Antiquarians and Archaeology in Nineteenth-Century Cork 9781407302508, 9781407321134

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BAR 454 2008  ROCKLEY  ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY CORK

Antiquarians and Archaeology in Nineteenth-Century Cork Joan Rockley

BAR British Series 454 9 781407 302508

B A R

2008

Antiquarians and Archaeology in Nineteenth-Century Cork Joan Rockley

BAR British Series 454 2008

ISBN 9781407302508 paperback ISBN 9781407321134 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407302508 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

For Victor, Diane, Sandra and Paul

List of illustrations Title page John Windele’s bookplate, representing the doorway of the earlier St. Finn Barre’s Cathedral, Cork, from Historical and Descriptive Notices of the City of Cork and its vicinity by J. Windele (Bolster: Cork, 1844), frontispiece. Courtesy of Gerald McSweeney Introduction Map of Ireland showing the location of provinces, cities and some towns mentioned in the text CHAPTER 1 1.1 Ogham stone at Trabeg, from The Ogam inscribed monuments of the Gaedheil in the British Islands by R.R. Brash (Bell: London, 1879), plate XVI. Courtesy of Special Collections & Archives Services, Boole Library, UCC 1.2 Annacloghmullin, from Picturesque Views of the Antiquities of Ireland … from Sketches by Robert O’Callaghan Newenham (Ackermann: London and Hodges & McArthur: Dublin, 1826). Courtesy of Gerald McSweeney 1.3 View of Leinster House, from James Malton A picturesque and descriptive view of the city of Dublin (London, 1792-94) – Royal Dublin Society Headquarters 1815-1924. Courtesy of the Royal Irish Academy 1.4 Vallancey’s Questionnaire – from Charles Vallancey Collectanea de rebus Hibernicis, vol. IV (Dublin, 1786), pp151-3. Courtesy of Special Collections & Archives Services, Boole Library, UCC 1.5 Cartoon representing Trinity College, Dublin, and Royal Irish Academy, from Universal Magazine & Review 1 (1789). Courtesy of the Royal Irish Academy 1.6 Front view of The Irish Industrial Exhibition Building, Leinster Lawn, Dublin, from the 1853 Exhibition Catalogue (McGlashan: Dublin, 1854). Courtesy of Special Collections & Archives Services, Boole Library, UCC 1.7 Dowth, from William F. Wakeman Archaeologia Hibernia. A Hand-book of Irish Antiquities, Pagan and Christian (James McGlashan: Dublin, 1848), p31. Courtesy of the Royal Irish Academy 1.8 Prospectus for Forde’s Music of Ireland. Dublin, RIA MS 12 L 9, 153. © Royal Irish Academy CHAPTER 2 2.1 Portrait of General Charles Vallancey, from Collectanea VI (1804), frontispiece. Courtesy of Special Collections & Archives Services, Boole Library, UCC 2.2 Plan and section of Newgrange passage tomb drawn by Charles Vallancey, from Collectanea de rebus Hibernicis IV (Dublin, 1786). Courtesy of Special Collections & Archives Services, Boole Library, UCC 2.3 Ardmore Church and Tower, Waterford, from Picturesque Views of the Antiquities of Ireland … from Sketches by Robert O’Callaghan Newenham (Ackermann: London and Hodges & McArthur: Dublin, 1826). Courtesy of Gerald McSweeney 2.4 Photograph of John Windele, from Historical and Descriptive Notices of the City of Cork and its vicinity by J. Windele (Bolster: Cork, 1844), frontispiece. Courtesy of Gerald McSweeney 2.5 Knockourane (Mount Music, Co. Cork) Ogham Stone, from The Ogam inscribed monuments of the Gaedheil in the British Islands by R.R. Brash (Bell: London, 1879), plate XIV. Courtesy of Special Collections & Archives Services, Boole Library, UCC

2.6 a) John Lindsay, from Anon. ‘Two famous Cork numismatists’ JCHAS IV (1898), p203; b) John Windele, from John Windele Windele’s Cork, revised by James Coleman (Guy & Co.: Cork, 1910), frontispiece; c) Richard R. Brash, from The Ogam inscribed monuments of the Gaedheil in the British Islands by R.R. Brash (Bell: London, 1879), frontispiece. Courtesy of Special Collections & Archives Services, Boole Library, UCC; d) Robert Day, from P.G. Lee ‘Our late President’ JCHAS XX no. 103 (Jul-Sep 1914), facing p109. 2.7 Portrait of Augustus Henry Lane Fox Pitt Rivers, circa 1865, studio unknown. Courtesy Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford. PRM1998.271.6. CHAPTER 3 3.1 Portrait of Rev. Thomas Dix Hincks DD, MRIA – founder of the Royal Cork Institution, from ‘Cork Worthies of the Last Century’ JCHAS XXII (1916), facing p.126. 3.2 Seal, (Royal) Cork Institution, 1807 (from Robert Day ‘The Account of the Proprietors of the Cork Institution’ JCHAS XII (1906), 44-7), see p47. 3.3 ‘The Piping Faun’, cast by Canova from a marble Roman statue. Crawford Art Gallery Cat. no. 914. Courtesy of the Crawford Art Gallery, Cork 3.4 Lithographic print after the view of Queen’s College, Cork, by R.L. Stopford, c. 1850. By kind permission of the University Heritage Office, University College Cork. © UCC 3.5 Regulations, Cuvierian Society for the Promotion of Natural History, Antiquities, Literature & the Physical Sciences in General. Cork, Cork City Library Thomas Crofton Croker correspondence 4, item 128. Dublin, RIA MS 12 L 12, 630 © Royal Irish Academy 3.6 Photograph of bust of Georges Cuvier at the Crawford Art Gallery. Courtesy of the Crawford Art Gallery 3.7 Programme of the Cork Cuvierian Society Conversazione May 29 1855. Dublin, RIA MS 12 L 12, 630-31 © Royal Irish Academy CHAPTER 4 4.1 a) Richard Caulfield, from Anon. ‘Three Memorable Cork Archaeologists’ JCHAS VI (1900), p43; b) Thomas Crofton Croker, from Anon. ‘Three Non-Resident Cork Antiquaries’ JCHAS VII (1901), 49; c) Richard Sainthill, from Richard Sainthill An Olla Podrida vol. 2 (Privately printed: London, (1853), plate 30; d) Abraham Abell, from Seamus Ó Casaide ‘Abraham Abell, of the South Munster Antiquarian Society’ JCHAS XXV (1919), facing p63. 4.2 Titlepage, from Picturesque Views of the Antiquities of Ireland … from Sketches by Robert O’Callaghan Newenham (Ackermann: London and Hodges & McArthur: Dublin, 1826). Courtesy of Gerald McSweeney 4.3 Lithograph of antique gold fillet (found in Duhallow, Co. Cork, 1857) by Moore. Courtesy of Gerald McSweeney 4.4 Two pieces of gold ring money sold to Crofton Croker in 1848. Note written by Richard Sainthill. Dublin, RIA MS 12 I 7, 219. © Royal Irish Academy 4.5 Lithograph of a silver fibula brooch (found near Tralee, Co. Kerry) with amber amulet (formerly owned by the O’Connor family, Ennis, Co. Clare) by Moore. Dublin, RIA MS 12 L 12, 2. © Royal Irish Academy 4.6 Rear view of Bantry House, Co. Cork, showing the 19th century extensions. Photographed by the author with permission from Mr. Egerton Shelswell White 4.7 Russian travelling household shrine with 15th and 16th century icons, Bantry House collection. Photographed by the author with permission from Mr. Egerton Shelswell White 4.8 Spanish leather, 17th century, covering on doors and wainscotting, Bantry House. Photographed by the author with permission from Mr. Egerton Shelswell White

4.9 Gobelins tapestry, ‘The nuptials of Venus and Mars’, Bantry House. Photographed by the author with permission from Mr. Egerton Shelswell White 4.10 Italian Alabaster urn, 18th century, Bantry House. Photographed by the author with permission from Mr. Egerton Shelswell White 4.11 Venue for the Cork Exhibition, 1852, from the Illustrated London News 4.12 Crofton Croker’s classification of bronze celts, 1848. This arrangement by Rockley after Windele MS. Dublin, RIA MS 12 I 8, 464-5. © Royal Irish Academy 4.13 Lithograph of an ancient brazen vessel (found near Bandon at Derry Castle, Co. Cork) by W. Scraggs, Cork. Courtesy of Gerald McSweeney 4.14 Lithograph of Timoleague conac from the Lindsay collection, from the Gentleman’s Magazine, vol. XXI (June 1844) 4.15 Lithograph of an ancient Irish bronze celt (from the Mockler collection) by W. Scraggs, Cork. Courtesy of Gerald McSweeney 4.16 Lithograph of ancient Irish inscriptions (in St. Carthage’s Cathedral, Lismore, Co. Waterford) by W. Scraggs, Cork, for John Windele. Courtesy of Gerald McSweeney 4.17 Lithograph of Old Irish grave-stones in the nave of Lismore Cathedral, drawn by Fitzgerald and lithographed by O’Driscol, Pembroke St., Cork, from Edward Fitzgerald ‘On some early Irish monumental remains’ Kilkenny Archaeological Society 3 (1854), facing p200. 4.18 Lithograph of the inscribed stone at Reask, near Dingle, Co. Kerry, lithographed by W. Scraggs, Cork, for John Windele. Courtesy of Gerald McSweeney CHAPTER 6 6.1 Portrait of George Petrie in his later years, from P. J. Lynch Journal of the North Munster Archaeological Society II, no. 4 (1913), facing p185 6.2 Lithograph of the Round Tower and Abbey at Timahoe, Co. Laois, from Picturesque Views of the Antiquities of Ireland … from Sketches by Robert O’Callaghan Newenham (Ackermann: London and Hodges & McArthur: Dublin, 1826). Courtesy of Gerald McSweeney 6.3 Lithograph of the Round Tower at Kinneigh, Co. Cork, from Picturesque Views of the Antiquities of Ireland … from Sketches by Robert O’Callaghan Newenham (Ackermann: London and Hodges & McArthur: Dublin, 1826). Courtesy of Gerald McSweeney 6.4 St. Olan’s Cap, sketch by Crofton Croker, 1831, in his copy of Charles Smith The Antient and Present State of the County & City of Cork (Guy: Dublin, 1750) at the Cork City Library. Courtesy of Cork City Library 6.5 Sketch of a silver penannular brooch, done by John Windele on February 12 1836 from the original in the Dublin Society. Paper stamped “Barry Drew Cork”. Courtesy of Gerald McSweeney 6.6 Ballyspellan Fibula, done by R.R. Brash, from R.R. Brash The Ogam inscribed monuments of the Gaedheil in the British Islands (Bell: London, 1879), plate XLI. Courtesy of Special Collections & Archives Services, Boole Library, UCC 6.7 Ardmore Ogham stone found by John Windele in a wall of the church of St. Declan, Ardmore, Co. Waterford, from Edward Fitzgerald ‘On St. Declan’s oratory at Ardmore, County of Waterford, and the old Irish inscription built into its east end’, Journal of the Kilkenny Archaeological Society 3 (1855), facing p227. 6.8 Lithograph of an Ardmore Ogham stone (found by Edward Fitzgerald in the wall of the oratory) by Driscol, Cork, from Edward Fitzgerald ‘On St. Declan’s oratory at Ardmore, County of Waterford, and the old Irish inscription built into its east end’, Journal of the Kilkenny Archaeological Society 3 (1855), facing p227.

6.9 Glen Fais Ogham stone, found in Glen Fais, near Tralee, Co. Kerry, from Archdeacon Arthur Rowan ‘Report of an Ogham monument lately discovered … Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 7 (1857-61), p100-6 6.10 Plan and section drawing of fulacht fiadh by Thomas Hunt, c. 1843. Dublin, RIA MS 12 L 8, 123. © Royal Irish Academy 6.11 Drawing showing relationship between fulachta fiadh and ringforts by Thomas Hunt, c. 1843. Dublin, RIA MS 12 L 8, 123. © Royal Irish Academy 6.12 Drawing of a skeleton of an ‘Irish Elk’ with a human skeleton for comparison, from P.W. Joyce A smaller social history of ancient Ireland 2nd ed. (Gill: Dublin, 1906), fig. 197 CHAPTER 7 7.1 Sketch of Ardmore round tower by William Betham, from William Betham Etruria-Celtica Vol. 2, facing p.210 (Philip Dixon Handy: Dublin, 1842) and sketch of section of Ardmore round tower by J. Windele, from William Betham Etruria-Celtica 2 vols. (Philip Dixon Handy: Dublin, 1842) facing p210. Original sketch by John Windele, Dublin, RIA MS 12 C 1. © Royal Irish Academy 7.2 Plans of Trummery round tower, Co. Antrim, from Edmond Getty The Round Towers of Ulster (Private publication, 1855). 7.3 Sketches of Suighe Finn tumulus, near Bandon, Co. Cork, by John Windele in 1842 and 1844, from J. O’Mahony ‘Windele’s Papers on Prehistoric Monuments in the County Cork’ Journal of the Ivernian Society 1 (1909) p216. 7.4 Plan and excavation details of Killeens ringfort, Co. Cork, by Richard Caulfield in 1849. Dublin, RIA MS 4 B 9, 484. © Royal Irish Academy 7.5 Plan of megalithic tomb at Ballynahatty, Co. Down, 1855, from Anon. ‘Discovery of an ancient sepulchral chamber’ Ulster Journal of Archaeology 3 (1855) p358. 7.6 Plan and section of Tullaghog hillfort, near Dungannon, Co. Tyrone, 1849, from Anon. ‘Tullaghog’ Ulster Journal of Archaeology 5 (1857), facing p236. 7.7 Plan and section of Kilcrea ringfort, Co. Cork, by Lane Fox, from Elizabeth Twohig ‘Pitt-Rivers in Munster 186265/6’ Journal of the Cork Historical & Archaeological Society 92 (1987), p39 and p41.

List of tables Table 2.1 Population trends in Cork and Belfast 1813-1871. Belfast 1813 figures are from Bardon (1982); all others from Vaughan and Fitzpatrick (1978). Table 6.1 Origins of round towers: Christian versus pagan. Table 6.2 List of ogham stones from County Cork and elsewhere compiled up to 1853, adapted from John Windele,‘Ancient Irish Ogham Inscriptions’ Ulster Journal of Archaeology 1 (1853), pp43-52. Table 6.3 List of ogham stones from County Kerry compiled up to 1853, adapted from John Windele,‘Ancient Irish Ogham Inscriptions’ Ulster Journal of Archaeology 1 (1853), pp43-52.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This work has stemmed from a personal interest in the life and work of nineteenth-century antiquarians in my native city. It has been an enlightening ‘journey of discovery’ and I acknowledge with gratitude the encouragement and advice received from so many people. Particular thanks are due to the staff of the Department of Archaeology and the Boole Library at University College, Cork, who have given generous support over the years and I extend my appreciation for all their help and guidance to Professor Peter Woodman and Dr. Elizabeth Shee Twohig. My thanks also to John Sheehan, Department of Archaeology, and Clare O’Halloran, Department of History, UCC, for their invaluable advice. Funding from the Irish Research Council for the Humanities and Social Sciences, for additional research to prepare my doctoral thesis for publication, is also gratefully acknowledged. Much of the research has been conducted in libraries and museums both in Ireland and England and I am very grateful for the assistance, patience and good humour that has always been accorded me. Special thanks to Crónán Ó Doibhlin, Peadar Cranitch, and Helen Davis in Special Collections at the Boole Library, UCC; Siobhán Fitzpatrick in the Royal Irish Academy; Bernard Meehan of Trinity College Dublin Library; Máire Kennedy in Dublin City Library; Patrick Zutshi in Cambridge University Library; Kieran Burke in Cork City Library; Kieran Wyse in Cork County Library; Brian McGee in the Cork City and County Archives; Mary Cahill at the National Museum of Ireland, Dublin; Sinéad McCartan of the Ulster Museum, Belfast; Chris Morton at the Pitt Rivers Museum, Oxford; and Janet Wallace of the British Museum in London. My thanks to Arthur MacGregor of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, for his advice and enthusiasm; also to Peter Murray of the Crawford Art Gallery, Cork; and Michael Holland of the Heritage Office, UCC, for giving me access to their art collections. Finally, I acknowledge the generosity of my friend and neighbour, Gerald McSweeney, who has provided me with many of the illustrations used in this work. I have endeavoured to trace all copyright holders and am most grateful to the following institutions and individuals for permission to reproduce images and/or to cite from manuscripts in their keeping: the Special Collections and Archives Services and also the Heritage Office at University College, Cork; the Officers of the Royal Irish Academy; the Board of the National Library of Ireland; the Board of the National Museum of Ireland; the Board of Trinity College, Dublin; Dublin City Library; the Trustees of the British Museum; the Syndics of Cambridge University Library; the Trustees of the Pitt Rivers Museum, Oxford; Cork City Library; Cork City and County Archives; Crawford Art Gallery, Cork; Professor Colin Renfrew, Cambridge; Mr. Egerton Shelswell White, Bantry; and Mr. Gerald McSweeney, Cork. Particular thanks are due to Margaret Lantry for her valued advice and assistance with scanning the illustrations, proofreading and copy-editing, and the mammoth task of compiling an index. Finally, I am most grateful to David Davison and his team at Archaeopress for their support and expertise in the preparation of this work for publication.

CONTENTS List of illustrations and tables Acknowledgements Introduction

1

1. General background

5

1.1 A concise introduction to the development of antiquarianism in Britain up to the 1870s 1.2 The background to Irish antiquarianism 1.3 The role of the Royal Dublin Society 1.4 The influence of the Royal Irish Academy 1.5 Interest in Irish language and culture 2. A close-up of Cork

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2.1 The Cork background and the impressions of some visitors 2.2 An antiquarian profile of John Windele (1801-1865) 2.3 Interaction with antiquarians at individual level 2.4 Interaction at society level: (a) The Royal Irish Academy; (b) The British Archaeological Association and the Archaeological Institute 3. Education and societies

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3.1 Cork Institution - Royal Cork Institution (from 1807) 3.2 The Queen’s Colleges in Cork and Belfast 3.3 Local societies: the Cork Scientific Society and Literary Society, the Cork Cuvierian Society - the Belfast Natural History and Philosophical Society, the Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club 4. Collectors, artefacts and lithographs

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4.1 Collectors and collections 4.2 Artefacts - exhibition, provenance and classification 4.3 The use and circulation of lithographs 5. Moves towards organized structures

85

5.1 An archaeological society for Cork? 5.2 Attempts to set up a public museum in Cork 6. Issues and debates

91

6.1 Round towers 6.2 Ogham stones 6.3 Fulachta fiadh 6.4 Geological time and human antiquity; the concept of evolution 6.5 Giant Irish deer 6.6 The Three Age system 7. Fieldwork and excavation

124

7.1 Developments in archaeological fieldwork, excavation and associated matters 8. Summary and conclusions

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Appendix 1 Biographical details of some eminent antiquarians and scientists of the period

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Appendix 2 Antiquarian and archaeological societies in Cork up to 1870

157

Bibliography

158

Index

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INTRODUCTION

I believe the study of Antiquities is as delightful a recreation as can be. To ramble or sit amongst the venerable monuments remaining on some lonely island, away from the noise of the busy world, with the boundless ocean before me - to behold their remains scattered all around, hoary with age & to reflect on the many changes which have taken place in the world since these monuments were first erected - the enemies overturned, & new ones founded. All, all & much more, combine, I think, to show the calm & reflecting mind, that every thing below is vanity. (Richard Hitchcock to Cork antiquarian, John Windele, in June 1849) (© RIA MS 4 B 8, 832.)

This study of antiquarianism and the development of archaeology in the Cork region will examine, inter alia, the contrast between the romantic view of the past, as outlined above, and the changing approaches and methods being introduced from the mid-nineteenth century onwards. The study is based, for the most part, on the writer’s doctoral thesis completed in 20001 but includes additional information collected for an earlier work which acted as an introduction to the topic.2 In 2001-2, involvement in the compilation of a database of Irish antiquarian collectors, which was part of the contribution to the Documents of Ireland Project by the Department of Archaeology in University College, Cork, gave further insight into the number of collectors and their collections throughout Ireland. In addition, the award of a one-year Government of Ireland Post-Doctoral Fellowship in 2002-3 enabled the writer to carry out further research in Ireland and England. Earlier work concentrated on the identification of local antiquarians and their societies and looked at specific aspects of antiquarianism such as the collection of antiquities, coins, books and manuscripts in addition to early fieldwork and achievements, however there was a need for a greater understanding of the context in which they worked and of the intellectual and scientific advances of the nineteenth century as they affected antiquarianism in Cork. This work builds on previous research and looks at the concerns, interests and involvements of the Cork antiquarians. It also examines the intellectual, cultural and scientific framework which existed in the city at the time, so as to determine whether or not most of the essential components were in place for the satisfactory development of antiquarian and archaeological thought and practice in line with other parts of Ireland and elsewhere. A number of issues that may have influenced Cork antiquarians, such as the social, political, religious and economic background of the period are also discussed. Each chapter is prefaced by a short

introduction outlining the contents. There is very little evidence for antiquarian activity in Cork prior to the end of the eighteenth century and interest seems to have developed slowly. This work covers the years from the early 1800s up to the 1880s when antiquarian work in Cork, at individual and society level, appears to have gone into decline following the deaths of some of the city’s best known antiquarians including John Windele (1801-1865), Richard Sainthill (1787-1869), John Lindsay (1789-1870), Thomas Hewitt (1798-1870), Sir Thomas Deane (1792-1871) and Richard Brash (1817-1876). Interestingly, in 1870 the Cork Cuvierian Society (CCS), founded in 1835 by the Science Committee of the Royal Cork Institution (RCI), incorporated the word ‘Archaeological’ into its title, but this addition does not seem to have arrested the decline and the Society ceased to function in 1878.3 The year 1881 saw the closure of the RCI, which had been the main focal point for antiquarian activity in the Cork area from its foundation in 1803. Chapter 1 briefly examines the antiquarian and archaeological advances in Britain and Ireland leading up to, and during, the period of this study. Comparisons are also made between Cork and Dublin and, to a lesser extent, with other parts of Ireland. To this end the early work of the Royal Dublin Society (RDS), as it affected the areas outside Dublin, has been studied using the History of the Royal Dublin Society (1915) by Henry F. Berry and Story of the Royal Dublin Society (1955) by Terence de Vere White as the main sources of information. The impact and influence of the Royal Irish Academy (RIA), Dublin, and its dealings with Cork antiquarians concerning a number of issues is considered using the history of the Royal Irish Academy 1785-1985 (1985) edited by T. Ó Raifeartaigh and, in particular, the contributions of Dr. R. B. McDowell and Professor G. F. Mitchell. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the concerns and efforts of many antiquarians, both metropolitan and provincial, to address the decline of the

1 Rockley, Joan E. 2000 Towards an understanding of the development of antiquarian and archaeological thought and practice in Cork up to 1870. Unpublished PhD thesis, National University of Ireland, Cork. 2 Rockley, Joan E. 1995 Antiquarian activity in Cork, 1803-1881. Unpublished MA thesis, National University of Ireland, Cork.

3 The final list of Cuvierian Society officers shown in the minute book is for the 1875-6 session (UCC MS U 221 A, 335).

1

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK Irish language in the nineteenth century when there was an alarming and rapid decrease in the number of native Irish speakers. In addition to the loss of the language, this section also refers to the efforts made to preserve other components of Irish culture that were in grave danger of being lost to posterity; these include the preservation and translation of ancient manuscripts and the collection, recording and publication of the country’s music.

the Belfast Natural History and Philosophical Society (BNHPS) and the Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club (BNFC) are also considered. Another worthwhile avenue of enquiry has been to identify local collectors and examine the ways in which their various collections were assembled, although this appears to have developed later in Cork than in other parts of the country. Information on collectors and their collections, followed by a section dealing with the exhibition, provenance and classification of artefacts has been assembled in Chapter 4. It concludes with a description of the use of lithographs that were widely circulated at the time. The following chapter deals with attempts to form an archaeological society in the city and the failure to set up a suitable museum.

Conditions in Cork in the early nineteenth century are looked at in Chapter 2. These include aspects of the social and economic background, with reference to the political and religious struggles of the period and give the impressions of some visitors to the city who had antiquarian and scientific interests. John Windele (1801-1865) was undoubtedly the most influential and best known of the Cork antiquarians and his background and contributions are discussed in detail. Unfortunately for the reputation of southern antiquarians, his controversial opinions on some topics have tended to be taken as representative of the group as a whole but there were a few, such as Father Matthew Horgan and William Hackett, who did not always agree with him. One of his greatest legacies to researchers today is the vast collection of manuscript material purchased by members of the RIA, following his death in 1865.4 To conclude the chapter, the attitude and approaches to fellow antiquarians at an individual level in Ireland and further afield have been examined and include references to correspondence and articles from journals and magazines of the period. Their relationships and involvement with major organizations, such as the RIA, the British Archaeological Association and the Archaeological Institute, are also examined.

Chapter 6 deals with the controversies surrounding the origins and uses of round towers and ogham stones which were an area of strong opinions and debates both at local and national level and were of particular interest to some of the Cork antiquarians. Members of the South Munster Antiquarian Society (SMAS) became involved in the 1840s and carried out investigations at several sites. There was also an interest in fulachta fiadh5 and most of the early work on them was carried out in the south of the country. The changes in thought and attitude over the years is explored by looking at a number of issues which include human antiquity, evolution and the Three Age system and, closer to home, the speculation surrounding the giant Irish deer. Over the years, there were advances and improvements in fieldwork and excavation methodology and these are considered in Chapter 7. Appendix 1 supplies personal and other details for the most prominent Cork antiquarians featured in this work and also includes others who played significant roles in the areas of education, antiquarianism, science and archaeology in Ireland in the nineteenth century, but who are largely forgotten. Not all were resident in Ireland, but nevertheless their influence had a bearing on the development and progress of antiquarianism and archaeology at the time. Appendix 2 lists antiquarian and archaeological societies that were proposed locally, even though some do not appear to have functioned.

Chapter 3 looks at the Royal Cork Institution (RCI) on several levels including its contribution to education, science, and the cultural life of Cork. In the area of education, original documents relating to the RCI in the Boole Library, University College, Cork, and others in the Cork City and County Archives have been consulted (see further below). The background to the foundation and some aspects of the early years of the Queen’s Colleges in Cork and Belfast is also examined. Societies with antiquarian and scientific interests in both cities are compared in order to build up an overall picture linking them to the development of antiquarianism and archaeology in Ireland generally. The history of the Cork Cuvierian Society has been dealt with comprehensively over the years by writers including Day (1904), MacSweeney and Reilly (1958) and Rockley (2003), however there was considerable speculation in Cork as to why a local group should have chosen the name of the French palaeontologist, Georges Cuvier, and this is one of the questions addressed here. The formation and early years of the Cork Scientific and Literary Society (CSLS),

Much of the material used throughout this work has come from original written sources and, in the case of correspondence from the period, quotations are used extensively to ensure an authentic picture of the time rather than risk a change in emphasis by paraphrasing; the phrasing and spelling has been reproduced as given in the original. It is not possible to provide detailed information on every source, but the repositories where they can be consulted are given below (see the introductory paragraph to the bibliography for abbreviations). For easy access to 5 These are generally believed to have been ancient cooking places although other uses have been suggested. (See Chapter 6.3). They are known in Britain as ‘burnt mounds’.

4

The RIA purchased Windele’s collection of 130 volumes of manuscript material for £100.

2

INTRODUCTION Croker papers, a large collection of Petrie manuscripts and the MacAdam papers were all made available for study in the National Library of Ireland. Other material, including the Thomas Moore papers, the Curtis papers and the J. C. Walker correspondence was consulted at Trinity College Library, Dublin. A collection of bound letters in six volumes in the Dublin City Library and Archive (part of the Gilbert collection), which had been received by Richard Caulfield between 1848 and 1867, provided new insights into several aspects of this work.

the sources, references are included in the text with supplementary information in footnotes. Bold type has been used for the names of individuals listed in Appendix 1; the first mention of the name in each chapter is highlighted. The main source of information for this work is the collection of Windele manuscripts which is made up of correspondence, mainly from the mid 1830s to 1865, dealing with John Windele’s antiquarian pursuits and contacts; the originals are in the RIA, Dublin, and most, but not all, are available on microfilm in the Special Collections and Archives Services of the Boole Library at University College, Cork. Legibility can be a problem when using the microfilm, but, in most instances, this can be overcome by a visit to the RIA to view the originals. Other manuscript material consulted in the RIA includes the Horgan papers, the Hitchcock scrapbook, the Dawson letters, the Walker manuscripts, the Clibborn scrapbook and the Charlemont manuscripts – all are listed in the bibliography.

Several visits were made to the Ulster Museum, Belfast, where perusal of their acquisitions registers provided valuable information on collectors in the north of Ireland. Research was also carried out in England, notably at the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford to consult letters from Robert Day to Sir John Evans, the Pitt Rivers Museum in Oxford, the Cambridge University Library to gain information on Lane Fox (Pitt Rivers) and the Coins and Medals Department in the British Museum to look at their large collection of sales catalogues. A major disappointment has been the inability to determine the whereabouts of John Lindsay’s correspondence with many of the eminent numismatists and archaeologists of the period; this was auctioned for Dr William Chadwicke Neligan of Cork by Sotheby, Wilkinson and Hodge in April 1878.6

The Special Collections and Archives Services of the Boole Library at University College, Cork (UCC), contains an extensive collection of material relating to Cork. In particular, the minute book (1853-1875) and the Transactions (1853-1875) of the CCS, the RCI minute book (1826-1851) and the Book of Presents to the RCI (1809-1868) have all provided important and relevant information. Other significant original material at UCC includes the minutes of the CSLS, the Caulfield notebooks and the Day scrapbook, the Munster Printing Collection, the Torna Collection and the President’s reports for Queen’s College, Cork; parliamentary papers and reports are available on microfilm. The Boole Library also contains an extensive collection of early journals including the Journal of the Kilkenny Archaeological Society, the Ulster Journal of Archaeology and the Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society and these have been an invaluable resource of information for the period covered in this study. The Catalogue of Casts and Antiquities is held by UCC Archives.

The term ‘antiquarian’ rather than the term ‘antiquary’ is used throughout; both are used by modern writers such as Joep Leerssen (1996) and this also seems to have been the modus operandi of some writers in the nineteenth century. Although the word ‘antiquary’ appears in titles such as the Society of Antiquaries of London (1717) and the Antiquaries College, Sweden (1666), the word ‘antiquarian’ is found in less formal contexts.7 Many of Windele’s correspondents used the word ‘antiquarian’ but he always used the word ‘antiquary’. In summary, the central focus of this research is on the development of antiquarian thought and practice in Cork up to the early 1880s. This work shows that the Cork antiquarians were aware of developments elsewhere which were leading to new lines of enquiry and

The Cork City Central Library houses the Croker correspondence consisting of six volumes of letters that provide an interesting and contemporary insight into aspects of life in Cork in the period from 1815-1854. A copy of Smith’s History of Cork annotated by Croker is also kept there. Additional local material was extracted from the Hewitt Papers, the Day Papers (Dowden letters) and other manuscripts dealing with the RCI and the CSLS at the Cork City and County Archives.

6 Even though the auction catalogues are annotated, it has not been possible to trace the whereabouts of the Lindsay correspondence to date. 7 (1) In her Rambles in the South of Ireland, Lady Georgiana Chatterton referred to ‘some learned antiquarians at Cork’ (Chatterton 1839, 226). (2) Re Stukeley’s work at Avebury - ‘antiquarians are pretty well agreed to speak of Abury, as it was, upon his authority’ (Old England 1845, 10). (3) Nicholas Kearney, Dublin, was described as ‘an eminent antiquarian’ by John O’Daly to John Windele in April 1846 (© RIA MS 12 L 10, 83). (4) ‘How is Mr. Brash? What a queer name for an antiquarian!’ (Letter from O’Daly to Windele in August 1852 - © RIA MS 4 B 12, 957). (5) ‘It seems to me desirable to place before Irish antiquarians in general, ... some details respecting an Ogham monument’ (Letter from Archdeacon Rowan of Ardfert to RIA in 1858 - PRIA 7 (1857-1861), 100). Later in the same letter he referred to Windele as ‘one of our most painstaking southern antiquarians’ (ibid. 103).

Additional research was carried out in the National Museum of Ireland where the Acquisitions Register, listing donations to the RIA museum (1785-1856), was of particular interest. The Museum also houses the Day notebook that lists antiquities bought and sold by Robert Day between March 1863 and July 1872. Additional

3

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK investigation, but the questions to be addressed are whether or not they were influenced by these changes and trends and whether they put them into practice. Did they retain the romantic idea of an antiquarian as epitomized in the quotation at the start of this work, or did they adopt

the scientific approach that took into account the great advances of the later nineteenth century such as the Three Age system, the antiquity of mankind and the concept of evolution?

Irish provinces, cities and some towns mentioned in the text

4

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK

1. General background Bearing in mind the close ties that existed between Ireland and Britain, it was inevitable that the development of antiquarian and archaeological thought and practice in Britain should influence similar advances in Ireland. This was particularly true of Dublin where the links with London were strong. Many of the Cork antiquarians also had connections with England through membership of societies and personal contacts and some of these will be alluded to in this chapter. Although it would have been interesting to look at similar developments in Scotland and Wales, with the exception of a few individuals,1 there appears to have been very little contact between those areas and the Cork region at that time.

to assess the antiquity of the creation of the world which he dated to the year 4004 BC. Over the years, this constricted view led to increasing difficulties with the comprehension of the prehistoric past, particularly when it was not possible to combine the evidence suggested by the antiquity of artefacts and field monuments with the evidence from written records. Piggott (1989, 14) provides us with an amusing picture of early antiquarians, who he describes as ‘a very mixed crowd of genuine scholars, devoted pedants, ineffective triflers, credulous collectors and sheer crazy eccentrics’. The sixteenth century in Britain saw the emergence of a number of fine scholars such as John Leland (1503-1552) and William Camden (1551-1623) who, in addition to being a founder member of the relatively short-lived College of Antiquaries in London in 1572, published his work on the antiquities of Britain, suitably entitled Brittania,2 in 1586 (Daniel 1981, 26). Schnapp (1993, 141) credits Camden with providing British archaeology with ‘a framework of reference ..., a method of observation ..., and a technique of exploration’ which lasted to the early years of the eighteenth century.

Section 1.1 looks briefly at some of Britain’s most influential figures and their work from the sixteenth century onwards. During this time a shift in emphasis was apparent as antiquarianism gradually became more scientific and laid the foundations for the embryonic science of archaeology that emerged in the later nineteenth century. Later sections examine the background and intellectual framework for the development of antiquarianism and archaeology in nineteenth-century Ireland and the contributions made by the Royal Dublin Society and the Royal Irish Academy. The final part deals with some of the concerns of antiquarians regarding the decline of Irish language and culture, but the focus throughout will be on Cork.

Throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries there seems to have been a growing awareness that many sites and monuments were being destroyed and there was a greater stress on the importance of recording. The antiquarian tradition gathered strength in the seventeenth century through the work of men such as John Aubrey (1626-1697), author of Monumenta Brittanica (not published until 1980), who is probably best remembered for his contributions to field archaeology (Daniel 1981, 27).

1.1 A concise introduction to the development of antiquarianism in Britain up to the 1870s The influence of the Renaissance, which had begun in Italy in the fourteenth century, gradually spread throughout the countries of northern Europe. By the early sixteenth century, antiquarianism had become established in Britain and led to an interest in the remote past mainly through the investigation of field monuments and in the collection of ancient artefacts. Other contributing factors were the voyages of discovery and exploration and the gradual realization that the world was much more extensive than previously believed and peopled with ‘primitive’ races whose appearance, customs and material culture had to be explained. The early antiquarians worked within the parameters of a classical and Biblical framework that limited their timescale to a relatively short period of prehistory and indeed the Irish scholar, Archbishop James Ussher (15801656), was one of those who used biblical chronologies

Another key figure at this time was Robert Plot (16401696), who, in 1683, became the first Keeper of the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford (Torrens 1985, 209). Just one year earlier he had been appointed Secretary to the Royal Society of London, established in 1660 (Piggott 1989, 29). The foundation of this Society, which reflected the need for a more scientific approach, represented an important milestone for antiquarianism, not just in Britain, but also in Ireland where it was used as a model for many like-minded societies such as the Dublin Philosophical Society (1683), the Royal Dublin Society (1731), the Physico-Historical Society (1744) and the Royal Irish Academy (1785). The Royal Society also formed a variety of collections, mainly in the area of natural history (Torrens 1985, 208),3 and this was also

1 John Lindsay (1808-1887) published a work in three volumes on A view of the coinage of Scotland 1845-1868; he was also a fellow of the Society of Antiquaries, Scotland. Richard Brash (1817-1876) was also a fellow of the latter Society and visited Scotland when carrying our research for his Ogam Inscribed Monuments of the Gaedhil in the British Isles published posthumously in 1879.

2 Camden’s Brittania was revised and updated by Edmund Gibson and published in 1695. It included a major contribution on the Welsh counties by Edward Lhuyd (Murray 1999, 29-30). 3 An interesting point raised by Hunter (1985, 166), was that the Royal Society could not afford the staff necessary to maintain the collections satisfactorily and this also seemed to be the case with the Royal Irish

5

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK followed by Irish societies and institutions.

this, the natural sciences and antiquarian work had been given encouragement and support, but the downgrading, as it were, inevitably produced a reaction which led to the formation of the ‘unofficial Temple Coffee House Botanic Club’ which lasted from 1689 to about 1712 (ibid. 32). Independently of the Royal Society, the Society of Antiquaries was set up in 1707 with William Stukeley (1687-1765) as its first secretary (Piggott 1985, 15). His best work was undertaken prior to his move to Lincolnshire in 1726 from which time he became ever more obsessed with ‘the Druids’ and indeed Daniel (1981, 29) says that he is sometimes mainly remembered for his ‘Druidomania’. However, his ideas fitted perfectly with the Romantic revival of the eighteenth century when antiquarianism was seen as part of this movement (Piggott 1985, 12).

In 1690, Plot was succeeded at the Ashmolean by Edward Lhuyd (also Lhwyd) (1660-1709) (Piggott 1989, 30) and it is interesting that Schnapp (1993, 198) made the point that they both were ‘typical of the new generation, who regarded the study of antiquities as part of natural history’. He travelled extensively in Britain and Ireland and intended to produce an Archaeologia Britannica in four parts, but only the first volume, dealing with the Celtic language, was completed and published two years before his untimely death in 1709 (Piggott 1985, 22). Herity (1969, 20 fn1) regards his death as ‘one of the greatest tragedies for the development of Irish antiquarian thought’.4 Lhuyd visited Ireland in 1699 and again in 1700 under the patronage of several members of the Dublin Philosophical Society that had been founded in 1683 by William Molyneux (1656-1698) and Sir William Petty (1623-1687).5 His first visit was of particular interest as he inspected and recorded details of the passage tomb at Newgrange, Co. Meath, shortly after its re-discovery earlier that year. In 1707 he travelled ‘on a botanical tour’ to the extreme southwest of the country where he is credited with being the first to identify and sketch an Ogham stone at Trabeg on the Dingle peninsula (Plate 1.1) (Brash 1879, 47).6 In addition to their fieldwork, Lhuyd, Plot and Aubrey issued ‘Parochial Enquiries’ to members of the clergy and gentry as a means of gaining information on a variety of topics including the history, topography and antiquities of particular areas and this practice was widely adopted from the 1670s. This coincided with the emergence of a more objective approach to the recording of archaeological artefacts both in the field and in collections (Piggott 1989, 31). A similar method of ‘information gathering’ was used by members of the Antiquities Committee of the Royal Dublin Society (RDS) towards the end of the eighteenth century (see section 1.3 below). The closing years of the seventeenth century brought about changes in the Royal Society under the strong influence of the celebrated scientist and mathematician, Sir Isaac Newton (1642-1727), president of the Society from 1703 up to the time of his death in 1727, and the ‘humble non-mathematical sciences ... began to lose social prestige’ (ibid. 31-2); indeed Evans (1956, 49) said that he ‘almost succeeded in eliminating [the study of antiquity] from the scope of the Royal Society’.7 Prior to Academy, up to the late 1820s, and the Royal Cork Institution from its earliest years to the time of its closure in 1881. 4 The second volume would have contained archaeological information on Ireland that had been collected by Lhuyd and his assistants, Jones and Wyn (Herity 1969, 20 fn1). 5 Sir William Petty was an original Fellow of the Royal Society of London and carried out the Down Survey of Ireland in the mid 1600s. 6 de Brún (1974, 73 fn10) believed that Lhuyd visited the site in 1700. 7 Sir Hans Sloane (1660-1753), who was born in Killyleagh, Co. Down, took over as President of the Royal Society following Newton’s death in 1727 and, under his leadership, the Society returned to its ‘older and more comprehensive tradition’ (Evans 1956, 94). For further reading on

1.1 Ogham stone at Trabeg, Co. Kerry, drawn by Richard R. Brash – first noticed by Edward Lhuyd Most of the antiquarians mentioned above came from the ranks of the educated middle-classes and the eighteenth his extensive collections of ‘Prehistoric Antiquities’ see MacGregor (1994, 180-197).

6

and

Romano-British

GENERAL BACKGROUND century saw a growth of interest among those of a similar background who, as they did not have the means to go on the ‘Grand Tour’, looked to their own countryside for the pursuit of their antiquarian investigations. One of these was Rev. William Borlase (1695-1772), from near Penzance in Cornwall, who carried out extensive fieldwork in his own area and published Antiquities of Cornwall in 1754.8 The Romantic movement with its interest in ruins and burial places gave a stimulus to excavation. Men such as Rev. Bryan Faussett (17201776) who ‘opened’ over 750 Anglo-Saxon tumuli in Kent and Sussex between 1757 and 17739 and Rev. James Douglas (1753-1819), an Army officer and draughtsman, who compiled a mass of information on the burial places and practices of the ancient Britons, continued in the antiquarian tradition (Daniel 1981, 55 and Trigger 1989, 66).10 Marsden (1999, 19) considers their work to have been of considerable importance for, although many of the barrows they dug have been destroyed, the contents are still preserved in the collections of British museums.

B.C. 500’. Greenwell (1820-1918) had started his barrow excavations in 1864 (Marsden 1999, 131) and had the benefit of the evidence for an extended prehistory for humankind, yet he too had difficulty in accounting for the large numbers of flints and potsherds which were discovered in many of the barrows (Greenwell 1877, 11). He concluded that they were from ‘a period before bronze was in common use, and when that metal was scarce’ and that the barrows were ‘the burial-places of a people who were not possessed of much wealth of any kind’ (ibid. 49 and 57). Although he did not doubt that there had been a British Neolithic, he felt that there was not ‘the information necessary to ... arrive at any certain conclusion upon this very difficult matter of enquiry’ (ibid. 131). As the nineteenth century progressed the standards set by Cunnington and Hoare were ignored by many who operated in an unprofessional manner, leaving no written records of their activities and whose only concern seemed to be the retrieval of artefacts for sale or display. In fact Levine (1986, 33) referred to it as ‘a popular sport in mid-century England’. This mode of operation inevitably led to a great loss of information for British archaeology. There were a few notable exceptions including Thomas Bateman (1821-1861) of Derbyshire, the aforementioned William Greenwell and John R. Mortimer (1825-1911) of Yorkshire who, with Hoare, were regarded as ‘the “big four” nineteenth-century, prehistoric barrow-diggers’ (Marsden 1999, 49).12

They were followed at the end of the century by William Cunnington (1754-1810) and Sir Richard Colt Hoare11 (1758-1838). Although they were also working within the limitations of a biblical framework, they adopted a more scientific and methodical approach which incorporated the use of stratigraphy, typology, classification and the examination of soil samples and animal bones (Marsden 1984, 17) but their apparent lack of attention to human remains led to later criticism (Marsden 1999, 28-9). Piggott (1989, 154) felt that their achievements marked the end of a tradition of antiquarianism that went back to Camden but also heralded a new era in which archaeologists were linking up with the sciences, and with geology in particular, as they sought to determine the antiquity of humankind. He considered that Hoare’s Ancient Wiltshire encapsulated ‘the state of knowledge of prehistoric Britain reached ... by the antiquaries of the day’ but that it represented little progress from ‘the model of the prehistoric past as presented at the end of the seventeenth century’ and was ‘with only minor improvements, that of the nineteenth century’ (ibid. 157). Bearing Piggott’s statement in mind it is interesting to note that Cunnington’s dates for round barrows, ‘from 500BC to the time of Caesar’ (Marsden 1984, 18), more or less agreed with those of Canon William Greenwell of Durham (1877, 131), many decades later, who also felt that they dated ‘to a period which centres more or less in

Lord Albert Conyngham (from 1850 Lord Londesborough) (1805-1860) also undertook an extensive programme of barrow excavation, mainly in Yorkshire, and was in contact with several of the Cork antiquarians including Thomas Crofton Croker and John Windele. In his capacity as President of the British Archaeological Association he had supervised the opening of eight barrows at Breach Downs in Kent at the Association’s first Congress held in Canterbury in September 1844 (ibid. 46). This sort of activity by archaeological societies must have encouraged many antiquarians to become involved in barrow opening and excavation and it is interesting to note the names of Thomas Bateman, William Buckland, William Betham of Dublin and Thomas Crofton Croker of Cork and London among those who attended the Congress (Archaeological Journal 1 (1846) 267). Many county societies were founded from the mid 1840s and most antiquarians became actively involved. In the 1860s, the arrival of Lane Fox (Pitt Rivers) (1827-1900), the ‘acclaimed father of scientific archaeology’ (Michell 1982, 124), marked the start of a new era for fieldwork and excavation. Some of his earliest work was undertaken while stationed with the British army in Cork in the mid 1860s (see sections 4.1

8 Borlase obtained BA and MA degrees at Exeter College, Oxford and kept up his links over the years. Following his death, his collection of manuscript material was bequeathed to the Ashmolean Museum (DNB). 9 An offer to purchase Faussett’s collection of artefacts and notebooks was turned down by the Trustees of the British Museum in 1853. It was bought instead by Joseph Mayer of Liverpool in 1854 and was left, by him, to the Liverpool City Museum (Evans 1956, 274). For full details see MacGregor 1998, 129-134. 10 Following Douglas’ death, his collection went to Sir Richard Colt Hoare, who afterwards presented it to the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (Marsden 1999, 19). 11 Colt Hoare visited Ireland in 1806 (Waddell 2006, 94).

12 Their work has been covered comprehensively by Barry Marsden in The Early Barrow Diggers (1999).

7

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK and 7.1) and he also worked with Greenwell in the Yorkshire Wolds in 1867 (Bowden 1991, 66). He became a major figure in British archaeology, not only because of his ideas on the principles and practice of scientific excavation, but also because of his arrangement of objects in typological sequences which developed ‘in an evolutionary way’ and from which he was able to interest others in ethnographical study and its application to prehistoric archaeology (Daniel 1981, 138). His meticulous excavation and recording techniques set a high standard for fieldworkers well into the twentieth century.

traditions together continued with the Dublin Philosophical Society founded by William Molyneux and William Petty in 1683. It was organized on similar lines to the Royal and Oxford Societies, with which it corresponded (Herity 1969, 1 fn2), and continued until 1698, with a break between 1687 and 1693 when Ireland was involved in the Williamite/Jacobite War which lasted from 1689-91 (Murtagh 1990, 61). It was revived again in 1707 but only lasted for about one year (McDowell 1985, 2). Although relatively short-lived, there were some important spin-offs, in particular the interest and early development of antiquarian art in Ireland (Crookshank & Glin 1994, 33) and the collection of curios and antiquities (de Paor 1993, 121). In addition, as already mentioned above, it was under the auspices of some members of this Society that Edward Lhuyd came to Ireland in 1699, and again in 1700, as part of his plan to investigate the language, antiquities and natural history ‘of the Celtic realm’ (Ashbee 1972, 45).

In addition to the advancements outlined above, the nineteenth century was also a time of great progress in geological and palaeontological13 thought and practice which was to have such an impact on prehistoric archaeology and the extended antiquity of humankind. William Buckland (1784-1856) and Rev. John MacEnery (1796-1841), originally from County Limerick, carried out excavations from the 1820s, but they were working within the constraints of biblical evidence as postulated by Ussher. Nevertheless, although Buckland explained away the discovery of human bones with those of extinct animals and ancient artefacts by his belief in the Noachian flood, MacEnery was convinced of the contemporaneity of ‘early man’ and extinct animals ‘at a very remote period of time, certainly preceding 4000BC’ (Marsden 1984, 38-9) (see section 6.4). The controversy and reluctance to accept the evidence for the greatly expanded timescale for human antiquity continued long after it had been authenticated by Joseph Prestwich (1812-1896), John Evans (1823-1908) and Charles Lyell (1797-1875) in 1859; these developments, together with an examination of the impact of the Three Age system are discussed below (see sections 6.4, 6.5 and 6.6).

The Physico-Historical Society of Ireland ‘for promoting an inquiry into the ancient and present state of the several counties of Ireland’ was founded in Dublin in 1744, partly as a result of increasing interest in topography and archaeology (McDowell 1985, 2). Its somewhat ambitious plan to set up county committees to collect local information on such subjects as archaeology, religious and secular architecture, geology, botany and meteorology and report back to the Dublin society did not materialize (ibid. 3) but some valuable work was carried out and it stimulated and ‘produced a spirit of enquiry among the nobility and landed gentry in the country’ (Crookshank & Glin 1994, 34). In particular, it gave financial assistance to Charles Smith and Walter Harris to prepare and publish their description of County Down in 1744, and to Smith for his descriptions of Counties Waterford (1746), Cork (1750) and Kerry (1756)15 (Herity & Eogan 1977, 6). Botanical samples, fossils and curiosities were collected and the Society also built up a collection of antiquities (McDowell 1985, 3). This was a time of increased agricultural activity involving bog reclamation and field enclosure and many finds were reported to and exhibited at society meetings. There is no evidence for a meeting after March 1753 and there does not appear to be a record of how the collections were dispersed following the Society’s demise.

1.1 The background to Irish antiquarianism up to the mid-19th century In comparison with Britain, the development and growth of antiquarianism was much later in Ireland where wars and unrest had raged during the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. This had led to the gradual breakup of the native Irish way of life and tradition. James Ussher (1580-1656) and James Ware14 (1594-1666) were among the first to realize the importance of working with native Irish scholars, ‘who could interpret for them the old Irish chronicles and the mythical Celtic history of Ireland’s origins’ (Herity & Eogan 1977, 4), and this practice continued to be a vital part of antiquarian investigation in Ireland throughout the centuries which followed.

Most of the early development of antiquarianism and scientific research in Ireland was centred on Dublin, the location of Trinity College, which had been founded in 1592 by Primate Loftus and was the only university in the country for over two hundred years. Trinity was set up in the Anglican tradition and many of its students were drawn from the families of the Anglo-Irish ascendancy. A second college was founded in 1795 at Maynooth, Co. Kildare, and was primarily for the education and training of young men for the Roman Catholic priesthood; this

The policy of bringing the new and the native antiquarian 13

Palaeontology is the study of extinct animals and plants. Ware’s work De Hibernia et antiquitatibus eius disquisitiones was published in London in 1654, almost entirely in Latin. Later editions were in English and contain invaluable information and illustrations. He also collected Irish manuscripts. 14

15 Smith’s publications were of great importance and provided the Cork antiquarians with a valuable resource for their fieldwork.

8

GENERAL BACKGROUND

1.2 Annaghcloghmullin court tomb, by Robert O’Callaghan Newenham 1826 seen in Bantry House (see section 4.1).17 The collection was so extensive that a fourteen bay extension was added to the house after the 2nd Earl’s accession in 1851 (Heron 1999, 68). Others, such as Joseph Leeson, Earl of Milltown and William Burton Conyngham (1733-1796) of Slane Castle, engaged artists from home and abroad to undertake special commissions and, depending on the instructions of the patron, some produced drawings which reflected the antiquarian interests of the time; many of these works exhibit remarkable architectural and topographical detail and are of great importance as they provide an invaluable record of many sites which are no longer extant or have been altered. An excellent example of work undertaken was that of antiquarian artist, Gabriel Beranger (1729-1817)18 of Dublin who, in the summer of 1779, visited the west of Ireland with Angelo Bigari and surveyed, sketched and reported on a variety of field monuments under the patronage of Burton Conyngham and the Hibernian Antiquarian Society (Herity 1974, 14).19

followed the closure of the Irish Colleges in France and Flanders in 1789 at the time of the French Revolution (Moody & Beckett 1959, xxxvii). The lack of third level education for the remaining three provinces continued up to the mid-nineteenth century when the Queen’s Colleges were established in Cork, Belfast and Galway (see section 3.2). In 1854, the eminent churchman and theologian, John Henry Newman (1801-1890) set up the Catholic University of Ireland (afterwards University College, Dublin (UCD)) (McCartney 1999, 3-5). Dublin, the second city of these islands at that time, was the stronghold of British rule and the location of parliament up to the passing of the Act of Union in 1800. It was a fashionable city where many of the landed gentry from around the country had town houses. Arthur Young (1741-1820)16, on his journey through Ireland in June 1776, commented that it had ‘all those appearances of wealth which the capital of a thriving community may be supposed to exhibit’ (Young 1: 1780, 18). People such as Lord Moira and the Marquis of Waterford were renowned for their art collections (Maxwell 1936, 209) and they, and many others from around the country, returned to Ireland from their ‘Grand Tour’ with numerous treasures, including artefacts and paintings. In Co. Cork, Richard White (1800-1868), Viscount Berehaven and later 2nd Earl of Bantry when he succeeded his father in 1851, travelled widely throughout Europe in the first half of the nineteenth century and acquired a vast collection of furniture and works of art, much of which can still be

The romanticism of the period was stimulated to an extent by the publication of Macpherson’s Ossian in 176020 (McDowell 1985, 4) and this inevitably led to an increased interest in the history and antiquities of early 17 A collection of formal and personal records from Bantry House was presented to the Boole Library at University College, Cork in May 1997 and is now available for consultation. 18 Beranger moved to Dublin from Rotterdam in 1750 to teach drawing (Butler 1990, 32). 19 For a comprehensive report on their work refer to Harbison 2002. 20 See O’Halloran 2004, 99-103.

16 Young resided in Mitchelstown, Co. Cork from 1777-1779 when he was agent for Lord Kingsborough.

9

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK Ireland. The importance of Irish manuscripts and native learning was more widely acknowledged and Irishspeaking scholars were employed to translate the ancient works. This development, coupled with the discoveries of many artefacts that were being uncovered by more advanced farming methods and land reclamation, made the latter part of the eighteenth century an exciting time for antiquarianism in Dublin in particular. Sadly the advancements of the era were cut short by several events at the end of the century that had a disastrous effect on the development of antiquarianism in Ireland. One was the 1798 Rebellion of the United Irishmen that devastated many areas, particularly in the counties on the eastern side of the country. Another was the curtailment of private patronage following the dissolution of the Irish parliament in 1800 when many of the Ascendancy class either sold or let their Dublin houses and moved to London. This exodus was also reflected in a downturn in the membership and activities of groups such as the Royal Dublin Society (RDS) and the Royal Irish Academy (RIA). The decline and general lack of interest in antiquarian research that followed continued up to the early 1830s and this was borne out by William Wilde (1815-1876) who observed that ‘the stagnation of thought, as well as feeling, which followed the Union, may have assisted to produce an apathy in Ireland from which it took more than a quarter of a century to recover’ (Wilde 1870, 126).

South Munster Antiquarian Society (SMAS). Lecky (1892 1, 332) says that in the eighteenth century ‘the little intellectual life in the provinces emanated chiefly from the clergy’ and this situation seems to have continued well into the next century judging by the membership of the SMAS which, in the 1840s, included ten clergymen out of a total membership of about twenty four members (see Rockley 1995, Table 3.2). Access to education for greater numbers, and the move away from an educational system based on the Classics towards a more sciencebased curriculum in the early part of the nineteenth century, seems to have given a boost to the growth of antiquarianism in provincial Ireland. Libraries were established in the larger centres such as the Linen Hall Library, Belfast (1788), and the Cork Library (1792), and there was an increase in the number and variety of societies towards the end of the eighteenth/early nineteenth centuries. Many were of a literary nature but others dealing with scientific matters were formed and, as the nineteenth century progressed, there was a greater stress on subjects that acted as a stimulus for antiquarian interests. One of the earliest provincial societies to get involved in excavation was the SMAS, founded in Cork in late 1840 and this was followed in 1849 by the KAS which, after several changes of name, became the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland in 1889 (see section 5.1). It is interesting to note that M. Boucher de Perthes (1788-1868), who was at the centre of the debate on human antiquity, was a corresponding member of the latter society from its earliest years.

Antiquarian literature and travellers’ reports point to a degree of interest in antiquarian matters in other parts of the country by individual members of the landed gentry, and there is no doubt that some showed an interest in archaeological field monuments and in artefacts discovered on their estates. Some, such as Walter Synnot, in the parish of Killeavy in Armagh, arranged to have the Annacloghmullin tumulus opened in 1791 (Betham 1842, 173-4) (Plate 1.2) while others, such as Richard Walker (1806-1854) of Sligo, became personally involved in the excavation of many sites in the late 1820s and 1830s (Bergh 1995, 29-31). Although Walker kept a ‘Manuscript Notebook’ of his work in the Carrowmore area, this is no longer extant and neither is there a full record of his collection of artefacts, many of which were retrieved from his excavations; fortunately some of these are preserved in the collections of the National Museum of Ireland and at Alnwick Castle, home of the Duke of Northumberland (ibid. 30).21 In general, most of the antiquarian work undertaken at this time was done on an independent basis. Over the years, men such as Robert MacAdam (1808-1895) and Edmund Getty (17991857) in Belfast and Eugene Conwell at Loughcrew, Co. Meath continued to work on an individual basis (see section 7.1), but there was also increased involvement in excavation by groups such as the RIA, the Kilkenny Archaeological Society (KAS) and, to a lesser extent, the

Other factors such as the establishment of the Ordnance Survey, which was set up in 1824-5 under Colonel Thomas Colby (1784-1852), were of particular importance and, by 1846, the entire country had been surveyed. A collection of maps, at a scale of six inches to one mile, were completed, primarily for land valuation, which included all field boundaries, roads, buildings and many field antiquities in the Irish countryside and these maps became an indispensable reference point for antiquarians throughout Ireland.22 To ensure accuracy of placenames, John O’Donovan (1807-1861), a renowned Irish scholar, worked with the surveyors and noted his findings in Namebooks for each area. He also wrote numerous letters that contain important observations on Irish field monuments and traditions. George Petrie (1789-1866) was appointed head of the Placenames and Antiquities section in 1835 and ‘helped to bring Irish antiquarianism from the extremes of the romantic phase into harmony with the more logical and scientific spirit of the nineteenth century’ (Herity & Eogan, 1977, 8). Eugene O’Curry (1794-1862) who, in 1854, became the first Professor of Archaeology at the Catholic University of Ireland (afterwards UCD) was appointed to the section in 1837 (ibid. 8-9). Some members of the Survey teams also carried out excavations such as that of a passage

21 Part of Walker’s collection was left to George Petrie and is now in the National Museum of Ireland; another portion was purchased by Albert Way in 1851 and was sold on to the Duke of Northumberland (Bergh 1995, 30).

22 A set of these maps was housed in the Royal Cork Institution and was used by local antiquarians from the 1840s.

10

GENERAL BACKGROUND

1.3 Leinster House by James Malton vestiges of social customs etc. of our loved and most ancient country. (© RIA MS 4 B 15, 88990)

tomb at Knocklea, near Rush, Co. Dublin, by engineer/officer Lieutenant W. R. Newenham; he also commented on ‘the number of barrows in the neighbourhood of Drogheda, which, if opened under the direction of competent persons, would probably lead to many interesting discoveries’ (Newenham 1839, 247-9).

He was, of course, correct up to a point but, as is evident throughout this work, there were several issues, such as the debate on round towers and ogham stones, which led to strong dissension among Irish antiquarians, particularly between those of Dublin and Cork (see chapters 2 and 6).

From the late 1830s, the RIA published the results of many early excavations, such as that mentioned above, and the journals of the KAS and the Ulster Journal which followed in the mid-nineteenth century also contain reports on similar work in their respective areas (see section 7.1). These well-produced journals were widely circulated and made an invaluable contribution to the development of antiquarianism and archaeology throughout the country.

1.3 The role of the Royal Dublin Society Although this society was based in Dublin and probably had its greatest influence in the areas closest to the capital, its aim was to assist and engender improvements, mainly in agriculture, throughout the whole of Ireland. In its early years the society was supported solely by voluntary subscriptions. It was set up along similar lines to the Royal Society of London, founded in 1660, and one of its original members was the Dublin physician, Sir Thomas Molyneux (1661-1733), a brother of the aforementioned William, who was a Fellow of the Royal Society and is described by de Vere White (1955, 12) as being the link between Dublin and London.

As the nineteenth century progressed, the improvement in roads, transport and communications together with the introduction of canals and railways opened up the countryside as never before and resulted in greater opportunities and accessibility for antiquarians involved in fieldwork. It would be heartening to believe that the following excerpt from a letter dated 6 November 1855 sent to Windele in Cork by fellow citizen, Patrick Kennedy, epitomized the spirit of antiquarianism in nineteenth century Ireland:

The Royal Dublin Society (or Dublin Society as it was originally named) held its first meeting in Trinity College, Dublin on 25 June 1731 and, from its foundation up to the early years of the twentieth century, there was a strong connection between the two bodies (ibid. 12). Berry (1915, 5) says that it was set up due to a desire among ‘a small band of patriotic reformers, actuated by

It is exceedingly pleasant to see gentlemen of all shades of religion and politics uniting for the laudable purpose of preserving the antiquities -

11

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK that every member should

the purest and noblest motives’ to improve conditions throughout the country, particularly in relation to husbandry, manufacture and useful arts. Its formation may well have been a response to the hardship, poverty and destitution that prevailed, particularly among large numbers of the rural population, in the early years of the eighteenth century. It is evident from reports and papers of the time that ‘in the south of Ireland farms were being largely consolidated and lesser tenants were being turned out, while the north groaned under the burden of excessive rents, and everywhere discontent became rife’ (ibid. 5). There was a desire to encourage people to improve their standard of living ‘by intelligent use of the country’s natural resources’ rather than by political action or agitation (de Vere White 1955, 1). Although the RDS was aware of the problems and was in a position to offer solutions and assistance, the success of its schemes was dependent, to a large extent, on the goodwill and cooperation of landowners and/or their agents. A significant problem was the number of absentee landlords who lived outside Ireland but took large revenues from their estates to support their lifestyles elsewhere; many of these absentees knew very little about the conditions in which their tenants lived and worked.

choose some particular subject, either in Natural History, or in Husbandry, Agriculture, or Gardening, or some species of manufacture, or other branch of improvements and make it his business, by reading what had been printed on that subject, by conversing with them who made it their profession, or by making his own experiments, to make himself master thereof, and to report in writing, the best account they can get by experiment or enquiry relating thereunto. (de Vere White 1955, 15) Towards the end of the eighteenth century the Society’s policy changed and experts were employed to undertake particular studies and deliver lectures. For current purposes, only those areas that had a bearing on the development of antiquarianism and archaeology will be dealt with. There was a particular stress on land improvement and in this Prior was to the fore in his recommendations for the drainage and reclamation of bogland and in his support of tillage rather than grazing (ibid. 19). One of the benefits envisaged by the changeover to tillage was that agriculture would become more labour intensive and thus provide a living for many of those who were destitute. The RDS awarded premiums which acted as incentives to landowners to improve their holdings and to carry out experiments on a range of agricultural implements and machinery to make farming methods more efficient. Another change in land usage that had a considerable impact on the countryside was the planting of trees; in 1741-2, premiums were awarded for ‘nurseries’ of fruit and timber trees and also for tree planting in groves and hedgerows (Berry 1915, 58). In 1787, further premiums were offered ‘for planting and enclosing old Danish forts, mounds, raths, motes and churchyards’, at a density of 2000 trees per acre (ibid. 74). In the forty years up to 1806, premiums amounting to £18,460 were granted plus a further £6,000 for particular species such as poplar, willow and Scotch fir and this did not include planting in sixty nurseries (ibid. 73). It is worth considering that, as not all claims were allowed, many additional acres must have been planted and, although the scheme was put forward primarily as a means of using unproductive land, in many cases it must have had a detrimental effect on Ireland’s archaeological field monuments.

The majority of the early members were from Dublin, although there were a few who had links with other parts of the country, such as Archbishop Bolton of Cashel; Rev. Dr. Whitcombe, who was Cork born but spent much of his life in Dublin and the north of Ireland, and Thomas Prior (1682-1751), born in Queen’s County (now Co. Laois) and educated at Kilkenny College where he met and became a lifelong friend of the philosopher, churchman and philantrophist George Berkeley (16851753), Bishop of Cloyne, Co. Cork, from 1734 to 1752. Prior was Secretary of the Society from 1731 up to the time of his death in 1751 and was particularly concerned about the large number of absentee landlords. In an attempt to highlight the problem, he produced a List of Irish Absentees in 1729, two years before the RDS was founded (Berry 1915, 9). By 1733, membership of the fledgling society had increased to 267 with members listed from all parts of Ireland. Among the names were Dr. Samuel Madden, a nephew of Sir Thomas Molyneux one of the Society’s original founder members; Henry Boyle, MP for Cork (Earl of Shannon from 1756); Sir Richard Cox of Dunmanway, Co. Cork; and John Boyle, 5th Earl of Orrery and 5th Earl of Cork (ibid. 24-30). The society was granted its charter on 2 April 1750 but it was not until 1820, when George IV became its Patron that it became known as the Royal Dublin Society (RDS) (ibid. 241). The RDS changed its premises on several occasions and eventually moved to Leinster House, Kildare Street, in 1815 where it remained until the building was taken over by the Irish Government in 1924 (Plate 1.3).

Over the years more efficient farming methods and machinery, tillage instead of pastoral farming and the development of marginal land, which had lain fallow and unused for centuries, undoubtedly resulted in the damage and destruction of many sites. Lane Fox’s (Pitt Rivers) report (1867, 138) on Roovesmore Fort, Co. Cork, pointed out that many of the 10,000 ringforts in Munster which had appeared on the 1st edition of the Ordnance Survey Map had been destroyed by the 1860s; he attributed their destruction to a change in the attitude of

Much has been written on the many worthwhile and successful ventures undertaken by the RDS and a significant factor, which must have played a major part in its early success, was the requirement set out in Rule 19

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GENERAL BACKGROUND response and the scheme was not a success (ibid. 7).25 Vallancey (1786, 143) tried to explain its failure when he said that ‘the committee appointed to digest the answers, in daily expectation of as many, as would complete a certain district, post-poned their publications. The committee was dissolved and most of the answers have been mislaid’. He was most disappointed with the outcome as he felt very strongly that Ireland had been misrepresented in other countries and that such a scheme would help ‘to remove … the prejudices we have laboured under, and … do justice to this country’ (ibid. 141-2). Although unsuccessful, the scheme reached out to places outside Dublin and may have helped to foster antiquarian interest in those places. A further attempt to acquire detailed information on Ireland was made by Vallancey in his publication of Collectanea de rebus Hibernicis in 1786. He proposed

country people to the ‘curious myths and superstitions ... which have so long preserved them from destruction’. However, in his study of the various editions of the Ordnance Survey 6″ map O’Flanagan (1981, 321) says that the ‘reduction in the number of antiquities shown is notably marked in those areas where landlord control on landscape modification was strong’. Another factor, which put stress on marginal land, was the steady increase in population from the mid-eighteenth century up to the time of the Great Famine that began in 1845.23 Land development led to the discovery of numerous artefacts many of which found their way into collector cabinets both in Ireland and further afield. The RDS also accumulated a collection of antiquities, some of which were found during reclamation work (Herity 1969, 14 fn3), and this was afterwards transferred to the RIA (ibid. 20 fn3). As the nineteenth century progressed there emerged an interest among antiquarians regarding the circumstances of the finds and there were attempts to assign dates to them. Questions were raised as to how and when they had been manufactured, used and by whom. There was also a growing interest in field monuments such as ringforts and stone circles.

that every second publication of this COLLECTANEA, shall be allocated, to record such answers, to the following quaeries, as shall be communicated to the author, without waiting for the completion of any particular province or county: to be considered only as the depot of materials and information for future historians. (ibid. 4, 143)

The RDS’s first academy for drawing was set up in the late 1740s to encourage young talented artists, designers and sculptors; competitions and exhibitions were held and prizes were awarded for outstanding work. Admission to the schools was free up to 1849 (Berry 1915, 135). Within a relatively short time three schools were established which taught architectural, ornamental, and figure drawing (Trench 1985, 44). In 1805, a first prize for ‘a group of figures’ was presented to George Petrie, one of its best-known pupils, who later played a large part in the development of Irish archaeology. Corkborn artist, James Barry (1741-1806), who spent much of his later life in London, also studied there for a short time and was given an annual annuity by the society when he fell on hard times in later years (Berry 1915, 119-21). The RDS controlled the schools until 1877 when, under the Dublin Science and Art Museum Act, they, together with the library, botanic gardens and biological and scientific collections, were passed to the Science and Art Department under the aegis of the Westminster government (Lysaght 1997, 157).

The ‘quaeries’ included sections on the following: 1. Air. 2. Water - rivers, lakes and fountains. 3. Earth or soil. 4. Stones - useful. 5. Stones - curious, naturally formed. 6. Plants. 7. Minerals. 8. Animals. 9. Manufactures. 10. Buildings. 11. Public Charities. Final section - antiquities. The questions in the final section are reproduced in Plate 1.4. No details on the outcome of this scheme have been uncovered so far. An area in which the committee had a considerable level of success was in the search for and the examination of unpublished manuscripts relating to Ireland, some of which were already in the possession of the RDS (Berry 1915, 146). Advertisements seeking information on Irish manuscripts and records were inserted in newspapers and foreign periodicals and a branch of the RDS was established in Paris with the Archbishop of Narbonne, Arthur Richard Dillon, as president of the committee (ibid. 147).26 They also realized the importance of maintaining links with native literature and learning and encouraged Irish scholars such as Charles O’Conor (1710-1791) to publish his translation of O’Flaherty’s Ogygia (McDowell 1985, 7). The short-lived Committee of Antiquities met for the last time on 24 February 1774 (Berry 1915, 147).

A Committee of Antiquities was formed in May 1772 under the chairmanship of Sir Lucius O’Brien MP, with Charles Vallancey24 and Dr. Thomas Leland as joint secretaries. The aim was to ‘enquire into the antient state of arts, literature, and antiquities’ (McDowell 1985, 6). In a similar manner to the methods used in Britain from the end of the seventeenth century, the Committee distributed three thousand questionnaires to clergy and gentry throughout Ireland in 1773, asking for information on antiquities, placenames and customs, but there was a poor

25 It may have been in his capacity as a member of this Committee that William Burton Conyngham sent copies of a ‘printed scheme’ to members of the landed gentry such as Ralph Ousley, Dunmore, Co. Galway (Harbison 2002, 4). 26 A worthwhile outcome of their endeavours came many years later, in 1787, when the Book of Leacan was sent from the Irish College in Paris to the Royal Irish Academy where it is still held.

23

For population figures see Clarke & Donnelly (1983, 26). For a detailed account of Vallancey’s ‘life, family and military career’ see Nevin 1993, 19-58.

24

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK

librarian a few months prior to his death in 1812.28 In 1877, the greater part of the collection became the nucleus of the National Library of Ireland, while material retained by the RDS is still in their own library.29

From the start, the RDS collected a varied range of literature including books, pamphlets, reports and journals on topics which contained ‘any useful improvement or discovery in Nature or Art’ (Rule 14) and over the years a large and important library was built up with a variety of works and manuscript material. The librarian also took responsibility for the society’s nummarium27, which was of particular interest to Vallancey who only resigned from the position of

In 1786, Donald Stewart from Scotland was employed by the RDS to search for fossils and minerals in the Dublin and Wicklow areas. Later he extended his investigations to other parts of the country including Waterford, Wexford, Clare, Longford and Antrim (Lysaght 1997, 154-5). In 1792, the RDS purchased the Leskean cabinet of minerals from Germany and Berry (1915, 156) considered this to ‘have contributed greatly to the diffusion of more exact knowledge on the subject of mineralogy in Ireland’.30 The collection was catalogued by Richard Kirwan (1733-1812), who was introduced to the Dublin Society by Vallancey (de Vere White 1955, 49). Part of the collection dealt with the internal structure of the Earth and was evidence for a growing interest in geology at the time. This purchase laid the foundation of the Natural History Museum (Berry 1915, 355). It is worth noting that in the early 1800s Rev. Dr. Thomas Dix Hincks (1767-1857), founder of the Royal Cork Institution (RCI), wrote to the RDS requesting their assistance with a collection of minerals and fossils which was being assembled in Cork; they duly obliged by sending him over three hundred duplicate specimens (Anon. 1936, 57). A further link was forged between the two groups when Edmund Davy (1785-1857) of the RCI was appointed Professor of Chemistry to the RDS in 1826 (see section 3.1). In 1814, Charles Giesecke (1761-1833) was appointed Professor of Mineralogy (Berry 1915, 163). He carried out a ‘mineralogical tour’ in the west and north of Ireland between 1825 and 1828 and also presented the RDS with his collection of minerals from Greenland where he had worked from 1806-1813 under the patronage of the King of Denmark (ibid. 164-5). One of the most notable names in Irish geological circles is that of Sir Richard Griffith (1784-1878)31 who was appointed mining engineer and Professor of Geology in 1812. He travelled widely throughout the country and, as Commissioner for Land Valuation from 1827-1868 and chairman of the Board of Public Works from 1850 to 1864 (ibid. 169), there were few parts of Ireland that he did not visit.32 Possibly his greatest contribution to the 28

On his resignation, Vallancey presented the RDS with his collection of coins and medals (Berry 1915, 149). 29 A further notable contribution was made by Vallancey in 1790-1 when he went to Paris, on behalf of the British Government, to copy barony maps compiled from William Petty’s Down Survey which had been taken there following their capture by a French privateer in 1710 (Berry 1915, 148). These are now in the National Archives, Dublin. 30 The Leskean collection contained 7,331 specimens and cost the Society £1,350; it was ‘geologically the most important [purchase] ever made by an Irish museum’ (Wyse Jackson 1997, 94). 31 Griffith resided near Mallow, Co. Cork from 1822 to 1828. 32 Windele (1844, 355), when commenting on the copper mines at Ross Island, near Killarney, Co. Kerry, referred to him as ‘Mr. Griffiths, the

1.4 Vallancey’s questionnaire 1786 27

A nummarium is a repository for coins.

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GENERAL BACKGROUND science and to the country was his geological map of Ireland with a scale of one inch to four miles which made its first appearance in 1839 and was revised several times up to 1855 (Wyse Jackson 1997, 100).

The foundation of the RDS set a pattern for similar societies that started up in other parts of Ireland at a later date. Their attitude and encouragement towards the development of land and mineral resources led to alterations in the Irish landscape and played a part in the recognition of the importance of geology, a science which was closely linked with the advancement and understanding of archaeological thought and practice in the nineteenth century. The statistical surveys of the Irish counties, though incomplete, must have fostered an interest in the country’s land and heritage and, although the Committee of Antiquities was short-lived, it created an awareness of the importance of recording field monuments and the collection of literature and other information relating to Ireland’s past. Its recognition of the importance of manuscript and historical material, coupled with the formation of the society’s substantial library, was also of great benefit to later scholars.

In its endeavours to determine the economic potential of the country the RDS was permitted in 1800 to spend part of its annual government grant on the compilation of a series of statistical surveys of all the counties of Ireland (Herries Davies 1995, 2). Although mainly concerned with agriculture there was a recommendation that ‘soil and surface’ and minerals should also be taken into account (ibid.). They produced a range of information and Stokes (1868, 341) described them as ‘comprehensive guide-books’ to each county. Details on antiquities contained in the surveys were included afterwards in a report compiled by Miss Louisa C. Beaufort33 and were published by the RIA in 1828 (Herity 1974, 15). Only two surveys were published for the counties of Munster; these were Clare by Mr. H. Dutton and Cork by Rev. Horatio Townsend34 (Berry 1915, 183).

1.4. The influence of the Royal Irish Academy The Irish Academy of Science, Polite Literature and Antiquities was set up in Dublin in 1785 and received its charter in February 1786, from which time it has been known as the Royal Irish Academy (RIA). Its first patron was King George III and the first President was the 1st Earl of Charlemont, James Caulfeild (1728-1799),35 at whose home in Rutland Square, Dublin, the early meetings were held.36 Its foundation came about primarily as the result of a merger between two Trinity College societies, the Palaeosophers, founded in 1782 which was ‘devoted to the investigation of ancient learning’ and the Neophilosophers, set up by Robert Perceval in the following year for the discussion of ‘scientific problems’ (McDowell 1985, 7-8). The close links between Trinity and the Academy and the emphasis on science are obvious in a cartoon featured in the Universal Magazine and Review of January 1789 (Plate 1.5). The main focus of the Academy was in the field of science, but there was also a keen interest in Irish history and antiquities.

It is obvious that there was a great interest in the geology and the mineral resources of the country at this time. Herries Davies (1995, 3) has said that this ‘organised programme of mineral exploration was entirely without precedent anywhere within the British Isles’ but he also made the point that it was ‘in so many respects an exercise in enlightened self-interest upon the part of the dominant social group’ which they hoped would lead to ‘the stabilisation of the existing social order and the financial enrichment of the ascendency’ (ibid. 4). From its inception, the RDS was a stronghold of many of Ireland’s intellectual and scientific leaders, but its membership list shows that it also represented the interests of the Irish ascendancy. Although the projects were undertaken with the desire to improve conditions and revenues for the general benefit of all, there may well have been a policy to advance and protect the interests of the members, particularly in the decades on either side of the 1798 rebellion and the passing of the Act of Union in 1800. This was not a good time for the Irish ascendancy and their uncertain situation may have led to a change in attitude from the altruistic outlook of the early members. It is difficult to assess the impact of the society on agricultural practices and changes throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and, although some individual landlords undoubtedly carried out great improvements, changes were necessary to cater for the increasing population and to take advantage of expanding export markets for Irish produce.

The antiquarian tradition in Dublin had been fostered and encouraged by Burton Conyngham, who set up the Hibernian Antiquarian Society ‘for the investigation of the antiquities of Ireland’ in 1780. Unfortunately, due to an inability to ‘keep the peace’ between some of the members, the Society was short-lived. Burton Conyngham was actively involved in the establishment of the RIA and became its first treasurer (ibid. 7-10). Many members of the earlier Hibernian Society appear on the initial membership list of the RIA.

eminent engineer’, and was obviously very satisfied with his opinion on mine-working in the remote past. For a comprehensive report on more recent work at Ross Island refer to O’Brien 2004. 33 Her father, Rev. D. Beaufort of Navan, Co. Meath, was a founding member of the Royal Irish Academy. 34 This survey, published in 1815, was considered by John Windele to have been the ‘best of all the County surveys’ (Windele 1844, 141).

35

James Caulfeild’s mother was Elizabeth Bernard of Castle Bernard, Bandon, Co. Cork. 36 Now the Dublin City Gallery The Hugh Lane.

15

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK Vatican library, was set up and Theophilus O’Flanagan, a native Irish speaker, made a grant available for the translation of the Brehon Laws37 (McDowell 1985, 19). Vallancey and O’Conor recognized the importance of building up a comprehensive collection of Irish manuscript material and were, in a sense, carrying on the work of the short-lived Committee of Antiquities that had been formed under the aegis of the RDS in 1772 (see above).

1.5 Cartoon representing Trinity College and Royal Irish Academy

The RIA library was set up in 1786 and the collection of objects of antiquarian interest also began to build up from the early years (ibid. 19). It was not unusual to form a museum at the time and a room was set aside for the growing collection of artefacts. It is interesting to note that when Arthur Young visited the home of Lord Charlemont in June 1776 he was greatly impressed by the library, which had an ante-room at one end ‘with a fine copy of the Venus de Medicis and, at the other, two small rooms, one a cabinet of pictures, and antiquities, the other medals’ (Young 1: 1780, 18-19).38 It may have been partly due to lack of space that the RIA decided against housing a geological collection on its premises and their specimens were sent to the RDS on permanent loan (Mitchell 1985, 106). Vallancey formally requested their transfer from the RIA in April 1801 so that they could be added to the Leskean collection of minerals, which had been acquired by the RDS in 1792 (Nevin 1993, 39).

A Council of twenty-one members was elected and three committees, each comprising of seven members were formed dealing with Science, Polite Literature, and Antiquities (the latter two were amalgamated in 1870). The original membership of thirty-eight elected a further fifty members giving a total of eighty-eight foundation members. Among the many illustrious names listed were Charles Vallancey, Richard Kirwan, Richard Lovell Edgeworth, Burton Conyngham, Charles O’Conor, architect James Gandon and the renowned natural historian and explorer Sir Joseph Banks, President of the Royal Society (ibid. 9-12). Many of these men were also members of the RDS. Once again, the Royal Society of London was used as a model and copies of its charter and statutes were procured from Sir Joseph by the bishop of Killaloe, Thomas Barnard; both men agreed that ‘the Academy should be governed as much as possible on aristocratick principles’ (ibid. 9).

The ease with which a collection could be built up is illustrated by that of Dean Henry Dawson (1792-1840) of St. Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin, who began collecting in the early 1830s; the impetus for this seems to have stemmed from his goal to put together a collection which would rival that of the RIA, but would ultimately be presented to it. By the time of his unexpected death in 1840, he had amassed an impressive collection of 1,874 items plus a substantial collection of coins and medals (Mitchell 1985, 110). Although it had been the Dean’s intention to bequeath his collection of antiquities to the Academy, he died intestate and, due to the reduced circumstances of his widow, the collection had to be sold. The Antiquities Committee organized a successful appeal that raised the £1,000 needed to acquire the Irish section of the collection for the RIA. The significance of the acquisition is apparent from the following extract from a notice dated 4 December 1840:

In the current study, the main emphasis is on the work of the Antiquities Committee and the development of antiquarianism and archaeology in the nineteenth century.

It is proposed, if a sufficient sum of money can be raised, to purchase the Irish portion of the museum of the late Dean of St. Patrick’s, to be deposited in the House of the Royal Irish Academy, as the basis of a National Museum of Antiquities, which will be thrown open to students, and to the public (Saunder’s Newsletter 1840).

The presentation of the Book of Ballymote in 1785 by Vallancey on behalf of the Chevalier O’Gorman, who resided in France, marked the start of the valuable and extensive manuscript collection now held in the RIA. It was a particularly important acquisition as it contained a key for the decipherment of ogham inscriptions (Quin 1985, 176). In the following year a scheme to copy manuscripts of Irish interest, such as those housed in the

37

See O’Halloran 2004, 127-133. Charlemont had acquired many of these on his extensive Grand Tour that started in 1746 and continued for nine years (O’Connor 1999, 3). 38

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GENERAL BACKGROUND Kilkenny in 1844, was ‘now buying at Cork Ring money for an English collector and wished to deal for a portion of mine’ (© RIA MS 12 L 9, 34). Although the name of the collector was not mentioned it may well have been the ‘eminent numismatic antiquarian in London, the Rev. W. Dickinson, a missioner from Africa’, who had received ‘sketches of five specimens of Celtic Ring Money’ from Hoare and had noted a ‘similarity of the African Ear & Ring money, with those dug up in Ireland’ (ibid. 23). Other English collectors with whom Hoare was in contact were Mr. Welbeloved of Yorkshire (RIA MS 12 L 10, 22) and Mr. Forman of Dorking (Archaeological Journal 20 (1863), 171-2). A further example of the loss of Irish material was the substantial number of artefacts, mostly from the Cork area, taken out of the country by Thomas Crofton Croker (1798-1854) over a long period (Rockley 1995, 81).

The Academy museum received a further boost in 1841 when it procured another valuable collection of about 400 items following the death of Major Henry Charles Sirr (1764-1841). Part of his collection had already been sold to Dawson c. 1836 when he was selling artefacts privately (© RIA MS 12 I 11, 397). His son, Rev. Joseph D’Arcy Sirr, was persuaded to part with the collection in return for the cancellation of his subscription arrears to the Academy, plus free life membership and a cash payment of £350 (Mitchell 1985, 112). It was fortunate that the collection was acquired then as the membership list of the RIA shows that, by 1848, Rev. Sirr had moved to London. Later in the century, following Petrie’s death in 1866, his large collection of antiquities was purchased by the State and deposited in the museum of the RIA (ibid. 98). From its inception, many items were presented to the RIA such as a collection of antiquities from the Danish Royal Academy of Antiquaries brought to Dublin in 1815 by Charles Giesecke. However, after this date, no further donations were registered until 30 June 1839. In 1827, Dr. William H. Drummond and Sir William Betham were appointed to ‘rearrange and classify the museum’ and it was also decided that the collection of antiquities should be built up by a policy of ‘judicious purchasing’ (Mitchell, 1985, 107). In 1839 the Cross of Cong was donated by James MacCullagh (1809-1847) and he also organized a fund to purchase two gold torcs which had been found at Tara, Co. Meath, over twenty years earlier (Dublin Penny Journal 1 (1832), 157). There appears to have been a growing interest in the preservation of Irish antiquities around this time but the change in attitude towards the importance of building up a national collection seems to have been long overdue and was in sharp contrast to a report presented to the RIA by Joseph Huband Smith in November 1841 when he commented that

Condemnation of the activities of unscrupulous dealers and collectors is contained in a report read to the RIA on 6 January and 9 February 1852 by Mr. William Mulvany. He donated a range of 377 artefacts that had been found by District Engineers, on behalf of the Commissioners of Public Works, who were engaged in drainage schemes throughout the country. Although he was satisfied that many items had been saved he felt that a still larger portion has been lost, the workmen having been frequently encouraged to break through our rules by traders in antiquities, and by individuals desirous of making private collections, who neglect, or are generally unable, to describe correctly the place where the articles were obtained. Were this done, the Academy might still hope, in time, to recover many of the missing articles; but it is to be feared now that, owing to this neglect, we should only become possessed of numerous duplicates, wanting in the essential matter of historic interest - their identification with locality. (PRIA 5 (1852), Appendix 5, xxxii)

many an English antiquary, who, while he cultivates assiduously, and under circumstances of extreme difficulty, the meagre opportunities which England affords to the study of ancient British and Celtic remains, cannot but look with a feeling of astonishment (akin perhaps to contempt), on the apathy with which in Ireland we suffer daily the tangible and unquestionable proofs of the early civilization of our country, to which we have long proudly laid claim, actually to perish before our eyes, from the most disgraceful negligence. (PRIA 2 (1841), 166)

He also presented the RIA with the private collection of engineer, Richard Gray, and exhibited sixty-one articles believed ‘to have been found in the crannogs in the lakes near Strokestown’ which he had obtained on loan from four individuals in the area (ibid. lxvi). The importance of provenance was of great concern to this far-sighted man who issued very precise instructions to his engineers regarding the procedure to be followed when artefacts were discovered. In addition to details of the find location, the name of the townland, parish, barony and county were to be noted together with ‘a description of the precise locality, the material in which imbedded, its depth, allusion to other antiquities found with it, and such other matters of interest’ (ibid. xxxiii).

