Aristophanes: Lysistrata / Λυσιστράτη του Αριστοφάνη 0856684570, 9780856684579

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T H E CO M ED IES O F A R ISTO PH A N ES:

VOL. 7

LYSISTRATA

Edited with translation and notes by

Alan H. Som m erstein

THE COMEDIES OF ARISTOPHANES Vol. 7

LYSISTRATA

Edited with translation and notes by

A LA N H. SO M M E R ST E IN

A ris & P hillip s Ltd — W arm inster

© Alan H. Sommerstein 1990. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or stored in retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior written permission of the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Aristophanes Lysistrata. - (Classical texts, ISSN 09S3-7961) I. Title Π. Sommerstein, Alan H. (Alan Herbert), 1947882.01

ISBN 0 85668 457 0 cloth ISBN 0 85668 458 9 limp

In grateful memory o f John Arts

Printed and published in England by Aris & Phillips Ltd., Teddingtonl House, Warminster, Wiltshire BA12 8PQ *

CONTENTS PREFACE

iv

REFERENCES AND ABBREVIATIONS

v

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

1

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY TO LYSFSTRATA

7

NOTE ON THE TEXT Sigla

8 9

LYSISTRATA

NOTES

11

155

PREFACE This edition, like its predecessors in the series, owes a great deal to the friendly assistance of other scholars, and on this occasion above all to Jeffrey Henderson. He made available to me, in successive drafts, his own admirable edition of Lysistrata long before it was published; subsequently, when I was preparing my text, he furnished me with his collations of most of the manuscripts, and with his microfilm of Parisinus gr. 2715 (B); and in a correspondence stretching back over ten years he has helped me thrash out many important issues connected with the play. Particular thanks are also due to Dr Colin Austin, who acquainted me with discoveries he had made (since published in Dodoni) entailing the reattribution of a considerable number of textual emendations in this play, and to Mr Nigel Wilson, who made it possible for me to consult and collate the manuscript Baroccianus 38B (O) in the Bodleian Library. Research for this volume was partly supported by a grant from the National Westminster Bank Research Fund, which is hereby gratefully acknowledged. Both the present volume, and the entire series to which it belongs, owe their existence to the foresight and acumen of the late John Aris, who in 1979 adopted and fostered an orphan project and proceeded to create for it a numerous and flourishing family. I feel it a great honour, on producing this latest addition to that family, to be able to inscribe it to his memory. ALAN H. SOMMERSTEIN Nottingham, December 1989

V

REFERENCES AND ABBREVIATIONS (A)

Collections of Fragm ents

All citations of fragments of Greek authors (other than comic dramatists) made in this volume either are from one of the collections in the following list or else are accompanied by the name(s) or initial(s) of the editor(s); in the latter case particulars will be found in list (C) below if there might otherwise be difficulty in identifying the edition. If there is no editor designated and the author is not listed hoe, it may be assumed that the author is an Attic comic dramatist and the citation is from T. Kock, Comicorum Atticorum Fragmenta (Leipzig, 1880-8); unless otherwise stated, such references are also valid for J.M. Edmonds, The Fragments o f Attic Comedy (Leiden, 1957-61). Aeschylus Aleman Aristotle Bacchylides Callimachus Euripides Hesiod Hipponax Ibycus Menander Pindar Sappho Simonides Solon Sophocles Tyrtaeus

(B) AA Ach.

S.L. Radt, TrGF iii (Göttingen, 1985). D. L. Page, Poetae Melici Graeci (Oxford, 1962). V. Rose, Aristotelis Fragmenta (Leipzig, 1886). B. Snell and H. Maehler, Bacchylidis Carmina cum Fragmentis (Leipzig, 1970). R.H. Pfeiffer, Callimachus (Oxford, 194953). A. Nauck, Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta^ (Leipzig, 1889). R. Merkelbach and M.L. West, Fragmenta Hesiodea (Oxford, 1967). M.L. West, Iambi et Elegi Graeci i (Oxford, 1971). Page (see Aleman). A. Körte (rev. A. Thierfelder), Menandri quae supersunt: Pars altera (Leipzig, 1953). B. Snell and H. Maehler, Pindari Carmina cum Fragmentis: Pars Π (Leipzig, 1975). E. Lobel and D.L. Page, Poetarum Lesbiorum Fragmenta (Oxford, 1955). Page (see Aleman). M.L. West, Iambi et Elegi Graeci ii (Oxford, 1972). S. L. Radt, TrGF iv (Göttingen, 1977). West (see Solon).

A bbreviations: Ancient A uthors and W orks Ars Amatoria (Ovid). Acharnions.

Aesch.

Aeschylus.

Ag. Ages. Ale. Alex. Anab.

Agamemnon (Aeschylus). Agesilaus (Xenophon or Plutarch). Alcestis (Euripides) or Alcibiades (Plutarch). Alexipharmaca (Nicander). Anabasis (Xenophon).

A nd oc.

Andr. A n t.

A ndocides.

Andromache (Euripides). A ntiphon (the orator).

A n t. Anth. Pal. Anth. Plan. A p o l.

Antigone (S o p h o cles). Palatine Anthology.

A t. A rist.

A risto p h an es. A risto tle . Aristeides (Plutarch). A thinaiön P oiùeiâ (pseudo-X enophon o r A ristotle). Bacchae (Euripides). B acchylides. Anecdota Graeca ed. I. Bekker (Berlin, 1814—21). C allim achus. Characters (Theophrastus). Choephoroi (A eschylus). Cimon (Plutarch). C lem ent o f A lexandria. com ic dram atist. comica adespota (anonym ous fragm ents o f com edy). Contemplantes (L ucian). Cyclops (E uripides). Cynegeticus (X enophon). Cyropaedia (X enophon). D em osthenes. D iogenes Laertius. Diodorus Siculus. Dyskolos (M enander).

A rist. A th. Pol. Ba. B acc h y l. B ekk. A n . C allim .

Char. C ho. C im . Clem . A lex. com .

com. adesp. C ontem pt. C ycl. C yneg. C yr. Dem . D.L. D .S.

D ysk. Eccl. El. Ep.

Planudean A ppendix to the Anthology.

Apology (P la to ).

Ecclesiazusae. Electra (Sophocles or Euripides). Epistulae (Plato).

e p ig r.

epigram s.

Epitr. Et. Mag. Eum.

Epitrepontes (M enander). Etymologicum Magnum ed. T . G aisford (O xford, 184e;. Eumenides (A eschylus).

Eup. Eur.

E upolis. Euripides. Fables (A esop). fragm ent. Gorgias (Plato).

Fab. fr.

Gorg. HA Hdt.

Hec. Hel. Hell. Heracl. H es.

HF h.H om .(A p./A ph.) H ipp.

Historia Animalium (A ristotle). H erodotus.

Hecuba (Euripides). Helen (Euripides). Hellenica (X enophon). Heracleidae (Euripides). H esiod.

Hercules Furens (The Madness o f Heracles) (Euripides). Homeric Hymn (to Apollo!Aphrodite). Hippolytus (E uripides).

Lys.

REFERENCES & ABBREVIATIONS Hippocratic treatises. Hypereides. Isocrates. Iphigeneia in Tauris (Euripides). Laches (Plato). Lacedaemonian Constitution (Xenophon). Against Leocrates (Lycurgus). Lucian. Lycurgus. Lycurgus (Plutarch). Lysias.

Lys. Med.

Lysistrata. Medea (Euripides).

Hippocr. Hyp. Isocr.

π La. Lac. Leocr. Luc. Lyc.

Lyc.

Men.

Menander.

Menez. Mis. Mor. Nem. NH

Menexenus (Plato). Misoumenos (Menander). Moralia (Plutarch). Nemeans (Pindar). Naturalis Historia (Pliny the Elder).

Nie.

Nicander.

Nie. OC Oec. 01. Or.

Nicias (Plutarch). Oedipus at Colonus (Sophocles). Oeconomicus (Xenophon). Olympians (Pindar). Orestes (Euripides) or Orations (Aristeides). Oedipus Tyrannus (Sophocles). Paedagogus (Clement of Alexandria). Pausanias, Description o f Greece.

στ Paed. Paus. Paus. Att.

Pausanias the Atticist

Pel. Perik. Pers. fhdr. Phil. Phoen.

Pelopidas (Plutarch). Perikeiromene (Menander). Persae (Aeschylus). Phaedrus (Plato). Philoctetes (Sophocles). Phoenissae (Euripides).

Phryn. Pind.

Phrynichus. Pindar. Piscator (Lucian). Plato. Pliny the Elder. Plutarch. Poetics (Aristotle). Politicus (Plato). Polybius. Problemata (Aristotle). Prometheus Bound (ascribed to Aeschylus). Pythians (Pindar). Republic (Plato). Rhetoric (Aristotle). De Saltatione (Lucian). Samia (Menander).

Pisc. PI. Plin. Plut.

Poet. Polit. Polyb.

frobl. from. fyth . Pep. fh et. iall.

vii

REFERENCES & ABBREVIATIONS

VUl

schol.

scholium or scholia (ancient and medieval commentaries).

Sol. Somn.

Solon (Plutarch). Somnium (Lucian). Sophocles.

Soph.

Strom. Supp. Symp.

Stromateis (Clement of Alexandria). Suppliants (Aeschylus or Euripides). Symposium (Plato or Xenophon).

Theocr.

Theocritus.

Thesm. Thg.

Tkesmophoriazusae. Tkeogony (Hesiod).

Thphr.

Theophrastus. Theaetetus (Plato). Thucydides. Trachiniae (Sophocles). Troades (Euripides). Xenophon.

Tht. Thuc.

Track. Tro. Xen.

(C)

Abbreviations: Modern Authors and Publications

ABSA AE Agora iii xiv xvii xxi AlON [Arch.] “

AJA AJP ARV2 BCH BICS Brulé Burkert

CEG CGFP

Annual of the British School at Athens. Arkhaiologike Ephemeris (Athens). The Athenian Agora (Princeton, various dates): R.E. Wycherley, Literary and Epigraphical Testimonia (1957). HA. Thompson and R.E. Wycherley, The Agora of Athens: The History, Shape and Uses o f an Ancient City Center (1972). D.W. Bradeen, Inscriptions: The Funerary Monuments (1974). M. Lang, Graffiti and Dipinti (1976). Annali dell’ Istituto Universitario Orientale: Sezione di Archeologia e Storia Antica (Naples). American Journal of Archaeology. American Journal of Philology. J. D. Beazley, Athenian Red-Figure Vase-Painters2 (Oxford, 1963). Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies, University of London. P. Brulé, La fille d’Athènes (Paris, 1987). W. Burkert, Greek Religion (Eng. tr. Oxford, 1985). PA. Hansen, Carmina epigraphica Graeca saeculorum VIII-V a.Chr.n. (Berlin, 1983). C. Austin, Comicorum Graecorum fragmenta in papyris reperta (Berlin, 1973).

CP CQ CR

Dak2 Davies D-K Dover

FGrH

Classical Philology. Classical Quarterly. Classical Review. A.M. Dak, The Lyric Metres of Greek Drama2 (Cambridge, 1968). M. Davies, Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta (Göttingen, 1988). H. Diels, Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker6 (rev. W. Kranz) (Berlin, 1951-2). K. J. Dover, Aristophanic Comedy (Berkeley, 1972). F. Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker (Berlin/Leiden, 1923-58).

REFERENCES & ABBREVIATIONS ix Garland

Garland o f Philip Gomme( -Andrewes- Dover)

GRBS

R. Garland, The Greek Way o f Death (London, 1985). A.S.F. Gow and D.L. Page, The Greek Anthology: The Garland of Philip and Some Contemporary Epigrams (Cambridge, 1968). A.W. Gomme, A. Andrewes and K.J. Dover, A Historical Commentary on Thucydides (Oxford, 1945-81).

Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies.

Harrison A.R.W. Harrison, The Law of Athens (Oxford, 1968-71). HCT = Gomme-Andrewes-Dover (see above). A.S.F. Gow and D.L. Page, The Greek Anthology: Hellenistic Hell. Epigr. Epigrams (Cambridge, 1965). J.J. Henderson, Aristophanes: Lysistrata (Oxford, 1987). Henderson Henderson MM J.J. Henderson, The Maculate Muse: Obscene Language in Attic Comedy (New Haven, 1975).

1G

LSJ

Inscriptiones Graecae. Voluminis I editio minor: Inscriptiones Atticae Euclidis anno anteriores ed. F. Hiller von Gaertringen (Berlin, 1924). Voluminis I editio tertia: Inscriptiones Atticae Euclidis anno anteriores ed. D.M. Lewis (Berlin, 1981-). Voluminis II et III editio minor: Inscriptiones Atticae Euclidis anno posteriores ed. J. Kirchner (Berlin, 1913-40). Journal of Hellenic Studies. R. Kassel and C. Austin, Poetae Comici Graeci (Berlin, 1983-). W J.W . Koster, Scholia in Aristophanem. Pars 1, Fase. IA: Prolegomena de Comoedia (Groningen, 1975). Liverpool Classical Monthly. Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae (Zürich, 1981-). H.G. Liddell and R. Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon9 (rev. H. Stuart

Mac Dowell

Jones) (Oxford, 1940). D.M. MacDowell, The Law in Classical Athens (London, 1978).

i2 i3 "

ii2

JHS K-A Koster

LCM L1MC

MDAI(A) ML

Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts (Athenische Abteilung). R. Meiggs and D.M. Lewis, A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions to the End of the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford,

Moulton

1969). C. Moulton, Aristophanic Poetry (Göttingen. 1981). J. Kirchner, Prosopographia Attica (Berlin, 1901-3).

PA Page

D.

PMG P. Oxy. Rabe

RE REG RFIC RhM SEG

L. Page, Poetae Melici Graeci (Oxford, 1962).

The Oxyrhynchus Papyri (London, 1898-). H. Rabe, “Lexicon Messanense de iota adscripto”, RhM 47 (1892) 404 -4 1 3 .

S/C3

Paulys Realencyclopädie der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft. Revue des Études Grecques. Rivista di Filologia e di Istruzione Classica. Rheinisches Museum für Philologie. Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. W. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum3 (Leipzig,

Sourv inou -Inwood

1915-24). C. Sourvinou-Inwood, Studies in Girls' Transitions (Athens, 1988).

Stone Taillardat

L.M. Stone. Costume in Aristophanic Comedy (New York, 1981). J. Taillardai, Les images d'Aristophane2 (Paris, 1965).

TAPA

Transactions (and Proceedings) o f the American Philological Association. L. Threatte, The Grammar o f Attic Inscriptions (Berlin, 1980-). I. Travlos, Pictorial Dictionary o f Ancient Athens (London, 1971). Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta (Göttingen, 1971-). Yale Classical Studies. B. Zimmermann, Untersuchungen zur Form und dramatischen Technik der aristophanischen Komödien

Threatte Travlos

TrGF YCS Zimmermann

ZPE

(D)

(Königstein/Frankfurt, 1984-7).

Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik.

Metrical Symbols

-

a heavy Gong) syllable a light (short) syllable

*

a position that may be occupied by a syllable of either kind (anceps)

INTRODUCTORY NOTE 1

INTRODUCTORY NOTE Lysistrata was produced for Aristophanes by his old collaborator Callistratus1 at one of the dramatic festivals held early in 411 B.C.; the ancient headnote (Hypothesis) to the play does not specify which festival, but it is now generally agreed that it was the Lenaea2, which that year fell in what by the Julian calendar would be the first half of February3 . At this time the political and military situation of Athens was, in almost every respect, very bad. Although it was over a year since the annihilation of the Sicilian expedition, Athens had hardly begun to recover from that disaster. Many of her most important allies were in revolt4 ; the Peloponnesians were lending them energetic assistance; the Persian governors in western Asia Minor, Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus, were actively seeking to bring the Athenian-allied cities on the Asian mainland back under Persian rule, and engaging in negotiations for an alliance with Sparta; meanwhile in Attica itself the enemy garrison at Deceleia continued to dominate the countryside, effectively confining the Athenians to the Athens-Peiraeus fortified zone and cutting them off from their agricultural land and from the silver mines of Laureium. To build a new fleet the Athenians had used the emergency reserve fund of 1000 talents which they had not touched for twenty years5 , but this had so far done little more than hold the position6. Many Athenians must have been as surprised as most other Greeks were7 that at the end of 412 they were still alive and fighting; and as was soon to be shown8 , few if any could see a way to bring the war to a victorious or even a tolerable «id, unless some new source not only of naval and military but above all of financial support could be found. And in the winter of 412/1 one group of Athenians believed that they had indeed found such a source. Alcibiades, the Athenian politician and general, who had defected to Sparta in 415 when he was recalled from Sicily to face trial on charges of sacrilege, had incurred

1 Callistratus had previously produced Aristophanes’ Banqueters (427), Babylonians (426), Acharnions (425) and Birds (414). 2 Sec JHS (1977) 112-126; Gomme-And re wes-Dover v 184-193; Henderson xv-xxv. 3 See Gomme-Andiewes-Dover v 185. 4 Chios and Erythrae (Thuc. 8.14); Teos (Thuc. 8.16); Miletus (Thuc. 8.17.3); Cnidus (Thuc. 8.35.1); Rhodes (Thuc. 8.44.2); and the smaller states of Lebedus and Haerme (Thuc. 8.19.4). Some other states had also revolted but had been reconquered (see note 6 below). 5 Thuc. 8.15.1. The original decree of 431 had forbidden the money to be used except in the event a t an attack on Attica by sea (Thuc. 2.24.1). 6 Mytilene and the rest of Lesbos were reconquered, as was Clazomenae (Thuc. 8.23), but these successes were counterbalanced by the loss of Cnidus and Rhodes, at both of which (daces an Athenian fleet arrived too late to prevent revolt (cf. on 57). An attempt to regain Miletus had failed (Thuc. 8.25-27). Chios was under siege. 7 Cf. Thuc. 8.2 for the slate of opinion throughout Greece after the Sicilian disaster. 8 Cf. Thuc. 8.53.2-3 for Peisander’s challenge to his opponents: “Do you see any hope of saving the city, when the Peloponnesians have a fleet at sea the equal of ours and a greater number of states allied to them, and when the King and Tissaphernes are supplying them with money while we no longer have any - unless someone can win the King over to our side?”

2 INTRODUCTORY NOTE the enmity of some influential Spartans and especially of King Agis9, and late in 412, fearing for his life, he put himself under the protection of Tissaphernes and began to intrigue with a view to making it possible for himself to return to Athens. From Tissaphernes’ court he let it be known, in the first place to men of suitable political views serving with the Athenian forces based at Samos, that he could bring not only Tissaphernes but even the Persian king himself into the war on the Athenian side, provided that he was allowed to return home and that the Athenians abolished their democratic constitution10 This message was presently brought from Samos to Athens by a party led by Peisander (see on 490), who made it public at a dramatic Assembly meeting11 at which he and ten others were commissioned to treat with Alcibiades and Tissaphernes and to make whatever terms they thought best, not excluding fundamental changes to the Athenian constitution12. There is some uncertainty about the chronology of these events, and while there is little if any doubt that Peisander and his colleagues had left Athens on their mission to Tissaphernes before the City Dionysia13 it is less clear how far things had developed by the time of the Lenaea. On the available evidence, however, it is most likely that Peisander was by then in Athens but had not yet come forward in public as an advocate of constitutional change1415. His arrival in Athens before the Lenaea - indeed well before accords best with the admittedly obscure chronological indications of Thucydides’ narrative13, and also with the fact that he is the only public figure who is attacked by name in Lysistrata on the score of his policy. That the issue of constitutional change had not yet been placed on the political agenda when the play was produced appears from various indications. Peisander’s reputation is still that of an extremist, witch-hunting democratic agitator (see on 489-491). The men’s chorus, fierce upholders of democracy, ask for aid from the generals at Samos (313) with no sign of awareness that they or most of them were deep in conspiracy against the régime. And it is taken for granted in the play (see especially 170-9,486-497) that if the Athenian state is cut off from the funds

9 Thuc. 8.12.2. 8.45.1. That the quand with Agis had to do with an alleged affair between Alcibiades and A n s' wife (Phtt. AU. 23.7-9, Ages. 3.1-3) is a later legend; see Gomtne-Andrewes-Dover on Thuc. 8.12.2. 10 Thuc. 8.45-47. 11 Thuc. 8.53-54.2. 12 Peisander had spoken of the changes likely to be required, in somewhat euphemistic terms, as “not the present form of democracy” (Thuc. 8.53.1) and as "a more moderate constitution with a rather smaller number eligible for offices” (Thuc. 8.53.3), and had added that if the new system was not thought satisfactory it could be discarded when it had served its purpose (ibid.). 13 The City Dionysia came about two months after the Lenaea; and the unsuccessful negotiations between the Athenian envoys and Tissaphernes preceded the latter's talks with Peloponnesian representatives at Casmus (cf. Thuc. 8.56-57) which in turn preceded the departure of the Peloponnesian fleet from Rhodes (Thuc. 8.61.2) early in April. See Gomme-Andrewes-Dover v 131, 147-9, 185-7. 14 I withdraw the suggestion made in JUS 97 (1977) 122-3 (cf. also CQ 36 [1986) 107 n.45) that certain passages in Lysulrala allude in an indirect but hostile manner to Alcibiades and so indicate that the question of his recall was already topical at the time of the Lenaea: the passages concerned (390-7, 507515,,589—590, 1093—4) rrughl be understood as alluding to Alcibiades if he was already in the forefront of men s msnds, but they are all perfectly intelligible without assuming any such allusion and cannot in themselves prove that Alcibiades recall was under discussion, especially in the face of the counter-evidence presently to be cited. Cf. H.D. Westlake, Phoenix 34 (1980) 49 n.36; Henderson xxiv. 15 See Gomme-Andrewes-Dover v 185-6. 189.

INTRODUCTORY NOTE 3 on the Acropolis it will not be able to continue the war; there is no thought of any possibility of financial support from an outside source such as Persia. Peisander and his associates, then, had arrived in Athens. As prominent individuals, coming from Athens’ principal war base, they will probably have made some kind of report to the Assembly16; but their true plans and intentions will have been divulged only to reliable sympathizers17 until the ground had been well prepared for bringing before the people proposals which, even in the sanitized form in which they were presented, were revolutionary. Thus so far as most Athenians were concerned the war was simply going on as usual, and not going very well; it was their enemies who were making persistent attempts to enlist Persia as an ally18, and there was no knowing whether they might not before long succeed, with catastrophic consequences for Athens. Early defeat was a very real possibility, and at best Athens could only look forward to an indefinite prolongation of the war (cf. on 1055); peace could only come either by Athenian surrender (which was unthinkable) or by a miracle from the world of fantasy, the world in which Old Comedy dwells. And in Lysistrata the miracle is made to take place. Lysistrata does not advocate the termination of the war by an Athenian initiative: such an initiative had, in the existing situation, no chance of success except on terms that even the most anti­ democratic, pro-Spartan factions at Athens would never dare to accept - as the Four Hundred were to discover a few months later (cf. Thuc. 8.90-91). Rather it dreams a dream: a dream of the women of Greece uniting (see on 41) to force their male-governed communities to bury the hatchet and resume the old friendship in which Athens and Sparta had come to each other’s aid in time of need (1137-56) and defeated the Persian invader together (1247-61) - a work of liberation which, even as Lysistrata was being written, Persia was beginning to undo (see on 1133). The play is built around two separate schemes devised by Lysistrata, and put into effect by different groups of women under her direction, to force male Greece to end the war19. The first, and the more prominent in the play as a whole, is the boycotting of sexual relations. This campaign is prosecuted by the younger married women of Athens and Sparta20 such as Calonice, Myrrhine and Lampito21. Its effects on the men become manifest for the first time in the Cinesias-Myrrhine scene (829-979), which is immediately followed by the first moves towards negotiations for peace. Its prime visible

16 Gomme-Andrewes-Dover v 186 plausibly suggest that Peisander's allegations against the generals Phrynichus and (S)cironides have been misplaced by Thucydides (8.S4.3) and properly belong to this early period of his stay in Athens; it is striking that the generals sent to take their places, Leon and Diomedon, were and remained loyal democrats (cf. Thuc. 8.73.4, Xen. Hell. 1.5.16). 17 Such as the members of the anti-democratic caucuses mentioned in Thuc. 8.54.4 (cf. on 577-8). 18 Thuc. 8.S.4-6.3; 8.12.2; 8.18; 8.28.3-29.2; 8.36.2-37.5; 8.43.2-4. A treaty of alliance satisfactory to the Spartans was finally made in the spring of 411 (Thuc. 8.57-59), though for the lime being it had little practical effect. 19 On the double plot see A.O. Hulton, Greece and Rome 19 (1972) 32-36; J. Vaio, GRBS 14 (1973) 369380; Henderson xxvi-xxix. 20 1178-81 imply that the women of the allied states, on both sides, have also participated in the strike, and Corinthian and Theban representatives were among the oath-takers of 209-237; but dramatically speaking, all attention is centred on the two main antagonistic powers in the war. There is no sign that Lysistrata herself has a husband (510-520 refer to a time some years in the past): in 15-19 she has to be reminded of the many domestic duties of a wife and mother.

4 INTRODUCTORY NOTE symbol is the erect phallus, which is little used in Aristophanes' other plays22 but which in Lysistrata 829-1188 is worn by every male who comes on the scene (except the old men of the chorus). Its presiding deity is Aphrodite (551, 555, 832-4, 858, 898, 939, 1290). But once the sexual strike has been proposed, accepted and swom to, there is no further explicit reference to it until the second half of the play, and from 240 to 613 the action centres wholly on the other scheme: the seizure by the Athenian women of the Acropolis (where the financial reserves of the state were kept) with the object of denying Athens the resources to fîght on. Unlike the sexual strike, this is a purely Athenian action. It is carried out in the first instance by “the over-age women” (177) who cannot take part in the strike since their days of sexual activity are assumed to be over; though once they have occupied the Acropolis, the younger Athenian women soon join them there. The dramatic climaxes of this aspect of the action are two assaults on die Acropolis, first by the old men of the chorus and then by the Magistrate and his assistants. Its prime visible symbol is the Acropolis itself, whose west front is represented, from about 240, by die façade of the stage-house (see on 1). Its presiding deity is Athena Polias (241, 303, 341-9), to whom in her Spartan guise as “the Lady of the Bronze House” was sung the hymn (not preserved in die text as transmitted) with which the play concluded (see on 1299 and 1320-1). Although the two schemes are thus distinct in conception and in dramatic treatment, they are not isolated from one another. Lysistrata is in charge of both, and from 252 the Acropolis is the headquarters of both - die citadel of the virgin goddess, whose siege (conducted with quasi-phallic weapons - the old men’s logs, the Magistrate’s crowbars) can be seen as an attempted rape; and the play ends with the successive resolution of both themes, the admission of men to the Acropolis at 1188 - not to take out money to be used for war purposes, but to share in a feast of reconciliation cutting across both political and gender boundaries - being followed in 1273-8 by the formal re-pairing of husbands and wives23· In a sense the play actually has a triple plot. For the batde of the sexes that forms the actors’ part of the play, centred on the two themes of the sexual strike and the occupation of the Acropolis, is paralleled by another batde taking place in the orchestra between the (semi)chonises of old men and old women, a batde which ends (at 1036-42) in a reconciliation that precedes and prefigures the greater reconciliation to come. The division of a chorus into antagonistic halves is not unique to Lysistrata24, but the manner of its exploitation may very well be. After the initial assault on the Acropolis by the men and its repulse by the women, the choruses take no part in either the “strike-plot” or the “occupation-plot” but instead confront each other in a conflict of words and symbolic

22

*Πΐ€ΓΕ are, in fact, only two dear cases of ils use outside Lys. , both in the concluding scenes of plays — for Dicaeopohs in Achamians (cf. Ach. 1216—21 ) and for the Archer in Thesmophoriûzusae (cf. Thêsm. 1187-8). 23 The feast and the reunion of ooupks are announced in advance together by Lysistrata in 1182-7. HupoUs M a n ca s, produced in 421, had a chorus which for much of the play was divided into o f p00r men (,u PP°rter» of “Mancas” = Hyperbolus) and rich men; cf. Eup. fr. 192.29, 192.98-99, 192.117-121, 193.5-8 K-A. Ar. in Acharnions had briefly split his chorus into groups supporting and opposing Dicaeopolis (Ach. 557-571).

