the grouping of these figures and in their placement within architecture and space. A new order has replaced that of life and o
102
Transformations in the Art and Architecture nature, a kind of crystallic order: the whole complex of forms is symmetrized around the supernaturally large figure of Theodosius, the groups of figures on both sides
arise pyramidally towards him, and pyramidally the gable gathers the architecture around him. The whole Emperor-ideology of Late Antiquity, the sacred absolutism has become evident in this transformation and spiritualiza-
tion of natural form. The Emperor is God himself on earth. He is the center in a kind of superhuman symmetry, he is the apex of the pyramid of the hierarchy of the state. The emperor-image is a devotional picture. The church took over this compositional scheme from
the state. As an example we illustrate a sarcophagus in : Milan, from ca. 4oo (Fig. 50). Here it 1s Christ who is placed at the center, raised high above his surroundings, and here it is the Apostles who are disposed in symmetric rows beneath the central figure. And again this central figure breaks through human context: while the Apostles are facing Christ, Christ is facing frontally toward the viewer like a cult statue to be worshiped. The higher static order, which in the imperial images on the Arch of Constantine are imposed upon the human world, is in the image of ‘Christ sublimated into an expression of
the transcendent beauty and regularity of the Kingdom of God. Just as the Emperor in Ltberalitas made a donation to the people, so also Christ in our relief; but Constantine gave a gift of money to the Roman Citizens, Christ gives to all humanity the nova lex of the Christian world order (the book-roll in Christ’s left hand, presented to Peter). And as the citizens in Liberalitas receive the
gift with one hand lifted in acclamatiog, so also the Apostles around Christ: but the citizens are giving thanks for a gift of money, the Apostles are rejoicing in a celestial gift of grace. While, finally, the Emperor is raised up upon a historic tribune, so Christ is elevated 103
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i
The Great Crisis and Its Solution burst, the nervous play stiffens into cramps and convulsions. One must compare the peculiar disintegrated compositions and the strange marionette-like: movements
in the contemporary art of sarcophagi (pp. 88 ff.; Figs. 32-34): a dissolving in the sphere of art which, as we have seen, coincides with the anarchic conditions of the spiritual and material existence of the period (pp. 39 f.). Contemporaneous with this disintegration of traditional organic form is a new feeling for the compact mass, the “stereometric” form.’ As examples we reproduce three portrait busts from the period around a.p. 300, one from the Latin, two from the Greek region of the Empire** (Figs. 56-60). The same blocklike simplification of the organic form asserts itself everywhere. At the same time there is a weakening of the individualizing facial features; they no longer evolve from deep within a thoroughly articulate head structure, but reside in their own layer on the outside of the block. As demonstrated by coin
portraits, this new portrait style first appeared in the eastern part of the Empire;”* it is first found on coins struck by the mints in Nicomedia, Kyzikos, Antioch, and Alexandria. But the style soon becomes common in all
the provinces of the Empire, even though the West Roman and, to an even greater extent, the local Greek portrait always preserves more of the traditional organic form structure. This new, immobile, blocklike form which strikes through physiognomic articulation has its striking parallels in the contemporary cubic palace style (pp. 70 ff.), in the massive wall formations that now absorb the traditional décor in architecture (pp. 16 ff.), in the compact row formations of figurative art (p. 96) —indeed, in the whole militaristic way of life character17 L’Orange, Studien, p. 37 18 [bid., figs. 51-58, 64. 19 Tbid., p. 25.
114
Transformations in the Art and -Architecture istic of the period, which makes individuals disappear into
columns and squares (pp. 7 f.). Characteristic of the development throughout the fol-
lowing decades is an increasingly regular and more statuesque block form as illustrated by a porphyry portrait
(Fig. 61) of an emperor in the museum in Cairo.”° The
structure of the head and the features of the face are confined within large, clearly defined flat or curved planes, individual forms, such as wrinkles, furrows, locks of hair, become more and more firmly symmetrized according to the vertical axis of the face. It is thus again, as we saw in the reliefs, a sort of mechanical way of plan-
ning the modeling which replaces the organic way that had already disintegrated.” The portrait in Cairo is of Eastern origin and more advanced in the new tendency than West Roman portraits. But these also follow, as has been indicated, the same
line of development. A late tetrarchic portrait in the Vatican (Fig. 62) and the famous Dogmatius portrait in the Lateran (Fig. 63), dated by an inscription to the late Constantinian period (A.D. 323-337), demonstrate two steps in the advancing process of stereometric crystallization in western Roman art. The impressionistic glim-
mer, the fleeting asymmetries in the skin and muscular surface are smoothed out. All the creases in muscle and skin are simplified in clear, regular strokes. The eye no longer flickers, but rests immobile upon a point in the distance. In the portrait of Dogmatius we find the full stereometric simplification of the whole complex of form
and the strict symmetric subordination of all the individual forms according to the central axis of the face. 20R. Delbriick, Anttke Porphyrwerke, Berlin, 1932, pp. 92 f., pls. 38 f. L’Orange, Studien, pp. 22 ff., figs. 42, 44. 21 T,/Orange, op.cit., pp. 21 £., 53 f£., 56, 64 f. A. Riegl, Spatroém. Kunstindustrie, pp. 48 f., Vienna, 1901-1923. 115
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