It must have been obvious to many members that valuable antiquities were being lost to Ireland through the activities of dealers and others who were exporting artefacts if buyers could not be found here (see section 4.1). Even among the antiquarians some were acting as agents for collectors outside the country. Such was the case with Edward Hoare of Cork who, as reported by Redmond Anthony (1768-1848) from Piltown, Co.

Provincial antiquarians often complained that the RIA did not do enough to secure valuable artefacts for Ireland, but

17

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK that he had sent everything he had to the Academy but had been given a plain gold ring on the previous night and offered to sell it to Neligan (RIA MS 4 B. 14, 331).

the shortage of funds made it impossible in many instances. In March 1847 Redmond Anthony complained to Windele that the ‘RIA gentry are a set of paupers, learn’d as a body, but whom have not 1/- to spare to even purchase the rarest antiquities’ (© RIA MS 4 B 6, 1030).

Items from the hoard were taken to London soon after its discovery as is evident in the following extract from a letter dated 6 February 1854 sent to Richard Caulfield by John Gough Nichols:

A case in point was the ‘Great Clare Find’ of 1854, a gold hoard found at Mooghaun Lake, Co. Clare, when the Limerick to Ennis railway line was under construction and, even though many items were dispersed immediately following their discovery, it was felt that the RIA should have made a greater effort ‘to secure the whole for the National Museum’ (© RIA MS 4 B 14, 666). In reality, it was not possible for the Academy to purchase the complete hoard as the following conflicting reports suggest that it was sold off relatively quickly to anyone who could afford to buy and that local dealers and jewellers had an advantage over buyers from outside the area:

We have seen in London portion of the great find of gold armlets etc. Dr Todd having brought to the Society of Antiquarians some of the articles purchased by the Royal Irish Academy. For what party was Dr Neligan the purchaser? Any further information about them will be acceptable. (Dublin City Library, Gilbert Collection – Caulfield letters (1854-1860) 114, 11) One hundred and forty six pieces were exhibited to members of the RIA in June 1854, but only a small number of these were purchased. A ‘subscription’ was opened (PRIA 6 (1855), 204), but this, in addition to their annual purchase fund of £50 that had been put in place in 1850, only enabled them to acquire twelve of these priceless artefacts.39 The hoard was dispersed so quickly after its discovery that it is fair to say that the exact number of items discovered will never be known.

Halpin of Newmarket purchased ‘a number of the objects for over £250; by other sales made in Newmarket, Limerick, Waterford and Dublin, the four working men are said to have made between them £6,000. (Armstrong 1917, 23) An entry in the Windele manuscripts stated that the great mass of the gold ... had been bought by a jeweller in Limerick & immediately melted down. A few of the specimens had come into the possession of the R. I. Academy. It is regretted that the entire hoard had not been examined by some antiquary competent to make a selection. (© RIA MS 12 I 8, 571)

From the early 1860s, following the intervention of Lord Talbot de Malahide, President of the Archaeological Institute from 1863-83, an annual Treasury grant of £100 was paid to the Academy to compensate finders of treasure trove (McDowell 1985, 38-9). Notices were posted in schools and police stations giving details of treasure trove regulations and making it attractive for finders and owners of antiquities to send them to the RIA either on loan, for presentation or for sale. Where items were offered for sale it was made very clear that ‘prices are always higher than those obtainable from dealers’ (Mitchell 1985, 136-7). Problems seem to have arisen where dealers were involved, such as in the sale of the Broighter Hoard to the British Museum by the Cork collector/dealer, Robert Day, at the end of the nineteenth century. Proceedings were taken against the Museum and the outcome was that the articles were deemed to be treasure trove and, as such, were the property of the crown; the King duly presented the hoard to the RIA (ibid. 139-40).

Hitchcock (1852-53, 287 fn2) quoted a paragraph from the Tralee Chronicle dated 24 March 1854 on the discovery. According to the report Three labourers … accidentally turned up with a spade, a large quantity of valuable antique Irish gold ornaments, of which they eagerly possessed themselves, and one of the parties who filled his hat with the precious metal, sold it off to the first who offered in Newmarket, whither he ran with his booty, for £30. The gold is of the purest description, consisting of armlets, ringlets, bracelets, collars etc. and worth £4 per ounce. The lot which the man sold in Newmarket for £30, weighed 110½ ounces, and is valued by Mr. Wallace, of Limerick, at £100.

As the collections increased it became obvious that a new building was required, which would allow for the provision of a larger museum and library. In 1854, the RIA moved from their premises at Navigation House, Grafton Street, which they had occupied since 1788, to

He added that far from being an ‘exaggerated statement, it under-rates the quantity, variety and value of the golden ornaments found!’ Rev. Dr. Neligan of Cork had managed to get ‘one of the torques’ which was of a ‘most curious spiral pattern’ (ibid.) (see section 4.1). It seems likely that Neligan also acquired a second item as a letter sent to him by Halpin on 10 April 1854 informed him

39

Fourteen were bought by the British Museum at the time. Four more were acquired by the National Museum of Ireland in the twentieth century and a recent discovery by Niamh Whitfield (2007, 28-9) has brought the total number of identified items from the Mooghaun hoard to thirty-one.

18

GENERAL BACKGROUND their new (and present) headquarters at 19 Dawson Street (McDowell 1985, 18 & 39). Although the preparation of a comprehensive catalogue of the museum collections was proposed in 1850 with Petrie as editor, it did not progress as planned and, in 1857, with the visit of the British Association to Dublin looming, the task was taken on by William Wilde. In less than six months he had produced the first of three volumes, an illustrated catalogue on Stone, Earthen and Vegetable Materials, with objects arranged not chronologically, but according to their material and use (Mitchell 1985, 118-20). The second volume on Antiquities of Animal Materials and Bronze appeared in 1861 and, finally, the Catalogue of the Antiquities of Gold was completed in 1862. It is worth noting that he, in effect, rejected Thomsen’s Three Age system that had the support of Petrie but not of Edward Clibborn, librarian and curator of the museum.40 It is likely that Wilde was influenced by the English scholar, John Mitchell Kemble (1807-1857), who was very much opposed to the Danish scheme and spoke to the RIA in February 1857; he felt that ‘the adoption of Worsaae’s principles, and the pushing of them to their legitimate consequences, would betray us into grave historical errors’ (ibid. 120) (see section 4.2).41 Indeed the ‘Worsaae system’ was not adopted until long after the museum moved to Dawson Street and Mitchell (1985, 116) pointed out that the British Museum did not begin to use the Three Age system until 1866 whereas Edinburgh had adopted it prior to 1850.

documents in existence in Ireland’; he hoped that they would be published ‘in such a way, that literary men on the Continent also, will have the opportunity of becoming acquainted with them’ (ibid. 344).42 The contents of the Academy’s museum, together with items on loan from private collectors, were exhibited at the Dublin Exhibition in 1853 and constituted ‘the largest and most important collection of national antiquities that has ever, perhaps, been presented to the study and examination of antiquaries in this country’ (PRIA 5 (1853), 395). The RDS, with the sponsorship of William Dargan (1799-1867), who had played a major part in the development of the Irish railway network, organized the exhibition which was held in a specially constructed building of timber and glass, designed by Sir John Benson (1812-1874), engineer to the Cork Harbour Commissioners and architect to Cork Corporation. The building was erected on the RDS grounds at Leinster Lawn (Turpin 1982, 4 & 6) with the front entrance opening on to Merrion Square (Plate 1.6). It seems as if the design worried several collectors who were concerned about the possibility of fire breaking out and felt that there should be ‘some sort of security for indemnity against loss’ (© RIA MS 4 B 13, 447). Fortunately the Exhibition passed off without incident and was regarded as being highly successful. In this instance Dublin was behind both Cork and Belfast where exhibitions had been organized in the previous year and indeed Jones (1854, 13) says that the idea of holding such an event in Dublin was ‘first mooted in Cork’. It may well have been the case, but the Dubliners pointed out that Cork had made a poor contribution to the Crystal Palace Exhibition in London compared with other parts of Ireland and that it was

It is significant that Jens Worsaae (1821-1885), who worked as an assistant to Christian Jurgensen Thomsen (1788-1865) at the Museum of Northern Antiquities in Copenhagen, lectured to members of the Academy on two occasions in 1846 while on a visit to Dublin. The content of the lectures on the advances in archaeology in Denmark must have made a great impact on his audience. He explained how Thomsen had arrived at the Three Age system and observed that all antiquities, both in Ireland and elsewhere, could be divided into two groups ― prehistoric material, which he considered to be of primary importance, and later material which could be explained and backed up in the written records (Worsaae 1845-7, 328). Another important advance in Denmark was the policy adopted by the Government whereby payment of the full value of articles of gold and silver antiquities was made to the finder; this replaced an old law which said that all such material ‘found in the earth, must be surrendered to the Crown, without any recompense to the finder’ (ibid. 314). Understandably many antiquities had been lost to posterity under the old law. Worsaae also commented on the wealth of manuscript material in Irish collections and called for the publication of the Brehon laws, which he considered to be ‘the most remarkable

a circumstance freely commented upon at the time, greatly to the disparagement of the people of ‘the beautiful city’; and they, apparently conscious of the great mistake which they had committed, and anxious to make amends, determined to have an Exhibition of their own. (Irish Industrial Exhibition Catalogue, 1853, 4) Cork’s National All-Ireland Exhibition featured an Antiquities Section which was well supported by local collectors, whereas the Belfast Exhibition was devoted exclusively to items of archaeological interest, mainly from the north of Ireland, and was held in conjunction with the visit of the British Association to the city in 1852 (see section 3.3). There can be little doubt but that these exhibitions must have led to an increased awareness and interest in the richness of the country’s

40 Clibborn’s article ‘On the probable age of the Flint Implements found in Gravel-beds’ Ulster Journal of Archaeology (1859) 7 argued against their antiquity as propounded by Prestwich and Evans. His paper dealt mainly with his theories on the deposition and use of flint artefacts. 41 Kemble contracted pneumonia while on his visit to Dublin and died there on 26 March 1857 aged forty-nine (DNB 30, 370).

42

In 1786, Vallancey secured a grant of £100 from the RIA to employ an Irish scholar to translate the Brehon laws but the venture was not successful (McDowell 1985, 19-20). They were first translated by John O’Donovan and Eugene O’Curry nearly seventy years later (O’Halloran 2004, 128).

19

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK

1.6 Front view of Irish Industrial Exhibition building, Dublin 1853 nineteenth century, commented that ‘each people owes it to the human race, to do what in it lies for preserving its own separate history, and guarding its own annals from decay’. He also drew the members’ attention to the valuable collection of Irish manuscripts both in the RIA and in Trinity College, but recognized that assistance was needed towards ‘rescuing those records from oblivion, and from the risk of perishing obscurely’ (ibid. 353). He cautioned that

archaeological heritage, not just within Ireland, but among the many visitors from overseas. The RIA’s library also continued to expand throughout the nineteenth century and was divided into three sections containing manuscripts, periodicals and printed books. Much of the material in the manuscript section was purchased from collectors such as the collection of Gaelic manuscripts from William Betham and the impressive collection built up by booksellers Hodges Smith of Dublin, which included the Book of the Dun Cow (Lebor na hUidre) ‘our oldest manuscript written entirely in Irish (twelfth century), and containing versions of most of the best-known early sagas’ (Quin 1985, 177). Another important acquisition was a number of manuscripts which had formerly belonged to the Chevalier O’Gorman and which came to the RIA in 1831 through Crofton Croker, who had been elected to membership of the RIA in 1827 (McDowell 1985, 43). Many manuscripts and artefacts were purchased by subscriptions raised by members and by interested members of the public, but this inevitably led to significant increases in the price of articles that came up for sale on the open market.

enough has not been done until they have been placed beyond all danger of destruction, and made accessible to students everywhere, by printing and by publishing them, with notes and translations, such as can be supplied by some of the few persons who are now versed in the ancient Irish Language. (ibid. 353) By 1842, the RIA’s collection of Irish manuscripts had risen to 112 and Eugene O’Curry (1794-1862) was appointed to compile a catalogue, which he completed in 1844 (Greene 1972, 160). The work did not merely involve the listing of the titles, but contained an abstract of the contents of each manuscript and was an invaluable asset to the library (PRIA 2 (1844), 550). Further acquisitions of manuscripts were made throughout the nineteenth century and included a large number from the Duke of Buckingham’s library at Stowe in 1883 (Quin 1985, 177). The periodicals section carried a varied range of journals including those of ‘the principal scientific bodies of Europe and America’ (PRIA 2 (1843), 359) while the printed books section expanded from 3,000 in

The policy of copying important Irish manuscripts continued to be a priority; an example is the Book of Lismore, found buried under ruins at Lismore Castle in 1811 (or 1814) and lent to the RIA in 1838 ― the transcript was completed in 1840 (PRIA 1 (1838), 136) (see section 2.4a). In his presidential address on 24 June 1839, Sir William Rowan Hamilton (1805-1865), reputedly one of the greatest mathematicians of the 20

GENERAL BACKGROUND 1822 to 6,000 in 1841. Further important book collections, such as that of Thomas Moore (1779-1852), were gifted to the Academy over the years (McDowell 1985, 42). The collection continued to expand and included the purchase of the Windele manuscripts by subscription of £100 in 1866 and the gift of the Haliday collection of pamphlets, mostly relating to Ireland, in 1867. Other important acquisitions included the Ordnance Survey archaeological material, twelve volumes of topographical sketches and the Ordnance Survey memoirs (Craig 1985, 325).

went on to say that ‘Petrie has heard of it and has opened a negociation with Mr. B. for part of it’.44 It is obvious that Butler regarded Lagore as a significant discovery when he expressed the hope ‘that the collection will not be separated as historically its value consists in the ascertained contemperaneity of the articles’ (ibid. 121). A comprehensive report, with details of the large quantity of animal bones and antiquities, was prepared and read to members of the RIA by Wilde on 27 April 1840. The following excerpt from a letter dated 25 April 1843 sent by Dr. Aquilla Smith of Dublin (1806-1890) to his fellow numismatist Richard Sainthill (1787-1869) in Cork, showed that Cork antiquarians had also expressed an interest in the discoveries at Dunshaughlin, but also suggested that many important artefacts from the site had disappeared:

The first archaeological investigation by the RIA took place in Phoenix Park, Dublin, in May 1838 where the removal of a large mound led to the discovery of an ‘ancient tumulus’. Mr. T. Drummond, Under Secretary of State, wrote to the then President of the Academy, Sir William Rowan Hamilton, asking ‘that a deputation from the Royal Irish Academy should visit and examine this tomb’ (PRIA 1 (1838), 187). Work was stopped and was followed by a detailed and orderly examination carried out in the presence of Hamilton, Petrie, Betham, Rev. Matthew Horgan, ‘some Fellows of Trinity College’ and also a ‘great concourse of respectable people’ (© RIA MS 12 L 5, 72). The human remains and artefacts found at the site were presented to the RIA by the Lord Lieutenant. It is interesting that a first-hand report of the discovery which comprised of a male and female skeleton with ‘a part of two earthen urns, which bore the marks of remote antiquity; and a quantity of small white Perrywincles; worn or rubbed in the point or horny part to form a hole by which they were all strung together, evidently for a neck ornament for the female’ is contained in a letter from Horgan to John Windele dated 24 May 1838. The rivalry between the Cork and Dublin antiquarians is evident in the following extract:

Very few of the numerous articles enumerated by my friend Wilde came into the hands of the Collectors in Dublin. In the Collection at the Academy there are only a couple of fragments of combs a small iron shears and three or four small knives. The large swords, and most of the important Antiquities cannot now be traced. Mr. Barnwall’s steward secured them but how or where he disposed of them he could never learn.45 (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 135) A comment in a letter from Worsaae to Thomsen dated 12 November 1846 may in part explain the apparent disappearance of artefacts when he said that it was ‘now the ‘fashion’ in Dublin to hoard Irish antiquities thus making them extremely expensive. But I shall do all I can to obtain some examples’ (Henry 1995, 2). If, in fact, the artefacts were not reaching the Dublin collectors they must have been held by the dealers who were hoping to achieve the best price possible at a later date. In a further letter to Thomsen dated 8 January 1847, in relation to the purchase of Irish-Danish coins, Worsaae again remarked that they were ‘more expensive here than in London, the usual price is 5 shillings a piece; in London it should be possible to buy them for 3 sh.’ (ibid. 11). Evidently Worsaae was successful in acquiring a range of artefacts for the Museum of Northern Antiquities in Copenhagen as, in addition to a generous gift from the RIA of forty-four Irish artefacts, he also procured thirtyseven items from Lagore including two iron swords and a number of bronze and bone pins (Eogan 1991, 161-9). The Academy’s generosity was reciprocated in the following year when they received ‘a very valuable present of stone & bronze Antiquities from Copenhagen’ (© RIA MS 4 B 8, 446).

Contrive to put this in the Reporter before Petrie or any of those speak on it; don’t forget to put it in as good order as you can in the form of a letter from your devoted humble servant. (ibid. 72)43 The next site to come to the Academy’s attention was that of Lagore crannóg, Dunshaughlin in Co. Meath. Following the draining of a shallow lake in the late 1830s large quantities of animal bones and antiquities were discovered and these came to the notice of Petrie who had purchased some items for his personal collection from James Henry Underwood, a Dublin dealer (Mitchell 1985, 104). Underwood was credited with the discovery of the crannóg at the time of the Topographical Survey (Briggs 1979, 29); however, a letter from the Rev. Richard Butler of Trim to Dawson on 2 October 1839 made no mention of him. Butler had seen the collection, but inferred that it was not complete as he had been informed that ‘Smith the bookseller has obtained something from the hoard’ (© RIA MS 4 B 36, 121). He

Other sites which came to the attention of the RIA were 44

‘Mr. B.’ was presumably Mr. Barnwall, owner of the site. It is interesting to note that some animal bone specimens from Lagore were included in the auction of the late Crofton Croker’s collection in December 1854. 45

43

This is a reference to the Southern Reporter, a Cork newspaper.

21

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK the Hill of Rath, near Drogheda, Co. Louth, in 1841, where a considerable amount of Bronze age material was retrieved by Clibborn and Huband Smith of Dublin, and the mound at Dowth, Co. Meath (Plate 1.7), where an excavation was carried out in 1847-48 (Mitchell 1985, 163). Financial assistance for the latter excavation was sought from the directors of the Dublin and Drogheda Railway Company who were assured that the success of the project would lead to an increase in the numbers using the line (ibid. 105). Although Newgrange and Knowth had been the focus of attention for most antiquarian visitors, Dowth did not appear to have attracted very much interest as is implied in an excerpt from a letter, dated 19 January 1844, sent by William Hackett, Midleton, Co. Cork, to Windele:

In fact a ‘great hole’ in the side was left unfilled and its poor condition was commented on some thirty years later by James Graves (1815-1886) of the Kilkenny Archaeological Society as follows: We must lament that this grand national monument has been left to destruction. It would also be well to remark that the ‘archaeological society’ which ‘devastated’ the tumulus was not our association. ... No account of the exploration has ever been published and when I saw it, the materials of the tumulus were lying about in sad confusion ... the tenant of the land, naturally thought they would form good building materials and acted accordingly. Thousands of tons of stones for ‘road metal’ were also taken from it. (O’Kelly & O’Kelly 1983, 144)

I have frequently mentioned to you the monument called Daoud-Dowth staring at all antiquaries who visit Nowth and Newgrange as if it said ‘Why will you not stay & examine my unexplored treasures? Those of my neighbour have occupied the attention of your sapient predecessors for 150 years & none of them have bestowed on me even a passing word, excepting one humble individual whose sagacity was afterwards rewarded by obtaining him a place amongst the M.S.M.A.S.’46 (© RIA MS 12 L 9, 24)

The monument was taken into State care in 1882 and in 1885-6 further excavation was carried out by Cork-born Sir Thomas Newenham Deane (1828-1899) (ibid.). He was the first inspector of the Ancient and National Monuments of Ireland, a position he held for many years, and was a son of the renowned Cork architect, Sir Thomas Deane (1792-1871) (J. C. 1915, 184). Mitchell (1985, 162) referred to the early investigations/excavations of the RIA as ‘rescue digs’, but pointed out that they did not have the benefit of excavation techniques as developed and used by Lane Fox (Pitt Rivers) from the early 1880s whose excavations ‘were not restricted by any consideration of finance, time or labour’.

The Dowth excavation was suspended due to lack of funding, but details of work done, together with plans and sections, were lodged in the RIA by R. H. Frith, who had superintended the enterprise. It was ‘resolved that Dr. Petrie be requested to draw up an account of the tumulus, and of the discoveries made there, to be presented to the Council and the Academy’ (© RIA Minute Book, Antiquities 1 (1785-1826), 269). It does not seem as if a report on the site was ever prepared by Petrie and Frith’s account remained unpublished until 1983 when it appeared as Appendix B in O’Kelly & O’Kelly’s work on ‘The Tumulus of Dowth, County Meath’ (PRIA 83 C (1983), 135-90). The original plan and section drawings have not been located.

A reference from a report read to a meeting on 8 June 1846 shows that some members recognized the importance of well-ordered and organized excavation and were concerned about the activities of ‘ignorant persons, or those actuated by mere curiosity’ who were carrying out investigations that, in many cases, resulted in the destruction of field monuments (PRIA 3 (1847), 262). However, it is evident from a report by Petrie on 10 June 1850 that not all members were in agreement about the antiquarian and archaeological developments undertaken by the RIA and indeed many maintained ‘that the formation of an antiquarian museum and a library of the ancient literature of the country should never have been attempted or be continued by a body so poor as the Academy’ (PRIA 4 (1850), 575). Considering their scarce financial resources it must have been even more difficult for the Antiquities Committee to obtain finance for archaeological excavation. A further example of the general lack of support is hinted at in a letter from Wilde dated 28 February 1859 when making a case for the completion of his museum catalogue; he wanted to make it clear that he had never ‘asked either Council or Academy to print one page of the continuation of a work which, although devoted to a subject not valued by a

It is not clear whether or not Hackett visited the site during the excavations even though, in October 1850, he informed Windele that it had not been completed and that ‘they had only explored a little round the edge’ (© RIA MS 4 B 10, 393). He continued ‘none of these researches will be effectually performed until some Colonel Howard Vyse shall rise up amongst us and supervise the operations from beginning to end. This cannot be achieved by any of the Dublin worthies who at present flourish - they are all bound by other avocations which allows them no means of staying from home.’ (ibid. 394)47 46 M.S.M.A.S. refers to ‘Member of the South Munster Antiquarian Society’. 47 Major-General Howard Vyse (1784-1853) explored and excavated the pyramids of Gizeh (now Giza) in the mid to late 1830s and made an

important contribution to the understanding of the early period of Egypt’s history.

22

GENERAL BACKGROUND

1.7 Dowth passage tomb before 1847-48 excavations, drawn by William Wakeman large proportion of our members, has, I believe, neither lessened the prestige of the Academy, decreased the interest in our Museum, nor lowered the cause of Irish Archaeology and Ethnology.’ (PRIA 7 (1859), 138). It is obvious from the following excerpts of letters from John O’Donovan to Windele dated January, June and November 1845 that there was disagreement among particular interest groups of RIA members at an even earlier stage: 4 January 1845. It has been latterly converted into a tumultuous debating club. I am not a member, thank God, nor shall I ever attempt to become one till I see a more perfect harmony between the men of science and the Antiquaries, who are at present at open war! (© RIA MS 12 L 9, 134)

At the time of writing the above letters O’Donovan was convinced that he would be ‘black beaned’; however, he was elected a member in February 1847. Wilde, in his letter of 28 February, pointed out that the Transactions from 1845 contained 1,343 pages devoted to Science, 765 to Polite Literature, but a mere 19 to Antiquities and contended that the latter had ‘not had its share of the money spent upon printing’ (PRIA 7 (1859), 137). The disagreements continued and there seems to have been a widening rift between the scientists and archaeologists that came to a head in the 1860s. It was suggested that the RIA should be divided into two sections which would hold separate meetings and be financially independent of each other, however this option was opposed by the President, Charles Graves (1812-1899), who pointed out that a large part of the expenditure went on the provision of facilities which were shared by all members alike and that ‘it was very desirable that men whose intellectual pursuits differed widely should be brought together’ (McDowell 1985, 47). The matter was eventually resolved by an increased government grant in 1868 which allowed for greater spending on scientific research and publication as well as providing more funding for the museum (ibid. 47). It was probably fortuitous for the RIA that Graves was president during the difficult days of the early to mid 1860s as he, in addition to his archaeological and literary pursuits, was professor of mathematics at Trinity College, Dublin, from 1843-62, and had an understanding of the requirements and concerns of both groups.

12 June 1845. I do not much like that Academy. They are more like a debating club than a quiet society of literary men; jealous of one another and ever wrangling about nothing. I am to be set up for election soon, but I am sure they will black bean me as they have recently Mssrs. Close and Clemens to their eternal disgrace. (ibid. 171) 4 November 1845. I do not expect much from the Royal Irish Academy, as there is so great a jealousy between the men of science and the Antiquaries, the former wishing to have nothing but xx’s and the latter nothing but old pots and swords. Their battles are sublime! And again, the antiquaries are divided into two classes each of which holds the other in the most majestic contempt. (© RIA MS 12 L 10, 59)

Clearly the RIA has been to the fore in the development of antiquarianism and archaeology in Ireland from its earliest days to the present time. Over the years, Dublin23

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK based members predominated with relatively few from Cork. Similarly, donations from the Cork area to the RIA museum were very few in number and the subscription list for the purchase of the Dawson collection included only five Cork names. It is evident that there was very little direct involvement with Cork antiquarians although contact was maintained at an individual level as can be seen in the Windele correspondence. It is likely that very few from Cork were proposed for membership. The system of election seems to have been tightly controlled so that anyone who was considered unsuitable could be turned down. Such was the case with Cork-born journalist Samuel Carter Hall (1800-1889) who was ‘black beaned’, in spite of the fact that he had the support of some eminent men including Professor McCullagh, TCD, and Sir Thomas Larcom (1801-1879) of the Ordnance Survey (RIA MS 4 B 2, 209).

language’ which more or less reflected ‘the attitudes of metropolitan intellectuals and their brand of national thought, rather than the attitudes of those whose first language was Irish’. It was not just in Dublin that efforts were being made to preserve the language and, although not as well documented, it is clear that work was going on elsewhere in places such as Cork, Belfast, Dundalk and Drogheda (Duffy 1988, 343 & 359). There were many people working for the Irish language whose background was in the native Irish tradition but, increasingly, the ‘last vestiges of literacy in Gaelic, and of written literary activity in that language’ were being transferred from the native scholars of rural Ireland to the urban-based academics (Leerssen 1996, 161). The Dublin Gaelic Society was founded in 1807 and, in line with the procedure in other similar organizations such as the Celtic Society, eschewed discussions on politics and religion (Cronin 1996, 132). There was also an attempt to foster Irish in the RIA in the mid 1840s when a class was started ‘without the full consent of the council’ and the Irish scholar, John O’Donovan went on to say that he feared

For further discussion on the RIA and its relations with Cork antiquarians see section 2.4a. 1.5 Interest in Irish language and culture Irish was widely spoken throughout Ireland at the beginning of the nineteenth century, but the ravages of emigration and famine, particularly in the 1830s and 1840s, coupled with the introduction of the national school system of education in 1831, where only English was permitted, were among the factors which led to an alarming decrease in the number of native Irish speakers by the middle of the century. Another significant factor was that English was the language of law, government, commerce and the press, and had the advantage of being a written language whereas Irish, apart from the manuscript tradition, was predominantly a spoken language.48 Ireland tended to be linked with England and later with America rather than mainland Europe and English was perceived as a universalizing language. Indeed O’Brien (1892, 17-18) said that ‘it was emigration ... that drove the Irish language out of fashion’ as the Irish people were ‘directed to a career in the golden Englishspeaking continents’. It was seen as the language of prestige and advancement among many native Irish speakers and, as a result, many were anxious and indeed insisted that their children should learn English. Even some of the ‘hedge schoolmasters’ taught through English and the use of Irish became ‘punishable at the hearth stone’ (© RIA MS 12 I 11, 164). This had a devastating effect on the native tongue.

they will dissolve it, as the students are principally radicals and papists ... It may be possible that our example will be followed in Cork, Limerick, Galway and the other head towns of the Irish speaking districts. (© RIA MS 12 L 9, 146) Perhaps it was as a result of this effort that the aforementioned Celtic Society, with members drawn from all parts of the country, came into being in 1845 (RIA MS 12 L 10, 26). Its main object was ‘to publish documents illustrative of the history, language and antiquities of Ireland’ (© RIA MS 4 B 12, 437-8). Members included William Betham, Owen Connellan, Samuel Ferguson, Charles Graves, James Graves, Robert Kane, Thomas Larcom, Robert MacAdam, John O’Donovan, George Petrie, William Reeves, Thomas Swanton, William Wilde and John Windele (for further information on these, see Appendix 1). There was genuine concern in the provinces about the declining use of the native language and societies, such as the Irish Harp Society in Belfast founded in 1809, were set up; although its primary aim was to teach blind children to play the harp it also aimed to ‘promote the study of the Irish language, history and antiquities’ (UJA 1895, 302). The Cork Irish Society, founded in 1815 with Bishop John Murphy (1772-1847) as president, came into being for ‘the purpose of preserving and extending Irish literature’ (Ó Coindealbáin 1943, 56). In spite of efforts made by members such as Father Matthew Horgan, ‘who opened a parish subscription’ for its ‘advancement’ (© RIA MS 12 L 11, 601), the Cork Irish Society was short-lived as can be deduced from the following anonymous extract:

There had been a revival of interest in Irish language and culture towards the close of the eighteenth century and it was apparent to many antiquarians who worked with native scholars that it was the key to understanding the antiquities of Ireland. Leerssen (1996, 2) contends that, in the nineteenth century ‘there was a growing middle-class tradition of antiquarian and revivalist cultivation of the 48 Windele (1857, 244) estimated that fewer than two hundred people in Ireland could read and write in Irish at the start of the nineteenth century.

24

GENERAL BACKGROUND parishes so that they could compare both sets of figures and get a more accurate result (© RIA MS 12 L 12, 1334). Although there was considerable debate over the years about the accuracy of the figures returned in the later survey, it was obvious that the language was in a steep decline.49

I have heard with pain, that scarce did this noble institution appear when, to the shame of our city, it sank into nothingness, notwithstanding all the enlightened & laborious zeal with which it had been digested & put forward by its patriotic & esteemed President, the Rt. Revd. Dr. Murphy. (© RIA MS 12 L 12, 83)

The interest in the spoken and written language of the country was shared by antiquarians in both the north and south of the country and indeed led to a lifelong friendship between MacAdam and Windele who worked tirelessly for the promotion of Irish in their respective areas over many years. On 21 November 1843 MacAdam wrote to Windele as follows:

Although it ceased to operate after a relatively short time, individual members, such as Bishop Murphy, continued to work for the language. Indeed a letter to Windele from Hackett dated 26 May 1842 stated that the Bishop deserved ‘every compliment ... because he has directed great talents, great industry & a great deal of money to the preservation of Irish literature’ (© RIA MS 4 B 2, 229).

It has occurred to me that an interchange of compositions by the natives of the two provinces would be extremely interesting and amusing: and if it meets your approbation, I shall give it every assistance in my power. I would be glad to know the names of the persons in your City and neighbourhood who pay particular attention to the study of the Irish language, or who have made collections of Irish manuscripts. (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 231)

In the early 1840s the bishop was to the fore in sending questionnaires to clergy throughout Ireland to determine the numbers of Irish speakers in every county. Robert MacAdam, secretary of the Ulster Gaelic Society, founded in 1830, and probably one of the leading proponents of Irish in the north of Ireland, was aware of Bishop Murphy’s survey and wrote to Windele in March 1845 asking if he could ‘procure a statement of the probable numbers who speak Irish in each County. If this be too much to ask, you can perhaps procure the data for the province of Ulster but I would much rather have all’ (© RIA MS 12 L 9, 156). Windele duly supplied MacAdam with the information and, on 4 June 1845, he sent a letter of thanks, but admitted that it was ‘most difficult to arrive at any thing like exactness in such a calculation, but enough is known to prove that the number who speak the language is very great’ (ibid. 168).

Cork antiquarians were very aware of the importance of using native scholars to translate Irish manuscripts as a means of gaining insight into the country’s history and antiquities, as the following extract from a letter to Windele sent by Hackett on 13 May 1841 illustrated: I am glad you approve of the idea of getting the Irishians into harness if they can be brought to any kind of training they will do good service in the field of Irish Antiquities. (© RIA MS 4 B 1, 286)

Several years later, prior to the Census of 1851 and at the instigation of O’Donovan, Windele wrote to the Registrar General and suggested that it was a good opportunity to assess the number of Irish speakers in the country in view of the fact that the use of Irish had been ‘gradually narrowing territorially’. Windele did not seem to share MacAdam’s optimism about the language and went on to say, in a rather defeatist manner, that:

A further letter from Hackett to Windele on 18 May reinforced the above statement when he said: I heard you say some time since that there was no use in studying Irish antiquities without first knowing the language ... the Irish or almost any antiquary with a knowledge of the language has immeasurable advantages over the man without it. (© RIA MS 12 L 7, 76)

We are aware that it is now impossible to arrest its final decay and disappearance and that a few generations more will doubtless witness its total extinction. (© RIA MS 12 L 12, 113)

There was also a realization that the translation of the ogham inscriptions called for ‘a profound knowledge of the language and the assistance of M.S.S.’ (© RIA MS 4 B 6, 486).50

It seems as if his request was granted as a letter dated 14 March 1851 from MacAdam, who had also made representations regarding its inclusion in the Census, referred to a notice in the newspapers to the effect that Irish speakers would be registered, but he expressed the concern that the numbers would be incorrect as many would be ‘afraid to acknowledge that they know Irish’ due to a fear of repercussions afterwards. He went on to suggest that, once again, the clergy of each parish should be asked to send out a circular ‘simultaneously with the Census’ to assess the numbers of Irish speakers in their

There were old Gaelic families in many areas who were expert translators with a comprehensive knowledge of Ireland’s ancient history and literature; many of these had 49 For illustration of the dramatic decline of the Irish language between 1800 and 1851, refer to Hindley (1990). 50 For an up-to-date discussion on ogham (ogam) script and the Irish language, see McManus (2004, 1-9).

25

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK At an even earlier date Thomas Swanton from Ballydehob, Co. Cork, who had compiled an Irish dictionary, also realized that the Irish language was ‘fighting a losing battle’ when he wrote to Windele on 19 September 1845 as follows:

collections of old Irish manuscripts which had been put together over a period of many years, but both scribes and manuscripts had been gradually disappearing. According to Windele (1856b, 373), Irish manuscripts had been plentiful in Munster at the beginning of the nineteenth century, but they were ‘becoming rarer and more difficult to obtain’ and ‘those written on vellum ... have nearly altogether departed’. This was also the case in the north where Matthew Graham of Dundalk, Co. Louth, urged members of the Ulster Gaelic Society to ‘collect and assemble together all of those manuscripts which are lying about, scattering to the winds, or rotting in ignorant hands who do not recognise the scholarship of our ancestors ... ’ (Duffy 1988, 355).

As to getting the people to read Irish without simplifying the spelling it is not to be expected, they will spend three years in learning to read the market English, that will bring them honor and profit, but what is to reconcile them to expense and drudgery for the poor pennyless Gaelic. (© RIA MS 4 B 5, 1014) Later, on 12 June 1846 he commented that there was ‘a general conspiracy’ against the language which he regarded as

Antiquarians in many parts of the country became involved in the collection of manuscripts and copies whenever they came on the market and the desire to preserve these valuable records may, in part, explain the actions of the Cork antiquarians in relation to the Book of Lismore in the mid 1850s (see section 2.4a).

the best poorman’s tongue in the world. Though the people here seem desirous to give it up it will be a long time before they can express themselves with such comfort in English. I am not against English. I would wish to have both languages taught in schools. (© RIA MS 4 B 6, 428)

It is evident from a letter to Dawson from Sainthill dated 17 May 1839 that a member of the Long (Ó Longáin) family from Whitechurch, a few miles north of Cork city, endeavoured to dispose of manuscripts which had been

As is evident from the above, Swanton was an indefatigable supporter of the language and lived in an area of west Cork where he estimated that Irish was spoken by seven eighths of the local population. He was genuinely concerned about the decline of the language, but was also keen to encourage Irish poets and musicians. In July 1844 he issued a proposal for the formation of a Cork and Kerry Irish Poetry and Music Society devoted to ‘the patronage of Poetic talent displayed in Irish Composition, to the publication of Irish Poetry, and to the reward of good players on the Irish Bagpipes’ (© RIA MS 4 B 5, 375). The level of success of the Society is unclear, but it seems as if he attracted a relatively small membership and afterwards changed the name to ‘The Irish Poetry Society’ (ibid. 570). He continued to champion the Irish language throughout his lifetime and, in 1858, sought Windele’s assistance in an attempt to form a Bardic League of the Province of Munster that would comprise of four orders ― those of Brehons, Druids, Poets and Musicians. An annual convention was envisaged to alternate between Cork, Limerick, Cashel and Killarney (RIA MS 4 B 18, 370-6). Research has not uncovered any evidence to suggest that the ‘League’ was ever formed.

copied by his father & grandfather, from original Mss - I am quite uncertain whether Irish Mss copies are in your way, but if they are not, will you have the goodness to give Mr. Long any advice, which may occur to you as useful, as to persons who might possibly purchase his collection. (© RIA MS 4 B 36, 76) This must have occurred before local antiquarians appreciated the value of such material. The Longs were noted for their scholarship and for their involvement in the transcription, translation and preservation of many Irish manuscripts. In the period covered by this study one of their family members, Joseph Long, transcribed and translated numerous records and ‘stories of the olden times’ (© RIA MS 4 B 6, 539). In 1859, he spent some time in Lismore, Co. Waterford where he was engaged in copying the Book of Lismore (RIA MS 4 B 19, 143-5). There is also a suggestion in a letter from Owen Connellan to Windele dated 26 December 1863 that Long was to be sent to the mainland Europe by ‘some gentlemen in Cork’ to copy manuscripts there (RIA MS 4 B 23, 935) but it is not known whether or not this took place.

Over the years there was also an ongoing interest in the collection of Irish airs as it was feared that much of the traditional Irish music, poetry and folklore would be lost. In common with other antiquarians, such as Croker who published his Popular Songs of Ireland in 1839, Windele was anxious that they should be collected and preserved. In 1841 he had played an active part in a move to translate the Moore’s Melodies into Irish, much to the delight of Moore who felt that it would be like

John O’Donovan firmly believed that oral Irish would become extinct by the twentieth century and in a letter to Windele dated 10 September 1849 he said that his ‘only ambition’ was ‘to preserve our annals, genealogies and romances; and to this all my thoughts shall be directed’ (© RIA MS 12 L 11, 321).

26

GENERAL BACKGROUND There seems to have been an upsurge of interest in Irish language and culture in the late 1850s and an encouraging article was submitted by Windele to the Ulster Journal of Archaeology in 1857 in which he contended that more people than ‘at any former period ― certainly within the last three hundred years’, were continuing to use their native tongue, not just in Ireland, but in many parts of the world (Windele 1857, 243-4). The following extract from a letter sent by MacAdam in August 1857 showed that this article attracted considerable attention:

‘naturalizing them in their own land, bringing them home’ (© RIA MS 4 B 1, 587). He also encouraged Corkman, William Forde, to become involved in their collection. Forde travelled throughout Connaught and the following letter sent to Windele from County Leitrim on 21 September 1846 illustrated the high level of cooperation in various parts of the country: It would be of service to me if the Cork people knew that I was on this musical mission. When I see you I hope to let you hear some Airs yet unknown in Munster. Mr. W. E. Hudson (Dublin) gave me about 100 airs which he collected in Galway with Paddy Conneally, the Piper. And Mr. J. Pigott (son of the Rt. Hon.) gave me nearly as many which he had from Hardiman’s Mss. (© RIA MS 4 B 6, 678)

People are taken by surprise at the extent to which it is now spoken; & more curiosity about it is awakened than I ever knew before. We must keep the interest alive by articles in the Journal. The old Gaelic is a precious legacy left to us from an unknown antiquity. (© RIA MS 4 B 17, 514) From this point there was virtually no comment on the language in the correspondence between Windele and MacAdam.51

While in Ballinamore, Co. Leitrim, Forde collected about 150 airs from a local piper, Hugh Beirne who was very seriously ill; by noting down the ancient melodies he ensured that they would ‘live on’ after the piper’s death. Just over a week later O’Daly of Dublin indicated to Windele that he also had Irish airs for Forde ‘which he in all probability never saw or heard of before’ (ibid. 719). A prospectus for Forde’s collection of airs was issued on 1 December 1844, but the project never materialized and Forde died in London in 1850 at the relatively young age of forty-five (Joyce 1909, x) (Plate 1.8). Following the receipt of Forde’s prospectus from Windele, MacAdam made the following observation on 8 March 1845:

The inclusion of this section provides some insight into the efforts of antiquarians throughout the country to preserve Irish language and culture. Although not all their activities might be considered relevant to the development of archaeology, the collection and preservation of manuscripts and the decipherment of ogham script, together with a need to understand local placenames and customs, were all part of their overall efforts to retain the language which they recognized as the key to understanding the past.

It is curious enough that the extreme north and south should produce the two persons, Bunting and Forde, who have done most to save our national music from destruction. (© RIA MS. 12 L 9, 156) As expected, MacAdam asked to be listed as a subscriber for Forde’s publication. In Ulster, the Armagh-born organist and musician, Edward Bunting (1733-1843) had been to the fore in his efforts to preserve the music of the country and was actively involved in a Harp Festival in Belfast in 1792. He was also among the original subscribers to the Irish Harp Society founded in Belfast that became involved in the study of the Irish language in 1809 (UJA 1895, 3023). In addition, he assembled three important collections of Irish music and indeed Leerssen (1996, 174) says that his first collection ‘triggered the work of Thomas Moore’. In the east of the country, George Petrie, who has been hailed as the ‘father of Irish archaeology’ (Raftery 1972, 157) was also involved in the collection of Irish music. The first volume of the Petrie Collection of the Ancient Music of Ireland was published under the aegis of the Society for the Preservation and Publication of the Melodies of Ireland in 1855 (White 1998, 63).

1.8 Prospectus for Forde’s Music of Ireland 1844

51 For a comprehensive overview of the changes in the use of the Irish language see Fitzgerald 1984.

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK

2. A close-up of Cork

colonies of the Americas. Indeed Beckett (1976, 71) pointed out that, although the eighteenth century was also a time of growth for other provincial towns, ‘none of them could equal Cork in wealth or size’.

This chapter examines the general background and assesses whether or not conditions favoured the growth of antiquarian research in Cork in the early to mid nineteenth century. Observations of visitors relating to science and antiquarianism are included to show the more objective views and impressions of those who were passing through the city.

Smyth (1993, 673) notes that the later eighteenth/early nineteenth century was ‘one of the great boom periods of Cork’s agricultural history’. The increased demand and higher prices for agricultural produce coupled with an expanding population meant that more marginal land was utilized and there was a shift towards tillage farming. This was encouraged by the high prices achieved for wheat, particularly at the time of the Napoleonic Wars, and led to the development of areas previously used for grazing. Another factor was the reliance on and rapid growth of potato production in the first half of the nineteenth century to such an extent that many districts had a surplus for export (Donnelly 1975, 28). This scenario must have increased the chances of discovery of archaeological artefacts but, without an awareness of their importance, many must have disappeared from the archaeological record and the likelihood of reliable provenancing was low. Changes in farming practices in Cork by the middle of the century, when roughly 70% of cultivated land ‘had already come under pasture or hay’ (ibid. 133) meant that the chances of finding artefacts were considerably reduced when compared with the earlier period.

John Windele was undoubtedly the most important figure on the antiquarian scene in Cork and was a link between the native Irish and the ‘Anglo-Irish’ in the area. He was held in very high regard and was deemed to be the foremost authority on antiquarian matters. As will become apparent, he was personally acquainted with many of the leading authorities of the time mainly in Ireland but also in England and, to a lesser extent, in France; he was a prodigious correspondent and was involved with numerous societies both locally and further afield. Unfortunately he had a tendency to be rather intransigent and this led to tensions, not just with those who openly disagreed with him on a national level such as George Petrie and Charles Graves (see sections 6.1 and 6.2), but also with other southern antiquarians such as William Hackett and Richard Hitchcock. In a sense he was somewhat isolated from the mainstream of Irish antiquarianism by virtue of the fact that he was based in Cork. The later sections of this chapter look at several areas of interaction between Cork antiquarians both on an individual and on a society level. Their dealings with the Royal Irish Academy are examined in 2.4a while 2.4b looks at their involvement with the British Archaeological Association and the Archaeological Institute.

The American War of Independence (1775-83), and later on the Peninsular War and other campaigns, led to the expansion of the provisioning trade which brought great prosperity to the city in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. However, the downturn in the economy and the deteriorating social conditions that followed the end of the Napoleonic Wars led to deep recession, with business closures and bank failures, in the early 1820s which resulted in severe hardship and misery for many of the citizens, some of whom had crowded into the city from country areas where they could no longer find work.

2.1 The Cork background and the impressions of some visitors The first half of the nineteenth century was a time of many changes throughout Ireland and, in common with other areas, Cork did not escape the social, economic, religious and political upheavals of the time. A cursory examination of the local situation coupled with some impressions of visitors to the area may add to our understanding of why an interest in antiquarianism apparently developed more slowly in this part of the country.

The 1820s and 1830s were particularly difficult years with widespread unemployment and dire poverty compounded by the ravages of typhus fever and the cholera epidemic of 1832 that led to high mortality rates. Many emigrated from Cork at this time and the population decreased dramatically between 1831 and 1841 (see Table 2.1). It is interesting to compare the Cork figures with those of Belfast which show a steady increase in population over the years whereas Cork figures tend to fluctuate.1

The fact that Cork was located a few miles up-river from a fine natural harbour led to the development of the city, which, from the mid-eighteenth century became the largest and most important centre for commerce and trade in the south-west of Ireland. It was a bustling port with travellers en route, not just to British and mainland European destinations, but also to the developing

1 The movement of people from the city centre to suburban areas located outside the city boundaries may account for some distortion in the figures.

28

A CLOSE-UP OF CORK asserted that Belfast was ‘the only town in Ireland which has at all kept pace with the literary stir of the last thirty years’ but that Cork was ‘spirited, and contains an intelligent and reading population’ (Dublin Penny Journal (1833) 1, 310). The fact that many of Cork’s literati, such as Thomas Crofton Croker, Samuel C. Hall, William Maginn, John A. Shea, Jeremiah J. Callanan and artists Daniel Maclise, William Willes and John Hogan2 (sculptor) left Ireland in and around the 1820s probably reflected the downturn in the economy which obliged them to further their careers elsewhere as they were unable to make a living in their native city. Antiquarian pursuits in the early 1840s were a means of bringing both sides together as is shown in the following extract of a letter from Hackett, a Roman Catholic, to Windele dated 24 April 1842: Whatever may be our own view of our ‘caste’ I fear we have reason to see that those of the other consider us inferior and indeed I should never have thought of approaching them except through the mutual ground of antiquarian dominion. (© RIA MS 12 L 7, 226) This extract also suggests that in spite of the great achievements of the Catholic majority in the area of religion and politics there were difficulties with being accepted as equals by the previously dominant Protestant minority. Apart from a few exceptions there also seems to have been a divide between the upper and middle classes in Cork and, although many of the influential landed gentry were agreeable to acting as patrons of local societies, they do not appear to have become involved in their activities to any great extent. Indeed Denny Lane in his Then and Now said that there was no upper class in Cork but that ‘a few civic knights were the only representatives of the nobility; and even these, ... had to earn their bread by honest industry’ (Anon. 1907, 175).

Table 2.1 Population trends in Cork and Belfast 18131871 The situation was also aggravated by disturbances due to the religious and political struggles of the time that eventually saw the granting of Catholic Emancipation in 1829 and the introduction of the Irish Reform Act of 1832. O’Brien (1979, 11) points out that ‘both communities were happy to associate on business and cultural matters but refused to do so socially or politically’. By 1841, following their spectacular success in the Corporation elections, Cork’s strong and increasingly confident Catholic middle class had effectively taken over political control from the Protestant minority. Throughout Ireland, as the nineteenth century progressed, there was also a marked increase in nationalist culture.

From 1845 to 1849 the Great Famine led to extreme distress and hardship throughout the country and brought death, emigration and bankruptcy to all areas to varying degrees, but particularly west Cork which suffered greatly. Cork city was directly affected as large numbers of people left the country areas and made their way to the city in their struggle to survive. It was a bleak time in the history of Ireland and many suffered total ruin.3 A letter from Richard Sainthill to Croker dated 20 January 1849 gave a contemporary account of some of the effects of this disastrous period:

Cork was regarded as a cosmopolitan city with a reputation for literary and artistic achievements and Eagleton (1998, 159) may be correct when he says ‘that Cork was probably a much stronger literary centre than Belfast in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries’. By 1833, an entry in the Dublin Penny Journal

2 Hogan was born in Tallow, Co. Waterford, in 1800 but spent most of his early life in Cork. He was apprenticed to Sir Thomas Deane where his talents for drawing and carving developed (Windele 1844, 156). 3 It is estimated by Keating (1996, 73) that ‘lost income from rents and high rates led to bankruptcy for 10% of landlords … within ten years, about one seventh of the country and within a generation, about a quarter of the country changed hands’.

29

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK any antiquarian activity in Cork at this time. The same may also be asked of a later period when Charles Vallancey (Plate 2.1), who was an active and influential member of several Dublin societies (see section 1.3), was resident at Spike Island in Cork Harbour from 17901796. As an officer in the Royal Engineers corps, he had been posted to Ireland to assist in a military survey of the country; his drawings, such as a plan and section drawing of Newgrange passage tomb, illustrate the high quality of his draughtsmanship (Plate 2.2). Nevin (1993, 21) points out that he was also based in Cork in the late 1750s and transferred to Dublin following his appointment as Major of Engineers in 1761. Much of his time was spent surveying the south coast of Ireland and, although located in Dublin, it is apparent from the dates on a collection of his drawings housed in the British Museum that he was working intermittently in the Cork area from 1776-1790 (Catalogue of Maps & Drawings in the British Museum 1844, 366, 372-3, 375).

Everything here very gloomy, much present distress and much greater anticipated. It is not possible to guess, the embarrassed situation of the Country Gentlemen; and the crash among them will be awful – I really do not know who to trust – or – by whom, I may not lose, who are in my debt. Those are best off who have least to do with Ireland. It is incredible the number of tenants, who have gone to America, with the produce of the last harvest in their pockets. (CCL, Croker correspondence 5 (1849), 190) Later in the same year Sainthill wrote that the beggary of the Country Gentry cannot enter your imagination. For once … Irishmen are of one mind. Classes, creeds and politicks, are all melted into one mass, by misery and destitution (ibid. 241).

On 11 October 1790 he wrote from Spike Island to the antiquarian Joseph Cooper Walker4 and complained that he had ‘heard nothing of Irish Antiquities since I left Dublin’ (TCD MS 1461, 3, 213), but several references show that he did not abandon his interest in antiquarianism and the RIA completely and was also in contact with some of the local residents, who were obviously aware of his reputation as an important figure in the Irish antiquarian world. The above letter to Cooper Walker also contained the following extract: Some peasants digging about the house of Mr. Edmd. Roche, in Roche’s County near Rathcormick, found an immense number of silver coins of the Edwards with very good Ogham inscriptions on some, according to the Ledwich party ― among them was one of Alexander I of Scotland. Mr. Roche recovered some and gave me several of which he had duplicates ― by the first safe hand they shall be transmitted to you for the Academy. (TCD MS 1461, 3, 213)

2.1 Charles Vallancey (1725-1812)

An excerpt dated 16 March 1792 (RIA Minute Book 1, 78) referred to a present from Vallancey to the RIA of ‘an ancient urn found in the County of Cork, near Inch Bay’ which lies just under six miles, as the crow flies, from Spike Island where he was based. The RIA Acquisitions Register (now in the National Museum of Ireland) gives no additional information on this artefact and neither is it mentioned in Waddell’s Bronze Age Burials of Ireland published in 1990.

As will be shown below, these changes of fortune are reflected not only in the development of antiquarianism, but in the opinions of visitors to the city. The impressions and findings of those with antiquarian and scientific interests depended, to a large extent, on who they were introduced to and on the contacts they made and this is borne out by the following comment of Chief Justice Wills, who visited Ireland between 1757-62, and said of Cork that

His interest in natural history is evident in a report to Cooper Walker on 25 January 1794 detailing his

tho’ this is a very old city, I could not upon enquiry find out any remarkable pieces of antiquity, or any natural curiosities there. (UCC MS U 83, Box 5)

4

Dublin-based Cooper Walker (1761-1810), worked in the Dublin Exchequer under Burton Conyngham, was the author of several publications and built up a small collection of antiquities (Waddell 2005, 71-2).

The question has to be asked whether in fact there was 30

A CLOSE-UP OF CORK endeavours to acquire a rare white crane for the RIA in spite of a request for it from a Dr. Longfield. (The bird had been shot near Robert’s Cove in Cork by a Mr. Daunt who sent it to ‘Mr. Daunt Apothecary’ in Cork).

Although the exact date of his departure from Cork is not known, Nevin (1993, 36) indicates that he returned to Dublin after the failed French invasion at Bantry Bay in December 1796 - January 1797.

I claim it for the Academy or College Museum and if refused the whole bird, half of it cut longitudinally, each half glued on a board would satisfy both parties ― if not the half, I claim the liberty of making a drawing ― I am afraid I shall succeed in neither unless Mr. Daunt Apothecary is written to in the name of the Academy. (© RIA MS 12 R 18, 7,1)

In the autumn of 1797, the area was visited by a traveller from England, George Holmes, who dedicated the report of his tour to the Duchess of Devonshire of Lismore Castle, Co. Waterford. Although he wrote in great detail about the topography and history of many places on his itinerary, he failed to mention the names of his hosts along the way. He did however mention quite a few sites of archaeological interest such as the wedge tomb at Labbacallee near Fermoy and the Castle Mary portal tomb near Cloyne, both in Co. Cork (Holmes 1801, 170 & 178). As these sites are off the beaten track, he must have been accompanied by someone with good local knowledge of the area.

Vallancey must have been successful in acquiring the bird as, in a letter to Cooper Walker on 29 March, he mentioned that it would be sent that day on ‘a vessel’ sailing to Dublin (TCD MS 1461, 3, 278). It is tempting to assume from the following extract, dated 25 June 1796, that Vallancey may have acted as a gobetween for ‘Rev. Mr. Hincks of Cork [to be] admitted to assist at the Meeting of the Academy’ (RIA Minute Book 1, 119). His links with Cork continued long after his return to Dublin as he was appointed as one of a group of ‘Visitors’ to the Royal Cork Institution when it received its charter in 1807 (Pettit 1976, 79) (see section 3.1).

Letters of introduction to residents of Cork city were also mentioned by James Hall, who published details of his Tour through Ireland in 1813. His description of the city and its inhabitants is detailed and informative on topics as varied as the distilling business, religion, herring fishing and local charities, but he gave the distinct impression that he was not overly impressed by Cork. There is no mention of antiquities or buildings of historical interest and very few individual names are included; however, Hall appeared to have been mildly entertained by the fact that “Chemistry too is beginning to be studied, and many even of the ladies attend the Chemical Lectures of the Rev. Mr. Hincks, who has evidently paid much attention to this fashionable as well as highly amusing study”. (Hall 1813, 159)

His name was obviously on the list of introductions provided for the French traveller, De Latocnaye (Comte de Tournay), by William Burton Conyngham of Slane at whose residence he started and ended his walking tour of Ireland in 1796-7. In his letter to Cooper Walker from Cove (now Cobh) on 15 August 1796, Vallancey commented that ‘Le Comte de Tournay spent a few days with me lately’ (TCD MS 1461, 4, 24). Other Cork names mentioned by the Comte included Mr. Cox of Dunmanway where De Latocnaye dined with several French officers, part of a group of two hundred republican officers who were imprisoned in Dunmanway5 (de Latocnaye 1798, 92).

the Board of Ordnance … obliged me to conduct the works of this harbour – it unsettled me – my house, library and furniture were sold for a song, and I am thrust down here, with great works going on, leagues by sea as under, obliging me to a daily visit, with no one to assist me, yet many of my corps idling in Dublin – to this I must submit – and here I am fixed, as long as those high and mighty powers think proper … (TCD MS 1461, 4, 24)

Sir Walter Scott paid a short visit to Cork in the summer of 1825. The party included his son Walter, an army captain, stationed in Dublin; his eldest daughter, Sophia; her husband, John Gibson Lockhart (afterwards Scott’s biographer); and the novelist, Maria Edgeworth. By all accounts he was very well received and was visited at his hotel by many of the local gentry including a deputation from Cork Corporation. His visit was welcomed by Cork’s literary ‘set’ and included a call to John Bolster’s bookshop where a young local artist, Daniel Maclise (1806-1870), who afterwards achieved considerable success in London, ‘was in the back shop more than half an hour with the great poet – he made three sketches’ (CCL Croker correspondence 1 (1825), 197).6 The antiquarian aspect of Scott’s tour included a visit to Blarney, where he climbed to the top of the castle and also went to the towns of Millstreet, Mallow and Fermoy in Co. Cork; however, although a spokesman in the party commented that ‘the ruins of the country around Cork are beautiful’, they seem to have been more impressed by their visit to Cashel, Co. Tipperary, where they found ‘by far the most splendid antiquities we have met in Ireland’ (Moore 1906, 139-40).

5 This was in the aftermath of the failed French Armada to Bantry Bay in 1796. A French Armada Exhibition Centre has been opened in the grounds of Bantry House.

6 In 1999, a large oil by Maclise entitled King Cophetua and the Beggar Maid sold for Stg £353,500 at Christie’s of London (Cork Examiner 19/6/1999).

It was clear in the above letter that Vallancey was not happy with his Cork posting and complained that

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK

2.2 Plan and section drawing of Newgrange passage tomb by Charles Vallancey 1786 of various persuasions, including Father Theobald Mathew who had purchased the botanic gardens from the RCI for use as a cemetery in 1828, it is obvious from the following extract that he was not impressed with the city:

Sir Walter served as Antiquary to the Royal Society from 1827 to 1832 (Evans 1956, 232 fn9). His particular interest in antiquarianism was evident in his book The Antiquary and he also built up a collection of antiquities at his home in Abbotsford. Among them were a number of gold artefacts, including a sleeve fastener, a lock-ring and a bronze disc covered in gold foil, which had been purchased by Croker in 1825 through Richard Sainthill; they were presented to Sir Walter, perhaps to remind him of his visit to the Cork area, when Croker and he met in London in October 1826 (Croker 1854, 19).7 They were acquired by the National Museum of Antiquities of Scotland in 1934 (Eogan 1983, 174-5).

I have seen little here, only the outside of things ― schools, chapels, and monasteries, and poor people innumerable. Let me draw no hasty conclusions therefore, but go on gleaning information by degrees. (ibid. 204) The late 1830s marked the beginning of an era that saw the emergence of organized tourism with improved modes of transport and the construction of new roads, canals and railways. Other factors were the publication of popular works on Ireland such as Croker’s Researches in the South of Ireland (1824) and Lady Chatterton’s Rambles in the South of Ireland (1839). In her introduction to Volume 1, the author stated that her principal object in writing the book was

In contrast to the above, the apparent lack of interest or comment on antiquarian matters comes out in a report by an anonymous English visitor to Cork in 1835, on his own and without contacts when he arrived in the city. It was just a few years after the epidemic of cholera and many were destitute. He spoke of

to try to remove some of the prejudices which render so many people afraid either to travel or reside in Ireland ― to show how many and various are the attractions that misunderstood country contains ― and to furnish the most decided proofs that a tour in some of its wildest districts may be keenly enjoyed by an Englishwoman.

so many noisy and troublesome vagabonds; so many poor, wretched-looking beggars; such muddy, ill-paved streets; ... the houses, they, too, all seem wretched and uncomfortable and uncleanly and unsightly. In fact, I cannot like anything. (Moore 1902, 201) Although he made the acquaintance of several churchmen

Lady Chatterton (1806-76) was the wife of Sir William Chatterton of Castle Mahon, Cork, who was one of the first Vice-Presidents of the British Archaeological

7

These objects, together with several other items collected in Cork in 1821, were given to Scott in a specially made presentation case but Croker commented that he had ‘never heard anything further of it or its contents from that … memorable day, to this’ (Croker 1854, 19).

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A CLOSE-UP OF CORK Association founded in 1843 (see 2.4b below). Her book contains many references to sites of archaeological interest. She was particularly concerned with ogham stones and was in contact with both Croker and Windele seeking information regarding some of the sites that were included in her aforementioned publication (RIA MS 12 L 5, 30, 32 & 33 and CCL, Croker Correspondence 4, 177) (see section 6.2). She obviously had a very successful visit to the Dingle peninsula in Kerry and wrote to Croker in September 1838 as follows:

topics such as ogham inscriptions (see section 6.2) and sounded somewhat disapproving regarding their treatment of the subject in a letter dated 21 January 1841:

We hear of multitudes of stones inscribed with Ogham characters and old caves and druids temples on Brandon hill and in various directions so that I suppose we shall remain here some days longer. (ibid. 201)

The Halls seemed pleased with the success of their first book on Ireland published in 1841 and felt that it had ‘given great satisfaction generally’. They received several letters of approval but the following excerpt from a letter to Windele on 28 May 1841 showed that they were particularly encouraged by ‘a stranger telling us that he had been induced by us to change his travels this year from Italy to Ireland ― with his family ― and asking us some questions as to his route’ (© RIA MS 4 B 1, 333). Hall was deeply interested in his native country and was keen to promote her attractions through his writing and felt that the book would ‘do good to Ireland and send heaps of visitors there next year’ (ibid. 796). However, for most potential tourists reading these works it was probably the descriptions and illustrations of the great beauty of the Irish countryside rather than the references to sites of archaeological interest that had the wider appeal.

I fear it is impossible to popularize any thing that can be said on the Ogham. I defy even Mrs. Hall with all her power of graceful and inimitable touching to impart either sunshine or beauty to a subject so purely antiquarian. (© RIA MS 12 L 7, 10)

She also included sketches of some of these monuments, such as the cross at Kilmalchedar (now Kilmalkedar) and the ogham stone at Trabeg (as shown in Plate 1.1), both on the Dingle peninsula. There was greater interest in Ireland generally around this time and, as many country areas became more accessible, the embryonic tourist industry began to attract everincreasing numbers. By the early 1840s, southern antiquarians were becoming more organized and seemed to be aware of the tourist potential of the ancient monuments in the region. They were also concerned with the importance of conservation as is shown in a report on the Ardmore Round Tower, Co. Waterford (Plate 2.3); a hand-written postscript by Windele spoke of how important it was to ‘preserve to the antiquary the artist the tourist and to men of taste in general one of the most elaborate and beautiful structures of its kind in Ireland’ (© RIA MS 12 L 7, 101).

The observations of visitors from outside Ireland without Cork connections are more objective and probably portray a more balanced picture of the city which was still suffering severely from recession in the 1830s and 1840s. William Thackeray’s account of his two-week stay in Cork in the early 1840s described the great contrasts between rich and poor and found that ‘the poorhouse, newly established, cannot hold a fifth part of the poverty of this great town: the richer inhabitants are untiring in their charities’ (Thackeray 1843, 82). He was obviously struck by the plight of the poor in Cork when he says that ‘The beggars in Limerick were by no means so numerous as those in Cork, or in many small places thro’ which I have passed’ (ibid. 149).

Mr. and Mrs. Samuel C. Hall of London made several visits to the area while researching their series of handbooks on Ireland and were well acquainted with a small group of local antiquarians, in particular Rev. Matthew Horgan, John Windele, Abraham Abell and the artist, William Willes who returned from London and, in 1850, became the first Headmaster of the Cork School of Design.8 The fact that Hall had spent many of his early years in Cork and had relatives there meant that he was no stranger to the city. He was obviously most impressed with ‘Father Matt’ who accompanied him to some of the local sites and said of him that he was an Irish scholar ‘a ripe and good one’ – who has contributed largely to rescue

With regard to the public buildings such as the Cork library where he found that ‘the shabbiness and faded splendour of the place are quite painful’, and the Institution ‘which is in yet more dismal condition that the library’, he commented that, in contrast, the Lunatic Asylum ‘was conducted with admirable comfort, cleanliness and kindness’ and the County jail was ‘neat, spacious and comfortable’ and ‘seemed almost a sort of premium for vice’ (ibid. 83 & 85-6). In spite of the hardship experienced by many of its citizens, he described them as ‘the most book-loving men’ he ever met who took pride in the fact that several of their number such as William Maginn, Rev. Francis Mahony (Father Prout) and Crofton Croker were making a name for themselves in literary circles in England (ibid. 84).

from oblivion much of the antiquarian lore of his country; and we have to acknowledge some pleasant and profitable hours passed in his society’. (Hall 1841, 49)

Willes also travelled around the country with the Halls and many of his sketches are featured in their work. It is not clear whether or not Windele visited sites with them, but he was engaged in correspondence with Hall on 8 Christie’s of London auctioned an oil by Willes in 1999 entitled The Mock Funeral which realized Stg £45,500 (Irish Times 21/5/1999).

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK

2.3 Ardmore Church and Round Tower, by Robert O’Callaghan Newenham 1826

many and resulted in a significant growth in tourism, particularly in the years following the famine when social and economic conditions were slowly beginning to improve. One outcome of the burgeoning tourist industry was the need for information; works such as Windele’s Historical and Descriptive notices of the City of Cork and its vicinity (1839), S. C. and Mrs. Hall’s Handbooks for Ireland (1853), and various handbooks such as The Tourists’ Illustrated Hand-book for Ireland (1859) gave more detailed and varied information than previously and included particulars on sites of archaeological interest. This seemed to reflect a growth of interest in antiquarianism and archaeology from the early 1850s, both from inside and outside the country. It is interesting that the last mentioned publication noted that

The highly esteemed historical writer Thomas Carlyle visited Cork in 1849 at the end of the famine, but, although he wrote in detail about the local topography and his personal experiences, he said very little about the interests of the residents or of the conditions in which they lived. Perhaps more can be learned from what has been left unsaid on this occasion when he referred to ‘real trade’: Alas! if you look, it is mostly or all meal sacks, Indian corn sacks, ― poorhouse trade. I didn’t in all Ireland meet one big piled carrier’s cart, not to speak of carrier’s wagon, such as we see here! (Carlyle 1882, 114) Obviously he also found that there was much greater poverty and distress in Cork compared with other parts of the country. Although invited to a dinner party at the home of local antiquarian and poet, Denny Lane, there was no mention of antiquarian matters. However, an account of the occasion in a paper given by the host for the evening refers to the pleasure it gave Lane to introduce Carlyle to his first Cork admirer, the Very Rev. Archdeacon O’Shea, ‘an original member of the Literary Society’ (Anon. 1907, 178). Against the dismal background as described by Thackeray and Carlyle it is easy to understand why antiquarianism did not progress at this time.

no intelligent or inquiring tourist will fail to consult Windele, if only in respect to the city of Cork alone, which, irrespective of its historicopolitical, archaeological, and vast commercial importance, is celebrated more than most other cities in the United Kingdom, as the birthplace of persons of eminence in the world of literature and arts. (ibid. 1859, 194) It is evident from the Preface to A Walking Tour round Ireland in 1865, undertaken by ‘An Englishman’, that by then there were many sources of information to aid anyone who contemplated a visit to Ireland whatever their interest (ibid. v). One of the main reasons for his ten-week tour was to uncover ‘some information about

The construction of railways in Ireland in the 1830s and 1840s made travel a much more attractive option for 34

A CLOSE-UP OF CORK the habits and character of a people which, though placed in close alliance with ourselves as regards government, yet seem ever in fact to be foreign, if not actually estranged’ (ibid. 1). One wonders if this line of thinking reflected the attitudes of many English travellers at that time. This journey was undertaken in a year when a rising by the Fenian movement was expected in Ireland and probably had an impact on the number of visitors to the country; in fact while in Cork he was told that tourist numbers were ‘dropping off’ and that at least one local hotelier stood to lose a substantial amount of money (ibid. 285). Although the writer mentioned the unrest and unease which was particularly apparent in Cork city and county, it was somewhat ironic that he was ‘placed under a species of arrest’ when he arrived in Fleetwood, Lancashire, on suspicion of being James Stephens, ‘Head Centre’ of the Fenians (ibid. 395-400) who had also undertaken a walking tour of Ireland some years earlier ‘to gauge the country’s revolutionary potential’ (Kee 1980, 107). Obviously it was not a good time for travel in Ireland.

developments and trends on the cultural and antiquarian fronts in the mid 1800s. Many years after his death, Ferguson (1887, 10) acknowledged him as being ‘a man of great natural ability, and of that contagious genius which attracts, and propagates itself in the minds of others’. Writing in 1910, James Coleman said of him that ‘he was not a man of ample means, unlimited leisure, or possessed of a very high education; yet no more industrious and comprehensive writer on his native City or County ever lived’ (Preface to Windele 1910). John Dillon Windele (Plate 2.4) was born in Cork in 1801, but little is known of his early years; close family relatives resided at Tarbert in north Kerry and it is very likely that the family originated there.10 From his ‘juvenile correspondence’ with Edward A. Murphy (who afterwards lived for many years in France), written between 1812 and 1815 (RIA MS 4 B 3), it is apparent that he was a very well educated and bright young man, well versed in literature and with a keen interest in and knowledge of Ireland’s history, language and culture. In addition to his prowess as an Irish scholar, he was highly competent in Latin and French and read philosophy under ‘the learned Mr. Curtin’ in 1817 (© RIA MS 12 K 6, 27).

The changes in fortune from prosperity to poverty coupled with political and religious unrest undoubtedly impacted on the development of antiquarianism in the Cork area. From the 1820s the small number of antiquarians in Cork city was drawn from the professional and mercantile sectors that were directly affected by the economic and social conditions. The difficulties of the period were also reflected in the reports and minutes of groups such as the Royal Cork Institution and the Cork Cuvierian Society (see sections 3.1 and 3.3).9

Windele and Murphy collaborated on a historical novel entitled ‘The Milesian Crusaders’ in 1815-16 and developed a scheme whereby they wrote essays to one another on a wide range of topics. They also undertook local ‘Tours’ of topographical and antiquarian interest, however the precocious fourteen year old took all the credit for these when he wrote: I started the Essays and I started the Tour when on the contrary you started let me see ― nothing ― I say this purely for the sake of a dispute ... Defend it if you can I certainly will not attempt a new Subject, you must do it yourself. (© RIA MS 4 B 3, 606)

2.2 An antiquarian profile of John Windele (18011865) There is no doubt but that Windele was to the fore on the antiquarian scene in Cork from the early part of the nineteenth century up to the time of his death in 1865. He was highly regarded by his peers in the city and Sainthill paid him a fitting tribute in his Olla Podrida when he referred to him as ‘our best antiquarian scholar in this part of Ireland’; he also regretted that Windele had not published more of his work (Sainthill 1853, 311-312). When making a presentation to Windele in June 1847, the Dublin-based Irish scholar and publisher John O’Daly referred to him as ‘the man who has done so much for the antiquities of his country’ (© RIA MS 4 B 7, 29-30). He was in regular contact with fellow antiquarians throughout Ireland and, in his capacity as secretary to the Cuvierian Society, the SMAS, the Cork Art Union, the Cork Athenaeum, local secretary and committee member of the KAS, and correspondence secretary of the Celtic Society, he was very well informed regarding

It is likely that part of his early interest in antiquarianism developed from his correspondence with Murphy who wrote of field monuments such as ‘Danish Forths’ and Round Towers and geological ‘wonders’ such as the Giant’s Causeway (ibid. 374 & 516) and it was shortly after these were first mentioned that they embarked on their ‘tours’. According to Windele’s description of himself at this time he generally travelled ‘in the triple capacity of Antiquarian, Topographist and Painter’ (© RIA MS 12 L 6, 98). Even though his name came to be associated with ogham stones and round towers he was interested in a wide range of monuments from the prehistoric to medieval periods.

9 A note included with the Minutes of the Cuvierian Society for 6 March 1867 mentioned that the attendance was ‘rather thin … in consequence of the panic in the city from the Fenian rising, which was expected (UCC MS 221 A, 309).

10 In the early years both correspondence and drawings were signed John Windle however, by the mid 1820s, the letter ‘e’ had been inserted and after that the name always appeared as Windele.

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK Windele was interested in Irish folklore and music and was a great admirer of Thomas Moore, particularly in his capacity as a collector of Irish airs; this was evident in a letter to McCarthy in August 1819 when he showed that he was au fait with Moore’s Melodies and their contents (RIA MS 12 L 6, 105). This was a time when there was a particular interest in collecting and recording Irish airs as the likelihood was that many would be lost due to the decline of Irish language and culture. Moore visited the south of Ireland in the summer of 1823 but it is unclear whether or not Windele met him in Cork on that occasion although he had collected some airs which he intended to pass on to Moore on his return from Killarney. Perhaps there was a change of itinerary as, in a letter to Moore dated 29 April 1825 he mentioned that: I have not since had them forwarded though I have not in the interim lost sight of my original intention having in that time been enabled to collect together nearly 100 Airs, the greater number of which are peculiar to the province and out of which I now beg leave to transmit you specimens of twelve. (© RIA MS 12 L 6, 152) Windele was acutely aware of the problems associated with the decline of the Irish language and indeed, it could be claimed that he was the link in Cork between the native Irish scholars and the Gaelic revivalists, many of whom were from the north of the country. His devotion to Irish culture was acknowledged on many occasions as in a letter from Thomas Swanton, Ballydehob, Co. Cork, on 17 January 1845 when he expressed his ‘unfeigned respect for yr. devotedness to Irish and Gaelic antiquities’ (© RIA MS 12 L 9, 135).

2.4 John Windele (1801-1865)

His part in the eventual restoration of the missing section of the Book of Lismore to the Duke of Devonshire was also a crucial factor as he took on the role of ‘gobetween’ in retrieving it from the native scholars and later in arranging for its purchase from the Cork antiquarian, Thomas Hewitt (see section 2.4a).

The young Windele was also in regular contact with a Matthew Francis Johnson from 1817 and these letters also contain detailed descriptions of field monuments in the vicinity of Cork together with a number of literary and historical discussions (RIA MS 12 K 6). Yet another frequent correspondent around this period was the Cork poet, Michael F. McCarthy, who had dedicated a book of poetry entitled The Geraldine and other poems to the novelist Lady Morgan (RIA MS 12 L 6, 45). Windele was a prolific letter-writer and from the early 1820s was in touch with other Cork-born poets including John Augustus Shea (1802-1845), who lived for a time in London but emigrated to America in 1830 and whose collection of poetry entitled Rudekki had been dedicated to the Irish-born writer and poet, Thomas Moore. Windele was also in regular contact with Jeremiah Joseph Callanan (1795-1829), who moved to Lisbon and P. I. Meaghar from Bantry who continued to keep in touch following his move to Paris. Other early contacts included Crofton Croker and Samuel Hall, both of whom were resident in London at the time and never returned to live in their native city.

In 1826, Windele became editor of the newly launched Bolster’s Quarterly Magazine and was also a regular contributor up to 1830 when publication ceased. Throughout his life he continued to write for newspapers and journals such as the Ulster Journal and that of the Kildare Archaeological Society. He also wrote several books of antiquarian interest of which his Historical and Descriptive Notices of the City of Cork and its vicinity, Gougane-Barra, Glengarriff and Killarney, published in 1839 and followed by several reprints, is probably the best known. The following compliment was paid to him by Edward Clibborn of the Royal Irish Academy in 1844 when he wrote of Windele that he is considered the best writer in Ireland on any subject which he has hitherto dealt with ― if he could give his attention to writing he would

36

A CLOSE-UP OF CORK most assuredly earn a great deal of money. (© RIA MS 12 L 9, 108)

antiquity of certain field monuments, such as round towers and ogham stones (see sections 6.1 and 6.2), which was not always in line with mainstream opinion. An extract from a letter to Windele sent by James Graves in 1847 requested an introduction to ‘the great Pagan of Ireland’ for ‘the great Pagan of Saxondom, John M. Kemble’ who was planning a visit to Cork (© RIA MS 12 L 12, 705).

His comprehensive knowledge of the Cork area was widely accepted and his advice was often sought, as in 1858 when Charles B. Gibson (1807-1885) from Monkstown, Co. Cork, who was in the process of writing his History of the County and City of Cork, asked him for a list of any new public buildings in the city which had been built since the publication of Windele’s work in 1839 (RIA MS 4 B 18, 593). Yet another example occurred in 1861, when he updated topographical information on Cork city and county for the Chambers Encyclopaedia which was being revised at that time (RIA MS 4 B 21, 161).

Over the years he had many differences of opinion with other antiquarians such as Petrie, Clibborn and Charles Graves in Dublin and Hitchcock of Tralee and Dublin (RIA MSS 4 B 15, 1012-3 & 4 B 14, 390-1). Even at a local level there was often disagreement and shows of petulance that surfaced over the years. This was particularly noticeable at times in the correspondence between Windele and Hackett and is evident in the following extract taken from a letter to Hackett in October 1855 when he wrote as follows:

In February 1836, when on a visit to the Herald’s Office in Dublin Castle in search of a copy of the Windle arms, he first met Sir William Betham. He invited Windele to attend a meeting of the RIA that evening where he was introduced to Dean Henry Dawson of Saint Patrick’s Cathedral, who by then had built up a substantial collection of antiquities (see section 1.3). A short time later he also met Owen Connellan and George Petrie (RIA MS 12 I 11, 396 & 426). He also met John O’Donovan ‘at Mr. Petrie’s’ and they became lifelong correspondents (RIA MS 12 L 8, 136).11

I cannot help your thinking that I am supremely & ridiculously vain, but I would beg that you would withhold the manifestation of your opinion from myself at least. I question the good taste of this perpetual satire and I hope you will refrain from pursuing it at me any further. (© RIA MS 4 B 15, 849) Windele also had a difference of opinion with Hitchcock in 1854, but the latter’s high regard for him was obvious as he attempted to settle their differences. Indeed the strength of the esteem in which he was held by some of his peers is apparent in a letter from Connellan on 26 November 1851:

Betham was obviously impressed with Windele and they were in regular contact over the years; the following extract taken from a letter sent by Betham in September 1847 epitomized the amicable relations between them: I am always glad to receive a line from you which always informs me of the proceedings of my Cork friends and I shall ever be ready to afford you any assistance for your literary pursuits. (© RIA MS 4 B 7, 215-7)

I have a thousand fold more respect for your little finger than I have for the whole batch of the clique of the RIA. You have only to command me and I shall feel infinite pleasure in being your humble fellow labourer in any thing I can do. (© RIA MS 4 B 11, 782)

In addition to those mentioned above, Windele also corresponded with other antiquarians throughout Ireland, Britain and elsewhere. These included Edmund Getty and Robert MacAdam, Belfast; William Reeves, Ballymena; Charles Graves and William Wilde, Dublin; Redmond Anthony, James Graves and John Prim, Kilkenny; and Charles Roach Smith and Thomas Wright, London. His collection of manuscripts purchased by the RIA following his death in 1865 includes works in Irish and English and contains a comprehensive collection of letters, field notes and drawings that provide a detailed record of his antiquarian activities. His writings give a clear indication of the interests and activities of Irish antiquarians and of the information network that existed between them. Windele’s correspondence also gives an insight into the controversies of the time on account of his strongly held views on the pre-Christian

Another example is contained in a letter from O’Daly to Windele in September 1858 regarding a letter of introduction that he had given to an American visitor when he said that ‘he could not fall into better hands to show him any objects of interest about Cork “than yours”’ (© RIA MS 4 B 18, 707). A letter of introduction, used by Windele when visiting Galway with a group of friends in 1861, described him as ‘an eminent archaeologist and enquirer into antiquarian researches’ (© RIA MS 4 B 21, 579). In common with antiquarian practice at the time, Windele and his friends were very hospitable and often entertained one another in their homes where the latest ideas and issues of the moment were discussed. They also availed of these informal meetings to display their latest acquisitions. (Windele amassed a valuable collection of Irish antiquities, books and manuscripts in addition to his

11 Windele also visited the RDS at this time where he sketched an ogham-inscribed silver penannular brooch (see section 6.2, Plate 6.5).

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK ogham stones, that attracted considerable interest). His guest for the British Association meeting in Cork in 1843 was the mathematician and Astronomer Royal of Ireland, Sir William Rowan Hamilton, president of the RIA from 1837-46 (RIA MS 4 B 2, 701), but, although it can be assumed that they were well acquainted, Windele was never elected to membership of the RIA.

at all in this benighted land of ours where such most interesting memorials have been so long permitted to remain “unhonored and unsung”. We have lazy garrulous speculators enough but of working, enquiring men we have had none. (© RIA MS 4 B 19, 2) His disillusionment was also apparent when writing to Croker about Buttevant Abbey just two months later. Presumably he was not having much success with his fund raising efforts and he bemoaned the fact that

Most of his investigations took place in the vicinity of Cork although he travelled extensively throughout the province of Munster where he had many contacts. He does not appear to have spent much time in either Dublin or London although he visited ‘England and France’ in 1853; on his return he referred to Cork as ‘this most Boeotian city’12 where only a few ‘feel any interest in ancient matters’ (© RIA MSS 12 L 12, 485-6 & 4 B 13, 554).

unless some ever to be honoured conservator of antiquities, shall happen to arise, ere yet the last of these remains shall have been levelled. And this reminds me of Buttevant. ... I shall raise £10 here ― a great deal considering the low state of public taste amongst us. (© RIA MS 4 B 19, 67)

Windele was at the centre of antiquarian development in Cork and had contacts in out-of-the-way areas who supplied him with the latest details on the discovery and/or removal of field monuments. The respect in which he was held also meant that he was usually one of the first to hear about any interesting finds of artefacts and he was often instrumental in finding purchasers for these objects which might otherwise have been consigned to the crucible (see section 4.1). Admittedly they were lost to Cork, but many still survive in public and private collections throughout these islands in particular. An example is the late Bronze age horn (or trumpet) from Kanturk, Co. Cork, sold by Windele to Robert Day Jr.13 for £4.14.0 on 10 May 1864 and sold on by Day to Augustus Lane Fox (Pitt Rivers) three days later for £10.0.0 (Day Account Book). It is now in the Pitt Rivers Museum, Oxford (Rockley 2004, 146-7).

In January 1851 he indicated that the appeal for Buttevant had brought in over ten pounds and, as a result, walls had been repaired and other work was planned to ‘set the ill fated old ruin in order’, all under the ‘gratuitous superintendence’ of fellow antiquarian and architect, Richard Brash (© RIA MS 4 B 24, no number). On another occasion, in January 1854, he complained of the poor response he had had to his plan to purchase the duplicate casts (see below and section 5.2) and said that although he had sent out almost five hundred circulars he had only received about ‘a half dozen answers’ of which only two had promised subscriptions (RIA MS 4 B 19, 43). In spite of these despondent times, his interest in archaeology continued. The following excerpt is taken from a letter to one of his contacts, Rev. Mr. O’Sullivan in Sneem, Co. Kerry, on 28 November 1863 when he was planning a visit to the area to look at ogham stones:

In addition to the many duties involved with being secretary of numerous societies, he was also willing to become involved whenever a scheme that he favoured presented itself. These included an appeal for financial help initiated by Father Matthew Horgan to build round towers at Blarney and Whitechurch in the 1830s, an appeal for the restoration of Buttevant Abbey in the 1850s and the purchase of duplicate casts of Irish high crosses and other examples of Irish architecture for a new public museum in Cork, following their display at the Dublin Exhibition in 1853 (see section 5.2).

As the passion for these Antiquities is still as strong upon me as it was when I had the pleasure of accompanying you some years since on our visit or pilgrimage to Skellig. I am most anxious to see the monuments in question. (© RIA MS 4 B 23, 901-2) A mere one month later he wrote to Dr. Thomas Wise of Rostellan Castle asking if he would take part in ‘an investigation during the approaching holidays’ of the ringfort at Liosnaratha, near Blarney ‘long a tempting object to our local antiquaries’ (ibid. 917-8) (see section 7.1).