INTRODUCTORY NOTE 5 action25, which after the half-way point of the play steadily de-escalates until two unilateral acts of kindness by the women (1019-21,1025-34) herald its end. So far as the mechanics of the main action are concerned, the chorus is more dispensable in this play than in any other surviving Aristophanic comedy except the late Wealtht26; but from the structural point of view the chorus is indispensable throughout, serving, we might say, as a counterpoint to the main melody of the action. A fascinating and unexpected light has been shed on one aspect of our play by a combination of epigraphy, prosopography and linguistics. It has been shown by D.M. Lewis27 that at the time when Lysistrata was produced, the position of priestess of Athena Polias - the highest appointment that any Athenian woman could hold - was occupied by a woman named Lysimache. Not only is this name strikingly similar to that of Lysistrata both in form and in meaning28, but in the play itself (554) the heroine expresses her confidence that “one day we will be known among the Greeks as LysimachaV*29. It thus becomes very tempting to suppose that Aristophanes intended to invest her with some of the religious authority of this “First Lady of Athens”; such a hypothesis would also help to account for the remarkable deference shown towards Lysistrata by the male characters in the latter part of the play, and for the breach in her case (as in that of Lysimache) of the convention - otherwise, so far as we can tell, strictly observed throughout Greek comedy - that a free man neither addresses nor refers to a respectable living woman by name in public30. It is not likely, to be sure, that we should think of Lysistrata as representing Lysimache in the sense in which Paphlagon in Knights represents Cleon: it is more a matter of association and reminiscence, helping to link the heroine with the power and wisdom of Athena, with the reverence and affection felt by Athenians for their patron goddess, and with the oldest religious traditions of their city31, and so promoting in the audience the feeling that her cause is the cause of right, and that though the women under her leadership break through the bonds of the married state and home life, the rules of 25 Including especially threatening body-language (e.g. 634-5, 657, 681, 705, 799, 821-4) and the removal of clothing (615, 637, 662, 686). 20 In the Cinesias-Mynhine scene their very existence is ignored (see on 907). 27 ABSA 50 (1955) 1-12, on the evidence of IG ii2 3453 and Plin. NH 34.76. 28 Lysimache means “dissolver of battles” (or strife), Lysistrata “dissolver of armies”. 27 For a similar play on Lysimache’s name cf. Peace 991-2, discussed by N.V. Dunbar, CR 20 (1970) 270-2. 30 For this convention see Quaderni di Storia 11 (1980) 393-418; it seems to have been a general rule of Athenian society, observed also in speeches in the lawcourts (cf. DA!. Schaps, CQ 27 (1977) 323-330) and, on the evidence of Plato and Xenophon, in normal conversation. 31 It is possible, though not in my view likely, that similar associations were stirred by the name of another character in the play, Myrrhine. A woman of this name, who died probably between 410 and 405 and is commemorated at one site by a six-line verse epitaph (SEG xii 80= CEG 93) and at another by a marble memorial lekythos (see P.I. Rahn, ABSA 81 [1986] 195-207), appears on the combined evidence of the monuments to have been a priestess of Athena Nike, either the first to be appointed (in the 440s) or the first to serve in the Nike temple when that was eventually completed (in the 420s). In either case she could well have been holding the office in 411 (the decree providing for the appointment of the first priestess, IG is 35, makes no mention of any limit of tenure), and J. Papademetriou, the first editor of the epitaph (AE [1948Λ1] 146-153), suggested that the Myrrhine of our play represents the priestess MytThine. Myrrhine, however, is a very common name both in real life and in comedy, and the Myrrhine of the play has none of the exceptional dignity of Lysistrata and is nowhere linked with Athena Nike (who is mentioned in the play only at 317 - by the men).

6 INTRODUCTORY NOTE conventional decency32 and all the norms of womanly behaviour in Athenian society, they do so in the service of higher and divinely-sanctioned principles, with the object not of disrupting but of reintegrating households and communities and a Greek world disrupted by war, and fully deserve the triumph they finish by achieving

32 For example by using obscene language in the presence of men (see on 441-2) and, in the case of the women of the chorus, removing all their clothes in public (see on 686).

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY 7

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY TO LYSISTRATA Editions o f the play: U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff (Berlin, 1927); J J . Henderson (Oxford, 1987); F. Perusino (Milan, in preparation).

Edition o f the scholia: G. Stein (Göttingen, 1891); important corrections, mainly concerned with the identification of hands in G, are supplied by K. Zacher, Berliner philologische Wochenschrift 13 (1893) 1601-8, 1633-8, and 14 (1894) 347-351, 379-384. Some other recent works J. Vaio, "The manipulation of theme and action in Aristophanes’ Lysistrata”, GRBS 14 (1973) 369-380. M. Rosellini, "Lysistrata: une mise en scène de la féminité”, in J. Bonnamour and H. Delavault ed. Aristophane, les femmes et la cité (Fontenay-aux-Roses, 1979) 11-32. J J . Henderson, “Lysistrate: the play and its themes”, YCS 26 (1980) 153-218. H.D. Westlake, "The Lysistrata and the war”, Phoenix 34 (1980) 38-54. U. Albini, “La Lisistraia e le regole del gioco”, in Albini, Interpretazioni teatrali III (Florence, 1981) 77-95. N. Loraux, “L’acropole comique”. Ancient Society 11/12 (1980/1) 119—150. H.P. Foley, “The ‘female intruder’ reconsidered: women in Aristophanes' Lysistrata and Ecclesiazusae", CP 77 (1982) 1-21. N.G. Wilson, ‘T w o observations on Aristophanes' Lysistrata", GRBS 23 (1982) 157-163. RM . Harriott, “Lysistrata: action and theme”, in J. Redmond ed. Themes in Drama VII: Drama, Sex and Politics (Cambridge, 1985) 11-22. M. Dillon, “The Lysistrata as a post-Deceleian peace-play”, TAPA 117 (1987) 97-104. J J . Henderson, “Older women in Attic Old Comedy”, TAPA 117 (1987) 105-129.

8

NOTE ON THE TEXT

NOTE ON THE TEXT Three papyri1 of the fourth to sixth centuries contain between them parts of some 75 lines of Lysistrata. They contribute little to the establishment of the text, though one (Π16) preserves a true reading alone at 433. The direct textual tradition of this play still depends primarily on the eight medieval manuscripts - or rather on five of them; for Mu2 is a copy of R, C of Vp2, and t?· of B. Only Thesmophoriazusae among Aristophanic plays has a slender»' manuscript tradition. Of the rive manuscripts that are independent witnesses, only R contains the whole play; the other four are all descended from a copy which had lost (probably) five leaves containing 347 lines (62-131, 200-267, 820-889 and 1098-1236). The oldest of these four manuscripts, Γ , was the principal (though not, as we shall see, the only) source of the other three, Vp2HB; but after the ancestors of Vp2HB had been copied from Γ, Γ itself suffered further mutilation, so that it now ends at 1034, leaving Vp2HB (together with two manuscripts containing only scholia: see below) to represent its family in 1035-97 and 1237-end. Of these fifteenth-century manuscripts, Vp2H are very close siblings, while B stands somewhat apart. Both Vp2H (= p) and B derive mainly from Γ, but both also (B more than p) made use of a second source - not improbably the same source in both cases, since occasionally (e.g. 316, 565) pB share readings that diverge from Γ . This second source seems to have had one remarkable feature. Eleven times within 270 lines (316, 350, 380, 388,478,487,488, 508, 542, 553, 583) p or B or both offer a good or at least plausible reading which is not in R or Γ and is unlikely to have been hit on by conjecture^ or, in most cases at least, by a lucky error. Can we define the nature of the source whence these readings came? The second source used by pB must have contained the same major lacunae as pB themselves, since otherwise they would have used it to fill the gaps; that is, it came basically from the “Γ-side” of the tradition rather than the “R-side”. But - judging both by the good readings mentioned above, and by some agreements in error between B (or p) and R - it had access in two stretches of the play (roughly 280-590 and 900-950) to a text, evidently in a fragmentary state, which had some readings in common with R but was for the most part independent both of R and of the Γ group. Thus for over a third of their length these three late manuscripts, and especially B, prove to be, at least occasionally, witnesses to a branch of the tradition of which no other trace survives. I have therefore in my apparatus cited pB regularly throughout, in the One of these, Π21 (Antinoopolis Pspynis 75+211), happens not to be cited in the apparatus. Δ (Laurentiam» XXXI 16) contains no readings of significance and is not died in the apparatus. Had Dememus Tridimus woriced on the text of Lysistrata he might well have restored by conjecture the true reading which p presents at 478 or even that offered by B at 508; but it is most unlikely that he did work on the play (cf. Henderson lvi).

9 same way as R r Vp2 and H are cited separately only when the reading of p cannot be reconstructed with assurance. The secondary manuscripts Mu2 and C are cited only when one of them is alone in restoring the true reading. In addition to the above manuscripts there are two others (NpO) which contain only scholia to Lysistrata, without a text. The scholia in Np were copied from Γ before Γ was damaged, as were the scholia in O from 320 onwards: they can thus provide, especially from their lemmata, further evidence for the reconstruction of the lost portion of Γ s text. But up to 320 (where a new scribe takes over at the end of a page, in mid-sentence) the scholia in O are of a somewhat different character they include full annotations on the portions of the text not found in Γ or its relatives, and these annotations, while they may well be derived from a manuscript akin to R, are certainly not derived from R itself. Frequently too in this part of the play O gives one textual reading in its lemma and another as a variant: normally the lemma agrees with R and the variant with Γ 4 Thus my apparatus in 1-320 treats the scholia in O on a par with those of RT ; in 321-1034,0 is cited only for readings of particular interest (380,553,673); in 1035-end, where Γ fails us, NpO are cited regularly when available. There is an excellent discussion of the history of the text and scholia of Lysistrata in the introduction to Henderson’s edition (pp. 1-lxix). I am much indebted to Professor Henderson for making available to me his collations of Vp2HCBMu2, and for lending me his microfilm of B. I have myself collated O in the original and Np from photographs.

SIGLA Manuscripts Π 15 Π 16

R Mu2

century C ologne P apyrus 14 (contains 1 4 5 153, 1 8 2 -7 , 19 7 -9 . 188) B odleian Papyrus G r. class, e 87(P) (contains 4 3 3 -4 4 7 , 4 6 9 -4 8 4 ) R avennas 429 M onacensis gr. 492 (a copy o f R)

4 th 4 th /5 th 10 th 1 5 th

The fo llo w in g fiv e m anuscripts all om it lines 6 2 -1 3 1 , 2 0 0 -2 6 7 , 8 2 0 -8 8 9 and 1098-1236. Γ

L eidensis V ossianus gr. F52 (also lacks

V p2 C H B

1035-97 and 1237-end) V aticanus Palatinus 67 Parisinus R egius 2717 (a copy o f Vp2) H auniensis 1980 Parisinus R egius 2715

1 4 th 1 5 th 1 5 th /1 6 th 1 5 th 1 5 th

4 On NpO tee D. Holwerda, ZPE 41 (1981) 13-16; J. Hangard, ZPE 53 (1983) 65-69; J. Hangard in Σχόλια: Studia ... D. Holwerda oblata (Groningen, 1985) 29-35.

10

N O TE O N TH E T EX T

Np

N eapolitanus Π D 4 9 (contains scholia on 1 -6 1 , 132-199. 2 6 8 -8 1 9 . 8 9 0 -1 0 9 7 , 1 2 3 7 -en d ) (O xoniensis B odleian us) B aroccianus 38B (contains scholia o n 1—819, 8 9 0 -1 0 9 7 , 1237—end)

O

p

1 5 th 1 5 th

the agreem ent o f Vp2H the agreem ent o f RTpB (or RpB w here Γ is lacking)

codcL

Other Symbols

s vel sim . R 1. Γ 1, etc.

s c h o lio n separate scholia on the sam e passage in the sam e m s. o r m ss. lem m a (words from the text quoted as the heading o f a scholion) reading found in both the lem m a and the body o f a scholion reading noted in m s. or scholia as a variant im plied by o r inferable from before correction after correction above o r below the line o r the like; w ith unim portant o r irrelevant variations the hand o f the original copyist

R2, Γ2. etc.

any later hand

Suda1*1

the m s. M o f the Suda lexicon the m anuscript tradition (o f scholia or the S uda respectively)

Σ

Z(i.ii) λ Σ+λ

VP

i ac pc

i

S u ttf I

w ith the exception o f those m ss. cited for a different reading

Α Τ ΣΙΣΤ ΡΑ Τ Η

LYSISTRATA

ΤΑ ΤΟΥ ΔΡΑΜΑΤΟΣ ΠΡΟΣΩΠΑ

ΑΥΣΙΣΤΡΑΤΗ γυναΕ χεε ΚΑΛΟΝΣΚΗ ΜΥΡΡΧΝΗ I ΛΑΜΠΓΓΩ, γ υ ν ή Λ α χω ν υ χή . ΧΟΡΟΣ ΓΕΡΟΝΤΩΝ. ΧΟΡΟΣ ΓΡΑΩΝ. ΠΡΟΒΟΥΛΟΣ.

'Α τ τ ι -xaC

ΓΥΝΗ A ΓΥΝΗ Β ΓΥΝΗ Γ ΓΥΝΗ Δ Κ1 ΝΗΣΙΑΣ Π α ε ο ν ύ δ η ε , ά ν ή ρ M uppcvnsΠΑΙΔΙΟΝ Κ υνησυου κ α ί Μ υ ρ ρ ύ νη ς. ΚΗΡΥΗ Λ α κ ε δ α ιμ ο ν ίω ν . ΛΑΚΕΔΑΙΜΟΝΙΩΝ ΠΡΕΣΒΕΥΤΗΣ. ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ ΠΡΕΣΒΕΥΤΗΣ Α . ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ ΠΡΕΣΒΕΥΤΗΣ Β.

Κωφίι i p d o u i a ΓΥΝΑΙΚΕΣ ΑΤΤΙΚΑΙ. IΣΜΗΝΙΑ , γ υ ν ή Θήβα ί α . ΓΥΝΗ ΚΟΡΙΝΘΙΑ. ΓΥΝΑΙΚΕΣ ΛΑΚΩΝΙΚΑΙ. ΣΚΥΘΑΙΝΑ, θ ε ρ ά χ α ι ν α Λ υ σ ισ τ ρ ά τ η ε . ΘΕΡΑΠΟΝΤΕΣ τ ο ΰ τ ρ ο δ ο ύ λ ο υ δ ύ ο . ΤΟΞΟΤΑΙ Σ χ ύ θ α ι τ ε τ τ α ρ ε Σ . ΓΡΑΕΣ τω ν χα τα λ α β ο υ σ ω ν τ η ν ά χ ρ ο τ ο λ ι ν . ΜΑΝΗΣ, ο ί χ έ τ η ε Κ ιν η σ ί ο υ . ΛΑΚΕΔΑΙΜΟΝΙΩΝ ΠΡΕΣΒΕΥΤΑΙ. ΘΕΡΑΠΟΝΤΕΣ τω ν χ ρ ε σ β ε υ τ ω υ τω ν Λ α κ ε δ α ιμ ο ν ίω ν . ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ ΠΡΕΣΒΕΥΤΑΙ. ΔΙΑΛΛΑΓΗ. ΘΥΡΩΡΟΣ.

CHARACTERS OF THE PLAY LYSISTRATA ] CALONICE Athenian women MYRRHINE 1 LAMPITO a Spartan woman CHORUS OF OLD MEN CHORUS OF OLD WOMEN MAGISTRATE (one o f the ten Probouloi) FIRST OLD WOMAN ] SECOND OLD WOMAN o f the group which has seized the Acropolis THIRD OLD WOMAN FIRST WOMAN SECOND WOMAN o f the group which has taken Lysistrata’s oath THIRD WOMAN FOURTH WOMAN CINESIAS o f Paeonidae, husband to Myrrhine BABY son to Cinesias and Myrrhine HERALD from Sparta SPARTAN DELEGATE FIRST ATHENIAN DELEGATE SECOND ATHENIAN DELEGATE

J

Silent Characters ATHENIAN WOMEN ISMENIA a Theban woman A CORINTHIAN WOMAN SPARTAN WOMEN A SCYTHIAN GIRL servant to Lysistrata TWO SLAVES attending the magistrate FOUR SCYTHIAN ARCHERS OLD WOMEN o f the group which has seized the Acropolis MANES servant to Cinesias SPARTAN DELEGATES SERVANTS attending the Spartan delegates ATHENIAN DELEGATES RECONCILIATION DOORKEEPER

13

14

ΛΥΣΙΣΤΡΑΤΗ 'Α λ λ ' εε τ ε ς ε έ ς βαχχεΣον α ύ τά ς έ χ ά λ ε σ ε ν ,

Τ| ' s Πονάς, η ' Λ

Κωλεάδ* εες Γ ε ν ε τ υ λ λ ε δ ο ς ,

ο ΰ δ ' α ν δ ε ε λ θ ε Σ ν ftv αν·.ύχύ τών τ υ μ χ ά ν ω ν . ν ΰ ν δ ' ούδ εμ ε α χ ά ρ ε σ τ ε ν ε ν τ α υ θ ο ε γυνιί* χλΐίν η γ '

έμή χωμίίτες Î 6 ' έ ξ έ ρ χ ε τ α ε .

5

χ α ε ρ ' , ω Κ αλονέχη. ΚΑΛΟΝΙΚΗ χαϊ. αύ γ ' , iS Λ υ σ ε σ τ ρ ά τ η . τε συντετάραξαε;

μί| σ χ υ θ ρ ά χ α ς 1, Ζ τ έ χ ν ο ν .

ού γ ά ρ χ ρ έ χ ε ε σοε τ ο ξ ο χ ο ε ε ε ν τ ά ς ό φ ρ ΰ ς . Λυ.

ά λ λ ' , ω Κ α λονέχη, χάομαε τή ν χ α ρ δ ε α ν χα ε χ χρυσ οχόε, τδν όρμον 8ν έχεσχεύασας, 388

x'jxvoV Β, Lexicon Meesanense 283Γ6 Rabe: χυχ ενο ε Γ£: χοεχενοε R

389

’Αδωνεασμδς Β: ’Αδωνεσμδς Rrj_.

391

ε λ ε γ εν P a lm e riu s : ελ ε γεν 6 ' codd.

398

άχολαστάσματα Dobree ( c f . δυσχέρασμα, χέασμα, συμπέρασμα, e t c . ) : άχάλαστ' , " έ τε ρ ό ς

τες— , μετίι ταΟθ' ήμΕν εύθυς έδ ο ζ ε ν σώσαε τ?ιν Ε λ λ ά δα χοεν ξ ταεσε γ υ ν α ε ζ ε ν σ υλ λεχθεεσ α ες.

525

χοΕ γάρ χαε χρί^ν άναμεΕναε;

ην οϋν ημών χρηστά λεχουσών έ θ ελή σ η τ' άνταχροδσθαε χά ντεσ εω χδθ' ώσχερ χη μ εΕ ς, έχανορθώσαεμεν αν ύμδς. Πρ.

ύμ εες τιμάς;

δ εε ν ό ν γ ε λ έ γ ε ε ς χού τλητον έμ ο εγε.

Λυ. Πρ.

σεώχα. σοε γ ' , ί κ ατάρατε, σεωχώ 'γ ώ , χαε ταΰτα χάλυμμα φοροΰσΐ} χερε τή ν χεφαλάν;

530

μτί νυν ζψην.

Λυ.

ά λ λ ' ε ε τοΰτ* έμχόδεάν σοε, χαρ* έμοΰ τ ο υ τ ε τδ χάλυμμα λαβών έ χ ε χαε χερεθου χερε την χεφαλήν, χ$τα σεώχα.

Γρ°

χα ε τούτον τον χαλαθεσχον.

Λυ.

χ$τα ζα ε ν ε εν ζυζωσάμενος,

535

κυάμους τρώγων* χάλεμος δε γυναεξϊ. μελήσεε. ΧοΤΡ ά χ α ε ρ ε τ ' , ώ γ υ ν α ί κ ε ς , άχδ τών χαλχεδων, όχως αν

524

6fyr' < έ σ θ ’> Brunck: δ ή τ ' R: δΐΊθ' Γ|>Β.

528

χά ντεσ εω χδθ' R: χαε σεωκδθ' rj>B: χάντεσεωχάν K ü s te r .

535

τούτον B lay d es: τοΰτον FgB: τουτον'ε R: τουτονγε Elmsley. , Rr w ά χ α ε ρ ε τ ’ B runck, c f . Σ άναχωρήσατε: α ερ εσ θ' codd.

539

#

71 MAGISTRATE: And he was right to say so, by Zeus. LYSISTRATA: What do you mean, “right”, you wretched fool, when we weren’t allowed to give you any advice even when your policy was wrong? But when the time came when we were hearing you say openly in the streets “There isn ’t a man in the country” - “No, by Zeus, there isn’t,” says another - after that w e women straight away decided to

525

band together and unite to save Greece. What were we supposed to wait for? So if you’ll be prepared to listen in your turn to our good advice, and if you’ll keep quiet in your turn as we had to, we can put you back on the right path. MAGISTRATE: You put us on the right path? An outrageous claim, and one I w on’t stand for! LYSISTRATA: Be quiet! MAGISTRATE: / am to be quiet for you, you damned woman, and that 530 when you wear a veil about your head? Then may I not live! LYSISTRATA: W ell, if you find that a stumbling-block, take this veil from me, have it, put it around your head [she takes off her veil and puts it on the Magistrate’s head] - and then be quiet! FIRST OLD WOMAN [handing him her work-basket.]: And take this 535 basket too. LYSISTRATA: And then hitch up your robe and start carding wool, chewing beans as you work; and let war be for women to take care of! WOMEN’S LEADER: Move off away from the pitchers, women, so that

72

έν τψ μ έ ρ ε ε χδμεΕ ς τ ε τ α ε ς φ ελ α εσ ε συλλάβωμεν. έγώ γί»ρ ούκ fiv π οτέ χά μ οεμ' αν ό ρ χ ο υ μ έ ν η ,

540 (άντ.

οΰδε γ ό ν α τ ' α ν χόπ ος Ιλ ο ε μ ε χα μ α τη φ όρος. εθέλω 6 ' έ π ε πδν ε έ ν α ε μετέι τω ν δ ' α ρ ε τ έ ς ε ν ε χ ' , α ϊ ς ένε φ ύσες, Ιν ε χ ά ρ ε ς , ένε θ ρ ά σ ο ς,

545

Ι ν ε τδ σοφ όν, Ι ν ε δ έ φ ελ ό π ο λ ες άρετίι φ ρ ο ν ε μ ο ς. ά λ λ ' , ώ τηθων ά ν δ ρ ε ε ο τ ά τ η χαΐ. μ η τ ρ ε δ ε ω ν άχαληφων, χ ω ρ ε ε τ ' όργρ χ α \ μη τ έ γ γ ε σ θ ' · ε τ ε γ δ ρ ν ΰν οΰρεα θ ε ε τ ε . Λυ.

550

ά λ λ ' ηνπερ γ ' ό γλ υ χ ό θ υ μ ο ς Έ ρ ω ς χ ή Κ υ π ρ ο γό ν ε ε' ’Αφροδετη εμερον ήμων χατδι των χόλπων χα\, των μηρών χα τα π ν εύ σ ρ , χ $ τ ' έ ν τ έ ζ η τ έ τ α ν ο ν τ ε ρ π ν ό ν τ ο ε ς άνδράσε χά ε ροπαλεσμοός, ο ίμ α ε ποτέ Λυσεμοίχας ημάς έν τ ο ε ς Έ λ λ η σ ε χ α λ ε ε σ θ α ε .

Up. Λυ.

τ ε ποεησάσας; ην παόσωμεν πρωτεστον μ έ ν ξίιν δπλ οεσ εν

555

541

οΰχ αν π οτέ χά μ ο ε μ ' ΐχν R e i s i g : ο ΰ π ο τ ε χ ά μ ο ε μ ' âv Rrjs: ούποτ' 3tv χά μ οεμ ' Β.

542

γ ό ν α τ ' αν Hermann : xài γ ό ν α τα c o d d .

542

Ι λ ο ε Β: έ λ ε ε R I^ : εε λ ε

542 542

με B e n t l e y : μου co dd. R Γ χαματηφόρος Σ : χαματηρός c o d d . Σ .

547

το B l a y d e s : δ ε c o d d . Suda.

547 549

δε R e i s i g : om. c o d d . Suda. 1 2 i RT ά ν δ ρ ε ε ο τ ά τ η Γ S u d a, A th e n a e u s : ά ν δ ρ ε ε ο τ ά τ ω ν Rr £Ε î ! άνδρεεόταταε S c a l i g e r .

551

γ ' δ B e n t l e y : è c o d d . : δ τ ε D a u tu z .

553

έ ν τ έ ζ ο RTj^ *ΣΓ Suda: έντήζΐ) Β: έ ν τ ε υ ζ ρ *Σ*\

73

we too in our turn may give some assistance to our friends. WOMEN: For never will I tire of dancing, nor will my knees be mastered by toil and the weariness it brings. I am ready to go to any lengths together with these women, because of their valour, for they have character, they have charm, they have daring, they have wisdom, and they have an intelligent patriotic valour. WOMEN’S LEADER: Now, most courageous o f all mummies and all nettly grannies - advance in fury, and do not soften, for you’ve still got the wind behind you. LYSISTRATA: Well, so long as sweet-souled Eros and Cyprus-born Aphrodite breathe desire over our bosoms and our thighs, and so engender in our menfolk a delightful rigidity and attacks of truncheonism, I believe that one day we will be known among the Greeks as the Dissolvers o f Strife. MAGISTRATE: What will you have done to be called that? LYSISTRATA: If in the first place we can stop people doing their shopping

540

545

550

555

74 α γορά ζοντα ς χαο μ αονομ ένους. Γρ? Λυ.

νίι τ η ν Παφόαν Ά φ ρ ο δ ό τ η ν . ν ΰν μ ε ν γαρ δη χάν ταοσο χιίτρ α ο ς χάν τ ο ί ς λαχάνοοσον δμοόως χε ρ οέρ χον τα ο χατά τί|ν άγοραν ζυυ δ χ λ ο ο ς , ώσχερ Κ ορύβ αντες.

Πρ.

vh Δία* χ ρ η γαρ το υ ς ά ν δ ρ ε ό ο υ ς.

Αυ.

χα'ο μην το γ ε χρδγμα γ ε λ ο ί ο υ , δταν ά σ χ ό δ ' έχων χαΐ, Γοργάνα τ ο ς χ $ τ ' ών^ταο χ ο ρ α χ ό ν ο υ ς .

Γρ?

560

υΐι Δό' έγω γοΰυ άνδρα χομδτην φ υ λ α ρ χ ο ΰ ν τ' ε ί δ ο ν έ φ ' όχχου εός τον χαλχοΰυ εμβαλλόμενου χ ΐλ ο υ λ έ χο θ ο ν χαρά γραός* έ τ ε ρ ο ς δ ' αδ Θρ$ζ, χέλτην σεόων χ ά χό ν το ο ν ώσχερ ό Τ η ρ ε ύ ς , έ δ ε δ ό τ τ ε τ ο τη ν όσχαδάχωλον χαΧ τ ά ς δ ρ υ χ ε χ ε ο ς χ α τ έ χ ο ν ε ν .

Πρ.

χως οδν ύμ ε ο ς δυναταο χαΰσαο τ ε τ α ρ α γ μ έ ν α χράγματα χολλα

565

εν τα ό ς χώραος χαο δοαλΰσαο; Αυ.

φαύλως χά ν υ.

Πρ. Αυ.

χως;

άχάδεοζον.

ώσχερ χ λ ω σ τ ή ρ ', δταυ ίιμον Ç τ ε τ α ρ α γ μ έ ν ο ς , ωδε λαβοΰσαο, ΰχευεγχοΰσαο τοοσον ά τρ ά χ το ο ς το μ ε ν έ ν τ α υ θ ο ί , τδ δ '

έχεοσε,

οΰτω χαο τ δ ν χόλεμον τούτον δ ο α λ υ σ ο μ εν , ήν το ς έάσρ, δοενεγχοΰσ αο δοά χρεσβεοων, τϊ> μ ^ν ενταυθοΠ , το δ ' έ χ ε ο σ ε . 570 Πρ.

έζ έροων δη χαο χλωστόρων χ α ΐ άτράχτων χράγματα δεονά

557

χάν . . .

χάν B runck: χαο . . .

χαο c o d d .

563

6 ' αυ B runck: δε codd.

56*t

έ δ ε δ ό τ τ ε τ ο M altby: έδεδ όσ χετο c o d d . : p e r h . έ δ ε δ ό ζ α τ ο .

564

δ ρ υ χ ε χ ε ο ς ( - χ έ χ - ) Rr^. H e s y c h iu e .

565

δυναταο E l l e b o d i u s : δύνασθε RjB: δύνασθαο Γ.

*Σ^Γ : δ ρ υ χ ε τ ε ο ς ( o r - χ έ τ - ) Β Σ^+λ,

75

in armour, and lunatic behaviour like that. FIRST OLD WOMAN: Hear, hear, by Paphian Aphrodite! LYSISTRATA: At the moment there they are - among the potters, among the greengrocers, you name it - walking round the Agora in armour as if they were Corybantes! MAGISTRATE: Yes, indeed, that’s what brave men should do. LYSISTRATA: But it really is a ridiculous spectacle, when a man with 560 a shield and a Gorgon on it goes and buys ravenfish! FIRST OLD WOMAN: I for one, by Zeus, once saw a long-haired chap, a cavalry officer, on horseback, buying porridge from an old woman and bunging it in his brass hat. Then there was another, a Thracian, brandishing his little shield and his javelin like old Tereus, and he terrified the woman on the fig stall and gulped down her ripe figs. MAGISTRATE: So how are you going to be able to put an end to the great 565 confusion o f affairs in the various countries and to unravel it? LYSISTRATA: Very easily. MAGISTRATE: Demonstrate how.

[Lysistrata takes the work-basket which the Magistrate has been holding, and uses its contents to illustrate her ensuing exposition.] LYSISTRATA: It’s like when we have a tangled skein of wool. We take it, like this, and pull it gently with the help of our spindles, now this way and now that. That’s how w e’ll unravel this war, if we’re allowed to, 570 sorting it out by sending embassies, now this way and now that. MAGISTRATE: You think you can solve serious problems by methods of

χαύσεεν ο ε ε σ θ ';

ως ά ν ύ η τ ο ε .

Λυ.

καν ΰμεν γ ' ε ε τ ε ς ένΤίν ν ο υ ς , έ χ των ερεών των ημετέρων έχολετεύεσ θ* αν &χαντα.

Πρ.

χως δ ύ ;

Λυ.