His lifelong commitment to antiquarianism is apparent throughout his work, but he seemed to lose some of his early enthusiasm with advancing years. In a letter to Croker on 4 September 1850 he bemoaned the fact that nothing had been done to preserve the great passage tombs of the Boyne Valley in the following words:

Following a dispute with his landlord, Windele moved from Blair’s Castle in October 1863 and spent the rest of his days at 15 Charlotte Quay (now Father Mathew Quay), Cork. This had a noticeable effect on the level of correspondence and was referred to by O’Daly in

What kind of pretending Antiquaries have we 12 Boeotia was an ancient country in central Greece where the inhabitants were renowned for being slow-witted. 13 His father’s name was also Robert but, as this work is only concerned with the son, the term Jnr is not used elsewhere.

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A CLOSE-UP OF CORK September 1863 when he wrote:

Croker; these invaluable sources enable us to get an insight into the broad range of activities, interests and developments of the time. The topics are wide ranging and include reports of ‘excursions’ and early surveys and excavations; the description and movement of artefacts; the sale, purchase and lending of books and manuscripts and their translation and transcription; the investigation of ancient family histories and pedigrees; the discussion and debate surrounding topical issues; the invitations to house parties and soirées and to events such as the Belfast Exhibition of 1852 and the Welsh Eisteddfod at Denbigh in 1860. In fact in 1863 Windele mooted the idea of establishing an Irish Eisteddfod but, although it was received with great enthusiasm in some circles, it never came about (RIA MS 4 B 23, 717).

It is evident you have no time for writing now ― nor won’t for many a day to come as it will take a considerable time indeed before your things are arranged. (© RIA MS 4 B 23, 798) John Dillon Windele died in Cork on 28 August 1865 and was buried in St. Joseph’s Cemetery, Ballyphehane, Cork. His collection of books and manuscripts was sold at auction in Dublin by John Fleming Jones in December 1865 but the way in which his collection of antiquities was dispersed is unclear. There is a suggestion in the sources that an auction or sale did in fact take place in Cork, but it may well have been that part of the collection was sold off when he vacated Blair’s Castle in 1863. It is known that a considerable amount of material was sold to Lane Fox (Pitt Rivers) in August of that year (see section 4.1). In addition, many items were sold to Robert Day, in May 1864 and, a short time before his death, he also sold ‘three massive copper rings’ that had been found near Kanturk, Co. Cork, to Ralph Westropp,14 a collector from Carrigaline, Co. Cork; these were afterwards acquired by Robert Day and, in turn, went to Sotheby, Wilkinson & Hodge for auction following Day’s death in 1914 (Lot nos. 345, 346 & 347) (JCHAS 12, 199). He also sold ogham stones to Lane Fox before his death, but, as is evident in the following extract concerning an ogham stone from Knockrour, Co. Cork, which had been presented to Windele by the local landlord, others were sold later: On the sale of the former gentleman’s collection it was purchased with others by Col. A. L. Fox, FSA ... (Brash 1879, 133) Of the other ogham stones in his possession five examples from Kilnaglory in east Cork along with two others ‘of uncertain history’ went to the RIA (Ferguson 1887, 96) and the Knockourane (Mount Music) Stone,15 which he had selected for use as his own headstone, is now part of the collection at University College, Cork (Plate 2.5). 2.3 Some interaction with antiquarians at individual level

2.5 Ogham stone from Knockourane, Co. Cork, drawn by Richard R. Brash. In UCC collection

In our modern world the importance of letter writing as the predominant means of ‘keeping in touch’ has been superseded by rapid advancements in the area of communications and information technology. Fortunately for researchers into the life and times of nineteenthcentury Cork a large corpus of information has been preserved in the letters of people such as Windele and

A particularly important meeting was organized by the Cambrian Archaeological Society at the invitation of the Royal Institution of Cornwall at Truro in August 1862; its aim was to lay the ‘foundation of a scientific system of comparison of Cornish and Cambrian antiquities’ (© RIA MS 4 B 22, 335). Invitations were issued to ‘antiquaries of note’ from London, Edinburgh, Brittany and from the north and south of Ireland, but, even though Robert MacAdam of Belfast intimated that he hoped to meet Windele and Brash there, it does not appear as if any of

14 Ralph Westropp (1813-1896) was the elder brother of Hodder Michael Westropp. 15 Knockourane is in the parish of Kilmichael, c. 5 miles south-west of Macroom, Co. Cork.

39

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK year altogether, & let next vol. commence with 1863, if I live’ (ibid. 359). He was obviously very shaken by the death of his brother, which probably also led to additional responsibilities in their family business.

the Cork antiquarians were able to attend (ibid. 359). MacAdam was in regular contact with Windele and, as early as July 1844, he suggested that there should be an Antiquarian Journal for the provinces, to receive correspondence and to register pieces of curious information which now find no repository in Dublin, & which we generally find consigned to the ephemeral columns of a newspaper. If you have already begun such a work, it is well: if not, could the North and South join hands in such an undertaking? (© RIA MS 12 L 9, 82) The Ulster Journal of Archaeology (UJA), first published in 1853 with MacAdam as editor, was most successful: The whole thing is succeeding far beyond my expectations: I have an increasing list both of subscribers & contributors. (© RIA MS 4 B 17, 516)

2.6 Some Cork antiquarians (L-R) (a) John Lindsay (1789-1870) (b) John Windele (1801-1865) (c) Richard Brash (1817-1876) (d) Robert Day (1836-1914)

Articles were submitted by antiquarians from throughout the country; Cork-based contributors included Windele, Hackett, Day and Brash (Plate 2.6). In May 1857 MacAdam expressed his aspirations for the UJA and asked Windele for his support as follows: I am doing my best to raise the study of Irish Antiquities to a more respectable rank than they have hitherto held in the literary world: & I am happy to say I receive good help from many quarters. There is still an almost unknown field in what may be termed the ‘remote Antiquities’ of this country which we have hardly yet touched on in the Journal; being in fact deterred by the fear of not interesting the mass of readers. However the taste for Archaeology is rapidly extending & we must now try to lift up a corner of the veil. Will you give your aid? (© RIA MS 4 B 17, 251-2)

In a letter to Windele in October 1862 he said that, even if he stopped at that point, he would feel that ‘something had been done for the cause of Irish Archaeology’; he continued: I really do not see how we shall ever fill the places of O’Donovan & O’Curry. Several archaeological friends, too, in the North are gone, who assisted me both with their pen & their kind encouragement. (ibid. 641-2)16 He made a further attempt to start-up the UJA in 1863 at which time he decided to use the same format, (four numbers to a volume), but to publish at irregular intervals. Even though he had no shortage of material and could make the UJA pay for itself he seemed to have trouble getting contributors to submit their work on time. Sadly for Irish archaeology the publication of the UJA was not resumed by MacAdam and was not revived again until September 1894 after a lapse of over thirty years. MacAdam lived on until January 1895, thirty years after the death of Windele.

Some years later MacAdam’s correspondence regarding the UJA explained in part why this publication ceased in 1862 after a relatively short period of nine years. In the months following his brother’s death MacAdam intimated in a letter to Windele dated 18 April 1862 that he had so much to do that he considered it more judicious to lay aside all less important things for a year. I am gradually getting matters into satisfactory order, & intend resuming the publication of the Journal in May. A great quantity of material has accumulated, so I have only to select. (© RIA MS 4 B 22, 165)

Cork city was always very much to the fore in the interests of Croker and either Windele or Sainthill usually advised him of any antiquarian activities that were taking place there. Croker sometimes became involved in local

By the following June publication of the UJA had still not been resumed and MacAdam had decided to ‘just publish 2 numbers to complete last years volume: then drop a

16 John O’Donovan died in 1861 and Eugene O’Curry in 1862. Among MacAdam’s deceased northern friends were Edmund Getty who died in 1857 and John Bell from Dungannon in 1861.

40

A CLOSE-UP OF CORK forgive it all, for the much zeal and substance and most interesting matter which the volume otherwise contains. (© RIA MS 12 L 10, 16)

schemes such as the proposed purchase of the valuable Roche manuscripts for the city following the death of James Roche in 1853. Much to Croker’s annoyance, the proposal failed and the valuable manuscripts were sent to London to be sold. Roche had been a leading citizen and had played a prominent role in many of the cultural activities of the time, including the foundation of the Cuvierian Society and the campaign which led to the establishment of Queen’s College, Cork, in 1849 (see section 3.2). Croker also felt that a monument or tablet should be erected as a tribute to Roche for his years of service to the city. Although he blamed religious bigotry and a lack of support on all sides for the failure of the plan, a letter from Windele on 25 January 1854 offered the following explanation:

A letter to Windele from O’Daly, the Dublin bookseller, dated 28 December 1846 illustrated the pettiness that surrounded their squabbles: Any information I send you on archaeological matters etc. you will keep a secret from even your friends in Cork, for if it were known that I would say anything on these matters I’d be sent about my business. (© RIA MS 4 B 6, 871-4) Although it is not clear, this may have been a reference to the bad feeling that existed between some of the Cork antiquarians and the RIA (see below).

I am not much surprised at the failure, for the present at least, ... there have been so many subscriptions going on here latterly for fallen churches, families of deceased Parsons, construction of Athaeneum buildings, a new wooden bridge, a North chapel steeple, and an embryo Museum that the public is nearly exhausted. (© RIA MS 4 B 19, 41)

The situation deteriorated even further in the mid 1850s following the destruction of the moulds of casts that the Cork antiquarians had hoped to procure for their proposed Public Museum (see section 5.2). Brash had gone to Dublin to arrange for their packaging and removal to Cork, but found that most of them were so badly damaged that he had to cancel the arrangements. His dissatisfaction with the Dublin antiquarians is evident from the following extract:

He went on to remind Croker that many Cork people would not have forgotten the bank failures of 1820, in the recession which followed the end of the Napoleonic Wars, when ‘a very large portion of our public were robbed by the failure of Roche’s Bank and suffered to a very ruinous extent’ (ibid. 41-2).

I have a thorough contempt for these Dublin fellows with the exception of Lord Talbot. They are a pack of empty pretenders. If you were to see the way the moulds of the crosses have been treated you would burst with vexation and indignation. (© RIA MS 4 B 14, 377)

There seems to have been much disagreement on a variety of topics between the Cork and Dublin antiquarians over the years, particularly in relation to round towers and ogham stones where Windele’s opinions differed greatly from those of Petrie in particular (see sections 6.1 and 6.2). In his work entitled The Round Towers and Ancient Architecture of Ireland (1845) Petrie referred to the southern antiquarians as the discoverers of

Windele’s opinion of Dublin antiquarians was evident in the following extract from a letter to MacAdam in May 1857 when he requested a copy of a document that gave details of the ‘Battle of Cong’, a site that he planned to visit during the summer: I am sure you are no churl of your literary treasures ― it is only in Dublin that they enact the ‘Dog in the Manger’. (© RIA MS 4 B 17, 248)

a new species of antiquarian investigation, wholly unknown to the antiquaries of past ages, ― a sort of railroad process, requiring but little laborious travelling on the old high roads of learning and research, I am free to acknowledge, but I am by no means satisfied that, in inquiries of such a nature, this is the safest mode of travelling. (Petrie 1845, 96)

Presumably the situation did not improve over the years as the following passage in a letter from O’Donovan to Windele dated 18 August 1860 indicated:

As shown below, Windele graciously acknowledged the importance of Petrie’s work even though he felt that Petrie had been over critical of the SMAS:

There has been a great coolness between the antiquaries of Dublin and Cork for some years, originating in some difference of opinion about Round Towers, Oghams, paganism etc. I feel that all the southerns have ceased to write to me except yourself though I have not been guilty of any antiquarian sins that I know of. (© RIA MS 4 B 20, 729)

I must say that his manner of dealing with the South Munster Antiquaries has been extremely free and off hand ― touching a little on the discourteous ― I use the word of one of the assailed members. This part of the Book has indeed surprised many. For my own part I

41

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK following note by Windele expressed his personal opinion, but was probably representative of the attitude of the Cork group as a whole. It read:

He continued: I do not think that people should quarrel about theories: I am ready to allow any body to believe an attempt to prove the moon is made of white silver so as he reasons fairly and does not attempt to force me to believe the same; or injure me for not agreeing with him. (ibid. 730)

What have the Royal Irish Academy done literally nothing ― long established with considerable funds & means of acquiring & publishing useful Information. Their meagre publications have done little for the objects its institution was formed to support & advance. (© RIA MS 12 I 7, 300)

Lane Fox (Plate 2.7) was based in Cork for several years from 1862 and although Thompson (1977, 45) contended that he ‘worked in isolation in Ireland’ and ‘did not get on well with Irish antiquaries’ this does not seem to have been the case with the Cork antiquarians, who were only too happy to make introductions and involve him in the Cork Cuvierian Society soon after his arrival in the city (see section 7.1). In addition, the membership list for the Kilkenny Archaeological Society shows that he was elected a member on 13 January 1864, proposed by Cork antiquarian Thomas Hewitt.

On 3 December 1853, Eugene O’Curry, who was employed as a scribe at the Academy, wrote to Windele as follows: It appears to me that the Royal Irish Academy is much misunderstood by you my Southern Countrymen. They were and, strictly speaking, are a body of gentlemen of high Tory and Protestant feeling. They, from a high literary taste and a national sentiment distinct from politics and religion, collected by their own unaided exertions, and out of their own pockets, the most unique and important mass of national muniment of ancient literature and Art, of any in the world; and men who have stood by unaiding and unassisting in this magnificent undertaking ought to smoke their dudeens in quiet without attempting to tarnish the bright fame of these men with its vapour. (© RIA MS 12 L 12, 524) This represented quite a strong rebuke to the southern antiquarians. The antipathy to the RIA was very much in evidence at the time of the discovery of the Clare gold hoard in 1854 and was not confined to Cork alone. There was a suggestion that the RIA had turned down an opportunity to acquire the hoard in its entirety but, as discussed in section 1.4, this was unlikely. A letter to Windele dated July 1854 from John Prim, joint secretary of the KAS, who had seen ‘a large portion of the extraordinary find’ in Dublin observed that it was

2.7 Portrait of Augustus Henry Lane Fox Pitt Rivers, c. 1865 They also sold him a considerable number of artefacts that may well have been the basis for his later sizeable collections (see section 4.1). In addition, he accompanied locals to many sites and was directly involved with their excavation. His visit to Kilcrea ringfort without permission led to a slight contretemps with Joseph Ronayne of the Macroom Railway Works and resulted in a severe reprimand (CCCA, MS U 15/P/C, 212) but, apart from this, his dealings in non-military matters in Cork appear to have been quite amicable. His fieldwork is discussed in section 7.1.

a pity that it should be divided. If kept together it would be a magnificent attraction. If the folk of the Royal Irish Academy possessed a spark of genuine love of Archaeology and of Ireland, they would make a great effort to secure the whole for the National Museum but I fear they will do very little. If we in Kilkenny, or you in Cork, had but the means at the disposal of the Academy people, how much more would be done for Irish History, and the preservation of National Monuments. (© RIA MS 4 B 14, 666)

2.4 Interaction at society level (a) The Royal Irish Academy Although some of the southern antiquarians had given limited support to the RIA at different times, such as on the occasion of the appeal to purchase the Dawson collection (see section 1.4), from the early 1850s there was growing dissatisfaction between the two groups; the

James Graves of Kilkenny was also critical of them some years later in 1857 when John M. Kemble, Director of the Antiquarian Department of the Manchester Exhibition,

42

A CLOSE-UP OF CORK was looking for items for display. He complained that ‘the Academy would not send a surplus flint arrowhead’ (© RIA MS 12 L 12, 705).

Lismore indicated in a letter to Windele on 31 August 1846 that ‘when it was returned to their shame be it said they returned it illegible. I saw it a few days ago and except a few lines ... it is as black as the Hat you wear’ (© RIA MS 12 L 10, 134).

On another occasion, in 1858, in connection with the translation of ogham inscriptions and concerning the preparation of a paper on the subject by Windele’s friend Rev. Daniel H. Haigh of Erdington, Leeds (see section 6.2), Connellan wrote in support of the work as follows:

In December 1853 there were negotiations between O’Curry, on behalf of the RIA and Windele, for the seller who was termed ‘one of our Cork Irishians’, to sell the Cork section of the Book to the Academy for £50 however, following intervention by the Cork antiquarian, Thomas Hewitt, it was sold to him; the transaction was witnessed by Windele who was pleased with the outcome as he felt that in Hewitt’s ownership it would ‘be accessible to Irish scholars’ (© RIA MS 12 L 12, 533-4). O’Curry travelled to Cork to meet Hewitt in an attempt to acquire the Book for the RIA but he was not successful. This outcome also pleased Dublin-based O’Daly, as was clear in a letter to Windele on 10 June 1854 when he said that:

... instead of the nonsense which our Dawson Street antiquarians have, from time to time, inflicted on us. We may expect a sensibly written and interesting essay on this important subject. (© RIA MS 4 B 18, 492) Yet another ‘bone of contention’ arose between Cork antiquarians and the RIA when they were unable to access manuscripts held in Dublin. From a letter sent by Connellan to Windele on 24 July 1846 it was clear that there seemed to be a strong feeling in Cork that

I am glad that Curry fared as he did in Cork and prevail on Mr. Hewitt not to allow the book into their hands at all for I believe it would not be safe for him to do so, for they might hold it and put him to some trouble. (© RIA MS 4 B 14, 527)

the object of the RIA and of the Archaeological Society appears to be to monopolise Irish literature, keep it among themselves and never give it to the world in general, except at a very dear rate. (© RIA MS 12 L 10, 120)17

Windele’s comment to Hewitt on the matter dated 12 June 1854 was as follows:

The tensions which arose are illustrated in the protracted dealings of the Corkonians with the RIA regarding their application to copy those parts of the Book of Lismore, also known as the Book of Mac Carthaigh Reagh, which had been transcribed from the original by O’Curry, following a request to the Duke of Devonshire (RIA MS 4 B 14, 1164). Ó Cuív (1983, 11) believed that parts of the Book had been acquired by Irish scholars in Cork, shortly after it was discovered during renovations in Lismore Castle in 1814 (or 1811); however, according to Connellan, the entire Book had been sent to Cork so that the folios could be ‘properly arranged’ but that while there ‘it had been most barbarously and villainously deprived of its better half’ (© RIA MS 12 L 12, 243).

O’Daly (may he eat dirt) is delighted that Curry did not get the Lismore MS. He thinks it doubtful whether you would ever see it again if you let it out of your possession ― and perhaps he is right. (CCCA, MS U 15 B/P/C, 384c)18 Connellan, who was Professor of Celtic Language and Literature in Queen’s College, Cork, at the time, undertook to copy the parts copied by the RIA. He was well received initially as the following extract of a letter sent to Windele on 19 September 1854 showed:

Windele’s version agreed that the complete ‘Lismore Manuscript’ had been received by the Irish scholar Denis O’Flynn of Mallow, on loan from the Duke of Devonshire’s agent, soon after its discovery ‘in a recess of one of the old religious ruins of Lismore’. O’Flynn had the manuscript bound and also took a copy. Many years elapsed before he was asked to return it at which time he reluctantly returned three-quarters of the manuscript but ‘another fourth by some accident remained behind & was never missed from the collection’ (© RIA MS 12 I 7, 292-4). In 1838, the Lismore section of the book was sent to the RIA for transcription, but Michael Browne from

The situation seemed to deteriorate very quickly when it was found that he was working for the Corkmen and, as a result, he was excluded from the RIA until permission to copy was acquired for him through Sir Robert Kane,

17

18

I was most kindly and politely received by Messrs Clibborne and Curry and was permitted by the former, at once, to commence operations on the Book of Lismore, without restriction or limitation as to extracts, contents, or even a translation of the whole into English. (© RIA MS 4 B 14, 833)

This perception continued into the early twentieth century as is evident in the Preface to Windele’s Cork, published in 1910, which referred to the Windele Manuscripts in the RIA as being ‘practically inaccessible to his fellow-citizens of today’.

According to Ó Cuív (1983, 290-1), 132 folios were sent back to Lismore c. 1820 and the remaining 66 folios, which had been retained in Cork, were also returned about forty years later. The manuscript was transferred to the Duke of Devonshire’s residence at Chatsworth in 1930 (ibid. 269).

43

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK President of QCC, who was a member of Council (ibid. 1074). By early December there was still no change although Connellan was asked by Clibborn to submit a note to the Council specifying exactly which extracts were required and why he wanted them. Connellan went on to say that Clibborn hoped

and by far the most accurate Irish scribe’ of the time (© RIA MS 4 B 21, 818), also visited Lismore in March 1859 when he was engaged in comparing a copy ‘in his possession’ with the original, but complained ‘that many portions of the piece are entirely lost and some of what remains illegible’ (© RIA MS 4 B 19, 143-5 & 281).

that the people of Cork would believe that there was no intention on the part of the Academy to prevent ... access to their MSS; and I emphatically expressed my hope that they would believe it in Cork (ibid. 1112-3).

The association between the Cork antiquarians and the Book of Lismore ended in 1860 following a request from the Duke of Devonshire for the return of the portion held by Hewitt.19 A letter sent to Hewitt by Colonel F. E. Currey, the Duke’s agent, dated 31 March 1860 thanked him for agreeing to hand over the book, but pointed out that, in addition to having had pages removed when in Cork, it had also incurred damage from the application of ‘acids’ to the vellum which had caused disfigurement in places (RIA MS 4 B 20, 225-7). Windele was again at centre stage as Hewitt passed the manuscript to him for collection by a representative of the Duke (ibid. 263-5).

A few days later, on 6 December 1854 Connellan wrote to Windele with the following suggestion: What I would suggest now is this - there are several Members of the Academy in Cork with whom of course you are on friendly terms and if you could get them to send a requisition to the Council on your behalf to have some extracts made from their MSS. and request leave for me to make those extracts we would then see if they have a motive in refusing us access to their MSS (ibid.).

The amount paid to Hewitt is shown below: First cost Binding Interest for 7 years at 3 per cent

A further letter dated 18 December 1854 from Rev. J. H. Jellett, Secretary to the Council of the RIA and also Professor of Natural Philosophy at Trinity College, Dublin, informed Windele that extracts from the RIA’s manuscripts could only be taken ‘by a member of the Academy or by the authorised officer Mr. Curry’ (ibid. 1151). Windele’s reply pointed out that this ruling represented ‘a virtual exclusion to those wishing to use its collections’ as O’Curry, in addition to his work on the Brehon laws, also held ‘a responsible Professorship in the Catholic University’ and, as a result, already had more than enough to do (ibid. 1156). It seems as if O’Curry was prepared to transcribe material, but his charge of ‘eight shillings’ per page was deemed prohibitive and Windele complained forcibly to the Council that

50. 0. 0. 2.10.0. 10.10.0. £63. 0. 0. (ibid. 273).

The manuscript was handed over by Windele to a representative of the Duke of Devonshire in Cork on 10 April 1860 (ibid. 235). Similarly in 1858, the Book of Fermoy, which at one stage had been in the possession of the Chevalier O’Gorman (see section 1.4), came up for auction at a sale of manuscripts, which had belonged to a Mr. Monck Mason, and Hewitt put in a bid. Connellan informed Windele in a letter dated 30 March that ‘Dr. Todd is determined to procure all the vellum MSS at any price’ (© RIA MS 4 B 18, 260-61). It was subsequently bought by Todd, Larcom, Talbot de Malahide and Charles Haliday ‘with a view to have it deposited in the Library of the Academy’ (Catalogue of Irish Manuscripts in the RIA 5, 3095).20

if the rule, under which this exaction is permitted, be longer maintained, the Irish scholar must regard the Academy as virtually closed against him ... on reconsideration the Council may see the necessity of relaxing a rule which can only impede investigation, rendering their literary accumulations comparitively useless, and must ultimately be detrimental to the character of the Academy. (© RIA MS 12 L 12, 609-10)

There appears to have been ongoing disagreement between the Cork antiquarians and the RIA and, in August 1860 O’Donovan, who was based in Dublin, pointed out to Windele that they ‘should not be quarrelling, when we consider how few of us dry-as-dusts there are, and how very short we can remain here’; he continued:

In the years that followed the Cork antiquarians seem to have given up their attempts to gain access to the copy manuscript in the RIA but, instead, an approach was made to the Duke of Devonshire to inspect the original; permission was given and Windele duly visited Lismore either in 1857 or 1858 (RIA MS 4 B 20, 263). Joseph Long from Whitechurch, who was described as ‘the best

19 In 1854, Hewitt sent the manuscript to London to be bound with the ‘best Levant Morocco extra, Morocco joints, flaps, gilt clasps’ (© RIA MS 4 B 20, 233). 20 Both the Book of Fermoy and the Book of Lismore are believed to date to the fifteenth century and may, or may not, be associated with one another; no ‘definite conclusion’ could be reached (Ó Cuív 1983, 282-3).

44

A CLOSE-UP OF CORK a member of the Provincial Committee for Ireland, asked Windele to join the Association that seemed to be ‘particularly anxious to get Irish members’; he pointed out that there was no subscription, but that members would be expected to pay for their quarterly issue of the BAA journal. He felt that it was in their interest to join, ‘otherwise our Irish antiquities will not probably be brought forward’ (© RIA MS 4 B 5, 280-2).

Let us instead of quarrelling do all that we can to illustrate our history, topography, superstitions, fairyology and laws; and let us learn to pardon our little foibles and weaknesses for the sake of our literature. (© RIA MS 4 B 20, 731) No doubt there were difficulties on both sides but, on this occasion, the last word must go to Windele who felt very strongly that

Anthony was among the earliest Irish members and was in regular correspondence with Roach Smith, who was also keen to build up the number of Irish associates. By August 1844 Lindsay, Windele, Edward Hoare and Hackett had already joined, but Anthony suggested other likely names including Sainthill, Dean Henry Cotton, Lismore, Rev. James Mockler, Fermoy and James Carruthers, Belfast; all of these were numismatists, not ‘mere collectors’. He also suggested Petrie in Dublin and Abraham Abell in Cork. Anthony advocated support for the Association ‘so recently started and likely to do so much good’ (© RIA MS 12 L 9, 89).21

the valuable materials for the illustration of the history and antiquities of Ireland, accumulated in the Library and Museum of the Academy, should be made practically available for consultation by scholars, with as few impediments or obstructions as possible, or as may be consistent with their reasonable conservation. (Windele 1856b, 374) (b) The British Archaeological Association and the Archaeological Institute

At the 1st Annual Association meeting held in Canterbury in September 1844 the General Secretaries were: Albert Way (also Director of the Society of Antiquaries) and Charles Roach Smith Sectional Secretaries for History: Thomas Wright and Thomas Crofton Croker. (© RIA MS 4 B 5, 323-5)

Another event which affected and involved the Cork antiquarians was the split in the London-based British Archaeological Association (BAA), which had been founded in December, 1843 ‘for the encouragement and prosecution of researches into the arts and monuments of the early and middle ages’ (Levine 1986, 48). Among the first officers were the President, Lord Albert Denison Conyngham, FSA (later Lord Londesborough); VicePresidents, Sir William Betham, FSA, Dublin, and Sir William Chatterton, Cork; secretaries, Thomas Crofton Croker, FSA and Charles Roach Smith, FSA; secretary for Foreign Correspondence, Thomas Wright, FSA; member of Provincial Committee for Ireland in Cork, John Lindsay. In addition, the Treasurer and ten Council members, out of a total of sixteen, were fellows of the Society of Antiquaries (RIA MS 4 B 6, 381-2). It is interesting to note that there was a strong Anglo-Irish presence among the founding members.

Albert Way (1807-1890)22 was an early member of the Association and wrote the Introduction for the first Archaeological Journal; however, a short time after its foundation, differences of opinion regarding the direction in which it should go led to a division. Some members followed Way, who favoured a scientific approach incorporating geology and this became the Archaeological Institute (AI). Others went with Thomas Wright (1810-1877), who felt that archaeology was ‘an essentially historical discipline’ and this continued as the British Archaeological Association (BAA) (Bowden 1991, 160-1). Another reason for the split has been put forward by Marsden (1984, 31-2), who suggests that it came about as a direct result of the BAA’s first Congress, held in Canterbury in September 1844. The committee would not agree to publish a volume of the papers read at the Congress and this led to the production of Proceedings of the British Archaeological Association at Canterbury by a member, Alfred Dunkin (also a publisher). This was followed by a short report on the Congress, entitled an Archaeological Album, by Thomas Wright which some committee members felt was detrimental to the BAA journal and this brought Wright and Roach Smith ‘into direct confrontation’ with Albert

Marsden (1984, 25) said that its foundation was due to the exasperation of ‘leading antiquarians of the period ... with the apathy of the then almost moribund Society of Antiquaries’ although Evans (1956, 227) went even further when she referred to ‘dissatisfaction with the exclusiveness and lethargy of the Antiquaries’. Judging by the number of its fellows who were involved in the establishment of the BAA, there was obviously a great need for an open, well-organized and forward-looking association. In Ireland, the reaction of Redmond Anthony from Piltown, Co. Kilkenny, was that the BAA had been set up to do the duty which has been so scandalously neglected by that Chartered body of imbecile old women, called the Antiquarian Society. (© RIA MS 12 L 9, 67)

21

A postscript on a letter to Windele from Anthony in October 1844 read: ‘Our Association in London now approaching 2,000!!!’ (© RIA MS 12 L 9, 111). 22 Albert Way was also a member of the KAS and an honorary member of the RIA.

In a letter dated 18 June 1844 Lindsay, in his capacity as

45

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK party are most legally constituted. I know Mr. Croker personally, Mr. C. R. S. by correspondence and know nothing at all of the others, and consequently join those whom I do know (ibid. 781-2).

Way (ibid.). For a short time there were two groups, both called the British Archaeological Association (Evans 1949b, 4). The disagreement continued up to a meeting early in March 1845 when Way and his supporters on the Central Committee were dismissed from the BAA (Marsden 1984, 32); they became the Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland (from 1866 the Royal Archaeological Institute) in February 1846 (Evans 1949b, 6).

Croker commanded great respect and admiration in Cork and kept up his links with the area throughout his lifetime (see section 4.1). In addition he was regularly approached by Corkonians who needed help, favours or introductions in London and, in most instances, he seemed happy to oblige. It was not surprising that Lindsay had opted for the BAA as he was a close friend of Croker and received a letter from him in November 1845 re ‘The British Archaeological Association ... in the Wright way’ (CCL, Croker correspondence 5, no number - between 116 & 117). He continued:

Although the rift has been partly attributed to a clash of personalities, it may have been more to do with the scientific advances of the time, particularly as a result of geological discoveries which were pushing back the boundaries for human antiquity and which had profound implications for archaeological research, but it was a line of thought which many could not accept. It is significant that several of those who were associated with some of the great changes in archaeological thought and practice in the nineteenth century, such as John Lubbock, John Evans and Lane Fox (Pitt Rivers) were members of the Archaeological Institute (AIGBI) (Bowden 1991, 161).

We have some up hill work before us yet, and would feel very grateful for any demonstration in our favour in Cork; – similar to those made at several towns in England – viz. – a declaration of support from a meeting of gentlemen with Antiquarian tastes, who will unite themselves into a body to cooperate with the British A.A. ... (ibid.).

Most of the southerners continued as members of both groups for a short time but, apart from Hoare and Windele, they later resigned from the AIGBI. Hoare was appointed their local honorary secretary for Cork and was described by Roach Smith in 1850 as ‘one of the pillars of the Institute’ (© RIA MS 4 B 10, 530).

By January 1846 Anthony had decided that the two groups had quite distinct identities and were ‘highly useful in their different proceedings’; he felt that Croker had wrongly advised Windele about not being allowed to join both. However, he had difficulties regarding the submission of articles to either journal as it could ‘afford offence or jealousy to one or the other, this is really “the winter of our discontent”’. He felt that, as Roach Smith was his friend, he could not desert him (RIA MS 4 B 6, 145 & 148).

Croker was one of the honorary secretaries for the new BAA and wrote to Windele on 25 March 1845 regarding the ‘unfortunate split’. Obviously Windele had indicated that he wished to be part of both groups; however, Croker advised him that: I suspect you cannot or rather will not be allowed to retain your adherence to ‘Both sections’. At our Committee tomorrow I will give in your name, according to your wish as a Corresponding Member; but I suspect if it appears in any other list that I shall be directed to withdraw it. (© RIA MS 4 B 5, 717).

It seems as if Anthony and Lindsay had the same problem as, on 26 February 1846 Anthony wrote to Windele again about keeping his name in both journals; Lindsay had already left the Institute and, as Anthony had more contact with the BAA, he had decided to follow suit and had written to Mr. Way to remove his ‘humble name from the Journal of the Institute’. Anthony continued:

Anthony also kept himself very well informed of developments between the two groups and, in May 1845 mentioned to Windele that the journal of the newly formed BAA would give ‘an account of the dissensions and list of members whom had given their adhesion’ (ibid. 781). He had ordered journals from both to decide which was right and which was wrong; however, both he and Lindsay had already decided to support the BAA as is clear in the following extract:

It is with the B.A.A. I commenced as a member, it still retains the name, and to it I will continue. I differ with my friend Mr. L― whom thinks the Institute will yet drop; I think otherwise and if I may judge from all I read, its that I have chosen to be a member of which may give way. The former is gaining money & members fast, and seems to me to have the confidence of the most respectable in archaeology with them. (© RIA MS 12 L 10, 74)

Mr. L has given in his adhesion to Mr. Smith, Mr. Croker, & Mr. Wright’s party, so have I, and so ought you who know as little of their differences as any one at this side, but from yr personal knowledge of your country man Mr. C. Croker, and its Mr. Lindsay’s opinion the latter

He was somewhat peeved at the BAA’s policy of charging for their journal whereas the AIGBI had provided theirs

46

A CLOSE-UP OF CORK ‘Gratis’ to subscribing members in 1845 (ibid.).23

A letter from Roach Smith dated 21 February 1846 indicated that it was ‘the inexplicable ill feelings of two or three individuals who introduced the dissentions’ and that, prior to their ‘uncalled-for attack’ they had not ‘taken any interest in the Association & had never contributed to its literary or pecuniary stores’. One of the disadvantages of the split was that they were unable to get Government support and had to operate within ‘very circumscribed limits’. He suggested that the BAA would be happy to reunite with the seceders but that ‘while the two or three belligerants in Parker’s party remain so hostile, the restoration of amity and union will be retarded’ (© RIA MS 4 B 6, 197-200). Anthony, who wrote to Windele in August 1846 asking if he could see his AIGBI journals, made the final comment on this matter with regard to the southern antiquarians when he said: After all yours is the runaway association, as is instanced and as proved by your giving up a title and adopting a new one – which you had no claim to, and left us all in our original glory; however we’ll get their works at the lowest rate we can though both I admit are humbuging us (ibid. 604-5). Anthony died in January 1848 and there do not appear to be any further references to either organization from this time in the Cork correspondence although their names were featured in their respective journals. In August 1850 and again in 1876 an attempt was made to amalgamate the two groups but the resolution was voted down on both occasions (Evans 1949b, 7-8).

23 The original journal of the BAA was the Archaeological Journal that, after the ‘split’, became the journal of the AIGBI; the new BAA journal was entitled the Journal of the British Archaeological Association (Levine 1986, 48).

47

3. Education and societies

introduction of all improvements in Arts and Manufactures, and to teach by courses of Philosophical Lectures and Experiments the application of Science to the common purposes of life’ (© RIA MS 12 L 5, 132) (Plate 3.2). Hincks believed that its early success was due to

Prior to the establishment of the Cork Institution it is apparent from the perusal of curricula and book lists that the main emphasis was on a classical education. By the early nineteenth century, the importance of the sciences and their application to everyday life was recognized and, from the onset of the Industrial Revolution in England in the late eighteenth century, it must have been obvious in Ireland that a different approach was required. There was little scientific research in the provinces before the nineteenth century apart from work carried out on an individual basis by a few members of the landed gentry such as Richard Lovell Edgeworth and William Parsons, 3rd Earl of Rosse, amongst others.

having studiously avoided giving it even the appearance of being identified with any religious or political party, and to my having thus obtained a much more general support than I could possibly have had, if I had adopted a different course. (UCC MS U 28, 462)

Cork and Belfast developed along broadly similar lines in the nineteenth century in the areas of (1) the provision of a more science orientated education system, (2) the establishment of the Queen’s Colleges and (3) the type of societies which emerged to cater for the growth of interest in science-based subjects. There were many similarities between the two provincial cities but, in general, they developed at a much later stage than Dublin. It will become apparent throughout this work that there were many links between Cork and Belfast and this was the prime reason to focus on these two cities. Section 3.1 looks at the foundation of the Royal Cork Institution and at the difficulties it experienced over the years. Its contribution to education in Cork is assessed and the intellectual and practical framework that it provided for the development of antiquarianism and archaeology is considered. Some of the ways in which it differed from its counterpart, the Royal Belfast Academical Institution, is footnoted. Both Institutions were involved with the establishment of the Queen’s Colleges in their respective areas and this is discussed briefly in Section 3.2. The final part gives details of two societies in each city that fostered an interest in the sciences and provided a forum where new ideas and trends could be discussed.

3.1 Thomas Dix Hincks (1767-1857) John Windele’s account of the Institution’s establishment differed as he attributed its origins to the efforts of members of the local Literary and Philosophical Society, of which Hincks was secretary, and whose objects were to repeat interesting experiments in Natural Philosophy, to examine the Minerals found in the adjoining counties & to collect the most accurate informn respecting the natural history & antiquities of the County of Cork. (© RIA MS 12 I 12, 367)

3.1 The Cork Institution – Royal Cork Institution The foundation in 1803 of the Cork Institution (later the Royal Cork Institution (RCI)) was due mainly to the dedication of Rev. Dr. Thomas Dix Hincks (Plate 3.1), a Presbyterian minister who, prior to being ordained for Cork in 1792, had spent some time working as an apothecary’s assistant in Dublin. Later he studied at Hackney New College where he came into contact with the radical English chemist Dr. Joseph Priestley (17331804), who was also a minister of the Presbyterian Church. Hincks felt very strongly that there was a need for a scientific institution in Cork. The charter of the new body stated that the objects of the Institution were ‘to diffuse the knowledge, and to facilitate the general

Although one of its aims had been to collect information on local antiquities, Windele made the point that the Society concentrated mainly on scientific subjects and only two lectures ‘connected with antiquities’ were delivered to meetings. It is indeed likely that the idea of forming the RCI came from this Society, as six of its members were listed among the forty-five original Proprietors of the RCI in 1807-8 (Day 1906a, 44). The first series of public lectures was given by Hincks with the financial backing of ‘a number of eminent 48

EDUCATION AND SOCIETIES the Institution did in fact get the backing of some of the landed gentry in Cork county, even though it implied that they were absentee landlords. It stated that

persons in Cork who subscribed £400 for the equipment’ (MacSweeney & Reilly 1957, 25). Hincks’ syllabus for 1803 listed seventy lectures on a variety of topics which included Natural History, Sound, Telescopes and Microscopes, Chronology, Mechanics, Comets, Electricity and many others (UCC MP 179). His introduction, addressed to the Proprietors, said that he would

the Earls of Cork and Bandon, Lords Boyle, Bernard, Carbery, and Ennismore, are amongst the new members, and it is hoped that the absentee proprietors will on this occasion shew their good wishes for the improvement of a country from which many of them derive considerable revenues. (Anon. 1936, 58)

make it the object of my unwearied attention to render the Institution you have founded, useful and therefore honourable to this city (ibid.).

The RCI was organized along the lines of the Royal Institution of London, founded in 1799, but adapted to suit local requirements.1 It was also influenced by the RDS and the RIA both of which were familiar to Hincks. It was the first provincial institution of its kind to be set up in Ireland2 and initially four professors were appointed to lecture in Chemistry, Natural History, Natural Philosophy, and Agriculture. Mineralogy and geology were among the subjects included in the Natural History course. In 1818, an effort was made to increase the scope of the curriculum by the appointment of a Professor of Mathematics and Moral Philosophy, but this proved to be impracticable due to a lack of funds (Seventh Report of Commissioners of Irish Education Inquiry (CIEI), 5). An extensive library, consisting largely of works of scientific and medical interest, was collected and included a valuable collection of works on Irish history which had been printed at Stowe and presented to the RCI by the Duke of Buckingham (Windele 1844, 126). Over the years, chemical and philosophical apparatus, together with a collection of farming implements were acquired (CCCA, MS U 140, PI/D 3 & 4) and there was an Astronomical Department that housed ‘some fine instruments for celestial observations’ (© RIA MS 12 L 5, 132). The RCI also acquired an impressive collection of valuable casts when it amalgamated with the Cork Society of Arts in 18253 (Turpin 1973, 71) (Plate 3.3).4 These had been ‘executed with great care under the special superintendence of the Marquis Canova by directions of Pope Pius the 7th by whom they were presented to his late Majesty George the 4th when Prince Regent, who graciously transferred them to Cork for the

3.2 Seal of Royal Cork Institution 1807 The responsibility of running the Institution fell to the Proprietors; initially there were forty-five, six of whom were women, who subscribed ten guineas each, but a further seventy-eight, at twenty guineas per head, were added prior to the commencement of the charter (Day 1906a, 44-5). The number later increased to over two hundred. The Proprietors elected a committee from among their number which comprised a President, Treasurer and thirty Managers, a third of whom were elected each year and this group met once a month to deal with ‘regular business’ (RIA MS 12 L 5, 132). When it became apparent that their aims and ambitions could not be met by subscription alone, the Proprietors appealed to the Lord Lieutenant and the Irish Chancellor of the Exchequer for financial assistance. It was granted its royal charter by King George III in 1807 and awarded a Government grant of £2,000 per annum, the first instalment of which was paid through the Dublin Society (Day 1906a, 45). This was afterwards raised to £2,500, but was reduced over the years and was finally withdrawn in 1830 (UCC MS U 28, 428). A group of Visitors appointed ‘nominally to oversee the activities of the Institution’ was listed in the first annual report in 1809 and included such eminent persons as the Lord Chancellor of Ireland, the Provost of Trinity College, Dublin, two Vice-Presidents of the Royal Dublin Society, the President of the Royal Irish Academy, Richard Kirwan, Charles Vallancey and the Lord Bishops of Cork and Cloyne (Pettit 1976, 79). According to Windele, Vallancey was made an honorary member of the RCI on 10 March 1803 (RIA MS 12 I 12, 368).

1

The account of the RCI for the period 20 March 1807 to 5 January 1808 included a payment to Hincks ‘for expenses to London, etc., on account of the Institution, in January, 1803’ (Day 1906a, 46). Presumably this trip was to gain first-hand information on the way in which the Institution should be constituted. 2 The act of incorporation for Royal Belfast Academical Institution (RBAI) was passed in 1810 (Jameson 1959, 3). The schools opened in February 1814 and the Collegiate Department in November 1815 (ibid. 18 & 26). 3 When the Cork Society of Arts ran into difficulties, the casts were taken in lieu of rent and would probably have been sold off had it not been for the intervention of the RCI, who purchased them for £500 (Windele 1844, 126). 4 These are still on display in the former RCI building, now known as the Crawford Art Gallery.

In the main the RCI targeted and was supported by the middle classes but an account which appeared in the first volume of The Athenaeum on 1 May 1807 showed that

49

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK promotion of the Fine Arts in this City.’5 (© RIA MS 12 L 5, 132)

(MacSweeney & Reilly 1957, 30). For a time, ten local agricultural societies were linked to the RCI although this had fallen to six by the mid 1820s (Seventh Report CIEI, 5). Initially all lectures were delivered in a private house6 which may have been either at Hincks’ Academy on St. Patrick’s Hill or beside his church in Princes Street, Cork, but with success came the need for larger premises. In 1807, the RCI moved to a more suitable building on the South Mall, opposite the present Imperial Hotel. Tuckey (1837, 241) described their new premises as follows: The building … was completed under the inspection of Mr. William Deane; besides a lecture-room and two convenient rooms for apparatus etc., there was a library, a mineral room, a Committee room, and a shed for agricultural implements; there was also a spacious yard, in which were some pens for sheep, preparatory to the exhibition of them for premiums. Series of twenty-four lectures were delivered and consisted of morning lectures to ‘persons of a higher order’ and the same lecture in the evenings to ‘commercial persons or “shopkeepers”’; both men, women and senior boys from local schools attended (Seventh Report CIEI, 5). Numbers were limited to two hundred people for each session and there was a move to acquire the city’s Custom House in Nelson Place (now Emmet Place) that was being replaced by a newer building further down river. It was offered to the city for use as law courts (ibid. 35) but, following a series of delays and disappointments, it was eventually granted to the RCI by the Lords of the Treasury in 1832 (UCC MS U 28, back of Minute Book, 28).

3.3 ‘The Piping Faun’, Canova cast in the Crawford Art Gallery, Cork Collections of shells, fossils and minerals, antiquities, coins and seals and specimens of zoological and botanical interest were also amassed (UCC MS U 73). Many prominent citizens, particularly in the field of medicine, lent equipment and exhibits for use and display in the various departments and there can be little doubt but that, in its early years in particular, the RCI became the centre of the intellectual and cultural life of Cork city and county. The report of an interview carried out by the Commissioners for the Irish Education Inquiry in 1826 with Mr. John Lecky, one of the original Proprietors of the RCI, stated that it had ‘raised the spirit of inquiry among the middling classes, particularly with respect to science, that he thinks has been of great benefit to them, and to the community at large’ (Seventh Report CIEI, 5).

The late 1820s were a difficult time for the RCI, when, following the report of the Royal Commission on the state of education in Ireland, the Proprietors learned that the government grant was to be reduced by 50% in 1830 and then withdrawn completely. An Extraordinary General Meeting took place on 14 September 1829 to assess the ‘present situation and the future prospects of the Institution’ (ibid. 9). It was obvious that they could no longer afford to pay their regular Professors or the Secretary from their own resources (RIA MS. 12 L 5, 132) and there was a doubt as to whether or not the Institution could continue. A number of resolutions were put to the meeting that included (1) that there should be an increase in contributions and subscriptions, (2) that the Institution’s property should be sold and the proceeds divided between the Proprietors or, (3) that the property should be transferred to

A botanic garden was established on the southern outskirts of the city in 1810 and continued until 1828 when it was sold to Father Theobald Mathew, leader of the Temperance movement in Cork, for use as a cemetery. As with the RDS there was also a particular interest in giving support and encouragement to the farming community. The Munster Farmers’ Magazine was first published by the RCI in 1811 and premiums were awarded to farming societies in Cork and Waterford along similar lines to those of the Dublin Society; in addition, farmers could become members of the Institution for a fee of one guinea per annum

any Society of individuals, who shall submit

5 MacSweeney & Reilly (1957, 33) state that King George IV presented the casts to the Cork Society of Arts ‘at the instance of the Earl of Listowel, a President of the RCI’.

6 Unlike the RCI, the RBAI building was purpose built on a site provided by the Marquis of Donegall, who was President of the RBAI from 1808 up to 1845, the year of his death (Jameson 1959, 3).

50

EDUCATION AND SOCIETIES such a plan of an Institute as may be approved of, either Collegiate, Academical, Scientific or Literary to be formed in the City of Cork, in substitution of the Royal Cork Institution. (UCC MS U 28, back of Minute Book, 11)

The increasing dissatisfaction with the management system was evident in a declaration to a meeting of the proprietors by Thomas Fitzgibbon on 5 September 1829, when he protested against and objected to this mode of appointing Managers and I think that the fall of the Institution has been mainly owing to the unpopular system of Management so pertinaciously adhered to in spite of all remonstrance. (UCC MS U 28, back of Minute Book, 8)

A letter containing the Resolutions of the meeting was sent to Rev. Dr. Hincks, who, in 1821 had been appointed headmaster of the Classical School at the Royal Belfast Academical Institution (RBAI)7, but his reply dated 23 September 1829 made it clear that he did not approve of their proposals. He considered any such action unnecessary and advised that it should only be taken as a last resort; if however there was no alternative he made it clear that with regard to the collections he would ‘rejoice in their being transferred to any other body, which, with energy, will promote the grand object of a diffusion of knowledge’ (ibid. 16-17).

Fitzgibbon was not the first to criticize the management as, in 1818, the philanthropist and champion of education for all, socialist William Thompson (1775-1833), an early Proprietor of the RCI, had complained that it had been ‘most unwisely managed’ to the extent that it had degenerated into ‘a little sphere of private intrigue and favouritism’ (Pankhurst 1954, 8). Furthermore, he indicated that the grant allocations were not correctly apportioned; as an example, the charter had apparently laid down that lecturers should be paid £900 per annum whereas in fact they only received £300 (ibid. 8). Croker (1824, 205) also commented that ‘a lethargic, or rather an illiberal party-spirit seems to have benumbed the inclination to be of public service’.

At a meeting of Proprietors on 20 November 1829 it was resolved that they should work towards the foundation of ‘a system of Collegiate Instruction on the basis of the Cork Royal Institution’ (ibid. 20). In addition to their financial troubles at this crucial time it was obvious that there were other serious problems. The perception by then that the RCI was a predominantly Protestant establishment, which had not been the case when Hincks was in control, may have militated against its success, particularly in the late 1820s when there was considerable religious dissension in the run-up to the Catholic Emancipation Act of 1829. The following excerpt from a letter sent by Richard Beamish of Beaumont, Cork to Crofton Croker dated 29 March 1827 illustrated the difficulties of the time:

The loss of the annual grant was a serious setback, but, the acquisition of the Old Custom House, to which the RCI moved in 1832, gave the impetus to push for the establishment of a college which would have the power to confer degrees. In his address to a deputation of members on 31 August 1832, Thomas Spring-Rice, secretary to the Treasury, explained that other establishments had also lost or been partially deprived of their grants, not due to ‘a parsimonious spirit on the part of His Majesty’s Government, but solely by the feeling that something was wanting on the part of those several bodies to entitle them to its continuance’ (UCC MS U 28, 216).

Religious contentions now higher than ever - at Cork Kinsale and Bandon there are twice a week, lectures given against Popery - proselytes from amongst the lowest of the people induced to renounce the religion of their fathers - not from conviction; but from want - their bodies not their souls being administered to. The contrast between these sister countries is indeed painful: nor does the future prospect elevate our hope. (CCL Croker correspondence 2, 74)

He proceeded to bolster up their aspirations by citing the turnaround in the case of the RBAI which not only had had its grant renewed, but increased, and stated that he had little doubt that if our Institution was made as useful as it might be, by the extension of practical education not only to its immediate neighbourhood but also to the whole of the Province of Munster, or South of Ireland, that Government would be found ready to aid its well directed efforts and would recommend to Parliament to afford it pecuniary assistance commensurate with its exertions and usefulness ... (ibid. 215-6).

The year 1826 seems to have been particularly difficult for the RCI as it saw the departure of Edmund Davy8 to the RDS; in addition to his position as Professor of Chemistry, he had also acted as Secretary to the body. The librarian Richard Dowden also left early in 1826 to take up an appointment with the firm of Thomas Jennings in the city (both Thomas and Francis Jennings were active members of the RCI and later of the CCS).

This aspiration continued to represent a realistic and achievable goal as is evident in a letter to Windele in March 1836 from William Clear, one of the original Proprietors and Treasurer for many years, when he said:

7

He also held the Chair of Hebrew and Oriental languages from 182249. 8 Edmund Davy was a cousin of Sir Humphry Davy and had worked as his assistant at the Royal Institution, London, from 1808 to 1813 when he moved to the RCI (MacSweeney & Reilly 1957, 22 fn2).

51

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK to the apparatus belonging to the College, and which is, of course, exclusively of a modern character (President’s Report QCC 1851-2, 7).

The advantages which this Institution presents will not be overlooked and the Managers entertain the well founded expectation that it may one day assume a Collegiate form, with adequate endowment, under the sanction of Government; an expectation which cannot be regarded as unreasonable when the paucity of such establishments in this Kingdom is considered, and when it is recollected that Scotland with a population greatly inferior to ours enjoys the advantages of having four universities or five Colleges, while all Ireland has only one, and that so remote from this great County as almost to preclude the man of moderate means, residing in it, from making Dublin College available for the education of his sons. (© RIA MS 12 L 5, 132)

In a sense this statement underlined the inactivity of the RCI, from the mid 1820s, as a centre of education for the people of Cork. In its central location at Nelson (now Emmet) Place, the RCI served as a focal point for much of the intellectual and cultural life of the city with its well-stocked scientific and medical library, the reading room with newspapers and periodicals, the museum collections and its valuable collection of classical casts. Occasional series of lectures were organized such as the nine lectures on ancient and medieval architecture given by H. Owgan, LLD, from Trinity College, Dublin over three weeks in May and June 1847 (RIA MS 12 L 10, 180). The building was also used by societies including the Scientific and Literary Society (from 1834), the Cork Historical Society (from 1838) and the Cuvierian Society (from 1835), which attracted many antiquarians from the surrounding areas.

The drastic change of fortune in the RCI following the withdrawal of the grant is evident in the balance sheet for 1834 that shows total expenditure for the year at £337.9.2. Salaries and wages amounted to a mere £93.7.7. and books for the library came to £64.4.4. On the credit side, library subscriptions came to just £77.13.0. (UCC MP 876 D).

By the time the RCI moved premises in 1832 it seemed to have lost much of its earlier vibrancy and the discontinuation of regular lectures may have led to it being seen as a somewhat elitist establishment with a restricted membership. This is suggested in a letter from William Hackett of Midleton to Windele on 8 October 1843 when he said that he had ‘a notion of calling at the RCI but not being a member I may perhaps not be entitled to trespass on the premises’ (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 218).

Attempts were made in the 1830s to widen the appeal of the RCI. In 1837 the Committee was asked to report as to whether they could alter the bye-laws, or even get rid of the charter, so that the RCI could be rendered ‘more popular and effective’ and they were also asked to consider ‘the practicability and terms of a junction with the Cork Library Society’ (UCC MS U 28, back of Minute Book, 39-40). Their efforts towards the establishment of a college for the south of Ireland, to be based in the RCI, were unsuccessful but many of their members became actively involved on the Munster College Committee which was set up in 1838 and played a large part in the foundation of the Queen’s College, Cork (QCC) which had its opening ceremony in November 1849 (see section 3.2). The links between the RCI and QCC continued (for example, with donations of equipment).

A School of Design, whose main aim was to teach technical skills which would lead to employment in local industries, was opened on the premises in 1850 with William Willes as its first headmaster; however, the withdrawal of grants led to its closure in 1854.9 Following a public meeting of concerned citizens, it was agreed that all ratepayers in the city should be taxed at a rate of a halfpenny in the pound for the upkeep of the school; the proceeds from this were sufficient to allow it to reopen (Gibson 1861, 318-9) which occurred at a later stage.

On 15 April 1850 the Proprietors empowered the Managers to ‘dispose of the Chemical and Philosophical Apparatus, which is no longer in use, in the way they may deem most advantageous’ (ibid. 49). It was decided to offer the apparatus on loan to QCC and a letter dated 2 December 1850 asked for arrangements to be made with the Officers of the RCI ‘for securing the apparatus and removing the Instruments to the College’ (UCC MS U 28, 379). The President’s Report for 1851-52 referred to its receipt but commented that

Over the years the Managers of the RCI continued in their efforts to make it accessible to the general public by opening up the building for events such as the visit of the British Association to Cork in 1843. They were also involved in the erection of the Athenaeum in 1855 but, although it seemed to have a bright future in the early years, it never realized its full potential as envisaged by its founder, Rev. Dr. Hincks.

much of this collection had been injured by time and want of use; much also is of a kind rendered obsolete by recent improvements; but still it possesses very great interest and utility for teaching, and forms a most valuable supplement

The RCI struggled on until mid 1880 when the Government formally requested possession of the 9 A School of Design was opened in the RBAI in 1849 but was forced to close in 1855, due to a lack of support (Black 1983, 92).

52

EDUCATION AND SOCIETIES building. One of the last entries in the minute book, which covered the years from 1861 to 1881, dealt with the disposal of their library, casts and the collection of fossils. On 22 March 1881 it was recommended to the Proprietors that they should hand over

Over the years that followed it provided support and encouragement for societies that played a significant part in the development of antiquarianism and the sciences. Although it failed in its bid to establish a third-level college in the RCI itself, many of its members played a major part in the establishment of Queen’s College, Cork. It can also be credited with making a considerable contribution to the enrichment of the cultural life of the city.

to the Corporation for the Schools of Science and Art, the Library and Collection of Casts for the benefit of these schools and the public, and that the collection of minerals, shells and fossils be deposited at the Queen’s College, the President having kindly undertaken to classify and preserve them … (CCCA, MS U 140, Day 95, 22/3/1881).10

3.2 The Queen’s Colleges in Cork and Belfast There was a growing need and desire for third level education in provincial Ireland from the early years of the nineteenth century. In Cork the RCI actively catered for those whose interest lay in science based subjects although they were never empowered to confer degrees and students had to go elsewhere to pursue their field of study. Understandably, only the wealthiest families could afford to send family members to university, either in Dublin or further afield. It is interesting to read in the Report of the Irish Education Inquiry on the RCI that it was ‘urged on those who formed it that it should not interfere with Dublin College’ (Seventh Report CIEI, 19) but obviously the situation had changed by the 1830s.

The Proprietors agreed unanimously and, on 23 November, authorized Caulfield11 to make the hand over to the Cork Corporation who had undertaken ‘to use all necessary means for their protection and preservation and permitting the Proprietors and their Representatives free access to and use of the same, at all reasonable times’; no mention was made of the antiquities collection (ibid. 23/11/1881). In 1883 the building was granted to the Corporation, in trust, for the development of Art and Science and, following complete restoration and the addition of a new wing, it was opened by the Prince and Princess of Wales in 1885 as the Cork School of Art (Guy’s Pictorial Guide).12

The Cork Scientific and Literary Society (see below) also recognized the need for further education and endeavoured to set up a Lyceum where local students might ‘no longer be without the means of acquiring information at home, at a cheap rate, to fit them after leaving school, for all the useful purposes of active life, instead of undergoing the enormous cost of exportation, to learn profligacy in overgrown capital cities’ (UCC MS U 275, 212).

In its early years the RCI played a major role in the move towards the provision of a more science-based curriculum for Cork students. It was reasonably successful up to the mid 1820s but, with the departure of Hincks to Belfast and the serious economic and political situation in the aftermath of the Napoleonic Wars, it never regained its early vibrancy or popularity.

A similar situation pertained in the north of Ireland and many who could afford third level education, but were not members of the established Anglican minority church in Ireland (Church of Ireland), went to Scottish universities because they were excluded from attending Oxford and Cambridge and to a certain extent from Dublin due to their religious affiliations.13 Murphy (1995, 2) notes that non-Anglicans were admitted to TCD from 1793, but with ‘second-class status’ which excluded them from holding Fellowships or Scholarships. The Fourth Report of the Irish Education Inquiry stated that the ‘children of the wealthier classes alone in Ulster have been able to avail themselves of the advantage of a liberal education in the Dublin University’ (Fourth Report CIEI, 3). The establishment of the collegiate department at the RBAI was a start in the provision of third-level education but its close association with the Presbyterian church

It is obvious that the RCI experienced many difficulties and did not maintain or fulfil its early promise. The following pertinent comment on its lack of success was made by Croker in the early 1830s, shortly after the grant had been withdrawn: What I had seen was sufficient to satisfy me of the decay of a valuable association, which unquestionably did good in the South of Ireland, and from which if greater benefits to the Country were expected to arise, its limited means, the political circumstances of Ireland and the National prejudice to be contended with were certainly unfairly estimated. (TCD MS 1206, 302)

10 Descriptions of their collections and museum were generally unfavourable. The collection of antiquities was described by Croker (1824, 206) as ‘undeserving any notice’ and, almost fifty years later, the museum itself was ‘in a very neglected condition’ (Wilkie’s Cork Directory 1872). 11 Richard Caulfield was secretary, librarian and custodian of the RCI at this time and was also librarian at Queen’s College, Cork, from 1876 up to the time of his death in 1887. 12 The new wing was constructed with ‘the benevolent patronage of William Crawford’ (McCarthy 1987, 1).

13 It was not until 1854 that ‘Dissenters’ were first admitted to Oxford and Cambridge and, even then, ‘teaching posts were still restricted by religious tests ... complete removal of all religious qualifications for college and university offices (other than chairs in Divinity)’ did not occur until after 1878 (Hogben 1938, 954).

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK

3.4 A view of Queen’s College Cork, c. 1850, by R.. L. Stopford. UCC collection. made it unacceptable to some sectors, in particular the members of the growing Roman Catholic community. There was a need for non-sectarian education with a particular stress on the sciences.

In Belfast, it seems as if the government may have given some consideration to the idea of converting the RBAI for use as the new university but following a report from the surveyor and engineer, Charles Lanyon, it was decided that a new college should be built (O’Dwyer 1997, 54). Queen’s College, Belfast (QCB) was designed by Lanyon who was also responsible for the design of many other public buildings in the city (Bardon 1982, 106-7). A different approach was taken for Cork and Galway where private architects were appointed. In Cork the commission to design the new college was given to the local architect and builder, Sir Thomas Deane (O’Dwyer 1997, 54) (Plate 3.4).

Understandably there was strong feeling in the provinces that Ireland with its population of about eight million people was badly served by having just a single university in Dublin. In Cork, when the efforts of the RCI were unsuccessful, many gave their backing to the Munster Provincial College Committee set up in 1838 and chaired by James Roche who, in recognition of his dedication to the project, was later referred to as the ‘father of Queen’s College’. He was a prominent member of the RCI and first President of the Cuvierian Society. Indeed Gwynn (1969, 29) believed that the members of the latter society were the ‘pioneers and energetic promoters of the university college which arose largely from their enthusiasm’.

At the opening ceremony of Queen’s College, Cork (QCC) on 7 November 1849 the large gathering included members of the Munster Provincial College Committee who had campaigned so enthusiastically for its establishment. All their minutes and records were presented to the College President, Sir Robert Kane (Gwynn 1948, 18).

The government’s proposals were made public in early 1845; it had decided to grant a sizeable increase to the Roman Catholic college in Maynooth and to allot a sum of not more than £100,000 to the cost of building three new non-sectarian and non-residential colleges outside Dublin. Royal assent was given to the Act to establish the new colleges in July 1845 and, in December of the same year, it was directed that they were to be built in Cork, Belfast and Galway (Jamieson 1959, 57). The first president of the college at Cork was Robert Kane, a Dublin Roman Catholic with a well-established background in the sciences who had been Professor of Natural Philosophy at the RDS and was well known in the Cork area where he had given public lectures at the RCI.

In the years that followed there was considerable cooperation between QCC and local societies that included many staff members among their membership. The appreciation of the Cuvierian Society for the College’s support of their conversazione in 185514 is illustrated in the following resolution that acknowledged the liberal assistance rendered by the College to the cause of popular education on this and on 14 George Boole, Professor of Mathematics at QCC, was President of the Cuvierian Society at the time.

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EDUCATION AND SOCIETIES similar occasions, not only in this City, but throughout the South of Ireland generally, is a strong proof of the social values of these Institutions, and of the wisdom of her Majesty’s Government in founding them. (UCC MP 71: 51, 4)

‘Centrifugal force’ by A. Beale (6 December 1820); ‘National Education’ by W. Thompson (13 December 1820); ‘On the round Towers of Ireland’ by Mr. O’Connor (28 January 1822); and ‘Civilization’ by D. Porter (4 March 1822). In the 1837-38 session a lecture was delivered by Thomas Fitzgibbon Jr., on ‘Physical Sciences, as a necessary part of a liberal education’, a topic which reflected the increasing interest in the sciences in Cork (CCCA, MS. U 140, A (i)).16 The December 1839 meeting featured lengthy discussion on ogham inscriptions led by Abraham Abell and Rev. Matthew Horgan (RIA MS 12 C 12, vi & vii). From the beginning the CSLS built up a collection of physics and chemical equipment together with a collection of books and a museum that contained a variety of material (UCC MS U 275, 54).

Co-operation between the new colleges and existing local societies was evident both in Cork and Belfast. Although the Celtic languages and literature touched on archaeology as part of its medieval studies course, a chair of archaeology was not established in UCC until 1910 when Sir Bertram Windle (1858-1929) became its first Professor (Murphy 1995, 165). This was in contrast to the Catholic University of Ireland (later University College, Dublin) founded in 1854 (see section 1.2) that, from the start, included a chair of archaeology and Irish history with Eugene O’Curry as its first Professor (McCartney 1999, 4 & 12).15

An entry in the minute book for 1821 authorized a payment of ‘three pence per week to a person for sweeping Faulkner’s Lane on the evenings of public meetings’ so it is feasible to suggest that the early meetings were probably held there (ibid. 88). It seems as if the Society’s success soon led to a demand for larger premises and, in August 1821, it was proposed that a new hall, large enough ‘to contain five hundred persons’ should be built by subscription and should be ready for the start of the 1822-3 session (ibid. 138). Initially, ten members agreed to take out numbers of £4 shares payable in three instalments at six monthly intervals which would fall due ‘as soon as ground is taken & the plan of the building is agreed upon’ (CCCA, MS U 140, PI/A (ii), 3). By November of the same year, encouraged by the level of public support, the plans were revised to include a ‘Lyceum’ for general education that would be accessible ‘to both sexes and to all ages, without any distinction or qualification but the desire of improvement’. The aspiration was that knowledge would ‘be kept up to the level of the progress of general information in Europe’. It was also proposed that a museum to house ‘the animal branch of Natural History’ should be provided (ibid. 20914). There was obviously a change of plan shortly afterwards as, on 15 March 1822, the minute book recorded the following entry:

3.3 Local societies: the Cork Scientific and Literary Society, the Cork Cuvierian Society - the Belfast Natural History and Philosophical Society and, the Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club The Cork Scientific and Literary Society The Cork Scientific and Literary Society (CSLS) for the promotion of ‘knowledge in Science, Literature, Arts and Antiquities’ held its first meeting on 16 November 1820 at the Commercial Tavern and succeeded the short-lived Cork Philosophical and Literary Society (Appendix 2) which was dissolved in December of the same year; the membership list of both societies was virtually the same (UCC MS U 275, 1). F. W. Allman (1895, 470) says that the CSLS membership was drawn from ‘all classes and all shades of religious opinion’. Major North Ludlow Beamish, in his inaugural address as President of the Society in 1836, indicated that the CSLS had ‘not emanated from the wealthy and influential’ of Cork and encouraged his audience by saying that ‘in the wise and equitable dispensations of Providence, talent is not always an attribute of the great, nor intellectual eminence of the wealthy’ (UCC MP 71: 55, 8). Beamish attributed the formation of such societies to ‘the natural result of the advancement of civilization, a more extended cultivation of the intellectual powers, and that ardent desire for knowledge which follows its pursuit’ (ibid. 3 and 4).

That this Society does not conceive it either necessary or expedient under present circumstances, to persevere in its intention of building a new Hall ― and that therefore the erection of such building be postponed sine die (ibid. 256).17

Members were required to prepare papers of ‘over ten and under thirty pages’ on a variety of subjects to be read at their weekly meetings (UCC MS U 275, 31) and these were followed by open discussion. The earliest essays were on subjects as varied as ‘Initiative powers of the Monkey tribe’ by R. Dowden (22 November 1820);

There is nothing to suggest that the ‘new Hall’ was ever constructed but they did move to a new venue; at a 16

A list of essays for the first three sessions of the society appears at the start of the Minute Book (UCC MS U 275). 17 The ‘present circumstances’ undoubtedly referred to the deep recession that followed the Napoleonic Wars. The early 1820s was a period of severe hardship for many of Cork’s citizens. The situation was compounded by bank failures which resulted in the ‘ruin of thousands … all suffered and continued to suffer the most grievous privations’ (Coleman 1893, 208).

15 This was only the second professorship for archaeology ‘established in either Britain or Ireland’ (Waddell 2006, 115).

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK The CSLS went from strength to strength over the years and the Minute Book for 1862-1863 recorded that, as a result of overcrowding at meetings in the previous session, a ‘printed ticket only’ system was introduced (CCCA, MS U 140, 1). In 1876, hundreds of people were turned away from a course of lectures on Chemistry given by Cork-born Dr. W. K. Sullivan, second President of QCC, who had studied under the renowned German chemist Justus von Liebig. Shortly afterwards it was decided that a fund should be started to enable the CSLS to bring distinguished figures in the world of science and literature to lecture at their meetings ― men such as the mathematician and astronomer, Sir Robert Ball;18 the astronomer Laurence Parsons, 4th Earl of Rosse; the African explorer, Commander Cameron; the Belfast-born scientist William Thomson (later Lord Kelvin), and the author George du Maurier (ibid. 469).

meeting of the RCI on 1 December 1834, the members of the CSLS were granted permission to hold their meetings in the Institution building (UCC MS U 28, 265). The move to larger premises appears to have resulted in a revision of their rules and regulations. In his closing address to mark the end of the 1836-37 session Beamish outlined the following proposals for change to be put to the meeting; these were consistent with the practice ‘of the most eminent philosophical Societies in the sister Kingdom’. The proposals suggested were: (1) the establishment of a Council (2) the publication of an abstract of the transactions (3) the conferring of honorary rewards for eminence in the several branches of Science and Literature which the Society has been formed to promote (4) a more extended admission of visitors on the evenings of weekly meeting. (UCC MP 7: 56, 4)

The main focus was, as its name implied, on topics of a scientific and literary nature and, apart from discussion on round towers and ogham stones in the early years, there does not seem to have been a significant interest in the area of archaeology. Interestingly, an entry in the Cork Examiner of 5 November 1841 referred to two distinct groups in the CSLS as ‘the enthusiastic and allbelieving Antiquaries on the one hand, and the cold, incredulous, and utilitarian on the other’ but, after the 1840s and following the formation of the Arts and Antiquities section of the Cork Cuvierian Society in 1850, most archaeologically related topics were addressed at meetings of the latter Society. In later years the CSLS changed its name to the Cork Literary and Scientific Society and has continued to thrive to the present day.

It is not clear whether or not the proposals were adopted ; however, Allman (1895, 466) recorded that the CSLS was ‘in a healthy and prosperous condition’ by 1838. A successful conversazione was organized to coincide with the start of the 1844-5 session. It took place in the RCI building where a gathering of over two hundred people was shown a range of scientific equipment. Experiments were also conducted during the evening and afterwards they were addressed by the President, Counsellor Francis Walsh (ibid. 467). A similar event, which included an exhibition of paintings in the School of Art, took place at the end of the 1866 session and featured ‘microscopes, stereoscopes, galvanic batteries and a working model of the electric telegraph’ among the exhibits; on this occasion over five hundred attended (ibid. 468).

The Cork Cuvierian Society The Cork Cuvierian Society (CCS) ‘for the promotion of Science and Literature and the Fine Arts’ was founded by members of the Science Committee of the RCI in 1835 (UCC MS U 221 A, 2) (Appendix 2). Its first President was James Roche, a prominent member of the RCI. MacSweeney and Reilly (1958a, 9) make the point that its establishment ‘signalised the fact that the educational activities of the RCI had shrunk to the more general ones of a private cultural society’. A list of regulations was printed and circulated to members and it is significant that Rule 7 specified that ‘no subject either Political or Religious shall be introduced’ (Plate 3.5). Monthly meetings were held from October to June each year and the members were drawn, for the most part, from the academic, professional and business backgrounds of Cork city and its environs. From the start it was an all-male membership although, early in 1838, there was a proposal to alter the bye-laws concerning the admission of ‘Ladies and Strangers to evening meetings’. On 7 February 1838 an entry in the Minutes recorded ‘the admission of Ladies

The CSLS had been to the fore in petitioning the Irish administration for the establishment of a School of Design in Cork as is evident in a resolution passed on 4 March 1847 (ibid. 467). Their petition was successful and the school opened in the RCI building in January 1850 with William Willes as the first Headmaster. The main objective of the school was ‘to disseminate a correct knowledge of Ornamental Art, and its application to Trades and Manufactures’ (Handbook to the Harbour & City of Cork 1852, 29). In its endeavours to promote the cultivation of the arts in Ireland, Dublin Castle sent a lecturer from the Head School of Design in London, Mr. Ralph N. Wornum, to give a series of lectures on Egyptian, Greek and Roman Ornament in Dublin, Belfast and Cork in 1851. In Cork, these ran from the 12-16 May and, as large numbers were expected to attend, the Cork School sought, and obtained permission for the use of the County Court House on those days (RIA MS 4 B 11, 121).

18 Robert Ball’s grandfather had been a Customs Officer at Cove (now Cobh), Co. Cork.

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EDUCATION AND SOCIETIES ordered to lie over for further consideration’ but, a month later on 7 March, the admission of Strangers was ‘agreed upon and ordered to be entered’ (ibid. 27). The admission of ‘Ladies’ does not appear to have been considered subsequently. This was in contrast to the CSLS which was open to all classes and creeds and who welcomed women to attend their meetings.19 Initially there was a great interest in the sciences although this area was already being catered for by the Cork Scientific and Literary Society, whose meetings had been held in the RCI from 1834. It is difficult to understand why the RCI’s Science Committee set up in opposition, particularly as their objectives were more or less identical (see Appendix 2). Over the years the CCS gravitated towards subjects dealing with history and archaeology and, from a relatively early stage, meetings included the display of items of antiquarian interest.

3.6 Bust of Georges Cuvier (1769-1832) in Crawford Art Gallery, Cork Even in Cork the name seemed to have been the subject of debate which Dr. Charles Yelverton Haines endeavoured to explain in his Presidential address given at a conversazione at the start of the 1850-51 session. He spoke of ‘a republic of the mind’ in literature and science ‘extending wherever intellect is exerted in the acquirement, promotion, or application of knowledge’. Wherever new discoveries and advances were made they should become ‘public property to the learned in all nations and in all languages; free interchange of knowledge constitutes the franchise of this universal republic’ (UCC MP 71: 50, 8). Cuvier’s researches and achievements in science and education matched the above criteria and made him an ideal choice; a man who was ‘distinguished among his fellows in this general republic, in which the political demarcations of nationality or geographical boundary are unknown’ (ibid.). Undoubtedly Cuvier was regarded by members of the RCI Science Committee as one of the most outstanding figures in international scientific circles at the time and, as a tribute to his contributions to his work, was honoured by the scientific fraternity in Cork. In deference to those who may not have known of Cuvier’s achievements Haines explained that an addition had been made to the original name and that the Society was later known as ‘The Cuvierian Society for the Cultivation of the Sciences’ (ibid.).

3.5 Cuvierian Society regulations The Society was named after the eminent French scientist Baron Georges Cuvier (Plate 3.6) whose death had occurred in 1832, however this choice of title seems to have been something of an enigma to many.20 The following excerpt from a letter sent to Windele by Sir William Betham in March 1849 illustrated the lack of knowledge regarding the name: I know not your ‘Cuvierian Society’. Tell me [what] it means in your next. (© RIA MS 4 B 8, 561)

Others were curious, and perhaps even biased, as to why a Frenchman should have been selected for such an honour in view of the fact that his ‘theological opinions have long been jealously viewed in this country’ (ibid. 9). Haines explained that, unlike Lamarck, whose theories on evolution by a progression of development where one species could be derived from another and which seemed to devalue the function of a divine power, Cuvier never countenanced this line of thought but instead argued for a series of catastrophes which led to the extinction of entire

19

The CSLS admitted ‘ladies’ to meetings as long as they had been introduced by a member and had purchased tickets. 20 Madame Cuvier (also known as the Comtesse Chateau de Villard) was in Cork in 1829 and met Abraham Abell on that occasion (Harrison 1999, 57) but it is not known whether or not Cuvier himself ever visited the city. In 1840 she presented a bust of Cuvier and some of his publications to the CCS. Cuvier’s bust is still in the old RCI building (now the Crawford Art Gallery).

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK groups of animals which were then replaced by ‘new forms’ and implied ‘of necessity the intervention of creative power’ (ibid. 10). In fact, in his position as the leading authority on comparative anatomy, Cuvier used his influence to discourage evolutionary speculation (Hogben 1938, 953). At this time people were uncomfortable with the ideas put forward by men such as Lamarck in France and Erasmus Darwin in England on ‘the doctrine of common descent’ (ibid.) and found Cuvier’s theories much more acceptable and in line with Christian cosmogony.21 It is likely that James Roche, who had been educated in France and had worked there for many years was aware of Cuvier’s stance on the evolution issue, particularly as he had attended some of his lectures in Paris. He was obviously a great admirer of the man as is evident in the following extract:

Chaeropotamus and Hyracotherium – the Irish Elk’ (UCC MP 71: 54, 23 and 27).23 A paper on contour maps was given by Captain Thomas Larcom of the Ordnance Survey of Ireland, a member of the Mathematical and Physical Science Committee (ibid. 15). Local experts served as officers in all sections. Major North Ludlow Beamish and Sir William Chatterton (a Vice-President of the BAA) were appointed joint Vice-Presidents of the Statistics Section, while Sir Thomas Deane was a VicePresident of the Mechanical Science Section and Professor Robert Kane was a Vice-President of the Chemistry and Mineralogy Section. Many other Cork men served on the various committees including William Hincks who was on the committee for both the Statistics Section and the Zoology and Botany Section (UCC MP 71: 54, viii-x). The Cork Art Union mounted an exhibition of the ‘Pictures of Native Artists’ in conjunction with the event (RIA MS 4 B 2, 745) and a Guide Book for Cork and its Environs was published locally under the auspices of the British Association’s Local Committee in Cork (Cork Constitution 17/8/1843).

The late Cuvier and M. Guigot, though protestants, appeared to us more generally liberal and impartial in appreciating Catholic merit than Cousin or Villemain, Catholics by birth, and Ministers of Public Instruction in succession (Roche 1850, 45).

Two years later, the CCS published several papers which had been delivered at the British Association Cork meeting entitled Contributions towards a Fauna and Flora of the County of Cork, but they acknowledged that the lists were ‘far from complete’ and welcomed contributions from the readers (UCC MP 299 B). Over the years, very little was published by the CCS, a fact bemoaned by Robert MacAdam of Belfast in September 1858 when he advised Windele as follows:

Cork was not alone in its admiration of Cuvier and his influence in the world of the natural sciences was widespread; indeed Tattersall (1995, 11) says that his beliefs ‘dominated French geology and palaeontology for decades after his death’. His followers included men such as zoologists John Grey and Richard Owen of the British Museum, London, and biologists Johannes Müller and von Rapp in Germany, all of whom had had personal contact with Cuvier in Paris (Gunther 1975, 457).

You ought to preserve permanently all such researches. If the Cuvierian Society was a publishing body, their Transactions would of course be the suitable place for them. (© RIA MS 4 B 18, 713-4)

At a meeting on 2 March 1842 it was suggested that the CCS should combine with other local scientific and public bodies to issue an invitation to the British Association to meet in Cork (UCC MS U 221 A, 63). The invitation was accepted.

The CCS’s transactions appeared regularly in the columns of local newspapers but it was not an altogether satisfactory arrangement as is evident in the opening speech for the 1865-6 session by incoming President, Robert Day, when he said:

The thirteenth meeting of the Association took place in Cork in the summer of 1843. Many distinguished scholars from throughout Ireland and England attended; one of these was geologist Charles Lyell, a strong supporter of Charles Darwin, who was a Vice-President of the Geology and Physical Geography Section. Among the eminent names on the committee for this section was the aforementioned Professor Richard Owen, who also served as a Vice-President of the Zoology and Botany Section; he delivered a report on the ‘Fossil Mammalia of Great Britain’ which included details of fossil remains found by Dr. William Buckland in Northamptonshire. He also spoke on various species that were of particular interest to his Irish audience such as the woolly-haired elephant or Elephas primogenitas of Cuvier,22 which had been found in counties Cavan and Tyrone, and ‘the

I cannot but regret that circumstances have not permitted the transactions of this society from being issued in a separate form, so that they might be rendered accessible at all times as works of reference and history. (UCC MS U 221 B, 48) In 1849, the CCS held its first conversazione in the RCI building as a ‘complimentary reception’ for the President and Professors of the newly opened Queen’s College. Its success led to others; probably the most ambitious being that held to celebrate the close of the 20th Session on 29 May 1855 (Plate 3.7). It was held in the Great Hall and

21

Cosmogony is the theory of the creation of the universe. Many years later bones of eliphus primogenus were identified by Robert Harkness in rock shelters on the eastern shores of Lough Gur, Co. Limerick (Day 1893, 305). 22

23 Following Professor Owen’s lecture at the British Association Meeting in Cork in 1843, he was described by Dr. Haines as being ‘the able successor of Cuvier’ (Cork Constitution 19/8/1843).

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EDUCATION AND SOCIETIES Rotunda of the newly erected Athenaeum, beside the RCI premises in Nelson Place, which had been built from materials used in the construction of the Great Hall of the Cork Exhibition in 1852. The building had been opened earlier in the same year, with great pomp and ceremony, by the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. The conversazione comprised of a number of exhibitions, displays and experiments mounted by the various sections of the CCS. On the opening evening a crowd of 1,400 attended and this was followed by a ‘Day Promenade’ and a second evening session for the working classes of Cork that attracted over 1,600 people; this number included 400 employees of Sir Thomas Tobin,24 Ballincollig Powder Mills, who paid for their admission charges and transported them to Cork ‘in the most comfortable manner’ on carts (UCC MP 71: 51, 16).25 It is interesting to read that a resolution of thanks was expressed to the President, Vice-President and Council of QCC for ‘lending their valuable apparatus, and otherwise contributing to the success of the Conversaziones’ (UCC MP 71: 51, 4).

members on the first committee of the Arts and Antiquities section were Windele, Sainthill, Abell and Willes (UCC MS U 221 A, 177). Both Abell and Willes died in 1851 and their places were taken by John Benson and Dr. Charles Porter, a teacher of classics who had been President of the CCS in the 1841-2 session (ibid. 202). The CCS was not directly involved with archaeological fieldwork; however, individual members carried out their own investigations, sometimes under the umbrella of the SMAS (see sections 5.1 and 7.1) which comprised a small group of men from Cork city and county who were at their most active in the early 1840s; although no formal records were kept, some details of their activities can be found in the newspapers and journals of the time (Rockley 1995, 33-6). They are probably best remembered for their interest in round towers and ogham stones and became involved in the controversies that surrounded them (see sections 6.1 and 6.2).

The undoubted success of these ventures was acknowledged in an entry in the RCI Minute Book for 4 June 1855 and referred to the zeal, efforts and public spirit of the Cuvierian Society in those most admirable and successful attempts to extend popular acquaintance with science, and to gratify the acknowledged taste of all classes of this community for such pursuits, are entitled to the thanks of every lover of progress and are particularly gratifying to the Managers of this Institution which was established for the promotion of these objects. (UCC MS U 28, 448-9) The entry ended with the hope that similar events would be arranged in the future and assured the CCS of ‘the fullest co-operation it shall be in our power to afford’ (ibid. 449). The foundation of QCC coincided with an influx of new members and it was deemed necessary to reorganize the CCS to cater for the diversity of interests. On 13 March 1850 it was proposed that four sectional committees should be appointed dealing with Natural History; Physical and Experimental Science; Statistics and Political Economy; Arts and Antiquities (UCC MS U 221 A, 172). It was the duty of each of these committees to carry out ‘more systematic and extended observation in their peculiar departments’ (UCC MP 71: 50, 8). The four

3.7 Cork Cuvierian Society Conversazione 1855 At a time when there was a noticeable increase in the number of ancient sites being destroyed due to land development and the construction of roads and railways, in the late 1840s an anonymous source lamented the fact that there were ‘no public bodies constituted for the preservation of our historical Monuments as in England and France’ but said that the CCS ‘to a certain – limited – extent receives reports and communications on local antiquarian subjects and so far may be recognized as a body collecting information’ (© RIA MS 4 B 7, 160). Although the CCS may have been aware of such destruction, it does not appear to have been in a position to do anything about it even though individual members were often notified of ‘discoveries’ and were able to visit and record details of sites which might otherwise have been obliterated from the archaeological record (see section 7.1).

24 Sir Thomas Tobin built up a large collection of antiquities, many brought back from his travels in Europe. His wife, Catherine wrote several books based on their travels including Land of Inheritance; or Bible Scenes published in London in 1863 and also translated P. E. Botta’s Illustrations of Discoveries at Ninevah. 25 In 1852, he had also conveyed his employees to the city to visit the Cork Exhibition (UCC MP 71: 51, 16).

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK Lane Fox (Pitt Rivers) became a member of the CCS in 1863 and his military background and work as a surveyor and draughtsman had a significant effect on fieldwork in the Cork area. In addition, the fact that he was in touch with current archaeological research in Britain and France was an important factor in the move towards a more science-based approach in line with archaeological thought and practice elsewhere.26

November 1831 with a lecture by the president, Dr. Drummond (ibid. 4-8). This was the first provincial museum in Ireland built entirely by voluntary subscription. It proved to be a popular attraction for the citizens of Belfast and, from 1845 until 1910, it opened to the public every year on Easter Monday, one of the main holidays of the year (ibid. 16). The varied and valuable collections were built up in a relatively short space of time and were divided into three main groups; natural history, Irish antiquities and ethnology. The Belfast Literary Society had moved their collections of ‘animals and minerals’ from the Linen Hall Library to the BNHPS in 1830 and it was also helped considerably in 1833 by the transfer of collections from the Belfast Reading Society which had been founded in 1788 (Directory of Museums & Art Galleries 1931). In addition, individual collectors such as the naturalist William Thompson, who was for many years a member of the BNHPS and President from 1843 to the time of his death in 1852, bequeathed their collections to the BNHPS. Initially, the members were in complete charge of the collections on an honorary basis but in 1834, a full-time curator was appointed to the museum and library. The museum was highly regarded by many of the leading scientists as is shown by the following extract from a lecture on ‘Educational Uses of Museums’ given by British naturalist, Professor Edward Forbes, in London in 1853 and quoted by Deane (1924, 14). It read as follows:

CCS records show that, from the early 1860s, there was considerable interest in the great debates on evolution and human antiquity and these are discussed in section 6.4. The CCS never had the wide appeal of the CSLS and, compared with earlier years, the minute book entries become rather sketchy from the early 1870s. From 1876, the names of the committee are not recorded and the final entry is dated 3 April 1878 (UCC MS U 221 A, 338).27 The Belfast Natural History Society – The Belfast Natural History and Philosophical Society It is interesting to compare similar societies in Belfast to those of Cork as there were connections between antiquarians of the two cities. They felt that they had more in common with one another than with their contemporaries in Dublin. The Belfast Natural History Society (BNHS, later the BNHPS) was founded on 5 June 1821 ‘for the cultivation of that science in its various branches and more particularly for the investigation of the Natural History of Ireland’ (Deane 1924, 2).

In the Belfast Museum, the eminent naturalists and antiquaries who have given celebrity to their town, have made its contents at a glance explanatory of the geology, zoology, botany, and ancient history of the locality and the neighbouring province.28

The first President was Dr. James L. Drummond, who was succeeded in the next session by Rev. Dr. Thomas Dix Hincks, who had moved from Cork to Belfast in 1821, but Drummond took over again in 1827 and held the position until 1843. The early meetings were held in the President’s home, but in 1822 the BNHPS moved the meetings to the Natural Philosophy Classroom of the RBAI that, like the RCI, gave considerable support to local societies. The following year saw yet another move to the Commercial Buildings but, by 1827, an increase in membership, the formation of a library and the accumulation of a variety of natural history and antiquarian specimens for their museum made it clear that they needed their own premises. Accordingly, following fund-raising and negotiations for a site in College Square North, the foundation stone of their museum of Natural History was laid by the Marquis of Donegall on 4 May 1830 and the building was opened on 1 November 1831; the first meeting in the new building took place on 9

The BNHPS’s substantial library was built up over the years and contained some valuable Irish manuscripts in addition to scientific books, pamphlets and a collection of proceedings from societies in many parts of the world. Once again, many of these were presented or bequeathed by members such as Dr. Samuel Bryson (1778-1853) and Robert MacAdam. The books and manuscripts of the Belfast Literary Society were deposited in the library in 1830 with ‘the members of both Societies having free access to the books of either’ (M’Caw et al. 1902, 15). In the early years, as was the practice in the CSLS, members were obliged to read papers on declared topics at meetings but, in 1831, it was felt that, as part of their policy to ‘diffuse useful knowledge’, there should be a series of ‘Public Nights’ open to the citizens of Belfast. Later, courses of lectures on particular subjects were organized as it was felt that these would be more useful

26 Lane Fox was appointed to the Council in 1866 and was made an honorary member when he left Cork. His name continued to appear as Council member up to the 1875-6 session which was the last full list of officers of the CCS. 27 For further details on the CCS, plus a list of Presidents from 1835 to 1876, refer to Rockley 2003.

28

When the Belfast Corporation decided to proceed with plans for a museum in 1909, the BNHPS transferred their extensive collections by deed of gift to the city on 27 July 1910 and these later became the basis of Belfast’s new City Museum (Deane, 1924, 14).

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EDUCATION AND SOCIETIES than a ‘succession of detached papers on subjects of varied interest’ (Deane 1924, 10). The early lectures concentrated on various branches of Natural History but by the mid 1830s it was decided that natural philosophy and statistics should be included and, in 1842, the name was changed to the Belfast Natural History and Philosophical Society (BNHPS) by which it is still known (ibid. 12).

capacity as secretary to the organizing sub-committee, on 19 July 1852 (RIA MS 12 L 12, 349). In addition to the collection of the BNHPS, exhibits were gathered together from all parts of the country and included nine exhibitors from Cork plus others from Waterford, Tipperary and Limerick; the result was an ‘assemblage of such a collection of Irish Antiquities, as has, perhaps, never been brought together before, and such as may hardly be seen again in one place’ (Belfast Exhibition Catalogue 1852, 1). Following the visit of the British Association the exhibition was opened to the general public (see section 4.2). Much to MacAdam’s disappointment, none of the Cork contributors were able to attend, but he was most grateful for their support and ‘genuine patriotic & kindly feeling’ and hoped that it might long ‘be thus between the North & the South!’ (© RIA MS 4 B 12, 1268).

In a similar manner to the RCI, the BNHPS made its premises available to other local groups from its early years. These included the Historic Society (1825), the Juvenile Natural History Society (1825), the Phrenological Society (1827), the Belfast Botanical Society (1827) who established a botanic garden in the city, and the Literary Society (1831). The Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club (1863) (see below) also held its meetings in the BNHPS’s premises from the time of its inauguration (ibid. 20-24).

The publication of the Ulster Journal of Archaeology (UJA) was a direct result of the success of the Belfast exhibition as the following excerpt from a letter dated 12 September 1852 to Windele from MacAdam illustrates:

Many of the members were directly involved with the organization of the British Association meeting which took place in Belfast in September 1852 and two were appointed to act as presidents of sections: Dr. Thomas Andrews, Vice-President of QCB, to Chemistry and Mineralogy; and Professor William Thompson to Mathematics and Physics. Other members acted as secretaries of sections and among those who presented papers were Rev. Dr. Thomas Dix Hincks, his son Rev. Dr. Edward Hincks, Canon John Grainger and Professor Wyville Thomson (ibid. 28).29

The antiquarian spirit seems to be roused among us & finding so many persons in the country taking an interest in such matters, we have decided on trying a Journal of Archaeology, to appear quarterly, with illustrations (ibid. 9991000). The first number of the UJA was issued on 1 January 1853 and was ‘devoted principally to the elucidation of the Antiquities and ancient History of Ulster’ (UJA 1, Prospectus). MacAdam was once again very much to the fore and acted as editor for the nine years of its first series. It is not altogether clear why publication of this invaluable work ceased in 1862 although some possible explanations have been suggested in section 2.3. Another thirty-two years were to elapse before a new series of the UJA was launched in September 1894.

An archaeological exhibition was organized in the museum at the same time as it was seen as an ideal opportunity for visitors from abroad ‘to judge for themselves of the nature and extent of our ancient civilization’, and it was also felt that it would help to promote the study of archaeology and the preservation of Ireland’s antiquities (Belfast Exhibition Catalogue 1852, 1). Owen (1921, 406) credited MacAdam with being the prime mover in the organization of this important exhibition but others were also very much involved. It is obvious from the following extract of a letter sent to Windele by Edmund Getty of Belfast dated 12 September 1851 that plans were being made well ahead of time and that it was regarded as being a significant event for Irish archaeology:

The interest in archaeology and in the antiquities of Ulster generated by the archaeological exhibition of 1852 was also a factor in the foundation of the Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club in 1863 (pers. comm. P. C. Woodman). From its inception the BNHPS was at the core of the intellectual and cultural life of Belfast and, over the years, attracted many illustrious names from the scientific and literary spheres of the city and its hinterland. The fact that it continues to thrive today is a manifestation of its success.

I think it would be most useful and give antiquarians a means of comparison not easily met with otherwise ... I shall feel much obliged if you will aid me in the undertaking by lending your collection & by mentioning the subject to your friends. (© RIA MS 4 B 11, 542-3) This was followed up by an official notification and request for ‘suitable specimens’ by MacAdam, in his

The Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club (BNFC) The BNFC, founded in 1863, was the first of its kind to be set up in Ireland. Its first president was Canon John Grainger of Belfast. From its foundation, the BNFC

29 A second meeting of the British Association was held in Belfast in August 1874 and a third in September 1902 (Deane 1924, 29).

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK attracted many who were also members of the BNHPS. In fact, for a short time in 1869, joint meetings of the two societies were held, but were discontinued in the following year (Praeger 1894, 143).

prior to the foundation of the Field Club all these, with few exceptions, were either unheeded, thrown away, or sold to dealers and such like, and were thus lost to the country (ibid.).

The stimulus for its foundation sprang partly from the success of the archaeological exhibition in 1852 but was also fuelled by a course of lectures on geology by Professor Joseph Beete Jukes in 1859-60 (Woodman 1978, 6). An extended course on botany and zoology, in addition to geology, was provided by the geologist Mr. Ralph Tate (afterwards Professor Tate at Adelaide University) in 1862-3 and the BNFC was formally constituted at a public meeting in March 1863 with an initial membership of one hundred and seven (Praeger 1894, 142). From 1865 it published an ‘Annual Report and Proceedings’ which constituted an invaluable record of the contributions to ‘the fauna, flora, geology and ethnography of the North of Ireland’ (ibid. 145).

Unfortunately, some of their fieldwork was somewhat dubious as Woodman (1978, 9) speaks of visits to ‘various sand dunes’ where they staged ‘competitions to see who could find the most’. Controversy regarding the age of these ‘implements and weapons’ broke out between Cork-born William Gray30 who discovered them in the Whitehead area, outside Belfast, in early 1866 and took a BNFC field-trip to visit the site in June of the same year (ibid. 7), and William Knowles of Ballymena who amassed a large personal collection of stone artefacts and is considered to have been ‘one of Ulster’s greatest collectors’ (Mallory & McNeill 1991, 23).31

Its object was to undertake practical fieldwork in the study of the archaeology, geology, botany and zoology of the area in and around the city of Belfast (Deane 1924, 24). During the winter months, indoor meetings were held in the BNHPS museum at College Square North but in the summer, excursions were organized to sites of interest in the area. According to Owen (1921, 324) it was also the first field club in Ireland to have the honour of becoming ‘one of the Corresponding Societies connected with the British Association’.

Many flints were found in what proved to be the postglacial gravels of the raised beaches in the Larne area and Gray’s initial feeling was that they were natural although he later decided that, as they were not found with ‘extinct fauna’, they had to be Neolithic (Woodman 1978, 7-8). Knowles, on the other hand, was convinced that they dated to the Palaeolithic or could be even older and so the debate continued to run for the rest of the nineteenth century (ibid. 8). Following the work of Hallam Movius and the Harvard Archaeological Mission in 1934-5, it was established that the material was Mesolithic and that there was ‘an Early and Later “Larnian”’ phase (ibid. 11).

In conjunction with the second visit of the British Association to Belfast in August, 1874, BNFC members prepared a guide-book which, in addition to the provision of information on the club and its activities, gave details on the ‘fauna, flora, geology, archaeology, trade and statistics’ of the area and this innovation led to the production of handbooks for all subsequent British Association meetings (Praeger 1894, 143).

A varied collection of forty-seven worked flints from Antrim and Derry were first exhibited to the CCS by Day in May 1863, the year in which the BNFC was founded and, in the same year, CCS members gathered to hear Lane Fox (Pitt Rivers) give a detailed lecture on the discoveries by Conyers, Frere and others in England and Boucher de Perthes in France which culminated in the pronouncements of Evans and Prestwich on their great antiquity (UCC MS U 221 B, 21 and 33). He also referred to the antiquity and manufacturing technology of the ‘specimens’ from the north of Ireland (ibid. 34). (For further discussion see section 6.4).

By the mid 1890s, the membership had increased to almost five hundred and this led to the formation of five different sections to cater for the ‘widening sphere of scientific work’, viz. 1. Microsopical Section; 2. Photographic Section; 3. Ethnographical Section; 4. Celtic Section; 5. Geological Section (ibid. 144-5). In addition to the investigation of Ulster’s flora and fauna, archaeology and the study of Irish antiquities was of particular interest and indeed Robert Day of Cork, a member of the BNFC from its early days, stated that it had ‘done more for the practical study of the archaeology of the north of Ireland than any other kindred society in the kingdom’ (Anon. 1896, 182).

The increased membership of the BNFC in the mid 1890s coincided with a remarkable increase of interest in ‘Irish science’ (Praeger 1894, 144). In the space of seven years other field clubs were founded in Dublin (1886), Cork

30

Gray moved to Belfast in 1862 and resided there until his death in 1917. 31 These were acquired by Alexander Keiller and are now part of the Keiller-Knowles collection. They are currently housed in the National Museum of Ireland and have been recently catalogued in the Department of Archaeology, UCC. For further details see Woodman, Peter et al 2006 The archaeology of a collection: the Keiller-Knowles collection of the National Museum of Ireland. Wordwell: Dublin.

By taking people out into the countryside they gained first-hand knowledge of their surroundings and were able to identify field monuments and artefacts. In fact, Day spoke of the ‘vast number of stone implements and weapons’ found in county Antrim which

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EDUCATION AND SOCIETIES (1892),32 Limerick (1893) and Galway. The Irish Naturalist, of which Praeger was co-editor, commenced publication in 1892 and was succeeded by the Irish Naturalists’ Journal which continues to cater for the interests of naturalists in Ireland today. The developments in the BNHPS, the BNFC and, to a certain extent in the CCS, reflected a move away from antiquarianism towards scientific investigation in the last four decades of the nineteenth century.

32 The Cork Naturalists’ Field Club held its early meetings in the Crawford Municipal Buildings, formerly the RCI. It was well attended initially but Praeger (1894, 247) commented on the rapid fall in membership over the first few years.

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4. Collectors, artefacts and lithographs The level of activity in the collection and dispersal of a range of artefacts which were available in Cork, together with an assessment of the number of major collectors in the area, is looked at in the first section of this chapter. The involvement of the Cork collectors and dealers with others such as Thomas Crofton Croker and Augustus Lane Fox (Pitt Rivers) is also examined. Comparisons are made with the north of Ireland in the first half of the nineteenth century.

with Mr. Lindsay, Sainthill, Dr Smith and the other coin collectors’ (ibid. 10) during his stay but, although it is known that he wrote to both Lindsay and Sainthill, his travels in Ireland did not extend to Cork.

Section 4.2 looks at the exhibition of artefacts and the reasons that prompted antiquarians to send them for display. It also considers whether or not there was any attempt to establish provenance and if there was any particular awareness of their importance and significance as a factor in the study of Irish archaeology. Crofton Croker’s work on the classification of celts/axes is assessed and questions whether it had any noticeable effect on the thoughts of local antiquarians or if it was an incentive to work out a chronological framework at a time when the Three Age System was being introduced and adopted elsewhere. The move from hand-drawn sketches of artefacts, for circulation to friends and other interested antiquarians, to take advantage of the advances in lithography and photography is discussed in the final section.

4.1 Some more Cork antiquarians (L-R) (a) Richard Caulfield (1823-1887) (b) Thomas Crofton Croker (1798-1854) (c) Richard Sainthill (1787-1869) (d) Abraham Abell (1783-1851)

4.1 Collectors and collections Although it is clear from sources such as the Dawson letters that there were many collectors and dealers in antiquities in the north of Ireland in the early years of the nineteenth century there is very little evidence to suggest that the same situation pertained in Cork. There were a few collectors in the city that we know of such as Abraham Abell, Robert Lecky, Richard Sainthill (Plate 4.1), Samuel Wright and also Rev. James Mockler of Fermoy, but perhaps the most prominent collector at the time was John Lindsay who was wellknown in Britain and Ireland as a result of his many writings on coinage published between 1839 and 1868. Indeed he has been called ‘one of the foremost numismatists of the century, not merely in the three kingdoms, but in all Europe’ (Anon. 1898, 201). It is therefore somewhat surprising that when the Danish archaeologist Jens Worsaae was in Ireland, in late 1846 and early 1847, a letter sent to him by Christian Thomsen1 from Copenhagen on 28 November 1846 stated that he was only aware of one collector in Ireland and that was Sainthill of Cork (Henry 1995, 4). By Christmas Eve, Worsaae mentioned in his reply to Thomsen that he intended to ‘try and establish contact

Dean Henry Dawson of St. Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin, was a keen numismatist and seems to have kept in close contact with Lindsay up to the time of his death in 1840; a letter to Crofton Croker from Sainthill dated 7 August 1838 indicated that he (Dawson) had ‘sent his Danish collection, 242 pennies, for Mr. Lindsay’s inspection’ (CCL Croker correspondence 4, 195). This was undoubtedly to assist Lindsay in the research for his book on A View of the Coinage of Ireland, from the Invasion of the Danes to the Reign of George IV published in Cork in 1839. In a letter to Dawson on 5 June 1835 Lindsay stressed that he was primarily a collector of coins, but also suggested that there were no collectors of antiquities in the city at that time even though artefacts were being offered for sale. Although there is no mention of the provenance of these items, it is very likely that they were found in the Cork area. Lindsay wrote as follows: I am not properly speaking, a collector of any other antiquities than coins, never having more than occasionally put by a few small specimens & those in general of little value & of common occurrence. Neither are there in Cork any

1

C. J. Thomsen (1788-1865) was appointed secretary of the Royal Commission for the Preservation of Danish Antiquities in 1816. He was first curator of the Museum of Northern Antiquities in Copenhagen and introduced the Three Age system for the classification of prehistoric artifacts.

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COLLECTORS, ARTEFACTS AND LITHOGRAPHS that time, even though it is apparent from the following comment by Croker that there was no scarcity of material:

regular collectors of those articles, & yet I do not think they are often to be met with here. I have sometimes indeed had opportunities of purchasing Gold Fibulae, some of them several ounces in weight, also thin circular plates of gold Copper Celts etc. etc. a few other articles. (© RIA MS 4 B 36, 91)

To enumerate even slightly the several pieces of ancient wrought gold which I have seen at various times in Ireland would occupy many pages; nor do I think that a thousand pounds would purchase the entire: most of them have been consigned to the crucible: rings, chains, fibulae, tiaras, bracelets, and other articles that completely silence conjecture as to their use. (Croker 1824, 319)

Another significant collector in the Cork area in the early nineteenth century was Joseph Gordon Leybourn, but from perusal of sale catalogues now in the Coins and Medals Department of the British Museum, it is apparent that his interest was in coins and medals only. It was noted by Windele that Leybourn had purchased a specimen of gold ‘ring money’ from Cork jeweller, William Hackett (RIA MS 12 I 20, 784), so it can be presumed that his interest extended to any object which could have been used as currency. A letter to Croker from Leybourn on 16 May 1822 asked if he would procure some Roman coins for him and the reply from Croker contained a list of coins which were at his family home in Blackrock, Cork, which he was willing to sell on at the price he paid for them (CCL Croker correspondence 1, 98). Leybourn was also known to Lindsay and was involved in the purchase of a substantial number of coins including those found in Fountainstown and in Youghal, both in County Cork, in the 1830s (RIA MS 4 B 36, 80 & 86). The hoard of about 8,000 coins from Youghal was described by Sainthill in the Gentleman’s Magazine; however, he was obviously most annoyed by Leybourn’s behaviour, which he mentioned in a letter to Dawson on 3 May 1838, as follows:

Lady Chatterton (1839, 111) also suggested that many of the artefacts discovered throughout the country were melted down by silversmiths ‘before any antiquarian who could appreciate their value, has an opportunity of seeing them’ but it may well have been that the only people who could afford to purchase them at the time were the silversmiths and jewellers. In January 1836 Sainthill referred to Cork as ‘a miserably bad place for collecting’ and, in November of the same year indicated that his first coin collection had gone to Mr. Miles of London2, when he had decided to concentrate on medals only, although he had returned to coin collecting again in later years (RIA MS 4 B 36, 1278). This transfer of coins may have occurred just prior to Sainthill’s return to Cork in the early 1820s having spent several years working in London.3 By October 1838 the situation appeared to be much the same as, when he wrote to John Windele about the discovery of a coin hoard near Fermoy, Sainthill stated that ‘in Cork the return for Coins at the Shops is “Non Est”’ (© RIA MS 4 B 4, 704).

Think of that Hogg, after picking out 80 ounces, letting them go to the melting pot, without a whisper to Lindsay – I never could endure him after I learned the fact – after gorging to repletion, taking all he pleased, not to give his most particular friend, a chance. (© RIA MS 4 B 36, 86)

The same cannot be said of collectors of books and manuscripts. There were many fine private libraries in the area, including those of James Roche of Cork,4 Colonel Roche of Trabolgan and Rt. Rev. John Murphy, the Catholic Bishop of Cork, who was reputed to have had the largest private library in Ireland.5

According to Sainthill, the remainder of this coin hoard was sent to Dublin where it was melted down (ibid. 128). Leybourn died in 1837 and, as he had no close relatives, his collection was sent to Leigh Sotheby of London to be sold (ibid. 85). The auction of his extensive coin and medal collection began on 20 June 1838 and lasted for six days; lot no. 490 was ‘a gold fibula or ornament’, presumably the piece of ring money noted above. A oneday auction of his numismatic books, which included sale catalogues of collections, took place on 27 June (Sales Catalogue (Leybourn) 18 (1834-9), 22-23).

Even though there was not a great interest in antiquities the number of collectors seemed to have been on the increase by the end of the 1830s, as is evident in a letter to Dawson from Sainthill dated 13 July 1838 which 2

A memoir of Richard Miles is included in Sainthill’s Olla Podrida (1844, 13-21). 3 Sainthill worked in London until the early 1820s and was a close friend of Thomas Wyon Jr. (1792-1817), chief engraver at the Royal Mint, whose untimely death occurred in September 1817. A memoir of Wyon’s life was written by Sainthill for the Cork Scientific Society and is included in his Olla Podrida (1844, 22-44). In 1814, Wyon designed a medal to commemorate the centenary of the accession of the house of Brunswick for the Corporation of Cork. 4 Roche was forced to sell his extensive collection of books and manuscripts following the collapse of the family bank in Cork in 1820 but he built up a further collection in later years. 5 Following Bishop Murphy’s death, his Irish manuscripts were left to Maynooth College but his collection of books was sold by weight at Sothebys in London (Beecher 1993).

Information on collectors in the Cork area is sparse for the early years of the nineteenth century and, apart from coin collectors Lindsay and Leybourn, only a few names are mentioned which perhaps point to a marginal interest in antiquities. It is likely that the adverse social and economic conditions of the 1820s and 1830s may not have been conducive to the setting up of collections at

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK referred to the collections of Lindsay, Windele and William Wrixon Leycester although he dismissed the latter as being ‘chiefly modern but it embraces all the coinages of Europe’ (© RIA MS 4 B 36, 71). On 19 April in the following year, Sainthill commented that Cork was ‘but an indifferent place for a Collector & to do anything, you must be a Lindsay or a Leycester, with time at your command’ (ibid. 74). This seemed to indicate that one needed to have plenty of spare time to build up a collection, but, as both men had considerable personal wealth, presumably this was also a prerequisite for collecting. After Leycester’s death, his extensive collection of coins, medals and tokens was sold by Sothebys, London at an auction that started on 15 June 1888 and continued for a further seven days (Sales Catalogue (Leycester) 20 (1888), 6).

mentioned but Newenham also had a small collection of antiquities which included ‘celts, spearheads & a circular Brazen ring - a piece of Ring money found near Leamcon in the County Cork’; he also had some ‘grotesque ornaments’ from Windsor Castle and a fine collection of shells (ibid. 778). Elsewhere a note by Windele indicated that the piece of ‘brass’ ring money from Leamcon had been found ‘with Celts etc.’ (© RIA MSS 12 I 7, 204 & 12 L 5, 205). In May 1841 William Hackett of Midleton referred to Newenham as ‘likely to be a most valuable acquisition to the antiquarian corps of the South’8 (© RIA MS 12 L 7, 82).

In the space of a couple of years there was a significant increase in the number of collectors and a move towards the collection of antiquities, as is shown in the following extract from a letter dated 1 May 1840 sent to Dean Dawson by the dealer and collector Redmond Anthony which stated that From a letter I got from Cork, there are not less than twelve collectors of antiquities, not three or not more were known two years ago, Limerick also: Clonmel also. (© RIA MS 4 B 36, 123) Anthony was in regular correspondence with Dawson and supplied him with numerous antiquities (RIA MS 4 B 6, 1110). Among the Cork collectors at this time were John Windele, John Lindsay, Richard Sainthill, William Leycester, Edward Hoare, Thomas Hewitt, Thomas Tobin, Rev. Dr. William Chadwicke Neligan, Richard Tooker, Charles Porter, Charles Haines of Mallow and Zachariah Hawkes of Bandon. Many years later others such as Richard Brash, Robert Harkness and Robert Day came onto the scene and indeed the last named built up what was without doubt the largest collection of antiquities ever assembled by an individual in the south of Ireland.

4.2 Title page from Picturesque Views of Ireland …by Robert O’Callaghan Newenham 1826

A collector rarely mentioned was amateur geologist Charles Burton Newenham,6 brother-in-law of Sir Thomas Deane, who kept his museum at Dundanion, Blackrock, on the outskirts of Cork city. Windele visited the museum in September 1840 and commented on the size and variety of the mineral and fossil collection, much of which had come from the amethyst quarry at Blackrock, Co. Cork, and quarries at Kilmallock, Co. Limerick (RIA MS 12 I 11, 777)7. Coins were not

The increased number of collectors of antiquities in Cork and the south in the late 1830/early 1840 period suggests that (1) more objects were coming onto the market; (2) that an upturn in the economy meant that there was more money available for their purchase; and (3) that there was a greater awareness of their value and cultural significance. This was in direct contrast to the north of Ireland where such items were becoming scarce after what appears to have been a boom time up to the mid 1830s when collectors such as John Corry, Armagh, said in July 1836 that he had ‘never procured so many in such a short period’ (© RIA MS 4 B 36, 89). The following excerpts from a letter concerning antiquities dated 3 August 1838 was sent by the northern collector, Rev.

6 He was the author of a work on the geology of the south of Ireland entitled A Pronaos to the Temple of Science (1840) (Windele 1844, 451). 7 Part of Newenham’s fossil collection is now in the Natural History Division of the NMI, Dublin; specimens were given either to Sir Richard Griffith (1784-1878) or to the Dublin-born geologist

Frederick M’Coy (1823-1899) and the species Ichthyorachis newenhami was named after him (pers. comm. Nigel Monaghan). 8 C. B. Newenham was a son of the artist Robert O’Callaghan Newenham who was renowned for the publication of a collection of his drawings entitled Picturesque Views of the Antiquities of Ireland in 1826 (Plate 4.2).

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COLLECTORS, ARTEFACTS AND LITHOGRAPHS Alexander Colville Welsh of Dromore, Co. Down, to Dean Dawson and illustrate the change in availability of antiquities in the space of a couple of years. He commented that they were ‘not so easily procured as they were some time ago’ and that

by the RIA but his valuable collection of coins and medals was auctioned by Sothebys of London on 30 June 1842 and continued for the following six days. They also auctioned his non-Irish antiquities on 11 July in the same year (Sales Catalogue (Dawson) 19 (1842), 9 & 10).

in consequence of them getting scarcer Roggan has to travel much further in search of them. He intends before his harvest commences to make an excursion through the remote parts of Antrim, Derry, Tyrone etc. if his time and circumstances will allow. (© RIA MS 4 B 36, 46)

There does not seem to be a fixed pattern regarding the way in which collections were put together, but a system appears to have operated whereby the main collectors such as Dawson in Dublin, Anthony in Piltown and Windele, Neligan and, from the early 1860s, Day in Cork, were approached by individuals and small-time collectors whenever they had something of interest to offer. An article in the Cork Examiner dated 14 July 1915 suggested that, as Day lived in Cork and had his business in the city centre, it ‘gave him the unique opportunity of being to hand whenever a find was made or a locally discovered antiquity to be examined or appraised ... It was his good fortune to be almost alone in Cork for many years as a keen collector of antiquities’ (UCC MP 902, Box 3, No. 10, 4-5). The latter statement may be true of the final years of the nineteenth century, but it is very clear that Neligan was actively involved in the collection and disposal of a variety of material up to the year of his death in 1887 and prior to that Windele was also active, but to a lesser extent, in the acquisition and dispersal of antiquities. Most artefacts changed hands for money but, in some cases, they were exchanged for other items or were gifted. The following is a description of the assorted contents of a parcel sent to Windele by Anthony in August 1845 but it is unclear into which of the aforementioned categories it fitted:

John Roggan9 had informed Colville Welsh in July of the same year that artefacts were ‘getting very scarce as there are many individuals daily in quest of them. I fear my future collections will be very limited.’ (ibid. 59). Much of the material collected by him was forwarded to Dawson by Colville Welsh. Perhaps it was also due to the scarcity of material that another northern collector, James Carruthers, Belfast, informed Dawson on 6 May 1839 that he was turning his attention ‘more to coins than Irish antiquities’ (ibid. 53). Part of the reason for the scarcity in the north may have been due to an increase in the number of collectors and to the activities of dealers who combed the countryside looking for antiquities. A letter from Colville Welsh to Dawson in June 1839 highlighted the worrying trend and related to the collection of material in the counties of Down, Antrim, Derry, Tyrone and Armagh, but probably also applied to similar activity throughout the country:

1. Five pieces broken bronze Irish swords. 2. Six celts – more or less defective. 3. Ancient silver brooch (wanting a tongue) Saxon or old English characters on it and another small silver article not to me known, old harness buckle, ancient steel seal, ancient bronze small bell, curiously marked and the least in size I’ve seen making 5 articles. 4. Three articles, a Brass ancient spoon found at the old Ormond Castle, Carrick-on-Suir which I have many years. A bronze article which looks like a Grip or handle of some weapon perhaps a spear, and a mutilated bronze spear which is bayonet fashion’d. 5. A tooth of an unknown animal found in a bog near this, which your Society may make out. Making altogether 20 in No, good Bad & indifferent. (© RIA MS 12 L 10, 13)

They are fellows of no information gathering rags and old metal, and say they are sent through the country and paid for their trouble though others say that all that is collected by them is carried over to England and Scotland and sold there. (© RIA MS 4 B 36, 49) It is obvious that there was a market for Irish antiquities both within and without the country and collectors such as John Bell, Dungannon, Co. Tyrone, sent material to Scotland (ibid. 51).10 Yet another northerner, Mr. E. Bell Bourke, who had worked in London as a bookseller, but who had retired to Belfast, disposed of his large collection of Irish antiquities, collected on ‘12 excursions on foot’ between January and September 1833, to the British Museum in 1835 (RIA MS 4 B 36, 122). It is likely that some items were retained in Ireland as both Bell Bourke and Roggan acquired material for the Dawson collection (ibid. 49 & 122). Items of Irish interest collected by the latter were subsequently acquired

By early December of the same year Anthony was again making up a parcel for Windele that also included celts/axes (ibid. 58).

9

Roggan was a tailor by trade but owned a small farm in Co. Antrim and was an active collector and dealer in antiquities in the north of Ireland. 10 Bell was born near Falkirk in 1793 and it is likely that he kept up his links with Scotland throughout his lifetime. When he died in 1861, his collection was sold to the Museum of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Scotland for £500 (Mitchell 1985, 126).

An example of the exchange of artefacts was the offer by Carruthers, Belfast to Dawson, to exhange a ‘large Brazen Spear’ measuring two feet ten and a half inches for English and Irish coins (RIA MS 4 B 36, 53).

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK

Lindsay was particularly generous to his friends and, as he was primarily a coin collector, he regularly passed on other artefacts as gifts. He sent many items to Dawson, Croker, Petrie, Anthony and Windele, but, as is obvious from the following excerpts, Anthony was unhappy about the amount of material going to Croker. In December 1845 he complained to Windele that:

He also added that he felt ‘a desire to collect antiquities, or even trifles’ (ibid.). Another example of artefacts being passed to the Cork antiquarians was when a Mr. John Woods of Dyke Parade, Cork, discovered nine pieces of bronze ring money in an old kettle which he had found ‘amongst metallic lumber from a dealer’ on 17 August 1844; he gave five pieces to Windele and the remaining four to Zachariah Hawkes of Bandon (RIA MS 12 I 7, 180).

I get nothing of Mr. L― latterly of any consequence but an odd celt, which are a common antiquity, all now go to Crofton Croker the Sisterhood are playing their pranks against me in Cork too, be it so. (© RIA MS 4 B 5, 1237)

Several examples of the way in which artefacts changed hands are detailed below. In 1839, two ‘well preserved’ gold manillas (bracelets) were found by a countryman close to a fence on the lands of Gurtnalikey (Gortnalicky) in the parish of Clondrohid, Co. Cork (barony of West Muskerry) (RIA MSS 12 I 7, 205 and 4 B 36, 103).12 His landlord recommended that they should be taken to Windele who would ‘find an honest goldsmith’. However, rather than run the risk of them being melted down, Windele bought them on a temporary basis in the hope that he could find a buyer and that they would ‘thus be preserved for some Collection’; a price of £3.10.0 per piece was suggested. He also indicated that he would prefer if they ended up in ‘a public accessible museum’ (© RIA MS 12 L 5, 182). According to Sainthill, in a letter to Dawson on 26 October 1839, Windele ‘advanced £10.0.0 to prevent their being melted’ (© RIA MS 4 B 36, 103). A subsequent letter from Sainthill to Windele dated 6 November 1839 asked:

Again in March 1846 he wrote: I must try and circumvent you and Croker though you do not get as much as I ... by all means let us keep Croker off, and retain Mr. L to ourselves. (© RIA MS 4 B 6, 238) To be fair to Anthony, he reciprocated by sending coins and other material to Lindsay. A case in point was a ‘very fine conditiond coin of Cromwell with his head’ which he sent to Lindsay in October 1844 even though he commented that Lindsay’s cabinet was ‘so overgrown by sales in London, that it is almost impossible to get a coin but what he’s already in possession of.’ (© RIA MS 12 L 9, 111). It seems as if Croker continued to benefit from Lindsay’s generosity as the following example from a letter dated 3 August 1847 illustrated:

What is the lowest price at which your friend in the country will dispose of the two specimens of Ring money? that in case I meet with a purchaser I may be able to treat definitively. (© RIA MS 12 L 5, 37)

… you have put me in possession of a very fine collection of Irish Antiquities, at the richness of which, when comparing it with that of the Royal Irish Academy I am astonished (CCL Croker correspondence 5 (1847), 152A).

Sainthill’s efforts to find a buyer came to nothing even though he made approaches to Dawson and also had hopes of selling them to the Duke of Devonshire (RIA MS 4 B 4, 679-80).

The London auctions were also availed of by Edward Hoare to build up his collection of coins. A letter to Croker dated 13 February 1843 referred to his collection of over two thousand four hundred coins and medals most of which had been purchased for him at

Eventually they were sent to Sir William Betham in Dublin who felt that the ‘Dublin Society’ might purchase them but if unsuccessful he intended to ‘try the B.M.’ (ibid. 608). Obviously he was unable to find a purchaser in Dublin and took them to London with two others from Co. Tipperary where they were bought by Mr. Hawkins of the British Museum for £13.10.0 (RIA MSS 12 I 7, 205 and 4 B 1, 543-5). Clearly Windele was pleased with the outcome as is evident in the following comment extracted from a letter to Betham on 25 September 1840:

the recent sales of ‘Mr. Jones Long’, ‘Doctor Nott’, ‘Mr. Vidal’, ‘Sir Josias Rowley’, ‘Capt. Picking’, ‘the sale of the duplicates of the British Museum’, ‘the Dean of St. Patrick’ and other recent sales in London during the last few years. (CCL Croker correspondence 5, 48)11

Dean H. R. Dawson, St. Patrick’s, Dublin Mr. R. S. Vidal, Devon Adm. Sir J. Rowley Capt. Picking

11 Auctions mentioned by Hoare are listed below; all were conducted by Sothebys apart from that of Mr. Jones Long which was handled by Southgates: Mr. D. Jones Long, Bath 17-20 January 1842 British Museum duplicates 9-14 & 16 May 1842 Rev. G. F. Nott, Oxford 30-31 May 1842

12

68

30 June & 1-2, 4-6, 11-12 July 1842 11-12 & 27-30 July 1842 27-30 July 1842 23 December 1842 (Manville & Robertson 1986).

These artefacts are included in Cahill (2006, 241-2).

COLLECTORS, ARTEFACTS AND LITHOGRAPHS brought him, since I called, a plate of gold weighing 2 ounces, which he had got in a bog of this town. But that he asked so high a price, that he could not buy it. It was covered with engraving. (© RIA MS 12 L 8, between 7 & 8 no number)

you were actuated by the same feeling for their preservation that I was myself when I stept in to save them from the crucible and protect them for the antiquary. (© RIA MS 12 L 5, 205) This excerpt shows that, from the early years, Windele was concerned about the number of artefacts that were being removed from the archaeological record presumably because nobody, apart from the goldsmiths and jewellers, could afford to purchase them.

On this occasion the jeweller was unable to purchase the item so its fate is unknown. Sometimes the prices commanded by the jewellers themselves were beyond the reach of prospective buyers and the artefacts were consigned to the ‘melting pot’. Such was the case with ‘an ancient Irish Crown or diadem of gold’ destroyed by ‘a vandal jeweller’ in late 1850. The same jeweller caused great outrage when, at a later date, he advertised that ‘he would not “sell Antiquities for the Value of old gold”’ but presumably had no such scruples when it came to melting them down (© RIA MS 4 B 24, no number). Windele did not see the article but made the comment that it was seen before its destruction by some of our Antiquaries here, & from their description of ivied ornaments etc. I suspect it may have been Etruscan rather than Irish (ibid.).

Records show that other Dublin antiquarians were seeking out artefacts when visiting Cork. An example was when Edward Clibborn of the RIA was in the city in 1843 and bought conditionally … for £15 by far the most beautiful perfect & largest gold fibula of the Hollow pattern & narrow thimble shape cups which I have seen – we have nothing so very large of the kind. It has been worn very much, is of very good gold, & well worth the money. … This piece of gold was found about ten days ago. (NLI, Petrie MS 790, 121)

Croker (1854, 36-7) had been notified of the above find by Lindsay who said that it had been purchased ‘from a peasant’; his description was as follows:

No find spot was given but it is possible that it was from Co. Cork. It is not known whether or not the object was acquired by Clibborn.

very thin and weighed about 1oz. 16dwts; the centre was a kind of flower, and the rest of the field, presented ivy leaves and berries, in the Greek style of art. The silversmith asked £15 for it, but the Cork antiquaries, by whom it was seen, did not consider it to be worth more than half that sum, as it had been crumpled up, and otherwise injured; and its gothic proprietor, disappointed at not immediately realizing his expectations, consigned to the crucible this interesting relic (ibid. 37).

On another occasion a gold fibula weighing about 3 oz. which had been bought in Limerick ‘by a Dublin Jew named Joel’ was sold on to Windele who, in turn, sold it to Redmond Anthony on ‘5th Septr 1846 for £16.17.0’ (ibid. 216). As can be seen from these examples, there seems to have been a local ‘intelligence’ network between antiquarians who notified one another of discoveries of artefacts with Windele often playing a central role. Yet another case in point is the following extract from a letter to Windele from Hawkes in late 1845 when he indicated that ‘a hoard of gold has been found at Timoleague ... What a golden age!!?’ (© RIA MS 4 B 5, 1133-5). This ‘golden age’ did not appear to last very long as by May 1847 Anthony complained to Windele that there were ‘actually less of antiquities now appearing than before the Public Works began or Railway Cuttings – and Mr. Lindsay ... has the same story to tell in respecting coins’ (© RIA MS 4 B 6, 1107). Judging by a comment in a letter to Windele from Thomas Swanton, Ballydehob, in December of the same year, a similar situation pertained in west Cork which was in the throes of the Great Famine at this time (ibid. 412).

Unfortunately the specimen had been melted down by the time that Lindsay returned to buy it. It is interesting that the above artefact was commented on by Mr. B. Nightingale of London who mentioned in a letter to Richard Caulfield on 31 December 1850 that Sainthill had informed him ‘of the beautiful Etruscan diadem destroyed by a barbarian of a Silversmith in yr town’ (Dublin City Library, Gilbert MS 112, 9). As shown below, Windele (1861, 30) gave a different account of this artefact which he compared to a very fine gold ornament found in Duhallow in 1853 (Plate 4.3)13.

Cork antiquarians kept in regular contact with local jewellers as a considerable amount of material found its way to them; this is evident from a letter sent by Sainthill to Windele on 6 July 1842:

13

This object was in the collection of Thomas Hewitt so presumably the ‘ancient bronze broach’ shown on the lithograph was also in his possession. In addition to the gold ornament (or fillet) (Lot 107), both a gold and a bronze pin (Lot 108) were included in Colonel C. C. Hewitt’s Sale at Sothebys, London on 30 April 1935. Cahill (2006, 335 fn43) has traced the ornament and the gold pin to the Nicholson Museum, University of Sydney, Australia, but the whereabouts of the bronze pin (or brooch) is not known.

On going ‘my Rounds’ on Friday one silversmith mentioned that a country man had

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK

4.3 Duhallow gold fillet and bronze brooch (Hewitt collection) He was of the opinion that both objects could have been worn either on the head or neck.

to about three inches. Its outer face was figured with leaves and berries.

It weighed 1 ounce 6 dwts., and was eighteen inches in length, terminating at its extremities in a hook and eye, formed of gold wire. Its general breadth was two inches, but in the center it rose

The role of jewellers in the acquisition and dispersal of artefacts was recognized by Sir William Wilde as, when preparing a paper on Irish gold in November 1859, he wrote to Windele and asked if Cork jewellers would 70

COLLECTORS, ARTEFACTS AND LITHOGRAPHS domiciled elsewhere in the country. Several of these, including Humphreys, Sainthill and Lindsay, collected and purchased artefacts for him (CCL Croker correspondence 1 (1825), 207 & 5, 152a) and he also procured substantial quantities of material on his frequent trips to the south of Ireland over many years. A letter dated 8 June 1825 from Humphreys mentioned that he had sent Croker away with ‘spear heads and chisels’ (ibid. 193) and another example is referred to by Windele in August 1836 when he said that Croker had returned to London with ‘several chests of antiquities and curiosities’ (ibid. 4 (1836), 134). In 1848, Sainthill purchased several pieces of gold for Croker in two separate transactions. The first, in February, were two pieces of gold ring money (bracelets) bought ‘for £14.7.6. at the rate of £4 an ounce, from Egan the Jeweller’ which had been found near Ballyvourney, Co. Cork (Plate 4.4) (© RIA MSS 12 I 7, 219 and 12 L 11, 65).14 The second was a single piece, described as a ‘bit of gold ring money’, which had been shown to Sainthill by Neligan and which Croker instructed him to buy in response to a letter dated 22 June; no details regarding the location of the find, weight or purchase price were given (ibid. 134).

provide him with information ‘upon the quantity and nature of Irish manufactured gold which has passed through their hands in any given time’ (© RIA MS 4 B 19, 776). Destruction was not confined to valuable antiquities as, in several instances that we know of, manuscript material and records compiled by antiquarians were burned either during their lifetimes or following their demise. In Cork the eccentric Abraham Abell burned his complete collection of papers, manuscripts and other items when suffering from depression in 1848 (Ó Casaide 1919, 65). Even Croker destroyed some letters and papers sent to him by Sainthill, prior to January 1853, as he considered them to be of ‘no consequence’, others he ‘sorted for noting from, and cutting from, and pasting in about twenty different lots, and put away accordingly in different places’ (Sainthill 1853, 304). Apart from the six volumes of Croker correspondence housed in the Cork City Library and from occasional letters, which are included in other antiquarian files, much of Croker’s invaluable archive cannot now be traced. This is unfortunate, particularly as Sainthill’s letters to Croker included details of ‘almost every antiquarian discovery’ that had come to his attention over the years, together with topographical notes, numismatic papers, ‘fairy histories’, ballad collections and details relating to the history of Cork (ibid. 304-5). The archive was included in the Puttick & Simpson auction of his collections in December 1854, but his lifetime collection of books and manuscript material only realized a total of £710; the firm of Sotheran and Quaritch were to the fore in their acquisitions, but many lots did not attract any bids whatsoever. Among the private buyers were Windele and Neligan of Cork and George Hyndman of Belfast with over forty letters from Thomas Moore going to a Miss Power for £7.10.0. (Irish Book Lover 1 (1909), 32).

Obviously his interest in virtually anything relating to Cork was widely known as the following extract from a letter dated 16 February 1836 from Alexander Sharpe Deane (a younger brother of Sir Thomas Deane Sr.) shows: I send you a couple of numbers of a work that West the auctioneer is publishing, a great parcel of trash you being fond of collecting all matters of the kind connected with Cork makes me send it to you. (CCL Croker correspondence 4, 119) Croker also attended London auctions when Irish material was included, as in the case of the auction following Redmond Anthony’s death in 1848. On that occasion he bought several ‘of the best specimens which excited great competition particularly the celts’ (© RIA MS 12 I 7, 224). Another purchaser at the auction was Lord Hastings who bought two pieces of bronze ring money for £1.4.0 (these had been presented to Anthony by Windele) (ibid. 223-4).

Similarly, an example from the north of the country concerned Edmund Getty of Belfast and was recorded in a letter to Windele from Robert MacAdam on 22 November 1863 as follows: A very unfortunate thing has taken place about the late Mr. Getty’s papers. His sister who died lately, & who had charge of them all, took some strange notion into her head a few months before her death (indeed she must have been deranged). One day she actually made a servant burn every scrap of writing her brother had left behind him! One M.S. of value was an unfinished history of Belfast. (© RIA MS 4 B 23, 882-3)

Perusal of the Puttick & Simpson auction catalogue of Croker’s large collection of antiquities, sold shortly after his death in 1854, shows numerous items of Irish origin and, where provenance is given, many of these are from the south of the country and from Cork in particular.

It could be argued that Cork’s most prestigious collector in the first half of the nineteenth century was Croker, despite the fact that he was resident in London from 1818 until his death in 1854. He visited the south of Ireland regularly and never lost touch with his Cork friends some of whom, for example Joseph Humphreys, were

14 These two pieces were exhibited by Windele at a meeting of the CCS on 2 February 1848 (UCC MS U 221 A, 149). They are included and illustrated in Cahill (2006, 225-6).

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK buckles, beads and buttons (RIA MS 4 B 11, 485-6). No doubt he was spurred on by the sales catalogue compiled following the death of his old friend Abraham Abell in February 1851 which he referred to as a melancholy record of his want of arrangement of the map of knowledge which he possessed upon almost every subject. I am already profiting by it and feel stimulated to complete my Catalogues for my Collections are too curious to be, when I am gone, quietly sold off (ibid. 484-5). The last sentence proved to be quite prophetic as, less than three years later, Croker had died, having passed away on 8 August 1854 aged fifty-six. As mentioned above, his extensive and well-ordered collections, together with his books and much of his original manuscript material, were sold at auction by Puttick & Simpson, London, in December of the same year.

4.4 Gold ring money (bracelets) from near Ballyvourney, Co. Cork (Croker collection) During his lifetime the richness and variety of his collection attracted much attention from many quarters and included his friend Thomas Moore who, in November 1841, wrote to say that on his next visit to London he would ‘devote a good deal of time to the examination of your various treasures’ (CCL Croker correspondence 5, 22). Obviously the organization and cataloguing of an ever increasing collection and the upkeep of his museum must have presented problems, however in a letter to Windele on 30 December 1850, Croker indicated that he intended for some time at least, seriously to devote myself to Cataloguing and arranging my various Collections – somewhat of a formidable task – so that they may be in something like order in May next, when all the world and their wives are expected to arrive in London ... (© RIA MS 4 B 10, 774).

4.5 Silver fibula from near Tralee, Co. Kerry, and amber amulet from Ennis, Co. Clare (Londesborough collection) One of Croker’s antiquarian colleagues was Lord Albert Conyngham (from 1850 Lord Londesborough) who was a keen collector of antiquities. There are several references to visits made by Croker to Grimston Park, as on the occasion when, in May 1852 he planned to

Presumably he was sorting out his collections in advance of the Great Exhibition of 1851 at London’s Crystal Palace, an event that was the inspiration for other similar undertakings at venues, which included Cork and Belfast in 1852, and Dublin and New York in 1853.

run down to Londesborough with Lord and Lady L to stay just over Sunday – to shoot Rooks or antiquarianise with Worsaae (the Danish Antiquary) as may best please me (CCL Croker correspondence 6 (1852), 296).

It seems as if he failed to complete his task in time for the exhibition as, on 28 August 1851 he wrote to Windele giving details of items which he was still working on which included tobacco pipes, rings, crosses, fibulae, 72

COLLECTORS, ARTEFACTS AND LITHOGRAPHS Londesborough acquired many Irish artefacts and a letter from Richard Hitchcock to Windele dated 20 September 1856 mentioned a unique silver fibula and some bronze trumpets15 found near Tralee and Killarney in 1856, and also an ogham inscribed amber bead that he ‘transported’ to England (RIA MS 4 B 16, 520) (Plate 4.5).16 The amber bead (or amulet) had been owned by the O’Connor family of Ennis, Co. Clare, but was presented to a Mr. Finnerty, a Board of Works civil engineer, by the ‘last representative of the family’ (Brash 1879, 321 and Plate XLI). In turn, he sold it to Graves, the Cork jeweller and dealer in antiquities, who sold it on to Londesborough. On another occasion he, along with Croker and also the British Museum, turned down an opportunity to purchase a gold lunette found at Mangerton, Co. Kerry, from Richard Tooker of Cork in 1851. The lunette had been damaged by the addition of an inscription and it was probably this, rather than the asking price of £14, which discouraged potential buyers (RIA MS 4 B 11, 450).

were on the market and the following comment made by Thomas Cooke of Parsonstown (now Birr) to Windele in April 1854 seems apt when he said that ‘your clericotrading townsman is indefatigable in hunting things out’ (© RIA MS 4 B 14, 316). Many artefacts and books were sent by Neligan to Sothebys, London for auction in the years 1851-85, but he seems to have been most active between 1851 and 1853 when he sent five collections of material to London to be sold. A further auction took place in the year following his death in 1887 (Manville & Robertson 1986). It was hardly surprising that another of Windele’s correspondents, Rev. James Graves, joint secretary of the KAS, referred to him as ‘Dr. Selagain’ (© RIA MS 4 B 18, 269). Neligan had many contacts throughout the country and travelled extensively in search of interesting articles. He also commissioned Windele to obtain articles from his contacts such as a Mr. J. A. Power of London, who was approached by Windele in November 1846 to ask if he would sell coins to Neligan (RIA MS 4 B 6, 812-3).18

Traffic in coins and bric-à-brac was not all one-way from Cork to London and occasionally Croker sent material to his antiquarian friends in Cork. A letter from Windele dated 8 November 1850 acknowledged ‘the receipt of your most acceptable parcel. Never was hoard more welcome to the clutches of a miser than its contents were to me’ (© RIA MS 4 B 19, 5).

Following the gold find in Mooghaun, Co. Clare, in 1854 Neligan contacted William Halpin, a shop-keeper in Newmarket-on-Fergus, but found that he had already sent whatever he had to the RIA with the exception of a gold ring which was offered to Neligan for a reasonable price (RIA MS 4 B 14, 331). In a letter to Windele dated 31 March 1856 Hackett described a meeting with Halpin and formed the impression that all the objects purchased by him had indeed been sold to Rev. James Henthorn Todd (RIA) and Neligan (RIA MS 4 B 16, 268) (see sections 1.4 and 2.4a).

At an earlier date, Croker was also requested to procure items as is evident in the following letter from Sainthill on 6 September 1838: Abraham Abell leaves this tomorrow for London. I have requested him to call on you, & if you have got any coins, or anything else for me, send by him (CCL Croker correspondence 4, 199).

Lane Fox (Pitt Rivers) was posted to Cork in 1863 and took up residence on the northern side of Cork city at 6 Montenotte, a short distance from the home of Robert Day, with whom he became acquainted at an early stage and by whom he was introduced to the CCS, the focal point for antiquarian activity in Cork (Rockley 2004).19 The following extract from a letter sent by Day to Windele on 6 July 1863 illustrated his early interest in the acquisition of Irish material:

Sainthill had other contacts in London, as is apparent in the following extract taken from a letter to Dawson in April 1840 when he said that ‘Cureton bought four lots that I commissioned him to buy for me’ (© RIA MS 4 B 36, 65).17 He was also instrumental in acquiring material for clients from further afield as, on 16 February 1841, he wrote to Windele asking if he had heard ‘of any brass money on Sale, please let me know – I have an application from France’ (© RIA MS 4 B 1, 121). Just a few days later, on the 22 February Sainthill wrote to thank Windele for the ‘money’ and said that he would make sure that ‘Mr. Stubbs may know, who he is chiefly indebted to’ (ibid. 125).

Colonel Fox has just been here and is most anxious to add to his collection of Irish Antiques. It struck me you might wish to part with some of yours to him as I think you led me to understand your collection was more of a Bibliographic character & that you were weeding out the ‘Stone Bronze and Iron’... Would you kindly let me know your wishes on

Another Cork dealer, Rev. Dr. Neligan, was particularly adept at getting information on and buying articles that

18 This may have been John Power (1820-1872), civil engineer and bibliographer, formerly of Youghal, Co. Cork (Irish Book Lover 1 (1909), No. 1, 1-2). 19 Lane Fox was admitted to membership of the CCS on 7 October 1863; this was the same month in which he was proposed for Fellowship of the Society of Antiquaries of London (Thompson 1977, 32).

15

See Rockley 2004, 144-6. 16 This lithograph was also sent to Mr. J. Hopkins of Great Grimsby by Richard Caulfield in 1857 (Dublin City Library, Gilbert MS 114, 82). 17 Sainthill was also ‘on very intimate and friendly terms with Mr. Hawkins, Keeper of Antiquities in the BM’ (Dublin City Library, Gilbert MS 112, 9).

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK the subject & say what time you could make it your convenience to meet him as in any case he is anxious for an Introduction. (© RIA MS 4 B 23, 553-4)

ancient arms and armour’ (Thompson 1977, 32). It seems likely that the extension of his study to include the collection of prehistoric weapons came at a later stage. Topographical files for Cork in the Pitt Rivers Museum, Oxford, show that, in addition to items acquired from Windele and Hewitt, Lane Fox also obtained material from Lindsay and Day.

Obviously Lane Fox had a satisfactory ‘introduction’ to Windele as a letter from Day dated 19 August 1863 recorded that

The beautifully illustrated Pitt Rivers Catalogues at Cambridge University Library contain representations of numerous items from Ireland. Many of these are listed as having been kept at his home at Rushmore in Wiltshire. Among the artefacts figured was a leaf-shaped bronze spear found in the River Bann that had been sent to Ballymoney Museum; ‘Mr. Day obtained it from the Curator and subsequently sold it to Col. Lane Fox’ (CUL Add. 9455/1: 139). It would seem that Day was collecting material for Lane Fox on his business trips around Ireland. The catalogues also include items from county Cork that were probably acquired during his time there. They include ‘a gold penannular ring with flat expanded ends, found in a garden at Ballycotton’, dated May 1864 (this is more accurately described as a bracelet and is now in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts, USA – Cahill 2006, 332), and a similar item described as ‘a gold mammillary fibula or Cup ended Ring’ also found in ‘the County Cork’ in 1863.20 A third gold item also described as a ‘mammillary fibula, the bow or ring reduced and the Cup or Disc expanded. Possibly used as a coat stud. Found in the County Cork 1853’ is a sleeve fastener and is also included in Mary Cahill’s recent publication (2006, 315) (CUL Add. 9455/2: 13 & 14). Many other Irish items are drawn and described in great detail which is helpful in tracking down objects which have lost their provenance or cannot be identified.

the excellent Colonel told me he made a deep dip into your Museum. It is not often we find Englishmen valuing Irish productions & when we do they should be made to pay for their taste (ibid. 666). The varied selection of articles purchased from Windele is contained on a list dated 17 August 1863 and is shown below: A card of Celts, spearheads and Bronze dagger Loose rude celts Crotals & double Bell Silver ring money, Bone ring, 3 Silver crosses Archiepiscopal reliquary cross Bronze adze & archers sight Croppy pike Iron twisted spear head Total

6.0.0. -.13.0. -.19.0. 3.10.0. 1.0.0. 1.10.0. -.5.0. 1.0.0. £14.17.0. (ibid. 673)

Although not specified on the above list, just two days later, Lane Fox wanted to exchange ‘a blunt axe’ acquired from Windele for some bronze spearheads in Day’s collection (RIA MS 4 B 23, 665-6). In addition, he also purchased ogham stones and a variety of artefacts from Windele and acquired others at the auction that followed his death in August 1865 (Brash 1879, 133).

Many items were presented or exchanged by collectors and, as mentioned above, Lindsay seems to have been particularly generous to his antiquarian friends such as Croker, Windele and Anthony by passing on duplicates and items that he knew were of interest to them. In turn, Lindsay also benefited from the generosity of other collectors such as the gift of Parthian coins that were presented to him by Lord Londesborough through Crofton Croker in March 1853 (CCL Croker correspondence 6, 86).

Another Cork antiquarian approached by Day on Lane Fox’s behalf was Thomas Hewitt who lived at Summerhill House, Montenotte Road; this is evident in the following extract from a letter dated 8 October 1863: Colonel Lane Fox expressed a wish to see your collection of weapons ... I was speaking to him today and he is most anxious to add to his collection but was chary in asking you whether you wished to part with the weapons and begged of me to ask you. ... It is the modern weapons he wishes for and understood from you that you wished these culled from your collection. (CCCA, MS U 15 B/P/C, 55)

Windele also corresponded with Lord Londesborough, but, although he was invited to attend a conversazione in May 1851, he was unable to attend and it is not clear whether or not they ever met (RIA MS 4 B 12, 5). Indeed there is very little to suggest that the Cork city antiquarians were in regular contact with any of the 20 The drawings of these two artefacts are very similar but only one is provenanced to Ballycotton (found 1864), the other is described as ‘from County Cork’ (found 1863). Cahill (2006, 312) lists two bracelets from Ballycotton, as they were described in the Sotheby auction catalogue in 1939. It seems likely that these are the same two bracelets, as they fit the description of Type 1 and Type 2 groups of Irish bracelets, but that only one is from Ballycotton (ibid. 285).

This suggests that his interest at this time was in more modern (as opposed to prehistoric) weapons and that he was filling in gaps in his collection, particularly as his qualification for fellowship of the Society of Antiquaries cited his ‘attachment to the study of antiquities especially 74

COLLECTORS, ARTEFACTS AND LITHOGRAPHS meeting of the CCS in October 1868 he exhibited bronze artefacts, mainly ‘celts’, which had been acquired in Belfast and had been part of the collection of ‘the late Mr. Stephenson of Lisburn’ (UCC MS 221 B, 88). On another occasion he exhibited ‘a series of bronze implements, weapons, and personal ornaments’ which he purchased at a sale that followed the death of Archdeacon Brown, Castlebar, Co. Mayo (ibid. 123).

landed gentry in Ireland or England although Windele visited and was most impressed with Seafield House (now Bantry House), the home of Viscount Berehaven, which he described as ‘almost an entire Museum’ (© RIA MS 12 I 9, 993). Most of the material mentioned, mainly furniture, tapestry and works of art, had been acquired on his extensive travels throughout Europe over a period of about thirty years and large quantities of furniture and furnishings were sent back to Bantry (Plates 4.6 - 4.10).21 Windele also referred to a hoard of coins that had been found on the estate, some of which had been used to cover a large jug with the result that only one side of the coins could be seen; Windele considered this to be in ‘bad taste’ (RIA MS 12 I 9, 993). He also commented on ‘deficiencies’ in ‘Books, Mss, Coins, Medals & an Armory’ (ibid. 993).

Over the years many items passed through the hands of the Cork collectors, others were retained in their collections during their lifetimes and some, as in the case of John Lindsay, were sold several years prior to the demise of the owner due to failing health (UCC MS U 221 B, 116 A).22 As there was no local museum and, as there seems to have been a reluctance to send material to Dublin, many of the large collections ended up in the auction houses of London and were lost to Ireland. There could be several reasons why Cork collectors preferred to send material to London; it may have been partly due to the fact that, in the early years of the nineteenth century it was probably easier and more reliable to use transport by sea rather than overland and also, it may have been the perception that it would be more profitable to sell in London where there was access to a larger and more competitive market.

Day’s interest in collecting seems to have begun in the early 1860s as, in May 1863, he referred to his ‘small stock’ (RIA MS 4 B 23, 407). Even from an early stage he was exchanging duplicates with others as is clear in the following extract taken from a letter to Windele on 25 May 1863: I have 5 stone celts of different shape and size duplicates of which are in my collection. Should you care for them I will be glad to exchange them for any other Bronze or Stone article in your ‘Sanctum’ (ibid.).

There were at least two exceptions to the above in the case of CCS members Richard Brash and Robert Harkness. In 1876, Brash’s widow made a presentation of her husband’s collection of ‘specimens of Irish stones, Bronze Weapons and a Collection of Coins’ to the QCC museums (President’s Report QCC 1875-76, 123)23 and, in February of the same year, Harkness, who had been curator of the College museum from 1856-63, presented a range of flint artefacts and also sold ‘implements of Flint, Bronze, Stone and Bone’ to the College for fifteen pounds (UCC MS MB 142, 86 & Rockley 1995, 87).24

Day’s business interests took him to many parts of the country and, as a result, he became acquainted with other antiquarians throughout Ireland, however his most important contacts were probably in the north and large quantities of material were sent to him from there as the following extract dated 8 May 1863 showed: I expect another batch of Stone & flint weapons next week. Also a ‘Celt Mould’ some stone & glass Beads etc. from the Co. Antrim (ibid. 352).

A question mark hangs over the collection of antiquities built up by the RCI as there is no formal record covering its dispersal following the closure in 1881. The collection of ogham stones were deposited in QCC but it is not known when this took place. It is likely that the transfer was arranged by Richard Caulfield who was librarian to both groups at the time (see section 3.1). It is also a possibility that articles which had been donated may have

By May 1865 his collection had expanded considerably and, in a letter to John Evans, he offered to exchange flints from his collection for English or continental examples either with Evans or with any English collector who might be interested (Oxford, Ashmolean MS - John Evans correspondence). In addition to material sent to him by Evans, Day also acquired examples from Canon Greenwell so it is possible that he also supplied him with Irish material in return. Day also added to his collections by the purchase of material at auctions/sales around the country. At a

22 Sothebys sold 804 lots of coins from the Lindsay collection from 14 to 20 August 1867 and 158 lots of coins, medals and Irish and other antiquities on 8 April 1868 (Manville & Robertson 1986, 123-4). Lindsay died in 1870. 23 The contents of Brash’s library were sold by Marsh & Co., Cork, on 11 April 1876. 24 For further information see Cronin, R. with Twohig, E. (2007, 83).

21 When visiting the house it is obvious that the Viscount also returned from mainland Europe with ideas and plans for the design and layout of the house and gardens.

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK Belfast Exhibition in 1852 who felt that the assemblage of Irish antiquities ‘might enable strangers from other countries to judge for themselves of the nature and extent of our ancient civilization’ (Belfast Exhibition Catalogue 1852, 1). They recognized the contribution that such events could make to archaeology and a circular letter dated 19 July 1852 requesting articles suitable for inclusion stated that

been returned to the original donors or their descendants; this is suggested by an extract from a letter sent to the RCI on 10 November 1881 by Mr. T. Deane25 when he asked if ‘a pillar from the Giant’s Causeway presented by his late father, Sir Thomas Deane, could be sent to Queen’s College’ (CCCA, MS U 140: Day 95 – 10/11/1881).26 It is also likely that some items could have been acquired or purchased at this time by collectors/dealers such as Day, Neligan and Leycester.27

all these detached and varied objects, highly interesting as they are to an intelligent mind, even when viewed separately, assume at once a new importance if brought into juxta-position with other historic relics of a similar kind. (© RIA MS 12 L 12, 349)

4.2 Artefacts – exhibition, provenance and classification As discussed above, the collection of coins was the main focus of interest for Cork collectors in the early decades of the nineteenth century but, as the incidence of finds increased from the 1830s, the collection of antiquities became more common. Most of these comprised of metal, or sometimes wooden, objects but it was not until the 1860s that the importance of stone artefacts began to be appreciated by some antiquarians in the Cork area.

In the wake of the Great Exhibition held in the Crystal Palace, London, in 1851, which had been visited by ‘many of Cork’s leading citizens’ (Beecher, 1992), it was proposed that a National All-Ireland Exhibition should be organized in Cork (Plate 4.11). It was significant that medals awarded at the exhibition carried the motto in Irish which when translated read ‘The darkest hour is the hour before dawn’. This was a reference to the dark days of the Great Famine and, a letter from Sir Thomas Deane to Croker on 1 May 1852 explained that ‘this poetically alludes to the past and the future. May this movement be for our poor country’s good. I anxiously hope for success’ (CCL Croker correspondence 6 (1852), 38). The exhibition was cause for great excitement and anticipation in Cork as the following extract from Windele to Croker shows:

Initially objects seem to have been regarded as curiosities or as prestigious items with which to enhance a collection but, over the years, there was a growth in awareness of their importance as a means of gaining insight into the development of Irish culture and it is likely that some were collected as evidence for the high standard of civilization achieved by the early inhabitants of Ireland. This was perhaps a reaction to the beliefs of many English that the Irish had always been a backward and barbarian nation. Even in the early years of the nineteenth century this line of thought was still perpetuated as is clear in a letter from Hackett, who had been educated in England, and informed Windele in November 1843 that, while there, he had ‘taken up the belief that my native country was still in a state of barbarism, if not of savagery’ (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 230).

Sir Thomas Deane promises us great things and we may well believe him for he has all the Irish artists, Sculptors, Painters etc. in his pocket. He is boiling and bubbling over with enthusiasm on the occasion. (© RIA MS 4 B 19, 15)

The discovery of a range of objects over the years led Thomas Swanton to remark in February 1855 that

Windele was behind the decision to feature an antiquities section at the Cork Exhibition in 1852 and contacted many of the local collectors for material. He made the point that if they worked together, rather than on an individual basis, they could ‘make somewhat of a respectable Archaeological shew’ (© RIA MS 4 B 12, 563-4). The novelty of the idea was commented on by Charles Haines of Mallow in May 1852 who felt that the proposal ‘was altogether new’ and, although he only had a small number of items, was obviously very willing to co-operate with Windele (ibid. 549). There were also exhibitors from other areas, such as the firm of Waterhouse in Dublin who included the Tara brooch among their exhibits; Trinity College, Dublin who sent the bell and bell-shrine of St. Patrick; and the Duke of Devonshire who exhibited the Lismore crozier (Maguire 1853, 351-61). The RIA sent a drawing of the Cross of Cong that had been presented to them in 1839. The inclusion of these priceless artefacts must have led to an upsurge of interest in Ireland’s archaeological heritage among the people of Cork. Windele used his own

antiquities have many uses, amongst which is showing what the human race did in its infancy and leading to anticipate how much more it can do in its manhood. In this view the prospect for our Irish Nation is most cheering. (© RIA MS 4 B 15, 140) Windele also commented on the value of Irish antiquities as examples of the high level of civilization and progress in ‘Ancient Ireland’ in his report on the Antiquities section of the Cork Exhibition (Maguire 1853, 349), and this feeling was also evident among the organizers of the 25

Sir Thomas Newenham Deane (1828-1899) was the first inspector of Ancient Monuments for Ireland. 26 See McCarthy (1987, 15). 27 Woodman (1993, 11) has identified a bronze axe from Famlough (sic), near Bandon, sold by Day in 1913, as one that was listed in the RCI Book of Presents on 17 September 1823 (UCC MS U 73, 23).

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4.6 Rear view of Bantry House showing 19th century extensions

4.8 17th century Spanish leather covering

4.9 Gobelins tapestry bought in 1851 at sale of King Louis-Phillippe

4.10 18th century Italian alabaster urn

4.7 Russian household shrine brought to Bantry by Viscount Berehaven

COLLECTORS, ARTEFACTS AND LITHOGRAPHS chronological arrangement of the material ‘in the order of their date or era’ in his report on the antiquities section, but started with ogham inscriptions followed by details of St. Patrick’s Bell, torcs, brooches, ring money, celts/axes, trumpets, Ballydehob tube,28 coire (bronze mazers), mether, Cross of Cong, crozier, harps and a range of objects from the later medieval and early modern periods (ibid.).

sent to all the leading noblemen and gentlemen in Ulster, as well as to some in other districts’. This sector of society in the North appears to have been much more interested and more effective in the collection of antiquities than were their counterparts in the South of the country. The Great Industrial Exhibition held in Dublin in the following year attracted only four exhibitors who were connected with Cork. Portlock, Tobin and Windele showed several objects while C. Y. Haines exhibited a single piece of silver ring money (Official Catalogue of the Great Industrial Exhibition 1853).

The exhibition was opened by the Lord Lieutenant on the 10 June 1852 and continued until 10 September. By all accounts it was very successful and the total number of visitors for the three months was 138,375 (CN 1900, 225). Local antiquarians were well represented on the executive committee and included Lord Bandon, Sir Thomas Deane, Colonel Beamish, Professor Murphy and Messrs Roche, Tobin, Hewitt, Sainthill, Dowden, Lane, Jennings and Lecky (Maguire 1853, 455). Exhibitors in the Irish antiquities section included Deane, Hawkes, Hewitt, Windele, Herrick, Lindsay, Neligan, Caulfield, Tooker, Sainthill and Lord Bandon – the RCI also sent an ogham stone for display. Other exhibitors from county Cork, not connected with Cork societies, were J. W. Clarke, Skibbereen, and John Eustace, Youghal, who each displayed single items.

The mounting of exhibitions was a great boost for collectors and enabled comparisons to be made with collections from other parts of the country and elsewhere. They grew in popularity from the mid-nineteenth century and were aimed at all sectors of society. It is interesting to note that, when reporting many years later on the archaeological section of the 1883 Cork Industrial Exhibition, Day drew attention to their educational value particularly in the case of ‘farmers, farm labourers and others’ who learned for the first time that stone celts and flint arrow-heads, things which they had found, and had thrown away as useless, had moneyed value and were worth preserving. (Day 1883, 276)

At the Belfast Archaeological Exhibition in September, 1852 held in conjunction with the visit of the British Association, the majority of exhibitors were from the North of Ireland, however there were nine exhibitors from Cork ― of these, Lindsay, Windele, Caulfield, Tobin, C. Y. Haines and Sarsfield showed from four to forty-six or more objects and single items were sent by Lord Bandon, Sainthill and Swanton, Ballydehob (Belfast Exhibition Catalogue 1852). This was also a very successful venture as can be deduced from a letter to Croker sent by James Carruthers on 23 April 1853 which enclosed an exhibition catalogue and said that he thought it would be of great interest

Following the extensive display of artefacts, which included a hundred Irish arrow-heads, a large collection of stone axes and chisels and numerous items in bronze and gold, Day was the recipient of a number of antiquities from members of the public (ibid. 276-7). Prior to this, stone artefacts had been virtually ignored in the south until they attracted the notice of Day who had strong links with the north where they were a common occurrence. There can be no doubt but that the exhibitions were instrumental in the preservation of many artefacts that had formerly been discarded or destroyed through ignorance.

as we got a collection of antiquities that may never again take place in Ireland – we had not space to show all the articles sent although our room in the Belfast Museum was a very large one glasscased all round and in the centre – we even took advantage of the walls and covered them with objects of curiousity – with all there were several cases of specimens not opened. (CCL Croker correspondence 6, 93)

As the nineteenth century progressed the growing awareness that objects were being melted down and being lost to posterity prompted many antiquarians to save them either by forming their own collections or by ensuring that they were bought by other collectors or museums. As discussed earlier, the lack of resources due to harsh economic conditions in Cork hindered the acquisition of material and most collecting was done on a small scale. An example of Windele’s involvement in ensuring the survival of artefacts has been included above but, the absence of a public museum in the city was a very great drawback and was partly responsible for the loss of material from the area (see section 5.2).

An explanation for the large number of exhibits from northern Ireland is contained in the introduction to the exhibition catalogue which mentions that ‘circulars were 28 This was a trumpet-shaped tube of yew in two pieces that measured about three feet when joined together. It was found with stone hammers in an ancient copper mine near Ballydehob, Co. Cork, when it was reopened in 1846 and was dated to ‘the period of the Phoenician intercourse with Ireland’ (Maguire 1853, 357-8). For an illustration of this artefact refer to RIA MS 12 L 10, 132).

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK

4.11 Cork Exhibition venue 1852

The problem with many finds was that their discovery was kept a secret or incorrect information was given in order to conceal the identity of the finder. Croker (1854, 7) commented that ‘the Irish peasant invariably gives wrong information respecting the locality of any article he may accidently discover, to prevent a claim being made upon him by his landlord or other party’. Indeed it seems as if a ‘no questions asked’ policy was often a condition of sale as was the case with a ‘gold collar’ purchased from Ireland in the early 1840s by Lord Albert Conyngham (later Lord Londesborough) about which he could neither enquire the finder’s name, nor the precise spot where it was found; the finder of the collar fearing that the money he received from me, would be forced from him by his landlord or agent, should his name be known. (Archaeologia 30 (1844), 137)

The exhibitions themselves were also responsible for the movement of material from Ireland as in the case of the purchase of the greater part of the Cooke collection by the British Museum (see section 5.2), following the Dublin Exhibition of 1853 and the purchase for £30, by Lord Londesborough, of six ‘gold torques’ found near Kilmallock, Co. Limerick, in May 1852 which were displayed by Rev. O’Higgins of Limerick at both the Cork and Belfast Exhibitions (Maguire 1853, 353 & Belfast Exhibition Catalogue 1852, 47).29 In the early years, the Windele manuscripts show that not much attention was paid to provenance; however, there was a gradual appreciation of its importance from the 1840s (for more detailed discussion refer to Rockley 1995, 79-83). This was probably due to greater interaction with antiquarians from other parts of Ireland and further afield. The following example from a letter sent to Windele by Charles Roach Smith thanking him for sending on the engraving of an urn in July 1844 pointed out to Windele that ‘for the want of text, [the object] loses the interest it else would possess. Does no one know where it was found?’ (© RIA MS 4 B 5, 351).

In a speech to the International Congress of Prehistoric Archaeology Lane Fox also referred to the lack of provenance for Irish antiquities in his collection, ‘many of which he had rescued from the melting pot; but he rarely succeeded in getting an authentic account of the source from which any of them was drawn …’ in addition he commented on the lack of information on the origin of many artefacts in the RIA which he considered to be ‘one of the most valuable collections in Europe’ (Gogan 1934, 3).

In March 1845 Redmond Anthony also advised Windele of the importance of provenance as he considered ‘the locality of any antiquity where found, and when well authenticated, to be of much importance to the collector’ (ibid. 701). In the following month he again stressed that ‘the fact is Collectors are anxious to procure a genuine article where the locality can be ascertained and discovery authenticated’ (© RIA MS 12 L 9, 161).

The retention of provenance and even the survival of an object seems to have depended, to a certain extent, on the way in which it was disposed of and on its perceived value, whether as bullion or as an item known to be of interest to a collector. If a collector or dealer in antiquities

29 Lord Londesborough exhibited these at a meeting of the Society of Antiquaries on 10 February 1853 (Maguire 1853, 353).

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COLLECTORS, ARTEFACTS AND LITHOGRAPHS mostly to London, where they were usually listed without provenance; others were sold as scrap and melted down by local foundries.

was known to the finder, the chance of survival of the object was high, however, if it was taken directly to a jeweller or foundry and was not of high quality, then it was likely to be melted down and disappear from the archaeological record. Where an object was seen to be of value, the factors mentioned above may also have led to a loss of provenance. It is debatable whether or not provenance was of any particular interest to some collectors who were perhaps more interested in acquiring prestige objects to enhance their collections than in knowing the background to the find.

There is some evidence to suggest that there was a desire among antiquarians generally to study the various artefact forms to learn something of their development and use and this was particularly evident in Croker’s work on the classification and evolution of ‘celts’ (axes) (Plate 4.12) (see section 6.6). In June 1848 Windele commented on his work and compared it with that of George Victor Du Noyer that had been published in the Journal of the Archaeological Institute the previous year (RIA MS 4 B 7, 899). He was obviously most impressed with Croker’s scheme which he considered to be

This situation made it virtually impossible to establish the provenance of many objects. An examination of a catalogue of Clones-type dress-fasteners compiled by Mary Cahill of the National Museum of Ireland (1998, 39-71) highlights the difficulties facing researchers today. Out of a total of twenty objects, three of which were from Cork, six had no provenance and thirteen gave no details of the ‘circumstances of discovery’; only six can now be identified in Irish museums and one in the Birmingham City Museum (ibid.).

greatly in advance and a vast improvement. I have been much pleased with it and in our ignorance of the true objects of these primitive implements I think it is the best arrangement that could be made. If in addition to this we could now get a short and expressive nomenclature it would be placing this department of Archaeology in a very satisfactory position ... I see nothing to object to in Croker’s arrangement and much to like. (ibid.)

The lack of attention or inability to establish provenance was not confined to the Cork antiquarians as pointed out by Armstrong (1933, 1) when speaking of the catalogue of Petrie’s collection that gave ‘few particulars as to where the objects listed were found’. Interestingly, a report by Hitchcock on the Great Exhibition held in Dublin in 1853 ended with a plea to both antiquarians and societies to gather as much information as possible on any antiquity that they acquired. He considered such information to be ‘often as valuable as the antiquities themselves’ and that ‘every word thus collected and sent with an antiquarian donation is as so much gold, and ought to be scrupulously printed and preserved’ (Hitchcock 1852-3b, 294-5).

Although the question of classification and evolution of artefacts had been mooted by Croker and approved of by Windele, it did not seem to have been discussed to any great extent in Cork prior to the 1860s. Neither was there an attempt to work out a chronological framework as Windele’s report for the 1852 Exhibition illustrated. However, at a meeting of the CCS in October 1864 Caulfield referred to a number of items ‘of the stone and bronze periods’ and of ‘their gradual development’ which had been exhibited by Day in the previous session (UCC MS U 221 B, 37). This was an indication of a greater understanding of artefact types and their evolution and showed that there was a move towards the acceptance of the Three Age system (see section 6.6) and a growing interest in accurate classification.

By careful scrutiny of contemporary reports, such as those in the Windele manuscripts and the Croker correspondence, it is still possible to add to existing knowledge on finds which were well publicized at the time and an example of this was the Kildimo penannular brooch which was unprovenanced in the Petrie collection but which has now been provenanced as a result of the work of Raghnall Ó Floinn (Cahill & Ó Floinn 1995, 767). Mary Cahill has carried out extensive research which has resulted in reprovenancing of finds such as two silver Kite brooches, said to be from Kilkenny, which were shown instead to be from ‘near Limerick city’ (ibid. 6582), and has established the provenance of many artefacts from the Anthony collection which were sold in London in 1848 and 1849 (Cahill 1994, 53-4). Their work shows that it is still possible to add to the corpus of information, usually of high status objects, by close scrutiny of documentary sources from the period. It is more difficult to track down the more ordinary artefacts such as copper and bronze axes which did not have a rarity value unless they featured elaborate ornamentation. Many were exchanged as duplicates and others were sent for auction,

In addition to classification Croker must also have been working on the identification of metals used in the manufacture of ‘celts’. An excerpt from a letter to Sainthill dated 28 June 1848 indicated that the celt filings would be very acceptable to me, altho it by no means follows that all of the metal articles are of the same composition. I have some which I believe to be pure copper and almost useless as cutting tools, but these I fancy were Irish imitations of imported specimens. (© RIA MS 12 L 11, 134) Windele (1851c, 353) was interested in the purity of gold and mentioned a gold ring in Sainthill’s possession in which ‘there was so much of alloy that it formed a species of electrum, a compound of nearly four parts of

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK gold to one of silver’. He also went on to say that

Apart from Day, who was also a dealer in antiquities and built up a museum that could only be rivalled by the National Museum in Dublin, there were no other major collectors in Cork from the late 1860s.30

specimens have turned up, gold without and earth within. Even so it was in bronze: a ring in my possession exhibits a similar fraud; the hollow within having been filled with a fine sand (ibid.).

4.3 The use and circulation of lithographs In the early years of the nineteenth century and before, collectors often sent one another drawings of items of interest but, as printing technology improved, lithographs were produced which meant that more accurate illustrations of particular artefacts could be more widely circulated. Technological advancements in lithography and photography were used to advantage by many antiquarians in the illustration of artefacts in their collections, but there was also a growing awareness of the importance of accuracy and the inclusion of details such as provenance, weight and dimensions. Interestingly, in the case of the illustrations shown here, the most detail was included on the lithograph of the Bandon cauldron (Plate 4.13) which had been found on the Earl of Bandon’s estate and was owned by him whereas pieces which came to other Cork collectors and jewellers via middle-men gave very little or no information. Accurate art work was essential in the production of lithographs and, although some of the Cork antiquarians were skilled at drawing and sketching, they used lithographic artists to produce high quality illustrations. They usually signed their work and, in Cork, names such as Unkles, Scraggs, Moore and O’Driscol appear on lithographs that were commissioned by Windele and others over the years. In most instances, they worked from drawings that were submitted to them but, in others, it seems as if they were able to get access to the artefacts themselves.

4.12 Croker’s classification of bronze celts/axes 1848

The earliest example of the use of lithographs in Cork, for this study, was in a letter to Windele from Lindsay dated 11 May 1843 when he enclosed ‘3 or 4 copies of the Conac31 taken on paper better adapted for colouring than those I had first taken’ (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 146): this suggests that he was hand-colouring the lithographs to highlight the design (Plate 4.14). The conac had been found in the cemetery at Timoleague Abbey earlier in the same year.

Most collectors must have welcomed the introduction of classification and typology and, if accepted by Day, it is likely that others also took it on board. Lane Fox’s methodical approach to the ordering of artefacts must have made an impression as he was known by and purchased antiquities from Day, Windele, Lindsay and Hewitt who were Cork’s most prominent collectors at the time. Bowden (1991, 47) says that from his original interest in the collection of firearms, Lane Fox had moved on to collect various types of weaponry, tools and implements; presumably this would automatically have led to the acquisition of antiquities. His interest in the antiquity and origin of artefacts is clear in his letters to Windele regarding a bronze dagger which Windele sold to him as ‘a unique specimen of Celtic dagger’; Lane Fox felt that it was a modern weapon, closely resembling a ‘Bassuto or Numidian’ example which he had ‘put away with my collection in England or I would send for it at once for comparison’ (© RIA MSS 4 B 23, 678 and 687). He went on to say that even though there were similarities between ‘works of Art in Celtic & African’, it did not ‘of necessity imply similar origin of race but the particular forms may have been engrafted’ (ibid. 688).

Windele obviously sent one of the copies to MacAdam in Belfast who responded in September 1843 as follows: I have long wished to see published a Collection 30 Although Neligan acquired large quantities of material he was primarily a dealer in antiquities. 31 A conac was a charm used to ward off diseases in cattle (Day 1904c, 157-162). Lindsay’s fine example was in the form of a silver murrain caterpillar with yellow, red and blue glass set into it; it was about four and a quarter inches in length (Windele 1864-6, 323 & J. C. 1909, 201). It was sold by Sotheby, Wilkinson & Hodge at the sale of Lindsay’s collection on 8 April 1868 for £30.5.0. to Wareham. It is now in the National Museum of Ireland along with a similar artefact found near Doneraile, Co. Cork, in 1834.

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COLLECTORS, ARTEFACTS AND LITHOGRAPHS of lithographs of our Irish Antiques in the style of the one you sent me. I remember many years ago urging Mr. Petrie of Dublin to commence such a publication, beginning with his own admirable collection & afterwards selecting subjects from the various private Collections scattered throughout the country. He said he thought it would not be supported; but I feel certain it would be largely purchased in England & even on the Continent. (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 208)

4.14 Silver conac from Timoleague, Co. Cork (Lindsay collection) Redmond Anthony was also the recipient of many lithographs from Windele and agreed that greater use should be made of the process; this was evident in his letter to Windele dated 28 June 1844 when he said: You were right. One ought to get every rare article Lithograph’d which stands in circulation, and recorded in publications, when the article itself may not to be had, or lost, perhaps burn’d with a house. (ibid. 71) On 29 October 1846 he reiterated his earlier statement but added that drawings should be made of all artefacts which came up for sale in Cork and that they should also show their weight; he felt that if you would express your wish to the trade, I’m quite sure you could get the liberty of taking a sketch of them. (© RIA MS 4 B 6, 771) Windele strongly approved of their use and favoured ‘making respresentation’ of artefacts as is shown in the following extract from a letter to Betham in April 1848 in which he enclosed a lithograph of an elaborately decorated bronze axe (Plate 4.15)32 and commented that:

4.13 Bronze cauldron from near Bandon, Co. Cork (Countess of Bandon’s collection) MacAdam was particularly interested in them as a means of seeking out and making comparisons with artefacts held by private individuals that might otherwise have remained in obscurity. The following extract is taken from a letter sent by MacAdam just a few months later in December 1843:

I wish others who possess far better and more extensive opportunities of seeing articles of ancient manufacture would adopt a similar means of preserving representations of them, collected together they afford means of estimating the progress towards civilization of their fabricators and would help to dissipate the clouds of error which overhang the periods of remote antiquity. (© RIA MS 12 L 11, 97)

There are, scattered throughout Ireland, multitudes of single objects in private houses, such relics of antiquity dug up in the lands of proprieters, which would never be given to a public collection, but which if copied in this way, would answer all the purpose of originals, and could not be distinguished from them. The process besides is extremely cheap and simple. (ibid. 242)

Earlier in the same year Croker had expressed a note of caution to Sainthill following the discovery of ‘a brazen vessel’ (bronze cauldron mentioned above) in a bog near Inniskean (now Enniskeane) on the Earl of Bandon’s

32

This object was sold by S. Leigh Sotheby & Co. at the auction of Mockler’s collection on 22 June 1848 (Lot no. 87). It was bought by Cureton who sold it to the British Museum and is described as a ‘bronze celt – hatched pattern – six and a half inches long. Found at Bandon near Cork about 1815 with two others …’.

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK estate (Plate 4.13).33 It had been exhibited by Windele to members of the CCS at their meeting on 12 January 1848 (UCC MS U 221 A, 147).34 Croker’s response to the find was contained in a letter to Sainthill on 14 February 1848:

way, the memory of objects, of which otherwise my antiquarian friends may remain in ignorance. It is a very great gratification to me to learn, that you approve of my practise, and I much hope that others may adopt it. Re ‘Ancient Brazen Vessel’ … pity it is that it is not deposited in our National Museum rather than hidden in the Countess of Bandon’s little collection.35 (TCD MS 2455, 4)

I can plainly see we are on the eve of some astounding Antiquarian discoveries ... unless a thing is very carefully drawn or you can understand it perfectly by description an Antiquary must be silent. (© RIA MS 12 L 11, 73)

Perhaps Windele took note of Croker’s recommendations as, in October 1851, Cooke of Parsonstown (now Birr, Co. Offaly) apologized for his illustrations which he described as ‘a quere commodity to send in exchange for your beautiful lithograph’ (© RIA MS 4 B 11, 617). There is no doubt that Windele set a high standard in his use of lithography but he was not always impressed with the efforts of others as in the case of a ‘hatchet discd at Ballylesson near Giants ring 5 inches long of early wedge like shape. Interesting on both sides covered with long & short strokes. Very like Ogham char ...’ (ibid. 251). A rough illustration of the artefact had been sent to him in September 1850 and elicited the following comment: ‘How unlike the above description is the rubbing’ (ibid.).