φ έ ρ ' εδω. χρωτον μ έ ν έ χ ρ η ν , ωσχερ χ ύ κ ο ν , έ ν βαλανεεφ

έχχλ ύ ν α ν τα ς την οέσχώτην έχ τΤις χ ύ λ εω ς , έχύ κ λ ε ν η ς

575

έ χ ρ α β δ ε ζ ε ε ν τ ο υ ς μοχθηρούς καε τ ο ύ ς τρ ε β ύ λ ο υ ς ά χ ο λ έ ξ α ε , χαε τ ο ύ ς γ ε συνεσ τα μενους το ύ το υ ς καε τ ο ύ ς χ ε λ ο ΰ ν τ α ς εα υτούς έ χ ε τ α ε ς άρχαεσε δ εα ζη ν α ε χαύ τ&ς χεφαλ&ς ά χ ο τ ε λ α ε ' ε ί τ α ζ α ε ν ε ε ν ε ε ς χαλαθεσχον χοενην εΰνοεαν ά χα ν τ α ς χαταμεεγνύντας* το ύ ς τ ε μ ε τ ο ε χ ο υ ς χ ε ε τ ε ς ζε'νος Ç φελος ΰμ ε ν , χεε τ ε ς δφεελ^ι τψ δημοσεψ, χαε το ύ τ ο υ ς έγκα τα μ εεξα ε*

581

χαε νη Δεα τ ά ς γ ε χ ύ λ ε ε ς , όχύσαε τϊ\ς γ η ς τ ή σ δ ’ ε έ σ ύ ν ά χ ο ε χ ο ε , δ εα γεγνω σχεεν δ τ ε τ α ΰ θ ' ΰμεν ωσχερ τΰ χατάγματα χ ε ε τ α ε χώρες έ κ α σ τ ο ν χ $ τ ' άχΰ τούτων χάντων τύ κάταγμα λα β ύ ν τα ς δεΰρο ξ υ ν α γ ε ε ν χ α ΐ συναθροε'ζεεν ε έ ς έ ν , χ ά χ ε ε τ α χοεησαε τολύχην Ιιρ.

585

μ ε γ ά λ η ν , χ $ τ ' έχ τα ύ τη ς τφ δημψ χ λ α ε ν α ν ΰφήναε.

οΰχουν δ ε ε ν ο ν τ α υ τ ε τα ύτα ς ΰ α β δ ε ζ ε ε ν χο^ τ ο λ υ χ ε ύ ε ε ν , α ί ς ούδε μ ε τή ν χάνυ τοΰ χολε'μου;

Λυ.

χαε μτίν, 2 χ α γ χ α τ ά ρ α τ ε , χλ ε ε ν η γ ε δεχλοΰν α ΰτον φ ερομεν, χρώτεστον μ ε ν γ ε τεχοΰσα ε κάχχέμψασαε χαεδας ό χ λ ε τ α ς—

Πρ.

σ ε γ α , μη μνησ εκα χτίσ ^ς.

572

ως α νύ ητοε D obree: ω ά νύ ητοε RB: Ζόνάητοε v e l sim . Γ2 _.

580

I B o is s o n a d e : η codd.

581

δφεελρ B ergk: όφ εελεε codd.

583

ΰμεν Β: ήμεν ΙΙΓ£.

590

77

wool and skeins and spindles? What stupid fools! LYSISTRATA: We do, and what is more, if you had any sense, you would handle all your affairs in the way we handle wool. MAGISTRATE: How so, tell me? LYSISTRATA: First o f all, just like washing out a raw fleece, you should wash the sheep-dung out o f the body politic in a bath, then put it on a bed, beat out the villains with a stick and pick off the burrs; and as for those people who combine and mat themselves together to gain office, you should card them out and pluck off the heads. Then card the wool into the work-basket of union and concord, mixing in everyone; and the immigrants, and any foreigner who’s friendly to you, and anyone who’s in debt to the treasury, they should be mixed in as well. And yes, there are also all the states which are colonies of this land: you should recognize how you now have them lying around like little flocks of wool, each one by itself; so then you should take the human flock from all of them, bring them together here and join them into one, and then make a great ball of wool, and from that weave a warm cloak for the people to wear. MAGISTRATE: It really is disgraceful that these women should go on like this about sticks and balls, when they’ve had absolutely no part in the war! LYSISTRATA: What do you mean, damn your eyes? We bear its burden more than twice over: in the first place by bearing sons and sending them out as hoplites MAGISTRATE: Quiet, don’t open old wounds.

575

580

585

590

78 Λυ.

ε ί θ ' , ηνεχα χρήν εύφρανθήναε χαε τ ή ς ήβης ά το λ α ΰ σ α ε, μ ο ν ο χο ε το ΰ μ ε ν 6 t a τ ά ς σ τ ρ α τ ε ά ς .

x a t θ η μ έ τ ε ρ ο ν μ έ ν έάσω,

τ ε ρ ί των δ έ χορών έν τ ο ε ς θαλάμοες γηρασχουσων ά νεω μ αε. Πρ.

οΰχουν χ ά ν δ ρ ε ς γηράσχουσεν;

λυ.

μΐι Λέ' ά λ λ ' οΰχ ε ί χ α ς δ μ ο ε ο ν . ό μ έ ν ήχων γ ά ρ , χαν Ç « ο λ ε ο ς , τα χύ χα εδα χάρην γεγά μ η χ εν *

595

τ ή ς δέ γ υ ν α ε χ έ ς μ ε χ ρ δ ς ό χ α ε ρ ά ς , χ&ν τ ο ύ τ ο υ μή ' τ ε λ ά β η τ α ε , ο ύ δ ε ε ς έ θ έ λ ε ε γήμαε τα ά τ η ν , ό τ τ ε υ ο μ έ ν η δ έ χ ά θ η τ α ε . Πρ. Λυ.

ά λ λ ' δ σ τ ε ς ε τ ε στΰσαε δυνατός— σΰ δέ δη τ ε μαθων οΰχ ά ν ο θ ν ^ σ χ ε ε ς ; χωρεον εστεν* σορδν ώνήσεε*

600

μ ελετοΟ τταν έγω χαε δή μάζω. λαβέ ταυτυ χ α ΐ στεφάνωσαν Γρ?

x a t ταυτασι* όεξαυ χ α ρ 1 έμοΰ.

Γρ;

χαε το υ τ ο ν γ ε λαβέ τον στέφα νον.

Λυ.

το ΰ δ ε ε ;

τε χ ο θ ε ε ς ;

χώρεε ' ς τη ν

δ Χάρων σε χ α λ ε ε , σΰ δέ χωλυεες άνάγεσθαε. Πρ.

ε £ τ ' ούχέ δεενα ταΰτα χάσχεεν έ σ τ ' έ μ έ ;

592

σ τ ρ α τε ά ς Β: σ τρ α τεεα ς Rrj>_.

592

χαέ θήμ έτερον E L le b o d iu s : χ 5 θ ' ή μ έτερ ον c o d â .

59**

χ ά ν δ ρ ε ς R e i s i g : χάνδρες Γ|>Β: γ* ά ν δ ρ ε ς R.

598

ε τ ε F l o r e n t C h r e s t i e n : έστε o r έ σ τ ε co dd.

601

δη μάζω B

60Η

τ ο υ τ ο ν γ ε Klm sley: τουτονε codd.

605

δ ε ε B e n t l e y : δε'εε Rr®0^ : δέρ r p c B.

608

δ ε ε ν α ταΰτα B la y d e s : ταΰτα δ ε ε ν α co dd.

^ Σ ^ : δημάζω Γ£_ ^Σ^: δημάζω R.

ναϋν* 605

79

LYSISTRATA: Then, at the age when we ought to be having pleasure and enjoying the bloom of our prime, we have to sleep alone because of the campaigns. About our own position I will say no more, but I am deeply distressed about the spinsters growing old in their maiden chambers. MAGISTRATE: What, don’t men grow old too? LYSISTRATA: Now, really, you’re not talking about the same thing. A man comes home, and even if he’s grey-haired, he’s soon the husband 595 of a young girl. But for a woman the time o f opportunity is fleeting, and if she fails to seize it, no one wants to marry her, and she’s left sitting at home clutching at any straw o f an omen. MAGISTRATE: But any man who can still make himself stand up straightLYSISTRATA [interrupting him]: And what do you think you’re doing not dropping dead? There’s a burial-plot ready; you can buy a coffin; I’ll 600 knead a honey-cake right away. [Taking a garland of flowers from her head and giving it to him] Take these and have a wreath. FIRST OLD WOMAN [giving him ribbons]: And take these from me. SECOND OLD WOMAN [putting her tiara on his head] : And take this tiara as well. LYSISTRATA [mockingly]: What do you need now? What are you 605 missing? Off you go to the boat! Charon is calling you, and you’re holding up the sailing. MAGISTRATE: Well, really, is it not disgraceful that I should be treated

80 νη τ ο ν Δ ε ' άλλα τ ο ύ ς χρ ο β ο ύ λ ο ε ς ά ν τ ε χ ρ υ ς έ μ α υ τά ν έ χ ε δ ε ε ζ ω βαδεζων ως έχω . Λυ.

610

μ δ ν έ γ χ α λ ε ΐ ς ά τ ε ο ΰχε χ ρ ο υ θέμ εσ θά σ ε ; ά λ λ ' ε ε ς τ ρ έ τ η ν γ ο ΰ ν Ημέραν σου χρψ χά ν ο η ζ ε ε χ α ρ ' έμών τά τ ρ ε τ ' έ χ ε σ χ ε υ α σ μ έ ν α .

Χ ο Γ ο ύ χ έ τ ' εργον έγχαθεύδεεν δστες έ σ τ ' έλ εύ θερο ς. ά λ λ ’ έ χ α χ ο δ υ ώ μ ε θ ', ά ν δ ρ ε ς , τ ο υ τ ψ ΐ τφ χ ρ ά γ μ α τ ε . ηδη γ ά ρ ό ζ ε ε ν ταδά χλεεάνω ν

615 (σ τρ. α

χα ε μ ε ε ζ ά ν ω ν χραγμάτων μ ο ε δ ο χ ε ϋ , χαε μ ά λ ε σ τ ' όσφραενομαε τ ^ ς ‘ ΐ χ χ ε ο υ τυ ρ α ν ν ε δ ο ς * χαε χά ν υ δ έ δ ο ε χ α μη των Λαχώνων τ ε ν ε ς

620

δ εΰρ ο σ υ ν ε λ η λ υ θ ά τ ε ς ά ν δ ρ ε ς ε έ ς Κ λ ε ε σ θ έ ν ο υ ς τ ά ς θ ε ο ε ς έ χ θ ρ ά ς γ υ ν α ε χ α ς έ ζ ε χ α ε ρ ο υ σ ε ν δάλψ χ α τ α λ α β ε ε ν τά χ ρ η μ α θ ' ημών τά ν τ ε μ ε σ θ ά ν , έ ν θ ε ν εζων εγώ.

625

δ ε ε ν ά γά ρ το ε τά σ δ ε γ ' ηδη τ ο υ ς χ ο λ ε τ α ς ν ο υ θ ε τ ε ε ν , χ α ΐ λ ά λ ε εν γ υ ν α ε χ α ς οΰσας ά σ χ ε δ ο ς χ α λ κ ά ς χ έ ρ ε , χα ε δ ε α λ λ α τ τ ε ε ν χράς ημάς ά νδ ρ ά σ ε ν Λ α χ ω ν ε χ ο ε ς , οέσε χ ε σ τ ά ν ο ύ δ έ ν , εέ μή χε ρ λΰχφ χ ε χ η ν ά τ ε . άλλα ταΟ θ1 ΰφηναν η μ ε ν , ά ν δ ρ ε ς , έ χ ε τ υ ρ α ν ν ε δ ε .

630

ά λ λ 1 έμοΰ μ ά ν ου τυ ρ α ν ν ε ύ σ ο υ σ * , έ χ ε ε φυλάζομαε χα ε φορησω το ζ ε φ ο ς τά λ ο ε χ ο ν έν μ ύ ρ τ ο υ χ λ α δ ε , αγοράσω τ ’ έ ν τ ο ε ς ό χ λ ο ε ς έζ?ίς ’Α ρ ε σ τ ο γ ε ε τ ο ν ε , ωδε θ ’ έστιίζω χ α ρ ' αυτάν* αυτά γά ρ μ ο ε γ ε γ ν ε τ α ε τη ς θ ε ο ε ς ε χ θ ρ ό ς χ α τ ά ζ α ε τή σδε γ ρ α ο ς τά ν γ ν ά θ ο ν .

623

έζεχαερ ουσ εν S o e m e rste in : έζεχαερωσευ c o d i .

63Η

αύτά a n o n , ( r e p o r t e d b y S c a l i g e r ) : α ύ τ ο ς c o d d .

635

81

like this? By Zeus, I’m going to go straight to the Commissioners and show myself to them just as I am! [Exit with his slaves.] LYSISTRATA [calling after him]: You’re not complaining, are you, that we haven’t given you a full laying-out? Don’t worry: the day after tomorrow for sure, very early in the morning, the third-day offerings, properly prepared, will be coming to you from us! [She and her three

6io

companions go into the Acropolis. The logs, fire-pots, pitchers, etc., are removedfrom the orchestra, which is now occupied by the two choruses.] MEN’S LEADER: No free man has any business now to be asleep; com e, men, let’s strip for this action! [The men remove their outer garments.] MEN: For this already seems to me to smell of more and bigger things, and I catch a strong whiff of the dictatorship o f Hippias. And I very much fear that some men from Laconia may have congregated here at Cleisthenes’ house and be stirring up these god-detested women by underhand means to seize our money and the daily pay by which I lived! MEN’S LEADER: It’s disgraceful, I tell you, that these women should lecture the citizenry and talk, females that they arc, about brazen shields, and on top of that try to make peace between us and men o f Laconia who can no more be trusted than can a ravening wolf! No, men, this plot they have woven against us is to set up a dictatorship. But they shall never be dictators over me: henceforth I shall be on my guard and “carry my sword in a branch of myrtle”, and do my shopping in armour close beside Aristogeiton, and take my stand next to him, like this [striking an

615

620

625

630

attitude, right leg thrustforward, right arm raised as if swinging back a sword] - and so be ideally placed to give this god-detested old woman a 635 sock in the jaw! [He brandishes hisfist at the women s leader.]

82 Χ ο ΐρ οΰχ d p ' ε ί σ ε ί ν τ α σ ' οεχα δ ' ή τε χο ΐΐσ α γ ν ώ σ ε τ α ε . άλλώ θ ώ μ ε σ θ ' , ω φ έλ α ε γ ρ ά ε ς , τ α δ Ί πρώτον χ α μ α ί . ή μ ε ε ς γ ί ρ , δ χοίντες α σ τ ο ί , λ ίγ ω ν χατάρχομεν

tÇ

(ά ν τ. a

χ έ λ ε ε χρησίμων* 640

ε ε χ δ τ ω ε , έ χ ε ε χλέδωσαν άγλαώς ε θ ρ ε ψ έ μ ε . έχτώ μ έ ν έ τ η γεγώσ* ε ΰ θ υ ς ήρρηφδρουν* ε δ τ ' ά λ ε τ ρ \,ς ή* δ ε χ έ τ ε ς οδσα Β ραυρωνεοες

645

χ α τα χ έ ο υ σ α τον χροχωτον ά ρ χ τ ο ς ή τ ά ρ χ η γ έ τ ε * χ ά χ α ν η φ ίρ ο υ ν χ ο τ ' οδσα χ α ί ς χαλή 'χ ο υ σ ' ύσχάδων όρ μ α θ έ ν . £ρα χρ ουφ είλω τ ε χ ρ η σ τό ν τ$ χ ό λ ε ε χ α ρ α ε ν έ σ α ε . ε ε δ ' εγώ γ υ ν ή χ έ φ υ χ α , το ύ τ ο μή φ θ ο ν ε ί τ έ μ ο ε ,

650

ήν ά μ ε ίν ω γ ' ε έ σ ε ν έ γ χ ω των χ α ρ ίν τ ω ν π ρ α γμ ά τω ν , το ΰ ρ ά ν ο υ γΒ: χ $ τ ' εχουσα E l l e b o d i u s : έχουσα G.T.W. H ooker: χαε χ έ ο υ σ α S t i n t o n .

653

γ ε ν ίμ ε ν ο ν G eel: λ ε γ ίμ ε ν ο ν codd. Suda.

657

σ ’ D o b re e : γ ' co d d .

χάτ '

83

WOMEN’S LEADER: If you do, your mother won’t know you when you come back home! Now, old girls, let us first leave these on the ground.

[The women remove their outer garments.] WOMEN: Here we begin, all you citizens, to deliver advice that will benefit the city; and righdy so, for she nurtured me in sumptuous splendour. As soon as I was seven years old, I was an Arrephoros; then I was a Grinder; when I was ten, at the Brauronia, I shed my saffron gown as one of the Foundress’s Bears; and I was also once a basket-bearer, a beautiful girl, wearing a string of dried figs. WOMEN’S LEADER: So you see I owe it to the city to give her some good advice. And if I was bom a woman, don’t be indignant with me on that account if I make some suggestions that are better than the situation w e’ve got. I have a stake in the common wealth: I contribute men to it. You wretched old men have no stake; you’ve squandered the fund that came to you from your grandfathers, from the war with the Medes, and now you don’t pay your property-taxes in return - indeed we’re positively in danger of liquidation thanks to you. Can you say a word to that? If you annoy me at all. I’ll give you one in the jaw with this boot and it’s raw hide! [She raises her leg as if to kick the men’s leader.] MEN: Now are not these doings utterly

640

64S

650

655

84

χολλή;

χά χε δ ώ σ ε ε ν μ ο ε δ ο χ ε ! τά χρίσμα μ ά λ λ ο ν .

ά λ λ ' ά μ υ ν τ έ ο ν τά χ ρ δ γ μ ' , δ σ τ ε ς γ '

660

ένάρχης ε σ τ ' άνάρ.

αλλά τή ν έ ξ ω μ ε δ ' έ χ δ υ ω μ ε θ ' , ως τ ά ν ά ν δ ρ α δ ε ι άνδρ&ς δ ζ ε ε ν ε υ θ ύ ς , ά λ λ 1 ο ΰ χ έ ν τ ε θ ρ ε ω σ θ α ε χ ρ έ χ ε ε . άλλ' ά γ ε τ ε , λευχάχοδες, ο ε χ ε ρ έ χ ε Λ εεψ \ΐδρεον

665

η λθομ εν δ τ ' Τίμεν ε τ ε , ν ΰ ν δ ε ! ν υ ν ά νηβησαε χ ά λ ε ν χ ά ν α χ τε ρ ώ σ α ε χδ ν τδ σώμα χ ά χ ο σ εε σ α σ θ α ε το γ ή ρ α ς τ ά δ ε .

670

ε έ γάρ ένδώ σ εε τ ε ς ήμων τ α ε σ δ ε χ&ν σ μ ε χ ρ ά ν λ α β ή ν , ο ΰ δ ε ν έλλε έ ψ ο υ σ ε ν α υ τ α ε λ ε χ α ρ ο ΰ ς χ ε ε ρ ο υ ρ γ ε α ς , άλλα χα ε ν α ϋ ς τ ε χ τ α ν ο ΰ ν τ α ε , χ ά χ ε χ ε ε ρ η σ ο υ σ ’ ε τ ε ν α υ μ α χ ε ε ν χα ε χ λ ε ε ν έ φ ' η μ ά ς , ωσχερ 'Α ρ τ ε μ ε σ ε α .

675

ην δ 1 έ φ ' ε χ χ ε χ ά ν τ ρ ά χ ω ν τ α ε , δεαγράφω τ ο υ ς ε χ χ έ α ς * ε χ χ ε χ ω τ α τ ο ν γάρ έ σ τ ε χρή μα χ ά χ ο χ ο ν γ υ ν ά , χοΰχ αν ά χ ο λ έ σ θ ο ε τ ρ έ χ ο ν τ ο ς * τ ά ς δ '

’Α μ α ζά νας σ χ ά χ ε ε ,

α ς Ηέχων έγρ αψ ' έ φ ' έχχω ν μ α χ ο μ έ ν α ς τ ο ε ς ά ν δ ρ ά σ ε ν . α λλά το ύ τω ν χ ρ η ν άχασών ε έ ς τ ε τ ρ η μ έ ν ο ν ζ ύ λ ο ν

680

έγχα θαρ μ άσ αε λ α β ά ν τ α ς τουτονΧ τ ά ν α υ χ έ ν α . ΧοΤρ ε ε νά τώ θεω μ ε ζ ω χ υ ρ ή σ ε ε ς ,

(ά ντ.

β

λύσω τ ά ν έ μ α υ τ ά ς ΰ ν εγώ δ ύ , χ α ε χοεήσω τή μ ερ ο ν τ ο ύ ς δημ ά τα ς β ω στρεεν σ ' εγώ χ ε χ τ ο ύ μ ε ν ο ν .

685

άλλα χ ή μ ε ε ς , ώ γ υ ν α ε χ ε ς , θ δ τ τ ο ν έ χ δ υ ώ μ ε θ α ,

664 673

λ ε υ χ ά χ ο δ ε ς Herm ann, c f . H e s y c h i u s λ 1 3 9 2 : λ υ χ ά χ ο δ ε ς c o d d . Suda, P h o tiu s. \ i^RT S u d a λ _ ο Β , _ . , λ _RrO _ , λε κ α ρ ο υ ς ι Γυ : λ ε χ α ρ α ς c o d d . E Suda.

674

τ ε χ τ α ν ο ΰ ν τ α ε Β: τ ε χ τ α ε ν ο ΰ ν τ α ε RTj).

676

δεαγράφω B e n t l e y , c f . Σ : δεαγράψω R: δ εα γ ρ ά ψ α ε Γ^Β: δ ε α -

cto

*

γράψ ομαε λ ΣΓ .

R

85

outrageous? And I think they will grow to be even more so.

660

This is something that must be resisted by every man with any balls! MEN’S LEADER: Let us take off our tunics; a man ought to smell like a man right from the start, he shouldn’t be swathed up like a rissole. [The men remove their tunics.] MEN: Now come on, you Whitefeet, we who went against Leipsydrium 665 when we still were something, now, now we must become young again and revitalize our whole body and shake off this old skin o f ours. 670 MEN’S LEADER: If any o f us lets these women get even the least purchase on us, there’s no work to which they’ll fail to set their assiduous hands. They’ll even build warships, and try as well to attack us with them and 675 ram us, like Artemisia. And if they turn to horsemanship, you can forget about our cavalry; there’s nothing so equestrian as a woman or so good a mounter, and even at a gallop she won’t slip off. Look at the Amazons whom Micon painted, on horseback, fighting against men. What we 680 ought to do with these women is grab ’em all by that neck of theirs and fit it through a hole in a wooden board! [He makes as if to seize the women’s leader .] WOMEN: By the Two Goddesses, if you kindle my flame, then I shall unleash the wild sow within me, and this day I’ll shear your fleece so, you’ll be screaming for help! 685 WOMEN’S LEADER: Women, let us also quickly undress, so that we may

86

ώ ς αν δζωμεν γ υ ν α ε χ ώ ν α ύ το δ ά ξ ώ ρ γ ε σ μ έ ν ω ν . νΰν χρδς έ μ '

ετω τ ε ς , ενα

μ ή χ ο τ ε φάγ^ι σχάροδα μηδέ κ υ ρ ίο υ ς μ ε λ α ν ό ς’

690

ώς ε ε χα ε μ ό ν ο ν χαχως μ ' έ ρ ε ε ς , ΰ χ ε ρ χ ο λ ώ γ ά ρ , αέετί>ν τ έ χ τ ο ν τ α κ άνθα ρός σε μ α ε ε ά σ ο μ α ε .

695

οΰ γά ρ υμών φ ρ ο ν τ έ σ α ε μ ' βοόλσμαε μΟ θόν τ ε ν ' ύ μ ίν ά ν τ ε λ έ ζ α ε

80H (ά ν τ.

τφ Μ ελανέω νε. Τ ιμ ώ ν fjv ά έ δ ρ υ τ ά ς τ ε ς , άβ β ίτο εσ εν έ ν σ χώ -

791

p r e c e d e s 789 i n Suda (w h ic h e m i t s 7 9 0 ) : i n co dd. i t fo llo w s 790.

798

γ ' fip' B e r g l e r : γορ R S u d a ^ : τ ' δρ* Γ^Β Sudar .

799

λα χτέσ αε B e n t l e y : τέ σκέλος λα χτέσ αε codd ·

809

îiv ά έδ ρ υτός τ ε ς B e n t l e y : ί ν τ ε ς ά έ δ ρ υ τ ό ς rj>B Suda α3508: τες Uv ά έδρ υτός R and ( ά ν έ δ ρ - ) Suda τ 6 3 2 . έν σ χ - Hermann : ένΐ. σ χ - v e l sim . Suda τ6 3 2 : ε ύ σ χ - codd. Sudar F c α3508: ε ύ χ - Suda o3508: δ υ σ χ - ( ά λ ο ε σ ε ) Suda o3508.

97

and he had a dog, and so he wove himself nets

791 789-790

and hunted hares, and never came back home again, because of his loathing. So much did he abhor women, and we sensible fellows

795

do so no less than Melanion did! MEN’S LEADER [advancing towards Women’s Leader]: I want to kiss you, old woman WOMEN’S LEADER [shying away]: Then you won’t be eating onion any more! MEN’S LEADER: - and raise a leg and kick you! [He kicks a leg in the air.] WOMEN’S LEADER [pointing and laughing]:

800

That’s a thick bush you’ve got! MEN’S LEADER: Well, Myronides too was shaggy down there, and all his enemies found him pretty hairy-arsed, and so too was Phormio. WOMEN: I want to tell you a story too in reply to your Melanion. There was a wanderer named Timon, whose countenance

805

98 λοεσε τα χράσωχα χ ε ρ ε ε ε μ γ μ έ ν ο ς , *Ε-

810

οενάων άχορροίζ. οΰτος οδν i Τεμων φ χ ε θ ' ύχο μέσους
815

κολλά χαταρασάμενος άνδράσε χο ν η ρ ο ες. ουτω ' χ ε ε ν ο ς ΰμδς ά ντεμέσ εε τούς χονηρούς άνδρας ά ε ε , ταεσε δε γ υ ν α ε ζ ε ν δν φ έλ τα τ ο ς.

820

την γνάθον βούλεε θένω; XoÎC μηδαμώς" εδεεσά γ ε . ΧοΤΡ άλλα χρούσω τφ σ χ έ λ ε ε ; ΧοΤε τον σάχανδρον έχφ α ν ε ε ς. 825

ΧοΤΡ ά λ λ ' βμως αν οΰχ ΐδ ο ε ς χαεχερ οόσης γρ α ά ς 5ντ* αυ­ τόν χομήτην, ά λ λ ' ά χεψ ελωμένον τφ λύχνφ. Λυ.

εου ί ύ* γ υ ν α ί κ ε ς , ε τ ε δ ε ϋ ρ ' ώς εμέ ταχέω ς.

Κα. Αυ.

τέ 6 ' έστεν;

ε ε χ έ μ ο ε , τ έ ς η βοή;

830

ά ν δ ρ ' ά νδ ρ ' όρω χροσεάντα χα ρ αχεχληγμ ένον,

811

τα χράσωχα Hermann: το χράσωχον c o d d . : om. Suda.

814

l a c u n a p o s i t e d h e r e by B Î 3 e t , who s u g g e s t e d a f t e r 813 by Meineke ( B la y d e s )

818

υμάς Dobree: ύμων codd.

824

σάχανδρον 1Suda: σάχανδρ' R.

831

ά ν δ ρ ' ά νδ ρ ' F l o r e n t C h r e s t i e n : ά ν δ ρ ' R.

99

was hemmed round with impassable briers, a scion o f the Furies. Well, this Timon departed, because o f his loathing,

calling down many curses upon wicked men. So much did he on his side hate you wicked men, always; but towards women he was most friendly. WOMEN’S LEADER [advancing towards Men’s Leader]: Would you like a sock in the jaw? MEN’S LEADER [shying away in mock terror]: No, no! I’m so frightened ! WOMEN’S LEADER: Shall I give you one with my leg, then? MEN’S LEADER: You’ll be showing your man-bag! WOMEN’S LEADER: Even so, old woman though I am, you wouldn’t see it all hairy, but singed clean with the lamp. [During the ensuing scene both choruses withdraw to the edge of the orchestra (see note on 907), the women taking with them both their own discarded clothes and also those o f the men.]

8 1o

8 15

820

825-6

[Lysistrata appears on the ramparts (i.e. on the roof of the stage-house), and looks off to right and left. Suddenly she sees something in the distance that makes her cry out in delight.] LYSISTRATA: Hurray! Women, come here to me, quickly! 830 [Several women join her, among them Calonice and Myrrhine.] CALONICE: What’s the matter? Tell me, what were you calling for? LYSISTRATA [pointing off]: A man! I see a man coming this way, half

100 τ ο £ ς τΤίς ’Α φ ροδετης δ ρ γ ε ο ε ς ε ε λ η μ μ έ ν ο ν . δ η τ ' .

970

μ ta p à μ ta p a . S Ζεΰ Z cO ,

ε ε θ ' α ύτίιν ωσχερ τ ο ύ ς θωμούς μ ε γ ά λ φ τυφψ χάε χρηστηρε ξ υ σ τ ρ έ ψ α ς x a t ξ ν γγογγνίλ α ς

975

ο ε χ ο ε ο φόρων, ε ί τ α μ ε θ ε υ η ς , ή δ ε φ ό ρ ο ε τ ' αύ χ ά λ ε ν ε έ ς τη ν γ η ν , χ $ τ · έ ζα ε φ ν η ς χ ε ρ ε τ η ν ψωλύν χ ε ρ ε β α ε η . ΚΗΡΥΞ χφ τ δ ν ’Ασανάν έ σ τ ε ν à γε ρ ω χε α η τοε χρυτάνεες;

980

λω τ ε μ υ σ ε ζ α ε ν ε ο ν .

K t.

σύ δ* ε ί τ ε ;

χ ό τ ε ρ ' ά νθρω χος η Κ ο ν εσ α λο ς;

Κη.

χ δ ρ υ ζ έ γ ώ ν , ω χ υ ρ σ ά ν ε ε , v a l τώ σεώ, εμ ολου ά χο Σκάρτας δ ε α λ λ α γ δ ν χ έ ρ ε .

K t.

χ ά χ ε ε τ α δ όρυ δ ή θ ' ύχο μ άλης ή χ ε ε ς ε χ ω ν ;

972

^ μ ε α ρ ά μεαρα> B e e r : om. c o d d .

972

2> Ζ εΰ Ζ εΰ B ru n ek : ώ Ζεΰ 2 Ζεΰ c o d d .

975

ξ υ γ γ ο γ γ ά λ α ς C o b e t: ξ υ γ γ ο γ γ υ λ ε σ α ς ( - γ γ ο γ υ λ - Γ^) c o d d .

980

γ ε ρ ω χ ε α Rrjj: γερ ω ο εα Β: γε ρ ω εα G i e s e .

981

μ υ σ ε ζ α ε Β: μυσύζαε Γ£: μ υ θ ε ζ α ε R.

982

τ ε ; χότερ'

98*;

δ ε α λ λ α γ ά ν χόρε v a n H e r v e r d e n : χ ε ρ ε τ δ ν δ ε α λ λ α γ δ ν c o d d .

B e n t l e y : τ ε ς χ ό τ ε ρ ο ν R: χ ό τ ε ρ ο ν rj>B.

985

117 MEN’S LEADER: And this is what she’s done to you now, this utterly loathsome, disgusting woman! WOMEN’S LEADER: No, this utterly sweet darling o f a woman! MEN’S LEADER: What do you mean, sweet? She’s a villain, a villain!

970

CINESIAS: Yes, a villain, a villain! Oh, Zeus, Zeus, I wish you would strike her, as if she were a heap o f com, with a great whirlwind and hurricane, sweep her aloft, roll her up,

975

carry her off, and then let go o f her, so she would fall back down again to earth and then all o f a sudden land a-straddle of my peeled prick!

[Enter a Spartan herald. There is a curious bulge under the lower part of his cloak.] HERALD [to Cinesias]: Where is the Senate o f Athens, or the Presidium? 980 I wish to give them some news. CINESIAS: And what are you? A human being, or a phallic demon? HERALD: I am a herald, young man, by the Two Gods, come from Sparta to arrange for a settlement CINESIAS [pointing accusingly to the bulge]: Is that why you’ve come here with a spear hidden in your clothes?

985

11S

Κη.

ο ύ -Λ ν Δύ· ο ύ χ έ γ ώ ν γ α .

K t.

χοΰ μ ε τ α σ τ ρ έ φ ε υ ; τυ δαυ χροβάλλευ την χ λ α μ ύ δ ’ }

ί

βουβώ νας

ύχδ τΐίε ο δ ο ϋ ; ά λ ε δ ε γ α να υ τ ο ν Κ άσ τορα

Κη. ώνθρωχοε·

ά λ λ '1 Ι σ τ υ χ α ε , ώ μ υ α ρ ω τ α τ ε .

Κυ. Κη.

οΰ τ ο ν Δ ύ' ούχ έγώ νγα· μ η δ ' α δ χ λ α δ δ υ η .

Κυ.

τ υ δ 1 έ σ τ υ σου τ ο δ υ ; σχυτάλα Λ αχωνυχά.

Κη. Κυ.

εΰχερ γ ε χαΰτη

'σ τ υ σχυτά λη Λ αχωνυχή.

ά λ λ ' ώε χρύε ε ύ δ δ τ '

έμ £ συ τά λ η θ ίί λ έ γ ε ,

τύ τα κρσγμαθ' ύμΰν έσ τυ τά ν Λ α χεδα ύ μονυ ; Κη.

όρσα Λ αχεδ αύ μω ν χ δ ά , χα\, τ ο υ σ ύ μ μ α χ ο υ

995

ά χ α ν τ ε ε έ σ τ ύ χ α ν τ υ * Π ε λ λ ά ν α ε δΐ: δ ε Σ . Κυ.

ά χ ύ τ ο υ δ ϊ τ ο υ τ υ τ ο χ α χ ύ ν ύμΣν έ ν έ χ ε σ ε ν ; ά χ ύ Πανς λέγω

1005

σχονδα ς χοεηωμεσθα χ ο τ τα ν ‘ Ε λλάδα. Κε.

το υ τ ε τΐ> χραγμα χα ντα χά θεν ζυνομώ μοταε ΰχο των γ υ ν α ε κ ΰ ν ά ρ τε νυνΧ μ ανθάνω , ά λ λ ’ ώς τά χεσ τα φράζε χ ε ρ ε δεαλλαγω ν χρ έσ β εες ά χ ο χ έ μ χ ε ε ν α ΰτοκ ρ ά τορ α ς ενθάδε*

1010

έγω δ ' ε τ έ ρ ο υ ς έν θ έν δ ε τξί βουλή φράσω χρ έσ β εες έ λ έ σ θ α ε , τΰ χ έ ο ς έ χ ε δ ε έ ζ α ς τ ο δ έ . Kn.

χοτά&μαε* κράτεσ τα γάρ χαντφ λ έ γ ε ε ς .

Χ ο ΐε ο ΰ δέν έ σ τε θ η ρ έο ν γ υ ν α ε κ ά ς ά μ α χώ τερ ο ν, ούδ£ χ ΰ ρ , ο ΰ δ ' ω δ' ά να εδά ς ούδεμ εα χ ά ρ δ α λ ε ς. 999

1015

ε χ ε ε τ α τάλλαε E lm sle y : ε χ ε ε τ α 6 ' δ λ λ ο ε R: ε χ ε ε τ ' άλλαε v e l sim . Γ£_Β. o r 2

Y

1001

άχι^λαάν ( - ο α ν ) E lm sle y : άχι^λασαν Β Σ λ R » » Κ Σ : ά ιά λω ν Γ^: ά χά λ α ττο ν Suda .

: άχήλαον R Suda

1003

ύχοκεκύφαμες Hamaker: ά χοχεκ ΰφ α μ ες c o d d . and ( - μ ε ν ) Suda.

100*+

σ εγή ν I n v e r n i z i : σ ε γ ε ε ν o r σ ε γ ε ε ν ΓρΒ: θεγϊ^ν R: θ εγεΣ ν Suda.

1005

χ ' E lm sle y : γ · ΓρΒ: cm. R.

1006

χοεηωμεσθα B la y d e s: χο εη σ ά μ ε(σ )θ α RTHB Suda: χοεησάμεσθο Vp2: can. C.

1010

χρ εσ β εες ά χ ο χ έ μ χ ε ε ν α ΰτο κ ρ ά το ρ α ς Bactamann: αΰτοκράτορας χρ έσ β εες ά χ ο χ έ μ χ ε ε ν ( χ έ μ χ ε ε ν RB) co d d .

121 women in Sparta, all at once as if a starting-gate had fallen, barred the

! ooo

men from their pork-barrels. CINESIAS: So how are you doing? HERALD: Struggling. We go about the city stooped over, like men carrying lamps. The women aren’t letting us so much as touch their

1004-5

little berries, until we all with one accord make peace with the rest of Greece. CINESIAS: This thing is a conspiracy - now at last I understand - by all the women everywhere! Now, as quickly as you can, tell your people to send delegates here with full powers to make a settlement; and I’ll

1010

present this prick o f mine to the Council and tell them to choose another set o f delegates from Athens. HERALD: I shall fly. What you say is absolutely excellent. [He goes off

by the way he came; Cinesias leaves the scene at the other side.] MEN’S LEADER: No beast, nor yet fire, is harder to get the better o f than 1014-5 a woman is, nor is any leopard so ruthless.

122 ΧοΤρ ταΰ>τα μ έ ν το υ συ ζυνυεΐ,ς ε ίτ α π ο λ εμ εΰ ς έμ ου, έ ζ ύ ν , ώ π ά ν η ρ έ, σου βέβαυον έμ· έ χ ε υ ν φ υλήν; ΧοΤε ώ ς έγω μυσων γ υ ν α ίκ α ς ο υ δ έπ ο τε παύσομαυ. Χ ο ΐρ ά λ λ ' δτα ν βούλφ σν5. γυμν&ν δ ν θ ' οδ τω ς.

vviv δ ' ούν οΰ σε περυύψομαυ δρα γάρ ώς κ α τα γέλ α σ το ς ε ΐ .

1020

άλλλ τήν έξω μύδ' ένδύσω σε προσυοΰσ' έγω. Χ ο ΐε τοΰτο μ έ ν μα τον Δυ' ού πονηρ&ν έπουύσατε* ά λ λ ' ύ π ' δ ρ γή ς γαρ πονηρός χαυ τ ά τ ' ά π έδ υ ν εγώ . ΧοΤΡ πρώτα μ ε ν φαύνευ γ ' ά ν ύ ρ , ε ί τ ' ού κ α τα γέλ α σ το ς ε ΐ . χεΰ μ ε μ?ι ' λ ύ π ε υ ς, έγω σου χαν τ ά δ ε το θηρύον

1025

τούπί. τώφθαλμφ λαβοΰσ' έζεϋ λ ο ν ά ν , ο ν ΰ ν ε ν υ . ΧοΧε το Ο τ' ά ρ ' fiv με τούπυτρ ΰβον.

δ α χ τ ύ λ υ ο ς ο ύ το σ ύ .

έχσ χάλευσ ον α ύ τά , χ^τα δ εΰ ξ ο ν άφελοΰσα μου* ώς τδν όφθαλμάν γ έ μου ν ^ το ν Δύα πάλαυ δ ά χ ν ε υ . Χ ο ΐΡ άλλα δράσω τα ϋτα · χαύτου δύσκολος Ιφ υ ς ά ν ύ ρ .

1030

ί μ έ γ ', ώ Ζ ε ΰ , χ ρ η μ ' ΰδεΰν τη ς έμ π υ δο ς έ ν ε σ τ ύ σου. ούχ ό ρ § ς; ύε

Χο;

οΰκ έμπύς έσ τυ ν ηδε Τρυκορυσυ'α;

\

νη Δυ* ώ νησάς γ έ μ 1, ώς πάλαυ γ έ μ ’ έφ ρ εω ρ ύχευ, ώ σ τ ', έπευ δη 'ξ ρ ρ έ θ η , ρ εϋ μου το δά χρυον πολύ.

1016

σύ B e n tle y : om. codd.

1016

έμου Hermann: εΰπέ μου codd.

1017

σου (σ ου) Β: συ Ι?Γ]3.

1017

βέβαυον Herm ann, έμ ' G ry n aeu s: βεβαύαν μ ' v e l sim . codd.

1020

δρα D o b re e : όρώ codd.

1025

χεΰ D o b re e , μ ε μη G ry n a e u s, 'λ ύ π ε υ ς F l o r e n t C h r e s t i e n : καν μ^ μ ε λυ π εΰ ς (λυπί^ς gB) codd.

1030

έφυς F l o r e n t Chre ’.ie n : γ ' έφυς c o d d .

123

WOMEN’S LEADER: So you understand that, and yet you’re still at war with me, when it’s open to you, you silly fool, to have me as your firm friend? MEN’S LEADER: I tell you I shall never give over hating women. WOMEN’S LEADER: Well, any time you like. For now, anyway, I’m not going to let you stand all naked like that Just look what a ridiculous

1020

sight you are! I’m going to come to you and dress you in your tunic.

[She does so, and the other womenfollow her example.] MEN’S LEADER: It was certainly not bad o f you to have done that. In fact, it was bad o f me to have been so angry as to take it off before. WOMEN’S LEADER: For one thing you look like a man now, and for another you don’t look absurd. [Examining his eye] And if you weren’t 1025 so hurtful towards me, I’d already have taken that creature that’s in your eye and got it out; it’s still there now. MEN’S LEADER: Oh, that’s what was murdering me! [Taking a ring from

his finger] Look, here’s a ring; scoop it out, and then show it to me when you’ve got it free; because I can tell you it’s been biting me in the eye for quite a time. WOMEN’S LEADER: All right, I will - though you really arc a badtempered man, you know. [She explores his eye carefully with the ring.] Zeus above, what a great big monster of a gnat I see you’ve got in here!

[She extracts the insect and shows it to him.] Just look at this - a real mighty Tricorythus gnat, isn’t it? MEN’S LEADER: You’ve certainly done me a real service. It had been digging wells in my eye for ever so long, so that now it’s been taken out my tears are flowing like anything.

1030

124 Χ ο ΐΡ ά λ λ ' άχοψ^σω σ ' έγοί— κ α έτο μ χ δ ν υ χ ο ν η ρ ά ς e t —

1035

χα\, φυλήσω. ΧοΤε

pfi » tX tio çs·

ΧοΤρ

tfv τ ε βούλη γ* fiv τ ε μ if.

ΧοΤε άλλα μη ώ ρ α σ ' μ χομ σ θ'* ώς έστί: θω χμ χα ΐ, φ ύ σ ε μ , χ δ σ τ ' éxeCvo τ ο ΰ χ ο ς ό ρ θΰ ε κού κακώς ε ίρ η μ έ ν ο ν , " ο ΰ τ ε συν χανω λέθρονσμν ο ΰ τ ' δ ν ε υ χ α ν ω λ έ θ ρ ω ν ". άλλα νυν'μ σ χένδομ αμ σ ο μ , x a t xb X otx b v ο ύ κ ε τ μ

1040

ο ΰ τ ε δ ρ daw φλαΟρον ο ύ δ ^ν ο ΰ θ ’ ύφ* υμών χεμ σ ο μ α μ . άλλα xotvÇ σ υ σ τα λ έ ν τε ς τοΰ μ έ λ ο υ ς ά ρ ζώ μ ε θ α . Χο.

(σ τρ .

οΰ χα ρασ χευαζόμ εσθα των χολμχών ο ΰ δ έ υ ', ώ ν δ ρ ε ς , φλαΰρου ε ί,χ ε μ ν ο ΰ δ ε £ ν ,

1045

άλλα χολυ τοΰμ χαλμ ν χ ά ν τ ' άγαθα χαμ λ έ γ ε tv χ α \ δράν* μχανα γά ρ τα κακά χαμ τα χα ρ α κ εμ μ ενα . ά λ λ ' έχοτγγελλέτω χ δ ς άνίιρ κα\. γ υ ν ι ί ,

1050

εΰ τ μ ς ά ργυρ μ όνον δ ε μ ταμ λ α β ε μ ν , μ ν α ς η δ υ ' η τρ εΕ ς* ώς έσω 'σ τ μ ν χά χο μ εν β α λ λ ά ν τν α . 1055

χδν χ ο τ ' εύριίνη φαντ\, δ σ τμ ς αν νυνμ δανεμ σηταμ χ α ρ ' ίιμ ώ ν, ην λάβΐ}# μ η χ έ τ ' ά χο δψ . 1035

χάνυ F l o r e n t C h r e s t i e n : γ ε χοίνυ c o d d .

1041

ο ΰ θ ' Β: ο ύ δ ' R ^.

1053

έσω C o u lo n , c f .

1057

ην W ille m s : αν c o d d .: α ν S o p h ia n u s .

χ έ λ λ ' εσω c o d d .

125

WOMEN’S LEADER: Then I’ll wipe them away - [as she does so]

1 035

though you are very naughty, you know - and kiss you. MEN’S LEADER: No, don’t kiss me! WOMEN’S LEADER: Whether you like it or whether you don’t! [She

kisses him, and the other women likewise each kiss one of the old men.] MEN’S LEADER: Be damned to you! You’re such bom cajolers, and that old saying is well and rightly said - “neither with the deadly pests nor without the deadly pests”! But I now make peace with you, and for

1040

the future I will not do you any more harm nor will you do me any. Now let us unite, closing our ranks, and begin our song. [The two

choruses combine into one, which henceforward sings and dances as a single entity.] CHORUS:

We are not preparing, gentlemen, to say anything slanderous at all

1044-5

about any o f our fellow-citizens, but, quite the contrary, to say and do nothing but good; for you’ve quite enough troubles on your plates already. So let every man and woman notify us,

1050

whoever needs to have a spot of money, two or three minas, because it’s in our homes and w e’ve got purses for it. And if ever peace makes its appearance, anyone who takes out a loan from us now will no longer have to repay it - if he’s had it!

1 055

126

έ σ τ ε δ ν δ έ μ έλλο μ εν ξ έ -

(& ντ.

v o u s τι,v i s Κ αρυστεουε, έ ξ ε σ τ ε ) : ε ξ ε σ θ ' R: ε ξ ε σ θ ' Β: γ ε ί σ ε σ θ ' P a lm e r: (ώ σ τε χ ρ έ ' ) ε δ ε σ θ ' R e i s i g .

1070

ώε Β: εσωε 6 ' R^.

1077

εχ ο μ ε ε E lm s le y , c f . 8 7 : δ χο μ εε R^°2.: ίχ ο μ ε σ θ ' RaC : ηχομεν Β.

127 W e’re going to be entertaining som e visitors from Carystus, fine upstanding men;

1060

and there’s a special pea-soup, and I had a young porker, and I’v e sacrificed it, so it’s getting to be lovely tender meat.

1065

So com e to m y place today; you must have your bath and com e early, yourselves and your children, and then walk in without asking leave o f anyone -

just march boldly

1069-70

straight ahead, as if into your own home, because the door will be - shut.

[Enter a party of Spartan delegates, with the nowfamiliar bulge in their clothes. They are attended by slaves, who remain in the background.] CHORUS-LEADER: But look, here com e delegates from Sparta, trailing long beards and wearing a sort o f pig-pen round their thighs. Gentlem en o f Laconia, first o f all my greetings, and secondly please tell us how w e find you faring. FIRST SPARTAN DELEGATE: What need is there to say many words to

see how you find us faring. [The delegates drop their cloaks, revealing their erect phalli.] CHORUS-LEADER: W hew! This crisis has hardened terribly - it seem s to you? You can

1075

128 6 cl MÜS τεθερ μ ω σ θα ε τ ε χ ε ί ρ ο ν φ α ε ν ε τ α ε . λα.

5φατα* τ ό κα λ έ γ ο ε τ ε ς ;

&XX' όκ§ σ έ λ ε ε

1080

κ α ν τ§ τ ε ς έλσδιν &μεν εύ ρ υ ν α ν σ έ τ ω . Χ ο.

καε μ η ν 6ρω καΊ το ύ σ δ ε τ ο υ ς α υ τ ό χ θ ο ν ο ς ώ σκερ κ α λ α εσ τα ς δ ν δ ρ α ς άκδ των γ α σ τέ ρ ω ν θ α έ μ ε ίτ ε ' ά κ ο σ τέ λ λ ο ν τα ς* ώ σ τ ε φ α ε ν ε τ α ε ά σ κ η τε κ ^ ν xb χρίίμ α τοΟ ν ο σ ή μ α τ ο ς .

1085

ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ ΠΡΕΣΒΕΥΤΗΣ A τ ε ς &ν φ ρ α σ εεε κοΰ 'σ τ ε ν η Λ υ σ ε σ τρ ά τη ; ils δ ν δ ρ ε ς ή μ ε ε ς ο ΰ τ ο ε ε τ ο ε ο υ τ ο ε ε . Χ ο.

χ α ύ τη σ ύ ν δ ε ε θ α τ έ ρ φ τα ό τρ ν ό σ ο ς . δ κ ο υ κρος όρ θρ ον σκασμός υ μ ά ς λ α μ β ά ν ε ε ;

Αθ'ί

μ δ Δ ε ' αλλά τ α υ τ ε δ ρ ω ν τ ε ς ε κ ε τ ε τ ρ ε μ μ ε θ α .

1090

ώ σ τ ' ε ε τ ε ς ίιμ δς μ ^ δ ε α λ λ ό ζ ε ε τ α χ ό , οΰκ έ σ θ ' βκως ού Κ λεεσ θένη β ε ν ό σ ο μ ε ν . Χο.

εέ σ ω φ ρ ο ν ε ε τ ε , βαεμ είτεα λ ή ψ ε σ θ ', δκως των *Ερμοχοκεδώ ν μή τ ε ς ύ μ 5 ς δ ψ ε τ α ε .

Αθ?

νη τ ο ν Δ ε ' εδ μ έ ν τ ο ε λ έ γ ε ε ς .

Λα.

να\. τω σεώ

1079

τ ε Β: γ ε Rg> λΣΝ ρ0.

1080

κα A h re n s : καν R: καε gB .

1083

δ ν δ ρ α ς R S u d a: χα ε δ α ς gB ^ZRHï>0.

1088

θ α τ έ ρ φ D o b re e : χ δ τ έ ρ α R: χ ή τ έ ρ α gB.

1088

ν ό σ ο ς R e i s i g : νόσφ co d d .

1093

θ α δ μ ό τε α D a v es: θ ο δ μ ά τε α c o d d . : θοί,μ οίτεον S u d a .

1095

129 have got inflamed worse than ever! SPARTAN: It’s beyond words. What can one say? Just at all costs

1080

let someone come and make peace for us, in any way he likes. [A party of Athenian delegates are seen approachingfrom the other

direction.] CHORUS-LEADER: And look, I see these indigenous gentlemen too are in the attitude o f wrestling men, holding their cloaks clear o f their stomachs. It makes it seem like they’ve got a sort of arth...letic affliction. FIRST ATHENIAN DELEGATE [to Chorus]: Can anyone tell us where

1085

Lysistrata is? Because here w e men are, and w e’re - as you see. [They

drop their cloaks, and are seen to be in the same condition as the Spartans.] CHORUS-LEADER [aside]: This malady too is in agreement with the other one here. [To the Athenians] D o you get seized with cramp in the early hours? FIRST ATHENIAN: More than that, w e’re absolutely done for with being 1090 in this state. In fact, if someone doesn’t reconcile us soon, there’s no doubt about it, we shall be fucking Cleisthenes! CHORUS-LEADER: If you’re wise, you’ll pick up your cloaks, to make sure you’re not seen by any o f the Hermclipper family. FIRST ATHENIAN: By Zeus, you’re quite right. [The Athenians pick

up their cloaks and put them back on.] SPARTAN: Yes, absolutely, by the Two Gods. Come on, let’s put on our

1095

χα ντφ γ α .

φ έρ ε rb Ισ θ ο ς ώμβαλώμεθα.

Αθ?

δ χ α ό ρ ε τ ', ώ Α γχω νες· αΰσχροΕ γ ' έχ< ίθομ εν.

Αα.

2 χο λ υ χα ρ εό δ α , δεμ \κί γ* αδ χ ε χ έ ν & α μ ε ς, ά ί χ εμδον ά μ ΐ τω νδρ ες ά μ χεφ λα σ μ ένω ς.

AÖ?

ό γ ε δ ιί, Λ ίχ ω ν ε ς, ο δ θ ' εχα σ τα χ ρ ή λ έ γ ε υ ν .

H 00

é*\. τό χά ρεσ τε δ ε ΰ ρ ο ; Λα.

χέρ ι, δ μ α λ λ α γδν χρ έ σ β η ς.

Αθ?

καλώς δή λ έ γ ε τ ε · χ ή μ εμ ς τ ο υ τ ο γ ό , τ ό ού χαλοΰμεν δήτα τη ν Λ υσμ σ τράτην, ηχερ δμ α λλά ζεμ εν ήμδς αν μ ό ν η ;

Αα.

ναμ τώ σμω, χαμ λ η τ ε , το ν Λ υ ίσ τ ρ α τ ο ν .

Αθ?

ά λ λ 1 ούδεν η ι α ς , ώς ε ο μ χ ε , δ εμ χ α λ ε ΐν *

1105

α ύ τη γ ά ρ , ώς ή χ ο υ σ ε ν , ήδ· έ ζ έ ρ χ ε τ α μ . Χο.

χ α ΐ ρ ', ώ χασών άνδρεμοτάτη* δ ε ι δή ν υ ν ό σε γ ε ν έ σ θ α μ δ ε μ ν ή ν , α γ α θ ή ν , φ α ύ λ η ν, σ ε μ ν ή ν , ά γ α ν ή ν , χολόχεμρον’ ως οι. χρώτομ των 'Ελλήνων τρ oÇ λ η φ θ έ ν τ ε ς μυγγμ

1096

γ α R e is ig : γ ε co d d .

1096

άμβαλωμεθα E l l e b o d i u s : έμβαλωμεθα (- μ ε σ θ α R) co d d .

1098

χολυχαρεόδα M eineke: χολυχαρμ'δα R: χο υ λ υ χα ρ ό δ α E n g er.

1099

αμχ εμδον ( ε ίδ ο ν ) W ila m o v itz : αμ χ ' μδον R .

1099

άμέ B ru n ck , τώ νδρες Elms l e y : ά μ έ ς ά ν δ ρ ε ς R . • R άμχεφλασμένως M ein ek e, c f . Σ : ά να χεφ ασ μ ένω ς R .

1099 1102 1105

χρέσ β ης B la y d e s : χρέσβεμ ς R. * XR χαμ λ η τ ε A h re n s: xäv λ η τε Σ : χ α λ ε ΐτ ε R .

1105

Λυμστρατον M e i s t e r : Λ υσόστρατον R .

1109

W ilam cw itz: cm. R S u d a.

111°

131 mantles. [The Spartans redon their cloaks.] FIRST ATHENIAN [now, for the first time, aware of the Spartans’ presence]: Good day to you, Laconians! We have had a nasty time. SPARTAN: My gracious sir, w e’ve been having a dangerous time, if those men saw us worked up. FIRST ATHENIAN: Well, come on, Laconians, let’s have straight talking. What are you here for?

1100

SPARTAN: As delegates for a settlement. FIRST ATHENIAN: That’s very good; w e’re the same too. So why don’t we summon Lysistrata, who’s the only person that can make a settlement between us? SPARTAN: Yes, by the Two Gods - and summon Lysistratus too if you 1 105 like!

[The portal of the Acropolis is seen to open, and Lysistrata appears.] FIRST ATHENIAN: Well, it seems we’ve no need to summon her, she heard us, and here she is coming out in person. CHORUS-LEADER: Hail, bravest o f all women! Now you must show yourself formidable , noble and down-to-earth, haughty and tender, a woman o f the world; because the leaders o f the Greeks, captivated by your magic,

1110

σ υ νέχα ρ η σ α ν χαυ σου xouvp τ ά γ χ λ ύ μ α τ α xàvT* έ χ έ τ ρ ε ψ α ν . Αυ.

ά λ λ ' ούχΧ χ α λ ε χ ό ν τ ο ΰ ρ γ ο ν , εί- λά βου γ ό τ υ ς ό ρ γώ ν τα ς άλλήλω ν τ ε μ?> ' χ χ ε υ ρ ω μ ό ν ο υ ς , τοίχα 6 ' εύσομαυ 'γ ο ί.

χοΰ 'σ τ υ υ η Δ υ α λ λ α γ ή ;

χρο'σαγε λαβοΰσα κρωτα t o u s Λ α χ ω ν υ χ ο ύ ς'

1115

χαυ μ?| χ α λ ε χ ρ τ ρ χευρΧ μ η δ ' α ύ θ α δ υ χ ρ , μ η δ ' ω σχερ ημών ά ν δ ρ ε ς άμαθώ ς τ ο ΰ τ ' ε δ ρ ώ ν , άλλ* ω ς γ υ ν α ΰ χ α ς ε ΰ χ ά ς , οΰχευ ω ς χ ά ν υ , ην μΐι δυδφ r h v χ ε ϋ ρ α , τ ή ς σα'θης ά γ ε . ύθυ χαυ σ ύ τ ο ύ τ ο υ ς τ ο υ ς 'Α θ η ν α ύ ο υ ς ά γ ε*

1120

ου 6 ' α ν δ υ δ ώ σ υ , χρ ό σ α γε τ ο ύ τ ο υ λ α β ο μ ε ν η . ά ν δ ρ ε ς Λ ά χ ω ν ες, σ τίξτε χ α ρ ' έμ ε χ λ η σ ύ ο ν , έ ν θ ε ν δ ε δ ' ύ μ ε ΰ ς , χαΧ λόγων α χ ο ύ σ α τ ε , εγώ γ υ ν ή μ έ ν ε ΰ μ υ , νοΟ ς δ ' ε ν ε σ τ ύ μου* α ύ τη δ ' έ μ α υ τ η ς ού κακώ ς γνώ μ η ς εχω ,

1125

τ ο υ ς 6 ' έ χ χ α τ ρ ό ς τ ε χαΐ. γ ε ρ α υ τ έ ρ ω ν λ ό γ ο υ ς χο λ λ ο υ ς ά χ ο ύ σ α σ ' ού μεμούσω μαυ χ α χ ω ς . λαβοΰσα δ ' υ μ ά ς λουδορήσαυ βούλομαι, χο υ νρ δ υ χ α υ ω ς , ου μ υ δ ς γ ε χ έ ρ ν υ β ο ς βωμούς χ ε ρ υ ρ ρ α υ ν ο ν τ ε ς ωσχερ ξ υ γ γ ε ν ε ΰ ς ’Ο λυμ χύασ υν, ε ν Π ύλα υς, ΙΙυθοϋ— « ό σ ο υ ς ε ΰ χ ο υ μ ' α ν ά λ λ ο υ ς , ευ μ ε μ η χ ύ ν ε υ ν δ ε ο υ ; — εχθρώ ν χα ρόντω ν βαρβαρφ σ τ ρ α τ ε ύ μ α τ υ 1111

χαύ σου B la y d e s : σου χα\, R.

1117

μ η δ ' B ru n e k : μ ή θ ' R .

1121

τ ο ύ τ ο υ D o b re e : τ ο ύ τ ο υ ς R.

1123

6 ' B e rg k : θ ' Mu2: τ ' R.

1129

γ ε B o th e r τ ε R S u d a .

1133

βαρβάρφ B la y d e s : βαρβάρων R.