He was obviously concerned about the attention to detail and, at a later date in a letter to Windele regarding an artefact to be lithographed he offered to make ‘an accurate drawing - for accuracy is every thing in an Antiquarian Step’ (© RIA MS 4 B 11, 483).

By June 1851 the ‘Ballylesson axe’ was in the collection of R. H. Brackstone of Liverpool who sent it to Windele, by registered post, for his opinion as he felt that ‘it would be difficult in sketching to give the peculiar style of ornamentation’ (ibid. 249). Although Windele’s portrayal of artefacts was of a very high standard, he came in for criticism from Edward Fitzgerald of Youghal with regard to his lithograph of inscribed stones in St. Carthage’s Cathedral, Lismore, Co. Waterford, drawn and lithographed by Scraggs, Cork in 1849 (Plate 4.16).36 Fitzgerald visited the site several years later and took measurements and sketches of the stones which were lithographed for him by O’Driscol, Cork (Plate 4.17). He complained that there were discrepancies between the two illustrations and felt that Windele’s ‘artist or lithographer probably has been at fault in the matter’ (Fitzgerald 1854, 202). Examination of the stones in situ found that Fitzgerald’s representation of them was the more accurate but that there were some minor differences.

4.15 Decorated bronze celt/axe (Mockler collection)

Lithographs were also used for the illustration of ogham stones and were considered by MacAdam to be ‘indispensible’ as an accompaniment to Windele’s article for the first Ulster Journal of Archaeology in 1853 (RIA MS 4 B 12, 1154). A particularly elaborate example of an inscribed stone at the early ecclesiastical site of Riesk (now Reask), on the Dingle peninsula, is shown in Plate 4.18.

On 21 May 1850 following the receipt of a letter thanking him for a lithograph of the cauldron Windele wrote to John Prim of Kilkenny as follows: Their expense is but little and I have sufficient ‘Enthusymuzzy’ as Byron says, for Irish archaeology, to induce me to preserve in this 33

35

It was found to the west of the Earl’s estate, not far from Enniskeane, but the more precise local name was Derry Castle. For details of the present name of the find spot see Cahill 2006, 320-322. 34 A lithograph of the ‘Bandon cauldron’ had also been shown by Croker to a meeting of the British Archaeological Association.

It was indeed a pity that this object was not sent to the National Museum as Castle Bernard, the home of the Countess of Bandon, was destroyed by fire in 1921 and the cauldron was lost. 36 They were found when foundations for a tower were dug out thirty years earlier (Fitzgerald 1854, 201).

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COLLECTORS, ARTEFACTS AND LITHOGRAPHS whilst copies can be multiplied at pleasure, recommend it as one of the most valuable means of correspondence between learned societies; but particularly in its application to archaeological science (UCC MS U 221 B, 3).

The use of lithographs was not merely confined to artefacts and Sainthill (1853, 317) used them to illustrate his lecture on the discoveries of Layard at ‘Nimroud’ to a meeting of the CCS on 13 April 1853.

The advantages of photography must have been a great boon and it is interesting to note that, by 1861, when Thomas Wise of Rostellan Castle and some of his friends were examining a ‘Tumulus’ in the locality, they planned to devote a full day to the taking of photographs (RIA MS 4 B 21, 343). An area of further research would be to access early photographs of artefacts or sites associated with Cork antiquarians.

4.18 Inscribed stone at Reask, Co. Kerry With the introduction of photography an even simpler method of illustration became available as MacAdam pointed out to Windele in his letter of 27 September 1843 as follows: Facsimiles of many inscriptions & pieces of ornamental work might be taken by the Photographic process, which would be by far the cheapest mode of procuring them, when intricate or troublesome to copy in the ordinary way. (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 208) He also considered that the ‘Electro-magnetism’ process, which was ‘so simple & inexpensive’, could be utilised in the illustration of antiquities (ibid.). Richard Caulfield also highlighted the value of photography at a meeting of the CCS in October 1854 when he described it as a speedy and correct means for transferring ancient records, and obtaining representations of specimens of ancient art, architectural tracery, etc. etc. The facility with which the apparatus can be used at a comparatively trifling expense,

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK

4.16 Irish inscriptions in St. Carthage’s Cathedral, Lismore, Co. Waterford, by John Windele

84

4.17 Irish inscriptions in St. Carthage’s Cathedral, Lismore, Co. Waterford, by Edward Fitzgerald

5. Moves towards organized structures

other chief town of a district, devoted exclusively to that purpose (ibid. 369-70).

Although there was a noticeable increase in the number of county archaeological societies throughout the British Isles from the mid 1840s, Cork was not successful in the establishment of such a society. This chapter examines the level of interest and enthusiasm for such a venture both within and without the area in an attempt to determine why this should have been the case.

John Windele was regarded as the prime mover in antiquarian matters in Cork and although the Cuvierian Society (CCS) had been revamped and had formed a sectional committee for Arts and Antiquities in September 1850 (see section 3.3), it was obviously felt by observers from outside the area that an archaeological society should be set up in Cork. A letter to Windele from Dean Henry Cotton of Lismore dated 3 October 1850 urged that

The provision of a public museum was closely linked to the above and should have been of interest in a city of about 80,000 people. The lack of suitable premises for the conservation and display of a varied range of material should also have been a cause for concern, particularly as the majority of Cork collections were sent to London for auction and were lost both to the area and to Ireland. Later in the chapter attempts to discover whether or not there were any concentrated efforts to establish such a facility in the Cork area are discussed.

you in Cork have means and opportunities and men of talent and of leisure and of antiquarian taste. You have buildings ready to your hands: you have a mass of subjects within the very walls and precincts of your City. You have a Bishop & Peers, and Gentry, ready to foster and assist you, if a Lucifers match were judiciously applied to the right end of them ... I see that you are beginning to stir up the embers, by your address to the Cuvierian Society of Cork. (© RIA MS 4 B 10, 325-6)

5.1 An archaeological society for Cork? The foundation of the Kilkenny Archaeological Society (KAS) in early 1849 ‘to preserve, examine, and illustrate all Ancient Monuments of the History, Manners, Customs, and Arts of our ancestors’, in the Kilkenny area in particular (© RIA MS 4 B 11, 823), was viewed as being highly successful throughout the south of Ireland and there was a widely held view that societies of a similar nature should be established in other parts of the region where there were sufficient numbers to support such ventures. The following excerpt from a letter dated 13 July 1851 sent to Windele by John Prim, joint secretary of the KAS, illustrated the importance of such societies in changing the perception of antiquarianism and archaeology and showed how attitudes were revised within a relatively short time:

Similarly, a letter from Richard Hitchcock of Tralee to Windele on 13 November 1850 stated that he ‘should like very much to see a properly worked Archaeological Society established in Cork having solely for its object the preservation & study of antiquities’ (ibid. 548). Hitchcock had a particular interest in Cork as some of his forbears had lived there, however his great admiration for the KAS was evident in the following extract from a letter to Windele on 18 November when he said that it ‘will soon put to shame some of our metropolitan ones ... I wish you had its Secretaries in Cork, in place of some of your today gentry. Let them all talk as they will. Antiquity is a glorious and noble Study’. (ibid. 580) What exactly he meant by the term ‘today gentry’ can only be guessed at but he was not exactly expressing confidence in the ability of the Cork antiquarians to establish their own society. He continued to press them and wrote to William Hackett several years later, on 11 June 1853, as follows:

It is pleasing to observe that many of our members who used to come at first merely to be amused at the madness of the poor antiquaries, now evince the largest share & interest in our doings. (ibid. 369) In the same letter he commented on the ‘great deal of individual energy in Cork in the Archaeological way’ and, no doubt speaking from his experience following his society’s success, he pressed for the formation of a similar society in Cork even though he felt that

I often wondered that Mr. Windele & his antiqn friends in & about Cork, including yourself do not try to get up an Archaeological Society for the South. Cork would be a fine centre, & I believe there is no part of Ireland richer in ancient remains than the South West coast & its neighbouring islands. (© RIA MS 4 B 13, 606-7)

such an event would be injurious to us, as it would divert much valuable matter which now comes to us, but still from my love for the general course of Archaeology, I would be glad to see a Society in Cork, and in every

By January 1852, Dean Cotton was still giving 85

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK occupation for Societies in all the provinces’ (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 208). In April 1853, there was an attempt by Hackett and the rural members of the SMAS to set up a new group called the South Munster Society of Archaeologists with members drawn from Cork, Kerry and Waterford. Meetings were to be held in Mallow, Killarney and Youghal in the summer months with the ‘subscribers to be upon the footing of the Kilkenny and East Leinster Society’ (© RIA MS 4 B 13, 378-9), however they do not appear to have been successful. Interestingly, a letter to Croker from Windele dated 16 January 1854 mentioned ‘a new Archaeological movement which I have set on foot’ and asked for names of Corkonians in London who might be prepared to ‘lend a helping hand’ and to whom he could send circulars giving details of the intended ‘movement’ (© RIA MS 4 B 19, 37). This seems to have been independent of Hackett’s scheme and was probably in connection with the proposal to establish a museum in the city (see section 5.2 below).

encouragement to the southern antiquarians when he wrote to Hackett as follows: How actively the Kilkenny Archaeological Society is going on! Surely the Co. Cork ought to be able to furnish materials for keeping pace with it. Did you ever think of trying what a 5/- subscription would do. You would catch many sharp fish from all parts of Ireland provided that your own writing men would furnish supplies of the right material. (© RIA MS 4 B 12, 110-11) As Hackett was not a member of the CCS it seems that Cotton was appealing to him in his capacity as rural secretary of the South Munster Antiquarian Society (SMAS) to publish the results of their investigations. Apart from a small number of letters and reports to the local press and information that can be gleaned from the Windele manuscripts, no written records of this society are extant. This was in spite of the fact that some ten years earlier, in 1842, Edward Odell, a landowner in the west Waterford area, but in residence at Carewswood, outside Castlemartyr, Co. Cork, at the time, was collecting data and offered to publish the proceedings of the SMAS at his expense. A letter from Hackett asked Windele if he

It is interesting to note that, during the visit of the British Association to Cork in 1843, Windele had spoken to a Mr. Bottomley of Belfast, a member of the Belfast Natural History and Philosophical Society (BNHPS) who suggested that an interchange on subjects of antiquarian interest would be desirable between the cities so far apart; each communicating to the other such discoveries or speculations connected with the antiquities of their respective localities. (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 197)

would give the project any assistance such as devising a plan and sketching the order of the articles – Perhaps you may not think it feasible and perhaps you may have ‘too many irons in the fire’. (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 34) Odell was very keen that the SMAS should be active and organized but felt that they existed in name only and had neither funds nor ‘recognized officers’ apart from their President ‘Viator’.1 There was obviously a move at the time to remove the latter from office but Odell felt that this would be ‘very ungracious’ and that the Society should be allowed ‘to die a natural death’ but should be followed by another with a different name (ibid. 226). In a letter dated 31 October 1843 he lamented the fact that

Apparently Windele mentioned the idea to some members of the SMAS who were very much in favour, however, apart from contact on an individual basis mainly between Windele in Cork and MacAdam and Edmund Getty in the north, the suggestion does not appear to have been acted upon. A notice of a Cork Antiquarian Society appears in the Windele papers for 1861 and the following officers are listed:

throughout the length and breadth of the South there should be no such thing as a working antiquarian society. And would it not be worth while to consider whether sufficient funds could not be raised to gather, no to publish our proceedings in some less ephemeral shape than in the columns of a newspaper? (ibid. 226)

President - John Lindsay, Esq. Hon. Secretary - John Windele, Esq. Council - Richard Sainthill, Esq., Thomas Hewitt, Esq. and Rev. John A. Bolster. Corresponding Members - Lord Talbot de Malahide, Rev. Dr. Todd and Dr. Aquilla Smith (© RIA MS 4 B 21, 727) It could not be ascertained whether or not this society was ever formally constituted; however, it is interesting to note that the three corresponding members were Dublin based and suggests that perhaps the Corkonians wanted to establish links with antiquarians outside their area. It is also possible that they were a breakaway group from the CCS which may have been moving in a

Robert MacAdam of Belfast had been greatly impressed by the activities of SMAS members as described to him by Windele and, in a letter dated 27 September 1843, he wrote that Ireland was ‘still a rich field for the Archaeologist, & there will be ample 1

Pseudonym of Father Matthew Horgan of Blarney.

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MOVES TOWARDS ORGANIZED STRUCTURES Henry Dawson on 1 May 1840, said that it was

different direction under the influence of the annalist and historian, Richard Caulfield, who was President of the latter society from 1863 to 1865. Even though Windele continued as a member of Council up to 1864, he did not appear to be quite as involved as in previous years. A factor which may have militated against the establishment of the proposed society was that it did not get the support necessary for its success as is suggested in the following extract dated 23 June 1863 from William Williams (1820-1875) of Dungarvan, to Windele:

to the shame & disgrace of our country we have no ... national Emporium, not even an Exhibition in Dublin where people could see antiquities. ... In the absence of a National Museum to preserve & increase the remains of our Antiquities, more particularly the precious metals found almost daily in our Bogs from the Crucible - Ireland owes you much. (© RIA MS 4 B 36, 123) In the same letter, when discussing artefacts in the RIA’s collection he prophesied that

How gladly would I join the little antiquarian band you are about to form, but, alas! I am a second time doomed to be disappointed. Besides having to publish my little book, my hands were never so full of other matters. (© RIA MS 4 B 23, 481)

they will all find their way, one day or another to one Great national repository & the present Lilliputian race of Collectors are only whippers in to a grand National repository. (ibid.)2

The fact that Windele died in 1865, Sainthill and Todd in 1869 and Lindsay and Hewitt in 1870 meant that all its ‘prime movers’ had passed away within a relatively short period.

Dawson’s ultimate intention to present his collection to the RIA as the basis of a national museum must have been widely publicized (see section 1.4). In the north, several collectors intimated that they would assist him with his aim. One such was Bell Bourke of Belfast who was obviously very much in favour of such a museum, as he felt that ‘numerous & important relics of ancient times have been irretrievably lost by getting into private hands’. In April 1838 he offered to send Dawson

The CCS continued to meet on a regular basis up to early 1875 and then intermittently until April 1878 when its final meeting took place. As noted in chapter 3, the RCI closed its doors in 1881 and there is little evidence for any organized antiquarian or archaeological activity in the following decade. In 1891, the lacuna was filled by the foundation of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society whose aim was to preserve ‘The History of Cork (City and County), of its People and Institutions’; by then it was realized that ‘the men and the books that have so long treasured it are disappearing, and there can be little doubt that unless the Corkmen of to-day bestir themselves to preserve it, in a few years but little will remain’ (JCHAS 1 (1892)). Over the years this Society has gone from strength to strength and continues to thrive to the present day.

information of any curious article of a novel or rare description, which may occur during the course of my future peregrinations - & which I may not be disposed or be unable to purchase for myself ... on condition that your collection is intended ultimately for the public. (© RIA MS 4 B 36, 122) Another significant collector, Alex Colville Welsh of Dromore said in August 1838 that:

A list of societies involving local antiquarians in the period covered by this study is provided in Appendix 2.

I conceive it a duty to assist any Gentm forming a collection of National antiquities, when it is not predudicial to my own interests as a collector. (ibid. 46)

5.2 Attempts to set up a public museum in Cork The lack of a public museum was not peculiar to Cork in the early years of the nineteenth century. As noted in section 3.3, the first provincial museum in Ireland, funded by voluntary subscription, opened in Belfast in 1831, but it was primarily for the use of members of the BNHPS and, up to 1910, only allowed public access every Easter Monday. In Dublin, the museum of the RIA was built up over many years and only permitted access to members of the public on a restricted basis. Antiquarians from various areas felt that there was a need for a national museum and one of these was Redmond Anthony who, in a letter to Dean

In November 1839, James Carruthers of Belfast wrote as follows: Your very generous and praiseworthy intention of making your collection the property of the Public should be a sufficient inducement to any collector to grant you any rare coins in their power to bestow. (ibid. 54) 2 The National Museum building in Kildare Street, Dublin, was completed in 1890 and opened in August of that year; the RIA’s collection of antiquities was moved to the new building in Kildare Street at the end of 1890 (McDowell 1985, 61-2).

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK Corporation Chest’. He went on to say that he was

Artefacts were sent to Dawson from around the country and included several pieces from the Dowris hoard which were given to him by antiquarians Lord Rosse and Thomas Cooke of Parsonstown (Rosse 1983-4, 59).3 Lindsay seems to have been the only Cork-based collector to present him with artefacts. Following Dawson’s unexpected death in 1840, his Irish antiquities were purchased by the RIA for £1,000 (see section 1.4).

not aware whether the Corporation possess any depository for Coins of the kind, whereby such Curiosities would be handed down in perpetuation, but if they do not, we should suppose, the Royal Cork Institution, or the National Museum in Dublin, would be the best adapted for retaining such valuables in Security (Smith 1750, 426a).

As early as April 1821 the need for a museum in Cork was recognized by members of the Cork Scientific and Literary Society (CSLS) (section 3.3 and Appendix 2), who proposed the appointment of ‘a Committee of Science to have the care of the Depository or Museum ... divided into departments as follows’:

Its reputation as a repository for finds seems to have been recognized outside Cork city and county judging from a note by Windele when he indicated that, on 22 August 1823, he saw a ‘poor man’ carrying a single antler from the cervus gigantus which was being taken to the RCI for sale; it had been found with the second antler in Ballynamona Bog, Co. Limerick, and was described as being ‘about 5 feet from the Tip to the Roof & about 2 broad in W’ (© RIA MS 12 I 6, 6656).

1. Chemistry & Natural Philosophy. 2. Antiquities & coins. 3. Books & papers. 4. Botany. 5. Mineralogy. 6. Entymology & the Molusca. 7. Ornithology & Miscellaneous Natural History. (UCC MS U 275, 120)

Following relocation to the Old Custom House in 1832 there seems to have been a move to reorganize the museum; an entry in the minute book dated 3 December of the same year referred to a request from a William Bennett that ‘a portion of our Museum should be appropriated to the reception of specimens of Natural History’ (UCC MS U 28, 223). Two years later, on 3 February 1834, mention is made of ‘an upper room ... required to add to our Museum’ (ibid. 253). Obviously, with an increase in the size of collections more space was required and, on 2 July 1838, it was proposed at a meeting of the Managers that a ‘sum of £500 should be sold out of the Funds for the purpose of fitting up and furnishing a Museum’ (ibid. 305). Whether this proposal ever became a reality is doubtful as an entry of a Proprietors’ meeting dated 1 August 1838 mentioned that a proposition by Dr. Bennett ‘to expend £400 in forming a Museum’ was considered premature by the Auditors, but thought to be ‘feasible and of much importance’ (ibid. back of Minute Book, 41). By 1852, the museum collections were insured for £200 per annum (ibid. 412).

As their plans for the erection of a CSLS premises was postponed in 1822 (ibid. 256), it is not known whether or not a museum was established. Neither is it clear whether or not collections were built up and, if they were, what happened to them. It may well have been that any material in their possession was incorporated into the RCI collections when they moved there for meetings at the end of 1834. From its inception, the RCI built up collections which were of particular interest in the fields of geology, biology and zoology, however there was also a collection of ‘Curiosities’ which included artefacts of archaeological interest such as the ‘6 brass celts found in Ireland’ which were presented to the RCI by Abraham Abell on 3 April 1824 (UCC MS U 73, 24). Crofton Croker’s comments on the museum were somewhat disparaging when he said that it possessed some minerals, and efforts have been made towards a geological arrangement of the specimens. In other branches of natural history the Museum is extremely defective, and its antiquities undeserving any notice (Croker 1824, 206).

Non-members were admitted to visit the collections and the library, but had to be introduced by a Proprietor and, bearing in mind the difficulties discussed in section 3.1, it is not likely that many citizens were able to visit the RCI museum. This position was in contrast to the BNHPS museum which, although it also had restricted entry, opened to the general public one day a year from 1845 (see above and section 3.3). It may have been in response to the restricted access in the RCI that in December 1853 there was an attempt by members of the CCS to form a public museum in Cork for the preservation not only of ‘ancient relics and classic remains illustrative of our National History and Archaeology, but also of products of Art and Industry, of our own and other countries’ (© RIA MS 12 L 12,

In view of the above comment, it is interesting that an entry by Croker in his annotated copy of Smith’s History of Cork mentioned some ‘very old’ coins, minted in Cork, that had been presented to the Mayor, Mr. R. N. Parker, by Sainthill to be ‘deposited in the

3

This was one of the largest finds of later Bronze age artefacts ever uncovered in Ireland; it was found in the 1820s but the circumstances and exact location of the find are unclear (Rosse 1983-4, 57). The total number of items in the Mooghaun, Co. Clare, find cannot be established (see section 1.4).

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MOVES TOWARDS ORGANIZED STRUCTURES In 1854, the Cork Archaeological Museum or Society5 was set up specifically for the formation of a museum ‘in connexion with the Cork Athenaeum and the Royal Cork Institution’. The following extract from Windele exhibited the confidence of those involved but also underlined the need for such a facility when he said:

531). It was felt that such an institution would be beneficial in ‘the diffusion of knowledge, the promotion of industry, and the improvement of the Public Taste as well as the social condition of all classes’ (ibid.). An earlier proposal for a public museum was contained in a letter dated 10 February 1848 to Windele from Zachariah Hawkes of Bandon, who was concerned that there was no such repository in Cork city, however no action was taken at that time:

We shall, I feel assured, be laying the foundation of a future civic Museum of National Archaeology, of which we may have reason hereafter to be sufficiently proud … at present we halt behind many fourth rate cities in England and France, which have their societies and valuable public Museums. We have nothing to shew of the past of our own land, and we are daily compelled to witness the spoliation of its valuable literature and the memorials of our old art and history, collected and bought up by the itinerant trader, and transmitted to England as articles of trade and a sordid commerce. (© RIA MS 23 Q 22, 50)

If we could (with a few others) get up a museum in some publick part of Cork the proceeds after paying the expenses of the room to go partly to the fever hospital as at Piltown and some to be reserved to purchase curiosities which would add to our collection and save a deal from the crucible, we not being able to buy in the collections of our deceased fellows. I think a thing of the kind would take better in Cork than at Piltown it being so much larger and a greater number of visitors. I have at least £50 value turn this in your thoughts. (© RIA MS 4 B 7, 592-3)4

The officers of the Society were: President Chairman Secretary Treasurer

A letter from Windele to John O’Daly, the Dublin bookseller, dated 24 December 1853 in connection with the purchase of a portion of the Book of Lismore (see section 2.4a) by local antiquarian, Thomas Hewitt, indicated that it was Hewitt’s intention to deposit it ‘in a Museum which he hopes to have established in Cork’ (ibid. 533). As Hewitt was an active member of the CCS it is reasonable to assume that he may have first mooted the idea.

Thomas Tobin J. N. Murphy (Mayor of Cork) John Windele Richard Sainthill

Committee members included North Ludlow Beamish, John Benson, Richard Brash, Thomas Hewitt, John Lindsay and Denny Lane. In addition to the Irish casts, this group endeavoured to acquire casts of Runic crosses from the Isle of Man and also appealed for donations ‘either of money or Antiquities & Curiosities’ towards the establishment of their museum. The fact that they had already been presented with a collection of antiquities from a Mr. Mark O’Shaughnessy was perhaps an indication that there was much good will and encouragement for their venture in the city and elsewhere (RIA MS 12 L 12, 597-9).

In December 1853 the CCS launched an appeal for subscriptions to enable them to purchase a duplicate set of Casts of ‘stone crosses and ancient sculptured doorways etc of primitive Irish churches’ which had attracted considerable attention at the Dublin Exhibition earlier in the year, but the ultimate aim was to house them in a museum which they obviously felt was long overdue and would rescue ‘the second city in Ireland from the reproach of not having a Public (properly so called) Museum’ (© RIA MS 12 L 12, 529-31). The casts, along with others of Manx crosses, were intended as ‘the nucleus of a Museum of Irish Architectural Antiquities’ (CCL Croker correspondence 6, 166). It was felt that the newly constructed Athenaeum, beside the RCI building in Nelson Place, would be an ideal premises for the venture. Unfortunately the attempt to obtain the casts failed as the moulds had been destroyed (RIA MS 4 B 14, 509).

In response to their appeal, the solicitor and collector, Thomas Cooke of Parsonstown in King’s County (now Birr, Co. Offaly), wrote to Windele on 20 January 1854 and offered to sell them his collection of Irish antiquities which included seven saint’s bells; many of these had been exhibited at the Dublin Exhibition in the previous year. In addition, he offered a miscellaneous collection together with non-Irish articles ‘which form altogether a comparative museum for elucidation of ancient Irish religion and manufactures’ (© RIA MS 4 B 14, 93-4). It is interesting to note that ‘a gentleman’ from Cork, (probably Rev. Dr. William Chadwicke Neligan), had sought to purchase the collection at the Exhibition but Cooke had been offered three times as

4 The Piltown Museum in county Kilkenny was set up by antiquarian Redmond Anthony in 1834; proceeds were used to support the local Fever Hospital.

5

89

See Appendix 2.

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK cataloguing their collections at the time.7

much for them by ‘an agent of the British Museum’ (ibid. 94). In May 1854 Cooke advised Windele that the items had been valued by ‘Mr. Franks of the British Museum’ at £300 which he felt was ‘too small a sum’ (ibid. 452). Franks was particularly impressed with the later Bronze age artefacts from the Dowris hoard found in county Offaly in the 1820s, many of which were ‘imperfectly finished’, for ‘the light it throws on the early working in metal’ (BMA, Original Papers, Oct. 1853 - May 1854 (CE 4/50), 15740).6 Although Cooke indicated that he would have preferred to have kept them in Ireland and was disappointed that the RIA had not been interested, by January 1855 he informed Windele that most of the items shown by him in Dublin had been sold to the British Museum for a sum of between three and four hundred pounds (RIA MS 4 B 15, 84). An entry in the Minutes of the Trustees’ Standing Committee for 13 May 1854 shows that £325 was paid for the collection (BMA, CE 3/26, 8694).

Museums were set up at an early stage in the Queen’s College, Cork, and the Mineralogical and Geological Museum there was the recipient of many impressive donations including fossils from the north of Ireland which had been collected by members of the Geological Survey under Colonel Portlock, President of the CCS for the 1851-52 session (QCC President’s Report 1851-52, 7).8 At a later stage, a Zoological Museum and a Special Museum of Classical Art and Archaeology were established. From 1856 to 1863 the museums were under the curatorship of Robert Harkness who was Professor of Mineralogy and Geology at that time (see section 4.1). The President, Sir Robert Kane, was personally involved with the establishment of the museums and particularly welcomed donations from distinguished Corkmen ‘who had won fame abroad’ and wanted ‘to be associated with the new college (Murphy 1995, 56).9 The museums were accessible to the general public in addition to students, but it was not until after the Cork Exhibition of 1902-03 that a public museum was opened at the Mardyke in a building presented to the citizens by Sir Edward Fitzgerald (O’Kelly 1944, 34).

The aspirations and aims of the Museum Committee were widely approved of, as the following excerpt from a letter sent to Windele by the artist Henry O’Brien in February 1854 indicated: It is very gratifying to find that the intellect of the Southern capital is awake to the subject of Irish antiquities. Our country possesses very many treasures of that kind, but heretofore we have sadly neglected them. (© RIA MS 4 B 14, 187) In spite of the fact that the Athenaeum was available, plans for a public museum do not appear to have proceeded at this time. Another attempt was made in 1859 when a meeting was called by a committee for the formation of a museum and galleries of exhibition for the city and county of Cork ‘to prepare an address to the Lord Lieutenant’ (© RIA MS 4 B 19, 793), and this tied in with an entry dated 5 September 1859 in the RCI minute book which referred to a general meeting to be held to seek for a grant to build a suitable museum and gallery of Art (UCC MS U 28, 485). As with earlier efforts, this also proved unsuccessful. Perhaps as a response to the lack of a museum in Cork and a realization that material was being lost to Ireland, a letter from William Wilde dated 27 December 1860 asked Windele if he knew of ‘any person in the South possessed of a collection of Irish Antiquities and willing to dispose of same?’ (© RIA MS 4 B 20, 1069). He also asked for information on gold artefacts in the area ‘either in the possession of collectors, jewellers or private individuals’ together with details of “Gold Finds” and ‘circumstances relating thereto’ (ibid. 1069-70). Presumably Wilde was acting on behalf of the RIA who were building up and

7 William Wilde took over the arrangement and cataloguing of the RIA collections in 1857 (PRIA 6, 493-4); the work had been started by George Petrie who resigned from the job in the 1854-55 session (ibid. 205). 8 Queen’s College, Belfast, also boasted a ‘fine museum and a good library’ (Anon. An Englishman 1867, 4). 9 In 1846, prior to his arrival in Cork as the first President of QCC, Robert Kane was appointed President of the Museum of Irish Industry (from 1867 the Royal College of Science) (Murphy 1995, 14-15).

6 Eogan (1983, 117-142) gives a detailed account of the Dowris hoard.

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6. Issues and debates

division and moving on to determine whether or not there was a growing perception of deep time as the century progressed.

By examining some of the issues which were coming up for general discussion in the wider antiquarian world it is possible to assess the stages of development in the thought and practice of the Cork antiquarians. Several of these, including round towers, ogham stones, fulachta fiadh and giant Irish deer were more or less exclusive to Ireland and these will be examined in relation to work undertaken in other parts of the country. The first three were of particular interest to members of the South Munster Antiquarian Society (SMAS). Their work and interpretations on round towers and ogham stones brought them into conflict with some of the well-known Dublin-based antiquarians and with George Petrie and Charles Graves in particular. The amount of time devoted to their study by the Cork antiquarians is reflected in the length of sections 6.1 and 6.2.

6.1 Round towers In eighteenth century Ireland, as the interest in antiquities increased, the debate into the origins and uses of round towers was one of the topics that came up for discussion. Although most Irish antiquarians, such as Edward Ledwich (1738-1823), who attributed them to the Danes, and Daniel Beaufort (1739-1821), who considered them to have a monastic origin, believed that they had been built in the early Christian era, there was a body of opinion, led by Charles Vallancey, which argued for an earlier ‘pagan’ and possibly Oriental origin (Leerssen 1996, 111-12). In fact, John O’Donovan, the Irish scholar who worked with George Petrie on the Ordnance Survey, attributed the idea of a pagan origin wholly to Vallancey when, in a letter to John Windele dated 8 March 1845, he said:

The later parts of this chapter look at the developments in geology that were to have a very great impact on archaeological thought and the extension of human antiquity, and the Three Age system which provided a chronological sequence for prehistoric archaeology. Section 6.4 outlines the great progress in geological circles elsewhere which greatly expanded the timescale for the age of the earth itself and was crucial to the understanding of the evidence being produced in mainland Europe and Britain for the extended antiquity of humankind. This section assesses whether or not this progress was matched in Cork where, judging by the choice of name for the Cork Cuvierian Society (CCS) in 1835, they were strong supporters of the Catastrophist school, which tied in with their accepted theories of the Biblical creation and the Noachian flood.

No Irish writer ancient or modern ever dreamed of there being pagan buildings before Vallancey. He set you all to dream! and I have shaken him off in my infancy, though some attempted to convert me to his fooleries. ... Vallancey was a forger, as I could prove to a demonstration. (© RIA MS 12 L 9, 155) Later in the same year he reiterated his opinion of ‘Cathal O’Vallancey’ who about the year 1780 ... began to insult the rational world with his ridiculous assertions and childish assumptions. But his was the age of fabrication and we must not blame the visionary Englishman for indulging a little. (© RIA MS 12 L 10, 35)

The existence of the giant Irish deer is linked to the above and raises several questions dealing with the period of its habitation and whether or not it was contemporary with ‘early man’ in Ireland. These questions were being debated in other parts of the country at this time but perusal of material relating to Cork has not produced very much evidence to suggest that the topic was of any particular interest to local antiquarians up to the 1860s.

Edmund Getty of Belfast (1799-1857) agreed with the above sentiment and felt that Vallancey’s faults ‘were in some measure those of the period in which he lived’ (Getty 1855, 9).

Their correspondence contains very few references to the Three Age system and indeed it appears as if very little consideration was given to it up to the early 1860s when the transactions of the CCS show that stone artefacts, which seem to have been ignored up to that time, began to be displayed and discussed. Over the years, many gold and bronze artefacts passed through the hands of the Cork antiquarians, but, apart from acknowledging that they had been produced and used by some of Ireland’s earlier inhabitants, there was no real attempt to ascribe them to a particular period.

Much of the early research and the controversy surrounding round towers originated in the Dublin area but by the early nineteenth century the issue had attracted the attention of antiquarians in other parts of the country, north and south. As shown in Table 6.1, those who supported the Christian origins of round towers were in the majority. That they were a topic of conversation in the south is evident in Windele’s ‘Juvenile Correspondence’ to Mr. Edward Murphy dated 26 May 1815 when, at the age of fourteen, he observed that

The common link between all the sections in this chapter is the concept of time starting with the Christian/pagan 91

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK which will award the prize on the present occasion! This is a fearful advantage over all the other candidates. It is not just! (© RIA MS 12 L 6, 148)

the round towers found in every part of Ireland have attracted the notice of every antiquarian and still we are much in the dark as to their use ... antiquarians fancy they were built during the residence of the Danes in Ireland; others that they were used as belfries or minarets such as are still used in Turkey to call the faithful in short every person who fancies his (sic) an antiquarian thinks that himself has discovered the right use but from their being generally found near small churches remote from cities we are led to believe they were used as retreats for Hermits. (© RIA MS 4 B 3, 516-7)

By December 1831 O’Flaherty had decided not to submit his essay and informed Windele that he had declined the encounter – I have not sent my essay to the Academy, though ‘all my learned and unlearned friends’ had advised a contrary course. You are already in possession of my motives for making this election. I have made it with pain – but not, I fancy, without consulting prudence. It is my deliberate conviction, that no candidate however qualified could entertain reasonable hopes of success, while Mr. D’A―n is both candidate and judge. (© RIA MS 12 L 6, 150)

It is worth noting here that, in later life, Windele rejected these ideas, opted for a pre-Christian date and suggested that they were sepulchral structures. It has not been possible to determine why or when he revised his early opinion.

Leerssen (1996, 260 note 129) suspected that one of the contenders was Father Matthew Horgan of Blarney; however, the above extract suggests that John D’Alton may also have submitted an entry to the competition. It is likely that the conflict of interest in the case of at least two contenders may have acted as a deterrent to others.

It may have been the desire of the RIA to finally elucidate and answer this vexed question as, in 1830, it sought submissions for a prize essay on the ‘Origin and Uses of the Round Towers’; the topic was proposed by George Petrie (Plate 6.1) who was also nominated as one of the adjudicators (Mitchell 1985, 98). The competition was open to members and non-members throughout Ireland, but, even though the subject was of great interest, there were very few entries and, despite the fact that the closing date was extended to June 1832, only three, or possibly five, essays were submitted (Leerssen 1996, 113). The two main contenders for the prize were Petrie, who favoured a Christian and native Irish origin and Henry O’Brien (born in County Kerry in 1808, but resident in London at that time), who argued for a pre-Christian and Oriental origin.

Considering the high level of interest in Petrie’s prizewinning essay, it is difficult to understand why it was not published until 1845, although Sir William Betham felt that it was due to his severely straitened circumstances and wished that ‘the Government would do something for him, or that some other means could be devised for his relief’ (© RIA MS 4 B 5, 1213). An earlier publication date may have reduced the speculation and debate that the subject aroused in the second quarter of the nineteenth century.1 Even though it took twelve years to get to the publication stage, the records show that Petrie’s views were well known in antiquarian circles.

Petrie emerged as the winner and was awarded the gold medal and £50, while O’Brien received a consolation prize of £20 (Mitchell 1985, 98). Petrie’s involvement as proposer, adjudicator and prize competitor seemed somewhat unfair and it is difficult to understand why he did not decline to act as an adjudicator. A second member of the adjudicating committee, John D’Alton, who had been awarded the RIA gold medal and £80 in 1828 for his ‘Essay on the ancient history of Ireland’ (Leerssen 1996, 112), was also believed to be a contender, but it is not clear whether or not he actually submitted an essay. Another intending entrant to the competition, Corkman John T. O’Flaherty, who lived in Tralee at the time and to whom Windele lent his material relating to round towers, was most unhappy with the situation and complained to Windele in April 1831 as follows:

The round tower question was of great interest to the Cork antiquarians and discussion seems to have been at its height in the late 1830s and early 1840s. Windele admired Petrie’s work and referred to him as ‘one of the few able men (although an exceedingly bad correspondent) that the Irish antiquarian world at present possesses’ (© RIA MS 12 C 1, 17) but he did not agree with his assessment of the round tower question and engaged in lengthy debate with other Irish antiquarians on the issue. However, the mutual respect between the two is clear in the following extract from a letter sent by Petrie to Windele on 20 April 1842. It read: You and I differ in toto respecting the origin and uses of the Round Towers but I do not the less regard or respect you, and though I shall do my best to prove you wrong it is in the confident feeling that you will not the less regard me. (© RIA MS 12 L 7, 234)

I have to contend against a very able and very influential competitor, a Dublin gentleman, who is not only a member of the R. I. Academy, but also one of its committee of seven in the antiquarian department, the very committee

1

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O’Brien published his work The Round Towers of Ireland in 1834.

ISSUES AND DEBATES

Beaufort, Daniel A., Navan Betham, William, Dublin Brash, Richard, Cork D’Alton, John, Dublin Dunraven, Earl of, Limerick Getty, Edmund, Belfast Hackett, William, Midleton Hall, S.C., London (ex Cork) Horgan, Rev. M., Blarney Ledwich, Rev. E., Dublin MacAdam, Robert, Belfast O’Brien, Henry (ex Kerry) Odell, Edward, Dungarvan O’Donovan, John, Dublin Petrie, George, Dublin Reeves, Rev. W., Armagh Sainthill, Richard, Cork Todd, Rev. J.H., Dublin Windele, John, Cork Vallancey, Charles, Dublin

(1739-1821) (1799-1853) (1817-1876) (1792-1867) (1812-1871) (1799-1857) (1800-1889) (1776-1849) (1738-1823) (1808-1835) (1808-1835) (1807-1869) (1809-1861) (1789-1866) (1815-1892) (1787-1869) (1805-1869) (1801-1865) (1725-1812)

Christian x x x x x x x x x x x -

Pagan x x x x x x x x x

Table 6.1 Origins of round towers: Christian versus pagan Robert MacAdam of Belfast sided with Windele, but felt that Petrie deserved ‘all praise & honour’ for his work and went on to say that

these Towers of theirs are assigned to the early inhabitants of that Island, an opinion fully borne out by the architecture. (© RIA MS 12 L 5, 15)

of course it does not by any means follow that his authority is infallible. Indeed I find many persons who do not think he has settled the ‘vexata questio’ at all. (© RIA MS 4 B 5, 1119b)

At that time, Windele’s opinion was not shared by Betham who commented that ‘the Nuraghis are very curious but they are very different from our Round Towers’ (© RIA MS 12 L 5, 18). Several years later Windele was still pursuing the same argument but had extended his area of study. He referred to Clarke’s Glimpses of the Old World (volume 1) that mentioned a Cyclopean round tower in Gozo. In December 1841 he asked Betham if he could procure a drawing and measurements from Malta as he believed that they ‘might startle some of our “Christians”. We want drawings of the Persian, Indian and Ceylonese towers, these yet are desiderata’ (© RIA MS 12 C 1, 111-112). It seems as if Betham’s opinion must have changed concerning a possible link between the Sardinian and Irish towers as in the same letter Windele commented: I am glad you have taken up the Sardinian Nuraggi. I had the gratification of first suggesting the resemblance to you between them and our Sabian Towers; but it did not then strongly strike you. I suppose our discoveries at Ardmore, Cloyne, and Cashel, must have decided you, proving that our Towers were also “Domu de Orcu”. (ibid.)2

6.1 George Petrie (1789-1866) Windele argued for a ‘pagan’ and Phoenician origin and a letter to Betham in March 1837 pointed out a ‘resemblance between the Sardinian Nuraggi and our Irish Turaghan or Round Tower’. This information had been gleaned from A sketch of the present state of Sardinia by Capt. William H. Smyth, published in 1828. The letter continued:

To back up his argument regarding the antiquity and sepulchral nature of Irish round towers he continued:

The Sardinians were themselves an Iberian or Phoenician colony and you will perceive that

2

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‘Domu de Orcu’ means ‘house of death’ (Betham 1842, 186).

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK survey and wanted to take it a step further. On 26 August 1841 an application was received from ‘some gentlemen comprising a Society of Antiquarians’ who had already examined the round tower in Ardmore where ‘some interesting remains of antiquity have been lately discovered’. Permission was granted to excavate Cloyne round tower provided that the work was consistent with

Above all ascertain by undoubted and satisfactory testimony the whole history of the finding of the urn at Timahoe. That is one of the most valuable facts in the whole controversy a question might be raised about the Christianity or Paganism of the Ardmore or Cloyne remains, but the paganism of Urn burial is beyond all cavilling, let us settle that and we may defy Skepticism. (ibid.)

the perfect security of the Building and subject to the control of our oeconomus, with the understanding that if any remains or other relics be discovered they shall be the property of the Dean and Chapter and that the Gentlemen will make good any injury they may cause in their investigations. (UCC MS U 83, Box 1)

Betham became very involved in the controversy which captured the attention of many antiquarians both in Ireland and Scotland and his interest was probably due to the fact that, at the time, he was researching the subject of round towers for inclusion in his Etruria-Celtica which he described as an investigation of ‘Etruscan literature and antiquities’ or ‘the language of that ancient and illustrious people compared and identified with the Iberno-Celtic, and both shown to be Phoenician’ (Betham 1842, title page). The work included details of the discovery of an urn containing burnt bones beneath the floor of the Round Tower at Timahoe in Queen’s County (now Co. Laois) (Plate 6.2) many years earlier and led to his conviction that they were pre-Christian buildings which were sepulchral and could not have been used as belfries as suggested by Petrie (ibid. 200-1). He kept Windele up to date with his progress as the following extract from a letter sent in February 1842 showed: Rev. Mr. Smalls account of the opening of the Tower of Abernathy and my noble friend the Marquess of Downshire has had that of Drumbo in the county Down examined with the same results substantially as at Ardmore, Cloyne and Abernathy. That at Maghera, County Down is also under investigation and that of Monasterboice I have put in train of examination ... I shall have a mass of facts which will settle the question. Brechin I am happy to hear will also be examined. (© RIA MS 12 L 7, 186)

Windele persisted in his belief in the pagan and sepulchral nature of round towers and supported his argument as follows: these buildings were used “for sepulchral purposes, in the same manner as the cromleac, the circle, and the Dallan or pillar stone, which, in common with the Tower, belonged to the same religion”. (TCD MS 2069, 24) The above extract is from a letter sent by Windele to Thomas Moore in August 1841 but it is not clear whether or not he was suggesting that all these monuments were from the same period. In the north of the country Getty investigated at least nine round towers in Ulster between 1841 and 1844. He was involved with the excavation of Drumbo in Co. Down, Trummery, Antrim, Armoy and Ram’s Island in Co. Antrim, Devenish in Co. Fermanagh, Clones in Co. Monaghan and Drumlane, Co. Cavan and visited the site at Downpatrick, Co. Down. He also reported on earlier excavations by Rev. William Reeves at Nendrum, Co. Down, and by a Mr. Reade at Iniskean, Co. Monaghan (Getty 1855) (see section 7.1). Although Getty considered them to be ‘Christian edifices’ he was anxious to determine whether or not they had a sepulchral function. He made a distinction between two types of ‘stone works’ as follows:

In support of his argument and in conjunction with members of the SMAS, Windele was involved in excavations at the round towers of Cloyne, Kinneigh (Plate 6.3), Ardmore and Cashel in the early 1840s (see section 7.1). He was also aware of the findings at Roscrea and examined the example at Kilmallock.

Those that may be considered the earlier, such as the Cromleach, the pillar-stone, the cairn, in which the material are held together by their own gravity without cement, and the later, to which the term of “fabric” is more properly confined, inasmuch as the use of cement forms a distinguishing feature in their construction. (ibid. 7)

Evidence of the early interest in Cloyne is clear from the following letter sent to Croker by Richard Sainthill in September 1839: I was at Cloyne on Friday and corrected my measurements of the round Tower but as I hear that Abell and Windle lately measured it also - I shall first compare with them, and send you the results (CCL, Croker correspondence 4, 238).

In support of the ‘sepulchral’ argument he suggested to Windele in October 1853 that

It is obvious from the Cloyne Cathedral Chapter Book (1796-1872) that they were not satisfied with their initial

the object of placing the doors so far from the ground was to permit one tier of bodies over

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ISSUES AND DEBATES

6.2 Round tower at Timahoe, Co. Laois, drawn by Robert O’Callaghan Newenham 1826

6.3 Round tower at Kinneigh, Co. Cork, drawn by Robert O’Callaghan Newenham 1826 95

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK another. If such were the object a change must have come over the inhabitants for this use was abandoned before any of them was fully occupied (© RIA MS 4 B 2, 822).

architecture of Antient and Modern times that you may see the difference from one age to another, and allow our Christian Irish to be able to devise plans, and design their Buildings according to the necessity for them and localities of sites. (© RIA MS 12 L 5, 52)

Getty’s papers on round towers published in the Ulster Journal of Archaeology (UJA) were highly praised by Windele who commented to MacAdam in May 1857 that ‘He [Getty] is clearly establishing the sepulchral character of those structures, and I hope I shall live to see him a confirmed pagan (© RIA MS 4 B 17, 248).

John O’Donovan, who was in regular correspondence with Windele, also endeavoured to bring him around to accepting their Christian origins as is clear in a letter dated 15 May 1843 when he said:

There has been a tendency for writers, such as Petrie (1845, 96) and Samuel Ferguson (1887, 13), to suggest that southern antiquarians and in particular the members of the SMAS, were all in agreement with Windele. However, as will be shown below, this was not the case (see Table 6.1). There is no doubt that Father Matthew Horgan regarded them as Christian edifices and his interest led to the construction of one at Whitechurch and a second at Waterloo, near Blarney, Co. Cork.3 Windele was to the fore in raising funds for the venture and among those who were approached for a contribution towards the buildings costs at Blarney was Thomas Moore, to whom he wrote as follows in July 1836:

I wish the Round Towers could be proved the works of our pagan ancestors, but I fear they were not, and that all rights and title to them must be given up to the early Christians. (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 152) William Hackett approached the matter with great caution when he wrote to Windele in June 1841 and said that he was unable to give any opinion about R Towers until I see one at least opened to the Ground inside. I am quite impatient to get your opinion & those of his Revd. & A― after much investigation. (© RIA MS 4 B 1, 367)4

You have yourself done more to unravel the mystery of that most vexed question – the origin and use of our model the ancient Round Tower than all the so called antiquaries who have preceded you. (TCD MS 2069, 20)

By the end of December in the following year he seemed to be coming around to Petrie’s way of thinking and agreed with him that ‘the use of mortar and the construction of angular walls on buildings distinguish our Christian from our Pagan remains’ (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 74). Several years later, in August 1845, Hackett, who by then was a strong supporter of the Christian origins on the basis of the study of the architecture, was obviously concerned about Windele’s stance and the effect it could have on his reputation and advised him not to

Samuel C. Hall made the entertaining comment that ‘Rev. Matthew Horgan, with true antiquarian gusto, is erecting a round-tower close to his chapel, with a view to be even with his ancestors, and puzzle posterity’ (Hall 1841, 54). Hall, although on the fringe of the debate, was inclined to agree with Henry O’Brien on the pagan nature of round towers (RIA MS 4 B 1, 177) but, as he wanted to include the subject in his work, was anxious to give an overall picture. In his letter to Windele in May 1841 asking for ‘a few pages’ on the round towers he requested

If I could bring you over from what Valancey, Ledwich, or at least Fire worshippers impress on you. I wish your eyes were open to the

come out in print with any system advocating a Pagan era for the construction of all our Towers. Do not do yourself so great an injustice as to pronounce upon Towers without having seen them and reconsider those with which you are familiar. ... Who are the advocates of the Pagan theory? Men who never understood, nay never thought of the chronology of architecture, in whose days the study was scarcely known. And are you who have studied that subject so diligently for 10 years at least with the best lights of the nineteenth century, are you to look for an opinion as to the era of a building to such people. ... We have seen how little worthy of credit on such a subject Vallancey was and O’Conor who of himself was quite imaginative enough, took for granted everything the other said. Bailey or Cuvier or any of our best modern

3 Horgan read a paper on ‘Round Towers of Ireland’ to the CCS on 5 April 1837 (UCC MS U 221 A, 19).

4 ‘his Revd & A―’ refers to Cork antiquarians Father Matthew Horgan and Abraham Abell.

the several theories in the subject, with the reasons why they are not to be sustained; with your own theory; which of course I shall give as yours. (ibid. 331) It is evident in the following extract from a letter to Windele in April 1837 that Horgan attempted to change his opinion on the origins of the round towers:

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ISSUES AND DEBATES Geologists might as well revive the Huttonian & Wesnerian controversy as for John Windele to revive the opinions of such incompetent authorities as you would fain hold by. (© RIA MS 12 L 10, 20)

The above extract suggested that some of the Cork antiquarians were turning to the ancient literature and reports on Ireland for information, and this was also evident in a letter to Hackett in January 1842 from John O’Gorman of Limerick who stated that a fellow citizen, Mr. Arthur Evans, had informed him that

Hackett had examined the architecture of the towers in great detail and was particularly interested in the example at Ardmore which he compared in date to Cormac’s Chapel in Cashel. He noted the great similarity between the carvings in the choir of the chapel with those on the projecting stones inside the tower in Ardmore and went as far as to say that they were so alike that ‘one would imagine they were cut by the same individual’ (© RIA MS 12 L 7, 233). He asserted that Ardmore was ‘positively not older than the 11th century’ (© RIA MS 12 L 10, 20).

all doubts as to the period of the creation and use was recently cleared up – that the former lay in the 8th century and that year to the best of my recollection was 784 – and that it answered as a steeple to the new churches, the remains of which are still to be found in the Island. He said he received his information from the Rev. Mr. Todd fellow of Trinity College who has discovered several interesting Irish manuscripts in the College Library of Trinity. (© RIA MS 12 C 1, 114)6

Hackett was supported on the ‘modern origin’ of round towers by the landowner and antiquarian, Edward Odell, whose interest in the site at Ardmore led him to expend a considerable amount of money on the restoration of the tower there and the nearby cathedral which was in danger of collapse in the early 1840s.

When writing on the methods adopted by the Cork antiquarians, Petrie also felt that the question of whether or not the round towers were pagan and sepulchral should be addressed, ‘not by the short process of digging the bases of the Towers, but by the more laborious examination of the ancient literature of our country’ (Petrie 1845, 96). Following the long-awaited publication of his essay in 1845 there was a gradual movement away from the vexata quaestio although the work did not convince Windele as is shown in the following extract from a letter sent to him by O’Donovan in March 1850:

Sainthill was also interested in the architectural aspects of the towers, but tended to ‘hedge his bets’ regarding date and origin (as a supporter of Windele, he was probably also a supporter of the ‘pagan’ side of the argument and has been included as such in Table 6.1). He had been in discussion with the Cork artist William Willes, who had visited and sketched many of them and had inferred that they had been ‘built by artists, who had learned from their intercourse with the Saxons, the use of a Saxon arch’ (© RIA MS 12 L 5, 36).5 Sainthill suggested that if Willes was correct, then similar buildings should be found in other countries throughout Europe and not be confined to Ireland. He argued that

I shall leave Doctor Petrie himself to convert you from the errors of Paganism, as he has become the apostle of the Christian theory. Every Round Tower in Ireland is now called Cloictheach ... and this is the name applied to them in the Irish annals. ... All I want to argue is there is the word living and there is the object standing. ... I insist that the Cloicthigh of the Irish annals and other writings are the buildings still so called by the people. (© RIA MS 4 B 9, 606-7)

if the Round Towers were built by Christians, why have we not round Churches attached to the Tower and of equal merit at architectural elevations within the Towers - why lavish skill and expence on the Belfry and neglect the church, for whose service the Belfry was erected? If the Round Towers had been built, as I understood the Rev. Mr. Horrogan to argue, for places of refuge and deposit of valuables why should they have been so narrow and lofty. It would have been more convenient to store away goods and chattels in a lower and broader building. ... As to the two Round Towers with Chevrons or what not, on them, if they are not insertions or additions, all they can prove is, that the Round Towers were built also in modern times - they cannot affect the question as to those, certainly built before Giraldus Cambrensis. (ibid.)

Windele persisted in his belief that the round towers were pre-Christian even though others such as the Earl of Dunraven (to whom Petrie had dedicated his work jointly with William Stokes of Dublin) made it plain that they were not in agreement and regretted that so good a worker in the field as yourself should still give the weight of your support to the Pagan origin and ante Christian date of Round Towers. (© RIA MS 4 B 12, 1095-6)

6

Rev. Dr. James Henthorn Todd was particularly interested in the study and publication of Irish manuscripts and other works relating to Ireland. His brother, Rev. Andrew Todd, was Church of Ireland rector of the east Cork town of Castlemartyr at this time and was an acquaintance of Hackett, who lived in the neighbouring town of Midleton.

5 At the December 1837 meeting of the CCS, William Willes ‘gave notice’ that he would present a paper on ‘The ... Antiquity of the Culdea Cells and Round Towers’ at the next meeting (UCC MS U 221 A, 16).

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK support from elsewhere (see Table 6.1). Both he and Betham were probably the most vocal supporters for the pagan and sepulchral nature of round towers in mid nineteenth century Ireland.

Again in December 1857 a letter from William Reeves stated that he was sorry that he was unable to agree with Windele about the round towers as he was ‘a most thorough believer in their comparitively modern & altogether Christian purpose’ (© RIA MS 4 B 17, 937). That Windele was encouraged in his pursuit of pagan origins for round towers by at least one of his northern friends is clear in the following extracts from letters sent to him by MacAdam. In September 1857 he reminded Windele of a promise to

6.2 Ogham stones and inscriptions Ogham stones are found predominantly in the south of Ireland although there are some examples in the north of the country. Outside Ireland, the largest concentration is in South Wales but they are also known in Cornwall, the Isle of Man and Scotland. There are differences of opinion regarding the origin of ogham, with some scholars suggesting that it is based on the Roman alphabet and is clear evidence for links between this country and Roman Britain while others suggest that it is an early Irish script. About a third have been found in a Christian context that is evidence for the continued use of the ogham alphabet in the centuries that followed. In midnineteenth century Ireland, the question of whether they originated in the Christian or pre-Christian era was one of the main areas of interest and dissent among antiquarians.

give a winding up paper on the round tower question. The adherents of Dr. Petrie assert that he has conclusively settled the question. I do not think so: & I would gladly re-open the controversy. But our light must come from the South. (© RIA MS 4 B 18, 714) In December of the same year MacAdam wrote again as follows: We do not think here that Dr. Petrie has by any means settled the question of their origins and believe that there is still room for a great deal of discussion on the subject. I wish you would set to work, & with the facts before you, as ascertained here & in the South, you might give a most curious & interesting paper which would be eagerly read both at home & in England & the Continent. Any information or assistance that we can give you here will be at your service. (© RIA MS 4 B 17, 904-5)

Ogham stones did not attract much attention prior to the early nineteenth century but this was not surprising as they were located mainly in the southwest of Ireland and were unknown to most Dublin antiquarians. One exception was Charles Vallancey, who may have come across them when he was based in Cork in the later eighteenth century. Following his return to Dublin in 1796 he continued his linguistic researches and was familiar with the Book of Ballymote, a fourteenth century manuscript which contained a key to ogham characters (RIA MS 4 A 27) (see section 1.4). He kept up-to-date with ogham discoveries as is apparent in the following excerpt from a letter to Sir Joseph Banks, President of the Royal Society, in November 1802:

Windele never wavered from his firm belief in the pagan origins of round towers and was supported in his thinking by Richard Rolt Brash, whose paper on the subject was read by R. O’Conor at the RDS in 1862. It appears to have been well presented as the letter sent by O’Conor to Windele shows:

No less than fourteen Ogham inscriptions have been found in Kerry, by the ingenious Mr. Pelham, he has sent me very fair Drawings of them. (ibid. 10)7

I never recollect reading anything more satisfactory than the arrangement and scholarlike treatment of the subject. He has put a perfect extinguisher on the Doctor - the evidence is quite decisive and shows that Doctor Petrie’s theory was founded on ignorance and misrepresentation. (© RIA MS 4 B 22, 143)

Vallancey’s work attracted some favourable comment among the Cork antiquarians but, in general, they seem to have been wary of his findings as the following extract dated 24 July 1846 from Owen Connellan to Windele indicates:

Brash’s work was written from his perspective as an architect and Lennox Barrow (1979, 19) considered that his opinion was ‘often a valuable counterpoint to that of an antiquarian scholar’.

Vallancey certainly has furnished us with many curious and useful things which otherwise might be lost to the world, but as you justly remark his theories are not always to be adopted and must be quoted with great caution. (© RIA MS 12 L 10, 120)

It is interesting to compare the work of Petrie, who relied heavily on documentary sources to settle the round tower question, to that of Windele who turned to excavation as a means of acquiring answers, but whose approach and mindset led him to incorrect conclusions. It is obvious that he had very few supporters for his ‘pagan’ stance in Cork although he was encouraged by a measure of

Neither was Brash (1879, 51) impressed and also referred 7 Henry Pelham was based in Kenmare, Co. Kerry, where he was employed as agent for the Marquis of Landsdowne’s estates (Brash 1878, 51).

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ISSUES AND DEBATES to Vallancey’s ‘unsound theories, which he laboured to maintain by erroneous and distorted etymologies’. On the other hand, as late as October 1858, a letter to Windele from William Williams of Dungarvan asked:

who, with Humphreys and Croker, had been involved with the formation of the short-lived Cork Scientific Society in 1813 was also well acquainted with the countryside around Cork. According to Brash (1879, 52), it was Croker and Abell who first brought ogham stones in the Aghabulloge area to Windele’s attention early in 1834 and he first visited the site in July of that year (RIA MS 12 C 12, 284) but, in his list of Cork ogham inscriptions compiled for the UJA in 1853, Windele made no mention of either Croker or Abell (see Table 6.2, p.109).

What if Vallancey should be found not to have been such a wretched ‘dabbler in etemology’? How will the inscriptions then turning up tally with our Oghams? (© RIA MS 4 B 18, 776) Windele, although he had ‘a full sense of his many errors & follies’, expressed a ‘lingering reverence’ for Vallancey and felt that he was owed ‘a debt of gratitude for many services rendered’ (© RIA MS 12 L 10, 123).

Windele was in his late teens when he first noticed an ogham stone in a ringfort at Coolowen about four miles north of Cork but, being a ‘novice in the study of archaeology, did not then copy the inscription’ (Brash 1879, 117). He returned to the site in the 1830s, but found that it had been ‘broken up by the Barbarian on whose lands it had the misfortune to lie’ (© RIA MS 4 B 7, 161). There must have been justifiable concern regarding the safety of some of these stones as, on 3 November 1834, at a meeting of the RCI, Windele and Abell were thanked for the presentation of an ogham stone (UCC MS U 28, 265). This stone, from Glounagloch in east Muskerry, had been discovered by Joseph Humphreys and reported to Croker and Abell, but, when visited by Windele with Abell in 1835, it had been moved from its original position and was in use as a lintel over a pigsty door (RIA MS 12 I 9, 61). By May 1837 thirteen ogham stones had been discovered in Cork, three of which had been moved to the RCI (RIA MS 12 L 5, 8). Over the years others were deposited there and, following the demise of the RCI in the early 1880s, were acquired by Queen’s College (now University College), Cork, where they form part of the College’s impressive collection.

6.4 St. Olan’s Cap ogham stone, Aghabulloge, Co. Cork, drawn by Thomas Crofton Croker 1831

Most of the individuals involved in the identification and collection of ogham inscriptions were members of the SMAS, but several, including Windele, Abell, Willes, Sainthill and Brash, were also attached to the CCS and the RCI. Their main activities from the early 1840s were in the Cork area but they also visited Kerry, Waterford, and Limerick. Windele, in particular, built up a network of ‘Ogham scouts’ that kept him informed of any new discoveries in their respective areas. In later years, Windele took most of the credit for their discovery as was evident in the following excerpt from a letter to a Mr. B. J. Meagher in France, dated August 1853, when enquiring about the possibility of finding ogham stones in that country:

The first Cork antiquarian to show an interest in ogham stones seems to have been Joseph Humphreys, who resided in the city until 1815 and was often accompanied on his rambles by the young Crofton Croker (Croker 1854, i). Croker retained his interest in Ogham inscriptions long after his departure to London in 1818 and returned to Cork regularly to visit family and friends. As can be seen in his sketch of St. Olan’s Cap dated 15 May 1831, he availed of these opportunities to inspect and record archaeological sites in the vicinity of Cork (Plate 6.4).8 Yet another antiquarian, Abraham Abell,

They were hardly known here in Ireland, where they are numerous, until I set about discovering them, and announcing my discoveries to the public. (© RIA MS 12 L 12, 499)

8 This sketch is featured in a copy of Smith’s History of Cork (1750) annotated by Crofton Croker. The seven volumes were afterwards acquired by one of Cork’s greatest benefactors of the nineteenth century, William Crawford of Lakelands, Blackrock, who gave them to Cork antiquarian Richard Caulfield. He in turn presented them to his friend Robert Day, less than five months before his death in February 1887. The seven volumes are now in the Cork City Library. Croker’s sketch is opposite page 185 and gives details of the site as noted by Smith. It is site no. 7959 in the Archaeological Inventory of County

Cork 3 (1997).

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He also mentioned that they had been found in Wales and Scotland, although few had suspected that they existed there (ibid.). In April 1846 Windele wrote to Mr. J. O. Westwood of Hammersmith following his report to Archaeologia Cambrensis on the discovery of an ogham stone at Kennfegge, Glamorganshire, and was convinced, that others would be found in Wales and perhaps in Cornwall (RIA MS 12 L 10, 90) (see Table 6.2, p.109).

As early as December 1843 MacAdam had expressed his interest in ogham even though he was doubtful about the authenticity of the inscriptions and felt that unless the place they were found was beyond all suspicion, and the characters themselves deeply enough cut to show that they were more than accidental and unmeaning scratches, I candidly confess I could have no belief in them. Will you, therefore, be good enough to give me some particulars respecting the kind of situation they were found in, their size and depth, and the kind of stone they were inscribed upon: also whether these engraved stones have been removed and are deposited in your Museum. Lastly whether you have succeeded in deciphering any of them. (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 242)

Windele’s reputation for the identification of ogham stones must have grown very quickly following his renewed interest in 1834 and, by 1837, he was in touch with Dublin antiquarians on the subject. In a letter to John D’Alton in May of that year he confidently expressed the opinion that ogham stones existed in ‘considerable numbers in various parts of Ireland but have been strangely neglected by our antiquaries’ (© RIA MS 12 L 5, 8). In the following November, he wrote to Petrie as follows: I think you have erroneously concluded that those Inscriptions are confined to the South. If there be any correctness about Vallancey’s drawing you have Oghams at Castledermot: you have them on an ancient brooch in the Museum of the Dublin Society. The Transactions of the RIA have noticed them at Vicar’s Cairn, Armagh and in the Arran Isles and you yourself have pubd in the Penny Magazine a drawing of an inscribed stone near Dublin. I am persuaded the North does not want Oghams but Explorers. The attention of your antiquaries has not been directed to the subject. (ibid. 14)9 (Plate 6.5) Windele’s sketch did not mention a find spot but a drawing of the same penannular brooch by Richard Brash (1879, Plate XLI), with detailed measurements, indicated that it was from Ballyspellan10 (Plate 6.6). Although Windele mentioned the occurrence of ogham at Vicar’s Cairn, Co. Armagh, very few were discovered in the north of the country (see Table 6.2). In fact, a letter from John O’Donovan, who had worked on the Ordnance Survey, said in September 1843 that he had ‘never heard of an Ogham inscription being found in the north of Ireland’ (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 209). Nevertheless they were of great interest there as was evident from the ogham inscriptions sent by Windele to the Belfast Exhibition in 1852 after which MacAdam wrote: The Oghams you sent have caused much wonder here; & there is an anxiety to know more of the subject. We have nothing of the kind in the North. (© RIA MS 4 B 12, 1076)

6.5 Silver penannular brooch drawn by John Windele 1836 (Roden collection) Several years later, in June 1848 he stressed that

9

This penannular brooch was sketched by Windele on 12 February 1836. It had been presented by Lord Roden to Charles Vallancey who, in turn, gave it to the RDS (Plate 6.5). 10 The only ‘Ballyspellan’ located by this writer is near Johnstown, Co. Kilkenny.

the Discovery of each specimen must be authenticated by the names of more than one respected and intelligent witness, for your own 100

ISSUES AND DEBATES 3). He also wrote on the subject for Samuel and Mrs. Hall for inclusion in their work entitled Hall’s Ireland (Windele 1850, 142) (see section 2.1). The publicity obviously led to a growth of interest in ogham as, in 1841, he admitted to a Rev. Smith of Fivemiletown, Co. Tyrone, that ‘hitherto I and my colleagues here have had the whole field to ourselves’ (© RIA MS 12 L 7, 47), but, by the mid 1840s, several of the Dublin-based antiquarians, in particular Petrie, Graves and Thomas Oldham, had become involved in the study of ogham both in the field and in documentary research.

sake and the sake of the Ogham Cause. If this be properly and forcibly put forward before the public, with Facsimiles, you will produce a sensation in the antiquarian world. (© RIA MS 12 L 10, 70) The question of ogham stone distribution was also looked at by Kerry-born, but Dublin-based, antiquarian, Richard Hitchcock in 1848 and elicited the following observation: I find that nearly all of them belong to the Maritime counties of the South & West of Ireland - I think there is something remarkable in this; & as I cannot satisfactorily account for the fact myself, perhaps you can enlighten me on the matter - I need not say, that it is merely for my own information. (© RIA MS 4 B 8, 480)

The attitude of the Cork antiquarians seems to have changed relatively quickly as is evident in the following letter from Oldham to Redmond Anthony in January 1844: The Corkonians do not deserve any assistance in Ogham, for they are exceedingly chary about letting any one else have copies of those which they possess. I copied four, which were in the Institution when I was in Cork, and I have laid them before the Academy; for I cannot understand the feeling which leads people to keep these things as secrets, when the only hope we have of arriving at any sound knowledge of them is by accumulating copies and by directing attention to them so that many which are now destroyed through ignorance, might be preserved. I suppose I shall be thought a terrible thief, but I purposely made them public to shew the worthy antiquarians of Cork that it was quite impossible to keep such things to themselves. (© RIA MS 12 L 9, 20) It is possible that Windele and his fellow antiquarians had decided to publish their findings on ogham and wanted to keep the information to themselves until the work had been completed. It was hinted at by Hackett in May 1843 when he wished Abell and Windele

6.6 Silver penannular brooch (Ballyspellan fibula), drawn by Richard Brash

joy of what I perceive a most triumphant career in this interesting investigation. You have now, I should think ample materials for a goodly book on the subject. (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 154)

The first ogham-inscribed stone noticed and sketched by Hitchcock was at Ballymorereagh, Co. Kerry, in 1846 although he had been carrying out research on them for eight years prior to that. Shortly afterwards he ‘commenced a correspondence’ with Edward Clibborn of the RIA and this in turn led to his meeting with Charles Graves and the discovery of over one hundred and thirty inscriptions by Hitchcock and Graves in the period up to 1853 (RIA MS 4 B 13, 189-90). This does not agree with Windele’s list of Kerry inscriptions as shown in Table 6.3 (p.123).

Several eminent antiquarians encouraged Windele to write about his ogham discoveries and conclusions. These included O’Donovan who, in July 1844, on hearing that Windele was about to present a paper on the subject to the RIA, advised that if you draw up your account judiciously without wandering into the realms of fancy you will gain great credit for adding much to our authentic literature, which is just now only laughed at by our English contemporaries. I would advise you to read all the objections that have been made to the antiquity of the Irish Oghams by Ledwich and others, and meet them by proving the remote antiquity of Crypts in which your Ogham

In the early years Windele seems to have been very approachable and helpful in giving advice on ogham inscriptions and was consulted by several writers, including Lady Chatterton, who was introduced to him by their mutual friend Sainthill in 1838 (RIA MS 12 L 5, 31101

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK access to our Mss stores will give his labours a new & valuable interest. I had feared our labours might have clashed; had it been so, I should at once have withdrawn from the field. (ibid.)

inscriptions were found. (© RIA MS 12 L 9, 83) In February 1846 MacAdam also urged Windele to publish as ‘the repeated announcement of the discovery of Oghams in Munster has made such a publication imperative’ but cautioned that

It is not clear from the Windele manuscripts exactly when Graves and Windele started to correspond but, by November 1847, Graves replied to a letter from Windele thanking him for his ‘friendly greeting ... as a fellow labourer in the field of Ogham research’ and continued:

no attempt should be made to explain them, in the present state of our knowledge. The circumstances of the finds of each Inscription should be minutely detailed, & the names of credible & respectable persons given to corroborate your own testimony so as to place the matter beyond the cavil of Dublin doubters that are, & future doubters that may be! (© RIA MS 4 B 6, 181 a-b)

In the cultivation of this field we shall doubtless take different parts, and I should not wonder if we held very conflicting opinions. But I think I may promise ... that no disagreement in speculative matters will hinder our cooperation in the practical work of showing forth the actually exciting antiquities of our country. Until this has been done extensively as regards our monuments and manuscripts, speculation is premature and hazardous. (© RIA MS 4 B 7, 353-4)

Probably the greatest incentive to publish came from his friend Hackett who, in July 1846 wrote that nothing can take from your brows the laurels you have won for your achievements in that Department. It would be a pity that you who have bled in the cause should not reap the fruits of your prowess. (© RIA MS 12 L 10, 118)

It must have been apparent to Graves shortly after he began his ogham studies that his views were quite different to those of Windele as, in March 1848, he assured him that

O’Donovan advised him not to delay publication as he was probably afraid that Charles Graves would publish first (ibid. 119). In the early years O’Donovan had inclined towards the opinion of Petrie that they were not ‘true alphabetic writing’ (Ferguson 1887, 10) but, at a later stage, he acknowledged that they were indeed ‘intelligible, articulate signs’ (ibid.). His earlier inclinations were long remembered and a letter to Windele from Connellan in November 1854 hinted that O’Donovan’s opinion was ‘not his own, I should rather think it to be that of Dr. Graves. I well remember many of his former theories which were ... repetitions of Petrie’s’ (© RIA MS 4 B 14, 1075).

whilst I am, and do confess myself to be, in some sort, an interloper, trespassing upon the field of your research I am not a piratical one but anxious, so far as the expression of my opinion can do it, to secure to you the due need of your diligence and zeal. (ibid. 770) Graves acknowledged the help he had received from Petrie who had provided him with ‘all the numerous copies of Ogham stones, which were made by the surveyors & draftsmen of the Ordnance Survey in the South of Ireland’ (© RIA MS 4 B 5, 1149). From these he had constructed a key ‘by the use of general principles of deciphering’ without reference to manuscripts, such as the Book of Ballymote, but ‘on the assumption that the inscriptions were in the Irish language’ (© RIA MS 4 B 7, 354-5). His approach to the decipherment of the ogham script was described as being purely scientific and ‘perfectly free of any bias or leaning towards any one, or any theory’ (© RIA MS 4 B 5, 1151); however, he had at least one critic of this method as, in December 1856 the English scholar, Rev. Daniel H. Haigh of Erdington, felt that Graves had

It is obvious that Windele was influenced by the advice of his friends as, in a letter to Mr. W. E. Hudson of Dublin in August 1846, he stated: My leading object is to give the public those inscriptions which my friends & self have collected. To publish them with all accuracy, with full references to localities & such verifications as are in our power. Translation I have no notion of attempting ... I shall only endeavour to shew by the paganism of many of the monuments ... that letters were known before the introduction of Christianity. (© RIA MS 12 L 10, 123) He went on to say that he was aware of Graves’ interest in ogham and felt that

failed by allowing himself to be biased by a theory, which leads him to jump to conclusions, without passing through the steps of the argument, and sometimes to misrepresent facts. (© RIA MS 4 B 16, 718)

he has not only zeal but a knowledge of the Irish language to qualify him for the undertaking. ...

Graves delivered his paper ‘On a General Method of Deciphering Secret Alphabetic Writings’ to the RIA on

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ISSUES AND DEBATES 14 February 1848 and followed it with further papers on 22 May and 11 June in which he explained the application of his key to ‘the rendering of Ogam inscriptions from the actual monuments’ (Brash 1879, 53). A copy of the paper which Graves sent to Windele was received with mixed feelings and, although he was pleased that the subject ‘had been taken up and rescued from the total neglect in which it had been permitted to lie’, he regretted that Graves did not concur with his opinions and felt that their views were ‘in complete opposition’, but conceded that ‘perhaps after all it is better this should be so. It is from this vanity of opinion that truth is often arrived at’ (© RIA MS 12 L 11, 21920).

As mentioned above, there was considerable debate regarding the era in which ogham stones/inscriptions were first used in Ireland but the Cork antiquarians were united in their belief that they were pre-Christian and were proof of literacy in Ireland prior to the arrival of Christianity in the fifth century AD. In January 1843 Hackett discussed the frequent occurrence of ogham inscribed stones in ‘rath caves’ (souterrains) and stated that the Oghams found in them prove beyond all dispute, that we had letters at least before Christianity and such letters as could not in all likelihood have been recently borrowed from their Celtic or Teutonic neighbours. As in this perishing climate no written parchment or vellum documents could have been hoped to be preserved as long as the Sceptics would require sculptured letters on stone or some equally durable substance. (ibid. 87)

Windele’s reply to Graves in November 1848 explained that the main reason for his delay in publishing was due ‘to the very limited time at my disposal by which my progress has been sadly impeded’ (ibid. 220-1). This must have been a very great problem for Windele as, unlike some of the academics involved in the study of ogham, he had a full-time job in the Sheriff’s Office in Cork. Initially, as indicated in a letter in March 1848, Windele had been very willing to assist Graves by allowing Hitchcock to copy the inscriptions deposited in the RCI although he felt that he was

Lady Chatterton was one of the first to comment on this in her Rambles in the South of Ireland (1839). With regard to the presence of crosses on some of the stones she felt that at first sight this seems inconsistent with the received opinion, which gives to these inscriptions an antiquity far more remote than the Christian era. Some learned antiquarians at Cork have removed this difficulty by suggesting that the crosses were probably added at a later period, when the stones were accidentally made use of at a Christian burial: the rude execution of these crosses, as compared with the inscription, seems to justify this idea. (Chatterton 1839, 226)

cutting the ground from under my own feet, in enabling others to anticipate me in a work which I have been long intending. In your hands I know the subject of the inscriptions will be better treated yet I confess I should prefer that the South, which I have worked, should remain for my treatment. (© RIA MS 12 L 11, 86) In his paper delivered on 22 May 1848, Graves had taken credit for the identification and translation of the word maqi (meaning ‘son of’), but Brash (1879, 53) made it very clear that this had already been translated by Irish scholar Father Matthew Horgan, first President of the SMAS.11 Work had also been carried out on ogham inscriptions by the Irish scholar, Denis O’Flynn of Shandon Street, Cork, in the 1830s (RIA MS.12 L 5, 45 & 47). Windele must have approached the northern antiquarians about the meanings of the ogham inscriptions as both Getty in 1843 (RIA MS 4 B 2, 899) and Reeves in 1848 (RIA MS 4 B 8, 126) contacted Cork-born Edward Hincks (1792-1866) of Killyleagh, Co. Down, for his opinion on the script. It could not be ascertained whether Windele was in touch with Hincks, but it is possible that they would have known one another due to the strong links of the Hincks family with Cork through his father, Thomas Dix Hincks founder of the RCI (see section 3.1). Edward Hincks was renowned for his pioneering work on the cuneiform decipherment of Assyrian and Egyptian texts, but it is not known whether or not he became interested in ogham.

Windele was convinced of the ‘pagan’ origins of ogham stones, but, as indicated above and also in a letter to Graves in March 1848, he was satisfied that the occurrence of crosses, and particularly the cross within a circle, was evidence for ‘the presence in after times of christians who even carried into pagan sepulchres the practice of christianizing the monuments of the country’ (© RIA MS 12 L 11, 85). The Cork antiquarians were supported in their views by other Irish scholars including O’Donovan who, by October 1845, had accepted that ogham had originated in pre-Christian Ireland and referred to it as a subject which must finally decide the claims of our island to literature before its reception of letters from Rome with Christianity. This is an important question, and any one that will help to solve it will be entitled to the gratitude of oulde Ireland. (© RIA MS 12 L 10, 54) In the following month, Connellan who, in 1849, was appointed to the Chair of Celtic Languages and Literature

11 Ten years later, in April 1858, Daniel H. Haigh also deduced that: ‘Maqi ..., I think may be son’ (© RIA MS 4 B 18, 292).

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6.7 Ogham stone from Ardmore, Co. Waterford (found by John Windele in church of St. Declan) Such was the interest in the stone among the Dublin antiquarians that, in November 1845, Clibborn of the RIA wrote to Odell, who owned the site in Ardmore, and asked if they could ‘see the stone respecting which there has been so much shindy’. It was duly forwarded to Clibborn and was presented to the RIA by Odell. In 1853, it was included among the ogham exhibits at the Great Exhibition in Dublin (Hitchcock 1853, 283).

at Queen’s College, Cork (see section 3.2), also wrote to Windele as follows: I am happy to learn of your recent discoveries of Ogham inscriptions as there cannot be a stronger evidence of the existence of letters in this country before the introduction of Christianity in opposition to the opinions of those shallow writers who would make us believe that till then we have been a race of unlettered barbarians, but such native proofs as you have brought to light are incontrovertible evidences. (© RIA MS 12 L 10, 52)

A second stone, with two inscriptions, was discovered on the same site by Edward Fitzgerald of Youghal many years later (Plate 6.8). It had been built into the east wall of St. Declan’s Oratory and had been overlooked by members of the SMAS. It is now in the chancel of the ruined Cathedral.13

This was in contrast to Petrie and Graves who opted for an early Christian date. In 1845, Petrie clashed with Windele regarding an ogham stone from Ardmore which Petrie considered to be a fake, but which subsequently proved to be a genuine inscription (Plate 6.7). It was found by Windele built into a ruined wall in Saint Declan’s cathedral (Fitzgerald 1855, 230).12

Some years later, in 1856, Rev. Henry Haigh gave his opinion on the antiquity of ogham as follows: the view which I take of the Ogham writing is this; that it is, like the Runic, of pagan antiquity, but that it continued, like the Runic, to be occasionally used long after the introduction of Romanesque characters by Christian missionaries. (© RIA MS 4 B 16, 599)

In October 1845, Petrie admitted his mistake and acknowledged that it was ‘a true Ogham’, but stated that whether the character was used by the pagans or not, there is nothing in my mind more certain than the fact that it was used by the Christians. I have, however, no desire to pull down the antiquity of such inscriptions - on the contrary it would give me the greatest pleasure to see this assumed antiquity proved, and I have been long struggling to get evidence in support of it. (© RIA MS 4 B 6, 19 & 21-2)

He felt that ‘it was by no means unlikely, that converts still attached to the old learning would occasionally inscribe stones with the old characters’ (ibid. 635). Even Hitchcock, who had worked with Graves, concluded in June 1855 that ‘every day since I first saw an Ogham, facts are turning up which seem to prove beyond doubt that the Oghams are of Pagan origin & were used also in Christian times’ (© RIA MS 4 B 15, 565).

12

Windele found this stone in the summer of 1841 and it was afterwards put into the round tower for safe keeping. This led to confusion as some antiquarians were of the opinion that it had been discovered in the base of the round tower (Hitchcock 1853, 283).

13 The stone was shown to Lane Fox when he visited the site with Odell in the 1860s (Lane Fox 1867, 129).

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6.8 Ogham stone from Ardmore, Co. Waterford (found by Edward Fitzgerald in St. Declan’s oratory) feels the point of your lance penetrating his arriere, to try another onslaught. (© RIA MS 4 B 12, 37)

Through the Journal of the Kilkenny Archaeological Society (JKAS) Windele (1850, 142) referred to Graves’ views on the Christian origins of ogham and indicated that he was unhappy with his conclusions, but confidently expressed his opinion that ‘time, and future discoveries, I have no doubt, will prove I am right’. This was followed by a response from Graves in the following year. Whereas Windele had contended that ogham had been used by ‘the Irish Druids – long previous to the Christian era; and was related to the cuneiform characters of the East’, Graves believed that ‘it was constructed, in comparatively recent times, by persons acquainted with the Roman and Runic alphabets’ (Graves 1851, 305).

It seemed as if there were some who were quite enjoying the controversy, but Hitchcock’s advice prevailed and the debate concluded. In September 1852 MacAdam approached Windele for an article on ogham for the UJA but, two months later, he asked Windele ‘not to do much more than register the Oghams themselves’ (© RIA MSS 4 B 12, 1000 and 1154). Evidently the northern antiquarians were much more cautious about becoming involved in the kind of public arguments which had taken place between Windele and Graves. This was clear in a letter from MacAdam to Windele in November 1853 when he said:

On 1 November 1851 Hitchcock had encouraged Windele to end the ‘little Ogham war in Kilkenny’ and added that: it remains to be seen whether you were right or wrong. Let us hope, however, that the Dr. will not entirely vanquish you in his next reply – I would not wish this. (© RIA MS 4 B 11, 702-3)

We are trying to keep clear of ‘warlike’ articles ... we endeavour to confirm our correspondents to a calm statement of facts or arguments. We did not like to let the Ogham controversy go any further, as it looked too severe. (© RIA MS 4 B 13, 1090)

A further letter from Hitchcock on 11 November 1851 indicated that he could ‘see no good likely to result from pushing the controversy further – Shake hands with the Doctor over the business now, and let it terminate ...’ (ibid. 734).

As the 1850s progressed, ogham discoveries became more rare and the level of debate was greatly reduced. However the work of Archdeacon Arthur Rowan of Ardfert, Co. Kerry, attracted a certain amount of attention as the following extract from William Williams of Dungarvan dated 27 October 1858 indicated: I am glad to learn that Archdeacon Rowan is

John Prim, Joint Secretary of the KAS, wrote to Windele in January 1852 and indicated that Graves was not inclined to continue the discussion even though there was no knowing how he may be tempted when he 105

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK about publishing an account of his recent important discovery which, occurring as it did ... is sure to command the profound attention of Archaeologists, and to keep their minds alive, for a season longer, to the subject of Ogham writing. (© RIA MS 4 B 18, 799)

Dogmael’s Abbey, near Cardigan in Wales, which became known as the ogham Rosetta stone. The local vicar, who had discovered the stone, contacted Charles Graves regarding the translation of the ogham inscription, which was found to correspond with the Latin (RomanoBritish) and it was considered that both inscriptions could be ‘fixed in date between the extreme limits of a century, viz., AD 400 - AD 500’ (JKAS 1861, 233).

In his report to the Academy, Rowan gave details of an ogham stone that had been discovered in Glen-Fais valley in the Slieve Mish mountains near Tralee (Plate 6.9). The site was of particular interest as, according to local tradition, it was the scene of a battle between ‘the invading Milesians and local inhabitants’.14 Having been informed that stone-lined graves had been found during road-making activities some years earlier and that the nearby fields were ‘full of them’, Rowan carried out investigations and found evidence for multiple burials in the area (Rowan 1858, 100-6). He attempted to link the ogham inscription with local tradition by sending transcripts to Graves and Windele for translation but Graves declined until he could see the stone for himself, and Windele returned ‘a version from some learned Oghamist of his acquaintance’ which Rowan considered to be based ‘on a conjectural emendation of the characters’ (ibid. 104).

Although the northern antiquarians did not get particularly involved with the Ogham debate their interest continued, as is shown in a letter from MacAdam to Windele in January 1860. He was evidently interested in getting information on round towers and ogham stones which he referred to as ‘our Gordian Knots’ and reminded Windele that he had seriously promised to give all you know to the world about Oghams. Your name is so completely associated with that truly Irish subject, that I should be sorry to see your laurels, one by one, severed from your brow. So to arms. Let this year not pass without doing something, & I will lend you a helping hand as far as I can. (© RIA MS 4 B 20, 16) This extract gives an idea of the reputation that Windele commanded among many of his fellow antiquarians as a result of his work on ogham stones. Many years later another northerner, Samuel Ferguson, paid tribute to the ‘Munster antiquaries’ who he considered to be ‘of moderate scholastic acquirements, but sincere and very ardent explorers of the antiquities of their country’, although he felt that they ‘had contested, with an ardour far too hot, every opinion which did not tend to advance their views and aspirations’ (Ferguson 1887, 10 & 13). In fact, he went even further and was perhaps somewhat harsh when he said that they had no toleration for anyone who would not see with their eyes both sensibly and in a way of ratiocination; and much of the efficiency which, in such a pursuit, flows from co-operation and mutual encouragement, has been lost to Oghamic research in Ireland in consequence. (ibid. 14)

6.9 Ogham stone from Glen Fais, Co. Kerry, drawn by Archdeacon Arthur Rowan in 1850s

In 1907, Professor R. A. S. Macalister of University College, Dublin, also acknowledged Windele’s valuable work on the collection of ogham stones and inscriptions even though, in his opinion, he was ‘often mistaken and unscientific in his references’, but, as he pointed out, this was probably inevitable ‘living as he did before archaeology became an exact science’ (Macalister 1907b, 37).

A significant discovery was reported to Windele by Rev. H. Haigh in October 1861 when he informed him that he had seen a stone from Devonshire in the British Museum with an ogham and a ‘Roman’ inscription (RIA MS 4 B 21, 665). As local secretary in Cork for the KAS, Windele would also have been aware of a report in JKAS for 1861 from Archaeologia Cambrensis 4, (3rd Series, 128-36) on the discovery of a bilingual stone at St.

Much has been written about the ogham script over the years and even now the issue of dating and whether it is

14 Details of the battle, which Rowan believed to have been ‘derived from still more ancient chronicles’, were included in Keating’s History of Ireland written in the early seventeenth century (Rowan 1858, 1012).

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6.10 Plan and section drawing of fulacht fiadh by Thomas Carew Hunt c1843 probably the most active period in the history of the SMAS soon after its foundation in 1840.

pagan or Christian is still debated. Recent research has suggested that it could have been in use here as early as the second or third century AD, several centuries before the arrival of Christianity (Harvey 1990, 13-14) but, within the past few years, Damian McManus (2004, 6) has suggested that the inscriptions are no earlier than the fourth century AD. The debate, which was so divisive in the mid-nineteenth century, still continues.

Hackett first became interested in ‘folachts’ prior to 1815 when he read of them in Keating’s History of Ireland, written in the early seventeenth century, where they were described as the remaining evidence for the cooking methods used by the Fianna, a group of warrior hunters (who may or may not have been a mythical group) who had traversed the country in ancient times. Each day their attendants had to

6.3 Fulachta fiadh In addition to the generally accepted belief that fulachta fiadh were cooking places it has been suggested by several researchers that they may also have served as places for washing and bathing or that they may have been used in processes associated with brewing, leatherworking and textile manufacture (Ó Drisceóil 1988, 671). The following extract from Keating’s work supports the idea that they were for washing and bathing and may also have been used for therapeutic reasons:

kindle raging fires ... and to dig two pits in the yellow clay of the moorland, and put some of the meat on spits to roast before the fire; and to bind another portion of it with suagans in dry bundles, and set it to boil in the larger of the two pits, and keep plying them with stones that were in the fire, making them seethe often until they were cooked.15 And these fires were so large that their sites are to-day in Ireland burnt to blackness, and they are now called Fulacht Fian by the peasantry. (Dinneen 1908 2, 329)

Each of them stripped off, and tied his shirt round his waist; and ranged themselves round the second pit ..., bathing their hair and washing their limbs, and removing their sweat, and then exercising their joints and muscles, thus ridding themselves of their fatigue. (Dinneen 1908 2, 329)

Keating also indicated that the smaller pit was used by the warriors for washing and bathing before they dined (as described by Dinneen). With this information, Hackett sought for, but did not find, similar cooking practices among the native Americans during a visit to the USA. He deduced that, as both the ‘Fenians’ and the Indians were hunters, there should be a ‘similarity of habits’. Later in 1823, following his return to Ireland, he tried to locate some of the sites mentioned by Keating, but was unsuccessful at first, even though he found ‘a very intelligent man’ in

Recent research in Britain, where they are referred to as burnt mounds, suggests that they may have been multipurpose sites and, that in addition to being utilized for cooking, they could indeed have been used as sauna or sweat baths (Barfield & Hodder 1987, 378). Much of the interest in fulachta fiadh in the Cork area was generated by Hackett from Midleton who was particularly well informed about field monuments in the east Cork region. The interest coincided with what was

15 Sugáns are ropes made from dried straw or grass that were wrapped around the meat before it was immersed in the boiling water.

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK north Cork who had often seen such sites. Hackett moved to the Midleton area in 1825, but it was not until 1829 that he made the connection between some large mounds and the ‘Fenian’ cooking places as described by Keating (RIA MSS 4 B 16, 17-18 and 12 L 8, 87). At a later stage he linked the Irish evidence with cooking practices of native New Zealanders (TKAS 3 (1854), 59).

the land in this part of the county, if they ever were must be found somewhere, these are subjects very interesting indeed, and originated with our friend. (© RIA MS 12 L 9, 74) Obviously Anthony gave the credit for the discovery of fulachta fiadh to Hackett, but considered them to have been confined to the Cork area. Hackett, for his part, believed that they had been used throughout the country even though antiquarians in other places had not noticed them. He felt that, in spite of the fact that he admitted to being ‘very ignorant of Geology’, the underlying rock and soil types made it possible to identify fulachta more easily in some areas than in others (RIA MS 4 B 15, 8712). He also postulated that they would be ‘more rare in lime-stone districts than elsewhere, as the stones fit for the heating process should be such as would not be likely either to crumble into lime, or to vitrify’ (TKAS 3 (1854), 61). Hackett’s hypothesis has since proved to be correct as these site-types have been identified in every county of Ireland apart from County Dublin (Ó Drisceóil 1988, 672). Admittedly most of these are in the south of the country with over 3,000 examples in County Cork alone (pers. comm. Ursula Egan, Cork Archaeological Survey) and they are now recognized as the most numerous sitetype in the country.

As Hackett’s researches continued, he found that the site type was particularly numerous in County Cork and concluded they had not been noticed by antiquarians either in Cork or elsewhere until they ‘attracted the attention of the M.S.M.A.S.’16 (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 87). Hackett was not correct in this assumption as they had been recorded by Horatio Townsend in his Survey of the County of Cork (1815) that had been carried out under the auspices of the Royal Dublin Society (see section 1.3). Townsend had noted that fulachta fiadh were often found close to bogland and the fact that they were so numerous could infer ‘a very considerable degree of early population’; he also noted that they were always close to water, which he took as an indication that they had been used for cooking (Townsend 1815 1, 145-6). Fulachta fiadh have now been located throughout Ireland, but, at the time of Hackett’s investigations, it seemed likely that they were confined to the Cork area and this led to a considerable amount of debate and confusion among the southerners as to their use, location and the density of the population at the time of their construction. Hackett, who was well versed in the Irish language, felt that even the term fulacht fiadh, which he translated into English as ‘deer roast’, had been incorrectly translated by others from fulacht fian, (as used by Keating) meaning the ‘roast of the Fian’, thus giving rise to the erroneous idea, in his opinion, that they were associated with the Fianna (RIA MS 4 B 15, 794).17

It is interesting that Hackett (TKAS 3 (1854), 60) used placename evidence in his identification of some of these sites. He mentioned places such as Garryduff, Ballyduff and Cloghduff where fulachta were found; as the suffix ‘duff’ is the anglicised version of ‘dubh’, meaning black, it probably referred to the blackened soil which remained long after the fulachta went out of use. In the early 1840s, Hackett was often accompanied on his fieldwork by Thomas Carew Hunt, sometime British consul in the Azores, a relative of Edward Odell who, at that time, was living at Carewswood, outside Castlemartyr, Co. Cork. Windele said of Hunt that he was ‘an extremely clever, intelligent and above all practical antiquary’ (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 100). Hackett and Hunt were convinced that fulachta fiadh were to be found close to the water source which served a ringfort and the following description was given by Hunt in a letter to a Rev. Thaddeus Mason Harris in March 1843:

Hackett wrote to Redmond Anthony on several occasions in 1844 asking for information on ancient Irish mythology and on ‘those cooking sites of our early ancestors’, however, a letter from Anthony to Windele dated 3 July 1844 indicated that he had had little success with the enquiries carried out in response to Hackett’s letters:

I allude to certain accumulations of charcoal and burnt stones found by the side of running water near every Fort called by the natives of this country Fulacht Fian, the rubbish it is thought left after the cooking of victuals. These heaps are when the form has not been destroyed in the culture of the soil, of a crescent shape and have been found in many cases ... to contain in the inner centre a few feet below the present surface a rude wooden trough headed by a raised hearth of stones. (ibid. 123)

Among our Clergy and Farmers most particularly, no remains of coal ashes, cinders or any substance indicating fire places has been turned up. He [Hackett] thinks & was informed in the upper part of this county many were found, which may be, but none in any part of my neighbourhood and where he found out so many hundred around him is somewhat singular - they were not more universal all over Ireland. I am bound to say from the increased cultivation of 16 17

viz. Members of the South Munster Antiquarian Society. In the north of Ireland they were referred to as ‘Giants’ Cinders’.

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Table 6.2 List of Ogham stones from County Cork and elsewhere up to 1853 (adapted from Windele 1853, 48-9). He went on to give a detailed description of the way in which they were used and constructed. Hunt’s plan and section drawing of a fulacht fiadh is shown in Plate 6.10. He was particularly interested in the correlation of both site types and drew a ‘map’ to support his viewpoint (Plate 6.11). In fact he was so confident of his ability to locate fulachta that when

fact that the subject was being discussed (RIA MS 12 L 8, 100). By May 1844 Windele had come to the conclusion that the fulachta ‘belonged to an aboriginal race who preceded the fort builders’ and that it was ‘impossible to construct a fort without doing so in the vicinity of some one or more of these “hunter’s fireplaces”’ (© RIA MS 12 I 9, 169).

looking for the heaps in a district new to me it was only necessary to enquire for the nearest water to any fort visited by me, in order to discover the heap belonging to it. (ibid. 123)

Hackett conceded in a letter to Windele in October 1843 that, following extensive fieldwork in the east Cork area, he found that there was a strong support for your system that they are not appertaining to the Forts; on the lands of Broomfield they are more numerous than in any place I have ever explored, yet we find no Forts, nor any tradition of them - I think no less than thirty Fulact without a single Fort, nevertheless I have found no exception to my rule that wherever a fort is found, so is a fulact at the nearest spring. (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 220)

Hunt’s findings implied that, in his opinion, these sites were associated with permanent settlement. Independently of Hackett, fulachta fiadh were also discovered by Zachariah Hawkes of Bandon in west Cork in the early 1840s. He too was a regular correspondent of Windele and, remarkably, both he and Hackett wrote to Windele at the same time with information on their respective discoveries (TKAS 3 (1854), 60). In a letter to Hawkes dated February 1843, Windele made it quite clear that he did not agree with Hunt’s opinion that the ‘Follachts were ovens or cooking places belonging to the Forts’, however he welcomed the

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK

6.11 Relationship between fulachta fiadh and ringforts, drawn by Thomas Carew Hunt c. 1843 By 1855, Hackett’s knowledge of east Cork and his skill at identifying ‘folacht’ sites was such that he made the following comment:

He also noted that although they were very numerous in some areas there were ‘large tracts of hundreds of acres in extent, throughout the entire of which, not a Fort or Fulacht is to be seen, but on the outside of which both are rather more numerous than else where’. His explanation for this was that these areas had been ‘bogland’ in antiquity (RIA MS 4 B 5, 140).

There are some regions so completely covered with them that if I had Ordnance sheets and were to mark them down the number would appear incredible. One field now under green crops is nothing but Folacht, it is fully four acres in extent, but I imagine, this is only caused by the levelling of some huge mounds. (© RIA MS 4 B 16, 21)

Some of the wooden troughs, such as that at Coolowen on the Cork-Mallow road, were mistakenly identified as ‘boats’, but Hackett was able to advance a convincing argument for their use as water troughs in the fulachta fiadh even though he felt that more investigation should be carried out. In support of his argument he had closely examined an example uncovered in his neighbourhood and found that it had (1) ‘no appearance of seats or places for oars’; (2) had similar workmanship to ‘the more ancient troughs’; and (3) was found ‘on very high boggy ground’ (© RIA MS 12 L 9, 39). Incidentally, a series of fulachta fiadh were identified at Coolowen by G. Walsh during his survey of the area in the early 1980s (Walsh 1985, 67) and are included in the Archaeological Inventory of County Cork 2, site numbers 3945-8 inclusive.

Hackett continued to question the idea that the Fianna had constructed them and considered it impossible that they ‘could have raised the one thousandth of these … though they might have caused some of them’. He felt that the native population must have cooked ‘in the Folacht style’ for a very long time to have produced so many (ibid.). Although it was not specified, Hackett seemed to be suggesting that they could have been associated with more permanent settlement. There does not appear to have been a great deal of speculation among the Cork antiquarians regarding the dating of these sites, although the following extracts suggest a general acceptance that they originated in the prehistoric era and could have been used well into the medieval period. A letter to Windele from Hackett in February 1844 opined that ‘whether the Fulachts were in existence 3000 years ago or 300 that which we have just discovered is undoubtedly nearer the former than the

In his bid to identify fulachta fiadh Hackett consulted the first edition of the Ordnance Survey in the RCI, but found that there was no reference to them and concluded that they had not been noticed by ‘the Sappers’, in spite of the fact that he had written to Petrie (Head of the Placenames and Antiquities section from 1833-46), about ‘the said remains as long ago as 6 years’ (© RIA MS 12 L 9, 66). 110

ISSUES AND DEBATES is likely that there is still much useful information on Bronze age settlement to be gleaned from comprehensive investigation of the wider areas surrounding them.

latter’ (© RIA MS 12 L 9, 35), but in a letter to the KAS in 1854, he wrote: I have seen evidence to convince me that this savage mode of cooking existed to a comparatively late period, as well as unerring proof of its having been extremely remote. (TKAS 3 (1854), 60)

6.4 Geological time and the antiquity of man; the concept of evolution Although geology was included on the curriculum of the RCI, it did not feature to any particular extent in the correspondence of the local antiquarians in the early years of the nineteenth century. A mid-eighteenth century reference to changes in the geological formation of Ireland related to a discussion on cod fishing; a letter written by Chief Justice Wills pointed out that the fishing banks on the west coast of Ireland were the same as those which extended across the Atlantic to Newfoundland and he concluded that

Another reference to dating was contained in an article submitted to the Cork Examiner in June 1853 when the writer asked: How many ages have passed away since the ancient hunter at his vocation, and, perhaps the Druidical priest at his, lighted their faces at that fire? Is it much short of three thousand years?

the argument drawn from this, is, that Ireland anciently joyned the North America. (UCC, Caulfield notebooks U 83 Box 5, 5 - letter of Chief Justice Wills 1757-62)

As discussed earlier, Windele firmly believed that they were of prehistoric date but there were difficulties with comprehending the timescale involved. Bearing in mind these antiquarian deliberations, it is interesting to note that a considerable number of radiocarbon dates for such sites in Ireland and Britain have fallen ‘generally in the 2nd millennium b.c.’ (Ó Drisceoil 1988, 671). O’Kelly (1954, 144) suggested that ‘the extreme range of date ... lies between about 2000 B.C. and the end of the 16th century A.D.’, but this did not agree with the findings of Brindley and Lanting (1990, 56) who found that, ‘with no exceptions, fulachta fiadh date to the Bronze Age and to a well-defined span within that period’. In his discussion on the dating of ‘burnt mounds’ (mainly British examples), Hedges (1975, 77) concluded that most of these sites ‘are to be ascribed to the period from about 1400 to 100 BC’.

The Geological Society of Dublin was founded in 1831 and stimulated an interest in earth sciences in the capital; regular meetings were held at which papers were read and many of these were published in their journal (Wyse Jackson 1997, 100). By the 1840s there seems to have been greater interest in geology generally and a letter to Windele from Redmond Anthony dated 3 July 1844 mentioned that it had ‘come greatly in fashion’ (© RIA MS 12 L 9, 74). Lectures on the subject had been delivered in Clonmel, Co. Tipperary, by the Dublin geologist, Thomas Oldham, but Anthony considered that the science was yet in an infant state, and not unlike an infant gropeing in the dark, yet it is progressing and the results will much benefit this and succeeding ages. (ibid.)

Although these enigmatic sites now receive more widespread recognition and attention, the current debate surrounding their origins, uses and dating is not dissimilar to the debates of the mid-nineteenth century. Prior to Hackett’s research they had been linked in Irish literary sources and folklore with the temporary hunting camps of the Fianna, but he believed that they were associated with more permanent settlement. Also his suggestion that they could have been used from three thousand years earlier agreed with the findings of Michael J. O’Kelly, who, in 1952 and 1953, carried out extensive excavation combined with literary research on sites at Ballyvourney and Killeens in county Cork (O’Kelly 1954, 105-55). In 1979, a sample of wood from the Killeens site was tested at Groningen and a date of 3115±35BP was obtained (O’Kelly 1989, 225).

In the early 1830s, Charles Lyell (1797-1875), a pupil of Dr. Buckland (see below), had published his Principles of Geology dealing with the principles of stratigraphic succession and uniformitarianism18 which was a landmark for geology, but, as pointed out by Daniel (1981, 50), geological thought had been developing gradually in Western Europe over many years.19 Lyell attended the meeting of the British Association in Cork in 1843 (see section 3.3), but there does not seem to have been a noticeable upsurge of interest in geology and its implications for archaeology among Cork antiquarians around this time. Even so, the subject must have been

The first International Burnt Mound Conference held in Dublin in October 1988 helped to raise awareness of their vulnerability which was also commented on by O’Neill (2000, 19) who feels that there is a growing tendency ‘to regard them as expendable or unimportant’. To date most excavators have focused on the centre of the sites, but it

18 The doctrine which accepts that processes which operated in the past are still in action today. 19 Darwin’s second edition of The Voyage of the Beagle was dedicated to Lyell ‘with grateful pleasure, as an acknowledgement that the chief part of whatever scientific merit this journal and the other works of the author may possess, has been derived from studying the well-known and admirable Principles of Geology’ (Darwin 1909).

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK coming up for discussion as can be deduced from the following postscript taken from a letter dated 19 January 1844 sent by James Fitzpatrick, Castletownroche to Windele:

Edinburgh University, who continued as Professor up to the year of his death in 1878 and was an active member of the CCS for many years (Murphy 1995, 36). In Europe the exploration of caves increased from the sixteenth century onwards as they were recognized as a major source of animal bone, which was in growing demand for medicinal and agricultural uses. However, according to Boyd Dawkins (1874, 12), there was no systematic exploration of German caves and neither was there an examination of their contents ‘with any scientific precision’ until the close of the eighteenth century. Tattersall (1995, 8) refers to the first discovery of extinct animal bones ‘in association with human bones and stone tools’ by Johann Friedrich Esper at the Gaylenreuth (also called Bayreuth) Cave in Germany in 1774. Unfortunately its great significance was not realized as Esper ‘dared not presume’ that the finds were contemporaneous (ibid.). Esper’s reluctance to consider the implications may have been due in part to the fact that he was a priest and, as such, would have had difficulty in challenging the long accepted biblical chronology for the age of the earth, as worked out by Ussher and others.

I have no less than from a dozen to twenty petrified shells found here on my premises in the midst of a solid rock, and what is more curious, an iron screw was found in the centre of one of these stones, which would go far to upset the theory of those who maintain that the world is much older than recorded, as the screw is of modern invention. (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 86)20 In his revised and emended 1844 edition of the Notices of the City of Cork and its vicinity, Windele described a large limestone boulder in an area near Kenmare, Co. Kerry, where the bedrock was quite different. He was intrigued as to how it had got there unless we refer to those times of geological antiquity, when erratic blocks, were moved across seas, and forced up as component parts of some great iceberg, from the depths of the vasty deep, and here deposited on the dissolution of the moving ice. Lyell’s theory would justify the supposition. (Windele 1844, 335)

In Britain in 1797, John Frere discovered a number of hand axes in association with extinct animal remains in a gravel quarry at Hoxne, Suffolk and attributed them to a ‘very remote period indeed; even beyond the present world’ (Schnapp 1993, 285 fn15). To back up his claim he gave precise details of the find spot together with ‘a stratigraphic description of the find and a section of the deposit’ (ibid.). The Society of Antiquaries published his conclusions in 1800, but no particular debate ensued (Trigger 1989, 88). Obviously the ‘world’ was not ready to accept evidence which pointed to a much greater antiquity for humankind than had been hitherto believed.

Obviously Windele was familiar with Lyell’s work and was applying it to his fieldwork. He also referred to the work of Cork-born Charles Burton Newenham who had published a work on the geology of the south of Ireland entitled A pronaos to the Temple of Science (ibid. 451). There are relatively few references to geology in the Windele manuscripts; however, a questionnaire prepared by Windele, prior to his trip to the Skellig islands off the coast of county Kerry in 1850, asked if ‘the geological structure of these islands [is] the same as that of the nearest mainland?’ (© RIA MS 12 L 11, 511). This suggests that the importance of geology was gradually gaining recognition.

Many Catastrophists were satisfied with the discoveries of geologists and palaeontologists regarding the antiquity of the world and agreed that many animal species had existed and become extinct at various stages, but they could not accept that they had been contemporaneous with humankind. This was highlighted in Jamieson’s translation of Cuvier’s Theory of the Earth as follows:

Within a few years the subject began to attract greater interest in Cork, probably as a result of the foundation of QCC where a Chair of Mineralogy and Geology had been set up when the College opened in 1849 (Murphy 1995, 379). In March and April 1852, a course of lectures on the ‘Physical Structure of the Earth’ was organized by the CCS and delivered by the QCC librarian, Henry Hennessy (RIA MS 4 B 12, 329-30), who in 1853 applied for the chair of Mineralogy and Geology that had become vacant. His application was not successful and the post went instead to Robert Harkness, a graduate of

the human race did not exist in countries in which the fossil bones of animals have been discovered, at the epoch when these bones were covered up; as there cannot be a single reason assigned why men should have entirely escaped from such general catastrophes; or, if they also had been destroyed and covered over at the same time, why their remains should not be now found along with those of the other animals ... Hence it clearly appears, that no argument for the antiquity of the human race in those countries can be founded either upon these fossil bones, or upon the more or less considerable collections of rocks or earthy materials by which they are covered. (Jamieson 1815, 131-2)

20

Antiquarians were also interested in the end of the world as the following extract dated June 1843 from O’Donovan to Windele showed: ‘Such things will be as long as human nature exists, which will be to the end of the year 1999 ... when the race of Adam will be extinct for ever (according to many learned Theologians) and all the monuments of antiquity will be destroyed’ (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 162).

112

ISSUES AND DEBATES The first systematic exploration of a bone-cave in Britain took place at Oreston, near Plymouth, in 1816, following its discovery by a Mr. Whidbey and this was followed some four years later by the work of Oxford’s first Professor of Geology, Dr. William Buckland (17841856), at Kirkdale in Yorkshire (Boyd Dawkins 1874, 13).

Joseph Prestwich who, in turn invited John Evans to visit the site (Boyd Dawkins 1874, 17). Prestwich and Evans went to Abbeville at the end of April 1859 and inspected a gravel pit at Saint Acheul where, following close examination of the stratigraphy, they were convinced of the authenticity of the claims made by Boucher de Perthes on its great antiquity (Evans 1949a, 121-3). They were followed by others, including Lyell, and this marked the turning point in the debate which had been going on for many decades. Following the approval of the Royal Society of London and the Academie des Sciences in France, the great antiquity of humankind was finally recognized and accepted by many eminent scientists (Schnapp 1993, 314).

There should have been considerable interest in the south of Ireland regarding the discovery of flint implements with extinct animal bones at Kent’s Cavern, near Torquay, by Limerick-born priest/palaeontologist, Rev. John MacEnery (1796-1841), who started work there in 1825, but no references to it have been found in local reports of the period. He was convinced that the finds were from the remote period predating the accepted biblical date for the antiquity of the world. Indeed the fact that MacEnery’s findings had not been accepted by Buckland may have contributed to a lack of publicity but, as it was, MacEnery was so disillusioned by the lack of recognition for his work that it remained unpublished and did not receive due recognition until long after his death in 1841 (Daniel 1981, 48-9). The authenticity of MacEnery’s work was eventually confirmed by the geologist, William Pengelly (1812-1894), who also carried out excavations at Brixham cave, near Torquay in 1858-59 and uncovered indisputable evidence for ‘the association of flint tools with the bones of extinct animals’ (ibid. 53). He had been given sponsorship for his work by the Geological Society of London and was supervised by a group of scientists that included Charles Lyell (Trigger 1989, 93).

In 1863, Lyell published his Geological evidences of the Antiquity of Man and Trigger (1989, 94) says that this ‘amounted to official approval’ for the ‘new view’ of human antiquity. Shortly after its publication the work was consulted by Edward Odell, whose comments to Windele in May 1863 are probably representative of most of the Cork antiquarians; he wrote that the ‘geological evidences’ are however in my opinion to a great extent a break down, and remarkably slow also. Neither am I at all inclined to believe that we began by being tadpoles, or something of the sort, and were monkeys only a short time ago. (© RIA MS 4 B 23, 380) Darwin’s On the Origin of Species had been published in 1859 and, although many accepted his concepts, there were others who totally rejected them. The content was bound to be controversial and Gunther (1975, 458) says that generally ‘those who immediately accepted the theory were under thirty five’ years of age.

Buckland was working at Paviland Cave in Glamorgan around the same time as MacEnery at Kent’s Cavern and, even though he had found an ochre-stained male skeleton associated with flint tools and extinct animal bones, he was unable, and probably reluctant, to comprehend the significance of the find and dated it ‘to the RomanoBritish period’ (Daniel & Renfrew 1988, 34). At the time Buckland was endeavouring to ‘reconcile his geological observations with ... Ussher’s chronology by postulating a series of deluges’ (Evans 1956, 229).

The minutes and transactions of the CCS show that Cork antiquarians were aware of the great debates going on regarding evolution and human antiquity. In May 1862, Harkness lectured to the CCS on ‘early Indicators of Man’. His talk contained examples of the occurrence of human bones and man-made tools with those of extinct animals in places as far apart as France and South America, England and Sicily and proved conclusively that humankind had inhabited the world for many thousands of years (UCC MS U 221 A, 277). In April 1865, Harkness reported on the Gibraltar caves (ibid. 299) and, in the following month gave details of his investigation of animal bones in a limestone quarry at Midleton, Co. Cork, in the company of fellow geologist Joseph Wright, who was President of the CCS in 186667, but moved to Belfast in 1868. Although the remains were very fragmented, he identified an extinct species of wild ox and two types of deer, one of which was reindeer, and determined that they had been processed by ‘an early race of men’ (UCC MS U 221 B, 46). Further work was carried out at the site in the following summer and, in

In mainland Europe, investigation and research was continued by men such as Philippe-Charles Schmerling (1791-1836) in Belgium and Paul Tournal (1805-1861), Marcel de Serres and Jules de Christol (1802-1861) in France (Schnapp 1993, 293-4), but it was the work of another Frenchman, Jacques Boucher de Perthes21 who, after many years of excavation and publication of his findings, finally convinced scientists of the greatly extended antiquity of humankind. In 1858, when travelling to Sicily to examine some ‘bone caves’, the English geologist Hugh Falconer saw Boucher de Perthes’ collection of flints at Abbeville and contacted 21 Jacques Boucher (de Crevecoeur) de Perthes (1788-1868) was a honorary corresponding member of the KAS. He was also a correspondent of Richard Caulfield – in 1855 he wrote to Caulfield about an ecclesiastical seal (Dublin City Library, Gilbert MS 113, 24).

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK February 1866 he gave additional information on the animal bones represented which included wild pig, either cave or brown bear and either wolf or dog. The only artefact recovered was a bone ‘piercer’ (ibid. 52).

examples of cave breccia were also distributed to museums both in Ireland and in mainland Europe so that many persons interested in the subject have been enabled to verify by personal observation the accuracy of the statements which have been made. (ibid. 33-34)

An earlier lecture by Lane Fox (Pitt Rivers) to the CCS in May 1864 gave details of the discoveries in England and France and particularly those of Boucher de Perthes. He assured the meeting that ‘the conclusions ... offered for public consideration have not been arrived at without due consideration’ and continued:

An undated letter to Caulfield from Lane Fox included a postscript that mentioned specimens which Mr. Christy gave me … requesting me to distribute them to any of the local museums I knew of and it occurred to me the Kilkenny Museum might like to have some for comparison with those found in Ireland. (Dublin City Library, Gilbert MS 116, 46)

All that can be said at present is that the genuineness of the implements as works of human art, and the fact of their having been deposited at some very remote period ... appear to have been established beyond dispute. It has also been made evident that these implements are coeval with the extinct animals whose bones are discovered in the same strata, but the question of antiquity, that is to say, the number of years that have elapsed since these gravels were formed in the valley, and by what agencies they were deposited, is a point upon which geologists are still at fault; ... notwithstanding the able attempts that have been made to estimate the period by persons entitled to be considered to be called authorities on the subject, many years must in all probability pass over before the question can be determined with anything approaching to precision. (UCC MS U 221 B, 33)

A later letter to Caulfield from James Graves, joint secretary of the KAS, indicated that they were ‘obliged to Col. Lane Fox for presentations’ and asked if the box could be sent by rail to John Prim (ibid. 161). On 21 June 1864 Lane Fox and Caulfield explored a cave complex in ‘St. Owen’s parish’ at Ovens, west of Ballincollig, Cork.23 Their investigations were prompted by the discoveries in France even though they did not ‘expect to reap so rich a harvest as Messrs Christie and Lartet have in the caves of Les Eyzies’ (Caulfield 1865, 295). On breaking through the ‘stalactnite’ (sic) floor they discovered ‘bones and vertebrae in sequence’; some of these afterwards turned out to be human remains (UCC MS U 83 Box 5, 22). This investigation took place just one month after Lane Fox’s lecture to the CCS on human antiquity. It is interesting to note that the Ovens caves had attracted the attention of the Cork antiquarians at an even earlier date. In 1842, Francis Jennings visited the caves in search of ‘fossil, or other remains, but made no discovery’; however, he did find a piece of timber inscribed with the name of Abraham Abell and dated 1808, which had been placed on a small heap of stones (Windele 1844, 258).

Problems with timescale were not peculiar to members of the CCS as they had already been mooted by Daniel Wilson (1816-1892), author of The Archaeology and Prehistoric Annals of Scotland, as early as 1851 (Trigger 1989, 82). Wilson felt that ‘if the artificial origin of the implements of the drift be acknowledged, our greatest difficulty is the length of time they indicate’; he also pointed out that they were from ‘a period irreconcilable with any received system of historic chronology’ (Wilson 1865, 27 & 29).

In the summer of 1864, which had been particularly dry, Thomas Jennings, brother of Francis and a Council member of the CCS, visited a crannóg site at Toome Bridge, Lough Neagh in northern Ireland, accompanied by John Evans and discovered numerous flints on the lake floor nearby. On his return to Cork, Jennings gave details of the site to Robert Day who went there soon afterwards and found many flint artefacts, some of which he compared to those found at Abbeville. In November 1864, Day gave an account of his findings to members of the CCS together with details of flint knapping. He considered the flints to be ‘of the earliest type’ and this enabled him to

Lane Fox also exhibited flint implements, which had been found in situ at St. Acheul by the banker and archaeologist Henry Christy (1810-1865), and a large number of flint flakes, animal bones, teeth and breccia22 from Les Eyzies, which Christy and Edouard Lartet (1801-1871) had uncovered in their investigations in 1863. Among the various faunal species mentioned, the fact that they had found some ‘detached molar teeth ... of the extinct Irish elk’ must have been of particular interest to the Cork audience. Some of the specimens shown at the meeting, together with the copy of a letter from Lartet which had been read to the Academie des Sciences on 29 February 1864, were presented to the RCI while

23 They must have also visited this site at an earlier date as a letter from Lane Fox to Caulfield dated 16 June cautioned that ‘it would be well not to mention the discovery of bones in the Ovens till we have had time to explore more perfectly’ (Dublin City Library, Gilbert MS 116, 45).

22 Breccia is a composite rock of angular fragments of more ancient rock, bound with a matrix of natural cement.

114

ISSUES AND DEBATES its valley through their deposits to a depth of a hundred feet, and that these occurrences have taken place long before the Christian era, we obtain some inadequate idea of the remote period at which the flint implement makers of this part of France lived; and who were, so far as our knowledge has extended, the earliest race of men which have appeared on our earth. (ibid.)

refute the cavils and doubts of the sceptical who are too ready to say the flint weapons of this country are forgeries, and made to supply the increasing demand for antiquities, and to point out on their surface proofs of their recent manufacture. (UCC MS U 221 B, 38) It was not surprising that there were those who were doubtful about the authenticity of some flint artefacts as, in November 1869, Day exhibited a range of forged tool types made by ‘the notorious James Simpson, alias “Flint Jack”’ which were so well made that ‘only the most practiced eye’ could tell that they were forgeries (ibid. 101).

In March 1868 Day reported on the discoveries by Corkborn William Gray of worked flints in the raised beach at Kilroot and other locations in the vicinity of Belfast which Gray believed to be Neolithic (see section 3.3: Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club). He exhibited several specimens that he had found while visiting the site at the Ormeau Bridge, Belfast, with Gray in the previous summer, and pointed out the features which distinguished worked flints from ‘natural productions.’ Day also compared some ‘thumb flints’ from the area with those found in Yorkshire (UCC MS U 221 B, 82). Day’s increased understanding of tool types and the technology involved was evident in his comparisons between Irish and Danish examples which he outlined at a meeting in November of the same year (ibid. 91).

It is not clear when Day first met John Evans, but in January 1866 he exhibited a range of Danish flint implements ‘of very high antiquity’ which had been presented to him by Evans (UCC MS U 221 A, 302) and, in February 1867 a series of Belgian flints, also from Evans, which were heavily patinated and which he thus considered to be from ‘an earlier period than their Irish prototypes’. At the same meeting, Day also displayed flints from Evans’ collection and others found by Canon Greenwell from the Yorkshire barrow excavations (UCC MS U 221 B, 61). As discussed in section 1.1, Greenwell was slow to date them to the Neolithic (or earlier), but this reluctance was understandable at a time when many found it difficult to come to terms with the extended antiquity of humankind.

There seemed to be a particular interest in North America and, in January 1869, Caulfield exhibited flints and other artefacts sent to the CCS by Irish-born Frederick Webber, a resident of Louisville, Kentucky.24 Webber had become involved in the study of native Americans and made comparisons between their tool types and those from Ireland and elsewhere. Caulfield spoke of ‘an intuitive aptitude’ that had led primitive peoples to

Lane Fox left Cork in 1866, but by April 1867 he was with Greenwell at Ganton Wold barrow in Yorkshire (Marsden 1999, 134) and it is tempting to consider that it was through his links with Evans via Day and the CCS that he first started his excavations with Greenwell.

adapt to its condition certain forms of articles necessary for defensive and domestic purposes, and as durability was an object, flint presented the necessary conditions, and wherever it was found we find its use generally adopted. (UCC MS U 22 B, 95)

The exhibition of a variety of flints from Ireland and elsewhere was quite a regular occurrence at meetings in the mid 1860s, but, for the most part, they were not accompanied by any explanation regarding their manufacture, deposition or possible antiquity. There was a change later in the decade as in November 1867 when Harkness reiterated Lane Fox’s earlier account of flints and extinct animal bones from the St. Acheul gravel beds and stated that the bones were found

He cautioned that ‘an equal antiquity’ could not be assumed for these tools as ‘their use may have disappeared from Europe centuries before the North American Indian had ceased to manufacture flint into all its various forms’. He continued:

under such circumstances as fully to justify the inference that the animals to which they belonged were co-existent with the race of men who fashioned the flints implements. (UCC MS U 221 B, 76)

The universal sameness of type at least goes one step to prove the common origin of humanity from one parent stock, and that however widely scattered now, the identity of development in the instinctive economy of mankind proves that the Jew and Gentile, the inhabitants of the islands that are near and those that are afar off, are all one. (ibid.)

He proceeded to use his geological expertise to describe the site and geology of the area in great detail and asked the meeting to consider the length of time required to accumulate a thickness of thirty feet of strata, and also the time ... taken by the Somme to cut

24 Webber was unanimously elected an honorary member of the CCS in the mid 1870s ‘for his many valuable contributions on the Antiquities and Ethnography of the North American tribes’ (UCC MS U 221 A, 336).

115

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK Later in 1869, Andrew Leith Adams, who, at the time, was stationed in Kinsale with the 22nd Regiment but who, from 1878 to 1881 held the Chair of Zoology at QCC, also showed flints and other stone tools which he had brought back to Ireland from native American reservations in New Brunswick (UCC MS U 221 A, 320).

had it been otherwise many important results besides these we attained might have been arrived at, and the remains of animals new to the Pleistocene fauna of Ireland would probably have been discovered. (UCC MS U 221 B, 110) Leith Adams returned to the site in 1875 and, in spite of the fact that much of the original cave had been removed by quarrying, he investigated ‘the continuation of the cavern’ which was filled with material to within two feet of the roof and reported on the stratigraphy and composition of the cave deposits (Woodman et al 1997, 143 and Leith Adams 1876, 193 & 195).

Although there is no record of any attempts by Cork antiquarians to look for flint artefacts in the south of the country at this time, there was an interest in the investigation of caves. One of the earliest references to cave deposits in the Windele manuscripts was in connection with the discovery of fossil bones in a limestone quarry at Shandon Cave, half a mile north of Dungarvan, Co. Waterford. A letter to Windele from William Williams dated 7 April 1859 mentioned that ‘at a depth of thirty feet, a considerable quantity of fossil bones, tusks, molars etc.’ had been found (© RIA MS 4 B 19, 233). They were inspected by Professor Owen of London who pronounced them ‘to be the remains of a female elephant belonging to an extinct species’ (ibid.). A local geologist, Mr. Brennan, notified the RDS of the discovery and this was followed, several weeks later, by a visit to the site by the Director of the RDS museum, Dr. Carte, and a Mr. Byron who was also a geologist and a member of the RDS (ibid. 377). Initially, there was considerable confusion about the finds as Carte identified a ‘long bone of a man’s leg and the other corresponding part of a thigh bone reaching to about six inches above the knee joint’ which had been extracted by Brennan from a rock crevice at a depth of thirty feet; these were later said by Carte to be the bones of a bear, but the letter from Williams expressed his dissatisfaction with the outcome as follows:

Although Pleistocene remains had been identified by Harkness, there were no finds of extinct animal bones in association with human bones (apart from the initial dubious identification by Carte), however this represented a greatly extended antiquity for Ireland. The fact that prehistoric stone tools had been discovered in the north, and that evidence for the processing of long extinct animals had been found by Harkness in Midleton, must also have presented a convincing argument for the colonization of the country at a much earlier period than had previously been believed, yet they were unable to find the evidence which they sought for Palaeolithic ‘man’. In the case of many of the Cork antiquarians covered by this study, who were constantly struggling with timescale and the concept of prehistory, these findings came too late. 6.5 Giant hibernicus)

Irish

Deer

(Megaloceras

giganteus

Giant Deer are believed to have reached Ireland c. 37,000BP at a time when it was connected by landbridges to Britain and mainland Europe, but, to date, the only evidence from this period has been found at Castlepook Cave in county Cork where dates range from 37,200±2000BP to 32,060±130BP (Woodman et al 1997, 135). The main period of occupation lies in a late glacial context with most dates between 12,000BP and 10,800BP (ibid. 150). A report in 1834 on ‘Extinct Animals in Ireland’ attributed their disappearance to an ‘epidemic distemper, or pestilential murrain’ (S. M. S. 1834, 148), but in fact the return of severe arctic conditions around 11,000BP resulted in the loss of the grassland and ‘shrubby’ habitats which must have been a major factor in their eventual extinction. Modern scholars are of the opinion that the species was extinct in Ireland before the Holocene period.

I confess I don’t quite like the way in which this matter has been disposed of – is it possible that such a man as Carte would for a moment mistake the remains of a bear for those of a man, or vice versa? (ibid. 378-9)25 The Windele manuscripts contain no further comment on the identification of these bones. It is perhaps significant that Brennan approached the RDS regarding the discoveries in Shandon Cave, although he afterwards presented the bones to the RCI (ibid. 547). Harkness referred to the above-mentioned discoveries in his report to the CCS in April 1870. He and Leith Adams had visited the cave earlier in the year and found that the bones had come from breccia ‘consolidated by the infiltration of carbonate of lime’ (UCC MS U 221 A, 322). The hardness of the breccia impeded their investigations but he exhibited bones of ‘elephant and reindeer’ that they had excavated from the site (ibid.). He concluded that

Although many examples of the Giant Irish Deer were being uncovered on a regular basis in the late 18th and early 19th century, there seems to have been very little interest among antiquarians in general into their origins and antiquity. The implications of these discoveries do not seem to have been considered until the mid 1820s following the discovery of an almost complete skeleton at Rathcannon, Co. Limerick, and, over the years, most of

25 Carte read a paper ‘On Fossil remains of the Polar Bear’ in Ireland to the Geological Society of Dublin in January 1864 (Journal of the Geological Society of Dublin 10 (1862-64), 114-19).

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ISSUES AND DEBATES the discussion emanated from Dublin.

communication to the KAS from Mr. Edward Benn of Liverpool (formerly of Belfast) mentioned that when he had been resident in the north of Ireland ‘the remains of the elk were found in such abundance as to excite little notice’; however, he added that his main interest was ‘to endeavour to find out the time of its existence and the cause of its destruction’ (JKAS (1856) 1, 155).

One of the earliest descriptions is probably that of Dublin physician Sir Thomas Molyneux who described the species as the ‘Great American Moose Deer’ (Cervus Alces). His article appeared in the Philosophical Transactions, London in 1697 (Smith 1870-2, 345), and the description tied in with the link made by Chief Justice Wills in the mid-eighteenth century who had observed that

An exception to the apparent lack of interest in the species was the discovery of the remains of eight giant deer at Rathcannon, near Bruff, Co. Limerick, in 1824. They came to the notice of Archdeacon W. Maunsell of Limerick who became involved in their recovery and suggested, on 7 April 1824, that they should be presented to the RDS (although he wanted to retain one example for himself).27 He described one as ‘the only skeleton of this extraordinary animal which I believe to be found in the empire’ and requested that someone who was ‘skilled in anatomy’ should be sent to Limerick to select and sort the bones (Proceedings of the Royal Dublin Society (1824) 60, 170). News of the discovery must have travelled quickly as a letter from Maunsell dated 27 May 1824 indicated that he had received ‘a most pressing letter from the London Institution, soliciting a portion of the Antediluvian remains’ (ibid. 212).

the moose deer are found in no part of the world, but on the Northermost parts of America, and the multitude of their horns found here in bogs and marl pits, make it certain they were once inhabitants of this Kingdom. (UCC MS U 83 Box 5.5 – letters of Chief Justice Wills 1757–62) Other writers who commented on them include Bishop Pococke who toured the country in 1752 and referred to them as ‘Mouse Deer or Elk’ (Pococke 1772, 124 & 176) and the French traveller and writer, de Latocnaye, who travelled through Ireland in 1796-97 and called them ‘moss’ or ‘moose deer’ (de Latocnaye 1798, 129). He noted that they had been ‘so long extinct in Ireland that history, and even tradition, have nothing to say about it’ (ibid.).

In a subsequent communication he mentioned that ‘only three were at all perfect’ and speculated on the calamity which had led to their demise, which he considered to have been caused by

It is obvious from Wills’ comment that the discovery of their remains was a regular occurrence yet, strangely enough, they did not attract much interest.26 This was mentioned by the Dublin antiquarian, Joseph Cooper Walker in a letter to his brother dated 31 August 1789 as follows:

some overwhelming deluge that they were probably drowned upon the hills where they had taken refuge as the waters rose, and that, as they subsided they were drawn from thence into the valley in which they were found. (ibid. (1825) 61, 94 and 96)

It is very extraordinary that this animal, once so common in Ireland, is totally unnoticed by both the English and Irish writers who treat of the natural history of this country. (© RIA MS 4 A 27)

Maunsell posed the following series of questions: –

Even at a local level there does not seem to have been any particular interest as is evident in a letter from John Hart (a member of the Royal College of Surgeons) dated 6 July 1824 to members of the RDS Committee of Natural Philosophy when he wrote that

– – –

so little do they attract the attention of the common people, that there is at present time a head, with a large pair of horns, in use for the purpose of stopping a gap, within five miles of Tipperary, on the Limerick road ... (Proceedings of the Royal Dublin Society (1824) 60, 243)

Why were the fossil remains of no other animal found? Were they the only living beings at that period? Was Ireland part of a great continent when this catastrophe occurred? Were they the first emigrants to our Isle from that great centre, from whence the Globe was supplied with occupants, and did they perish before other animals less influenced by enterprise, and less endowed with physical strength, could have followed their example? (ibid. 97).

Although answers did not seem to have been forthcoming from members of the RDS, a communication from the aforementioned John Hart, who had been commissioned

A similar situation seems to have prevailed throughout the country as, many years later in 1856, a

27 On 5 May 1825 Maunsell was proposed for election as an honorary member of the RDS ‘for his presentation of the Cervus Gigantaeus, Irish fossil Elk to the Museum’ (Proceedings of the Royal Dublin Society (1825) 61, 135).

26

Woodman et al (1997, 150) refer to ‘possibly close to 200 find spots’ of this species in Ireland.

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK to select bones ‘for the purpose of constructing a skeleton’, drew attention to a perforated rib and concluded that

Moneroe, near Kilmoney, Carrigaline, Co. Cork, in the early 1820s, or possibly even earlier. Two from the find were acquired by Samuel Wright of Cork and three or more by Drummond, curator of the RCI’s botanic gardens (RIA MS 12 I 9, 626). Wright presented one pair to the RCI and Drummond sent a pair to London (ibid. 627).

the only cause that could have produced this opening is a wound of a sharp instrument, which did not penetrate deep enough to prove fatal, and between which event and the death of the animal a year at least must have elapsed, as the edges of the opening are quite smooth. (ibid. (1824) 60, 242) In linking giant Irish deer to the early inhabitants of Ireland, the article by ‘S.M.S.’ referred to the example which had been housed in ‘the Dublin Museum’ (Plate 6.12) and also mentioned a site in County Meath where some years ago in a bog near Kells ... there was discovered, a few feet below the surface, a row of strong oaken stakes, from six to eight inches in diameter, varying from ten to fifteen feet in length, and about six inches apart from each other. On clearing the bog away, it was found that these stakes formed an extensive enclosure, in which were numerous remains of the Irish Elk, and it is believed that those poles served as a kind of cage for entrapping the Elk, when driven into it by the hunter ... (Gentleman’s Magazine (1834) 2, 147-50)

6.12 Drawing of ‘Irish Elk’ skeleton with adult human skeleton for comparison, in National Museum, Dublin 1906 One of the earliest references by Windele to the giant Irish deer was in connection with a visit to Lough Gur, Co. Limerick, in September 1835 where, following the draining of the east lake, ‘much bones and antlers of the once called moose deer [were] abundant and sculls of female moose deer without antlers’ (© RIA MS 12 C 3, 519). A fine example from Lough Gur was afterwards displayed in the museum at QCC where it was described as

The Rathcannon specimen was transferred to the National Museum by the RDS in the 1870s and is now in the Natural History Museum, Dublin.28 It is significant that in the case of the discovery at Rathcannon, as in the case of the discoveries at Shandon Cave discussed in Section 6.4, the locals looked to Dublin rather than to Cork which was very much closer, but this seems to have been part of an established pattern. Many of the landowners on whose estates the discoveries were made were members of the RDS and, as there was a considerable amount of interest and prestige surrounding important finds, they were reported on and investigated by that body. In addition, the RDS was home to one of the few museums in the country where such finds could be displayed. It has to be admitted that the only body in Cork which might have been able to provide some expertise was the RCI which experienced many difficulties from the mid 1820s and gradually lost its importance and impact on the development of scientific thought in the south (see section 3.1).

the only specimen I am told existing in Ireland. It is of immense size, well put together, and particularly worthy of notice (Anon. An Englishman 1867, 283).29 30 It would be interesting to determine if the pair of ‘moose deer’s horns’ offered to the British Museum by Rev. James Mockler of Fermoy in May 1842 came from the above source. They were inspected by the Trustees and were found to be ‘considerably larger, and more perfect, than any in the Museum’ (BMA, Minutes of Trustees’ Standing Committee, 1st series, 5920 (21 May 1842). Mockler wanted to exchange them for duplicate Saxon, English and Irish coins and was duly supplied with coins ‘from the Royal Cabinet’ to the value of £20 (ibid. 5937 and 6136).

Two pair of ‘Moose Deer’ antlers were on display in the museum of the RCI at the time so they would have been familiar to its members and to members of the societies which met there (RIA MS 12 I 6, 77). One pair was probably from a discovery of five or six found in a bog at

29 This is probably the same specimen that is currently on permanent exhibition in the Geological Museum of UCC. It was found in the Pleistocene lake deposits of Lough Gur in the mid-nineteenth century. 30 Sir Bertram Windle (1858-1929), President of QCC from 1904-19, also referred to Lough Gur as being ‘a fruitful field for the discovery of skeletons of Cervus Megaceros’ and mentioned that ‘many bones’ were in the College museum (Windle 1912, 284).

28 This specimen could not be radiocarbon dated due to the use of chemicals over the years (pers. comm. Nigel Monaghan, National Museum of Ireland).

118

ISSUES AND DEBATES No doubt the subject was discussed at meetings of the CCS, but they seem to have been regarded merely as curiosities or as trophies for display. At a meeting in 1844 Sainthill exhibited

the Gigantic deer of Ireland. Professor Owen asserts, following Cuvier, that the remains constantly found in this country are fossil, in fact vestiges of a former world, my friends contending on the other hand that the animal existed in Ireland coeval with man, & was slaughtered by him for food. The heads lately found by Mr. Glennon at Logh Gur, near Bruff in the Co Limerick where some deers heads were found fractured in the skull, precisely in the same manner as those of the oxen found with them, sustain the opposing theory, on which I concur. The English Philosophers perhaps envy us those remains want to put us down but I saw a letter today from my old friend Crofton Croker joining us & stating that a stone axe, a celt, found by him at Logh Gur in 1843, so exactly fits the breaches in the skulls, that he is satisfied he has the axe that broke the heads of both. Without being quite so certain, it is felt that the inquiry is one of interest & we are all bound to assist our friends. Perhaps you or your friend Father Mat may have found in some old Irish song or legend an allusion to the ancient deer, you will oblige me ... by enquiring from Father Mat, & giving me any results. I am told Sir Wm Betham says there is some document stating the Ancient Irish lived upon the flesh & milk of a large black deer. Perhaps you could put us in the way of coming at it, & if you can I am sure you will assist us. Any information you can furnish either yourself or through your reverend friend will be very useful. (© RIA MS 4 B 6, 867-9)

the skull, the lower jaw bones and part of the antlers of the Megaceros or Irish Fossil deer, lately purchased by John Lindsay Esq. of Maryville. Mr. Windele mentioned that, in the course of last summer, the remains of several of this long extinct race of animals were found within about a mile of Buttevant, of which he himself had obtained an antlered skull and some of the bones. (UCC MS 221 A, 339) Windele had been contacted about the find in June 1844 when it was described as ‘the face and antlers of either one of the Old red deer of Ireland or an Elk who may date his being from a period long before the flood!’ (© RIA MS 4 B 5, 263). The following excerpt from a letter sent by Windele to Hawkes, Bandon, in February 1848 also illustrated the general lack of interest in the giant Irish deer among Cork antiquarians: I bought myself a splendid head and antlers of the Irish gigantic deer (commonly called Moose deer). They were found in a bog out in Orrery and cost me nearly £2. I beg of you not to denounce me for a fool in so doing although to be candid with you I have my misgivings on the subject. (© RIA MS 12 L 11, 65)31

Further drainage operations at Lough Gur in the late 1840s again produced large numbers of animal bones. Discussion about the age and species ensued and a letter from Croker to a Robert Cole in October 1848 indicated that he had some bone specimens which would ‘go far to shake the high authority of Professor Owen’ (CCL Croker correspondence 5, 180). A later letter from James Nolan, Dublin to Croker on 25 October 1850 also challenged the Professor as follows:

He seemed to be embarassed by his purchase, but perhaps he felt that he had paid too much. Presumably this was the specimen referred to by Thomas Welply, Kanturk, Co. Cork, in a letter to Windele dated 15 January 1848 which stated that he had ‘purchased deer’s horns as you desired for £1.13.0. including auctioneers fee’ (© RIA MS 12 L 11, 35). A letter from William Bullen of Dublin, dated 28 December 1846, showed that Windele must have been aware of the debate as to whether or not Giant Deer had co-existed with the early inhabitants of Ireland; the full content is reproduced below:

The immense quantity of bones found in Lough Gur ... must convince any thinking person of the mistake fallen into by Professor Owen, of the animal being extinct thousands of years before the existence of man. (ibid. 293)

You are probably well aware of the contest at present raging between the celebrated Professor Owen of London32, & some friends of mine here, Messrs Richardson33 & Glennon respecting

In contrast to the CCS, the first volume of JKAS (1849) contained several references to discoveries of the species and showed that members were involved in the discussion surrounding it. Mr. J. Phayer produced drawings and measurements of a specimen found in the previous summer that he hoped ‘might come within range of the Society, as the co-existence of the elk with man in this island was a debated point’ (TKAS (1849) 1, 33). A

31 In 1998, a ‘very early elk antlers and skull ... with a span of seven feet seven inches’ realised £6,500 at auction (The Examiner 28 March 1998). 32 Professor Owen lectured on ‘Fossil Mammalia of Great Britain’ at the British Association meeting in Cork in 1843 (see section 3.3). 33 This is probably the same Mr. Richardson of Dublin mentioned by Benn in his communication to the KAS in 1856 in which he advocated ‘the theory of the contemporary existence of Man and the Cervus Megaceros Hibernicus, or fossil deer of Ireland’ (JKAS (1856) 1, 155).

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK given to the giant Irish deer by the local antiquarians featured in this study. Similarly, there was contact with the RIA and they had links with the Dublin Geological Society through Joseph Portlock and later through Harkness, yet none of the relevant material up to the end of the 1860s gives any indication that the topic came up for discussion in Cork.34 It is unlikely that they were unaware of the debate and therefore it has to be concluded that they were not interested in giving any consideration to the implications and potential which the study of the species offered for the greatly expanded timescale of Irish prehistory.35

communication from a local member, Dr. Robert Cane, accompanied by bones of the ‘Cervus Megaceros Hibernicus, or Irish fossil deer’ thought to be even ‘larger than that at Edinburgh, and fully as large as that in the Royal Dublin Society’s collection’, was read at a meeting on 1 May 1849. Cane doubted Edinburgh-based Professor Jamieson’s opinion that an aperture in a rib which he examined could have been caused by ‘an arrow or dart’ and pointed out that there was no mention of ‘such an animal in any of our most ancient manuscripts, or in the traditions of the country’ although he observed that there was ‘little doubt but that the animal was, at least, antediluvian’. He considered that ‘the most erudite and valuable accounts of these remains’ were those of Hart, who had reconstructed the Rathcannon specimen (see above) and Jamieson’s edition of Cuvier’s Theory of the Earth (Cane 1849, 164-6). Cane also sent a copy of a paper by English geologist, Dr. G. A. Mantell, which contained evidence from Ireland of ‘stone hatchets and fragments of pottery ... found with the bones of this creature under circumstances that leave no doubt of a contemporaneous deposition’ (Mantell 1850, 343).

6.6 The Three Age system In 1921, Macalister referred to the Three Age system as an ‘epoch-making discovery’. In addition to the work of Christian Thomsen (1788-1865) of the National Museum of Denmark, who is generally accredited with being the first to adopt this scheme, he also referred to Friedrich Lisch who used a similar method for the classification of artefacts in the museum of the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin in Germany (Macalister 1921, 10). The basic scheme divided prehistoric artefacts into three distinct classes of stone, bronze and iron. However, it was the work of Jens Jacob Worsaae, Thomsen’s assistant at the Museum, who turned theory into practice by showing on well-stratified sites that the lower levels were of Stone age date, with Bronze age above and Iron age above that again.

Papers read to the RIA by William Wilde in May 1859 continued the discussion, but felt that the co-existence of giant deer with humans in Ireland was questionable with ‘most naturalists affirming that it did not, while the opinion of antiquarians rather tends the other way’ (PRIA 7 (1857-1861), 195). He commented that, if the discoveries at Abbeville proved to be correct, then the argument of the naturalists for the ‘pre-Adamite’ date of the strata in which the bones were found would be untenable (ibid.).

A letter sent from Copenhagen by antiquarian Thomas Hunt to Hackett in July 1843 mentioned the Museum of Copenhagen where ‘the progress of metallurgy is shewn by a large collection of weapons & tools’ (© RIA MS 4 B 2, 531). This indicates that the Corkonians were aware of developments in the classification of artefacts in Denmark; Thomsen’s guidebook of the museum that clearly described his Three Age system had been published in 1836 (Daniel & Renfrew 1988, 38).36 (In his capacity as ‘rural’ secretary to the SMAS, Hackett passed correspondence to Windele and many of these letters, including those from Hunt, are now with the RIA Windele manuscripts).

The geologist Joseph Beete Jukes, who, in 1850, took over from Thomas Oldham as director of the Geological Survey and was based in Dublin (Wyse Jackson 1997, 98), examined bones of the giant Irish deer which had been found in June 1863 near Legan, Co. Longford. He was particularly interested in ‘indentations’ in some of the bones that, on first sight, appeared to have been produced by a ‘cutting instrument’. Initially he took this as ‘the best evidence that had yet turned up in proof of man having been contemporaneous in Ireland with the Cervus megaceros’ (Jukes 1864, 130) but he afterwards concluded that the indentations could have been either

Worsaae came to Ireland in late 1846 and early 1847 when the country was in the grip of the Great Famine. Most of his time was spent in Dublin where he made the acquaintance of many of the city’s leading antiquarians such as Petrie, Betham, Rev. James Henthorn Todd, Aquilla Smith and John O’Daly; he also contacted John

produced by natural causes, while the bones have been lying buried in the marl underneath the bog, or that they were the work of man before they were so buried (ibid. 133). Daniel Wilson, of Edinburgh and later of Toronto, inspected the above-mentioned remains at a meeting of the British Association in 1863 and was in no doubt that the cuts had been produced artificially (Wilson 1865, 37).

34

Portlock was President of both the CCS and the Geological Society of Dublin in the 1851-2 session. Leith Adams carried out research on Irish fossil mammals in the late 1870s and was awarded a grant of £12 by the RIA in 1878 ‘towards expense of collecting materials relating to the natural history of the Irish elk’ (Minutes of PRIA 3 (1883) 2nd series, 135). 36 Lord Ellesmere translated ‘The Guide’ into English in 1848 (Daniel 1975, 41). 35

Some members of the CCS were in regular contact with the KAS, several joined and contributed to the JKAS, yet there does not seem to have been any particular attention

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ISSUES AND DEBATES Lindsay and Sainthill in Cork (Henry 1995, 11). On 30 November he lectured to the RIA and again on 14 December; the greater part of his lectures was devoted to an account of the development of the Danish National Museum and the use of the Three Age system (see section 1.4). He concluded his final lecture with the hope that an ‘Irish antiquary’ would visit Denmark to

Septr 1852 p.232, in which he demonstrated his opposition to the ‘system ... adopted by the Antiquaries of the North’” (© RIA MS 12 I 8, 651), showed that he was aware of both sides of the debate. Significantly, at the end of the above extract he noted that ‘the divisions alluded to are incorrect. We often find implements of stone, or of bronze or of Iron together’ (ibid.).

impart to us some portion of the rich store of information which not only we, but the whole of Europe, have every reason to expect from the unique Celtic National Museum, and the unique Celtic Literature of Ireland. (PRIA 3 (1845-47), 344)

It is interesting to note here that when Windele exhibited his collection of ‘instruments of ancient Irish warfare’ to the CCS’s conversazione in 1855 (see section 3.3), it was reported that they afforded an interesting illustration of the successive improvements of the human race, in forging implements for their own destruction – specimens from the rude flint arrow-head to the spear-head, and thence down to the Damascus blade, inlaid with gold, centuries, in the meantime, passing by, were here. (UCC MP 71: 51, 14)

Petrie visited Denmark where he saw at first-hand how the system operated. He returned with what was in Ireland a new concept and ‘in this alone he laid the foundations of the serious study of Irish archaeology’ (Raftery 1972, 156). The correspondence of the Cork antiquarians contains very few references to the Three Age system and indeed it appears as if very little consideration was given to it. Windele was fully aware of Worsaae’s lectures as both O’Daly and Anthony mentioned them in correspondence in 1846 and 1847. O’Daly seemed particularly interested as he had been visited at his shop by Worsaae and confirmed that ‘the Newspaper reports of the lecture are perfectly correct’ (© RIA MS 4 B 6, 1003-4). In December 1846 O’Daly sent Windele an extract ‘from the Saunders of the 16th ult as containing a fuller report of the Dane’s lecture than that of the Freeman’ which he had already sent (© RIA MS 4 B 6, 877). A letter from Anthony dated 23 December 1846 also informed Windele of an article in the Dublin Freeman on ‘Royal Irish Academy, Irish & Danish Antiquities’ which he thought would be of interest to Windele:

Rev. James O’Laverty from the north of Ireland also had difficulty with the system and its implications (O’Laverty 1857, 122-3). He lived close to Portglenone where the River Bann had been diverted, and, in his report on the position of artefacts which he had uncovered on the exposed river-bed, he concluded that the stone axes found in the upper layer were of more recent origin than the bronze artefacts below and linked his findings to ‘biblical evidence to dismiss the whole question of a Stone Age in Ireland’ (Woodman 1978, 6). Later, in 1857, John Kemble also spoke against the system to the RIA (see section 1.4). It was perhaps significant that, when compiling his catalogue of the antiquities in the RIA museum, Wilde did not arrange the material in ‘chronological eras’ but chose instead to adopt ‘material as the basis of arrangements’, a scheme which met with Kemble’s approval (Graves 1858, 110 fn1). It was also rather ironic that, in 1868, when William Wakeman catalogued Petrie’s collection for the RIA museum, he also rejected the Three Age system (Mitchell 1985, 130). This was in contrast to Augustus Franks of the British Museum, who used the Danish arrangement for his organization of the British and Medieval Antiquities department in 1860 (Evans 1956, 281-294).

Its on Scandinavian Antiquities by a Mr. Worsaae of Copenhagen, a gentleman Mr. Thos. Wyse M.P. had spoken to me of when in my Museum, and whom felt sorrow as he said, he had not brought him or recommended him to see my collection, not knowing it was so extensive. Mr. Worsaae was even with him in Waterford ... I heard no more of him till I had seen this article ... (© RIA MS 12 L 10, 163)

Renfrew and Bahn (1991, 23) stated that British scholars started to devise schemes for ‘the evolution of artefact forms’ soon after 1859, however it is evident that, as early as 1848, Croker, who had been a fellow of the Royal Antiquarian Society of Copenhagen since 1833, had worked out a chronology and development sequence for bronze celts/axes which he divided into six classes (RIA MS 12 I 8, 463-5) (See Plate 4.12). In a letter to Sainthill on 18 May 1848, he acknowledged that

He also offered to send Windele a ‘cut out extract’ from the paper. Anthony seems to have taken Worsaae’s concept on board more or less straight away as, in a letter to Windele on 24 February 1847 he described bronze celts as being ‘for general purposes before the Age of Iron - as Profr Worsaae expressed it’ (© RIA MS 4 B 6: 1005). Windele seemed to have been reluctant to accept the scheme, but an extract copied by Windele from Thomas Wright’s “‘Celt Roman & Saxon’ cited in Gent Mag

to the antiquaries of Copenhagen, we are indebted for shewing us the right direction in

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK which to move. (ibid. 463)

on pre-historic archaeology in 1872.

He also indicated that he would welcome ‘the criticism of Windele etc. ... before I venture to publish them as the view of the British Archaeological Association.’ A copy of this letter is included in the Windele manuscripts and is followed immediately by a short note, in Windele’s handwriting, on ‘Danish Boasting’ which began ... ‘The Danes were at all times and in all ages a boastful race’ (© RIA MS 12 I 8, 464-5). This suggests that Windele was not particularly impressed with ‘the Danes’ although he apparently was impressed with Croker’s classification, as is obvious in the following comment by Croker in a letter to Sainthill dated 28 June 1848:

Harkness also spoke on bronze and copper celts/axes from Lough Gur and drew attention to the fact that the copper examples were closer in form to stone axes and ‘served to connect the age of stone with that of bronze by implements of a ruder type’ (UCC MS U 221 B, 102). It is clear from the Windele manuscripts that there was an initial reluctance to accept the Three Age system, although this was understandable as stone artefacts were not familiar to the Cork antiquarians. It was only in the 1860s that they were exhibited at meetings of the CCS by men such as Lane Fox, Day, Harkness and Westropp but, by then, Windele’s influence seems to have waned and many of his antiquarian friends had passed away. Compared with earlier years, there was a noticeable change of attitude as Cork’s small group of antiquarians began to develop a sense of chronology and became increasingly aware of the great debates elsewhere.

Windele and Dr. A. Smith’s notes respecting my notion of classifying celts are gratifying to me . (© RIA MS 12 L 11, 134) Although Windele does not seem to have expressed an opinion on the validity of the Three Age system, he was well informed on the pros and cons of the debate. At a meeting of the CCS in November 1864, Day, who seemed to have accepted the concept with reservations, exhibited a selection of flints which were ‘undoubtedly the household knife and the warlike spear used long before and continuing in use for a time after the introduction of metals’ (UCC MS U 221 B, 38). By the end of the 1860s most opposition to the scheme had vanished and, in March 1869, Hodder Westropp37 exhibited to the CCS: flint, stone, copper, and bronze implements from Ireland forming a complete sequence from the earliest made handiwork of man, up to the more elaborately worked and finished specimens of stone and bronze. They show the progress of the implement as well as the improvement in the art of their fabrication. They are witnesses in the art of development of human ingenuity as applied to purposes of domestic life, of the chase and of warfare. (UCC MS U 221 B, 101) At a meeting in the previous month Westropp had made a distinction between artefacts from the Palaeolithic and Neolithic periods (ibid. 99), a division first propounded by John Lubbock in his Prehistoric Times published in 1865. Indeed, Westropp went a step further, as he obviously recognized that not all artefacts fitted into these two Stone Age divisions and was the first to use the term Mesolithic to describe the phase between them, which was in effect ‘an un-named segment of Lubbock’s chronology’ (Rowley-Conwy 1996, 943). Although there is no reference to his use of the term in the Transactions of the CCS (UCC MS U 221 B), it appeared in his publication Pre-historic phases: or, Introductory essays 37 Westropp exhibited his collection of Etruscan and Greek pottery at the 1855 conversazione in the Cork Athenaeum (UCC MP 71: 51, 15).

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Table 6.3 List of ogham stones from County Kerry up to 1853 (adapted from Windele 1853, 48-9).

123

7. Fieldwork and excavation hands the evidence to be reached by the enquiry with a tower is lost for ever’ (© RIA MS 4 B 1, 656-7). His first excavation was at Drumbo, Co. Down, in December 1841 where, on finding a human skull, the excavators had stopped work immediately and sent for him and William Thompson, also from Belfast (ibid. 658). Getty also spoke of his ‘examination’ of the tower at Trummery, Co. Antrim, in the company of Robert MacAdam, Belfast and Joseph Huband Smith, Dublin (Getty 1855, 35) and sent details, accompanied by a sketch of the interior, to Windele (Plate 7.2) (RIA MS 4 B 1, 659-62).1 In the following year he wrote of his intention to examine ‘several round towers ... as soon as leisure & weather permit’ and mentioned work at Armoy tower in county Antrim where he had also found a skull (© RIA MS 4 B 2, 821).

In the Cork area in the early years of the nineteenth century local antiquarians seem to have worked in isolation, but, from the mid to late 1830s, there was a growth of interest in field monuments with small groups getting together to carry out investigations. The Cork Cuvierian Society (CCS) (founded 1835) probably fuelled this interest, but, as it was confined to indoor meetings during the winter months, there was no opportunity for members to visit local sites. This situation was undoubtedly one of the factors that led to the establishment of the South Munster Antiquarian Society (SMAS) in 1840. For the most part they were involved in ‘antiquarian rambles’, but they also carried out occasional excavations, particularly in the case of round towers as discussed in section 6.1 and below. Unfortunately, reports of their work are scanty as they seem to have eschewed formal records, but this was not uncommon at the time. From the 1850s their activities declined and excavation and fieldwork was undertaken by individual members of the CCS such as Richard Caulfield, Richard Brash and Robert Harkness. This section examines the manner in which the investigations were carried out and is an attempt to establish if there was a move towards a science-based methodology over the years. The work of Lane Fox (Pitt Rivers) and his involvement with the local antiquarians, while based in Cork, will also be examined as will some reports on the work carried out in other parts of Ireland by antiquarians who undertook similar investigations and consulted John Windele on excavation strategies and techniques. All sites referred to in this chapter are in County Cork unless otherwise stated. 7.1 Developments in archaeological excavation and associated matters

Under Getty’s direction, all human remains were carefully examined by Mr. John Grattan, also of Belfast, who was present at many of the excavations.2 Human bones from Drumbo and also from Clones, Co. Monaghan, were deposited in the museum of the Belfast Natural History and Philosophical Society (BNHPS) and those from Drumbo were afterwards exhibited at the Belfast Exhibition in 1852 (Getty 1855, 18 & 43). When preparing his work for publication in 1855, Getty commented that it was felt that it was important to preserve the human remains as they could ‘prove interesting at a period like the present when the history of the human family is considered so important a branch of study’ (ibid. 18). The scientific approach in northern Ireland was not matched by the southerners and Getty pointed out that

fieldwork,

in their anxiety ... to ascertain the simple fact of the use of the towers as burial-places, little importance seems to have been attached to the preservation of the bones themselves; it is a subject of much regret that in all these investigations the archaeological value of human remains found in such remarkable situations was overlooked, as from the absences of this additional information the interest arising from the inquiry is much diminished (Getty 1855, 15).

As discussed in sections 6.1 and 6.2, the main interest and focus of attention for southern antiquarians in the mid 1830s to the early 1840s were round towers and ogham stones. Although work on round towers included taking measurements and making observations on architecture, the principal reason for their examination by members of the SMAS was to establish whether or not they were sepulchral monuments. Internal excavations were carried out in 1841 and 1842 at Ardmore, Co. Waterford (Plate 7.1), Cashel, Co. Tipperary, and at Cloyne and Kinneigh in Co. Cork, and they were also aware of work by a Mr. E. Wall at Roscrea, Co. Tipperary (RIA MS 12 L 7, 19); human bones were found in Ardmore, Cloyne and Roscrea.

The lack of attention to human remains may well have been due to the fact that there were no facilities for such study at the time in Cork. Southern antiquarians were particularly interested in ogham stones and were concerned about their vulnerability in the open countryside. In both Cork and Kerry, many were moved from their original positions to

Similar investigations were also undertaken in the north of the country and a letter from Edward Getty of Belfast to Windele in June 1842 stressed that ‘competent persons’ should be present whenever the towers were excavated. He pointed out that ‘once opened by unskilful

1

The round tower at Trummery has not survived. John Grattan specialized in craniology and published articles on the subject in the Ulster Journal of Archaeology in 1853 and 1858. 2

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7.1 Ardmore round tower by William Betham 1842 with a section drawing by John Windele in early 1840s

7.2 Trummery round tower, drawn by Edmund Getty 1855 125

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK places of safekeeping. In Cork some went to the Royal Cork Institution (RCI), but Windele also built up a sizeable collection at his home in Blair’s Castle. A similar scenario prevailed in Kerry where many were relocated, including some to the demesnes of the landed gentry and others to the RIA. A case in point were the seven stones discovered at Ballinrannig on the shores of Smerwick Harbour on the Dingle peninsula; six were moved to the home of Lord Ventry at Burnham House in the 1840s, but two of these were afterwards moved to Chute Hall, near Tralee, where his son-in-law resided (RIA MSS 12 L 11, 173 and 4 B 8, 315). Their removal to Tralee was of particular concern to Kerryman, Richard Hitchcock, as it meant that they were taken ‘out of the Barony altogether’ (© RIA MS 4 B 10, 23). Fortunately their details have been carefully recorded (Cuppage et al 1986, 250-1), but in other cases the provenances, and sometimes even the stones themselves, have been lost. Considering the number of stones which Windele and others removed from their original locations, the following comment on the Ballinrannig stones was somewhat contradictory and not exactly consistent with what was happening in Cork; an extract from a letter in September 1848 remarked that:

Although the main concern of the Cork antiquarians was to rescue and preserve stones which they considered to be in danger in their rural settings, they do not seem to have given any particular thought to the possibility of damage, either in the process of removal or when in the care of an individual or organization. When writing about his visit to the RCI in 1843, Edward Clibborn, curator of the RIA museum, reported that some of the ogham stones in their care appeared ‘to have been lately improved! That is old cuttings repaired, deepened with a file and new cuttings made altogether! That beats Banagher’ (NLI Petrie MS 790, 121). He had been promised that casts could be taken from them and felt that ‘it would be worth while for the Academy to give a trifle for such a purpose’ (ibid.). In January 1844 Dublin geologist, Thomas Oldham, presented drawings of the RCI ogham inscriptions to the RIA and advised that they should be ‘published at once, the originals being so liable to injury, either from accident or design’ (PRIA 2 (1840-44), 515). His concern was well founded as one of the stones that he had seen in the RCI had been damaged prior to its removal to their premises in 1835. It had been transported from Deelish (Killberehert) minus a piece bearing part of the inscription which had been knocked off the top and, although it was given to Abraham Abell, who was librarian of the RCI at the time, it got mislaid and was never replaced (Brash 1868, 254-5). Another example was the Burnfort ogham, also presented in 1835, which afterwards disappeared from the RCI collection and is reputed to have been used in the foundations of the Athenaeum, built beside the RCI in 1853 (Brash 1879, 118 fn).

I suspect they were just as safe in situ and object much to the removal of the old monuments of the country. (© RIA MS 12 L 11, 173)

Neither was any particular consideration given to the fact that, by removing them from their original positions, their provenance, archaeological context and impact on the surrounding landscape was lost. Archdeacon Arthur Rowan (1800-1861) of Kerry commented on this in his report to the RIA in November 1858. He referred to ‘a barbarism of preservation as well as of destruction’ and continued: we must only refer to the better taste and consideration of Ogham coveters, that in removing an Ogham stone from the place where it was erected, they may destroy much of its interest as an antiquity, and all its value as a piece of evidence. (PRIA 7 (1857-61), 106) He protested against the misplaced zeal of antiquarians in moving the stones from their ‘natural habitat’ to the pleasure grounds of the virtuoso, or the halls of archaeologic societies, where they seem as much out of place and keeping as would any wild denizen of the mountains if introduced to the learned Society I now have the honour to address. (ibid.)

7.3 Tumulus at Suighe Finn, near Bandon, Co. Cork, drawn by John Windele 1842 and 1844 126

FIELDWORK AND EXCAVATION Windele has left detailed accounts of the location and recovery of ogham stones which are invaluable in tracing these monuments and which many researchers have used over the years. Hitchcock also seemed to have an understanding of the importance of careful record keeping in the case of sites that were in imminent danger. This was evident in the following extract from a letter to Windele in September 1851 regarding a ‘Kiel’ (burial ground) at Aghabulloge, which was about to be cut through by a new road (Brash 1878, 133). He wrote:

telling him that: We have in Ireland a broad, ample & unwrought field for the development of your capabilities. As I before observed to you, our Old bucks have been all declaimers, dissertators, theorists and debators, mere men of the law & the study & one and all inexperienced in the labours of the field & unused to laborious operations amongst the actual remains of those which lie scattered over the face of the Country. I have been much abroad in search of these remains and have had much occasion to wonder at how little was really known to the men who have obtained a name amongst the writers of Ireland on those subjects; how profound their ignorance, & what a harvest awaits the active & intelligent labourer. (© RIA MS 12 L 5, 213)

In a short time hence when the Kiel may be completely gone, you know it will be next to impossible to learn anything satisfactory respecting the position, etc. of the Ogham monument in it, which I think is most important to know so that as much authentic information as possible should be obtained at once. (© RIA MS 4 B 11, 490)

In August of the following year Windele expressed the hope that

In the previous year, Hitchcock’s concern that there was no system in place to record stones which had been removed from the archaeological record by being broken up, led to his compilation of ‘well authenticated notes of Ogham inscriptions destroyed’ (© RIA MS 4 B 9, 734). To his surprise he had only succeeded in finding three and, in the case of the Brackloon stone, had managed to collect some of the broken pieces and deposit them in the RIA museum in 1849.3 Hitchcock showed a sense of duty to later fieldworkers and researchers when he commented that it might ‘be interesting hereafter to know how many Ogham inscriptions existed in the United Kingdom, especially in Ireland (ibid. 734-5). Windele’s catalogue of ogham stones/inscriptions and their finders in the first volume of the Ulster Journal of Archaeology in 1853 made no mention of the Brackloon stone (see Table 6.3, p.123).

now that you have returned to Ireland that you may be induced to direct your attention to our own island Archaeology where a field awaits you in which much good service may be effected. (© RIA MS 12 L 7, 117) Apart from his involvement with the Cork Archaeological Museum Society in 1854, there is no evidence to show that Beamish became a member of either the CCS or the SMAS although he was an active member of the CSLS (see sections 3.3. and 5.2). The increase in Ireland’s population in the 1830s and early 1840s led to the clearance and development of land that had previously lain fallow or undeveloped and this led to the destruction of many sites. Vulnerable sites such as fulachta fiadh and ringforts/raths were generally located in good agricultural land and many were destroyed at this time and in the years that followed. Souterrains were uncovered in many ringforts, often quite by accident and, in numerous instances, it was found that ogham-inscribed stones had been used in their construction. As a result of the network that had been set up by Windele, many of these were brought to the attention of the Cork antiquarians.

Apart from the removal and sometimes the re-erection of fallen stones, there does not appear to have been any organized attempts at excavation in the south up to the early 1840s. This is borne out by the letter to Sir William Betham in Dublin sent by Windele in September 1840 when he said: We are torpid here as to recent discoveries of any-thing curious altho we have not been inactive. You are in some respects better circumstanced as to locality than we are. Ye delve which we never do and therefore neither urns nor other buried remains reward our researches. (© RIA MS 12 L 5, 205)

At a later stage the search for ogham stones led to the organized investigation of ringforts and souterrains where many examples were found. In June 1841 a letter from William Hackett to Windele acknowledged that ‘the exploring of Forts is a most important object ... when coupled with the discovery of Oghams in such places of startling interest ...’ (© RIA MS 12 L 7, 90).

This is also evident in a letter dated 4 November 1840 from Windele to Cork-born Major North Ludlow Beamish who was in Leamington, Warwickshire, at the time. He tried to encourage Beamish to return to Cork by

The interest in ogham stones was not confined to the south of the country as, in October 1843, Getty informed Windele that he had ‘opened a large fort near Lough Neagh called Ballygonnell but found no cave’; he asked

3 The stone was found in a ringfort of the same name but most of it had been destroyed by ‘some ignorant mason’ (PRIA 4 (1847-50), 271-2).

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK Windele to let him know how his own ‘explorations’ were proceeding (© RIA MS 4 B 2, 820).

and Abell as described in the following extract from a letter dated January 1843:

Even as late as 1850, Hitchcock advised Windele that if he were to

what word or works ever gave a satisfactory account of them until they were taken in hand by you and Abell? the same remark would apply still more strongly to the Oghams ... Let you and Abell & the rest of you under the banner of his Revce of Blarney obey the true spirit of archaeology which has shed itself upon you. (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 87)4

look for more Ogham inscriptions in Ireland, it’s to the Raths I would direct most attention – I feel pretty sure that several of them contain very fine inscriptions – but it is only by degrees these can be discovered. (© RIA MS 4 B 9, 990) There seems to have been a much more methodical approach to the investigation of ringforts from the early 1840s as was indicated by Hackett in April 1843 when he detailed the course of action that was needed to derive the greatest amount of information from them and recommended that

Hackett’s thoroughness was the antithesis of that of Abraham Abell, who was a prominent member of the SMAS and was to the fore in the investigation of ogham stones and round towers. However, during the excavation of Suighe Finn tumulus on Monteen Hill, south-west of Bandon, Co. Cork5 (Plate 7.3), in the summer of 1842, Abell confessed that ‘he felt no interest in it; antiquities, after, all, were not an absorbing pursuit with him’; this comment was noted by Windele, who admitted that it was what he had ‘long believed’ (O’Mahony 1909, 217). Later in the same year Hackett said of Abell rather facetiously that he was ‘of great use – he holds the tape line and rule for Windele’ (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 43).

the Forts must be carefully surveyed or at least measured, a plan drawn to scale, the subterrain described, the rings or ramparts being also represented with the ditches (or fosses). Besides the drawings of the plan of the subterrains there should be drawings or at least minute descriptions of the constructions of them. (© RIA MS 4 B 5, 124)

In the year of Abell’s death in 1851, Thomas Crofton Croker wrote to Windele as follows:

He went on to describe the morphology of the souterrains in great detail. An unusual feature encountered by Hackett was that many of them had been filled with small stones and he concluded that this had been done when the ‘Forts’ had been deserted by their occupants (ibid. 12431). As already discussed in section 6.3, Hackett and Hunt also linked ringforts with the presence of fulachta fiadh. Details of Hackett’s first investigation of the latter at Gurtacroo (Gortacrue – about three miles south east of Lisgoold in east Cork), which he referred to as ‘delving’, were given to Windele in September 1855 as follows:

how much good he might have done us poor plodding antiquaries if he had only like you – recorded things. I feel that I must follow your and not his example, and write – write and sketch while life is left to me. (© RIA MS 12 L 12, 198c) The above comments are interesting considering Abell’s reputation as one of Cork’s leading lights in the antiquarian world. Even Lane Fox, when enquiring into the origins of a bronze dagger bought from Windele in 1863 remarked that:

On the upper level of the cistern at one end was a platform of rough stones, though smooth on the surface, of a semi-circular form 2(?) feet across; this was guarded by a close ledge of smooth laths on edge two feet high. We judged the platform to have been for the purpose of lodging heated stones upon, to be immersed in the cistern previously filled with water. At the opposite end of the cistern was a gangboard of thick oak as if for receiving the stones, after they had given out their calorie. (© RIA MS 4 B 15, 786)

It is a 1000 pities we cannot get at the information which Mr. Abell must have possessed on the subject for altho I look upon your opinion on the subject as a high authority, we are bound to be sceptical in all matters relating to antiquity. (© RIA MS 4 B 23, 685-6) In September 1848 Windele issued guidelines to the collector/dealer Rev. Dr. William Chadwicke Neligan, who was based in Cork, for the investigation of souterrains and provided him with the following list of questions and instructions:

Although Windele was kept well informed of Hackett’s extensive work on fulachta fiadh, he does not appear to have become involved in their excavation.

Are there any stone walls inside?

Hackett’s descriptions were very detailed and informative but he did not take any credit for his work on ringforts and souterrains and instead praised the work of Windele

4 This was a reference to Father Matthew Horgan, parish priest of Blarney, Co. Cork. 5 Monteen - site no. 856 in the Archaeological Inventory of County Cork (AIC) 1.

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FIELDWORK AND EXCAVATION Is the roof composed of Flag Stones? Are there any large stones at the sides supporting the flag stones? Look at the angles of the large side stones carefully and see are there any marks or scores. Look for similar marks on the angles of the roofstones. (© RIA MS 12 L 11, 177-8)

In May 1849 Hawkes was accompanied to west Cork by Caulfield, whose name was afterwards linked to that of Lane Fox (Pitt Rivers) and his excavations in the Cork area. Although there is no indication of the time spent there Caulfield informed Windele that, in spite of bad weather, they had ‘excavated Forts, Fillochts, Lachts etc. etc. etc.’(© RIA MS 4 B 8, 762) but it does suggest that only a cursory investigation could have been carried out at these sites.9 Their work at the site of Keelbawn met with the disapproval of Hitchcock who, in a letter to Windele in the following July, indicated that he would ‘not lend his sanction to the violation of the Keelbawn cemetery, no matter whether Pagan or Christian’ (© RIA MS 4 B 9, 54).

All these questions were concerned with the discovery of ogham stones and demonstrated a lack of interest in other aspects such as the construction and utilization of the structures. Windele even suggested that Neligan could stand outside while ‘an intelligent boy ... with a light’ could be sent in to the souterrain to obtain the information!’ (ibid.). Neligan obviously intended to investigate a number of ringforts in the Timoleague area where his father-in-law resided and, to that end, he had written to Windele, who provided him with a list of ringforts taken from the relevant Ordnance Survey sheet and suggested that some of them should be ‘opened and examined’ (ibid. 177).6

By 1 January of the following year, Caulfield’s approach to excavation seems to have changed considerably. In the previous month he had accompanied Windele to the ringfort of Killeens, about two miles north of Cork city where they dug several trenches, without success, in their attempts to locate a souterrain (RIA MS 12 I 11, 817-8). Caulfield returned to the site without Windele, but sent him a progress report and included a drawing and excavation details as shown in Plate 7.4 (RIA MS 4 B 9, 483-5). Several days later Caulfield located the souterrain in the ‘N.W. quarter’ (ibid. 487-8). It was subsequently excavated by Caulfield in his search for ogham inscribed stones but he regretted that he had ‘discovered no inscription in this fort, which is the chief reason why I have opened so many of these places ... my great object is to examine all the forts for some miles around Cork’ (Caulfield 1850, 443). He collected animal bones and teeth from the site and also commented on the local folklore attached to ringforts generally (ibid. 444).10

There was obviously a great interest in exploring a variety of sites but ringforts and souterrains attracted the greatest attention, although this was not surprising given that they were, and still are, the most widespread field monument in Ireland. Some years earlier, in April 1844, Zachariah Hawkes of Bandon listed five sites that were to be investigated in his area, together with the distance from Bandon and the owner of the site. The sixth site was in east Cork. Included were: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Garranfeen ringfort – 5 miles – John Bowen (AIC 1, no. 1524) Rahilleen ringfort – 4 miles – Richard Splane Liria... ringfort – 6 miles – Mr. Barter Codrum ringfort – 12 miles – Massey H. Warren ‘Brewery’ in Erragh bog – William Beaseley A mound surmounted by two rows of upright stones in circles at Johnstown – 7 miles from Cork & 1 and a half from Carrigtoohill.7

Windele was obviously regarded as an experienced excavator by some antiquarians outside the Cork area. In April 1851 he was asked for advice on the ‘opening of raths and barrows’ by John Prim, joint secretary of the Kilkenny Archaeological Society (KAS) and Kilkenny correspondent to the SMAS (RIA MS 4 B 2, 252), who wrote as follows:

He described the Johnstown mound as being ‘a curious place ... like a fillough with two circles of stones on it’ and wanted Windele to visit the site with him (© RIA MS 4 B 5, 111-13). This site was of particular interest as stone circles have not been recorded in east Cork. In fact a second stone circle in the area was referred to by Hackett in a letter to Abell in July 1839 as follows:

How you would suggest a commencement to be made - how the works should be carried on - how may I judge of those mounds in which there is most probability of meeting chambers - what may be about the expense of making each investigation - and everything else which may occur to you as likely to be useful to an inexperienced hand just going to set about an exploration of those hidden treasures for the first time. We only tried one rath as yet, but were unsuccessful, and indeed it is not clear to me but that if we had rightly gone about it, we should on that occasion have lighted on something. (© RIA MS 4 B 11, 101-2)

Until recently a druidical circle stood, in the parish of Dongan Donovan, back of Mount Uniacke. (© RIA MS 12 I 4, 644)8 6 Interestingly, most of the sites listed are still extant. These include Ardcooig, Ballycardeen, Cloghgriffin, Barryshall, Grange Beg, Grange More, Lehenagh and Currahevern (as noted in Power AIC 1, Map 22). 7 This site was at Killacloyne and is described in more detail by Windele (RIA MS 12 K 28, 597-8). It is no longer extant. 8 Mount Uniacke is about seven miles west of Youghal, Co. Cork.