1130

133 have come together and jointly submitted all their disputes to your arbitration. LYSISTRATA: Well, it’s not a difficult job, if you catch them when they’re eager for it and aren’t trying to take advantage o f one another. I’ll soon know. Where’s Reconciliation? [A beautiful, naked young woman

comes out of the Acropolis.] Take the Laconians first and bring them to

1115

me; and don’t do it with harsh or overbearing hand, nor in the stupid way that our menfolk used to do it, but in a homely, intimate way as you’d expect o f a woman - if he doesn’t give you his hand, lead him by the tool. [The head of the Spartan delegation, who had been hesitating

whether to offer his hand to Reconciliation, now does so, and she leads him and his colleagues to stand on one side of Lysistrata.] Now you go

1120

and bring those Athenians as well; take hold o f any pan they offer, and bring them here. [The Athenian delegates are similarly brought to stand at Lysistrata’s other side.] Laconians, you stand close beside me. and [to

the Athenians] you too on this side, and hear what I have to say. 1 am a woman, but I have got a mind: I am not badly off for intelligence on my 11 25 own account, and I am not badly educated either, having heard a great deal of the talk o f my father and o f other older men. And now 1 have got you here, I mean to cast well-deserved reproaches on you both alike. 1 1 2 9 -3 0 You who at Olympia, at the Gates, at Pytho - how many others could I mention if there was need to extend the list? - purify the altars, like members o f one family, with a single sprinkling of lustral water, are now engaged, though enemies are at hand with their barbarian hosts, in

134 Έ λ λ η ν α ς ά ν δ ρ α ς και. κ έ λ ε ε ς ά κ έ λ λ υ τ ε . εΣ ς ρ έ ν λ έ γ ο ς ρ ο ε δ ε ϋ ρ ' ά ε ΐ κ ε ρ α ί ν ε τ α ε . Αθ®

έγώ δ ' ά κ έ λ λ υ ρ α έ γ ' ά κ ε ψ ω λ η ρ έ ν ο ς.

Α υ.

ε ί τ ' , ώ Λ ά χ ω ν ες, κ ρ δς γ^ρ ύ ρ ϋ ς τ ρ έ ψ ο ρ α ε ,

1135

ούκ ε σ θ ', δ τ ' έλθων δ εϋ ρ ο Π ε ρ ε κ λ ε ίδ α ς κ ο τέ δ Λάχων ’Α θηναίω ν Ι κ έ τ η ς χ α θ έ ζ ε τ ο έκι. τ ο ίσ ε βω ροες ώ χρος έν φ ο ε ν ε χ ί δ ε σ τ ρ α τε ά ν κ ρ ο σ α ετω ν ;

1140

ή δ έ Μεσσιίνη τ έ τ ε

ύ ρ εν έ κ έ χ ε ε τ ο χώ θ ε ό ς σεέω ν ά ρ α . έλθων δ έ σ υν δ κ λ ε τ α ε σ ε τ ε τ ρ α χ ε σ χ ε λ ε ο ε ς Κέρων δ λ η ν έσωσε τίιν Λ α χ ε δ α ίρ ο ν α . τ α υ τ ε κ α θ έ ν τ ε ς των ’ Α θηναίω ν δκο

1145

δ ρ ο ΰ τ ε χ ώ ρ α ν , ης δ κ ' ευ κ ε κ έ ν θ α τ ε ι Αθ?

ά δ ε χ ο ΰ σ ε ν ο υ το ε νη Δ ε ', ώ Λ υ σ εσ τρ ά τη .

Λα.

ά δ ε χ ε ο ρ ε ς * ά λ λ ' δ κρω κτδς ά φ α τον ώ ς κ α λ έ ς .

Αυ.

ΰ ρ δς δ ' ά φ ή σ εεν τ ο υ ς ’Α θ η να ίο υ ς ρ ' ο ε ε ε ; οΰχ ε σ θ Τ, δ θ ' ύράς ο έ Λ άχωνες α δ θ ε ς α δ

1150

χα τω ν α χα ς φ ο ρ ο ΰ ντα ς έ λ θ έ ν τ ε ς δ ο ρ ε κο λλο υς ρ έ ν ά ν δ ρ α ς Θ ετταλω ν ά κ ω λ ε σ α ν , κο λλο υς 6 ' ε τ α ίρ ο υ ς Ί κ κ ε ο υ καε ξ υ ρ ρ ά χ ο υ ς ,

1146

κ ε κ έ ν θ α τ ε Mu2: κ ε κ ο ν θ ά τε ς ( τ ε ς a f t e r w a r d s e r a s e d ) R.

1148

ά δ ε χ ε ο ρ ε ς ΚΙ ms l e y : ά δ ε κ ε ο ΰ ρ ε ς R .

1148

άφατον ώ ς B e n tle y : ά φ α τος κα\, R .

1149

ρ ' D o b re e : cm. R.

1151

έ λ θ ά ν τ ε ς B uda: έ λ θ έ ν τ α ς R.

1153

έ τ α ε ρ ο υ ς S u d a : έ τ ε ρ ο υ ς R.

1153

'ίκ κ ε ο υ E l l e b o d i u s : έ κ κ ε ο υ ς R : έ κ κ ε χ ο υ ς «τ * λ - GM « tV Ιχ κ υ α ν S uda : tm te u a v S u d a .

Ί κ κ ε α Suda :

135 destroying Greek men and Greek cities. At this point concludes one

11 35

part o f my argument. FIRST ATHENIAN [aside, his eyes on Reconciliation]: And my skinned cock is killing me! LYSISTRATA: Next, Laconians - for I will now turn to you - do you not remember when Pericleidas the Laconian came here once and sat at the altars supplicating the Athenians, deathly pale in his scarlet cloak,

11 40

begging for an army? You were hard pressed then by Messene, and also at the same time by the god and his earthquake; and Cimon went with four thousand hoplites and saved all Lacedaemon. That is how the

11 45

Athenians have treated you: do you ravage a country at whose hands you have received benefits? FIRST ATHENIAN: By Zeus, Lysistrata, they’re in the wrong. SPARTAN [aside, absent-mindedly]: W e’re in the wrong. But that bum is unspeakably beautiful! LYSISTRATA: You think I’m going to let you Athenians off, do you? Do you not remember how the Laconians, contrariwise, when you were all l iso wearing slaves’ smocks, came in arms and killed many men o f Thessaly and many comrades and allies of Hippias? On that day they alone helped

136 ζ υ ν ε χ β α λ ό ν τε ς τρ τ ό θ ' ήμέρφ μ ό ν ο ι., χΑ λευθέρωσαν, χ ά ν τ ί

tAs

1155

χατω νάχης

τό ν δήμον ύμων χλα ενα ν Αμχέσχον χ ά λ ε ν ; «

Λα.

οΰχα γυναεχ* δχωχα χ α εω τέρ α ν .

Αθ?

έγω 6è χύσθον γ ' ούδόχω χαλλε'ονα.

Λυ.

τε δ ή θ ' ύχηργμόνων γ ε χολλων χάγαθων 1160

μ άχεσθε χού ια ύεσ θε τη ς μ ο χ θ η ρ ε α ς; τ ε 6 ' ού δ εη λ λ ά γη τε; Λα.

φ έ ρ ε , τε' το ύμ χο δώ ν;

άμές γ α λω μες, α έ τ ε ς ά μεν τώ γχυχλον λρ τοΰτ* ά χοδομ εν.

Λυ.

χοεον, ώ τδ ν ;

Λα.

τα ν ΙΙύλον, τασχερ χάλαε δεάμεθα χαε β λ εμ ά δ δο μ ες.

A&?

μά τΑν Ποσεεδω, τοΰτο μ έ ν γ ’ ού δ ρ ά σ ε τ ε .

Λυ.

ά φ ε τ ', ώ γ ά θ ', α υ το ε ς.

Αθ? Λυ.

1165

χ$τα τενα χ ε ν ή σ ο μ εν ; Ιτ ε ρ ά ν γ ' ά χ α ε τ ε ε τ ' ά ν τ ε το ύ το υ χω ρ εο ν .

115μ

ζυ ν εχ β α λ ό ν τες v an H erw erden: ξ υ ν ε χ μ α χ ο ΰ υ τ ε ς R .

1156

ημχέσχον B len d es: ημχεσχον R.

1159

γ ε B o th e: τε R.

1162

γ α Koen, λωμες B e n tle y : γ ε λαίμεσθ' R .

1162

τ ε ς Σ®, άμεν B runck, τοϊγχυχλον M ein ek e: τ η ε ς άμεν τοΰγχυχΧ ον R.

1163

άχοδάμεν B runck: άχοδωμεν R.

116Η

τασχερ E lm sle y : ώσχερ R .

116*t

βλεμάδδομες B runck: β λ εμ ά ττο μ ες R.

1167

χω ρεον B e n tle y : τοΰ χωρέου R.

137 you to expel him; they liberated you, and instead of the slave’s smock they cloathed your people in a warm cloak once again. SPARTAN: I’ve never seen a nobler woman.

11 55

FIRST ATHENIAN [aside]: And I’ve never seen a prettier pussy. LYSISTRATA: So after so many good services done in the past, why are you fighting, instead o f stopping this wickedness? Why haven’t you come to terms? Come on, what’s standing in the way?

1160

[During the ensuing dialogue the negotiators map out their respective demands on Reconciliation’s person.] SPARTAN: We for our part are willing, if they’re prepared to give us back this Rotunda. LYSISTRATA: What Rotunda, my man? SPARTAN: Pylos, which w e’ve been longing for and probing around for a long time. FIRST ATHENIAN : By Poseidon, that you shan’t get! LYSISTRATA: My good sir, let them have it. FIRST ATHENIAN: But then who will we be able to stir up? LYSISTRATA: Well, ask for another place in return for that one.

11 65

Αθ?

το δ e t να τ ο μ ν υ ν , χ α ρ ά δ ο θ ' ήμΧν το υ το νΧ χ ρ ω τ ισ τ α τ δ ν ’Ε χυ ν ο ΰ ν τα χαΧ τΧν Μηλμδ χ ά λ χ ο ν τΧν δ χ υ σ θ ε ν χαΧ τ έ Μ εγαρμχδ σ κ έ λ η .

Λα.

ού τώ ouï» ούχΧ χά ν τα γ ' , ώ λ μ σ σ ά ν μ ε .

Au.

εα α ύτ< ί' μ η δ έ ν δμα φ έρου χερΧ σ χ ε λ ο μ ν .

Αθ?

ηδη γεω ρ γεΧ ν γ υ μ ν δ ε ά χ ο δ υ ς β ούλομ αμ .

Λα.

έγών δ έ χο χρα γω γή ν γ α ^χρωτα·|·, ναΧ τώ o u i .

Λυ.

έχή ν δ μ α λ λ ά γ η τ ε , ταΰτα δ ρ ά σ ε τ ε .

1170

1175

ά λ λ 1 ε ύ δοχεΧ δ ρ δ ν τα ΰτα βουλεύσασθε , χαΧ τοΧς ζυ μ μ ά χο μ ς έ λ θ ά ν τ ε ς ά ν α χ ο μ ν ω σ α τ ε . Αθ°

χο μ ο μ σ μ ν, ώ τ δ ν , ζ υ μ μ ά χ ο μ ς;

έσ τυχαμεν.

ού τα ύ τα δ ό ζ ε μ τομσμ συμμάχομσμ ν φ ν , β μ νεμ ν ά χ α σ μ ν ;

Αα.

τομσμ γώ ν ναΧ τώ σμώ

1180

άμοΧσμ. Αθ* Au.

χαΧ γα ρ ναΧ μα A ta Kapυ σ τ t o t s χαλως λ έ γ ε τ ε ,

νΰ ν ο δ ν δχω ς ά γ ν ε ύ σ ε τ ε ,

δχως α ν a t γ υ ν α Χ χες υμάς έ ν χά λεμ ζενμ σ ω μ εν δ ν έ ν ταΰσμ χ μ σ τα μ ς ε μ χ ο μ ε ν . δ ρ χ ο υ ς 6 ’ έ χ ε μ χαΧ χμ σ τμ ν ά λ λ η λ ο μ ς δ ά τ ε ,

1185

1171

λμσσάνμε F h o t i u s : λυσσάνμε R .

117 2

έα α υ τά B layd.es : έ δ τ ε R .

1174

έγώ ν B la y d e s : εγώ R.

1174

^ χ ρ ω τ α | R : χρώ B i s e t : κρά τ ε υ ( b e t t e r κρό τ ε ο , c f . Aleman f r . 4 8 ? ) H e n d e rso n .

1178

έ σ τ υ χ α μ ε ν ( έ σ τ - ) Z a n e t t i : έ σ τ υ χ α μ ε ς R.

1180

γων A h re n s : γ ο ΰ ν R .

139 FIRST ATHENIAN: Well then - um, ah - you first o f all hand over to us this Hedgehog location here, and the Malian inlet behind it, and the Legs 11 70 of Megara. SPARTAN: By the Two Gods, my good man, w e’re not giving all that! LYSISTRATA: Let it be - don’t go quarrelling about a pair o f legs. [The Spartan indicates assent.] FIRST ATHENIAN: I want to strip off now and get down to some husbandry. SPARTAN: And I want to get among the muck good and early, by the Two Gods. LYSISTRATA: You can do that when you’ve made the peace. First 1175 consider among yourselves whether you’re in favour o f doing so, and go and discuss it with your allies. FIRST ATHENIAN: What do you mean, allies, woman? We’re too hard up for that! Can’t you see our allies will be in favour o f the same policy as us two - a fucking policy, the whole lot o f them? SPARTAN: Certainly ours will, at any rate. FIRST ATHENIAN: And the Carystians will too, by Zeus they will!

11 so

LYSISTRATA: Excellent! Then for now please make sure you maintain purity, so that we women can entertain you on the Acropolis out of what we brought in our handboxes. While you’re there you can exchange

11 85

140 χ ά χ ε υ τ α τη ν α ύ το ϋ γ υ ν α ϋ χ ' ύμών λαβών fixε t o ' έ χ α σ τ ο ς . Αθ? Αα. Αθ? Χ ο.

ά λ λ ' ΰωμεν ώς το ίχο ς. δ γ ' δχφ τΐι λ η ς . νη τ δ ν A t ' ώς τά χ υ σ τά γ ε . στρωμάτων δ ε χουχυλω ν χαυ

(σ τρ .

χλ α ν υ δ υ ω ν χαυ ξυστυδω ν χαΐ, χ ρ υ σ ώ ν , δ σ ' έσ τυ μ ο υ ,

1190

ού φ θόνος έ ν ε σ τ υ μου χδσυ χ α ρ έ χ ε υ ν φ έ ρ ε υ ν τ ο υ ς χα υσ υν, οχόταν τε θ υ γ ά τηρ τυ ν υ χα νηφ ορρ. χάσυν ύμ ΰν λέγω λα μ βά νευ ν των έμών

1195

χρ η μ ά τω ν ν υ ν έ ν δ ο θ ε ν , χαυ μ η δ έ ν ούτω ς ε δ σεσημάνθαυ το μη ο ύχυ τ ο υ ς ρ υ χ ο υ ς &νασχάσαυ χ δ τ τ ' αν ένδο ν Ç φ ορεΰν.

1200

δψ εταυ δ ' ο ύ δ έ ν σ χο χώ ν , εΰ μιί τ υ ς υμών ό ξ ύ τ ε ρ ο ν έμοΟ β λ έ χ ε υ . ευ δ έ zvf μ η σ ΰ τ ο ς υμών

(ά ν τ.

έ σ τ υ , β όσ χευ δ ' ο ΰ χ έ τ α ς χαυ σμυχρα χολλα χα υδΰ α , έ σ τ υ χ α ρ ’ έμοΰ λαβεϋν χυρυδυα λ ε χ τ ά μ έ ν , ό δ '

1190

έσ τυ μου D aubuz: έ σ τυ ν έμου R.

1193

χαυσυν B e n t l e y : χάσυν R .

1194

χανηφορή B e r g l e r : χα νηφ ορεΰ R.

1200

χ δ τ τ ' α ν R e i s i g ( f i r s t B o th e ) : χ ' δ τ ' R .

1205

141 oaths and pledges, and then each o f you w ill take his own w ife and go away. FIRST ATHENIAN: W ell, let’s get on with it right away. SPARTAN

[to Lysistrata]: Lead on wherever you w ish.

FIRST ATHENIAN: Y es, by Zeus, as fast as you can.

[Lysistrata, accomapnied by Reconciliation, leads both delegations into the Acropolis. The Spartans’ slaves remain outside; some sit down on the steps.] CHORUS: Embroidered caparisons, dress clothes, stately robes, gold ornaments - all o f these that I own

1190

I do not grudge to make available for all to take for their sons, or w henever som eone has a daughter being basket-bearer. I bid you all take your pick right now

1195

o f m y things in the house, and tell you nothing is so w ell sealed up that one w on’t be able to break open the sealings and carry o ff whatever’s inside.

1200

O nly, on looking inside, one w on’t see anything, unless any o f you has sharper eyesight than I have! If any o f you is short o f com and has servants to feed and lots o f little children, you can have from me wheat - fine little grains, but

1205

ά ρ τ ο ς άπύ χ ο ε ν ε χ ο ς t δεϋν μόλο ν εα ν εα ς. δ σ τ ε ς ο δ ν β ο ύ λετα ι, τ δ ν πενή τω ν ετω

210

ε ι ς έμοΟ σ ά κ ους έχων χαΐ, χ ω ρ ύ χ ο υ ς, ώ ς λήψ εταε πυρούς* 6 Μανής 6 ' οΰμ ος 'α ύ το Ε ς έ μ β α λ ε ε . προς γ ε μ ύ ν το ε τη ν θύραν προαγορεύω μή β α δ ε ζ ε ε ν τί\ν έ μ ή ν , άλλ* ε ύ λ α β ε ε σ θ α ε τή ν χ ύ ν α . Αθ?

ά ν ο ε γ ε τ ή ν θ ιίρ α ν σύ. ύ μ ε ε ς , τ ε χ ά θ η σ θ ε; ύ μ ά ς χα τα χα ύσ ω ;

1215

πα ρ α χω ρ εεν σ ’ έ δ ε ε , μων εγώ τρ λα μ πα δ ε

φ ορτεχύν τδ χω ρ εο ν .

ο ύχ Sv π ο ειΐσ α εμ * .

ε έ δ ε πάνυ δ ε ε τ ο ΰ τ ο δ ρ δ ν ,

ύ μ ε ν χ α ρ εσ α σ θ α ε π ρ οσ τα λα επω ρη σ ομ εν.

1220

ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΝ ΠΡΕΣΒΕΥΤΗΣ Β χ ή μ ε ε ς γ ε μ ε τ ύ σοΰ ζ υ ν τα λ α ε τω ρ ή σ ο μ ε ν . ούχ ά π ε τ ε ; Αθ?

χω χύσεσθε τ δ ς τ ρ ε χ α ς μ α χ ρ ά .

ο ύχ ά π ε θ ', όπω ς αν οέ Λ άχωνες έ ν δ ο θ ε ν κ α θ ' ή σ υ χεα ν άπεωσεν η ύ ω χ η μ έ ν ο ε ;

Ο

Αθ.

οΰκω τ ο ε ο ΰ τ ο ν σ υ μ ιό σ ε ο ν δπω π' έ γ ώ . ί χα ε χ α ρ ε ε ν τ ε ς ίσ ο ν οε Λ αχωνεχοε*

1212

ούμ δς α ύ τ ο ε ς B e n tle y : α ύ τ ο ε ς ο ύ μ δ ς R .

1214

προαγορεύω B i s e t : προσαγορεύω R .

1216

σύ B e n tle y : ού R.

1216

σ ' έ δ ε ε K a h le r ( έ δ ε ε D i n d o r f ) : θ έ λ ε ε ς R .

1220

χα ρ εσ α σ θ α ε B e n tle y : χ α ρ ε'ζε σ θ α ε R .

1220

-σ ο μ ε ν F l o r e n t C h r e s t i e n : -σ α ε μ ε ν R: -σ ο μ α ε E n g e r .

1225

143

a quart o f them makes a loaf that’s really strapping to look at. So let any poor man who wishes come to my place with sacks and

1210

bags, because he’ll get wheat; my Manes will pour it in for them. Only I give notice that you’re not to approach my door beware o f the dog!

121 5

FIRST ATHENIAN [within]: Open the door, you! [The door begins to

open; immediately the speaker barges pas the doorkeeper, knocking him over.] You should have got out o f the way! [He is joined by some of his delegation. All are wearing garlands, carrying torches, and evidently drunk. He sees the Spartans’ slaves, but does not realize who they are.] What are you lot sitting there for? You don’t want me to bum you up with my torch, do you? [The slaves retreat from the door.] Vulgar routine, that, though. I’m not going to do it. [Some protests from the audience.] Well, if it’s absolutely necessary to do it, w e’ll suffer that

1220

bit more to do you a favour! SECOND ATHENIAN DELEGATE [coming out, with others, to join turn]'. And w e’ll be with you and share your sufferings. [They brandish their

torches at the slaves, who are still hovering near the door.] Go away, will you? or else you’ll wail and shriek for that hair of yours! FIRST ATHENIAN: Go away, will you, so that the Laconians can come out and leave in peace after their feast. [They drive the slaves away.] SECOND ATHENIAN: I’ve never seen a party like it The Spartans really 1225

144 ημεΰς 6 ' εν οενψ ζυ μ χ ίτα ε σοφώ τατοε. Αθ® όρθως γ ' , δτε>ι νιίφοντες ούχ ύ γ ε α έ ν ο μ ε ν . fiv τ ο υ ς ’Αθηναεους εγώ χεεσω λεγω ν, μ εθ ύ ο ντες άε\, χανταχοε χρεσβεΰσ ομεν.

1230

νΰν μ ^ ν γάρ , όταν ελθωμεν ε ε ς Λαχεδαέμονα ν ιίφ ο ν τες, ευθύς βλέχομεν δ τ ε τα ρ ά ξ ο μ εν ' ώσθ1 δ τε μύν αν λέγωσεν ούχ ά χο ύ ο μ εν, α 6 ' ού λεγουσ ε, ταΰθ* υχονενοτίχαμ εν, ά γγέλλομ εν 6 ' ού ταΰτα των αυτών χ έ ρ ε .

1235

νυνε 6 ' ά χ α ν τ' η ρ εσ χεν’ ώ στ' εέ μ έν γ έ τ ε ς φδοε Τελαμωνος, Κλεεταγόρας φ δ εεν δ έ ο ν , έχρνέσαμεν αν χα\- χρύς έχεωρχτ^σαμεν— ά λλ' ούτοεί, γαρ α δθες ερ χοντα ε χάλεν ε έ ς ταύτο'ν.

ούχ έ ρ ρ ιίσ ε τ ', ω μ α σ τε γ έ α ε ;

1240

β

ΑθΤ

νη τδ ν Δ ε’ · ώς ηδη γ ε χωροΰσ' έ ν δ ο θ ε ν .

Λα.

ώ χολυχαρεέδα, λαβέ τώ φυάττ^ρεα, έ ν ' έγών δεχοδεοίξω τε χάεέσω χαλον ές τως ’Ασαναεως τε χά μ ' < ά εεσ μ '> άμδι.

Αθ?

λαβέ δητα τύς φυσαλλεδας, χρύς των θ ε ώ ν

1245

1228

ότεη B e n tle y : δ τ ε R.

1230

χανταχοε Brunck: χανταχοϋ R.

1242

χολυχαρεέδα M eineke: χολυχαρεδα R: χουλυχαρεδα ρΒ *E^P° .

1242

φυάττΐρεα v an Leeuven: φυσατιίρεα R: φυσηττ^ρεα jsB

1243

έγών B laydes : εγώ codd.

1243

τε B ergk: γ ε codd. λΕΝ^

1243

χάεε'σω Suda: χάεσω R: και χενησω gB.

1244

τώς ’Ασαναεως B is e t: τούς ’Ασαναέους ( ’Αναν- R) codd. Suda.

1244

χάμ 1 M eineke: χαε ημ&ς R Suda: χαε ές ήμδς 2? : χάμ' *αύτώς> E nger.

S uda, Z o n a ra s. S uda.

145

were so charming! And we, in our cups, made very clever partyers indeed. FIRST ATHENIAN: Naturally, seeing that when w e’re sober we go out of our minds. If the Athenians take my advice, in future w e’ll always go

1230

everywhere on embassies drunk. At the moment, when we go to Sparta sober, we at once start looking for ways to muddy the waters. The result is that we don’t hear what they say, and suspect them o f meaning things which they don’t say, and bring home different reports o f the same

1 235

exchanges. But this time everything pleased us; so that if, say, someone sang “Telamon” when he should have been singing “Cleitagora”, we’d acclaim him and even swear blind that - [The slaves are seen returning.] But look, here come these people right back here again. Get lost, will 1240 you, you whipping-posts! [The slaves are again driven off.] SECOND ATHENIAN: By Zeus, yes; they’re coming out from in there right now.

[The Spartan delegates come out of the Acropolis. Their leader carries a pair of bagpipes.] SPARTAN [to the stage piper]: Here, my gracious sir, take the puffers, so that I can dance a two-step and sing a fine song in honour o f both the Athenians and ourselves also. FIRST ATHENIAN: Yes, I beg you, do take the pipes. [To the Spartan]

1245

146 ώς ήδομαμ γ ' ύμ^£ όρων όρχουμύνους. λα.

δρμαόν τί$ χυρσανίφ, Μναμάνα, ταν τεάν Μωάν, άτμς ο ίδ εν άμΐ τως τ ' ’Ασαναύ-

1250

ω ς, δχα τομ μεν έ χ ' ’Αρταμμτύ# χροίχροον σμεμχελομ χοττα χάλα, τως Μι^δως τ ' ενύχων’ άμέ 6 ' αδ Λεωνυδας ίγ ε ν φχερ τως χα'χρως σα-

1255

γ ο ν τ α ς , o u i , τόν όδά ντα - χολυς δ ' άμφμ τάς γένυα ς άφρος άνση, χολυς δ ' άμδ χαττων σχελωυ μετο. δν γάρ τωνδρες οΰχ έλάσσως

1260

τδ ς ψα'μμας, το μ Πέρσαμ. άγροτύρα σηροχτάνε, μύλε δεΰρο, χαρσένε σμά, χοττάς σχονδα'ς, ώς συνεχές χολύν άμε χρο'νον.

νϋν 6 '

1265

12Μ-6

δμδς όρων B e n tle y : όρων ΰμδς (υ d e le te d B efore όρων) R: υμάς ]$.

12Μ7

τ£} χυρσανύψ B e rg le r, c f . Σ ( ΐ ) ^ ^ : τως χυρσανΰος codd. Σ ( ΐ ϊ ) '^ ·

12*+6

Μναμύνα W ilam ovitz: ω Μναμύνα R: S> Μναμοσύνα ρΕ.

1250

τως τ ' ’Ασαναμως B is e t: τούς τ ' 'Ασαναύους codd.

1252

χρώχροον A hrens, σμεύχελομ Blaydes ( c f . θεοεύχελομ Σ ): χρύχροον θεύχελομ codd.

1253

τως Μύδως B is e t: τους Μύδους codd.

1256

σάγοντας B laydes: θάγοντας codd.

1257

άνση Banm erstein (άνσεμ B la y d e s): ηνσεμ ccdd.

1259

χαττων R e is ig : χαμ χατων Β: χα'μ χατα των R^.

1259

μετο Brunck: άφρός μετο v e l sim . codd.

1262

άγροτύρα D in d o rf: ά γρ ύ τερ 1 'Αρτεμμ codd.

Ρ

147 I do enjoy watching you people dance. SPARTAN [singing and dancing to the accompaniment o f the piper] : To this young man, O Memory, send thy daughter the Muse, who knows about us and about the Athenians, that time when at Artemisium

1250

they assaulted those ships, fighting like gods, and vanquished the Medes; while we were led by Leonidas, whetting our teeth, I ween,

1255-6

like wild boars, and much foam ran out around our cheeks, and much also poured down our legs. For the men were as many

1260

as the sands on the shore, were the Persians. Lady o f the Wild, slayer o f beasts, come hither, virgin goddess, to join in our treaty, that thou mayest keep us long united; and now

1265

148 αδ φ ελεα τ ' ά ές εΰχορ ος εεη ταΧσε σ υ νθ ιίχα εσ ε, χαε τδ ν αεμυλδν άλωχέχων χαυαεμεθα.

1270

2 δ ε ΰ ρ ' ε θ ε , δ εύ ρ ο , 2 χυναγέ χα ρσ ένε. Λυ.

ά γε ν υ ν , έχ εεδ η τάλλα χ εχ ο εη τα ε καλώ ς, ά χάγεσ θε τα ύ τ α ς , ω Λα'χωνες, τ α σ δ ε δ ί ύμεες* άνηρ δ ε χαρά γυ να εχα χαε γυ ν π

127 5

στιίτω χαρ ' ά νδρα , χ $ τ ' έ χ ' ά γα θα ες συμφοραες όρχησάμενοε θεο εσ εν εΰλαβωμεθα τδ λ ο εχδν α δθες μη ' ζαμαρτα'νεεν έ τ ε . χράσαγε χ ο ρ ά ν , έχα γε Χ ά ρετα ς, έ χ ε δ ε χάλεσον 'Α ρ τεμ εν ,

1280

έ χ ε δ έ δεδυμ ον εΰφ ρ ον' ’ Ιτίεο ν, έ χ ε δε Νύσεον, ος μ ετά μαενάσε β ά χχεο ς όμματα δ α ε ε τ α ε , Δεα τ ε χυρε φ λεγά μ ενον, έχ ε δε χ ό τν εα ν άλογον όλβεαν" ε ϊτ α δε δα έμ ο ν α ς, ο ί ς έχεμάρτυσε χρ η σ ά μ εθ ' ούχ έχελτίσμοσεν

1267

τ ' S c h a e f e r , ά έ ς B u rg es: 6 ' α έ ε ς c o d d .

1270

χαυαεμεθα v an L eeuven: χαυσαεμεθ' co d d .

127*+

τα σ δεδε D in d o rf: τασδεε j>B: τδ ς δ ε τε R.

1281

δεδυμ ον E nger: δέδνχιον άγε ( ά γ ε τ ε |>Β) χ ο ρ ο ν codd.

1281

εΰφ ρον'

128*+

βά χχεος B u rg es: βα'χχεεος R: β α χ χ ε ε ο ε ς £Β.

128*+

δμματα S cm m erstein: δμμασεν codd.

1285

έχε δε ( ε χ ε δ ε ) £.: ε χ ε δ ε έχεδε Ε: έχε τε R.

’Ιτίεον v an Leeuven: ’ ΐτίεον εΰφ ρ ον' co d d .

1285

149

may our pact be blessed with everlasting friendship and prosperity, and may we

be rid o f all wily foxes.

1270

O com e hither, O com e hither, thou Virgin Huntress.

[Lysistrata comes out, leading all the Athenian and Spartan wives.] LYSISTRATA: W ell now , since the rest o f the business has been w ell and truly accom plished, you can take these ladies away with you, Laconians, and

[to the Athenians] you can take these. Let man stand beside w ife

1275

and w ife beside man, and then in celebration o f these happy events let us dance in honour o f the gods, and for the future take care never to make the same m istake again!

[During her ensuing song the wives rejoin their husbands, and the couples move intoformationfor the dance that is to follow; they occupy the centre of the orchestra, while the chorus - also paired off in couples - are grouped at the edges.] Set on the dance, bid the Graces join it, and summon A rtem is,

1280

and summon her twin, the kindly Healer, and summon the god o f N ysa, w hose eyes blaze in bacchic ecstasy among his maenads, and Zeus flam ing with fire, and summon the blessed Lady his consort; and also those gods whom w e w ill make unforgetting w itnesses

1285

'Η σ υ χε α ε x é p t τ ή ε μ ε γ α λ ό φ ρ ο ν ο ε ην έ χ ο ε η σ ε θ ε ά Κ ύ χ ρ ε ε . Χο.

1290

ά λ α λ α ε , υη χ α εω ν . αερεσθ' δνω, C at, ως έ χ ε ν ε χ ^ , t a t . ε ύ ο ε εύ ο Ε , εύαε ε ύ α ε .

Αυ.

for her” or “fit your balanos (= glans penis, cf. Arist. HA 493a27) into her”. 415 certainly no chicken: lit. “not childlike”. 417 the strap: sc. of a sandal recently bought from the shoemaker. 417 her little piggy-wiggy: the man meant to say daktulidion “little toe”, but carelessly said daktulidion “little ring”, which could be understood as meaning “anus” (cf. Luc. Demonax 17); for heterosexual anal intercourse cf. Wealth 149-152, Hdt. 1.61.1 (where it is used as a method of birth control), and see on 231 and 1162-3. 418 in the middle of the day: when the husband is least likely to be at home. 419 loosen It up: by “it" (touto) he means the sandal-strap - but the pronoun could equally well refer to the “little ring” (cf. on 417). 421 a Commissioner: Greek proboulos, a member of the special ten-man advisory board set up after the Sicilian disaster of 413, with power to bring forward proposals (apparently direct to the Assembly, bypassing the Council) as occasion might arise (Thuc. 8.1.3); our passage suggests that they also exercised some executive functions at least in the field of external relations, since this proboulos has apparently been negotiating with a foreign state for a supply of timber and has authority to make payment for it. The probouloi were “elderly men” (Thuc. loc.cit.); the two whose names we know are Hagnon (Lys. 12.65), who had been the official founder of the colony at Amphipolis in 437 and who was probably at least seventy, and the poet Sophocles (Arist. Rhet. 1419a26-30) who was eighty-five. In the summer of 411 the probouloi (together with twenty additional members, according to Arist. Ath.Pol. 29.2) were instructed by the Assembly to bring forward proposals for the safety and good government of Athens; they proposed the suspension of all legal safeguards against unconstitutional legislation (Thuc. 8.67.2, Arist. Ath.Pol. 29.4), thus making possible the establishment of the oligarchy of the Four Hundred. It was later said that Sophocles had been the only proboulos to oppose these measures (Arist. Rhet. loc.cit.). 421-2 having secured a supply of tim ber for oars: after the Sicilian disaster there had been a critical shortage of timber for naval purposes at Athens (Thuc. 8.1.3), and although supplies had been procured in 413/2 (Thuc. 8.4) the long, strong spars needed for making oars remained hard to come by. We hear that later in 411 the Athenian exile Andocides brought a supply of oar-spars from Macedonia to the fleet at Samos - without which, he claims, they could not have won their subsequent naval victories over the Peloponnesians (Andoc. 2.11-12); and in 407/6 the Macedonian king Archelaus was officially thanked and honoured by the Athenians inter alia for his willingness to supply them with “timber and oar-spars" (ML 91.30 = IG i^ 117.30). 422 requiring the money: cf. on 174. 425 insolence: Greek hybris (cf. on 399). 427 Seeing if you can see a wine-shop, I ’ve no doubt: lit. “doing nothing other than look out for a wine-shop”. Cf. Knights 85-108 where two slaves steal their master’s wine. 428-432 G et those crow bars ... I t ’s not crow bars th at are needed: in the Greek the word mokhlos “crowbar, lever" and its derivatives are used six times within the space of four lines.

176 NOTES 431 I ’m coming out of my own free will: this is the first of four entries through the stage-house door by Lysistrata, and each time she appears unsummoned (706, 1106, 1273), emphasizing her mastery of the situation and her control of the Acropolis. Cf. O.P. Taplin, The Stagecraft o f Aeschylus (Oxford, 1977) 299-300, 307, 324 for the employment of the same technique in Aeschylus’ Agamemnon. 433 an archer: the Athenian state owned a corps of Scythian slaves armed with bows, who performed certain police functions under the direction of public officials: cf. Ach. 54, Knights 665, Thesm. 923-946, 1001-1225, and see on 184. 435-6 If he touches me ... I ’ll m ake him howl, public serv an t though he Is: if this punctuation and interpretation are correct, the point is that a publicly-owned slave had much more extensive legal rights than an ordinary slave (see Harrison i 177) and could, for example, sue a citizen for assault (cf. Aeschines 1.62); the status of a public slave, when contrasted with that of an ordinary slave, could even be termed “freedom” (Aeschines 1.62, 65, 66). Alternatively the meaning may be “if he, public slave that he is, dares to touch me. I'll make him howl”, the point in that case being that it is outrageous for a slave of the polis to lay hands on a citizen of the polis (cf. Lys. 30.2, 5). 439 FIRST OLD WOMAN: this woman, and the two who enter at 443 and 447, are presumably three of the “over-age women” mentioned in 177; one of them is addressed as “old woman” by the Magistrate at 506. This scene requires a fifth actor (cf. on 136). 439 Pandrosus was one of the daughters of the mythical Athenian king Cecrops (cf. Philochorus FGrH 328 F 105); she had a precinct on the Acropolis close to the temple of Athena Polias (Philochorus FGrH 328 F 67, Paus. 1.27.2). 441-2 Shit indeed! ... she can’t even hold h er tongue (i.e. she not only obstructs the police in the execution of their duty but uses insolent language as well): the Magistrate’s furious reaction is readily comprehensible: with the exception of two passages in the second part of Eccl. (595, 1062), when the power-relations between men and women have been reversed, this is the only place in Ar. where a woman utters a crudely obscene word in the presence of men (for this purpose choruses taking no part in the action are deemed not to be “present”: note that in the Cinesias-Myrrhine scene the presence of the baby proves an embarrassment [907-9] but the presence of the chorus is totally ignored). In contrast similar obscenities are fairly freely used by men in the presence of women (15 times in Lys., Thesm. and Eccl. alone) and by women among themselves (9 times in these three plays). 443 the Bringer of Light: Greek Phosphoros, a title of Hecate (cf. Thesm. 858, Ar. fr. 608 K-A, Eur. Hel. 569), a goddess much worshipped by women (cf. 700) who had a sanctuary on the Acropolis beside the temple of Athena Nike (Paus. 2.30.2). 444 you’ll soon be begging for a cupping-vessel: i.e. you will get a black eye (cf. Peace 541-2) and want to use a kyathos, a bronze vessel that could be applied to the skin for the relief of bruises and swellings (cf. Arise Probl. 890b7-26). 447 Tauropolos: the title under which Artemis was worshipped at Halae Araphenides on the east coast of Attica (Eur. IT 1450-7; Callim. Hymn 3. 173-4; Strabo 9.1.22); her festival, the Tauropolia, was an occasion for all-night celebrations by women (Men. Epitr. 451ff). Euripides (loc.cit.) had recently aetiologized the title and festival as derived from the adventures of Orestes and Iphigeneia in the land of the Scythian Tauri, and perhaps that is why the speaker uses this particular oath here in threatening a Scythian. 448 groananwalllng: Greek stenokôkûtous, lit. “groan-bewailed”, i.e. “in such a way that you will groan and wail”. 450 we m ust never let ourselves be beaten by women: a near-quotation of Soph. Ant. 678. Those who remembered Antigone will have recalled that the speaker, Creon, paid

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dearly for his male arrogance; it may also, as van Leeuwen suspects, not be wholly irrelevant that Sophocles was one of the probouloi. 451-2 Fall Into line, Scythians: Henderson argues that the Scythians here addressed are a different group from the four who have been employed hitherto, because otherwise “the market-women [would not] be necessary to subdue archers that have already been subdued by Lysistrata and her three helpers”. But the four archers have not been “subdued”, only frightened into inactivity, and the Magistrate hopes they can still prevail if they attack as a united force; in an attempt to raise their morale he identifies himself with than by the use of the first person plural (this should not be taken to imply that, old and decrepit as he is, he will join the charge himself). We are thus free to accept the natural implication of 449 ( 'I ’ve run out of archers”) that only four Scythian archers altogether are on stage. 454 fully arm ed fighting women: in terms of all the norms of Greek culture, a monstrous violation of nature (cf. 674-9); but there was one Athenian female who was an armed warrior - the city's goddess Athena. 455 tw ist th e ir arm s behind them : a preliminary to tying them up (438, 442), cf. Odyssey 22.189-190. 456 women of the reserve: lit. “allied women”. Note Lysistrata’s mingling of military language (here and in 461) with the language of street brawls (459-460) and with comic sesquipedalianisms (457-8). 457 you brood of the porridge and vegetable m arket: a single word in the Greek, approximately “seed-of-the-market-porridge-vegetable-sellers”. Market stallholders, especially women, were “proverbially tough, loud, and ferocious” (Henderson); cf. Wasps 493-9, 1388-1414, Frogs 857-8, Wealth 427. 458 garllc-landlady-breadsellers: again a single Greek word, comprehending two more groups of market-women and also innkeepers, whose reputation was similar ( Wasps 35, Frogs 549-578, Wealth 426). 461 no stripping the bodies: it was regular practice after a battle for the victors to strip the enemy dead of their armour and equipment (cf. Thuc. 4.97.1, 5.74.2), but it would be unwise for a general to allow his troops to do this until it was clear that the fighting was indeed over. Hence the order Lysistrata gives here is one that must often have been given after a successful sortie or minor action. In the actual situation it is of course incongruous, there being no corpses on the “battlefield”. 465 spirit: Greek kholê, lit. “bile, gall”, which like English “bile” can denote an angry temper: cf. Wasps 403, Thesm. 468, Frogs 4, Eubulus fr. 61 K-A. 466 if th e re 's a wine-shop nearby: i.e. only when well primed with drink are women likely to display the “manlike” quality of anger (cf. Knights 1054: the despicable Paphlagon-Cleon - who two lines later is compared to a woman - would never have dared to accept the command of the Pylos campaign had it not been that he was drunk). Alternatively the implication may be that a woman’s anger is most often directed against wine-shop keepers who give short measure or over-dilute their wine (cf. Thesm. 347-8, Eccl. 133-5). 467-475 Metre: iambic tetrameters. 470 o u r poor old cloaks: the Greek has the diminutive himatidia, intended to elicit sympathy (not so much for the cloaks as for their wearers). 470 soap: strictly “pearl-ash”. 475 but If people ... I'm a real wasp: lit. “if someone does not rifle and provoke me like a wasps’ nest”. The verb blittein would be appropriate in relation to bees rather than wasps, since it properly means “to snatch honey” from a nest or hive; but sphêkiân blittein “to rifle a wasps’ nest” seems to have been a proverbial expression (cf. Soph. fr. 778), perhaps referring to one who tries to take honey from what he thinks is a nest of wild bees

178 NOTES only to find it is occupied by wasps. The irascibility of wasps was a commonplace: cf. Wasps passim. Iliad 16.259-267, and see M. Davies and J. Kathirithamby, Greek Insects (London, 1986) 75ff. 476-607 A gon, consisting of: ode, 476-483; katakeleusmos, 484-5; epirrhema, 486ff (ending with a p n lg o s , 532-8); transitional couplet, 539-540; antode, 541-8; antikatakeleusmos, 549-550; antepinhema, 55Iff (ending with a pmgos, 598-607). 476-483 = 5 4 1 - 8 M e tre : th e s o n g o p e n s i n i a m b i c r h y t h m b u t immediately s h i f t s to c r e t i c s (— o r ------ ), and at 479 = 544 moves into lyric anapaests; in 4812 = 546-7 almost all the anapaests are “resolved”, so that in the antistrophe these two lines consist of twenty-four successive short syllables. 477 monsters: Greek knödala properly means “brute beasts"; cf. “animals” (468) and see on 26 0 -1 . 478-9 you: the addressee is the Magistrate. 481 C ranaus’ Hold: the Acropolis is here called Kranaâ which will originally have meant “the rocky (citadel)” but by Ar.'s time had come to be explained as derived from the name of a mythical king Cranaus (cf. Aesch. Eum. 1011); the name Kranaâ could also be applied to Athens as a whole ( Ack. 75) and Kranaoi to the Athenians (Birds 123, Hdt. 8.44.2). 482 forbidden: lit. “not-to-be-trodden-on”, a rhetorical exaggeration; the Acropolis was sacred ground, but like other sanctuaries it was accessible to the public, though the prohibition on anyone (except those directly concerned with the Acropolis cults) dwelling on the Acropolis was strictly enforced even during the war when many other sanctuaries were occupied by refugees from the countryside (cf. Thuc. 2.17.1). 484-538 Metre: anapaestic tetrameters, ending (from 532) in an anapaestic pnlgos. 484 Now question her: this is the only Aristophanic agon in which the first speaker is urged in the katakeleusmos to question his opponent rather than to state his own case; and in the result the Magistrate never gets the opportunity to state his own case, and his opening question, extending to two lines, is his longest continuous utterance in the whole agon. Here, as in Acharnions and Peace (both of which lack an agon altogether), no one is allowed to present a coherent argument for the continuation of war. 488 keep the money safe: so B ( k a te k h o im e n ); the reading of the other mss. (parekhoimen) would mean “produce the money safe” (to whom, and when?). 488 and thereby prevent you from m aking w ar: lit. “ and (so that) you might not make war through it”. Somewhere in the ensuing exchange there is either a misunderstanding of, or an equivocation on, the preposition dia “through, because of, by means of”; in the present sentence Lysistrata says that the women’s aim is to prevent the men from making war with the help o f the Acropolis funds, but in 489 she claims that both the war and “all the other agitation” have been stirred up for the sake o f (stealing) those funds. 489 all the other agitation: this must refer to some m atter or matters not directly connected with the war, and probably to something in which Peisander was prominently involved; possibly then to his activities in connection with the Hermae and Mysteries affairs in 415, when he claimed that a vast anti-democratic conspiracy was afoot (Andoc. 1.36), proposed a reward of 10,000 drachmas for whoever should give information about acts of sacrilege (ib. 27), and later, in order to discover the full extent of the alleged plot, tried to persuade the Council to suspend the law forbidding citizens to be tortured (ib. 43). 490 Peisander {PA 11770), son of Glaucetes, of the deme Achamae, had been a significant figure in Athenian politics at least since 426 when Ar. was already accusing him of favouring war from corrupt motives (Ar. fr. 84 K-A). In 422/1 he was a military officer, perhaps a taxiarch (Peace 395, cf. 1173); in 421/0 he was elected to a three-man board

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supervising the making of two statues for the temple of Hephaestus (IG i^ 472.1-3). In 415, being considered "very loyal to the people” (Andoc. 1.36), he was elected to the commission of inquiry investigating the mutilation of the Hermae and other acts of sacrilege (cf. previous note). Having thus for most of his career been a typical “demagogue", he suddenly came forward early in 411 as a supporter of oligarchy and was a key figure in the manoeuvres which by the summer had put the Four Hundred in power (Thuc. 8.49-56, 63-68). It is likely, however (see Introductory Note), that his new allegiance was not yet publicly known at the time of the Lenaea; Lysistrata here assumes that he and his like can be expected to do in the future as they have done in the past, unless they are prevented from doing so. After the fall of the Four Hundred Peis ander escaped, with others, to the Spartan camp at Deceleia (Thuc. 8.98.1) and was condemned to death in his absence and his property confiscated (Lys. 7.4; Lycurgus, Against Leocrates 120-1). He was often satirized in comedy as a big, clumsy man (e.g. Eupolis fr. 195 K-A), as a glutton (com. adesp. 64; cf. Aelian VH 1.27), and especially as a coward (Birds 1556-61; Eupolis fr. 35 K-A; Xen. Symp. 2.14). For a favourable view of his career see A.G. Woodhead, AJPh 75 (1954) 131-146. 490 all those who were eager to hold office: it is a standard comic assumption that office-holders embezzle public funds and property (cf. Wasps 554-7, 894-981; Birds 1111-2; Thesm. 811-2); hence it can be alleged that men who look forward to being office­ holders in the near future will try to replenish the treasury by "stirring up some brouhaha” that results in prosecutions and convictions and hence in fines and confiscations (as happened, on a very large scale, as a result of the religious scandals of 415: cf. last two notes) so that there will be more money for them to steal when they get the chance to do so. Thus we are dealing here with the typical comic stereotype of the professional accuser (iûJkopAunrêî)-cum-demagogue-cum-embezzler; there need be no reference to political clubs ( hetaireiai) whether democratic or anti-democratic (contrast 577-8). 491 they were always stirring up: sc. before we women took action designed to put a stop to such doings (so rightly Henderson); past tenses are similarly used in 507-524, 625. 1117. 492 getting hold of: lit. “taking down", sc. from the Acropolis to the lower town. 495 don’t we m anage the household finances ...?: it was the wife's traditional duty to be the manager (tamias ) of the money and chattels within the home: cf. Eccl. 211-2, 599-600; Xen. Oec. 3.10-15; ib. 7-10; Lys. 1.7; PI. Meno 71e. 503 unless you w ant a hiding: lit. “in order that you may not howl" (cf. 436). The Magistrate, like Lysistrata’s husband (520; cf. also 516), thinks it quite proper to strike a woman merely for talking about matters that ought not to concern her. This attitude is found in Ar. only in the present play; elsewhere physical violence against women is associated with drunkenness (cf. Wasps 1388ff) or with moral corruption (cf. Clouds 1443ff). Even female slaves, in marked contrast to male slaves, seem never to be beaten, though they are sometimes raped (cf. Ach. 271-5, Wasps 768-770). In view of Old Com edy’s fondness for physical violence in general (which At. fully shares notwithstanding his criticisms of it in Clouds 541-2 and Peace 742-7) this taboo on such violence against women must be regarded as significant, and the breach of the taboo in the present scene highlights the arrogance and unreasonableness of Athenian males. 506 may the curse ... fall upon you: cf. Peace 1063, Wealth 526, Eur. Hec. 1276. 507-8 F or a long tim e ... whatever you men did: the transmitted text is defective in grammar, in metre, and in sense. The corruption seems to have begun with the intrusion into the text of the word polemon “war", originally a gloss or a variant, thus creating the plausible but inappropriate phrase ton proteron polemon “during the previous war”. That phrase would have to be taken as referring to the war of 431-421; but Lysistrata proceeds to

180 NOTES illustrate her meaning by reference to an event of 419/8 (see on 513) when Athens was at peace. The insertion of polemon (and of the following words kai ton, added in order to restore some semblance of syntax) has displaced at least two genuine words from the text. One of these was almost certainly the second-person pronoun human, which in apposition to tön andrôn “the men” makes it clear that throughout Lysistrata’s speech all secondperson plurals refer to die male Athenian citizen body. The other lost word is likely to have been sig ii “in silence": the clause “because you wouldn’t let us utter a sound” (509) presupposes some previous reference to the women’s silence, and in any case the denial to women of all right to speak (even in private) on matters of public policy is a leading theme of the speech (cf. 515-6, 519-520, 522) until at its end tradition is reversed and silence is imposed on the male Magistrate (528-530, 534). 513 to inscribe ... as a footnote to the peace tre a ty : this refers to a decision taken during the winter of 419/8. The Spartans had put a garrison into Epidaurus, Epidaums then being at war with Argos, an ally of Athens since 420. Argos demanded Athenian retaliation against Sparta notwithstanding the Athenian-Spartan peace treaty of 421, and on the proposal of Alcibiades (at that time die chief promoter of Argive interests at Athens) the Athenian Assembly voted (1) to inscribe upon the stone slab (stele) recording the treaty of 421 the words “The Spartans have not kept their oaths", (2) to reactivate Pylos as a base for guerrilla operations in Spartan-controlled Messenia (Thuc. 5.56.1-3). This Athenian support for Argos resulted, within a few months, in Athens being involved in a major campaign in the Peloponnese and in defeat at the battle of Mantinea, and might easily have resulted in a renewal of full-scale war with Sparta, though in the event, despite much provocation, Sparta did not declare war until 413. The proper Athenian course, if they considered Sparta had broken the treaty of 421, should have been to demand arbitration (cf. Thuc. 5.18.4, 7.18.3). 516 you’d have got a belting: lit. “you'd have howled” (cf. 436, 503). 516 at th a t tim e I for one did keep quiet: the text is uncertain; the manuscripts’ reading (which would mean “I kept quiet at home”) is unmetrical. If the emendation here adopted is correct, a contrast is being drawn between “that time” (419/8) and the later time spoken of in 517-520. 517 some other even worse decision: if any specific decision is here alluded to, it would surely have to be the decision to send the great expedition to Sicily (cf. on 390-7 and 398). 518 you: is plural (= you men). 520 he’d see I had a headache for weeks: lit. “I would wail loud/long for my head”, a threat of a hard smack. 520 “w ar Is for men to take care oP’: so Hector said to Andromache (Iliad 6.492); but he said it at the end of a long conversation in which he had been full of sincere and tender concern for the fate of his wife and child. For the husband here, on the other hand, the adage merely serves as justification for ignoring the opinions and feelings of his wife. 524 “There Isn’t a man In the country” : the words could equally well be understood as a question, “Isn't there a man in the country?” It is not clear whether the complaint is of a shortage of soldiers (after the heavy losses in Sicily) or of a lack of leaders (for anër “man" in this sense cf. Knights 179, 333, 1255; PI. Symp. 192a; Xen. Hell. 7.1.24). 525 unite to save Greece: cf. 41. 530-1 you w ear a veil about your head: women outside the home would normally lower their head-covering over their face to serve as a veil. Often this head-covering was simply the woman’s outer garment (himation) pulled up over the head, but sometimes, as

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here, the veil (kalymma) was a separate item of dress (cf. Ar. fr. 332.5 K-A). See Stone 20 2 -3 . 535 this basket: women were expected to busy themselves with wool-working when not otherwise occupied, and often carried the wool and implements about with them in a basket (kalathiskos); cf. Eccl. 88—92. In addition to a supply of wool, the basket would contain a carding-comb, a distaff, a spindle, and a hand-loom. 536 hitch up your robe: so as to have both hands free to work; cf. Arist. Ath.Pol. 28.3 where Cleon is said to have been in the habit of hitching up his clothes when speaking in the Assembly, presumably so that he could use both hands for gesticulation. The practice of hitching up the clothes when working explains the anxiety of Praxagora in Eccl. 93-94 lest a woman (in male disguise) might expose too much of her person while carding wool. 537 chewing beans: “to avoid falling asleep” (scholia) while doing this monotonous work; chewing beans (and cucumber seeds? cf. Athenaeus 3.73d) was a common practice among Attic peasants (cf. Knights 41, Suda k2578) but grossly beneath the dignity of a high public official. 539-540 Metre: iambic tetrameters (cf. 467-475). 539 move off away from the pitchers: the women have evidently put down their now empty pitchers but are still standing near them, probably at one side of the orchestra, now they will move into the centre in order to sing and dance the ensuing antistrophe. The verb apairein usually means “depart on a journey”, but cf. Eur. Phaethon 111 Diggle {“come away from your homes" sc. into the streets), Thuc. 8.103.3 (“two ships which in the pursuit had got dangerously far away from land”). 549-607 Metre: anapaestic tetrameters, ending (from 598) in an anapaestic pnlgos. 549-550 Now, m ost courageous ... the wind behind you: with the text adopted here, the speaker first addresses Lysistrata individually (“most courageous” is singular) and then exhorts her and her companions alike (the verbs in 550 are plural); such a shift is common (cf. 209, 518, Frogs 1479). ScaligeT’s conjecture, making the addresses plural throughout, is tempting; but the text with the singular adjective was already known to Athenaeus (2nd/3rd century AD), and its irregular yet idiomatic grammar is unlikely to have arisen by corruption. 549 of all m um m ies and all nettly grannies: i.e. of all mature women. The Greek means literally “of grandmothers and of mummy nettles”; the half-implication that Lysistrata is a grandmother has seemed unwelcome to many (though it should be remembered that many Athenian women must have been grandmothers, in the female line, when in their thirties), but the object of placing “grandmothers” before “mothers” is to facilitate an elaborate word-play on the phrase mêtridiôn, which can mean either “of mummies nettles" (i.e. easily roused to stinging anger; cf. Wasps 883-4) or “of nettles which are bearing seed" (i.e. mature and with theiT stinging powers fully developed). 550 advance In fury: as if to battle; cf. Thuc. 5.70. 551 C yprus-born: cf. Ach. 989, Hes. Thg. 199, Solon fr. 26, Pind. Pyth. 4.216. 553 delightful: in one way ironic, since the men will find their ithyphallic condition both painful and undignified, and it is Lysistrata's intention that they should; but from women’s point of view this condition in men is delightful, both under normal circumstances (as promising them sexual pleasure) and in the exceptional situation created by Lysistrata (as evidence that the women’s strike is proving effective and the men will soon be forced to make peace). 553 attacks of truncheonism : Greek rhopalismoi, an ad hoc pseudo-medical term coined on the basis of rhopalon “club": cf. Anth.Plan. 261 = Hell.Epigr. 2486-7 (Leonidas) where the ithyphallic god Priapus is envisaged as a security guard with a phallus for his truncheon

182 NOTES (irhopalon); similarly korunê (also "club”) means “penis” in Nie. Alex. 409 and Anth.Pal. 5.129 = Garland o f Philip 1515-6 (Automedon). 554 the Dissolvers of Strife: Greek Lÿsim akhai, the plural form of the name of the incumbent priestess of Athena Polias; see Introductory Note. 555-6 doing their shopping In arm o u r: since the Spartan occupation of Deceleia in 413 Athens had "changed from a city into a fortress” with large numbers constantly under arms in readiness for an enemy attack (Thuc. 7.28.1-2, 8.69.1); cf. Thesm. 493-6 (a wife entertains a lover while her husband is on night duty guarding the walls). 556 by Paphian Aphrodite: for the temple of Aphrodite at Paphos (Cyprus) cf. Odyssey 8.362-6, hJIomAph. 58-63, Strabo 14.6.3, Paus. 8.5.2. 558 as if they were C orybantes: there appears here to be confusion or syncretism between the Corybantes (Phrygian divinities attendant upon Cybele, associated with ecstatic dancing to the music of flutes and drums) and the Curetes (Cretan divinities who danced in armour around the infant Zeus); for the Corybantes have properly no association with armour. The same confusion appears a few years later in Euripides’ Bacchae (120-9); it goes back to epics of the archaic period (cf. Danais fr. 3 Davies), and is probably to be associated with the tendency to identify Rhea (mother of Zeus) with Cybele. The mention of Corybantes is particularly appropriate to the present context because their name was associated with delirium and insanity (cf. 556 "lunatic behaviour”); see Wasps 8, PI. Ion 533e. 560 and a Gorgon on it: the Gorgon-head had been a common shield-blazon since the seventh century (cf. already Iliad 11.36; see H.L. Lorimer, Homer and the Monuments [London, 1950] 190) and in Ar.’s lime it was one of the limited set of traditional devices in regular use (Plut. Ale. 16.1 remarks on the exhibitionism of Alcibiades in choosing a nontraditional device). It seems to have been particularly associated with officers (cf. Peace 561 with my note) and by Ar. above all with Lamachus (Ach. 574, 582, 964-5, 1095, 1124, 1181; Peace 474). 560 ravenflsh: or “croakers” (family Sciaenidae), a small and cheap kind of fish (cf. Pherecrates fr. 62 K-A, Alexis fr. 18, Amphis fr. 22, Archestratus fr. 19 Brandt). 561 a long-haired chap: long hair was associated by Athenians with wealth and arrogance (cf. Clouds 545, Wasps 466) and was especially affected by those who served in the cavalry (cf. Knights 580, Clouds 14-15). 561 a cavalry officer: strictly “a phylarch”, the commander of one of the ten tribal contingents of which the cavalry corps consisted. 562 his brass hat: i.e. his helmet (“hat" translates pilos, properly a felt cap). 563 a Thracian: Athens had made use of Thracian mercenary troops for a good many years: cf. Ach. 153ff; Thuc. 4.129.2, 5.6.2-4, 7.9, 7.27-30. They were normally light infantry, equipped with a small leather shield (pelte) and a light javelin (akontion). See J.G.P. Best, Thracian Peltasts and their Influence on Greek Warfare (Groningen, 1969). 563 Tereus: a mythical Thracian king who married Procne, daughter of Pandion king of Athens; after tragic events which culminated in Tereus’ being tricked by Procne into eating the flesh of their son Itys, he was ultimately transformed into a hoopoe. The story had been dramatized by Sophocles and Philocles, and Ar. had made Tereus (as a hoopoe) a character in Birds. It was evidently regular for the tragic Tereus to be presented on stage as an armed Thracian warrior; even after his metamorphosis Sophocles (fr. 5813) described him as “a bird in full armour”, with reference especially to the distinctive and prominent crest of the hoopoe. 564 ripe figs: Greek drupepeis, lit. “ that have ripened on the tree”; the variant drupeteis would mean “fallen fruits” gathered from the ground, which even a Thracian, one would have thought, would be unlikely to steal if there were better figs to be had.