9 Sites mentioned included Ahalusky fort, Tullymurrihy fort and Keelbawn (RIA MS 4 B 8, 762). 10 Killeens ringfort - site no. 4551, Power AIC 2; souterrain - site no. 5060.

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7.4 Ringfort at Killeens, Co. Cork, drawn by Richard Caulfield 1849

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FIELDWORK AND EXCAVATION In the following September a ‘working party and the necessary implements’, accompanied by members of the KAS, including Prim, his co-secretary Rev. James Graves and ‘some English gentlemen interested in the matter’, excavated a cairn on the summit of Cloghmanty Hill in county Kilkenny (Graves, 1851, 289-94). Although the monument had been badly damaged by the removal of stones for wall construction nearby, it still warranted investigation. An east-west section, six feet wide, was cut through the monument and revealed a central chamber and the skeletal remains of two adults, but no grave goods. Eight feet to the south, at a higher level, a small cist which had been opened previously was examined and this yielded charcoal, cremated bone fragments and sherds of unglazed pottery decorated with an ‘indented herring-bone or zig-zag pattern’ (ibid. 2912).11 Graves commented on the change in burial practice between the era of the original megalithic tomb and the later cist burial and referred to ‘similar tomb records read by the great Danish antiquary, Worsaae’ (ibid. 292).

In addition to organized excavation by bodies such as the RIA and the KAS, private excavation of field monuments was also undertaken. This caused considerable concern among members of the RIA as is evident in the following extract from a report dated 28 June 1858 on the tumulus at Barrettstown, near Lough Ennel in county Westmeath, where two skeletons and an urn had been found: It is greatly to be regretted that when excavations are about to be made into ancient tumuli, the assistance of persons already conversant with such matters is not sought, and sketches are not made of the precise position of the remains when first discovered. (PRIA 7 (1857-61), 89-90) At an even earlier stage in October 1850, in connection with the suggested exploration of ‘two mounds on the plain of Moy Lena’, near Tullamore, Co. Offaly, Hackett had recommended that such work should be carried out as efficiently as possible and that

It is significant that the above excavation was carried out in the presence of ‘some English gentlemen’ as, compared with the level of barrow opening in England, there was very little similar activity in Ireland. Another example of English interest was the visit of Croker to county Meath in 1850 to ‘witness the opening of a tumulus’ but, as explained below, things did not go according to plan (RIA MS 4 B 10, 393). A letter from Croker to Windele in November 1850 indicated that:

if a civil engineer located in those parts were enlisted, he might give an idea of the probable cost (?) of opening but some competent antiquary, if such there be, should instruct, as to the mode of delving. Prim of Kilkenny might co operate if any project were formed. (© RIA MS 4 B 10, 393-4) Two years later Prim’s co-secretary of the KAS, James Graves called for the formation of:

Altho’ my visit to Meath was very interesting, I did nothing in the way of Barrow opening, as the weather was against me, and I was obliged to hurry back to London. What I saw however was most tempting ... (© RIA MS 4 B 10, 772)

an exploration society, with its corps of engineers, draughtsmen, and scientific observers, whose business it should be to examine the primaeval sepulchres of the country ... with due care, circumspection, and caution. (Graves 1853, 296)

Croker had first hand experience of ‘barrow opening’ through his friendship with Lord Albert Conyngham (see section 1.1). Following the Canterbury meeting of the British Archaeological Association (BAA) in September 1844, he had returned with Conyngham to Breach Downs in Kent to excavate a further eight barrows and this was followed by the investigation of barrows at Bourne and Barnham Downs (Archaeological Journal 1 (1846), 77-80). Many years earlier a letter to Betham from Croker in October 1828, gave details of his excavation of a site at Keston, south of London where he

There is no evidence for the establishment of such a society even though it would have been welcomed at a time when there seems to have been a high level of destruction of sites throughout the country. As shown below, the situation led to an emergence of concern among antiquarians about the loss to Ireland’s archaeological record. In early April 1850 a letter to Windele from Rev. William Reeves of Ballymena, Co. Antrim, observed that:

discovered a very remarkable building – evidently Roman … I had upwards of twenty men for two days digging away, and should like to have gone on if my pocket wld have permitted, but as I had to pay for closing up the ground again, the first expence was like a sum at compound interest. As it was my two days amusement cost me nearly twenty pounds. (NLI MS 3892, 5)

Every day is taking away something from our scanty stock of ecclesiastical remains, and he who rescues anything curious from oblivion, though he cannot stay the hand of time, is yet able to raise a defence against its blows. (© RIA MS 4 B 9, 724-5) The above statement related to the copying of ogham inscriptions by Windele. A further communication to Windele from Reeves several weeks later on 26 April

11

Cloghmanty is referred to as Clomantagh by Waddell; the rectangular cist is described as being 2.4 m south of the megalithic chamber (Waddell 1990, 101).

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK care of them. (© RIA MS 12 L 12, 122)14

1850 said that ‘agriculture & the spread of an imported population have made great havock here among the remains of antiquity’ (ibid. 806).

The situation was somewhat different in Ireland where many of the field monuments were protected by the superstitions of local people who were reluctant to interfere with them. In the first three decades of the nineteenth century it was not generally the farmers themselves who were responsible for their destruction, but rather the ‘treasure seekers’ or ‘gold diggers’ whose only interest was in what they could find. Hackett referred to this in April 1842 as follows:

The same situation prevailed throughout Ireland and was highlighted by antiquarians over the years. As early as 1837, following his survey of Carrowmore, Co. Sligo, George Petrie had commented on the ‘vast number’ of field monuments that had been ‘totally destroyed by the peasantry’ (PRIA 1838, 141).12 Some years later, in a letter to the Athenaeum of 26 October 1850, Dr. James H. Todd, Dublin, also referred to ‘the fearful destruction of our ancient monuments, which is now going on in every part of Ireland’ (© RIA MS 4 B 10, 548-9). A letter to Windele from Mr. M. Kennifeake, Whitechurch, Co. Cork, in October 1850 mentioned that ‘2 men are mining the Giant’s tomb under the Superintendence of Joe Long’ (© RIA MS 4 B 10, 447-8), Evidence for continued destruction came from Eugene Conwell in 1864 when he reported that, in one townland alone in the area of Loughcrew, Co. Meath, no less than seven tumuli were removed in the space of a few months; he urged the RIA to become involved with the preservation of remaining monuments and asked that the area be ‘resurveyed’ by the Ordnance Survey (Conwell 1864, 47-9). Antiquarians throughout the country were aware of what was happening, but there was little they could do to prevent the destruction.

Don’t you think all the excavations we have made had been anticipated by Goldfinders or more probably gold seekers? (© RIA MS 12 L 7, 237) Later the attitude of many landowners changed and land clearance was widespread, particularly in areas like east Cork where there was a high proportion of tillage famers. An example was a large tumulus at Clasharinka, near Castlemartyr, mentioned by antiquarian and architect Edward Fitzgerald of Youghal (1858, 10-11); it had been partially destroyed by ‘gold diggers’, but the farmer/owner continued with its destruction by the use of gunpowder.15 Further examples of destruction occurred on an adjoining farm in the townland of Ballyvorisheen, where the owner levelled a ‘large mound ... composed of alternate layers of earth and stone, of about a foot in thickness’ and broke up and removed the burial chamber and its contents which were covered by a slab of ‘about 6 yards square and 18 inches in thickness’; he also destroyed two smaller mounds both of which contained stone cists with human skeletons. When asked for details of any grave goods the farmer replied that ‘they were so much hurried to get the mounds out of the way of his tillage that he took no interest, or notice of what was in them’ (ibid. 12-13).16

The Windele manuscripts contain many examples of the violation and destruction of monuments. This had been commented on by Windele to his friend Michael McCarthy in May 1819, when still a teenager. Following a visit to the Abbey at Ballyvacadane (now Ballymacadane) he found that ‘where formerly stood the altar there is a deep pit the work of a Golden Dreamed Peasant who some time since came in search of a Golden Treasure’ (© RIA MS 12 L 6, 83).13 According to locals, the ‘treasure hunters’ had found a hoard of ‘antique Brass coins’ in an earthenware jar, but he was unable to acquire any details of their whereabouts (ibid.). A month later he expressed his surprise that, when visiting the ruins of ‘anct. edifices’ he found ‘their interiors dug up and full of deep pits. Killograhan Castle and that of Kilkrea and the Abbey are studded with them’ (ibid. 85).

The outcome was not always the same as in the case of ‘a cromlech’ about half a mile from Anadown on the road to Ballynahinch, Co. Down, which had been stripped of its cairn, but was ‘saved from the influence of gunpowder and the sledge hammer’ by a Mr. Smyth Cumming of Seaforde, Co. Down (© RIA MS 4 B 6, 340-1).

In February 1851, Croker suggested to Windele that the SMAS should produce a tract for distribution among farmers similar to that which Lord Londesborough had

Another cause of destruction was the development of the road and rail networks throughout the country in the mid to late 1800s. There were also famine relief works that were responsible for a variety of schemes including roadbuilding and land drainage. However, there were occasional spin-offs from these developments as was pointed out to Windele by MacAdam in January 1849:

caused Mr. Akerman to draw up for distribution among ‘the Agricultural interest’, as a guide for farmers to teach them what Antiquaries look after, and how, should the aforesaid farmers find in their ‘diggings’ any of those ‘odd old things’, to take

Antiquaries should be on the qui vive – these 14

John Yonge Akerman (1806-1873), antiquarian, numismatist and excavator, was Secretary to the Society of Antiquaries from 1848 to 1861. 15 Clasharinka - site no. 4186, Power AIC 2. 16 Ballyvorisheen - site nos. 4183-5, Power AIC 2.

12

Some of the monuments listed by Petrie in 1837 were destroyed later in the century and his report is now the only record of these sites (Bergh 1995, 31). 13 Old Abbey (Ballymacadane) - site no. 9484, Power AIC 3.

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FIELDWORK AND EXCAVATION have had plenty of theories. (© RIA MS 4 B 18, 713)

Railways and thorough-draining times, for these operations of improvement will bring many curious things to light. (© RIA MS 12 L 11, 247)

Although rough drawings were made of most of the sites investigated by Windele, they do not compare favourably with those of their northern counterparts as is evident in Plate 7.5. In this instance, MacAdam, Getty and other members of the BNHPS were involved in the excavation of a complex megalithic tomb that adjoined the Giant’s Ring at Ballynahatty, Co. Down, in November 1855. They noted that cremation was the predominant burial practice but there were also some unburnt human bones and skulls, only two of which could be removed for scientific examination. The monument was carefully drawn and recorded and the results of the excavation, together with a detailed report on the skulls, were published in the UJA of 1855. Another example of their high standards is the plan and section drawing of the Tullaghog hillfort, near Dungannon, surveyed for Getty in 1849 (Anon. 1857, 235) (Plate 7.6).

One of the most spectacular discoveries was that of the ‘Great Clare’ hoard of gold artefacts which was found during construction of the Limerick to Ennis railway line in 1854 (see sections 1.4 and 4.1). Another example was a Viking hoard consisting of ‘about a quart full of rings and pieces of silver’ found at Derrynahinch, Co. Kilkenny, in September 1851 when work was in progress on the Kilkenny to Waterford line, but, as many of the pieces had oxidized, they were thrown away by the workers (TKAS 2 (1852-53), 356). In some quarters, antiquarian activities were not regarded in a very good light as is shown in the following excerpt of a letter to Windele from Hawkes of Bandon regarding the investigation of ‘Doon’ in the townland of Dunderrow, near Kinsale, dated 17 August 1846:

As is evident above, one of Windele’s most regular correspondents in the north of Ireland in the early years seems to have been Getty.17 He also wrote frequently to MacAdam, whose main concern, apart from his work for the preservation of the Irish language, seems to have been to acquire articles for the UJA,18 and to Reeves, who was particularly interested in the preservation of old records and field monuments alike. Reeves wanted to build up as complete a record as possible and indicated his desire for an ‘act of Parliament’ to be passed which would prohibit the ‘printing of any book or tract on Ireland except the publication of a record, or the result of field observation’, his opinion on which was evident in the following letter dated 24 May 1855 to Caulfield, who is probably best remembered for his work as an annalist and historian:

the man (Sullivan) who opened it ... told the Priest that he would on no account wish antiquaries to know anything about it. This fellow must think us common robbers. (© RIA MS 4 B 6, 592) A letter from Windele’s daughter, Emma, in 1846 described it as ‘a large mound of earth encircled by three ditches nine feet from each other’ (ibid. 527), but there is no mention of these in the Archaeological Inventory of County Cork 2: site no. 4298. Windele and Abell visited the site on 23 July 1848 and contended that it originally had ‘five circumvallations, the traces of three of which still appear on the surface of the growing corn’ (O’Mahony 1908, 86). It is interesting that they were taking note of cropmarks at this early stage.

In the latter we are very backward, Topography & local records are badly and fatally neglected. (© RIA MS 12 L 12, 625)

By July 1848, Mr. John Sullivan, the owner of the site, had changed his mind about antiquarians and invited Windele to inspect his work at the ‘Doon’. He had discovered an extensive souterrain complex and was in need of advice before proceeding with his ‘excavation’ that was to be followed by the demolition of the monument. Once again, Windele was accompanied by Abell, who advised Sullivan to ‘pull down the Doon, and by all means reclaim his land with its materials’ (ibid. 87). Fortunately the site was spared as Sullivan ‘became insolvent and had to fly to Australia’ (ibid. 88 fn 7).

In connection with the above, in March 1855 Reeves had asked Windele for details of: the county maps & surveys of Cork, or parts thereof. I should like to know their compilers, publishers, place of publication, date, size, character etc. scale. I want, if possible, to make a complete catalogue of the county maps of Ireland in reference to some topographical materials which I am collecting at my leisure. (© RIA MS 4 B 15, 251-2)

The following extract from a letter sent to Windele by MacAdam in September 1858, when looking for a contribution to the Ulster Journal of Archaeology (UJA), is evidence of further investigations/excavations of the above site type in the Cork area:

Edward Odell, from Carewswood, near Castlemartyr,

17

In 1856, Hanna commented to Windele that there were ‘no great archaeologists in Ulster except Getty and Reeves’; both men corresponded regularly with Windele (© RIA MS 4 B 16, 26). 18 Windele and MacAdam met briefly for the first time on the Dingle peninsula in September 1860 (RIA MS 12 K 28, 110).

I am glad you are entering on an examination of the Duns. We are greatly in need of facts respecting this branch of our antiquities: we

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK Co. Cork,19 seemed to share Reeves’ opinion that antiquarians should make a study of the old Irish records. He was rather sceptical of the work of some writers and mentioned Betham in particular; he felt that he had ‘run a muck with his Etruscan discoveries’ (© RIA MS 12 L 8, 225). In his letter of 23 October 1843 he opined that: Irish antiquaries, as a body, begin at the wrong end. They are antiquaries before they are scholars, and their reading being confined to one point, all beyond it is darkness and confusion. They have a dozen good reasons for presuming that a thing is so and so, but are not aware of the thousand and one historical facts which make their conclusions absurd. (ibid.) He qualified his last statement by saying that there were ‘some bright exceptions’ to his remarks but he did not name them (ibid.). Caulfield kept in touch with Windele and was a member of the CCS, but he did not become a member of the SMAS, although this was not surprising as most of his vacations seem to have been spent in the libraries of London and Oxford studying old documents that related to Ireland. As noted above, he became involved in the investigation of field monuments in the late 1840s but, as was usual at that time, only the initial survey and pinpointing of areas to be investigated was done by the instigator of the excavation; most of the manual labour was done by others under his supervision. An exception to this practice, which highlighted the dangers of working alone, was Caulfield’s investigation of a souterrain at Dunbullogue, about four miles north of Cork, in July 1863.20 Although he had arranged to ‘have the place opened’ by a local man, he found on his arrival that nothing had been done and proceeded to clear the site himself. He experienced considerable difficulty getting through the narrow passages to the main chamber where, after a short time, he had trouble breathing and found that he could not get back through the passage. Only by removing some of his clothing and by making ‘a superhuman effort’ was he able to force his way out (R. D. 1904, 183-4). In spite of his daunting experience, Caulfield laid a ground plan, measurements and construction details before the first meeting of the 1863-4 session of the CCS in October 1863 (ibid. 184). This was the same meeting at which Lane Fox was admitted to membership of the Society (UCC MS U 221 A, 285) and indeed Thompson (1977, 45) considered that his interest in fieldwork, preservation of ancient sites and evolution probably began in Cork around this time.

7.6 Plan and section of hillfort at Tullahog, Co. Tyrone 1849 became involved in fieldwork soon after his entry to the CCS. Although the practice of using workmen to dig the sites was continued, his military background was evident in his approach to excavation. In addition to the use of more precise recording and drawing techniques, he also took note of the stratigraphy and ‘tried to interpret and explain’ his findings (Twohig 1987, 40). This was a considerable step forward from the unscientific approach of the local antiquarians, with the possible exception of Hackett, Hunt and Caulfield. Lane Fox’s fieldwork in Munster has been covered comprehensively by Twohig (1987, 34-46), but additional information from the Hewitt papers (CCCA MS U 15 B/P/B), the Caulfield notebooks (UCC MS U 83) and the Caulfield letters (Dublin City Library, Gilbert MS 116) is included below. Although Lane Fox had been introduced to Windele, whose knowledge of archaeological sites in Cork was undoubtedly greater than that of any other local antiquarian, there is no firm evidence to suggest that they undertook any fieldwork together. However, it is just possible that they may both have been involved in work at Lisnaraha ringfort, near Blarney in December 1863. A letter from Windele to Thomas Wise of Rostellan dated 17 December mentioned that Horace Townsend had spoken to him about the investigation of Lisnaraha in the Christmas holiday period. Windele had ‘partly agreed and determined to approach such friends as feel an interest in such investigations’ (© RIA MS 4 B. 23, 917-8). Caulfield was President of the CCS at the time and had long been involved in ringfort excavation, so it is feasible

Caulfield was accompanied on some of his later outings by Lane Fox who had been posted to Cork in 1862 and 19

On the death of his brother in 1847, the family estate was left to Edward Odell’s eldest son who was only three years old at the time. Odell moved to Carriglea, Dungarvan, Co. Waterford, to manage the estate until his son came of age (Quain, 1986, 47). 20 Dunbullogue souterrain - site no. 5052, Power AIC 2.

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7.5 Plan of megalithic tomb at Ballynahatty, Co. Down 1855

and carried out an extensive examination, details of which were delivered to a meeting of the CCS on 4 May 1864 (UCC MS U 221 A, 293). Lane Fox’s plan and section drawings are reproduced in Plate 7.7 and are believed to be ‘amongst the earliest examples’ of his ‘archaeological draughtsmanship’ (Twohig 1987, 43).21

to suggest that he was one of the ‘friends’ invited by Windele. As Lane Fox, with Caulfield, excavated Lisnaraha in mid-May 1864 (UCC MS U 221 B, 36) perhaps he was also one of Windele’s party. One of the first Cork sites investigated by Lane Fox seems to have been that of Kilcrea ringfort which was in the process of being bisected by the construction of the Cork to Macroom railway. In mid-April 1864 Lane Fox, accompanied by a Mr. Hodder and Sir Thomas Tobin, visited the site, but, by so doing, he antagonized the railway works director, Joseph Ronayne, who had not given his permission although he had earlier invited Lane Fox to be present at its opening ‘in company with some friends interested in such matters’ at a date to be arranged (CCCA MS U 15 B/P/B, 212). Lane Fox was also requested to return the material that he had removed which comprised ‘some teeth and ashes found in digging the gravel outside’ and ‘a piece of iron out of a wheelbarrow’ (ibid.). Their differences must have been sorted out amicably following the intervention of Thomas Hewitt (ibid. 13) as, on 30 April Lane Fox, accompanied by Caulfield, paid another visit to the site

On 18 June of the same year he and Caulfield visited an area west of Blarney, which was and still is comparatively rich in archaeological remains. They covered a lot of ground in a single day which indicates the energy and enthusiasm that Lane Fox brought to his archaeological activities. Caulfield noted that there were twenty-one ringforts ‘in excellent condition’ in the townland of Garraun(e), some of which they unsuccessfully probed for souterrains using an iron bar; sites mentioned included ‘Lisnaluhulig’, ‘Lisdubh’ (Power AIC 3, 8705 - levelled c. 1982), ‘Jack Dick’s fort’ with a ‘fine Ogham stone’ (possibly Power AIC 3, 8302

21

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Kilcrea ringfort - site no. 8378, Power AIC 3.

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK and 6714),22 ‘Lisard’ (Power AIC 3, 8487 - now converted to a slurry pit) and ‘Lisanisky’ (AIC 3, 8729 levelled 1984). Other sites visited on the same day were ‘Toberlachteen’ (Power AIC 3, 9273) and ‘Ballyhadaive castle’ of which, at that time, only two walls remained (UCC MS U 83 Box 5, 21). They obviously consulted with the locals and, in the case of the first named site, they were informed that ‘“Luhulig” signified the “Danes”’ (ibid.).

slightly different perspective was taken by Richard Sainthill in November 1825 when he indicated to Croker that he believed them to be ‘the work of the native Irish’ as the Danes ‘always kept on the sea coast and were never here in sufficient numbers, to have required, or occupied them’ (CCL Croker correspondence 1 (1825), 209). It is worth noting that Betham, who is often remembered for his speculative and erroneous views on a number of topics, had ruled out the possibility of the ‘Danish mounts’ being attributed to the Danes but he was also more or less convinced that they were not ‘Druidical or Celtic’. In 1838, when commenting on the Phoenix Park tumulus he deduced that the finds were ‘indicative of a much earlier period ... I would refer this monument to a most remote antiquity, at least three thousand years’ (Betham 1838, 199).

A letter from Sylvanus Urban, London, to Caulfield on 26 July 1865 asked for information about a report in a Cork newspaper which had mentioned that some antiquarian discoveries have been made by Colonel Lane Fox, in the Blasquet Islands, and in the neighbourhood of Dingle. The ruins of several ancient churches, called oratories, are to be found on the islands, and amongst these Colonel Fox has discovered a number of inscriptions in the Ogham character – Cork Examiner (Dublin City Library, Gilbert MS 116, 1).

The final comment here on this issue is from Getty’s introduction to The Round Towers of Ulster: The Danes, in the estimation of the uneducated Irish, appear to have succeeded the giants as wonder-workers; and they have thus presented an easy solution to every antiquarian question: for it was quite sufficient to attribute to this remarkable nation every work of whose erection no record existed. Hence they have received the credit, not of the Round Towers only, but of every earthen mound met with in this country. (Getty 1855, 8)

A note on the letter initialed R. C. stated that ‘Colonel A. Lane Fox made no such discoveries as these here mentioned’ (ibid.) In his discussion on the re-use of ogham stones in souterrains, one of the possibilities considered by Lane Fox (1867, 127-8) was that they could have been appropriated by ‘an intruding race, which had no knowledge or reverence for the monuments of their predecessors’; he felt that this view would have fitted with the widely held belief that the ringforts had been built by the Danes, but for the fact that they were such a common feature throughout Ireland which made it ‘unlikely that they should have been constructed by that race during their limited occupation of the country’. This line of thought was supported by Caulfield who wrote that:

With the death of Windele in August 1865 the repository for information from Cork antiquarians ceased to function. However, the minute book and transactions of the CCS contain some references to fieldwork. As noted above, Caulfield’s main interest was in souterrains and, in May 1867, he excavated a complex example at Curraghealy, about two miles northwest of Kilcrea.23 He was accompanied by Robert Day and Joseph Wright and compiled a comprehensive report which included dimensions together with details of construction, local geology and topography; in addition, Day removed a collection of animal bones, which were sent to Harkness for analysis (R. D. 1904, 184-5). Brash visited the site on 1 June and also took measurements and drew a plan which he submitted, with his report, to the RIA later that month; he noted that ‘nothing ... was found, excepting some portions of bone, horse teeth, and charcoal’ (Brash 1867, 72). After this date, there are very few references to fieldwork by CCS members, apart from Brash whose interest in ogham inscriptions took him to a number of sites in Cork and Kerry (UCC MS U 221 B, 91, 95 & 114). Harkness explored the Midleton caves in 1865 and, with Andrew Leith Adams, re-examined Shandon Cave near Dungarvan, Co. Waterford, in 1870 (see section 6.4). He also carried out an extensive survey of the Lough Gur field monuments with Day and local man, Mr. John Fitzgerald, and excavated some sites on Knockadoon hill

it is highly probable that many of them owe their origin to the ancient Irish, for it is scarce credible that the Danes could have been so numerous in Ireland as to have garrisoned one half of them, many hundreds of them remaining within call of each other to this day. (UCC MS U 83 Box 3, 406) This was a continuation of an older debate on the origins of the Irish that had surfaced in Dublin between Charles Vallancey and Edward Ledwich in the late eighteenth century (Leerssen 1996, 73). The debate continued well into the nineteenth century although, in relation to ringforts, there was a growing consensus that they had been constructed prior to the arrival of the Danes. A 22

Caulfield took a rubbing of the ogham stone and Lane Fox offered to buy it (UCC MS U 83 Box 5, 21).

23

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Curraghaly souterrain - site no. 8874, Power AIC 3.

FIELDWORK AND EXCAVATION in the late 1860s (UCC MS U 221 B, 102). One of these was ‘Circle J’ where he uncovered a small cist with the fragmentary remains of two individuals that were removed to QCC for analysis (Grogan & Eogan 1987, 329 and 333).

although, from 1870, Harkness and Leith Adams explored a number of cave sites and adopted a more scientific approach to their work that was undertaken to answer questions of a geological and zoological nature.

It is evident that early fieldwork and excavation in Cork was more or less confined to the investigation of round towers and to the identification and preservation of ogham stones. Work on round towers was, for the most part, concerned with the discovery of human remains and, once uncovered, they were taken as evidence of the sepulchral nature of the towers and no further research occurred. Initial work on ogham stones involved examples that were above ground but, when it became apparent that many had been re-used in the construction of souterrains, the excavation of ringforts became part of the ogham ‘hunt’. The prime motive was to locate the ogham stones and little consideration was given to other aspects. In contrast, in the early 1840s, Hackett and Thomas Carew Hunt (whose visits to Ireland seem to have been confined to this period) took precise details and descriptions of the sites under investigation and speculated on their origins and use. Although Windele took notes, which were almost always accompanied by sketches, they did not provide the same level of minutiae. However, the sheer volume of sites visited and described, particularly those that have since been destroyed, are a lasting tribute to his lifelong interest and enthusiasm for antiquarian pursuits. Even though he worked in an unscientific manner, he understood the importance of recording, unlike Abell whose record in the field was very poor and who has left very little for posterity.24 Caulfield adopted a careful and meticulous approach to his fieldwork and excavation and, as shown above, he measured, drew ground plans, noted construction details and also collected bones for analysis. Brash’s work on ogham stones was carried out with great detail and accuracy and Harkness also worked in a professional and scientific way.

7.7 Plan and section of ringfort at Kilcrea, Co. Cork, drawn by Augustus Lane Fox (Pitt Rivers) 1864

From the 1850s, there was a gradual move away from non-scientific excavation, which had not considered the composition and construction of monuments and rarely looked at their historical background and associated evidence. The arrival of Lane Fox, whose expertise, even in the early days of his archaeological career in Cork, was afterwards to earn him the title of the ‘father of scientific archaeology’, could have given a boost to antiquarian investigation in Cork, but this was negated by a decline in interest and personnel from the mid 1860s. Very little excavation was undertaken in Cork in the late 1860s 24 In 1994, a number of Abell’s diaries were discovered by Richard S. Harrison and are featured in his book entitled Abraham Abell M.R.I.A. Corkman Extraordinary.

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8. Summary and conclusions and their contemporaries collected and recorded much of the folklore, traditions and music of Ireland that were in grave danger of being lost to posterity.

The primary aim of this work was to look at the development of antiquarian and archaeological thought and practice in Cork from the early 1800s up to the 1880s. Part of the study was designed to examine the level of contact with others in Ireland and elsewhere to determine whether or not the Cork antiquarians were aware of the great advances and debates of the time and, more importantly, to assess the effect of these on their work.

As mentioned above, Dublin was, in effect, the intellectual capital of Ireland up to the end of the eighteenth century. However, there was a growing awareness of the importance of the sciences in the provinces and this was recognized through the establishment of a more science-orientated educational system which developed along broadly similar lines in Cork and Belfast, first with the ‘Institutions’ and later with the Queen’s Colleges established in 1845. The nature of the societies founded in both cities also reflected the growth of interest in science-related topics, which provided a framework for the development of archaeology.

Antiquarianism became established in Britain earlier than in Ireland although this was not surprising as Ireland had endured centuries of war and unrest in its struggle against occupation and conquest. Links between the two countries were strong and developments in England tended to spread to Ireland over time. As Dublin was the centre of government and was the only city with a university up to the mid-nineteenth century, most of the early advances in learning and scientific research emanated from there. The situation changed following the Act of Union in 1800 when many of the Anglo-Irish moved to London. This had a detrimental effect on antiquarian development for several decades, as many of those who left had been patrons of the arts and sciences.

The Cork Cuvierian Society, founded in 1835 by the Science Committee of the Royal Cork Institution, never had the wide appeal of the Cork Scientific and Literary Society whose membership was drawn from all classes and creeds and concentrated on topics of scientific and literary interest. It is hard to understand the rationale behind the founding of the CCS as its early aims and interests were almost identical to those of the Scientific and Literary Society, but, in later years there was a gradual shift in emphasis towards subjects of a more historical and archaeological nature and the Society became a focal point for Cork antiquarians. In 1843, it was involved with the organization of the meeting of the British Association in the city and published the Flora and Fauna of County Cork in 1845. Its most successful period in the late 1840s and early 1850s coincided with the end of the Great Famine and the influx of new members following the establishment of Queen’s College, Cork. The subsequent decline of the Society in the 1860s was mainly due to an ageing membership and the demise of some of its prominent members, but there is also the possibility that some were unable to accept or comprehend the great changes in archaeological thought which came up for discussion at meetings from the early 1860s (see sections 6.4 and 6.6).

In the early nineteenth century, the development of antiquarianism in many parts of Ireland was hindered, to a considerable extent, by a lack of economic growth. Unlike England where industry had expanded rapidly, the only region to prosper noticeably from the introduction of new technology was the north of Ireland and the Belfast area in particular. This was in direct contrast to Cork, which relied heavily on the provisioning trade and experienced severe recession at the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815. The downturn in the economy, aggravated by political and religious upheaval, had a devastating effect on the quality of life of the majority of its citizens and many left to further their careers elsewhere. These included men who were to the fore in the cultural life of the city such as Thomas Crofton Croker, William Maginn and Daniel Maclise. The southern capital was also badly affected by the Great Famine of 1845-1849, which did not have quite as drastic an impact on the cities on Ireland’s east coast.

In contrast, by 1831, the Belfast Natural History and Philosophical Society had moved to its own premises which boasted a library and a museum of natural history. It played an important part in the intellectual and cultural life of Belfast and, as in the CCS, members were directly involved with events such as the visit of the British Association in 1852. In conjunction with this an archaeological exhibition was organized, which included exhibits from collectors in many parts of the country. This event, in turn, led to the publication of the Ulster Journal of Archaeology and was a factor in the foundation of the Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club in 1863, the first of its kind in Ireland. Over the years, BNFC members made a significant contribution to the practical

From the turn of the century changes in farming practice, coupled with the deteriorating economic situation, had a devastating effect on Ireland’s rural population, many of whom were native Irish speakers. Large numbers emigrated, and this and other contributing factors, such as changes in the educational system, led to the rapid decline of the Irish language. The situation was of particular concern to provincial antiquarians who were acutely aware of the consequences for Irish culture as a whole. Men such as Windele in the south and MacAdam in the north were united in their work for the language and other aspects of Irish culture. In addition to the preservation and translation of ancient manuscripts, they 138

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS may have been due in part to a scarcity of material, but is more likely to have been the result of reduced financial resources at a very depressed period in the history of the city. With a few exceptions, most of the antiquarians featured in this study were men of modest means who could not afford to build up large collections. Some, such as Windele, were approached when artefacts came up for sale and, although not in a position to purchase objects for their own collections, used their connections to find buyers rather than let material be melted down. Increasingly, over the years there seemed to be an underlying concern for the preservation of artefacts as they realized that many were being removed from the archaeological record. A large quantity of material from Cork ended up in English collections, both public and private. In some cases this occurred through the intervention of dealers, but the tendency for local collections to be sent to London for auction also led to significant losses. This may have been linked to the absence of a public museum in the city, but was due also to the apparent reluctance in Cork to support the Royal Irish Academy which was assembling material with a view to forming a national museum in Dublin (see section 1.4).

study of archaeology in Ireland. The main source of information on the development of antiquarianism in Cork is the manuscript collection of John Windele without which our knowledge of this era would be very limited. He was the ‘leading light’ on Cork’s antiquarian scene up to the early 1860s and was well known throughout this country, partly through his involvement at society level, but mainly through his numerous personal contacts. He was a man of phenomenal energy and enthusiasm and was to the fore in virtually every antiquarian and archaeological activity and debate which emanated from Cork, but, as is apparent in his stance on issues such as the origins of round towers and ogham stones (see sections 6.1 and 6.2), he had very strong and intransigent views on particular subjects which sometimes brought him into contention with others. His writings show that although he was abreast of developments in Ireland, and to a lesser extent elsewhere, he did not become involved in the wider debates of the time such as the Three Age system, evolution and human antiquity, which were discussed at CCS meetings from the early 1860s (see sections 6.4 and 6.6). There are very few references to Windele in the CCS minute book from 1861 and, although speculative, it is possible that he and some other members were unable to accept these significant advances in the development of archaeology. There are indications that there may have been a crisis in the CCS at the time as a number of meetings were cancelled due to poor attendance and there was a proposal by several members, including Windele, to set up a ‘Cork Antiquarian Society’ in 1861 (see Appendix 2). In the last few years of his life he also experienced personal problems involving home and family and this may have had a bearing on his apparent withdrawal from his earlier dominant position in antiquarian circles in Cork.

In the early 1850s, the introduction to Ireland of largescale exhibitions featuring ‘Antiquities’ sections was a great boost to antiquarianism, both as a means of demonstrating the richness of the country’s archaeological heritage and for the opportunities they presented to make comparisons with artefacts from other collections. Windele’s correspondence indicates that there was no real sense of the importance of provenance at this time although this was probably not unusual in the first half of the nineteenth century. Undoubtedly, the lack of information was due in part to the secrecy that surrounded the discovery of many objects. Neither was there any particular understanding of their chronology as shown in the report written by Windele following the Cork Exhibition in 1852. The situation improved in the mid 1860s when there was a perceptible change in attitude and a greater understanding of artefact typology and classification (see section 4.2.). The use of lithographs was a convenient method of circulating accurate representations of artefacts in private collections but, for the most part, they gave very little information on provenance.

Thomas Crofton Croker spent his formative years in Cork and kept up his links with the city throughout his lifetime. He made regular visits to the area and, as is evident from both the Windele manuscripts and the Croker correspondence, was kept up-to-date on antiquarian matters by Windele, Sainthill, Lindsay and others. He also amassed a valuable collection of Irish antiquities, a significant number of which were acquired through his Cork contacts. Croker was acquainted with many of the leading British antiquarians of the time through his membership of bodies such as the Society of Antiquaries and the British Archaeological Association (BAA), but he was also associated with societies in Denmark, Sweden and America and seems to have been au fait with archaeological advances in those countries. He was appointed joint secretary on the first committee of the BAA, founded in late 1843, which had a strong Irish representation and included a number of Cork antiquarians among its members. Croker built up his collection of antiquities over many years following his move to London in 1818, but there were very few collectors of antiquities in Cork up to the 1840s. This

The Windele manuscripts provide valuable information on contact with antiquarians elsewhere. Although relationships between northern and southern antiquarians were amicable, in the main this was not the case between Cork and Dublin and there were many examples of friction over the years. Their involvement with the Book of Lismore illustrates the fractious nature of their dealings with and attitude towards the RIA. The debate surrounding round towers and ogham stones is also an example of the way in which they clashed with some of

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK the antiquarians in Cork were aware of both sides of the debate, but there was a noticeable reluctance to give it support, possibly because it had not been endorsed by Windele; the indications are that he was not in favour of the scheme. From the mid 1860s it featured in discussions at CCS meetings and, by the end of the decade, most local opposition had disappeared, but by then membership had declined and it is likely that those who did not agree had dropped out.

their Dublin counterparts (see sections 6.1 and 6.2). The latter example also illustrates some of the difficulties encountered with chronology in Cork in the 1830s and early 1840s which was confined to either ‘Christian’ or ‘pagan’ eras. Windele’s influence was so strong in Irish antiquarian circles that his opinion was taken as representative of all the Cork antiquarians, but, as shown in Table 6.1, this was not the case with round towers and, in fact, he had very little local support for his theories. Conversely, his conviction that ogham inscriptions were pre-Christian was backed up by his Cork colleagues and they seemed to have been particularly anxious to prove that there was literacy in Ireland prior to the introduction of Christianity.

In the 1830s most of the archaeological investigation in the Cork area was undertaken on an individual basis by men such as Windele and Abell whose main interest was the identification and preservation of ogham stones, but, for a time, following the formation of the South Munster Antiquarian Society (SMAS) in 1840, attention turned to round towers. This was not surprising considering the level of publicity and debate that had surrounded Petrie’s prizewinning essay on the subject (see section 6.1). Windele’s conviction that they were pagan and sepulchral monuments led to the excavation of several examples in the Munster area in the hope that the results would support his argument. The findings were inconclusive, but he persisted in his belief that they were of pagan origin. Excavation details were scanty and conclusions often speculative even though Windele was aware of the methodology used by his contemporaries in other parts of the country.

Their ongoing difficulties with the concept of ‘deep time’ were evident in Hackett’s work on fulachta fiadh (see section 6.3). However, unlike many of his contemporaries in Cork, he based his conclusions on his own research and observations. He was convinced of the great antiquity of fulachta fiadh, but had considerable difficulty with the ascription of a date and believed that they could be as many as three thousand years old. Though not particularly involved with these sites, by 1852, Windele was still struggling with the problems of dating and used elementary stratigraphy for evidence of their ‘great ... pagan antiquity’. Although questions regarding the antiquity and origins of humankind were being considered elsewhere, there is no direct evidence to show that the Cork antiquarians were involved in the debate prior to the 1860s. Some of them must have been familiar with Cuvier’s work on the fossil remains of extinct animals and presumably were comfortable with the Catastrophist approach, but it is doubtful that they could accept the concept of such remains being contemporaneous with humankind. The subject came up for discussion at meetings of the CCS from the early 1860s and was first mentioned by Robert Harkness, Professor of Mineralogy and Geology at QCC. This marked a change of direction for the CCS and, as mentioned above, it coincided with the apparent withdrawal of Windele and others from active membership. Lane Fox and Robert Day also contributed to the debate by providing details of discoveries in England, France and Ulster. Day’s contacts in the north kept him up-to-date with developments there, and there was a gradual acceptance that Ireland had been colonized at an earlier stage than previously believed. The frequent discoveries of the remains of giant Irish deer do not appear to have aroused much interest in Cork, but they were aware of the debates going on in other parts of the country and their lack of comment suggests an inability or unwillingness to comprehend the implications for Irish prehistory.

The activities of SMAS members seem to have declined in the 1850s and, as with the CCS in later years, this also coincided with the deaths of some of their prominent members and an ageing membership. There are very few references to excavations which, thereafter, seem to have been done, for the most part, by individuals such as Caulfield, who produced more informative and factual reports and drawings based on his own observations and on local knowledge. He introduced Lane Fox (Pitt Rivers) to archaeological sites in the Cork area in 1864 and both men worked together on several excavations. This was a significant period for archaeology which was becoming established as a scientific discipline rather than an antiquarian pursuit. They were the first to become involved with the investigation of caves in the vicinity of Cork and, most importantly, they sent bones for scientific analysis, probably the first time that this had been done in the south. There was a noticeable change in attitude regarding the significance of material remains but, from the mid 1860s, apart from the work of Harkness and Leith Adams, very little excavation took place. A number of factors have been highlighted which influenced the development of archaeology in Cork up to the early 1880s and some of the main points are as follows.

Irish antiquarians generally seemed to be cautious in their approach to the Three Age system although it was accepted by George Petrie of Dublin by the middle of the century. Entries in the Windele manuscripts suggest that

1.

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In comparison with Dublin, which had a solid intellectual and scientific base for the development of antiquarianism, Cork and Belfast were lagging far behind at the start of the nineteenth century. The

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS some distortion in the overall picture. It is evident that he commanded great respect, to the extent that very few in Cork openly disagreed with his opinions. Throughout Ireland he was considered by many to be the voice of southern antiquarians even though others, such as Hackett and Horgan, did not always agree with him. His ideas were not acceptable to many of the mainstream antiquarians of the day and this led to a widespread belief that all the Corkmen operated in isolation and ignored outside influences. Research has shown that, through the CCS, individual communications and membership of other societies in Ireland and England, there was a growing awareness of developments in archaeological thought and practice elsewhere, but there is very little to suggest that they had any particular impact on activities in Cork. There was a change of direction in the mid 1860s when some of the issues of the day came up for discussion at CCS meetings and there was also a more scientific approach to excavation which, by then, apart from the work of Caulfield, Lane Fox, Harkness and Leith Adams, was virtually non-existent.

foundation of academic institutions in both cities in the early years of the new century gave a great boost to the study of science related subjects, but the RCI was beset with problems and failed to sustain its early promise. Unlike its counterpart in Belfast, it had virtually ceased to function as a centre of education by the mid 1820s although it continued to contribute to the cultural life of the city in the years that followed. The failure to provide a solid educational base to support the growth of antiquarian activities was a considerable disadvantage up to 1849 when the Queen’s College opened in Cork. 2.

3.

4.

Indications are that, in comparison with other parts of the country, those with scientific and antiquarian interests in the Cork area were relatively few in number and this was also a very great drawback to the development of antiquarianism and the growth of archaeology over the years. Some of the early science orientated societies in Cork were short-lived and the reason for this was hinted at by Richard Sainthill to Crofton Croker in 1818 when he blamed ‘the limited number of members’ for the failure of the ‘Cork Scientifics’ (CCL Croker correspondence 1, 31). This apparent shortage of interested individuals was also alluded to by Windele in a letter to Dawson in 1836 when he said that Cork antiquarians ‘were but few & had little practical zeal’ (© RIA MS 12 I 11, 387). Over the years, the CCS also experienced difficulties with its small membership as, apart from a brief period centering on 1850 when the Queen’s College was established, the minute book shows that meetings were sometimes cancelled due to insufficient numbers.

5.

The CCS and the SMAS operated independently of each other at a time when co-operation between the two could have benefitted both groups. Although there seemed to be plenty of individual energy in the early years, the lack of cohesion between the two societies was not conducive to the advancement of antiquarianism and archaeology. The failure by both groups to publish results of their work was also detrimental to progress and development. By the 1860s, when the CCS was in decline and the SMAS had more or less ceased to function, there was little or no antiquarian activity in the area. This scenario was not confined to Cork as is evident from a letter sent to Windele by a Mr. Madden of Dublin in August, 1863 when he commented that ‘in this capital ... Irish antiquarianism is not only dying out but nearly dead’ (© RIA MS 4 B 23, 707).

Apart from Lindsay and, to a lesser extent Windele and Hewitt, there were no major collectors of antiquities in Cork in the first half of the nineteenth century, but this could perhaps be attributed to the harsh economic situation in the city. From the 1860s an impressive collection was amassed by Robert Day who also dealt in antiquities. Over the years a significant amount of material was removed from the archaeological record for the area both by the activities of dealers, such as Day and Neligan, and by jewellers who often melted down irreplaceable artefacts when buyers could not be found. The failure to provide provenance for many objects that passed to collectors and institutions elsewhere also affected the archaeological record. An additional complication was the failure of southern antiquarians to identify stone artefacts. The situation might have been different had attempts to establish a public museum in the city been successful. The lack of such a facility meant that there were very few opportunities for artefact study that would have helped to elucidate the difficulties with human antiquity and the Three Age system prior to the mid 1860s.

It is clear that the Cork antiquarians were aware of developments elsewhere and also shared the concerns of their contemporaries regarding the preservation of artefacts and field monuments that, by all accounts, were being removed from the archaeological record at an alarming rate. Prior to the mid 1860s, much of their work seems to have been carried out in an amateur and speculative manner that did not compare favourably with similar work in other parts of the country. Even though they were increasingly aware of the new trends and concepts, their small numbers and lack of facilities for

Research was dominated by Windele who was involved in virtually every antiquarian endeavour undertaken in Cork and indeed, were it not for the records kept by him, our knowledge of this era would be very limited. It has to be acknowledged that, by virtue of the fact that his writings have provided the bulk of information for this work, it could have led to

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK scientific backup were a great disadvantage which militated against the development of archaeological thought and practice in this area. It was inevitable that there should have been tensions between followers of the old methods and those who accepted new ways of understanding and interpreting the past, but it has to be acknowledged that in one particular respect they have made a valuable contribution to archaeology in the south of Ireland. The preservation of their writings and reports, particularly in the case of Windele, has led to the identification of sites and the (re)provenancing of material that might otherwise have disappeared from the archaeological record. It is likely that further detailed research using these sources of information will result in the rediscovery of additional sites and, by combining this with associated material such as auction catalogues and archaeological journals, it will be possible to identify and (re)provenance other artefacts which originated in the Cork area.

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Appendix 1 Biographical details of some eminent antiquarians and scientists from the period covered by this study travelled widely; founder of Piltown Museum 1834; died Piltown, 13 January 1848. Societies: British Archaeological Association; Archaeological Institute.

Many of the following names mentioned in the text of this work are not familiar to us now, however they were well known in their day and made significant contributions to the development, in Ireland, of antiquarianism, archaeology and other allied disciplines. Many of the personal details have been compiled from the Dictionary of National Biography, but other sources including articles from biographies, directories, journals and newspapers have been used and all of these are listed in the Bibliography. The forthcoming publication by the Royal Irish Academy of the Dictionary of Irish Biography edited by McGuire et al should be consulted for further information on many of those listed below. Unless otherwise stated, all towns mentioned are in county Cork.

Beamish, Major North Ludlow (1797-1872), Annemount, Glounthaune, Cork; son of William Beamish, Beaumont House, Cork; born Cork, 31 December 1797; soldier, military historian and writer, antiquarian; commission in 4th Royal Irish Dragoons 1816 in which he purchased own troop 1823; Knight of Royal Hanoverian Guelphic Order; died Cork, 27 April 1872. Societies: Cork Scientific & Literary Society; Cork Athenaeum Committee; Kilkenny Archaeological Society; fellow of Royal Society, London; Royal Danish Society of Northern Antiquities.

Abell, Abraham (1783-1851), son of Richard Abell and Elizabeth Beale; born Pope’s Quay, Cork, 11 April 1783; philantrophist, antiquarian, linguist, numismatist, collector of coins, antiquities, items of geological and scientific interest and books - own library; clerk with Messrs James & Nicholas Murphy, Cork c.1812-1823; partnership in grocery business Abell & Beale 1824 c.1836; later manager/director of Cork Savings Bank; secretary of Royal Cork Institution; unmarried; died Cork, 12 February 1851. Societies: Cork Literary & Philosophical Society founded in early 1800s by members of the Cork Institution; founder member and secretary of Cork Scientific Society 1809 or 1813; founder member of Cork Philosophical & Literary Society c.1813; Cork Literary Magazine Society c. 1818; founder member of Cork Scientific & Literary Society 1820 (later became Cork Literary & Scientific Society); founder member of Cork Cuvierian Society President 1842-3; manager/member and secretary of Royal Cork Institution; founder member of South Munster Antiquarian Society - Vice-President 1842-3; treasurer of the Cork Library; Cork Art Union; Royal Irish Academy 1840; Celtic Society; Irish Archaeological Society; the Camden Society.

Benson, Sir John (1812-1874), only son of John Benson; born Collooney, Co. Sligo, in 1812; architect and engineer; county surveyor for East Riding of Cork 1846; superintendant of famine relief works 1847; engineer to Cork Harbour Commissioners 1850; architect to Cork Corporation; designed buildings for the Cork Industrial Exhibition 1852 and Dublin Great Industrial Exhibition 1853; works include St. Patrick’s Bridge and many churches and public buildings in Cork; knighted 1853; m. 1849, Mary Clementina Pyne, dau. of John Smith; died Cork, 17 October 1874. Societies: Institute of Civil Engineers; Cork Cuvierian Society; Cork Exhibition committee 1852; Cork Athenaeum Committee; Kilkenny Archaeological Society 1856. Bernard, James, 2nd Earl of Bandon, MP, DCL (17851856), Castle Bernard, Bandon; son of Francis Bernard and Catherine Henrietta, only dau. of 2nd Earl of Shannon; born 14 June 1785; Lord Lieut. and Custos Rotulorum of County Cork; Recorder of Bandon; antiquarian, collector; m. 13 March 1809, Mary Susan, dau. of Most Rev. Hon. Charles Brodrick, Archbishop of Cashel; died 31 October 1856. Sociteies: Royal Cork Institution; patron and President of Cork Art Union; Kilkenny Archaeological Society; fellow of Royal Society of London.

Adams, Dr. Andrew Leith ( -1882), son of Dr. Francis Adams; born Aberdeenshire, Scotland; army doctor, zoologist, geologist, palaeontologist, antiquarian, writer, excavator; educated Scotland; qualified as MB 1848; British Army Medical Corps 1848-73; attached to 22nd Regiment based at Kinsale; Professor of Zoology at Royal College of Science, Dublin 1874; Professor of Natural History at Queen’s College, Cork 1878-81; LLD 1881; DSc. 1882; died Cobh, 19 July 1882. Societies: fellow of Geological Society of London 1870; fellow of Royal Society, London 1872.

Betham, Sir William (1779-1853), Stradbrook House, Blackrock, Co. Dublin; son of Rev. William Betham; born Stradbrooke, Suffolk, 22 May 1779; genealogist, writer, antiquarian, collector of manuscripts; served his time in the printing business; moved to Dublin 1805; deputy keeper of records, Dublin Castle; subcommissioner 1811-12; knighted 1812; Ulster king of arms 1820; died Blackrock, 26 October 1853. Societies: Royal Dublin Society 1827 - council member 1838, Vice-President; Royal Irish Academy 1827,

Anthony, Redmond (1768-1848), Piltown, Co. Kilkenny; innkeeper, antiquarian, collector of antiquities and paintings, dealer; went to sea as a young man and 143

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK secretary; Celtic Society; British Archaeological Association - Vice-President 1843; fellow of Society of Antiquaries of London; the Royal Academy of Sciences of Lisbon. Boole, George (1815-1864), Lichfield Cottage, Blackrock, Cork; eldest son of John Boole and Mary Ann Joyce; born Lincoln, 2 November 1815; mathematician, logician, writer, poet, linguist, antiquarian, poet; secondary education at Bainbridge’s Commercial Academy, Lincoln; taught at Doncaster, Liverpool and Waddington, nr. Lincoln; opened own school in Lincoln 1834; took over Waddington Academy 1838; hon. LLD from University of Dublin 1851; DCL from University of Oxford; Professor of Mathematics at Queen’s College, Cork 1849-1864; m. 1855, Mary, dau. of Rev. T. R. Everest, Wickwar, Gloucs.; died Cork, 8 December 1864. Societies: Cork Cuvierian Society - President 1854-5; Dublin Statistical Society; fellow of Royal Society, London 1857; Cambridge Philosophical Society. Brash, Richard Rolt (1817-1876), College View, 35 Sunday’s Well, Cork; born Cork 1817; architect, builder, antiquarian, archaeologist with particular interest in Ogham inscriptions, writer, collector of books and manuscripts - own library; m. Frances Jackson; died Cork, 18 January 1876. Societies: Cork Cuvierian Society - President 1869-70; South Munster Antiquarian Society; Royal Cork Institution; Cork Athenaeum committee; Kilkenny Archaeological Society; Royal Irish Academy; fellow of Royal Historical & Archaeological Society of Ireland 1875; Ossianic Society; fellow of Society of Antiquaries, Scotland. Burton Conyngham, Rt. Hon. William (1733-1796), Slane Castle, Slane, Co. Meath; son of Francis Burton, Buncraggy, Co. Clare and Mary, sister of 1st Earl Conyngham; born 1733; soldier, antiquarian, collector of books and manuscripts - own library; patron of the arts collector of drawings of antiquarian interest; commissioned captain in army 1759 - Lieutenant-Colonel in 12th Dragoons 1763-75; Comptroller & Commissioner of Barrack Board 1775; involved with establishment of Slane Flour Mills 1763; Dublin’s Wide Streets Commission 1772; member of parliament for Ennis and Killybegs; Privy Councillor; teller of Exchequer in Ireland; Commissioner of Board of Treasury; trustee of Linen Board; governor of Foundling Hospital and Workhouse of City of Dublin; died Harcourt Place, Dublin, 27 May 1796. Societies: founder and President of Hibernian Society of Antiquarians 1780; Royal Dublin Society 1768, Antiquities Committee, Art Committee 1780; founder member and treasurer of Royal Irish Academy - VicePresident 1792; fellow of Society of Antiquaries London 1790. Caulfield, Richard (1823-1887), Nelson Place, Cork; son of William Caulfield and Catherine Gosnell; born Cork 23 April 1823; classical scholar, antiquarian, 144

archaeologist, writer, genealogist, annalist, collector of books and manuscripts - own library; educated at Bandon Endowed School and later with Mr. Foley, Cork; entered Trinity College, Dublin - BA 1845, LLB 1864, LLD 1866; Freeman of Cork 1845; secretary/librarian and custodian of Royal Cork Institution 1864-81; librarian at Queen’s College, Cork 1876-87; m. 21 August 1869, Dora Dowden, Bandon; died Cork, 3 February 1887. Societies: Cork Cuvierian Society - President 1863-5; Royal Cork Institution; Cork Literary & Scientific Society; Kilkenny Archaeological Society; Royal Historical & Archaeological Society of Ireland; fellow of Royal Society of Antiquaries, London 1862; fellow of Anthropological Society of London 1864; fellow of Genealogical & Historical Society, London 1864; original Library Association of Great Britain; corresponding member of Society of Antiquaries of Normandy; corresponding member of Royal Academy of History of Madrid 1881, hon. member 1882. Colby, Major-General Thomas Frederick (1784-1852), eldest son of Major Thomas Colby and Cornelia Hadden; born St. Margaret's-next-Rochester, 1 September 1784; soldier, engineer; educated at Northfleet, Kent and then to Royal Military Academy, Woolwich; second lieutenant royal engineers 1801 - major-general 1846; moved to ordnance survey 1802 - chief executive officer 1809; LLD University of Aberdeen 1819; moved to Dublin 1828; in charge of Ordnance Survey of Ireland 1824-46; moved back to London to work on surveys in England and Scotland 1838; m. 1828, Elizabeth Hester Boyd, dau. of Archibald Boyd, Londonderry; died New Brighton, nr. Birkenhead, 9 October 1852. Societies: elected to Royal Irish Academy 1825; Geological Society of Dublin - President 1836-7; fellow of Geological Society of London 1814; fellow of Royal Society, Edinburgh 1819; fellow of Royal Society, London 1820; knight of Denmark; hon. member of Institution of Civil Engineers; founder member of Royal Astronomical Society; Athenaeum Club. Connellan, Owen (1800-1869), born County Sligo; Irish scholar, writer, archivist, translator, lecturer; Irish Royal Historiographer to Kings George IV and William IV and for a time to Queen Victoria; scribe in Royal Irish Academy; Professor of Celtic Languages and Literature at Queen’s College, Cork 1849-63; retired to Dublin; died Dublin, 1869. Societies: Celtic Society; Ossianic Society - VicePresident. Conyngham, Lord Albert (from 1849, Albert Denison and from 1850, Lord Londesborough) (1805-1860), Grimston Park, nr. Tadcaster; third son of Henry Conyngham and Elizabeth Denison; born London, 21 October 1805; soldier, diplomat, MP for Canterbury, horse-breeder, antiquarian, excavator, collector of armour and antiquities; educated at Eton; joined Horse Guards 1823; attaché at Berlin 1824 and Vienna 1825, secretary of legation in Florence 1825/6, secretary in Berlin 182931; KCH 1829; deputy-lieutenant in West Yorkshire

APPENDIX 1: BIOGRAPHICAL DETAILS 1826; civil service appointments - Master of Requests, Counsellor of State, President of the Section of the Interior, Director of Protestant Worship, Peer of France 1831; died 13 May 1832. Societies: French Institute 1795.

1829; MP representing Canterbury 1835-41 and 1847-50; raised to peerage 1850; m. (1) 1833, Henrietta Maria Forester, dau. of Cecil Weld (1st Baron Forester); (2) 21 December 1847, Ursula Lucy Grace, dau. of Hon. Charles Orlando Bridgeman; died London, 15 January 1860. Societies: Kilkenny Archaeological Society 1853; fellow of Society of Antiquaries of London 1840; first President of British Archaeological Association 1843 - resigned; Archaeological Institute; fellow of Royal Society 1850; member and President of London and Middlesex Archaeological Society 1855; member and President of Numismatic Society.

D’Alton, John (1792-1867), son of William D’Alton and Elizabeth Leyne; born Bessville, Co. Westmeath, 29 June 1792; barrister, classical scholar, historian, writer, poet, antiquarian; early education at school of Rev. Joseph Hutton, Dublin; entered Trinity College Dublin 1806; studied at Middle Temple, London and King’s Inns, Dublin - called to Irish Bar 1813; commissioner of Loan Fund Board 1834; died 20 January 1867. Societies: Royal Irish Academy.

Croker, Thomas Crofton (1798-1854), 3 Gloucester Road, Old Brompton, London; only son of Major Thomas Croker and Maria Dillon; born Water Lane, Blackpool, Cork, 15 January 1798; antiquarian, writer, archaeologist, folklorist, artist, collector of antiquities, coins, autographs, books and manuscripts; educated in school of Thomas Dix Hincks, Cork; apprenticed to Lecky and Mark, Cork 1813; moved to London 1818; clerk at Admiralty 1819 - senior clerk from 1837-50; exhibitor at Cork Fine Art Exhibition 1817; superintended excavation at Caesar’s Camp, Holwood, nr. Bromley, Kent 1828; m. 1830, Marianne, youngest dau. of Francis Nicholson (one of the founders of the English water-colour school); died Old Brompton, London, 8 August 1854. Societies: Cork Cuvierian Society; founder member of Cork Scientific Society 1813; Cork Literary Magazine Society; hon. member of Cork Scientific & Literary Society 1820; South Munster Antiquarian Society; Irish Archaeological Society 1841-44; Royal Irish Academy 1827; Kilkenny Archaeological Society 1852; fellow of Society of Antiquaries, London 1827, Council 1830-1 and 1848-9; fellow of Royal Antiquarian Society of Copenhagen 1833; fellow of Swedish Archaeological Society 1845; Royal Literary Fund Society 1828, Registrar 1829-48; founder and permanent President of Noviomagian Society 1828-48; involved in foundation of Camden Society 1839, council member 1839-46; founder member of Percy Society 1840, council member 1840-48; British Archaeological Association 1843, secretary 184548; Archaeological Institute; Antiquaries Club 1847-8; British Numismatic Society 1845, council member 18478; corresponding member of American Ethnological Society 1850; Hakluyt Society 1847; United Service Institution 1832.

Dargan, William (1799-1867), Dargan Villa (now Mount Anville), Co. Dublin; born Carlow, 28 February 1799; railway contractor and entrepreneur; educated in England; joined surveyor’s office; worked under Telford on construction of Holyhead Road Scheme 1820; returned to Ireland - own contracting business; constructed road between Dublin and Howth; constructed first railway line in Ireland from Dublin to Kingstown (now Dun Laoghaire) 1833-4 (opened 1838); worked on Ulster Railway (opened 1839), Great Southern & Western Railway (1843-50), Midland Great Western Railway and the Dublin and Wicklow railways; Ulster Canal (1834-42); organized and financed Great Exhibition in Dublin 1853; financed building of National Gallery 1864; High Sheriff and Deputy Lieutenant of Dublin City; Dublin Chamber of Commerce; died Fitzwilliam Square, Dublin, 7 February 1867. Societies: Great Exhibition, Dublin committee. Darwin, Charles Robert (1809-1882), son of Robert Waring Darwin and Susannah Wedgewood; born Shrewsbury 12 February 1809; naturalist, geologist, zoologist, botanist, collector, writer, explorer; educated at school of Mr. Case 1817, went to Shrewsbury School 1818; entered Edinburgh University to read medicine 1825; entered Christ’s College, Cambridge to read English with intention of entering the church 1828; conferred with BA; sailed on Beagle 1831-6; m. 29 January 1839 Emma Wedgewood, dau. of Josiah Wedgewood; died at Down, near London 19 April 1882. Societies: hon. member of Royal Irish Academy 1866. Davy, Edmund W. (1785-1857), son of William Davy; born Penzance, Cornwall; scientist, antiquarian, writer; operator and assistant to his cousin, Sir Humphry Davy at Royal Institution, London 1804-13; Professor of Chemistry at Royal Cork Institution 1813-26, also acted as Secretary; Professor of Chemistry at Royal Dublin Society 1826; died Kimmage Lodge, Dublin, 5 November 1857. Societies: Royal Cork Institution; Royal Irish Academy 1827; fellow of Royal Society of London; fellow of Chemical Society of London; honorary member of Societé Française Statistique Universelle.

Curry, Eugene (1794-1862) – see O’Curry Cuvier, Baron Georges (Leopold Chretien Frederic Dagobert) (1769-1832), born Montbéliard, eastern France 24 August 1769; zoologist, palaeontologist, ichthyologist, lecturer, writer, draughtsman; studied for ministry at Stuttgart; tutor in Normandy 1788-94; assistant Professor of comparative anatomy in Jardin des Plantes 1795; Professor of comparative anatomy at Museum of Natural History, Paris 1802; permanent secretary of Academy of Sciences 1803; Chancellor of University of Paris; grand-officer of Legion of Honour 145

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK

Dawson, Very Rev. Henry Richard (1792-1840), second son of Arthur Dawson, Castledawson; born Dublin in 1792; Church of Ireland priest, antiquarian, numismatist, collector of antiquities, coins and medals; educated at Harrow and entered Christ Church, Oxford 1810 - BA 1815; ordained for Drumcondra, Diocese of Meath 1817-19; rector of Castlecomer, Co. Kilkenny 1819; Dean of St. Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin 1820-40; died Castlecomer, 24 October 1840. Societies: Royal Irish Academy, member of council Vice-President; Zoological Society of Dublin - VicePresident; Numismatic Society 1837. Day, Robert (1836-1914), Myrtle Hill House, Montenotte, Cork; son of Robert Day; born Cork, 12 January 1836; businessman, antiquarian, writer, collector and dealer in antiquities, medals and insignia - own museum; educated at Mr. Hamblin and Dr. Porter’s School, Cork; Alderman 1880; High Sheriff of Cork 1893; Justice of the Peace; m. 1 December 1857, Rebecca, dau. of Robert Scott, Sidney Ville, Cork; died Cork, 10 July 1914. Societies: Cork Cuvierian Society - President 1865-6 and 1875-6; Cork Literary & Scientific Society - President 1887; founder member of Cork Historical & Archaeological Society - President 1894-1914; Royal Irish Academy; fellow of Royal Society of Antiquaries Ireland 1888 - Vice-President 1887-97, 1900-03 and 1911-14; Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club; fellow of Society of Antiquaries, London - local secretary for Ireland; member and Vice-President of Ex Libris Society, London; fellow of Royal Numismatic Society, London; fellow of Bibliographical Society; member and fellow of Huguenot Society, London. Deane, Sir Thomas (1792-1871), Dundanion, Blackrock, Cork and later Dublin; son of Alexander Deane and Elizabeth Sharpe; born Cork, 4 June 1792; builder, architect, politician, collector of fine arts, antiquities and fossils; joined family business at 14 years of age; High Sheriff of Cork 1815 and 1830; works include Queen’s College, Cork, the Cork Commercial Buildings, the Bank of Ireland and other public buildings in Cork, lunatic asylum in Killarney, addition to Trinity College, Dublin; knighted 1830; Statistics Committee for British Association Meeting in Cork 1843; m. (1) 1809, Catherine, dau. of John Conlan, Cork; (2) 13 January 1827, Eliza, dau. of Robert O’Callaghan Newenham, Cork; (3) 1853, Harriet, dau. of Major John Williams, Belzoon, Co. Meath; died Monkstown, Co. Dublin, 2 October 1871. Societies: Royal Cork Institution; Cork Cuvierian Society; patron and President of Cork Art Union; Cork Scientific & Literary Society; founder and President of Cork Society for Promoting Fine Arts; County & City of Cork Horticultural Society 1835; Cork Exhibition committee 1852; President of Institute of Architects in Ireland; President of Royal Hibernian Academy.

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Deane, Sir Thomas Newenham (1828-1899), son of Sir Thomas Deane (above) and Eliza O’Callaghan Newenham; born Dundanion, Cork, 15 June 1828; architect, antiquarian; educated at Rugby and Trinity College, Dublin; entered family business and became head of firm 1871; works include National Library and National Museum, Kildare Street, Dublin, the Kildare Street Club, Engineering School at Trinity College, Dublin, Oxford University Museum; first inspector of National Monuments of Ireland; knighted 1890; m. 1850, Henrietta, dau. of Joseph Manly, Ferney, Co. Cork; died Dublin, 8 November 1899. Societies: Royal Irish Academy; Royal Hibernian Academy. Dowden, Richard (‘Rd’) (1794-1861), Rath Lee, Sunday’s Well, Cork; born Bandon, 12 April 1794; librarian of Royal Cork Institution to 1826; businessman, manager of Jennings (vinegar, cordial and mineral water manufacturers, botanist, antiquarian, writer and philantrophist; involved in the organization of Cork Mechanics Institute; Cork Corporation; Mayor of Cork 1845; Alderman 1847; m. Mary, dau. of Richard Clear; died Cork, 4 August 1861. Societies: Cork Cuvierian Society – President 1845-6; Royal Cork Institution; Cork Philosophical & Literary Society; Cork Literary & Scientific Society; management committee member of Cork School of Design; Cork City & County Horticultural Society; Celtic Society; Zoological Society of Dublin; British Association. Drummond, Dr. James Lawson (1783-1853), younger son of William Drummond and Rose Hare; born Larne, Co. Antrim in 1783; medical doctor, surgeon, writer, botanist; educated at Belfast Academy; apprenticeship in Royal Navy as surgeon 1807-13; MD from Edinburgh 1814; Physician to Belfast Dispensary 1814-18; first Professor of Anatomy and Physiology at Royal Belfast Academical Institution 1818-49, President of Faculty of Arts 1823 and 1831, Professor of Botany 1835-6, first President of the Medical Faculty 1835-6 and 1844; died Belfast, 17 May 1853. Societies: founder member of Belfast Natural History & Philosophical Society - first President 1821-2 and 182743, Vice-President 1822-7; Belfast Literary Society Secretary 1806-7, President 1815-16. Du Noyer, George Victor (1817-1869), son of Louis Du Noyer and Margaret Du Bedat; born Dublin 1817; artist, draughtsman, engraver, writer, geologist, lecturer, antiquarian, archaeologist; educated at school of Mr. Jones, Great Denmark St., Dublin, studied drawing with Petrie (see below); joined Ordnance Survey 1835; fellow and tutor in Fine Art at St. Columba’s College, Stackallen 1844-5; joined Geological Survey of Great Britain and Ireland 1847, district surveyor 1867; m. 4 January 1858, Frances Adelaide Du Bedat, dau. of William Du Bedat, Dublin; died Antrim, 3 January 1869. Societies: corresponding member of Natural History Society of Dublin 1841, elected to council 1949,

APPENDIX 1: BIOGRAPHICAL DETAILS particular interest in ogham inscriptions; educated at Belfast Academical Institution and Lincoln’s Inn, London; learned Irish from Patrick Lynch, Belfast; legal practice on North-Eastern Circuit 1838, called to Inner Bar 1859; LLD from University College, Dublin 1865; Deputy Keeper of Public Records of Ireland 1867; knighted 1878; m. 16 August, 1848, Mary Catherine Guinness; died Dublin, 9 August 1886. Societies: Royal Irish Academy 1834, council 1840, Vice-President 1876, President 1882-6; Celtic Society Council member; Kilkenny Archaeological Society 1869; British Association 1857; hon. member of Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 1874; founder member of Protestant Repeal Association 1848.

associate member 1857; Geological Society of Dublin 1843, council 1844; Archaeological Institute (?); Royal Society of Antiquaries 1856; Royal Irish Academy 1857, honorary life member 1863; associate member of Dublin University Zoological & Botanical Association 1858; Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club; Kilkenny Archaeological Society - hon. provincial secretary for Ulster. Edgeworth, Richard Lovell (1744-1817), Edgeworthstown, Co. Longford; son of Richard Edgeworth and Jane Lovell; born Bath, 31 May 1744; inventor, engineer, surveyor, politician, writer; (father of Maria) - own library; educated at Warwick, Drogheda and Longford; entered Trinity College, Dublin 1761 and later in the same year, Corpus Christi College, Oxford; inherited family estates 1769; returned to Ireland 1782; aide-de-camp to Lord Charlemont 1783; Grattan’s Parliament 1798-1800; on Irish education board 1806-11; compiled report on reclamation of bogs 1810; m. (1) 1763, Anna Maria Elers; (2) 17 July 1773?, Honora Sneyd; (3) 25 December 1780, Elizabeth Sneyd; (4) 31 May 1798, Miss Beaufort; died Edgeworthstown, 13 June 1817. Societies: founder member of Royal Irish Academy 1785; hon. member of Royal Dublin Society 1815; Lunar Society.

Fitzgerald, Edward (1820-1893), Nelson Terrace, Youghal; born Youghal 1820; architect and builder, antiquarian, builder, writer, coin collector; m. Miss Garde, dau. of William Garde, Bilberry, Midleton; died Youghal 25 March 1893 (pseudonym ‘F. Ochille’). Societies: Kilkenny Archaeological Society – local secretary for Youghal. Getty, Edmund (1799-1857), Cavehill Road, Belfast; youngest son of Robert Getty and Miss Grimshaw; born Belfast, 1799; antiquarian, excavator, linguist, writer, ichthyologist; educated first at Belfast Academy and then at Royal Belfast Academical Institution; worked in family business and later for Belfast Ballast Board - Ballast Master 1837; Secretary to Belfast Harbour Board 1847; died Belfast, December 1857. Societies: Belfast Natural History & Philosophical Society - Vice-president 1824-34 and 1842-50; trustee of Belfast Museum; committee member of Horticultural Society; Belfast Literary Society - President on three occasions; a manager of Royal Belfast Academical Institution; Royal Irish Academy 1845.

Evans, Sir John (1823-1908), Nash Mills, Hemel Hempstead; second son of Rev. Arthur Benoni Evans and Anne Dickinson; born Britwell Court, 17 November 1823; paper-mill manager, archaeologist, numismatist, geologist, writer, collector of coins and antiquities - own library; educated by his father; DCL from University of Oxford 1877; LLD from University of Dublin 1878; presided over Geological Section for British Association Meeting in Dublin 1878; County magistrate for Herts. 1871; Deputy Lieutenant for Herts. & Liberty of St. Alban’s 1876; High Sheriff 1881-2; Chairman of Quarter Sessions 1889; Chairman of Herts. County Council 1892; editor of Numismatic Chronicle; Trustee of the British Museum from 1885; Correspondent of Institute of France 1887; KCB 1892; President of British Association Meeting in Toronto 1897; ScD University of Cambridge 1890; Hon. Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford 1903; m. (1) 1850, Harriet Ann Dickinson; (2) 23 July 1859, Frances Phelps; (3) 1892, Maria Millington; died 31 May 1908. Societies: Athenaeum Club, London 1865; fellow of Royal Society, London, treasurer 1878, President; Numismatic Society, secretary 1854-74, President 18741908; the Anthropological Society, President 1878; fellow of Society of Antiquaries 1852, President 1885-92; Archaeological Institute; fellow of Geological Society on council, secretary 1866-74, President 1874-6; Society of Arts, chairman 1900; President of Egypt Exploration Fund; Founder of Paper Maker’s Association; Society of Chemical Industry, President 1892.

Giesecke, Sir Charles Lewis (born Karl Ludwig Metzler) (1761-1833), born Augsburg, 1761; geologist, minerologist, collector and dealer in minerals, actor, composer, lecturer; conducted school of mineralogy in Copenhagen; sent on research to Greenland by King of Denmark 1806-13; Knight of Danish Order of Dannebrog 1816; Professor of Mineralogy and Geology to Royal Dublin Society; died 5 March 1833. Societies: Royal Dublin Society; hon. member of Belfast Natural History & Philosophical Society. Grainger, Rev. Canon John (1830-1891), eldest son of David Grainger and Maria Belinda Parke; born Belfast in 1830; Church of Ireland priest, antiquarian, archaeologist, geologist, collector of antiquities, coins and fossils; natural history collection; own museum; educated at Belfast Academy and Trinity College, Dublin, MA 1859, BD 1870, DD; worked in family shipping business up to 1862; entered ministry and ordained 1863; ministered in Dublin and Belfast; unmarried; died 23 November 1891. Societies: Belfast Natural History & Philosophical Society; Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club - first President; Senate of Dublin University; Royal Irish Academy.

Ferguson, Sir Samuel (1810-1886), youngest son of John Ferguson; born Belfast, 10 March 1810; lawyer, archivist, writer, poet, antiquarian, archaeologist, with 147

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK Graves, Very Rev. Charles (1812-1899), born Dublin, 6 November 1812; Church of Ireland priest and bishop, mathematician, writer, antiquarian with particular interest in Ogham inscriptions; educated at private school near Bristol and Trinity College, Dublin, fellow 1836; Professor of Mathematics at Trinity College 1843; Government commission to edit and translate Brehon Laws; Dean of Castle Chapel, Dublin 1860; Dean of Clonfert 1864; Bishop of Limerick, Ardfert & Aghadoe 1866-1899; died Dublin (or Limerick), 17 July 1899. Societies: Royal Irish Academy 1837, President 1861-6; fellow of Royal Society 1880; Celtic Society - VicePresident; council member of Society for Preservation & Publication of Melodies of Ireland 1851; Kilkenny Archaeological Society. Graves, Rev. James (1815-1886), eldest son of Rev. Richard G. Graves; born Kilkenny, 11 October 1815; Church of Ireland priest, antiquarian, writer, collector of books - own library; educated at Trinity College, Dublin, BA 1839; rector of Inisnag, Co. Kilkenny 1863-86; died Inisnag, 20 March 1886. Societies: co-founder of Kilkenny Archaeological Society 1849 - honorary secretary; Celtic Society - council member 1850; Royal Irish Academy; Archaeological Institute - local hon. secretary for Kilkenny. Gray, William (1830-1917), born Cork in 1830; antiquarian, writer, collector of antiquities and fossils; apprenticed to building trade; student of the Cork School of Design; obtained appointment under Royal Engineers and employed at Portland; moved to Belfast 1862 as District Officer under Board of Works; died Belfast, 6 February 1917. Societies: Cork Historical & Archaeological Society; Belfast Natural History & Philosophical Society; Belfast Naturalists Field Club - President; Ulster Amateur Photographic Society – President; Royal Irish Academy 1874; Royal Historical & Archaeological Society of Ireland - local secretary; British Association. Griffith, Sir Richard John (1784-1878), son of Richard Griffith and Mary Hussey Burgh, Millicent, Co. Kildare; born Hume Street, Dublin, 20 September 1784; geologist, civil engineer, writer; lieutenancy with Royal Irish artillery 1799; civil engineering studies London; worked in mining districts of England and Scotland; returned to Ireland 1808; surveyed Leinster coalfields for RDS 1809, Connaught coalfield 1814-16, Ulster coalfields 1816-18, Munster coal district 1818-24; survey of Irish bogs 180912; mining engineer and Professor of Geology at Royal Dublin Society 1812-29; government inspector of mines in Ireland 1812; geological map of Ireland 1815; superintendant of famine relief works in Cork, Kerry and Limerick 1822; lived at Ballyellis House near Mallow, Co. Cork 1822-8; director of road and bridge building scheme in Munster 1822; director of boundary survey 1825; commissioner of valuation 1827-68; deputy chairman Board of Works 1846, chairman 1850; managed departments of land improvement and drainage up to 1864; hon. LLD Trinity College, Dublin 1851, hon. 148

MAI 1862; knighted 1858; m. 1812, Maria Jane, dau. of George Waldie, Kelso; died Dublin, 22 September 1878. Societies: Royal Dublin Society; Royal Irish Academy 1819; fellow Royal Society of Edinburgh 1807; hon. member of Geological Society, London 1808. Hackett, William ( - ), Knockgriffin, Midleton; son of James Hackett, Cork and later Midleton; born 17 March 17..; businessman, antiquarian, folklorist, Irish scholar, writer; educated in England; returned to Ireland c.1810; travelled widely in his earlier years; worked in family tanning business at Hobb’s Lane, Cork up to 1823; then moved to Midleton - partner/director Hackett's Distillery, Midleton up to time of closure in 1844; worked in Bandon Distillery in mid 1850s; date of death unknown. Societies: rural secretary of South Munster Antiquarian Society; Cork Scientific & Literary Society?; Kilkenny Archaeological Society 1853; Ossianic Society; British Archaeological Association. Hall, Samuel Carter (1800-1889), 24 Stanford Road, Kensington, London; fourth son of Colonel Robert Hall and Ann Kent; born Geneva Barracks, nr. Waterford, 9 May 1800; writer, art critic, reporter, editor, lawyer; left Cork 1821 for London, literary secretary; parliamentary reporter in House of Lords 1823; student of Inner Temple 1824 - called to bar 1841, but never practiced; editor of many newspapers, annuals and journals; editor of The Art Journal; with his wife, Anna Maria, wrote a series of Handbooks for Ireland; awarded civil list pension for services to literature and art 1880; m. 1824, Anna Maria Fielding; died Kensington, London, 16 March 1889. Societies: Cork Philosophical & Literary Society; Cork Scientific & Literary Society 1820; Kilkenny Archaeological Society; original member of Noviomagus Society 1828 - President 1855-1881; fellow of Society of Antiquaries 1842. Hamilton, Sir William Rowan (1805-1865), only son of Archibald Hamilton, Killyleagh and Miss Hutton, Dublin; born Dublin, midnight 3/4 August 1805; scientist, mathematician, astronomer, linguist, poet; tutored by Rev. James Hamilton (uncle) at Diocesan school Trim, Co. Meath; entered Trinity College, Dublin 1823; Astronomer Royal of Ireland from 1827; knighted 1835; m. 9 April 1833, Helen Bayly of Nenagh, Co. Tipperary; died 2 September 1865. Societies: the Royal Irish Academy - President; original member of British Association; first on list of foreign associate member of National Academy of Sciences 1865. Harkness, Robert (1816-1878), born Ormskirk, Lancashire, 28 July 1816; geologist, palaeontologist, lecturer, writer of scientific papers, antiquarian, collector of antiquities; educated at Dumfries and Edinburgh University; Professor of Mineralogy and Geology at Queen’s College, Cork 1853-78; Professor of Natural History at Queen’s College, Cork 1870-78; curator of QCC museums 1856-63; died Dublin, 5 October 1878. Societies: Cork Cuvierian Society - President 1858-9 and

APPENDIX 1: BIOGRAPHICAL DETAILS Societies: secretary to (Cork) Society for Promoting the Conditions of the Poor 1799; founder of Royal Cork Institution 1803; member and first secretary of Cork Literary & Philosophical Society; hon. member of Cork Cuvierian Society; hon. member of Cork Scientific & Literary Society 1820; Royal Irish Academy 1803; Belfast Natural History & Philosophical Society President 1822-7; Belfast Literary Society - President 1826-7 and 1833-4; Belfast Library Society.

1867-8; Cork Scientific & Literary Society; fellow of Royal Society of Edinburgh 1854; fellow of Royal Society of London 1856; Hawkes, Zachariah Cornock ( -1874), Moneens, Bandon; businessman, ntiquarian, collector; m. Mary Anne …; died Bandon, 27 May 1874. Societies: Cork Cuvierian Society; South Munster Antiquarian Society.

Hincks, William (1794-1871), second son of Rev. Dr. Thomas Dix Hincks and Anne Boult; born Cork, May 1794; clergyman, philosopher, editor of the Inquirer 1842-9; Unitarian minister at Cork 1815, Exeter 1816-22 and Renshaw Street, Liverpool 1822-7; Professor of Natural Philosophy at Manchester College, York 182739; Zoology & Botany Committee and also of Statistics Committee for British Association Meeting in Cork 1843; first Professor of Natural History at Queen’s College, Cork 1849-53; established a botanical museum and herbarium at QCC; Professor of Natural History University College, Toronto 1853-71; died 10 September 1871. Societies: fellow of London Society - FLS?

Hewitt, Thomas MA (1798-1870), Summerhill House, Montenotte Road, Cork; born in Cork (?) 1798; barrister, distiller, philantrophist, antiquarian, collector of antiquities, books and manuscripts - own library; graduate of Kings Inn; partner/owner of Watercourse Distillery from 1834-68; lived in Cork for most of his life but worked in London during 1840s and early 1850s; died Cobh, 1870. Societies: Cork Cuvierian Society - President 1856-7; Royal Cork Institution; South Munster Antiquarian Society; Cork Literary & Scientific Society; on management committee of Cork School of Design; Kilkenny Archaeological Society; Irish Archaeological Society; Irish Celtic Society; Ossianic Society; Camden Society.

Hitchcock, Richard (1825-1856), son of Rodney Hitchcock, born Tralee on 6 April 1825; antiquarian, writer, artist, own library; self-educated; worked on Famine Relief Works in Kerry; library clerk in University Library, Trinity College, Dublin; assistant to Geological Society of Ireland; commissioned by Bishop Graves to investigate ogham inscriptions in Cork and Kerry; m. Mary, dau. of William Fuller, Ventry, Co. Kerry and Lucy Mason; died Dublin, 3 December 1856. Societies: original member of Kilkenny Archaeological Society.

Hincks, Rev. Dr. Edward (1792-1866), eldest son of Rev. Dr. Thomas Dix Hincks and Anne Boult; born Cork, 19 August 1792; Church of Ireland priest, orientalist pioneer of cuneiform decipherment of Egyptian and Assyrian texts, writer; educated Midleton College, Co. Cork; entered Trinity College, Dublin 1807, BA 1811, Junior Fellow of TCD 1813, DD 1829; rector of Ardtrea, Armagh 1819; rector of Killyleagh, Co. Down 1825-66; m. 6 February 1823, Jane Dorothea Boyd of Lurgan; died 3 December 1866. Societies: hon. member of Cork Scientific & Literary Society 1821; hon. member of Belfast Natural History & Philosophical Society; corresponding member of Belfast Literary Society 1851; Royal Irish Academy up to 1819.

Hoare, Capt. Edward (-), Factory Hill, Glanmire, Co. Cork; son of ? Hoare and Miss Barry; soldier, antiquarian, writer, poet, collector of antiquities and coins; served with North Cork Rifles. Societies: Kilkenny Archaeological Society; British Archaeologial Association 1843; Archaeological Institute - local hon. secretary for Cork.

Hincks, Rev. Dr. Thomas Dix (1767-1857), son of Edward Hincks and Miss Dix; born Dublin, 24 June 1767; Presbyterian minister, scholar in Greek and Hebrew, writer, lecturer; early education in in Nantwich and Chester, then at Mercer’s Academy, Dublin; articled to Dublin apothecary 1782; entered Trinity College, Dublin 1784 and Hackney Nonconformist College 1788 where he studied under Joseph Priestley; LLD of Glasgow 1834; moved to Cork 1790; ordained to Presbyterian ministry in Cork 1792; opened school on Patrick’s Hill, Cork 1791-1803; Freeman of Cork 1799; founder and salaried officer of Cork Institution 1803 lecturer on chemistry and natural philosophy 1810-13; editor of Munster Agricultural Magazine; tutor of Fermoy Academy 1815-21; classical headmaster of Belfast Academical Institution 1821-36 - chair of Hebrew and Oriental Languages 1822-49; Zoology and Botany Committee for British Association Meeting in Cork 1843; m. September 1791, Anne, dau. of William Boult, Chester; died Belfast, 24 February 1857.