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S66 the various countries: the Greek states alone are meant; no one in the play finds anything objectionable in wars against non-Greeks (cf. 1133, 1247-61). 574-586 This remarkable semi-allegory seems to be imitated by PI. Polit. 308c-309b; for a recent discussion see Moulton 49-57. In plain language, Lysistrata’s recommendations are to purge the citizen body of criminals and self-seeking factions (574-8); to unite all the rest of the free population, including non-citizens and disfranchised citizens, in a well-knit community (579-581); and to admit the people of the "colonies” (see on 582) to Athenian citizenship (582-5). As is A r.'s way (cf. Knights 40-60, Wasps 922-5) literal and allegorical language, words referring to politics and words referring to wool-working, are inextricably mingled throughout the passage. 574—8 The purging of the citizen body is imaged by the preliminary processing of wool fresh from the shearing: it is thoroughly washed, foreign bodies are removed by beating or plucking, and matted portions are disentangled, the ends (“heads”) being cut off if necessary. 575 on a bed: cf. 729-732 (spreading out a fleece on a bed to remove moths). 577-8 those people who combine ... to gain office: the reference is to political factions and caucuses of all stripes, but in particular to “the conspiracies which existed in the city for mutual aid in lawsuits and in seeking office” (Thuc. 8.54.4), also known as hetaireiai (cf. Eupolis fr. 99.28 K-A; Lys. 12.43; PI. Rep. 2.365d, Tht. 173d; ArisL Ath.Pol. 343) and generally of an anti-democratic tendency, which during most of the first half of 411 were working in concert, on the instructions of Peisander (see on 490), for the overthrow of the constitution (Thuc. loc.cit.). The Greek phrase has two definite articles, and thus means literally “those who combine and those who mat themselves together”, but it is not necessary to assume that two different kinds of political groups are referred to; cf. Wasps 1038 “the agues and the fevers” (meaning the professional informers). Peace 741 “the Heracles characters who kneaded dough and who went hungry” (as likely in the same plays as in different groups of plays). 578 the heads: both (i) matted knots of hair-ends in the fleece, whose removal will enable the underlying hairs to be disentangled, and (ii) the leaders of political factions. 579 union and concord: lit. “united (.koine, cf. on 41) goodwill”. 579 everyone at this point denotes all citizens except those who have been disposed of in 574—8; those previously without citizen rights are brought into the picture from 580 onwards. 580 Immigrants: Greek metoikoi, free non-Athenians permanently settled in Attica or their descendants (who could not become naturalized citizens except by special decree). 580 any foreigner w ho’s friendly to you: i.e. persons who were neither citizens by birth nor resident in Attica but who desired, and were thought to deserve, Athenian citizenship. 581 anyone w ho’s In debt to the treasury: persons who owed money to the state (e.g. taxes or fines) were deprived of their rights as citizens until the debt was paid; cf. Andoc. 1.73, MacDowell 164-7. Lysistrata is in effect recommending that these debtors' citizen rights should be restored; a similar appeal (including also other disfranchised groups) is made in Frogs 692-702, and the rights of most disfranchised persons were in fact restored by the decree of Patrocleides in late 405 (Andoc. 1.73-80). 582 the states which a re colonies of this land: the reference cannot be to the few colonies founded from Athens in historical times (these would not be important enough to merit a climactic position), nor to the cleruchies or overseas settlements of Athenian citizens (these were not “states" \poleis] but outlying portions of the Athenian civic body), but must be to the Ionic-speaking states of Asia Minor and the Aegean, which both in Athenian tradition and in their own were Athenian colonial foundations (cf. Eur. Ion 157588; Hdt. 1.147.2, 8.46.2-3; Thuc. 1.2.6, 1.12.4; Isocr. 4.34-36, 12.166, 12.190).

184 NOTES Almost all of these states had long been subject-allies of Athens, though many had revolted after the Sicilian disaster; and imperial legislation had required them to participate in Athenian festivals as colonies participated in the festivals of their mother-city (cf. IG P 71.55-58). What is Lysistrata now proposing? By "bring them together here” she can hardly be suggesting the physical removal of the populations of the allied states to an already overcrowded Athens; rather the “colonists” are to be "brought home” by making them Athenian citizens - by uniting the whole Ionian race (or as much of it as was still loyal to Athens) into a single state with a single citizenship. This proposal, which would have made the existing Athenians a minority in their own state, may well have seemed fantastic to Ar.’s audience in 411; but in the still more desperate days of 405/4 a similar proposal was actually enacted when the people of Samosi the one ally that remained loyal to the end, were declared to be Athenians (IG P 127). 583 how you now have them: so B; the older MSS have “how we now have them", but throughout this speech Lysistrata calls the men of Athens "you” (e.g. 572-3, 580) and the women “we” (e.g. 567, 569, 573). 584 the hum an flock: Greek katagma, the same word used (in the plural form katagmata) for “flocks of wool” in the previous line; there may be a play on the verb katagein “bring home” (LSJ katagö Π), encouraging the hearer to think of the Ionians as an Athenian diaspora. 586 a warm cloak: Greek khlaina , a heavy woolen cloak suitable for winter wear (Stone 160-2). Here it symbolizes comfort and security; cf. 1156, Birds 121-2. 587 sticks and balls: referring to 576 “beat out the villains with a stick” and 586 “a great ball of wool”. 590 sending them out as hoplites: she was going to add “never to see them again” (Henderson), referring primarily to the great losses in Sicily. 590 open old wounds: or “raise grudges from the past”; it does not occur to the Magistrate that this complaint of the women cannot be regarded as belonging to the pas! while the war continues. 592 our own position: i.e. that of married wom en. 593 I am deeply distressed about the spinsters: for there was simply no place in Greek society for the adult woman who remained unmarried: her virgin state would exclude her from the world of wives, her age from the world of maidens, and her family would look on her as a failure. When Lysias, cataloguing the crimes of the Thirty, says that they drove many citizens into exile in enemy states, put many unjustly to death and denied them burial, deprived many of their civic rights, and prevented the daughters of many from being married (Lys. 12.21), the last item can be no anticlimax. There does seem after the Sicilian disaster to have been a serious shortage of young citizen men which led to fears that many women might indeed be unable to find husbands, and an attempt was apparently made to solve this problem by a decree which encouraged married men to take citizen women as concubines by enacting that the children of such unions would be treated as legitimate (cf. Athenaeus 13.555d-556a; D.L. 2.26; Aulus Gellius 15.20.6); the historicity of this decree has been doubted, but its text was known to Hieronymus of Rhodes (fr. 44-45 Wehrli), working at Athens in the mid third century B.C. The decree seems to have been ineffectual; with the very dubious exception of Socrates (whose notorious poverty would surely have made it impossible for him to keep two establishments, and who as a just and honourable man would never have dreamed of committing the ultimate insult to his wife by bringing a mistress into her home) we know of no one who took advantage of it, and it was probably repealed within a few years. 595 comes home: i.e. from the war; for “grey-haired” soldiers ci. Ach. 600.

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597 her: the Greek pronoun is demonstrative, as if the woman were being singled out as unsuitable (because of her age). 597 clutching at any straw of an omen: i.e. taking note of any unusual sight or sound that could possibly be interpreted as an omen signifying that she would soon be married; for examples of the sort of occurrences that might be perceived as omens cf. Birds 719-721 with my notes. 598 any m an who can still make himself stand up straight: the verb meaning “get an erection" appears here in the active voice instead of the middle as is normal, indicating that the Magistrate is thinking of men at a time of life when erections tend not to come spontaneously. It is not clear how his sentence would have finished had Lysistrata not interrupted; two possibilities are (i) "... has every right to take the most attractive wife available" (this would be crass in its disregard for the well-recognized right of every woman to have a husband, but probably not too crass for this speaker, cf. on 503) or (ii) “... would be only too happy, even if already married, to take one of these women as a mistress” (see on 593). 601-4 The Magistrate, being deemed (as good as) dead, is now decked out as a corpse would be in preparation for the funeral rites. 601 a honey-cake: this is the only surviving reference in Greek literature to honey-cakes being given to the dead, though we hear of them elsewhere as offerings to chthonic powers (cf. Clouds 507-8, Hdt. 8.41.2-3); according to the scholia the cake was to be given to the infernal hound Cerberus (cf. Virg. Aen. 6.420 which may well reflect a Greek poetic source). 601 right away: Greek kai dê normally means “look”, drawing attention to something the speaker is actually doing or has just done (cf. 909, 925, Clouds 1097, Peace 327), and it is very rare to find it accompanying a future verb; presrnably the point is that'though Lysistrata is unable to make a honey-cake on the spot, she will do so at the very first opportunity and the Magistrate may, as it were, “consider it made”. 602 have a w reath: wreaths, either of real flowers or leaves or of wax flowers (cf. Eccl. 1034-5), were very common as funeral adornments: cf. Eccl. 538; Bion 1.75; J. Boardman, ABSA 50 (1955) 60-63 nos. 14, 17, 25; see M. Alexiou, The Ritual Lament in Greek Tradition (Cambridge, 1974) 5, 8. They might be placed on the deceased's head, on his body, or around his bier. Here the wreath is apparently put in the Magistrate’s hand with the intention that he should place it on his own head (Lysistrata says stephanôsai, lit. “crown yourself’), but he probably does not do so. He may in any case already be wearing a garland as an emblem of office (cf. Knights 1227; Dem. 21.32; Arist. AthJ'ol. 57.4; Lycurgus, Against Leocrates 122). 603 these: the feminine plural pronoun is understood, no doubt rightly, by the scholia as denoting ribbons (tainiai), which were often draped on the corpse at its prothesis (see on 611) or attached to funerary monuments. Cf. Eccl. 1032 and see Garland 170. The speaker, who was one of the women who occupied the Acropolis under pretence of making sacrifice (179), will have been wearing the ribbons on, or hanging down from, her head as one participating in a joyful celebration (cf. PI. Symp. 212e-213b). 604 tiara: Greek Stephanos can denote either a garland (cf. 602) or a metal crown, coronet or tiara. Here a tiara - perhaps of gold, cf. T.L. Shear, Hesperia 6 (1937) 363 - would avoid a repetition of 602 and make something of a climax. Vase-paintings of funeral scens often show the deceased wearing a metal Stephanos; see Garland 26 and fig. 7. 606 Charon: the ferryman who transported the souls of the dead across the river ot lake of Acheron; he is a character in Frogs (180-270). He is a ubiquitous figure in funerary art (see Garland 55-56; D.C. Kurtz, Athenian White Lekythoi [Oxford, 1975] xx, 63; C. SourvinouInwood, AION [Arch.] 9 [1987] 145-158; LIMC s.v. Charon 1) where, however, his passengers seem always to be women, youths or children, never grown men; and it may thus

186 NOTES be significant (though cf. Wealth 278) that he is mentioned here in connection with the “death” of a man who has been dressed as a woman, and in a passage modelled on one sung by the dying Alcestis (Eur. Ale. 152-1). 611 a fbll laylng-out: the reference is to the ceremony of prothesis (Garland 23-31, 138— 142) when the corpse, clothed and adorned, was laid out on a bed and mourned (especially by the women of the family) with elaborate laments. The omission of this rite would certainly give the soul of the deceased cause for complaint; but in the present case the “deceased" has refused to lie down! 612 don’t worry ... for sure: lit. “but ... at any rate": the Magistrate is assured that he will receive all funeral rites possible in the circumstances. 613 the third-day offerings: Greek ta trita (cf. Isaeus 2.36), offerings brought to the tomb on the third day (reckoning inclusively, i.e. the second full day) after death (not, as many have thought, after burial; decisive evidence on this point is provided by the survival of the custom into modem times; see Alexiou op.cit. 46—47, 208 n.38, 214 n.39). No mention is made here of actual burial; like prothesis (see on 611), it is impracticable when the “deceased” stubbornly continues to insist that he is still alive. 614—705 This would be the natural place for a parabasis (cf. B1CS 31 [1984] 146-7, 150), but with the chorus divided, no normal parabasis is possible. Instead we have a double epinhematic syzygy, comprising four blocks performed by the men and women alternately, each block consisting of a song (preceded in the first two blocks by a recitative couplet in trochaic tetrameters) and a ten-line speech in trochaic tetrameters. Each of the four blocks begins with the relevant semichorus removing part of their clothing, and each ends with a threat of violence. 615 let’s strip for this action: for the removal of outer garments by the chorus cf. Ach. 627, Wasps 408, Thesm. 656; it normally occurs when the chorus is about to engage in dancing or other vigorous activity. Here the impression is given (636-7, 661-3, 682695) that both sides are stripping for a fight; contrariwise the later reclothing of the men (1019-24) is associated with a reconciliation. 616-625 = 638-647 Metre: mainly cretk and trochaic (which pass easily into one another). 619 the dictatorship of Hippias: Hippias, son of Peisistratus {PA 7605), was “tyrant” of Athens from 528/7 to 510, and the last four years of his rule, after the assassination of his brother Hipparchus by Harmodius and Aristogeiton (see on 632-3), were remembered as particularly harsh and despotic (Hdt. 5.62.2; Thuc. 6.59.2; Arist. Ath.Pol. 19.1). Expelled in 510, he made several attempts to return with Spartan or Persian help, the last in 490 when he landed with the Persians at Marathon. But the public curses against any who aspired “to become tyrant or to join in restoring the tyrant" {Thesm. 338-9) and the proclamation of a reward offered to anyone who killed one of the tyrants {Birds 1074-5) were still, even in 411, being regularly pronounced on major pmblic occasions, keeping the fear of tyranny alive in the pwpular mind and enabling politicians to use the word as a stick with which to beat their opponents (cf. Wasps 417, 463-507; Thuc. 6.60.4). Here, as in Wasps and Birds, Ar. evidently regards the fear as chimerical: two months later {Thesm. 1143—4) the tone is very different The reference to Hippias, whose name meant “Horsy”, may carry a suggestion that the kind of despotism the men fear is spjecifically one in which, as in the “equestrian” coital pmsition (see on 60), the women are on top; cf. 676-8, 772-3, Wasps 500-2. 621 Cleisthenes {PA 8525) was a beardless man, satirized by Ar. in all but one of his surviving fifth-century plays as an effeminate and a passive homosexual; he is a character in Thesm. (574-654). He makes an ideal intermediary between the Spartans, notoriously inclined as they were (in Athenian eyes) to homosexuality (cf. Ar. fr. 358 K-A, PI. Laws 636b-c), and the women, to whose sex he all but belongs himself (cf. Clouds 355, Birds 831, Thesm. 571-3).

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624-5 the dally pay by which I lived: the three obols a day paid to jurors (cf. Knights 51, 255, 800, 1359-60, Wasps 300, 605-9, 656-724, 784ff, 1117-21, Birds 1541); as in Ach. 375, Wasps passim. Peace 349, Eccl. 460, “old man" and “juror” are virtually synonymous. The men continue to use language (“our money”) which implies that the women are not really part of the polis (cf. 263, 487), but their mention of jury-pay further indicates that like Philocleon in Wasps (664ff, cf. 706ff, Knights 1350-3) they imagine that the whole contents of the state treasuries are available for distribution to individual citizens like themselves. 627 about brazen shields: in the Greek “shield" is singular, and the phrase may be a quotation from tragedy. 629 who can no m ore be trusted...: on Spartan “perfidy” cf. Ach. 308, Peace 623, 1063-8, Eur. Andr. 445-453, Supp. 187; in 419/8 the Athenian Assembly had officially declared the Spartans to be perjurers (cf. on 513). 629 ravening: lit. “open-mouthed”, i.e. hungry and greedy; cf. Ar. fir. 350 K-A, Men. Aspis 3 7 2 -3 . 632 “ carry my sword In a branch of m yrtle” : a direct quotation (with word-order altered metri gratia) of the first line of one version (or stanza) of the famous drinking song (skolion) on the “tyrannicides” Harmodius and Aristogeiton, who killed Hipparchus, the brother of Hippias (see on 619), at the Panathenaea in 514 (cf. Hdt. 5.55-56; Thuc. 6.5459; Arist. Ath.Pol. 18). The stanza (PMG 893/895) runs in full: “I will cany my sword in a branch of myrtle, like Harmodius and Aristogeiton ...”, continuing either ”... when amid the sacrifices to Athena they slew the tyrant Hipparchus” (895) or “... when they killed the tyrant and made Athens a land of equal rights” (893); the latter version may have been substituted for the former after the final expulsion of the Peisistratids in 510. The significance of the “branch of myrtle” is obscure, and may already have been obscure in Ar.’s time: for various interpretations see J.C. Vollgraff, Mnemosyne 49 (1921) 246-250; J.A. Davison, CR 10 (1960) 2; C.M. Bowra, Greek Lyric Poetry^ (Oxford, 1961) 392 n.1; G. Lambin, REG 92 (1979) 542-551. It is perhaps least improbable to associate the myrtle-branch with the symposia at which skolia were typically sung: singers at symposia, if not accompanying themselves on an instrument, took a myrtle-branch in the hand (cf. Clouds 1365, Ar. fr. 444 K-A), and myrtle was also much used for symposiac garlands (cf. Thesm. 448). Hence the original point of the song may have been: “Even when I am crowned with myrtle - at a symposium or a festival - I will also carry my sword, ready to perform an act of liberation such as Harmodius and Aristogeiton performed at the Panathenaea.” For the use of en “in” in the sense “accoutred with”, which this interpretation assumes, see Vollgraff and Davison opp.citt. The line is also, however, capable of an obscene interpretation, the “sword” being taken as phallic and “myrtle” denoting, as it often did, the female genitals (Henderson MM 122. 134—5; Lambin op.cit.), and the law referred to by Hyp. 2.3, forbidding the use of songs about Harmodius and Aristogeiton to make disparaging insinuations about them, is evidence that Athenians were conscious of the possibility of such an interpretation; in such a sense, of course, the line would have a high degree of comic incongruity on the lips of this aged speaker. For other references to the Harmodius song or songs cf. Ach. 980, 1093, Wasps 1225-6, Ar. fr. 444 K-A. 633 do my shopping: or "got about the Agora"; cf. 555-564. 633 close beside Aristogeiton: the reference is to the bronze statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, made by Critius and Nesiotes in 477/6, which stood near the centre of the Agora; see Agora iii 93-98 (where literary and epigraphic references to the statues are collected), xiv 155-160. 634 take my stand next to him: to stand next to Aristogeiton is to assume the role of Harmodius, and it does seem likely that the pose which the old man proceeds to strike is

188 NOTES that of the statue of Harmodius as known from reproductions (see J. Boardman, Greek Sculpture: The Classical Period [London, 1985] 24-25 and figs. 3-9). This is again highly incongruous with his advanced age - Harmodius was young and very handsome (Thuc. 6.54.2-3) and his statue showed him as a beardless youth - and the old man’s pretensions are further deflated when he proceeds to threaten, not a deadly stroke of a (non-existent) sword, but a mere punch in the jawl 637 old girls: lit. “dear old women”. 642 an A rrephoros: the Arrephoroi were two girls of noble families, aged between seven and eleven at the start of their service, who lived for a year on the Acropolis under the supervision of the priestess of Athena Polias and performed various ritual duties: they had a role in the Panathenaic procession, and at the festival of the Chalkeia in the autumn they, together with the priestess, began the weaving of the Panathenaic robe (peplos) for Athena. Their service reached its climax and conclusion in the ritual of the Arrephoria, probably in the last month of the Athenian year (Skirophorion, approximately equivalent to June), when the priestess gave them boxes containing certain sacred objects, which they carried to an underground sanctuary, bringing back other objects, also concealed, in their stead; after this they returned to their homes and the next year's Arrephoroi took their place. See Paus. 1.27.3; Bekk. An. 1.202.3-5, 1.446.18-22; Suda χ35; W. Burkert, Homo Necans (Eng. tr. Berkeley, 1983) 150-4; E. Kadletz, AM 86 (1982) 445-6; E. Simon, Festivals o f Attica (Madison, 1983) 38-46, 66-69; Brulé 79-98; Sourvinou-Inwood 58-59, 73-74 n.45. The singer here claims that she became an Arrephoros at the earliest possible age. 643-5 then I was a G rin d er ... the Foundress’s Bears: text and punctuation are controversial; for the interpretation adopted here see Sourvinou-Inwood, esp. 136-148. The text favoured by Sourvinou-Inwood, however (which, punctuation aside, is that of R), while it gives the same sense as that printed here, involves an interlaced phrase-order (“[for the Foundress] i [shedding my saffron gown]2 [1 was a BearJi [at the Brauronia]2 “where phrases bearing the same subscript belong together grammatically) and also, by mentioning “the Foundress” before referring to the Brauron cult, leaves it temporarily obscure to the hearer who is denoted by that multiply ambiguous title (see below). Both these difficulties can be obviated simply by having the words târkhëgeti “for the Foundress” and Brauröniois “at the Brauronia” change places in the text. Almost all other critics have punctuated differently to give one of the following senses: “then, when I was ten, I was a Grinder for the Foundress, I (a) and then, wearing my saffron gown, j (b) and also, wearing my saffron gown, ; I was a Bear at the Brauronia” ' (c) and, shedding my saffron gown. Of these three versions of the text (a) is that of Ellebodius, Bentley, and all editors from the 1830s to the 1960s; (b) was proposed by G.T.W. Hooker, JHS 98 (1978) 191; (c) was suggested by T.C.W. S tin ton, CQ 26 (1976) 11-13, and has been adopted by Turner and Henderson. They are all, however, open to the same objection: that for being a Bear (arkios) at the Brauronia the tenth birthday was the upper limit (see below) and that consequently a girl who had been a Grinder at the age of ten could not subsequently have been a Bear. Sourvinou-Inwood’s punctuation and interpretation (first proposed in CQ 21 [1971] 339-342) avoids this problem by linking the phrase “when I was ten” to the Brauronia instead of to the position of Grinder. 643 a G rinder: Greek aletris. According to the scholia "certain well-bom maidens become aletrides to the goddess; they grind the cakes for the sacrifices, and this is an honourable office; there are also sacred mills”. Eustathius (on Odyssey 20.105), citing Pausanias the Atticist, further associates the aletrides with a rite called “the sacred grinding”. The unnamed “goddess” whom they served was probably Demeter, whose cult at Eleusis is

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known to have included a whole series of ritual operations connected with the cultivation and processing of com crops; cf. scholia on 644 and see Sourvinou-Inwood 142-6. Most scholars have supposed that the aletrides were servants of Athena, but the arguments for this are weak: “the goddess” tout court does not necessarily denote Athena (the scholia on 645 use the phrase to refer to Artemis before they mention her by name), and the only other alleged link between the aletrides and Athena depends on the mistaken belief that Ar. associates the aletrides with the "Foundress” (see above) and that the “Foundress” must be Athena (see below). 643- 4 when I was ten: according to the scholia the Bear-girls of Brauron had to be “neither older than ten years nor less than five”, and on the analogy of other such expressions defining age-intervals (see C.M. Tazelaar, Mnemosyne 20 [1967] 129 n.5, 133-4) this should mean that the lower and upper limits were the fifth and tenth birthdays, so that if service as a Bear, like service as an Arrephoros, lasted for a year, every girl would be eligible for it just once in her life (since the Brauronia was celebrated once every four years). The vase-paintings showing scenes connected with the Brauronia tend to portray the Bears in a style elsewhere associated with girls of about ten, and it may thus be that although most if not all of the Bears were younger than this, nevertheless ten was thought of as the “ideal” age for the rite. In fact it must be presumed that a girl could only be a Bear at the “ideal" age if the Brauronia actually fell on her tenth birthday; and the singer here, who is claiming to have had the fullest and best cursus honorum to which an Athenian maiden could aspire, apparently had that good fortune. See Sourvinou-Inwood 21-67, esp. 22-24. Might one conjecture that when girls were selected for the honour of being Bears, preference would be given to those who had been bom on the day of the Brauronia? 644- 5 a t the B rauronia ... the Foundress’s Bears: the reference is to the Arkteia. a girls’ rite de passage (the sources emphasize its significance as a preparation for marriage, even though marriage for most of the participants was still at least four years away) held at four-yearly intervals at the sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron in eastern Attica, in which the whole Attic-Athenian community participated. In theory every Athenian citizen girl had to have been an arktos (“bear”) before she could be deemed eligible to marry (so say two of the several scholiasts’ notes on this passage; cf. also Bekk. An. 1.206.4, 1.444.30-31, Harpocration s.v. arkteusai ): but according to another scholium only “chosen" grils actually took part, being perhaps regarded as representatives of all. The Arkteia extended over a considerable period and included a variety of rituals, for many of which, to judge by the vase-paintings, distinct "uniforms” were worn. It culminated in the festival of the Brauronia. See L. (Ghali-)Kahil, Antike Kunst 8 (1965) 20-33 and 20 (1977) 86-98; A. Brelich, Paides e parthenoi (Rome, 1969] 240-279; H. Lloyd-Jones, JHS 103 (1983) 9195; S.G. Cole, ZPE 55 (1984) 238-244; Brulé 179-286, 404-6; Sourvinou-Inwood passim. 645 I shed my saffron gown: this passage has been made intelligible thanks to the vasepaintings published by Kahil (see previous note) depicting various stages of the Arkteia. Some of the girls in these paintings are clothed, others are naked, and almost all the latter seem to be at the upper end of the Arkteia age-range (Sourvinou-Inwood 31-67). The present passage can therefore be understood to mean that at one point in the ceremonies of the Brauronia the arktoi let fall the saffron gown (krokotos, cf. on 44) which they had been wearing and performed part of the ritual in a state of nudity; after this they may have put on the long, plain chiton and himation which they are shown wearing in several of the paintings and which were the normal garments of adult women (Sourvinou-Inwood 119134). The reference to this ritual divestment is appropriate in thri scene in which, most exceptionally, adult citizen women undress in public. The verb translated “shed” is katakhein, which is used in Iliad 5.734 of Athena letting fall her peplos.

190 NOTES 645 the Foundress: Greek Arkhigetis (or its masculine form A rk h ig e tis) denotes the divine or heroic founder and patron of a community, society, kin-group, or cult; here therefore it refers to Artemis Brauronia. In Hellenistic and Roman Athens the Arkhigetis par excellence was Athena Polias, but there is no contemporary evidence for this title having been used earlier; it appears first in inscriptions of 277/6 (/G ii^ 674.16) and 270/69 (SEG xxxi 60.65), for in IG l·* 252.4 (mid fifth century) the ending of the word is lost, and the title may very well be masculine and refer (as in Ar. ft. 135 K-A and the oracle cited by Dem. 43.66) to the eponymous heroes of the ten tribes (line 3 of the inscription began “from the tribe" or “from each tribe”). See M.B. Walbank, CQ 31 (1981) 278-9; Sourvinou-Inwood 140-1. 646 a basket-bearer: a maidai chosen to carry a ritual basket (kanoun ), containing the knife and other ritual requisites of a sacrifice, in a festal procession, especially at the Panathenaea; see Parke 22-23, 43-44, 109, 127, and cf. 1194, Ach. 242-262 (Country Dionysia), Eccl. 730-3. 646 a beautiful girl: girls chosen as "basket-bearers” would be those approaching the age for marriage (cf. Sourvinou-Inwood 54-56), so that an enemy of a girl's family might try to deprive h a of the honour by casting doubt on her virginity (cf. Thuc. 6.56.1); they were probably between twelve and fifteen. 646-7 wearing a string of dried figs: sc. as a necklace. On the ritual significance^) of figs see Simon, Festivals of Attica 77-78; necklaces of figs were worn by the two human scapegoats (pharm akoi ) at the festival of the Thargelia (cf. Helladius in Photius, Bibliotheca 534a3-6). 651 the common wealth: Greek eranos, properly a fund raised by contributions from all members of a group (the same word is rendered as “fund” in 653). 651 I contribute men: cf. 589-590. 653 the fund ... from the w ar with the Medes: as in Wasps 1097-1101 and often in Thucydides, the establishment of a league of “allied” states paying tribute to Athens is seen, with some oversimplification, as the direct consequence and the deserved reward of Athens' part in die defeat of Xerxes’ invasion. But the cash reserve, built up between 478 and 431, had now run low (cf. Thuc. 8.1.2, 8.15.1), and revenue had been seriously reduced by the revolt of many allied states. 653 th at came to you from your grandfathers: the manuscripts’ reading would mean "which is called of the grandfathers” - a turn of phrase better suited to a historian (or a copyist familiar with historical texts) than to a speaker in a comedy. 654 property-taxes: Greek eisphorai, taxes imposed on personal wealth, usually for war purposes. They were not levied on a regular basis but by special Assembly decree on any occasion when they were thought necessary: our passage is evidence that an eisphorâ was decreed in 412 (or late 413) but brought in less money than had been expected (cf. Eccl. 823-9). At least two further eisphorai were levied between 411 and 404 (cf. Lys. 213). 654 in return: i.e. to make good the loss. 655 positively: lit. “moreover”. 657 boot: Greek kothornos, a high, loose, soft boot, fitting either foot equally well, and generally worn by women (but in comedy also by effeminate males, cf. Birds 994, Frogs 46-47. 557); see Stone 229-232. 658-671 = 682-695 Metre: almost wholly trochaic as far as 663 = 687; then a run of ere tic (or rather paeonic) dimeters is followed by a mixed trochaic-cretic conclusion similar to that of the previous pair of songs (cf. on 616-625). 662 let us take off our tunics: together with the women’s riposte (686), this is the only known place in Old Comedy where the members of a chorus remove two garments (cf. on 615). The men will thus be left “theatrically naked", i.e. wearing only the leotard and

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tights (with phallus attached) worn by all comic performers under their character costumes (cf. Stone 144-7). The word translated “tunic” is exômis, a short garment which left one shoulder bare, generally worn by poor men and slaves (see Stone 175-6). 663 swathed up like a rissole: lit. “enfigleafed”, with reference to the popular culinary practice of serving a savoury rissole wrapped in a fig-leaf (cf. Ach. 1102, Knights 954). 664 W hltefeet: Greek leukopodes. The manuscripts, and almost all secondary sources, read lukopodes “Wolf-feet”, and the ancient commentators and lexicographers make valiant endeavours to interpret this sobriquet; but lukopodes would be unmetrical, and is certainly corrupt The scholia in their present form claim, on the authority of Aristotle (fr. 394), that the term refers to “the bodyguards of the tyrants”; but it would appear that a line has fallen out of the note in the course of transmission, the full text being preserved in the lexicon of Photius, who defines lukopodas (sic) as “those who fought against Hippias at Leipsydrium ... for they evaded the bodyguards of the tyrants ...” The "Whitefeet”, then, are the young anti-Peisistratid nobles who occupied Leipsydrium in or about 513 (see next note). Various explanations have been offered of this nickname (see e.g. R.J. Hopper, CQ 10 [1960] 2427, and Henderson ad loc.); the most likely in my view is that "Whitefeet” are wealthy aristocrats whose feet are always opulently shod and have never become dirty or suntanned. Contrariwise the poor, especially the rural poor, may be called konipodes “dusty-feet” (Plut. Mor. 291e; Hesychius k 3517). The men of this chorus are, of course, no aristocrats (cf. 624—5), but as in the case of Harmodius and Aristogeiton (cf. 632-4) the official ideology of democratic Athens had made heroes of the men who fought against the tyranny of Hippias while glossing over the question of what kind of constitution they were fighting

for. 665 we who w ent against Leipsydrium : Leipsydrium was a place in the hills of northern Attica, probably on a spur of Mount Pames. Some time after the assassination of Hipparchus in 514 (see on 632), exiled Athenian aristocrats under the leadership of the Alcmeonidae occupied and fortified Leipsydrium, where they were joined by “some of those in the city”, but were besieged and driven out by the forces of Hippias (cf. Hdt. 5.62.2; Arist. Ath.Pol. 193; PMG 907). The phrase “went against Leipsydrium” at first sight suggests that the old men are identifying themselves with the besiegers, but elsewhere they are always foes of tyranny (619, 630-4): either, then, they are referring to the original (unopposed) occupation of Leipsydrium by the rebels, or else they or Ar. have got their history confused. For the old men's claim to have taken part in events now a century old cf. on 281. 670-1 shake off this old skin: like a moulting snake (cf. on 364); for a similar self­ exhortation by a chorus cf. Wasps 1066-7. 673 th e re ’s no w ork ... th e ir assiduous hands: lit. “they will leave nothing undone of assiduous hand-work”. The surface reference is to crafts such as carpentry (and hence shipbuilding, instanced in the next line); but kheirourgiâ “hand-work” can denote manual stimulation of the male organ (D.L. 6.46, cf. Amphis fr. 20.5-6, Anth.Pol. 12.22.8), which hetaerae were expected to perform for clients who needed it (cf. Ach. 1149, Wasps 739, 1344). Here, as in the following lines, there is thus an implied fear that these newly assertive citizen women will take the initiative - and take command - in sexual relations; cf. 772-3. 675 to attack us with them and ram us: l it “to fight naval battles and sail against us”; but these verbs can also be used of the active partner in a sexual encounter (cf. Frogs 49, 430; Eccl. 1087; Soph. ΟΓ423 with 1208). 675 Artem isia: queen of Halicarnassus, commanded the contingent from her city and the neighbouring islands in Xerxes' invasion fleet in 480; she fought with distinction in the battle of Salamis. See Hdt. 7.99; 8.68-69, 87-88. The Athenians are said to have offered a

192 NOTES reward of 10,000 drachmae to any trierarch who took her prisoner, “because they thought it an outrage that a woman should attack Athens'* (Hdt. 8.93.2). 676 horsem anship in connection with women automatically suggested the “equestrian" coital position (see on 60 and 619). Actual horse-riding was in Greek eyes perhaps the most unwomanly of all unwomanly activities (Ismene in Soph. OC 311-4 is an exception who proves the rule, she and Antigone having been forced to take over the duties that should have been performed by their brothers, cf. 337ff). 676 you can forget about: lit. “I strike out, I delete”, i.e. I rate as worthless in comparison. 678 look a t the Amazons: the most famous Athenian legend concerning these fabled female warriors told how they invaded Attica in an attempt to rescue an Amazon princess who had been captured by Heracles and awarded to his ally Theseus as a prize of valour. The Amazons camped on the Areopagus and besieged Theseus and the Athenians on the Acropolis, but were defeated in a great battle and utterly annihilated. Cf. Aesch. Eum. 685690; Lys. 2.4-6; Isocr. 4.68-70; see J. Boardman in D.C. Kurtz and B.A. Sparkes ed. The Eye c f Greece (Cambridge, 1982) 1-28; W.B. Tyrrell, Amazons: A Study in Athenian Mythmaking (Baltimore, 1984). 679 Mlcon, son of Phanomachus (PA 10200), was a noted painter and sculptor who flourished in the second quarter of the fifth century. He made a statue commemorating an Olympic victory by the Athenian Callias in 472 (Paus. 6.6.1, cf. 5.9.3), but his most famous works were paintings adorning two of the great buildings of this period, the Painted Portico (Sloa Poikile, originally called the Peisianacteum) (Paus. 1.15) and the Theseum (Paus. 1.17). Both these buildings had paintings showing the battle between the Athenians and the Amazons; it is not known for certain which of these was by Micon, but it is not unlikely that both were. See L.H. Jeffery, ABSA 60 (1965) 41-46. 680-1 fit It through a hole in a wooden b oard: i.e. confine them in the stocks, which consisted of “a wooden frame with five holes” for head, hands and feet (Knights 1049). 683 the wild sow within me: the boar often symbolizes Tage in Ar. and elsewhere (cf. 1255-6, Men. Mis. 303; see Taillardat 206-8). In Wasps 36 the boar is replaced by a sow in order to increase the insult to Cleon whom it represents; here the gender of the animal simply follows that of the speaker. 685 I ’U shear your fleece: i.e. I’ll tear out your (white) hair (cf. 448). 685 for help: lit. “for your fellow-demesmen”, on whose assistance a man in distress had a special claim (cf. Clouds 1322, Eccl. 1023). 686 let us also quickly undress: the women too will now be “theatrically naked” (cf. on 662) - something as unheard-of for a respectable Athenian matron as it was commonplace in the case of men (and hetaerae). And yet there had been one time in these women’s lives when public nudity had been a religious duty (cf. on 645); perhaps on this occasion too their divestment is in a holy cause. They will put on their clothes again at some point between 829 and 1013, perhaps during 889-951 when the audience’s attention is concentrated on Cinesias and Myndiine and the chorus are dramatically non-existent (see on 907). 688-690 never again to eat garlic o r black beans: i.e. to have his teeth knocked out. For the formula of a challenge to a fist-fight, “let anyone come against me ...”, cf. Wealth 928-9, Iliad 23.667. 694-5 I ’ll midwife you as the beetle did the breeding eagle: the allusion is to a celebrated Aesopic fable (Aesop Fab. 3 Perry), referred to also in Wasps 1448 and Peace 129-134. An eagle once wronged a beetle, either by stealing its young, or by killing a hare which had supplicated the beetle for protection; in revenge the beetle pursued the eagle wherever it nested, rolling its eggs out and breaking them (this was its unwelcome

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“midwifery") until the eagle sought sanctuary (unavailingly) in the bosom of Zeus. Thus the women’s meaning is “I'll smash your eggs”; and despite the lack of an exact parallel, there can be little doubt that the men’s “eggs” are their testicles. 696-7 I ’m not going to w orry about you lot, while there lives c lo s e ly parallel to Knights 395-6 “I have no fear of you, while the council chamber lives, a/x while Demos continues to sit booby-faced on the Pnyx”; the model for both is Odysst < 17.390-1 “I care not (for your insolence), while there live in the palace mv sage mis ires ü Penelope and the godlike Telemachus.” 696 you lot: the speaker alternates between the second person plural (her·, and m 704-5) referring to the men's chorus, and the singular (698-703) denoting their leader; but in either case the addressee(s) are treated as representing the male citizen body as a whole, so that “you pass your motions” (698) and “your decrees” (703) mean in effect “the Assembly passes motions” and “the Assembly’s decrees”. 697 girl: implies not that the Theban is unmarried, or even particularly young, but that the speaker is fond of her; likewise in 701 and 702. 697 Ismenia: a name thought of as typically Theban (cf. Ach. 861, 954), derived from the river Ismenus which flowed past Thebes. The woman had not been named when she was present on stage (85 ff). 698 you’ll have no power: sc. to coerce us or thwart our will; they are thinking of the likely effect of the sexual strike (in which Spartans, Thebans and others are co-operating whereas the occupation of the Acropolis, which has dominated the action since 245, is a purely Athenian affair). 699 our neighbours: “the women liken the Greek world to a neighbourhood disrupted by a trouble-maker” (Henderson). Athens had enemies (Megara and the Boeotian confederation) on both her land borders. 700-1 the girls: i.e. my women friends (cf. 697); R and the Suda have the masculine definite article, which would make the phrase mean “my children”, but this is anachronistic, unsuited to the context, and virtually refuted by the use of feminines in a gloss on the phrase found in R itself. 700-1 In honour of Hecate: Hecate had traditional associations with the birth and rearing of children (cf. Hes. Thg. 450-2, Aesch. Supp. 676-7) and in Ar.’s time was a favourite goddess with women, as evidenced by the frequency with which they (and they alone) swear by her (cf. 443, 738, Thesm. 858, Eccl. 70, 1097, Wealth 764); in the mock Euripidean lyric in Frogs she figures (1361) together with Artemis in the concluding invocation. There was at this date nothing inherently sinister about Hecate, though like other deities she could dispense evil as well as good (cf. Eur. Hel. 569). See T. Kraus, H ekate (Heidelberg, 1960) 84—94; Friis Johansen and Whittle on Aesch. Supp. 676. 702 an eel from Boeotia: cf. on 36; for the treatment of the eel as human cf. Ach. 885894. Had the eel been able to accept the invitation, she would of course have found herself the main dish at the party. 703 they: i.e. the Boeotians. 703 let her come: lit. “send her”. 703 your decrees: the reference must be to decrees forbidding trade with the enemy and authorizing the confiscation of contraband goods and the prosecution of those dealing in them, decrees similar to those under which the informers in Acharnions make their denunciations (Ach. 818-828, 908-925). 705 to have your neck broken: by being hurled from a cliff (cf. Wealth 69-70). 706-717 The metre and diction of this passage (except 715!) are those of tragedy, and at least two lines are quotations or close adaptations of Euripides, 706 (Eur. fr. 699, from Telephus) and 713 (Eur. fr. 883). The dialogue in iambic trimeters is broken by three short lines such as sometimes intemipt tragic dialogue at moments of high emotion: 710 is a single iambic

194 NOTES metron (cf. Aesch. Ag. 1315, Soph. Phil. 219), 711 and 716 are bacchiac (unit — ) (cf. Soph. OT 1468, 1471, 1475, Phil. 750, 785, 787, 804, OC 318). 707 cross-vlsaged: cf. on 7-8. 707 from thy halls: not appropriate to the actual situation, but Lysistrata is being addressed as if she were a tragic character, and in tragedy the stage-house most often represented a palace. 712-4 Speak to thy friends ... do not hide from me the III we suffer: a tragic cliché (cf. Eur. Hipp. 914-5 “it is not right to conceal your misfortunes from those who are friends and indeed more than friends”), though Ar. does not confine its use to paratragic situations (cf. Wealth 23-25; Wasps 335 and Thesm. 72-74 may have something of a tragic flavour). 717 W herefore cry out on Zeus?: these are the last clearly paratragic words in this passage. 719 this way and that renders a nuance that may well here be present in the verbal prefix dia- in view of the account that follows of various bizarre escape-routes, a nuance that perhaps makes dia- preferable to the variant apo- (R) which would merely mean “away”. 720 opening up the hole: i.e. clearing away stones, earth or rubbish covering a cleft in the rock; but there is a double entendre, since the Greek could equally well mean “opening up her hole”, i.e. engaging in self-stimulatory activity. 721 Pan’s Grotto: a cave-sanctuary under the north face of the Acropolis near its west end, founded after the battle of Marathon (cf. HdL 6.1053, Paus. 1.28.4, Luc. Bis Accusatus 9); see Travlos 93, 417-421. It had erotic associations as being the place where Creusa was raped by Apollo and conceived Ion, the ancestor of the Ionian peoples; cf. Eur. Ion 936— 941. 722 on a pulley-cable: this implies that building work was in progress on the Acropolis early in 411 - possibly on the temple of Athena now called the Erechtheum (we know that work on this had been at a standstill for some time in summer 409 [IG i^ 474] but we do not know when it had come to a halt), possibly on some other project 723 and trying to defect that way: the MSS have “and another defecting”, which is pointless since all the women mentioned were defecting; the corruption is due to anticipation of ten d’ “(and) another" from later in the line. 723-5 yesterday: this is the first clear indication that the choral scene 614—705 is to be regarded as having covered a substantial lapse of time; in 881 we learn that it is the sixth day since the wives left home (counting the actual day of their secession as the first). A further time-lapse must be assumed between 1013 and 1072 to allow for the Herald to return to Sparta and for a peace delegation to be appointed and to reach Athens; there is a similar time-lapse of several days between Clouds 1112 and 1131, and an even longer one between Birds 1469 and 1494. In Cratinus' Dionysalexandros Dionysus (who is impersonating Paris), after judging the contest of the three goddesses, sails to Sparta, returns with Helen to Paris’ home on Mount Ida, and presently hears that the Greeks are ravaging the Troad, all within a small portion of the plry’s dramatic time (P.Oxy. 663 = Dionysalexandros test, i 20-26 K-A). 723—5 I pulled down by her hair: Lysistrata caught the deserter just at the moment of “take-off”. 723-5 on the back of a sparrow : compare the flight of Trygaeus to heaven on a beetle (Peace 66-179). Sparrows had strong erotic associations: they were sacred to Aphrodite (schol. Iliad 2.308-319, cf. Sappho fr. 1.9-10), they were reputed to have a very powerful sexual appetite and their meat to have aphrodisiac qualities (Athenaeus 9.39 le - f), and in popular Latin the Greek loanword strutheum (lit. “the sparrowy thing”) meant “penis” (Festus, de verborum significatione p.410.17-21 Lindsay). Some vase paintings show

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women or satyr» riding on birds whose head ends are shaped like phalli; see K.J. Dover, Greek Homosexuality (London, 1978) 133. 723-5 O rsilochus: according to the scholia this man was (1) a brothel-keeper, (2) an adulterer, (3) satirized in comedy for effeminacy. (1) and (2) are (intelligent) guesses based on the text, but can hardly both be correct; (3), though at first sight surprising given the context, is stated in a form that suggests direct or indirect acquaintance with other references to Orsilochus in comedy, and should be accepted. Since it was quite possible for the same man to be accused both of excessive promiscuity with women and of being a passive homosexual (Alcibiades is an obvious example; cf. also Lys. 14.25-28 on his son, and see Dover op.cit. 66-67), and since most men accused of adultery, and most effeminates satirized in comedy, were citizens while most brothel-keepers were not, it is likely that (2) and (3) are right and (1) is wrong, and that Orsilochus was a man who, like Eratosthenes of Oë some years later (Lys. 1.16-17), “made a profession of seduction” - or at least had the reputation of being such a man. Normally in Greek society the adulterous wife stayed at home and her lover came clandestinely to her; but this woman is desperate enough to want to go to the man’s house. 729 Milesian fleeces were noted for their soft, luxurious quality (cf. Frogs 542; Eubulus fr. 89.2-3 K-A; Theocr. 15.125-7 on which Gow collects many later references) and will have been among the most expensive kinds of wool. 730 devouring them : lit. “knocking them down” (cf. colloquial English “knock back” = eat or drink rapidly). 732 spreading them: does she mean the fleeces, or her legs? 735 best flax: Greek amorgis (see on 150-1). 736 unpeeled: the flax stalks are in their raw state, with the bark still on. 738 by the B ringer of Light: see on 443. 739-740 strip It bare ... no stripping bare: Greek apoderein, like Latin glubere (cf. Catullus 58.5), can mean either (i) to remove the skin of an animal or the bark of a plant (properly by beating or flaying) or (ii) to cause the retraction of a man’s foreskin by sexual stimulation (cf. 953 and see on 158). 742 Hilelthya: the goddess of childbirth (cf. Eccl. 369). There are countless spellings of her name in various dialects and periods, mostly beginning with El- (e.g. Eleuthia often in the Peloponnese, Eleithyia in the mss. of Pindar), sometimes with Eil- or II- (e.g. Eileithia or Eileitheia in Boeotia, cf. F. Bechtel, Die griechischen Dialekte i [Berlin, 1921] 266). The Homeric spelling Eileithyia (e.g. Iliad 16.187) is virtually unknown in inscriptions before the Hellenistic period. In Attic the normal spelling in archaic and classical times was Hileithya (the initial aspirate is invariably present, until with the introduction of the Ionic alphabet it became impossible to express aspiration in writing); this spelling, long known from dedications and vase inscriptions, has now been confirmed by an official in­ scription of 343/2 B.C. (SEG xxxiii 167 e.ii.13 = Hesperia 52 [1983] 107) in which the sanctuary of this goddess is called to [Hi]l[ei]thyeion. This form of the goddess's name, which has no close parallel in any other dialect, may perhaps be partly due to a popular etymological association of the name with the adjective hJleôs “gracious, propitious” often applied to deities especially in prayers. The manuscripts of Ar., both here and at Eccl. 369, offer the Homeric form of the name with minor orthographic variants; this has been de­ fended as poetic or paratragic (so van Leeuwen), and attention drawn to the treatment of the first syllable of potnia “Lady” as metrically long contrary to the usual practice of comedy; but (i) this scansion of potnia is also found in Thesm. 1149, 1156, (ii) when epic and Attic forms of a divine name differ, even tragedy normally avoids the epic form, calling Athena Athênaiâ (standard Attic) or Athänä rather than Athene, Persephone P(h)ersephassa

1% NOTES (Aesch. Cho. 490, Soph. Ant. 894, Eut. Hel. 175, after Attic Pherrephatta) rather than Persephoneia. 743 a non-holy place: birth and death were taboo in sanctuaries, cf. Frogs 1080, Thuc. 2.523, 3.104.2, /C ii2 1035,10; and the Acropolis consisted entirely of sanctuaries. 748 The baby’s a boy: lit. “A male child”; there may be a play on skliros “hard” which, in later Greek at any rate, could also mean “tough, virile” (cf. Plut. Ages. 13.4; Luc. Salt. 21, Somn. 6) 749-750 carrying: Greek ekhein “have, hold”, which is used four times between 748 and 753, can also mean “cany in the womb”. 749-750 metal: lit. “bronze"; cf. next note. 751 the sacred helmet: a bronze helmet (cf. previous note) which is spoken of as the sacred helmet par excellence can only be the helmet from Pheidias’ great bronze statue of Athena (called by modem writers the Athena Promachos) which stood in the open air on the Acropolis (cf. IG i^ 435; Dem. 19.272; Paus. 1.28.2; Aristeides Or. 34.28). Thus the helmet which Lysistrata now displays must be of superhuman dimensions. 754-5 I could go Inside ... like a pigeon: i.e. she would “nest” in the great hollow of the upturned helmet. Her reasoning is that if she turned herself, so to speak, into a bird, she could give birth on the Acropolis without any violation of divine law: birds and beasts notoriously ignored the prohibitions of birth, copulation and death in sanctuaries without suffering any untoward consequences (cf. Hdt. 2.64.2; Chrysippus ap. Plut. Mor. 1045a; Clem. Alex. Strom. 7.3.23.6). 757 its hearth cerem ony: Greek am phidrom ia, lit. “running around”, a ceremony performed (probably) on the fifth day of a baby's life (schol. PI. Tht. 160e; Suda a 1722; see L. Deubner, RhM 95 [1952] 374—7), in which (1) the child was carried at a run round the hearth of the house, (2) the women who had taken part in the delivery “cleansed their hands” and ceased to be polluted, (3) friends and relations sent presents, “especially squid and octopus”, and (4) these cephalopods then formed the pièce de résistance of a feast (cf. Ephippus fir. 3 K-A = Eubulus fr. 150 Kock, Hunter). See G.S. Kirk, Entretiens Hardt 27 (1981) 56-61; R. Parker, Miasma (Oxford, 1983) 51. R. Hamilton, GRBS 25 (1984) 243251, seeks to show that no distinction can be made between the amphidromia and the dekati (cf. Birds 494, 922), held (at least in principle) on the tenth day from birth, at which the child’s name was announced and which was also associated with a feast; but the four distinctive elements of the amphidromia, mentioned above, are never mentioned in association with the dekati, and there is no difficulty in supposing that the rituals and celebrations marking the birth of a child might extend over several days. The child’s mother would be in a state of ritual uncleanness certainly until the amphidromia and probably until the dekati (cf. Eur. El. 654, 1125-6), and, as our passage shows, until the amphidromia she could not leave the house. In the present case the woman is deemed to have “given birth" to the helmet with which she had pretended to be pregnant. 759 the guardian serpent: “the Athenians say that a great serpent, the guardian of the Acropolis, dwells in the temple [of Athena Polias] ... and, as if it really existed, they set before it a monthly offering, namely a honey-cake" '*■! 8.41.2). The serpent was identified with the hero Erichthonius (Paus. 1.24.7; Te. .ilian, de spectaculis 9; cf. Philostratus, Life of Apollonius 7.24). At the time ol’ the Persian invasion in 480 the honey-cake, which till then had always been consumed, was found untouched, and this encouraged the Athenians to evacuate their city “because the goddess herself had quitted the Acropolis’ (Hdt. 8.41.3); but Herodotus himself clearly did not believe in the serpents existence, and his account implies that the only evidence of its presence was the

NOTES 197 consumption of the honey-cake —no one, not even the priestess, ever claimed to have seen it. Hence the Third Woman’s story is absurd, unless indeed she is referring to a dream. 760 FOURTH WOMAN: with Henderson, I assume that a fifth actor spoke here as in 136 and 447—8; but it is possible that the First or Second Woman, inspired by the example of the Third, produces a fresh excuse for not returning to the Acropolis (cf. Dover 156). 760 the owls: the rocky citadels of Greece were (and are) a favourite haunt of the little owl (Athene noctua), which had thus from very early times been the sacred bird of the citadelgoddess Athena (Polias), and which became an emblem of Athens; “to bring owls to Athens" was a proverbial expression for wasted effort (cf. Birds 301). 761 hooting: the Greek verb is an onomatopoeic one derived from the ow l's call phoneticized as kikkabau (Birds 261; cf. modem Greek koukouvaou). 762 my d ear ladies: Greek ô daimoniai, a form of address which in A t. is used “in rebuking, admonishing, or pleading with a respected person, always with an element of deference” (CQ 27 [1977] 272). Thus here (in contrast with 744, 751, 757) Lysistrata is trying to be diplomatic with her wavering comrades. 763 for you: the mss. read “for us”; but this (1) is illogical, and rhetorically inferior, after “you do long for your husbands”, (2) would make the hearer think of Lysistrala's own husband, who otherwise (except in 507-520 which refer to a period now some years past) is dramatically non-existent and whom we may even be meant to suppose dead, (3) would present Lysistrata herself as an object of sexual desire, which she never is elsewhere in the play. 767ff we have an oracle: for the use of oracles as instruments of political persuasion cf. Knights 61. 109-110, 960-972, 997-1089, Peace 1063-1100. Thuc. 2.21.3, 8.1.1, PluL Nie . 13.2. 770-6 Metre: dactylic hexameters, the traditional metre of oracles. 770-1 the swallows ... fleeing the hoopoes’ p ursuit: there is an allusion to the myth of Tereus (cf. on 563). When Tereus was transformed into a hoopoe, his wife Procne became a nightingale and her sister Philomela a swallow; and Tereus in his new guise continues to pursue Procne eternally (cf. Achilles Talius, Leucippe and Cleitophon 5.5; the same idea is presupposed by Aesch. Supp. 62 where, however, Tereus has become a hawk). One would thus have expected that wives fleeing from husbands might in oracular language be called nightingales fleeing from hoopoes; but they are illogically equated with Philomela the swallow, doubtless because chelidon “swallow" was a slang term for the female genitals (cf. Suda χ185). 771 phalllcity: the Greek has the plural of the noun phalës, a poetic synonym of phallos ; there may also, in this context, be a pun on phaleris “coot” (cf. Birds 565). 777 ye gods: Greek δ pontes theoi “O all gods”, strengthening an assertion as δ theoi does in Knights 1309, Eccl. 1122, cf. Wealth 1. 781-804 = 805-828 Metre: predominantly trochaic, but with some trochaic metra reduced to paeons (------instead of —-x). A rhythm that appears over and over again in this song, usually as a self-contained unit but sometimes embedded in longer cola, i s -------- , which has no traditional name but can be regarded as a reduced form of the ithyphallic (-------- ); the true ithyphallic indeed appears, in the antistrophe only, at 812 and 813. 785 Melanion, son of Amphidamas, was certainly a famous hunter in the wilds of Arcadia (cf. Xen. Cyneg. 1.2; 1.7), but the best-known story about him is radically incompatible with that told here. Far from being one who “fled from marriage” he accepted the challenge set by the huntress maiden Atalanta, who required her suitors to ran a race against her, on

198 NOTES pain of death if they were beaten; it was Atalanta who was "fleeing from marriage” (that very phrase seems to be used of her in [Hes.] fr. 73.5), for she had set this test in the confident belief that no man could pass it. Melanion won the race, and Atalanta, by throwing down the golden apples of Aphrodite, which she stopped to pick up. Cf. [Hes.] fr. 72-76 (where, however, the successful suitor's name was apparently Hippomenes); Xen. loc. cit.; Hellanicus, FGrH 4 F 99; Apollodorus 3.9.2; J. Fontenrose, Orion: The Myth of the Hunter and the Huntress (Berkeley, 1981) 175-8. Possibly Melanion, like the somewhat similar figure of Hippolytus, was thought of as a man who shunned all female companionship except that of a superhuman being (for Atalanta was once a goddess, similar to or perhaps identical with Artemis); more likely however the men are shamelessly distorting tradition to suit their argument, as the women certainly do in the antistrophe (see on 808) and as Lysistrata will distort history in 1137-56. 791 and he had a dog: this clause is placed here in the quotation of this passage by the Suda lexicon; the Aristophanic mss. have it two lines later, but that would present Melanion’s possession of a dog as a mere addendum to his hunting activities, whereas it would in fact have been a prerequisite for them. 798 you won’t be eating onion any more: sc. because if you do, you needn't expect a kiss. Cf. Thesm. 494-6 (an adulterous wife chews garlic before her husband returns from night guard-duty, so that he will not suspect her), Xen. Symp. 4.8 (“Niceratus wants to go home smelling of onions, so that his wife will suppose nobody could have wanted to kiss him”). 799 raise a leg: "a leg” was not in the original Greek text (though added, unmetrically, in the mss.), which could equally well (especially after “kiss you”) mean “raise up your legs’’ in preparation for intercourse (cf. 229, Peace 889, Birds 1254, Eccl. 265). Thus “kick you” comes as a surprise. 800 a thick bush: since the men are naked (see on 662), the hair referred to, which is revealed only when they raise a leg, must be behind, not above, the genitals, as “hairyarsed” confirms. 801 Myronides, son of Callias (PA 10509), was an outstanding Athenian general between the 470s and the 450s. He first appears in our sources in 479, when he was an ambassador to Sparta (Plut. Ar ist. 10.10) and one of the generals at the battle of Plataea (ib. 20.1). In 460 or 459 he led a scratch force of under- and over-age troops in a successful campaign in the Megarid (Thuc. 1.105.4-106); in 457 he defeated the Boeotians at Oenophyta and occupied Boeotia and Phocis (Thuc. 1.108.2-3), thus “extend[ing] the Athenian supremacy by land to the utmost limits it ever attained” (Rogers). Twenty years after Lysistrata his name sdll symbolized the days of Athens’ greatest power (Eccl. 303-4). 802-3 hairy-arsed: i.e. virile, strong and valiant (like Heracles, cf. schol. Lycophron 91). 804 Phormio, son of Asopius, probably of the deme Paeania (PA 14958; cf. Paus. 1.23.10), was an outstandingly successful Athenian admiral in the early years of the Peloponnesian War, winning more than one victory against heavy numerical odds (Thuc. 2.83-92); he probably died in the winter of 429/8 (Thuc. 3.7.1). Comedy portrays him as a tough and hardy fighter (cf. Peace 348, Eup. fr. 268 K-A with A.M. Wilson, CQ 24 [1974] 250-2). 808 Timon: the archetypal misanthrope. He was later believed to have been an actual Athenian of the fifth century; but no known passage of comedy refers to him as a contemporary (nor, despite A. MacC. Armstrong, Greece and Rome 34 [1987] 7-11, can Lysias have done so; our passage shows that Timon, if he ever existed, was dead by 411, and Lysias did not begin writing speeches till 403) and it is likely that he was a legendary figure (and in that sense belonged to the same category as Melanion). His name, at any rate, had become by 414 (Birds 1549; Phryn. com. fr. 19 K-A) a byword for hatred of all mankind and for the life of a recluse. But there is no justification for the women’s claim that he hated

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only men and waa friendly towards women; on the contrary, a prominent element in his traditional character was hatred of women and rejection of marriage (Phryn. loc.cit.). 809-811 w hose countenance was hemmed round with Im passable b rie rs: th e primary meaning is that Timon had thick matted hair and beard, but the words may also suggest the “prickly” fierceness of Timon’s temper and/or the inaccessibility of his place of abode. 812 a scion of the Furies (Greek Erinyes)·, the Erinyes were thought of as holding no converse with gods or men (cf. Aesch. Eum. 69-70, 347-353, 365-7), and Timon’s unkempt hair is reminiscent of the snake-entwined hair of theatrical Erinyes (cf. Aesch. Cho. 1048-50; see A.J.N.W. Prag, The Oresteia: iconographie and Narrative Tradition (Warminster, 1985] 48-51). 814