Horgan, Rev. Father Matthew (1776-1849), born Ballynaraha, Blarney 1776; Roman Catholic priest, Irish scholar, translator, antiquarian, writer and poet; early education at Classical School, Charleville, later studies may have been in Kilkenny or abroad; ordained c.1803; Parish Priest of Blarney and Whitechurch; responsible for the erection of several churches in the diocese of Cloyne; built Round Towers at Whitechurch and Waterloo, Blarney; died Clogheenmilcon, 1 March 1849 (pseudonym ‘Viator’). Societies: Cork Cuvierian Society; South Munster Antiquarian Society - first President 1839; Cork Scientific and Literary Society; Cork Irish Society; Royal Irish Academy; Irish Poetry Society.

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK Hyndman, George Crawford (1796-1867), son of James Hyndman; born 24 October 1796; naturalist, antiquarian, conchologist, collector of shells; educated at Belfast Academy; entered family auctioneering business and succeeded his father in 1825; Belfast Dredging Committee to investigate marine zoology of the area; died Belfast, 18 December 1867. Societies: founder member of Belfast Natural History & Philosophical Society - hon. secretary 1821-32, hon. treasurer 1821-4, President 1858-1860; founder member of Botanical & Horticultural Association; involved in formation of short-lived Belfast Library; Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club - President 1863. Jennings, Francis M., 4 Grenville Place, Cork; businessman, antiquarian, Cork Harbour Commissioner. Societies: Cork Cuvierian Society – President 1853-4; South Munster Antiquarian Society; Royal Cork Institution; Cork Scientific & Literary Society; Royal Irish Academy. Kane, Sir Robert J. (1809-1890), son of John Kane; born Dublin, 24 September 1809; scientist, physician, lecturer, writer; educated at Trinity College, Dublin; studied in Paris and also at Giessen under von Liebig; professor of Chemistry to Apothecaries Hall, Dublin 1831-45; licentiate of King and Queen’s College of Physicians 1832, fellow 1841; founded Dublin Journal of Medical Science 1832; Professor of Natural Philosophy at Royal Dublin Society 1834-46; Royal Medalist of Royal Society 1841; Vice-President of Chemistry and Mineralogy Section for British Association Meeting in Cork 1843; director of Museum of Irish Industry 1846; director of Museum of Natural History; first President of Queen’s College, Cork 1845-73; commission on potato blight and relief of Irish distress 1845; knighted 1846; LLD from Trinity College 1868; commissioner of National Education in Ireland 1873; Academic Council at Trinity College, Dublin 1875; vice-chancellor of Royal University of Ireland 1880; m. 1838, Katherine Baily of Newbury, Berkshire; died Dublin, 16 February 1890. Societies: Cork Scientific & Literary Society; Cork Exhibition committee 1852; Royal Irish Academy 1831, secretary 1841, President 1876-77; hon. member of Royal Dublin Society; Celtic Society - Vice-President; Great Exhibition, Dublin committee 1853; fellow of Royal Society, London 1849. Kel(l)eher, William (1794-1849), 11 Pembroke Street and 28 Patrick Street, Cork; Cork City librarian; hon. secretary to Cork Mechanics Institute; local secretary for British Association meeting in Cork 1843: died Cork, 22 November 1849. Societies: South Munster Antiquarian Society; Cork Scientific & Literary Society. Kirwan, Richard (1733-1812), second son of Martin Kirwan and Mary French, Cregg Castle, Co. Galway; born Cloughballymore, Galway in 1723; linguist, lawyer, scientist, natural philosopher, writer, collector of books own library and laboratory; early education in Ireland and 150

then in Poitiers, France; entered Jesuit novitiate at St. Omer 1754 but did not ‘take orders’; returned to Ireland 1755; called to Irish bar 1766 and practised for 2 years; took up scientific studies in London c.1768; hon. LLD from Trinity College, Dublin 1794; government inspector of mines in Ireland - 1812; assisted Bunting in collecting national music of Ireland; died Dublin, 1 June 1812. Societies: appointed to Board of Visitors of Royal Cork Institution 1807; perpetual member of Amicable Society of Galway; President of Kirwanian Society of Dublin; President of Dublin Library Society; founder member of Royal Irish Academy - president 1799-1812; Royal Dublin Society; hon. member of Belfast Literary Society 1802; fellow of Royal Society, London 1780; fellow of Edinburgh Royal Society; hon. member of Manchester Society; hon. member of Academies of Stockholm, Uppsala, Berlin, Dijon and Philadelphia; hon. member of Mineralogical Society of Jena. Knowles, William James (1832-1927), Ballymena, Co. Antrim; eldest son of James Knowles and Jane Ewart; born Fenagh 29 January 1832; land agent, antiquarian, writer, teacher of geology and botany, collector of antiquities; agent for the Casement estate; Secretary to the Antrim County Land Building & Investment Co. 1878-1920; m. Jane Spotswood Cullen of Bellaghy; died at Ballycastle, Co. Antrim 5 July 1927. Societies: Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club; founder member of Ballymena Naturalists’ Field Club; founder member of Ballymena Archaeological Society President; Royal Irish Academy; fellow of Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland - Vice-President 1897-1900; fellow of the Royal Anthropological Institute, London. Lane, Denny (Denis) (1818-1895), 5, Sidney Place, Cork; only son of Maurice Lane and Ellen Madden; born Cork, 4 December 1818; businessman, barrister, antiquarian, poet, song-writer; Young Irelanders; educated at Milliken’s preparatory school and Hamblin & Porter’s school, Cork; graduate of Trinity College, Dublin, BA 1839; entered Inner Temple, London - called to Bar 1842; took over family business (Riverstown Distillery); involved with establishment of Cork Distilleries Company; operated starch industry at Riverstown; secretary of Cork Gas Consumers’ Company from 1856; director of Cork, Blackrock & Passage Railway and of Cork & Macroom Railway; m. Mary Frances O’Brien; died Cork, 29 November 1895. Societies: Cork Cuvierian Society; Royal Cork Institution; Cork Athenaeum committee; Cork Literary & Scientific Society - President 1885-6; founder member of Cork Historical & Archaeological Society - VicePresident 1891; Cork Naturalists’ Field Club - VicePresident 1892; chairman of the School of Science; council member of Celtic Society; Kilkenny Archaeological Society from 1849. Lane Fox, see Pitt Rivers Larcom, Sir Thomas Aiskew (1801-1879), second son of Captain Joseph Larcom and Ann Hollis; born 22 April

APPENDIX 1: BIOGRAPHICAL DETAILS Archaeological Society.

1801; soldier, engineer; entered Royal Academy, Woolwich, second lieutenant in royal engineers corps 1820; Ordnance Survey of England and Wales 1824; Ordnance Survey of Ireland 1826-1846, assistant to Major Colby from 1828; took up study of Irish language 1828; census commissioner 1841; commissioner for enquiry into Royal Irish Society 1842; Mathematical and Physical Science Committee for British Association Meeting in Cork 1843; commissioner for purposes involving new Queen’s Colleges 1845; commissioner of Public Works 1846-9; assistant-commissioner to Sir Richard Griffith (see above) and later chief director of famine relief works 1846; head of commission on Irish poor-law system; worked on commission for reform of Dublin corporation 1849; deputy-chairman board of works 1850-3; under-secretary for Ireland 1853; KCB 1860; m. 1840, Georgina, dau. of General Sir George D’Aguilar; died Heathfield, nr. Fareham, 15 June 1879. Societies: Royal Irish Academy - Vice-President 1845; Kilkenny Archaeological Society; Celtic Society; Mathematical & Physical Science committee for British Association Meeting in Cork 1843; fellow of Royal Society, London.

MacCullagh, James (1809-1847), born Upper Badony, Co. Tyrone in 1809; mathematician, scientist, antiquarian; educated at Strabane and Lifford; entered Trinity College, Dublin 1825, scholar 1827 and fellow 1832; Professor of Mathematics 1835; Professor of Natural Philosophy at Trinity College, Dublin 1843; President of Mathematical and Physical Science Section for British Association meeting in Cork 1843; died 24 October 1847. Societies: elected to Royal Irish Academy 1833, council member 1838, secretary 1844-6, Vice-President 1845. McDonnell, Dr. James (1783 or 1762 - 1845), second son of Michael McDonnell, Cushendun, Co. Antrim; medical doctor, physician, antiquarian, mineralogist, geologist, collector of antiquities and books - own library and museum of natural history; educated by Mr. Garnet and also David Manson, Belfast; studied medicine in Edinburgh - graduated 1784; practiced in Belfast; organized Irish Harpers Belfast Meeting 1792; died Belfast, 5 April 1845. Societies: Belfast Natural History & Philosophical Society; one of original founders of Linen Hall Library; Belfast Literary Society - first President 1801-2; original member and Vice-President of Irish Harp Society 1808; Geological Society of London.

Leycester, William Wrixon (1808-1887), Ennismore, Middle Glanmire Road, Cork; only son of Joseph Leycester; born 3 June 1808; antiquarian, collector of coins, medals, maps and antiquities; m. 1840, Barbara Denroche McCall, Craighead, Bothwell, nr. Glasgow; died 27 November 1887. Societies: Royal Cork Institution; Camden Society.

Maclise (also McClise), Daniel (1806-70), son of Alexander McLise and Rebecca Buchanan; born Cork 1806; topograpical artist, portrait and landscape painter, illustrator, draughtsman; learned French and Italian from M. Marcel in Cork; worked in Newenham’s bank, Cork 1820-1; studied at Academy of Art, Cork 1822 and at Royal Academy, London 1828; own studio in Cork 182527; visited Cork with Crofton Croker and awarded gold medal by Society of Arts, Cork 1832; juror at Paris Exhibition 1855; unmarried; died Chelsea, London, 25 April 1870. Societies: associate of Royal Academy, London 1835, RA 1840.

Lindsay, John (1789-1870), Maryville, Blackrock, Cork; eldest son of Thomas Lindsay and Mary Maylor; born Cork April 1789; barrister, numismatist, antiquarian, writer, collector of coins and antiquities - own museum; early education Cork, graduate of Trinity College, Dublin; entered Temple, London - called to Bar; m. Anne, dau. of Peter Morgan, Bridestown, Co. Cork; died Cork, 31 December 1870. Societies: South Munster Antiquarian Society; Cork Athenaeum committee; Kilkenny Archaeological Society 1849; Irish Archaeological Society; British Archaeological Association; fellow of Society of Antiquaries, Scotland; Camden Society; corresponding member of Syro-Egyptian Society.

Mockler, Rev. James (1769-1848), Litter (Castlehyde) Rectory, nr. Fermoy, Co. Cork; son of James Mockler, Archdeacon of Cloyne; ordained priest 1794; rector of Litter from 1809-1848; Church of Ireland priest, antiquarian, collector of coins and antiquities; m. Sybella Baker; died January 1848.

MacAdam, Robert Shipboy (1808-1895), 18, College Square East, Belfast; born High St., Belfast 1808; antiquarian, linguist, Irish scholar, writer, editor, collector of books and manuscripts - own library; educated at Royal Belfast Academical Institution; entered father’s hardware business; involved with setting up of Soho foundry 1838; principal founder and editor of Ulster Journal of Archaeology 1853; died Belfast, 3 January 1895. Societies: founder member of Belfast Natural History & Philosophical Society - Vice-President 1851-6; Belfast Literary Society - President 1846-7; Ulster Gaelic Society - hon. secretary; Celtic Society; Belfast Harmonic Society - hon. secretary; Irish Harp Society; Kilkenny

Molyneux, Sir Thomas (1661-1733), born Dublin 1661; physician, antiquarian, writer; graduate of Trinity College, Dublin; studied medicine at Leyden; practiced in Dublin; Regius Professor of Physic in Trinity College, Dublin 1718; Physician-General of the Army in Ireland; State physician 1725; knighted 1730; died Dublin, 19 October 1733. Societies: Dublin Philosophical Society of 1683; founder Royal Dublin Society 1731; President of Irish College of Physicians 1702; fellow of the Royal Society, London.

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK Moore, Thomas (1779-1852), Sloperton Cottage, Wiltshire; son of John Moore and Anastasia Codd; born Dublin, 28 May 1779; lawyer, poet, linguist, musician, song-writer; writer - own library; educated at Samuel Whyte’s Academy; entered Trinity College, Dublin 1794 - BA 1799; entered Middle Temple, London 1799; appointed admiralty registrar in Bermuda 1803 but left for tour of USA and Canada in the following year; returned to London late 1804; in Paris 1817; back to England 1822; published his Irish Melodies (10 volumes) 1807-34; m. 25 March 1811, Bessie Dyke; died Devizes, Wiltshire, 25 February 1852. Societies: hon. member of Royal Irish Academy 1846. Murphy, Rt. Rev. John (1772-1847), Chapel Street, Cork; son of Jeremiah Murphy; born Cork in 1772; Roman Catholic priest and bishop, Irish scholar, collector of books and manuscripts - own library; educated at Irish College in Lisbon; returned to Cork 1797; curate and later parish priest of Ss. Peter & Paul’s, Cork; Bishop of Cork 1815-1847; died 1 April 1847. Societies: patron of Cork Art Union; President of Cork Irish Society 1815; Vice-President of County & City of Cork Horticultural Society 1835. Neligan, Rev. Dr. William Chadwicke (1805-1887), 44 Lee View Terrace, Sunday’s Well, Cork; son of Rev. Frederick Neligan; Church of Ireland priest, antiquarian, collector and dealer in antiquities and manuscripts; graduated from Trinity College, Dublin 1828, BA, MA, LLD; ordained deacon 1828 and priest in the same year; rector of St. Mary Shandon and St. Catherine, Cork 183778; m. 3 December 1839, Rachel, dau. of Henry Longfield, Waterloo and Seacourt, Co. Cork; died 6 October 1887. Societies: Kilkenny Archaeological Society. O’Conor, Charles (1710-1791), born Kilmactranny, Co. Sligo, 1 January, 1710; Irish scholar, writer, antiquarian, collector of Irish manuscripts; early education by Franciscan priest and then by Bishop O’Rourke, Killala; succeeded to Belanagare, Co. Roscommon in 1749; died Roscommon, 1 July 1791. Societies: Hibernian Society of Antiquarians; founder member of Royal Irish Academy. O’Curry (also Curry), Eugene (1794-1862), born Doonaha, Co. Clare, 11 November 1794; antiquarian, lecturer, Irish scholar, scribe, translator, writer; employed as Keeper in Lunatic Asylum, Limerick; attached to Placenames & Antiquities Section of Ordnance Survey 1835-1842; worked on manuscripts at RIA, TCD and British Museum; first Professor of Archaeology and Irish History in Catholic University of Ireland (later University College, Dublin) 1854; died Dublin, 30 July 1862. Societies: founder member of Irish Archaeological Society 1840; Royal Irish Academy; council member of Celtic Society; council member of Society for Preservation & Publication of Melodies of Ireland 1851. O’Daly, John (1800-1878), 9, Anglesea St., Dublin; born 152

1800 Farnane, Co. Waterford; bookseller, printer, publisher, bookbinder, writer, translator; educated at hedge school; taught Irish in Kilkenny school; opened bookshop at Anglesea St., Dublin; died Dublin, 1878. Societies: Ossianic Society; Celtic Society. Odell, Edward (1807-1869), Carriglee, Dungarvan, Co. Waterford and Carewswood, Ladysbridge, Co. Cork; son of John Odell and Catherine Young; born 1807; antiquarian, collector, magistrate; educated at Harrow School and Christchurch, Oxford; m. Harriet Ricarda, dau. of Sir John Nugent Humble 1838; died 1869. Societies: South Munster Antiquarian Society; Kilkenny Archaeological Society; Royal Irish Academy; fellow of Society of Antiquaries. O’Donovan, John (1809-1861), fourth son of Edmond O’Donovan and Eleanor Hoberlin; born Slieverue, Co. Kilkenny, 9 July 1809; antiquarian, Irish scholar, historian, translator, writer; educated in Dublin - LLD from University of Dublin; Irish Record Office 1826; joined Ordnance Survey 1829; master at St. Columba’s College; entered at Gray’s Inn, London 15 April, 1844; called to Irish Bar 1847; commission for publication of Ancient laws of Ireland 1852; Professor of Irish at Queen’s College, Belfast 1849; m. Miss O’Curry; died Dublin, 9 December 1861. Societies: founder member of Irish Archaeological Society 1840; elected to Royal Irish Academy 1847; Kilkenny Archaeological Society; council member of Celtic Society; hon. member of Royal Academy of Sciences of Berlin. Oldham, Thomas (1816-1898), eldest son of Thomas Oldham and Margaret Bagot; born Dublin, 4 May 1816; geologist, engineer, writer, lecturer, antiquarian; educated at Trinity College - BA 1836, MA 1846, hon. LLD 1874; studied engineering in Edinburgh; chief assistant to Capt. Portlock (see below) in geological section of the Ordnance Survey of Ireland 1839-50; curator of Dublin Geological Society’s museum 1843; Associate Professor of Engineering at Trinity College, Dublin 1844; Professor of Geology at Trinity College, Dublin 1845; local director for Ireland of Geological Survey of the United Kingdom 1846; Superintendent of Indian Geological Survey 1850; m. Miss Dixon, dau. of William Dixon of Liverpool; died Rugby, Warwickshire, 17 July 1898. Societies: Royal Irish Academy 1842; fellow of Geological Society - 1843; Geology and Physical Geography Committee for British Association Meeting in Cork 1843; Dublin Geological Society - President 1846; member and fellow of Royal Society, London 1848; Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal - President 1857. Petrie, George (1789-1866), only child of James Petrie and Elizabeth Simpson; born Dublin in 1789; archaeologist, artist, musician and collector of Irish music, writer, collector of antiquities, numismatist; trained as artist at Whyte’s drawing school and Dublin Society’s drawing school; art teacher; librarian at Royal Hibernian Academy 1828; co-founder of Dublin Penny

APPENDIX 1: BIOGRAPHICAL DETAILS Academy 1851-56; retired with honorary rank of majorgeneral 1857; council of military education 1857-62; hon. LLD from Trinity College, Dublin 1857; m. (1) 24 February 1831, Julia Browne at Kilmaine, Co. Mayo; (2) 11 December 1849, Fanny Turner, dau. of Major-General Charles Turner, Cork; died Blackrock, Co. Dublin, 14 February 1864. Societies: Cork Cuvierian Society - President 1851-2; Kilkenny Archaeological Society; Royal Irish Academy 1830, council member; Royal Dublin Society; Geological Society of Dublin - President 1838-9 & 1851-2; Zoological Society of Dublin - President; fellow of Royal Society of London; president Geological Society of London 1857 & 1858; corresponding member of Belfast Natural History & Philosophical Society.

Journal 1832; head of Placenames & Antiquities section of the Ordnance Survey of Ireland 1833-46; hon. LLD from Trinity College, Dublin 1847; m. Miss Mills; died 17 January 1866. Societies: Royal Irish Academy 1828, Council 1830, Vice President 1845; founder member of Irish Archaeological Society 1840; Royal Dublin Society 1849; Celtic Society; Society for Preservation & Publication of Melodies of Ireland - President 1851; Royal Hibernian Academy - President 1856; foreign associate member of Imperial Society of Antiquaries of France; corresponding member of Archaeological Institute of Rome; fellow of Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries, Copenhagen; hon. member of British Archaeological Association; hon. member of Society of Antiquaries of Scotland.

Reeves, Very Rev. William (1815-1892), son of Boles D’Arcy Reeves and Mary Roberts; born Charleville, Co. Cork, 16 March 1815; Church of Ireland priest and bishop, medical doctor, antiquarian, Irish scholar, writer, collector of books - own library; educated at John Browne’s School, Dublin 1823 and later with Rev. Edward Geoghegan; entered Trinity College, Dublin 1830 - Scholar 1833, BA 1835, Med. Bac. 1837; ordained 1838 for Lisburn; master of Diocesan School, Ballymena 1849; rector of Lusk, Co. Dublin 1857; librarian at Armagh 1861; DD 1850, LLD hon. caus. of Edinburgh 1860, LLD of Dublin 1871; Dean of Armagh 1875; Bishop of Down, Connor and Dromore 1886-1892; died Dublin, 12 January 1892. Societies: Royal Irish Academy 1846 - President 1891; fellow of King’s and Queen’s College of Physicians, Dublin 1864; council member of Celtic Society; hon. member of Belfast Natural History & Philosophical Society; corresponding member of Belfast Literary Society 1850; Kilkenny Archaeological Society; hon. member of Society of Antiquaries of Scotland; hon. member of Society of Antiquaries of Zurich; hon. member of Royal Archaeological Institute of Great Britain.

Pitt Rivers, Augustus Henry Lane Fox (1827-1900) (Lane Fox to 1880), 6 Montenotte, Cork; son of William Augustus Lane Fox and Lady Caroline Douglas; born Hope Hall, Bramham, Yorkshire, 14 April 1827; soldier, archaeologist, interested in typology, surveyor, anthropologist, writer, collector - own museum; educated Sandhurst Military College - admitted and retired 1841; commission in Grenadier Guards 1845; musketry instructor from 1852 at Hythe; served in the Crimea, Malta and Canada; stationed in Cork from August 18621866 as assistant Quarter-Master General for southern district of Ireland; purchased colonel’s commission 1867 - retired on half pay; returned to duty as commander of West Surrey Brigade Depot, Guildford 1873; majorgeneral 1877, lieutenant-general 1882; colonel South Lancashire regiment 1893-1900; first Inspector of Ancient Monuments 1882; Pitt Rivers Museum founded 1884; hon. DCL from University of Oxford 1886; m. 3 February 1853, Hon. Alice Margaret, eldest dau. of 2nd Baron Stanley of Adderley; died Rushmore, Wiltshire, 4 May 1900. Societies: Cork Cuvierian Society 1863 - on council 1866 and afterwards hon. member of Society; Kilkenny Archaeological Society 1864; Royal Irish Academy 1895; United Services Institution - on museum committee; Ethnological Society 1861; Geographical Society 1857; fellow of Society of Antiquaries, London 1864 - elected to Council 1867, Vice-President 1871; Archaeological Institute 1864; Anthropological Society of London 1865 elected to Council 1866; the Geological Society 1868; the Anthropological Institute (amalgamation of Ethnological & Anthropological Societies) 1871 - President 1881-2; General Secretary of the International Congress of Prehistoric Archaeology 1868; fellow of Royal Society, London 1876.

Roach Smith, Charles (1807-1890), Liverpool Street, London; born at Landguard, nr. Shanklin, Isle of Wight, 20 August 1807; chemist, antiquarian, writer, collector of coins and antiquities, own museum; entered lawyer’s office but later apprenticed to chemist at Chichester; set up a chemist’s shop in London 1834; died at Strood, nr. Rochester, 2 August 1890. Societies: fellow of Society of Antiquaries of London 1836; original member of Numismatic Society of London; Royal Society of Literature; founder member of British Archaeological Association 1843 - VicePresident; London, Middlesex & Kent Archaeological Societies; Society of Antiquaries, Newcastle-upon-Tyne.

Portlock, Lt. Colonel Joseph Ellison (1794-1864), only son of Nathaniel Portlock; born Gosport, Hampshire 30 September 1794; soldier, engineer, geologist, writer, antiquarian; entered Royal Military Academy, Woolwich; commissioned as second lieutenant Royal Engineers 1813; sent to Ireland 1825; worked with Irish Geological Survey 1824-43; appointed commanding engineer of Cork district 1849-51; inspector of studies Woolwich

Roche, James (1770-1853), Lower Glanmire Road, Cork; third son of Stephen Roche and Sarah O'Brien; born Cork (or Limerick), 30 December 1770; businessman, banker, magistrate, writer, philanthropist, antiquarian, collector of books and manuscripts - own library; educated at Saintes, France; wine merchant in 153

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK Bordeaux; imprisoned in Paris in 1793 during Revolution; left France for London in 1797; opened bank in Cork 1800 - ‘crashed’ in 1820; first treasurer of Cork Savings Bank 1817; moved back to London as commercial and parliamentary agent for Corporations of Cork, Youghal and Limerick; moved to Paris 1829; back to Cork 1832; first manager and then director of Cork Office of National Bank of Ireland; chairman and later President of Munster Provincial College Committee; Justice of the Peace; m. Anne, dau. of John Moylan, Cork; died Cork, 1 April 1853. Societies: Cork Scientific & Literary Society 1821; Cork Cuvierian Society - first President 1835-9; Royal Cork Institution - Vice-President 1834-53; President of Munster Provincial College committee; President of Cork Library Society; President of Cork School of Design; Kilkenny Archaeological Society; British Association local Cork treasurer. Sainthill, Richard (1787-1869), 15 Nelson Place, Cork; eldest son of Capt. Richard Sainthill and Charlotte Green, born Topsham, Devonshire, 28 January 1787; wine merchant, antiquarian, numismatist, writer, collector of coins and medals, books and antiquities; educated at South Mimms, Herts. and by John Fitzgerald, Cork; worked in merchant’s office, Cork and later in maternal uncle’s business in London; returned to Cork as partner with Peter Maziere, wine merchant 1822; Common Speaker of Cork 1828; m. Catherine Eliza Atkins; died Cork, 13 November 1869. Societies: Cork Cuvierian Society; Royal Cork Institution; South Munster Antiquarian Society; treasurer of Cork Athenaeum committee. Sirr, Henry Charles (1764-1841), eldest son of Major Joseph Sirr and Elizabeth Hall; born Dublin 1764; soldier, collector of antiquities, paintings and books own library; educated at Edwards School, Dublin; entered army as ensign 1778, lieutenant 1780; stationed in Munster c.1780-82; worked on military survey in Ireland; resigned with rank of captain 1791; wine merchant in Dublin until 1797; Dublin Corporation 1793; joined 5th Company of 1st Regiment of Royal Dublin Volunteers 1796; town major 1798-1826; involved in capture of Lord Edward Fitzgerald in 1798 and with arrest of Robert Emmet in 1803; police magistrate for Dublin 1808; governor of Charlemont Institute for the Deaf and Dumb; governor of Royal Hibernian Military School; m. 1791, Elizabeth, dau. of Thomas D’Arcy, Hyde Park, Co. Westmeath; died Dublin, 7 January 1841. Societies: founder and governor of Royal Irish Institute for Promoting the Fine Arts in Ireland 1813; founder Irish Society for promoting Scriptural Education in the Irish Language 1818. Smith, Dr. Aquilla (1806-1890), 121 Baggott Street, Dublin; youngest child of William Smith and Catherine Doolan; born Nenagh, Co. Tipperary, 28 April 1806; medical doctor, teacher, antiquarian, writer, numismatist, draughtsman, coin collector; educated at private schools in Dublin and later Trinity College, Dublin; licentiate 154

1833, Doctorate of Medicine 1839; King’s Professor of Materia Medica and Pharmacy in school of Physic 186481; represented Irish College of Physicians on council of medical education 1851-90; m. Esther Faucett; died 1890. Societies: Royal Irish Academy 1835-90, council 1839; Geological Society of Dublin; Numismatic Society of London (now Royal Numismatic Society); Irish Archaeological Society - Treasurer; Celtic Society; Kilkenny Archaeological Society. Swanton, Thomas, Cranliath, Ballydehob, Co. Cork; farmer, Irish scholar, writer and antiquarian. Societies: Irish Celtic Society; Irish Archaeological & Celtic Society; Irish Poetry Society. Talbot de Malahide, the Rt. Hon. Lord James (18051883), Malahide Castle, Co. Dublin; son of James Talbot and Anne Sarah Rodbard; born at Tiverton, 22 November 1805; writer, antiquarian, archaeologist, collector of antiquities; entered Trinity College, Cambridge 1823, BA 1827, MA 1830; selected as MP for Athlone 1832 but did not contest 1835 election; m. 9 August 1842, Maria Margaretta, dau. of Patrick Murray, Simprim; died Funchal, Madeira, 14 April 1883. Societies: Royal Irish Academy - President; Geological Society of Dublin; Vice-President of Society for Preservation & Publication of Melodies of Ireland 1851; Celtic Society - Vice-President; Great Exhibition, Dublin committee 1853; Kilkenny Archaeological Society; Archaeological Institute 1845 - President 1863-1883; fellow of Royal Society 1858; fellow of Society of Antiquaries of London; Anthropological Society – President. Thompson, William (1805-1852), eldest son of William Thompson and Elizabeth Callwell; born Belfast, 2 November 1805; naturalist, scientist, writer, collector of Irish Fauna and Flora specimens, own herbarium; worked in family linen business for several years before becoming a full-time naturalist; survey tour to Aegean 1841; appointed to compile report on zoology in Ireland by British Association c.1838; President of Zoology and Botany Section for British Association Meeting in Cork 1843; died London, 17 February 1852. Societies: hon. member of Cork Cuvierian Society; Belfast Natural History Society - Vice-President 1833, President 1843; Belfast Literary Society - President 18379; Belfast Natural History & Philosophical Society President 1843-52. Thomson, Sir Charles Wyville Thomas (1830-1882), born Bonsyde, Linlithgowshire, 5 March 1830; zoologist, botanist, geologist, lecturer, writer; educated at Merchiston Castle School, Edinburgh; entered University of Edinburgh as medical student but changed to natural sciences; lecturer on Botany Aberdeen University 1850; Professor of Botany Marischal College 1851; Professor of Natural History Queen’s College, Cork 1853-54; Professor of Geology and Mineralogy, Queen’s College, Belfast 1854; also Professor of Natural History, Queen’s College, Belfast 1860; Regius Professor of Natural

APPENDIX 1: BIOGRAPHICAL DETAILS Institution 1807; Royal Dublin Society 1763, Antiquities Committee, Vice-President; founder member of Hibernian Society of Antiquarians 1780; founder member of Royal Irish Academy 1785; fellow of Society of Antiquaries of London 1784; fellow of Royal Society 1786.

History, University of Edinburgh 1870-82; Regius Keeper of the National History Museum (University of Edinburgh) 1870; director of civilian scientific staff on expedition to explore the great oceans of the world 187276; knighted 1876 on return from Challenger expedition; director of the Challenger Expedition Commission 1877; LLD; hon. degrees from Queen’s University, Aberdeen, Dublin and Jena; died Edinburgh, 10 March 1882. Societies: Belfast Natural History & Philosophical Society, President 1863-4 and 1869-70; Belfast Literary Society; fellow of Royal Society 1869.

Wakeman, William Frederick (1822-1900), born Dublin in 1822; draughtsman, artist, teacher, writer, antiquarian; studied drawing with George Petrie; worked on Ordnance Survey; drawing master in Dublin and later at St. Columba’s College, Stackallen and Portora Royal School, Enniskillen; died Coleraine, Co. Antrim 1900. Societies: hon. fellow of Royal Society of Antiquaries.

Tobin, Sir Thomas (1807-1881), Oriel House, Ballincollig, Co. Cork; son of Thomas Tobin; born Liverpool 22 March 1807; moved to Cork 1834; businessman, magistrate, artist, antiquarian, collector of books, coins and antiquities; director of Ballincollig Royal Gunpowder Mills Company; Deputy Lieutenant for Cork City and County; Cork Harbour Commissioner 1839-1881; knighted 1855 at opening of Cork Athenaeum - first President; m. 1835, Catherine, dau. of Lister Ellis, Netherby, Northumberland; died 9 January 1881. Societies: Cork Cuvierian Society; Royal Cork Institution; Cork Exhibition Committee 1852; President of Cork Athenaeum 1855; Kilkenny Archaeological Society; Royal Irish Academy 1869; Irish Poetry Society; fellow of Society of Antiquaries, London 1853; fellow of Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries, Copenhagen 1849.

Westropp, Hodder Michael (1820-1885), Rookhurst, Monkstown, Co. Cork; second son of Ralph Westropp and Jane Roberts; born Carrigaline, Co. Cork, 1820; lecturer, writer, linguist, artist, translator, archaeologist, antiquarian, collector of antiquities; graduate of Trinity College, Dublin, BA 1844; conducted archaeological investigations in Rome; left Cork for Isle of Wight in 1870s; m. (1) Cornelia, dau. of J. W. Anderson, Fermoy (2) 29 March 1859, Jane, dau. of Robert Seymour Drought, Ridgemount, King’s County; died Ventnor, Isle of Wight, 10 February 1885. Societies: Cork Cuvierian Society; Kilkenny Archaeological Society; Royal Irish Academy; Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland. Wilde, Sir William Robert Wills (1815-1876), 1, Merrion Square N., Dublin; son of Dr. Thomas Wilde and Miss Fynn; born Castlerea, Co. Roscommon in 1815; surgeon, oculist and aurist, antiquarian, writer; educated at Banagher Royal School and later at Elphin Diocesan School; entered surgical school in Dublin 1832 - qualified as surgeon at Stevens’ Hospital, Dublin 1837; studied in London, Berlin and Vienna; LRCSI 1831, fellow RCSI 1844; settled in Dublin 1841; medical commissioner for Irish census 1841; established St. Mark’s Ophthalmic Hospital, Dublin 1844; founder and editor of Dublin Quarterly Journal of Medical Science; compiled catalogue of Royal Irish Academy collections 1858-62; knighted 1864; m. 1851, Jane Francisca (‘Speranza’) Elgee, dau. of Rev. Elgee, Wexford; died Dublin, 19 April 1876. Societies: Royal Dublin Society; Royal Irish Academy; council member of Celtic Society; Society for Preservation & Publication of Melodies of Ireland 1851; Kilkenny Archaeological Society; hon. member of Society of Antiquaries of Berlin; Chevalier of the Kingdom of Sweden.

Todd, Rev. Dr. James Henthorn (1805-1869), eldest son of Dr. Charles Hawkes Todd and Eliza Bentley; born Dublin, 23 April 1805; Church of Ireland priest, Irish scholar, lecturer, librarian, writer, editor, antiquarian; entered Trinity College, Dublin - BA 1825, Fellow 1831, BD 1837, DD 1840, Senior Fellow 1850; ordained deacon 1831, priest 1832; treasurer of St. Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin 1837, precentor 1864; Regius Professor of Hebrew at TCD 1849, librarian 1852; ad eunem degree at Oxford 1860; a founder of St. Columba’s College, Rathfarnham; unmarried; died Rathfarnham, Dublin, 28 June 1869. Societies: Royal Irish Academy 1833, Hon. Secretary 1847-55, President 1856-61; founder and secretary of Irish Archaeological Society; Celtic Society; Kilkenny Archaeological Society; fellow of Society of Antiquaries. Vallancey, Charles (1725-1812), born Windsor or Flanders; educated at Eton; attended Royal Military College - commissioned as Ensign in 1747; soldier, military engineer, surveyor, draughtsman, artist, antiquarian, writer, collector of books and manuscripts, coins and medals - own museum of Irish minerals; in command at Cork Harbour 1790-1796; colonel 1782, major-general 1793, lieutenant-general 1798, general 1803; hon. LLD from Trinity College, Dublin 1781; Chairman of the Bogs Commission 1807-12; m. (1) .....? (died Mallow, Co. Cork, 12 July 1760); (2) in 1765, Julie Ann Blosset; died Dublin 8 August 1812. Societies: appointed to Board of Visitors of Royal Cork

Willes, William ( -1851), born in Cork; artist, antiquarian; pupil of Nathaniel Grogan; worked mainly in London; first headmaster of Cork School of Design 1850; died Cork, January 1851. Societies: Cork Cuvierian Society; South Munster Antiquarian Society, Royal Cork Institution; corresponding member of Cork Scientific & Literary Society 1821. 155

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK

Windele, John Dillon (1801-1865), Blair’s Castle, Sundays’s Well, Cork; born Cork 1801; archaeologist, antiquarian, Irish scholar, linguist, writer, editor, artist, collector of antiquities (including ogham stones), autographs, books and manuscripts - own museum and library; worked in Sheriff's Office, Cork; m. Margaret Wall; died Cork, 28 August 1865 (pseudonym ‘Wm de Ocham’). Societies: founder member of Cork Cuvierian Society President 1847-8; Royal Cork Institution; urban secretary of South Munster Antiquarian Society - President from 1849; secretary of Cork Athenaeum committee; secretary of Cork Art Union; Kilkenny Archaeological Society hon. local secretary for Cork 1851; council member of Celtic Society - corresponding secretary for Cork; Irish Archaeological Society; Ossianic Society - VicePresident; corresponding member of Archaeological Institute. Worsaae, Jens Jacob Asmussen (1821-1885), son of ? Worsaae and Margarethe Elisabeth Berthelsen; born Vejle, Jutland, Denmark, 14 March 1821; archaeologist, excavator, lecturer, writer; student of law; educated in Copenhagen; assistant at Copenhagen Museum of Northern Antiquities 1838-43; inspector of Danish Royal Commission for Preservation of Antiquities 1847 - later director; Director of Danish National Museum; hon. Professor 1854; Minister for cultural affairs 1874-7; Minister of Education 1874-5; died 15 August 1885. Societies: hon. member of Royal Irish Academy; hon. member of Archaeological Association, London; hon. member of Archaeological Institute, London; hon. fellow Society of Antiquaries, London; Royal Society of Scandinavian Antiquaries 1841; Vice-President of congress held in conjunction with Exposition Universelle, Paris 1867; President of international archaeological conferences at Copenhagen 1869, Bologna 1871, Stockholm 1874 and Budapest 1876. Wright, Joseph (1834-1923), youngest child of Thomas Wright and Mary Dudley; born Cork 7 January 1834; educated at Newtown School, Waterford; geologist, naturalist, collector of fossils (now in National Museum, Dublin); served his time with grocer, Samuel Davis, Clonmel; assistant to Professor of Geology at Trinity College, Dublin 1859-60; moved to Belfast 1868, worked as grocer; m. 1869, Mary Ann Banks of Cork; died 7 April 1923. Societies: Cork Cuvierian Society - President 1866-7; Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club; hon. member of Belfast Natural History & Philosophical Society, Vice-President 1885-95; fellow of Geological Society, London; hon. member of Liverpool Geological Society; Palaeontographical Society; corresponding member of Isle of Man Natural History & Antiquarian Society.

156

Appendix 2 Antiquarian/archaeological societies in Cork up to 1870s (several of these were proposed but do not appear to have functioned) South Munster Society of Archaeologists (SMAS) proposed by some members (William Hackett and Dr John Nagle) of the SMAS in April 1853; membership to be drawn from the counties of Cork, Kerry and Waterford; does not appear to have functioned (RIA MS 4 B 13, 378-9).

Cork Literary and Philosophical Society (CLPS) founded February 1803; one of their objects was to ‘collect the most accurate information respecting the Natural History and Antiquities of the County of Cork.’ Members were drawn, for the most part, from among the Proprietors of the Cork Institution. Fortnightly meetings. Lasted for two years. Members included Thomas Dix Hincks (Secretary) (UCC MP 71.57, 15-17).

Cork Archaeological Museum Society (CAMS) - set up in 1854 for the formation of a museum ‘in connection with the Cork Athenaeum and the RCI’. Not successful. Founding members included John Windele, Richard Sainthill, John Lindsay, Thomas Hewitt, Richard Brash, North Ludlow Beamish and Thomas Tobin (RIA MS 12 L 12, 597-9).

Cork Scientific Society (CSS) - founded 1813 for ‘antiquarian researches, especially to collect information relative to the antiquities, and early history of their own country generally, and of the county of Cork in particular’. Monthly meetings. Short lived. Members included Abraham Abell (Secretary), Joseph Humphreys and Thomas Crofton Croker (UCC MP 71.57, 26, CCL Croker correspondence 1 (1814) & Day 1906b, 48).

Cork Antiquarian Society (CAS) - proposed by several members of the Cuvierian Society in 1861; does not appear to have functioned. Members included John Windele, John Lindsay, Richard Sainthill, Thomas Hewitt and corresponding members Lord Talbot de Malahide, Dr. James Henthorn Todd and Dr. Aquilla Smith (RIA MS 4 B 21, 727).

Cork Philosophical and Literary Society (CPLS) founded 1813 (or 1816) - 1820 for the public discussion of essays on science and literature. Members included Abraham Abell and Samuel C. Hall (Sheehan 1892, 9 & Allman 1895, 465). Cork Scientific and Literary Society (CSLS) (followed the Philosophical & Literary Society and now known as the Cork Literary and Scientific Society) - founded 1820 for ‘promoting knowledge in Science, Literature, Arts and Antiquities’. Regular weekly meetings. Members included Abraham Abell, James Roche, Thomas Deane, North Ludlow Beamish, Samuel C. Hall, Richard Caulfield, Robert Day Jnr., William Keleher, Denny Lane; honorary members Thomas Dix Hincks, Edward Hincks and Thomas Crofton Croker (UCC MS U 275). Cork Cuvierian Society (CCS) (from 1870 the Cork Cuvierian and Archaeological Society) 1835-1878. Founded for ‘the promotion of Science and Literature’. Monthly meetings. Early members included James Roche, John Windele, Abraham Abell, William Willes, Richard Sainthill, Thomas Deane and honorary members Thomas Crofton Croker and Thomas Dix Hincks; later members included Richard Rolt Brash, Richard Caulfield, Thomas Tobin, Robert Day Jr. and Augustus Lane Fox (Pitt Rivers). South Munster Antiquarian Society (SMAS) - 1840 to early 1860s. Founded for the inspection and recording of field monuments (few records of activities extant). Irregular meetings and outings. Members included John Windele, Father Matt Horgan, William Hackett, Abraham Abell, Richard Sainthill, William Willes, William Keleher, Richard Rolt Brash and Thomas Hewitt.

157

Bibliography Abbreviations used in the text, bibliography and index

Original papers, Oct. 1853 - May 1854 (CE4/50, 15740).

AI/AIGBI Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland AIC Archaeological Inventory of County Cork BAA British Archaeological Association BMA British Museum Archives BNFC British Naturalists’ Field Club BNHPS Belfast Natural History & Philosophical Society BNHS Belfast Natural History Society CIEI Commissioners of Irish Education Inquiry CAS Cork Antiquarian Society CAMS Cork Archaeological Museum Society CCCA Cork City & County Archives CCL Cork City Library CCS Cork Cuvierian Society CHAS Cork Historical & Archaeological Society CLPS Cork Literary & Philosophical Society CLSS Cork Literary & Scientific Society CPLS Cork Philosophical and Literary Society CSS Cork Scientific Society CSLS Cork Scientific & Literary Society CUI Catholic University of Ireland CUL Cambridge University Library JCHAS Journal of the Cork Historical & Archaeological Society JKAS Journal of the Kilkenny Archaeological Society KAS Kilkenny Archaeological Society MP Munster Printing Collection, UCC NLI National Library of Ireland NMI National Museum of Ireland OPW Office of Public Works PRIA Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy QCB Queen’s College, Belfast QCC Queen’s College, Cork RBAI Royal Belfast Academical Institution RCI Royal Cork Institution RDS Royal Dublin Society RIA Royal Irish Academy SMAS South Munster Antiquarian Society SMSA South Munster Society of Archaeologists TCD Trinity College Dublin (University of Dublin) TKAS Transactions of the Kilkenny Archaeological Society UCC University College, Cork UCD University College, Dublin UJA Ulster Journal of Archaeology

Cambridge University Library: Pitt Rivers Catalogue Add. 9455/2. Cork City & County Archives: Day papers (Dowden letters): Library Manual of RCI. MS U 140: PI/D. 3. Catalogue of the Chemical & Philosophical Apparatus. MS U 140: PI/D. 4. Philosophical and Literary Society 1819/20. MS U 140 D: A(i). Minute book of Cork Scientific and Literary Society 1862-3 session. MS U 140. List of subscribers to new hall 17/8/1821. MS U 140: PI/A (ii) 3. Proceedings of the Managers of the RCI 3/1/1861 20/12/81. MS U 140: Day 95. Hewitt papers: MS U 15B/P/B & U 15B/P/C. Cork City Library: Thomas Crofton Croker correspondence 1814-1854 (6 vols). Smith’s History of Cork (1750) – annotated by Thomas Crofton Croker. Dublin City Library & Archive: Gilbert Collection: Caulfield letters. National Library of Ireland, Dublin: Thomas Crofton Croker MSS: NLI 3892. Petrie MSS: NLI 790. National Museum of Ireland, Dublin: Day Notebook - Robert Day’s notebook of antiquities March 1863 - July 1872: NMI 1985: 19. Donations to RIA Museum (Acquisitions Register) 17851856. Pitt Rivers Museum, Oxford: Topographical files for County Cork. Royal Irish Academy, Dublin: Royal Irish Academy Minute Book 1: April 1785 November 1826. Original correspondence of James late Earl of Charlemont 4 - 12 R 15. Charlemont to Haliday 3, 1774 -1803 - 12 R 18. Charlemont correspondence 7, 1794-1795 – 12 R 18 Clibborn Scrapbook – 24 E 34 Dean Dawson’s Letters – 4 B 36 Horgan papers (also on microfilm in Boole Library UCC) - 12 L 1 Horgan and Windele papers (also on microfilm in Boole Library UCC) – 12 G 15. Richard Hitchcock scrapbook – 23 Q 22 Walker MSS – 4 A 27.

Primary sources Ashmolean Museum, Oxford: Letters from Robert Day to Sir John Evans dealing with coins and antiquities, mainly British and Irish. British Museum Archives, London: Minutes of Trustees’ Standing Committee, 1st series, 21 May 1842 (p.5920); 13 May 1854 (p.8694) (CE3/26). 158

BIBLIOGRAPHY 13/5/1892, Guy: Cork. 'X' Collection - Belfast Literary Society 1801-1901. M’Caw, Stevenson & Orr: Belfast 1902. House of Commons Parliamentary papers 1826-27. 13. 157: mf 29.105-6, 92-189. Fourth Report of the Commissioners of Irish Education Inquiry (CIEI) (Belfast Academical Institution). House of Commons Parliamentary papers 1826-27. 13. 501: mf 29.110, 484-581. Seventh Report of the Commissioners of Irish Education Inquiry (CIEI) (Royal Cork Institution). House of Commons Parliamentary papers 1828. 4. 223: mf 30.25, 194-292. Select Committee on Reps. on Education in Ireland. Report into progress and condition of the Queen’s Colleges at Belfast, Cork and Galway 1857-58. 21: 53572.

Windele MSS - in RIA – 23 G 15, 12 M 15. (also on microfilm in Boole Library, UCC): 4 B 1, 4 B 2, 4 B 3, 4 B 4, 4 B 5, 4 B 6, 4 B 7, 4 B 8, 4 B 9, 4 B 10, 4 B 11, 4 B 12, 4 B 13, 4 B 14, 4 B 15, 4 B 16, 4 B 17, 4 B 18, 4 B 19, 4 B 20, 4 B 21, 4 B 22, 4 B 23, 4 B 24, 12 C 1, 12 C 3, 12 C 12, 12 I 6, 12 I 7, 12 I 8, 12 I 9, 12 I 10, 12 I 11, 12 I 12, 12 I 14, 12 I 20, 12 K 6, 12 K 8, 12 K 28, 12 L 5, 12 L 6, 12 L 7, 12 L 8, 12 L 9, 12 L 10, 12 L 11, 12 L 12, 12 M 10, 12 M 15. Trinity College Library, Dublin: Curtis papers – TCD MS 2455. Correspondence of J. C. Walker – TCD MS 1461. Croker MSS – TCD MS 1206 Thomas Moore papers – TCD MS 2069. Ulster Museum, Belfast: Acquisitions registers.

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University College, Cork: Catalogue of Casts and Antiquities – UCC Archives: MS MB 142. Minutes of the Cork Cuvierian Archaeological Society 1835-78: MS U 221 A. Transactions of the Cork Cuvierian Archaeological Society 1853-75: MS U 221 B. Minute Book of the Cork Institution 1826-51: MS U 28. Presents to the Cork Institution - MS U 73. Minutes of Cork Scientific and Literary Society 1821-22: MS U 275. Reports of the President of Queen’s College, Cork 184976. Richard Caulfield Notebooks - MS U 83. R. Day scrapbook 1902: MS U 274.

Other sale catalogues: Puttick & Simpson, London - 18 December 1854, T. Crofton Croker. Sotheby, Wilkinson & Hodge - 8 April 1868, John Lindsay. Sotheby, Wilkinson & Hodge - 19 May 1913, Robert Day.

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Index Only the names of antiquarians, their parents and wives in Appendix 1 are indexed. Readers should please read biographical entries for further information on individuals. For a list of abbreviations, see the bibliography. Titled people are indexed under their family name. Please note that entries for Lane Fox are under Pitt Rivers but that in the text either name may occur. Modern orthography of placenames is used where possible. Artefacts, where find spots are mentioned, are indexed under the placename. ‘n’ refers to the stated footnote number. ‘(illus.)’ refers to a plate; ‘(table)’ refers to a table. A Abell, Abraham, biography 143; CCS 59; collector 64; correspondence with Hackett 129; destroyed his own papers 71; discussion at CSLS 55; excavations 128; gift to RCI 88, 99; ogham 99, 126; as perceived by others 128; portrait 64 (illus.) Abell, Richard, 143 Adams, Dr. Andrew L., 143; comparison with artefacts from North America 116; Shandon Cave visit 116, 136 Aghabulloge, ogham stone, 99 (illus.), 127; ‘kiel’ burial ground 127 AIGBI, see Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland Akerman, John Y., 132 Anderson, Cornelia, 155 Andrews, Dr. Thomas, British Association Belfast 1852 meeting 61 Annacloghmullin, court tomb 9 (illus.), excavations 10 Anthony, Redmond, 17; AIGBI 45-7; attitude to Society of Antiquaries 45; artefacts sent to Windele 67; BAA 45-7; biography 143; correspondence: with Dawson 66, 87, with Hackett 108, with Oldham 101; with Windele 37, 68, 69, 78, 81, 108, 111, 121; dealer 66; fulachta fiadh 108; gifts from Lindsay 68; gifts to Lindsay 68; provenance 78; sale of collection 71, 79 Antiquarian activity in Cork, 1 Antiquarian societies in Cork, 157 Antiquarian, use of the word, 3 Antiquarianism, development of in Britain 5-8; in Ireland 8-11; non-sectarian 29 Antiquaries College, Sweden, 3 Antiquary, use of the word 3 Apathy of Irish towards antiquities, 17 Archaeological artefacts, concern about (lack of) recording 6, 74, 78, 126, 131-32; importance of exhibitions 77; saving from the crucible 68-9 Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland (AIGBI), 45-7; Albert Way 45-6 Archaeological societies, 85-7 Ardmore, ogham stones, 104 (illus.), 105 (illus.), found by Windele 104, gift to RIA 104; round tower, excavations 124, 125 (illus.), report 33, 34 (illus.); comparison with Cormac’s Chapel 97; restoration 97 Ashmolean Museum, 4 Atkins, Catherine E., 154 Aubrey, John, 5 B BAA, see British Archaeological Association Bagot, Margaret, 153 Baily, Katherine, 150

Baker, Sybella, 152 Ball, Robert, customs officer 56 n18 Ball, Sir Robert, lecture to CSLS 56 Ballinrannig, ogham stones, 126 Ballycotton, gold bracelet, 74, 74 n20 Ballydehob, yew tube, exhibited at Cork 1852 exhibition 77, 77 n28 Ballygonnell, fort, excavations 127 Ballylesson, axe, 82 Ballynahatty, tomb, excavations 133; drawing 135 (illus.) Ballynamona bog, antlers 88 Ballyspellan, silver fibula, 37 n11, 100, 100 (illus.), 101 (illus.) Ballyvourney, ring money, 71; drawing 72 (illus.); exhibited by Windele at CCS 71 Bandon, family, see Bernard Banks, Sir Joseph, correspondence with Vallancey 98; member RIA 16; president Royal Society 16 Banks, Mary A., 156 Barrettstown, tumulus, excavation report 131 Bateman, Thomas 7; attended BAA 1st Congress 7 Bayly, Helen, 148 Beale, A., lecture to CSLS 55 Beale, Jane, 143 Beamish, Maj. North L., biography, 143; British Association Cork 1843 meeting 58; committee member CAMS 89, 127; correspondence with Windele 127; president CSLS 55, 56 Beamish, Richard, correspondence with Croker 51 Beamish, William, 143 Beaufort, Rev. Daniel, founding member RIA 15; round towers 91 Beaufort, Louisa C., report on antiquities in RDS surveys 15 Belfast societies, Botanical Society, Historic Society, Juvenile Natural History Society, Literary Society, Phrenological Society, 61 Belfast Literary Society, library transferred to BNHPS 60 Belfast Natural History and Philosophical Society (BNHPS), 2, 60-1; deposit from Belfast Literary Society 60; museum 60, 88; summary 138; transfer of collection to Belfast city 60 Belfast Natural History Society (BNHS), see Belfast Natural History and Philosophical Society Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club (BNFC), 2, 61-3; corresponding society with British Association 62; courses and lectures 62; field-trips 62 Belfast, population 29 (table) Bell Bourke, E., collection sold 67; correspondence with Dawson 87

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Bell, John, Dungannon collector, collection sold 67 n10; sent artefacts to Scotland 67 Benn, Edward, giant Irish deer 117 Benson, John, 143 Benson, Sir John, architect Dublin 1853 Exhibition building 19; biography 143; CCS 59; committee member CAMS 89 Bentley, Eliza, 155 Beranger, Gabriel 9 Bernard, Catherine Henrietta, 143 Bernard, Francis, 143 Bernard, James (2nd earl of Bandon), 143; exhibited at British Association 1852 Belfast meeting 77; exhibited at Cork 1852 Exhibition 77 Berthelsen, Margarethe E., 156 Betham, Rev. William, 143 Betham, Sir William, attended BAA 1st Congress 7; BAA 45; biography 143; correspondence: with Croker 131, with Windele 57, 68-9, 93-4, 127; meeting with Windele 37; ogham stones 136; re-arranged RIA museum 17 Bigari, Angelo 9 Biographical details of antiquarians, 143-56 Blosset, Julie A., 155 BM, see British Museum BNFC, see Belfast Naturalists' Field Club BNHPS, see Belfast Natural History and Philosophical Society BNHS, see Belfast Natural History and Philosophical Society Bolster, John, bookseller in Cork 31 Book of Ballymote, 16; ogham 98 Book of Fermoy, 44 Book of Lismore (Book of Mac Carthaigh Reagh), copied by Owen Connellan 43-4; copied by Denis O’Flynn 43; copied by Joseph Long (Ó Longáin) 26; found at Lismore 43; lent to RIA 20, 43; section sold to Thomas Hewitt 43; Windele connexion 36, 43 Boole, George, biography, 144; president CCS 54 n14 Boole, John, 144 Borlase, Rev. William 7 Boult, Anne, 149 Boyd, Elizabeth H., 144 Boyd, Jane D., 149 Boyle, Henry MP (earl of Shannon), member RDS 12 Boyle, John (5th earl of Orrery and 5th earl of Cork), member RDS 12 Boucher (de Crevecoeur) de Perthes, Jacques, correspondence with Caulfield 113 n21; corresponding member of KAS 10; geological excavations 113 Brackloon, ogham stone, 127 Brackstone, R. H., Ballylesson axe 82 Brash, Richard R., 3 n7(4); attitude to Dublin antiquarians 41; biography 144; collection donated to QCC 75; collector 66; committee member CAMS 89; Ballyspellan fibula 100, 101 (illus.); drawing of Knockourane ogham stone 39 (illus.); excavations at Curraghaly 136; fellow of Society of Antiquaries, Scotland 5 n1; portrait 40 (illus.); repairs at Buttevant abbey 38; round tower debate 98

British Archaeological Association (BAA), 45-7; 1st Congress 45; Cork members 45 British Association, 1843 Cork meeting 52, 58; 1852 Belfast meeting 61, exhibition 61, 77; 1874 Belfast meetings 61 n29, 62; 1902 Belfast meeting 61 n29 British Museum, 4; Mr. Hawkins, keeper of antiquities 73 n17; Mr. Franks, Dowris hoard 90; purchased Bell Bourke collection 67; purchased bronze axe 81 n32; purchases from Betham 68 Brodrick, Hon. Charles (archbishop of Cashel), 143 Brodrick, Mary S., 143 Broighter hoard, sale to British Museum 18; declared treasure trove 18 Brown, Archdeacon, Castlebar collector 75 Browne, Michael, correspondence with Windele about Book of Lismore 43 Bryson, Dr. Samuel, donated collection to BNHPS 60 Buchanan, Rebecca, 152 Buckland, Dr. William, attended BAA 1st Congress 7; belief in Noachian flood 8; difficulties with chronology 113; report on fossil remains found by him 58 Bullen, William, correspondence with Windele 119 Bunting, Edward, music collector 27 Burgh, Mary Hussey, 148 Burnfort, ogham stone, 126 Burnt mounds, see fulachta fiadh Burton Conyngham, Rt. Hon. William, 9; biography 144; founder Hibernian Antiquarian Society 15; member RDS Committee of Antiquities 13; member RIA 16; treasurer RIA 15 Burton, Francis, 144 Buttevant abbey, repair works 38 C Callanan, Jeremiah J., emigration 29; correspondence with Windele 36 Callwell, Elizabeth, 154 Camden, William, 5 Cameron, Cmdr. Verney L. (African explorer), lecture to CSLS 56 CAMS, see Cork Archaeological Museum Society Canova, Antonio, RCI casts 49, 50 (illus.), 53 Carlyle, Thomas, visit to Cork 34; dinner with Denny Lane 34 Carruthers, James, Belfast collector 67; correspondence: with Croker 77, with Dawson 67, 87 Cashel, round tower, excavations 124 Catholic University of Ireland, foundation 9; first professor of Archaeology 10 Caulfeild, James (1st earl of Charlemont), first president RIA 15 Caulfield, Richard, biography 144; correspondence: 3, with James Graves 114, with Nightingale 69, with Pitt Rivers 114, 114 n23, with Urban 136, with Windele 133; excavations 114, 129, at Curraghaly 136, at Dunbullogue 134, at Kilcrea 135, at Killeens 130 (illus.), with Pitt Rivers 134-35; exhibited at British Association 1852 Belfast meeting 77; exhibited at Cork 1852 Exhibition 77; exhibited artefacts to CCS

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK

115; librarian QCC 53 n11; notebooks 3; RCI 53 n11; ogham stones 136; portrait 64 (illus.) Caulfield, William, 144 Cavendish, William (7th duke of Devonshire), Book of Lismore 43-4; exhibited Lismore crozier at Cork 1852 exhibition 76 CCS, see Cork Cuvierian Society Celtic Society 24 Charlemont, manuscripts, 3 CHAS, see Cork Historical and Archaeological Society Chatterton, Lady Georgiana, 3 n7(1); destruction of artefacts 65; ogham 101, 103; Rambles 32-3 Chatterton, Sir William, 33; BAA 45; British Association Cork 1843 meeting 58 Clarke, J. W., exhibited at Cork 1852 Exhibition 77 Classification, 79-80; see also Three Age system Clear, Mary, 146 Clear, William (RCI Proprietor and treasurer), correspondence with Windele 51-2 Clibborn, Edward, Book of Lismore 43-4; damage to ogham stones 126; RIA librarian and museum curator 19; rejected Three Age system 19; scrapbook, 3; tribute to Windele 36; visit to Cork 69 Cloghmanty, cairn, excavations 131 Cloyne, round tower, 94, excavations 124 Codd, Anastasia, 152 Colby, Maj. Thomas, 144 Colby, Maj.-Gen. Thomas F., biography 144; head of Ordnance Survey 10 Cole, Robert, correspondence with Croker 119 Collections, see Museums College of Antiquaries, London, 5 Colt Hoare, Sir Richard 7; visit to Ireland 7 n11 Commissioners of Irish Education, 7th report 49, 50, 53 Commissioners of Public Works, donation to RIA 17 Conlan, Catherine, 146 Connellan, Owen, attitude to RIA 43; biography 144; Book of Fermoy 44; Book of Lismore 43-4; correspondence with Windele 43, 98, 103-4; meeting with Windele 37 Conwell, Eugene, destruction of monuments 132; excavations 10 Conyngham, Lord Albert (Lord Londesborough), BAA 45; biography 144; correspondence with Croker 72, Windele 74; excavations 7, 131; collector 73; gift to Lindsay 74; purchased torcs from O’Higgins 78 Conyngham, Henry, 144 Conyngham, Mary, 144 Cooke, Thomas, collection purchased by BM 78; donation to Dawson 88; correspondence with Windele 73, 89-90 Cooper Walker, Joseph, correspondence: 3, with Vallancey 30-1; giant Irish deer 117 Cork and Kerry Irish Poetry and Music Society 26 Cork Antiquarian Society (CAS), 86, 157 Cork Archaeological Museum Society (CAMS), 89, 157; appeal for donations 89 Cork Art Union, British Association Cork 1843 meeting 58

Cork, archaeological societies, 85-7; context 28-35; development of archaeology 140-42; population 29 (table); museums 87-90; public museum 90; reputation 29 Cork Corporation, RCI building 53 Cork Cuvierian Society (CCS), 56-60; 157; admission of women 56-7; conversazione 58-9, 59 (illus.); theory of evolution 113; illustrated lecture 83; link with Cuvier 57-8; minute book 1, 3; museum 88-9; Pitt Rivers 73, 114; promoter of QCC 54; promoter of School of Design 56; regulations 56, 57 (illus.); summary 138; support from QCC 54-5; transactions 3, 58; use of RCI building 52 Cork Exhibition 1852, 76-7, 78 (illus.) Cork Historical and Archaeological Society (CHAS), 87 Cork Historical Society, use of RCI building 52 Cork Institution, see Royal Cork Institution Cork Irish Society, 24 Cork Library Society, 52 Cork Literary and Philosophical Society (CLPS), 157 Cork Literary and Scientific Society (CLSS), formerly CSLS 56, 157 Cork Naturalists’ Field Club, 63 n32 Cork Philosophical and Literary Society (CPLS), 55, 157 Cork Scientific and Literary Society (CSLS), 55-6, 157; admission of women 56-7; archival material 3; conversazione 56; lectures 55, 56; minutes 3; subscription raised for premises 55; use of RCI building 52, 55-6 Cork Scientific Society (CSS), 157 Cork School of Art, 53 Cork School of Design, promotion by CSLS 56; closure 52; William Willes headmaster 52, 56 Cork Society of Arts, amalgamation with RCI 49; casts collection 49, 49 n3 and n4, 50 (illus.), 50 n5 Corry, John, Armagh collector 66 Cotton, Dean Henry, correspondence: with Hackett 85, with Windele 85 Cox, Sir Richard, member RDS 12 Crawford Art Gallery, Canova casts 49, 50 (illus.); former RCI building 49 n4 Crawford, William, Cork School of Art building 53 Croker, Maj. Thomas, 145 Croker, Thomas Crofton, accepted Three Age system 79, 80 (illus.), 121; AIGBI 45-7; attended BAA 1st Congress 7; BAA 45, 46; biography 145; contact with Conyngham 7; correspondence: 3, with Beamish 51, with Betham 131, with Carruthers 77, with Cole 119, with Conyngham 72, with Deane 76, with Hoare 68, with Leybourn 65, with Lindsay 68, with Thomas Moore 72, with Nolan 119, with Sainthill 29-30, 64, 73, 82, 94, 121-22, with Windele 38, 41, 72, 73, 76, 131; destruction of artefacts 65; drawing of ogham stone 99 (illus.), emigration 29, 33, 71, 99; excavations 131; exhibited lithograph to BAA 82; exporter of artefacts 17, 71; gifts from Lindsay 68; gift to Walter Scott 32; papers 3; portrait 64 (illus.); sale of archive 71; Smith’s History of Cork annotated by 3; summary 139; view of Abell 128 CSLS, see Cork Scientific and Literary Society

172

INDEX

Cunnington, William 7 Curraghaly, souterrain, 136 Currey, Col. F. E., Book of Lismore 44 Curry, Eugene, see O’Curry, Eugene Curtis papers 3 Cuvier, Baron Georges, 2; biography 145; link with CCS 57-8 Cuvier, Mme. (Comtesse Chateau de Villard), presented bust of Cuvier 57 n20, 57 (illus.); visit to Cork 57 n20 D D’Aguilar, Georgina, 151 D’Alton, John, biography, 145; correspondence with Windele 100; gold medal 92 D’Alton, William, 145 D’Arcy, Elizabeth, 154 Dargan, William, biography 145; sponsorship 19 Darwin, Erasmus, 58 Darwin, Charles R., biography 145; theory of evolution 113 Darwin, Robert W., 145 Dating controversies, 62 Davy, Edmund W., biography 145; cousin Sir Humphry Davy 51 n8; professor of Chemistry RCI 51, at RDS 14, 51; secretary RCI 51 Davy, Sir Humphry, 145; cousin Edmund W. Davy 51 n8 Dawson, Arthur, 146 Dawson, Henry R. (Dean of St. Patrick’s Cathedral), biography 146; collection 16, 67; correspondence: 3, about Irish language 26, with Anthony 66, 87, with Bell Bourke 87, with Carruthers 67, 87; with Lindsay 64-5, with Sainthill 65, 73, with Welsh 67, 87; gifts: from Cooke 88, from Lindsay 68, 88, from Parsons 88; loan of coins to Lindsay 64; meeting with Windele 37 Day, Robert Sr., 146 Day, Robert Jr., 4; accepted Three Age system 122; acquired artefacts from Greenwell 75; biography 146; collector 66; contacts in northern Ireland 75; correspondence: with Sir John Evans 3, 75, with Windele 73-4, 75; dealer 18, 38, 39, 73-4; disposal of items to Pitt Rivers 74; excavations 114, at Curraghaly 136; exhibited artefacts to CCS 62, 75, 115, 122; gift from Evans 115; member BNFC 62; notebook 3; papers (Dowden letters) 3; portrait 40 (illus.); scrapbook 3 Dealers, 17, 18, 21 Deane, Alexander, 146 Deane, Alexander Sharpe, correspondence 71 Deane, Sir Thomas, 1; architect QCC 54; biography 146; British Association Cork 1843 meeting 58; correspondence with Croker 76; exhibited at Cork 1852 Exhibition 77 Deane, Sir Thomas Newenham, biography 146; Dowth excavations 22 Deelish (Killberehert), ogham stone, 126 De Latocnaye, Jacques-Louis de Bougrenet, visit to Cork 31; giant Irish deer 117 Denison, Elizabeth, 144 Destruction of artefacts, 65 Department of archaeology, UCC, 1, 55

Dickinson, Anne, 147 Dickinson, Harriet Anne, 147 Dickinson, Rev. W., London collector 17 Dillon, Arthur R. (archbishop of Narbonne), president RDS Paris branch 13 Dillon, Maria, 145 Documents of Ireland Project, 1 Doolan, Catherine, 154 Douglas, Lady Caroline, 150 Douglas, Rev. James 7 Dowden, Richard, biography 146; correspondence 3; lecture to CSLS 55; librarian RCI 51 Dowris, hoard, 88, 90, 90 n6 Dowth, Frith account 22; 1847-48 excavations 22; 188586 excavations 22 Drought, Jane, 155 Drumbo, round tower, excavations 124 Drummond, Dr. James L., biography 146; president BNHPS 60 Drummond, William, 146 Drummond, William H., re-arranged RIA museum 17 Drummond, T. (Under-Secretary of State), Phoenix Park tumulus 21 Du Bedat, Frances Adelaide, 146 Du Bedat, Margaret, 146 Dublin and Drogheda Railway Company, Dowth excavations 22 Dublin Gaelic Society 24 Dublin, Great Industrial Exhibition 1853, 77 Dublin Philosophical Society, 5, 6, 8 Dublin Society, see Royal Dublin Society Dudley, Mary, 156 Duhallow, gold fillet, 69, 70 (illus.) Du Maurier, George, lecture to CSLS 56 Dunderrow, mound, 133 Dunkin, Alfred, BAA 45 Du Noyer, George V., biography 146 Du Noyer, Louis, 146 Dunraven, see Wyndham-Quin Dutton, H., RDS survey of Clare 15 Dyke, Bessie, 152 E Edgeworth, Richard, 147 Edgeworth, Richard Lovell, biography 147; member RIA 16 Edgeworth, Maria, visit to Cork 31 Edgeworth, Mrs. Robert L. (née Beaufort) 147 Elers, Anna Maria, 147 Elgee, Jane F., 155 Ellis, Catherine, 155 Ennis, amber amulet (bead), 72 (illus.), ogham inscribed 73 Enniskeane, cauldron, 80, 81, 81 (illus.); exhibited to CCS 82; lithograph exhibited to BAA 82 Eustace, John, exhibited at Cork 1852 Exhibition 77 Evans, Rev. Arthur Benoni, 147 Evans, Sir John: AIGBI 46; correspondence with Day 4, 75; biography 147; excavations 114; geological excavations 113; geological time 8; gift to Day 115

173

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK

Everest, Mary, 144 Everest, Rev. T. R., 144 Evolution debate, 111-16; summary of discoveries abroad 112-13 Ewart, Jane, 150 Excavations, recording of 124-37 Exhibitions, 1852 Belfast 19, 61; 1852 Cork 19, 76-7, 78 (illus.); 1853 Dublin 19, 20 (illus.), 77; 1883 Cork 77 F Farranalough (Famlough), bronze axe, sold by Day 76 Faucett, Esther, 154 Faussett, Rev. Bryan, 7 Ferguson, John, 147 Ferguson, Sir Samuel, biography 147; ogham 106 Fermoy, coin hoard, 65 Field clubs, Belfast 61-2; Cork 62-3; Dublin 62; Galway 63; Limerick 63 Fielding, Anna Maria, 148 Fitzgerald, Edward, biography 147; criticism of Windele 82; destruction of monuments 132; Lismore inscribed stones 84 (illus.); Lismore ogham stone 104 Fitzgerald, Sir Edward, donation of museum building 90 Fitzgerald, Mrs. Edward (née Garde), 147 Fitzgibbon, Thomas, 51 Fitzgibbon, Thomas, Jr., lecture to CSLS 55 Fitzpatrick, James, correspondence with Windele 112 Forde, William, music collector 27; prospectus 27 (illus.) Forester, Henrietta Maria, 145 Forman, Mr., Dorking collector 17 Fountainstown, coins found at, purchased by Leybourn 65 Franks, Augustus, accepted Three Age system 121; British Museum 90 French, Mary, 150 Frith, R. H., Dowth excavations account 22 fulachta fiadh, 2, 107-11, 128, modern dating 111; section drawing 107 (illus.), relationship with ringforts 110 (illus.); wooden troughs 110 Fuller, Mary, 149 G Gandon, James, member RIA 16 Geological Society of Dublin, 111 Geology, growth in interest 111-16 Getty, Edmund, biography 147; destruction of archive 71; excavations 10, 94, 124; correspondence with Windele 37, 61, 94, 124, 127; Danes debate 136; round towers 91, 124, 125 (illus.); scientific approach 124 Getty, Robert, 147 Getty, Mrs. Robert (née Grimshaw), 147 Giant Irish deer, 3, 116-20; skeleton at NMI 118 (illus.) Gibson, Charles B., correspondence with Windele 37 Gibson Lockhart, John, visit to Cork 31 Giesecke, Sir Charles L., biography 147; presented Greenland collection to RDS 14; RDS professor of Mineralogy 14; tour of Ireland 14; transfer of Danish Royal Academy of Antiquaries collection to RIA 17 Glen Fais, ogham stone, 106, drawing by Rowan 106 (illus.) Glounagloch, ogham stone, 99

Gortacrue, fulachta fiadh 128 Gortnalicky, gold manillas, bought by Windele 68; sold to British Museum 68-9 Gosnell, Catherine, 144 Grace, Ursula Lucy, 145 Graham, Matthew, Ulster Gaelic Society 26 Grainger, David, 147 Grainger, Rev. Canon John, biography 147; British Association Belfast 1852 meeting 61; president BNFC 61 Grattan, John, 124 Graves, Charles (bishop of Limerick), attitude to RIA 423; biography 148; correspondence with Windele 37, 102, 103; ogham 101-03 Graves, Rev. James, biography 148; call for exploration society 131; correspondence: with Caulfield 114, with Windele 37, 73; Dowth 22; excavations 131 Graves, Richard G., 147 Gray, Richard, donation to RIA 17 Gray, William, biography 148, 62 n30; BNFC field-trip 62; debate with Knowles 62; discovery of artefacts 62, 115 Green, Charlotte, 154 Greenwell, Canon William, 7; worked with Pitt Rivers 8, 115 Grey, John, follower of Cuvier 58 Griffith, Richard, 148 Griffith, Sir Richard J., biography 148; chair Board of Public Works 14; C. B. Newenham specimens 66 n7; Commissioner for Land Valuation 14; geological map of Ireland 15; RDS professor of Geology and mining engineer 14; tour of Ireland 14 Guinness, Mary Catherine, 147 H Hackett, James, 148 Hackett, William, 2; biography 148; correspondence: about Irish language 25, with Abell 129, with Anthony 108, with Cotton 86, with Hitchcock 85, with Hunt 120, with John O’Gorman 97, with Windele 37, 52, 73, 96, 101, 109-10, 127; C. B. Newenham 66; excavations 22, 129, 131; fulachta fiadh 107-10; ogham 103, 127; view of Abell 128 Hackett, William, jeweller, sold ring money to Lindsay 65 Hadden, Cornelia, 144 Haigh, Rev. Daniel H., ogham 43, 102, 104 Haines, Dr. Charles Yelverton, collector 66; exhibited at British Association 1852 Belfast meeting 77; exhibited at Cork 1852 exhibition 76; exhibited at Dublin 1853 Exhibition 77; president CCS 57 Haliday, Charles, Book of Fermoy 44 Hall, Elizabeth, 154 Hall, John, visit to Cork 31; lecture of Rev. Dr. [Thomas] Hincks 31 Hall, Col. Robert, 148 Hall, Samuel C., biography 148; blackballed by RIA 24; correspondence with Windele 96; emigration 29; member CPLS 157; ogham 101; visits to Cork 33 Hall, Mrs. S. C., see Fielding, Anna Maria Halpin, William, 73

174

INDEX

Hamilton, Archibald, 148 Hamilton, Mrs. Archibald (née Hutton), 148 Hamilton, Sir William R., biography 148; guest of Windele 38; presidential address RIA 20 Harding, J.D., lithographs 95 (illus.) Hare, Rose, 146 Harkness, Robert, analysis of bones 136; biography 148; bones found by 58 n22; artefacts presented to QCC 75; collector 66; curator QCC museums 90; geological excavations 113, 136; lecture to CCS 113; professor QCC 112; Shandon Cave visit 116; sold artefacts to QCC 75 Harris, Walter, description of Co. Down 8 Hart, John, giant Irish deer 117 Harvard Archaeological Mission, dating of Larne flints 62 Hawkes, Mary Anne, 149 Hawkes, Zachariah C., biography 149; collector 66; correspondence with Windele 69, 89, 109, 119, 133; exhibited at Cork 1852 Exhibition 77; fulachta fiadh 109; gift from Woods 68; ringforts 129 Hawkins, Mr., keeper of antiquities at BM, contact with Sainthill 73 n17 Hennessy, Henry, QCC librarian, lectured to CCS 112 Herrick, exhibited at Cork 1852 Exhibition 77 Hewitt, Thomas, 1; biography 149; Book of Fermoy 44; Book of Lismore 43; collector 66; committee member CAMS 89; disposal of items to Pitt Rivers 74; exhibited at Cork 1852 Exhibition 77; papers 3; proposed Pitt Rivers to KAS 42 Hibernian Antiquarian Society 9, 15 Hill of Rath, 22 Hincks, Edward, 149 Hincks, Mrs. Edward (née Dix), 149 Hincks, Rev. Dr. Edward, biography, 149; British Association Belfast 1852 meeting 61; ogham 103 Hincks, Rev. Dr. Thomas Dix, 48; biography 149; British Association Belfast 1852 meeting 61; headmaster RBAI 51; link with RDS 14; president BNHPS 60; RCI lectures 48-9; secretary CLPS, 157 Hincks, William, biography 149; British Association Cork 1843 meeting 58 Hitchcock, Richard, biography 149; correspondence: with Clibborn 101, with Hackett 85, with Windele 73, 85, 105, 127, 128, 129; ogham 101, 104, 127; scrapbook 3 Hitchcock, Rodney, 149 Hoare, Capt. Edward, biography 149; collector 66; correspondence with Croker 68; dealer 17; at London auctions 68 Hoberlin, Eleanor, 152 Hogan, John, 29 n2; emigration 29 Hollis, Ann, 151 Holmes, George, visit to Cork 31 Horgan papers, 3 Horgan, Rev. Fr. Matthew, papers 3; biography 149; construction of ‘round towers’ 96; correspondence with Windele 96; discussion at CSLS 55; fundraising for Cork Irish Society 24; Phoenix Park tumulus 21; RIA round tower prize essay controversy 92 Huband Smith, Joseph, excavations 124; report to RIA 17

Hudson, W. E., correspondence with Windele 102; ogham 102 Humble, Harriet R., 152 Humphreys, Joseph, member CSS 157; ogham 99 Hunt, Thomas Carew, correspondence with Hackett 120; fulachta fiadh 107 (illus.), 108-09; map of fulachta fiadh and ringforts 110 (illus.) Hyndman, George C., biography 150 Hyndman, James, 150 I Information gathering, Murphy questionnaires 24; RDS Committee of Antiquities 13; Vallancey queries 13, 14; unpublished manuscripts 13, 16 Irish Harp Society, 24 Irish language, 24-6; 1851 Census 25; Bishop Murphy’s efforts 24-5; correspondence: Hackett and Windele 256, MacAdam and Windele 25, Swanton and Windele 26, Dawson and Sainthill 26; ogham 25; translation of Moore’s Melodies 27 Irish music, 26-7 Irish Naturalist, The, 63 Irish Naturalists’, The, 63 Irish Poetry Society, 26 J Jackson, Frances, 144 Jellett, Rev. J. H., Book of Lismore 44 Jennings, Francis M., biography 150; excavations 114 Jennings, Thomas, excavations 114 Johnson, Matthew F., correspondence with Windele 36 Joyce, Mary Ann, 144 Jukes, Prof. Joseph Beete, giant Irish deer 120; lectures to BNFC 62; resident in Dublin 120 K Kane, John, 150 Kane, Sir Robert, biography 150; Book of Lismore 43-4; British Association Cork 1843 meeting 58; lectured at RCI 54; first president QCC 54; president Museum of Irish Industry 90 n9; professor at RDS 54 Kanturk, Bronze age horn, sold by Windele 38, sold by Day 38; copper rings, sold by Windele 39, sold by Sothebys 38 KAS, see Kilkenny Archaeological Society Kearney, Nicholas (Dublin), 3 n7(3) Kel(l)eher, William, biography 150 Kemble, John M., English scholar 19; planned visit to Cork 37; rejected Three Age system 19, 121; sought artefacts for Manchester Exhibition 42-3 Kennifeake, M., correspondence with Windele 132; destruction of monuments 132 Kent, Ann, 148 Kilcrea, ringfort, drawing by Pitt Rivers 137 (illus.), excavations 135 Kildimo, penannular brooch, provenance 79 Kilkenny Archaeological Society (KAS), 85; excavations 10; excavation reports 11; giant Irish deer 119-20 Killeens, ringfort, excavations by Caulfield 130 (illus.) Killarney, bronze trumpets 73

175

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK

Kilmallock, gold torcs, purchase by Conyngham 78 Kilnaglory, ogham stones, from Windele collection 39 Kinneigh, round tower, 94, 95 (illus.), excavations 124 Kirwan, Martin, 150 Kirwan, Richard, biography 150; catalogued RDS Leskean cabinet 14; member RIA 16; Visitor to RCI 49 Knocklea passage tomb, excavations 11 Knockrour, ogham stone, presented to Windele 39 Knockourane (Mount Music), ogham stone, from Windele collection 39; in UCC collection 39, 39 (illus.) Knowles, James, 150 Knowles, William J., biography 150; collection acquired by Keiller 62; debate with William Gray 62

(illus.); Scraggs 80, 81 (illus.), 82, 82 (illus.), 83 (illus.), 84 (illus.); Unkles 80 Lithographs, 80-3; Anthony 81; Betham 81; bronze axe 81, 82 (illus.); exchange of 75, 80-1; Caulfield 73 n16; MacAdam 81; Reask stone 83 (illus.); silver conac 81 (illus.); Windele 80, 82 Londesborough, see Conyngham Long (Ó Longáin), Joseph, Book of Lismore 26, 44 Longfield, Rachel, 152 Lough Gur, bone finds 118-19 Lovell, Jane, 147 Lubbock, John, AIGBI 46 Lyell, Charles, expanded timescale 8; geological excavations 113; Principles of Geology 111; visit to Cork 58, 111

L Lagore crannóg, report to RIA 21 Lane, Denny (Denis), biography 150; committee member CAMS 89; dinner with Thomas Carlyle 34 Lane, Maurice, 150 Lane Fox, see Pitt Rivers Lane Fox, William A., 150 Lanyon, Charles, report on RBAI 54; designed QCB 54 Larcom, Capt. Joseph, 151 Larcom, Sir Thomas A., biography 151; Book of Fermoy 44; lecture at British Association Cork 1843 meeting 58 Leamcon, ring money, 66 Lecky, Robert, collector 64 Ledwich, Edward, Danes debate 136; round towers 91 Leeson, Joseph (earl of Milltown), 9 Leigh Sotheby, see Sothebys Leland, John, 5 Leland, Dr. Thomas, co-secretary RDS Committee of Antiquities 13 Leybourn, Joseph G., collector 65; correspondence with Croker 65; purchase of ring money 65 Leycester, Joseph, 151 Leycester, William W., biography, 151; collection 66 Leyne, Elizabeth, 145 Libraries, BNHPS 60; Cork 10, 33; Bishop Murphy 65; Brash 75 n23; Col. Roche 65; James Roche 65; RCI 49, 53; RDS 14; RIA 16, 20 Lhuyd (Lhwyd), Edward, 5 n2, 6, 8 Lindsay, John, AIGBI 46; BAA 45; biography 151; collector 64, 66; collection sold 65, 75; committee member CAMS 89; contact with Worsaae 121; correspondence: 3, with Croker 68, with Dawson 64-5, with Windele 81; disposal of items to Pitt Rivers 74; exhibited at British Association 1852 Belfast meeting 77; exhibited at Cork 1852 Exhibition 77; gift from Conyngham 74; fellow of Society of Antiquaries, Scotland 5 n1; portrait 40 (illus.); researches 64; urged Windele to join BAA 45 Lindsay, Thomas, 151 Lismore, inscribed stones, 82, 84 (illus.) Lithographers, Harding 9 (illus.), 34 (illus.), 95 (illus.); Moore 70 (illus.), 80; O’Driscol 80, 82, 84 (illus.), 105

M MacAdam, Robert S., 1851 Census Irish language question 25; biography 151; British Association Belfast 1852 meeting 61, 100; Cambrian Archaeological Society meeting 39; correspondence: about Irish language 25, with Windele 37, 40, 58, 61, 71, 80-1, 96, 98, 100, 102, 105-06, 132, 133; destruction of monuments 132-33; donated collection to BNHPS 60; excavations 10, 124; Irish language survey 25; papers 3; Ulster Gaelic Society secretary 25; Ulster Journal of Archaeology 40 Macalister, Prof. R. A. S., ogham 106 MacCullagh, James, biography 151; donation of Cross of Cong to RIA 17 MacEnery, Rev. John, Ussherian/biblical chronology 8, 113; excavations 113 Maclise, Daniel, biography 152; emigration 29; meeting with Walter Scott 31 Madden, Ellen, 150 Madden, Dr. Samuel, member RDS 12 Maginn, William, 33; emigration 29 Mahony, Rev. Francis (Fr. Prout), 33 Malton, James, drawing of Leinster House, Dublin 11 Mangerton, gold lunette, 73 Manly, Henrietta, 146 Map of Ireland, 6 Marsh and Company, Brash auction 75 n23 Mathew, Fr. Theobald, purchase of botanic gardens from RCI 32, 50 Maunsell, W., (archdeacon), giant Irish deer 117; presented skeleton to RDS museum 117 n27 Maylor, Mary, 151 Maynooth college, foundation 8-9 McCarthy, Michael F., correspondence with Windele 36 McDonnell, Dr. James, biography 151 McDonnell, Michael, 151 McLise, Alexander, 152 McManus, Damian, dating of ogham 107 M’Coy, Frederick, C. B. Newenham specimens 66 n7 Meaghar, P. I., correspondence with Windele 36 Metzler, Karl L., see Giesecke, Sir Charles L. Miles, Richard, London, purchase of Sainthill coins 65, 65 n2 Millington, Maria, 147

176

INDEX

Mockler, James (rector of Litter), biography 152; collector 64; exchange of antlers with coins to BM 118 Mockler, James (archdeacon of Cloyne), 152 Molyneux, Sir Thomas, biography 152; giant Irish deer 117; original member RDS 11 Molyneux, William, co-founder of Dublin Philosophical Society 6 Mooghaun lake, gold hoard, 18, 73 Moore, John, 152 Moore, Thomas, biography 152; correspondence: with Croker 72, with Windele 36, 94, 96; donation to RIA 21; papers 3; visit to south of Ireland 36 Mortimer, John R., 7 Movius, Hallam, dating of Larne flints 62 Moylan, Anne, 154 Moy Lena, near Tullamore, mounds 131 Müller, Johannes, follower of Cuvier 58 Mulvany, William, 1852 report to RIA 17; donation to RIA 17 Munster Farmers’ Magazine, The, published by RCI 50 Munster Provincial College Committee, foundation 54; success 54 Murphy, Edward A., correspondence with Windele 91-2; friendship with Windele 35 Murphy, Jeremiah, 152 Murphy, John (bishop of Cork), biography 152; Cork Irish Society president 24; issued questionnaire 25; library 65 Murray, Maria M., 154 Museums, acquisitions 67; Bantry House 75; BNHPS museum 60; Bell Bourke collection 67; Brash collection 75; C. B. Newenham collection 66; CCS 89; Cork museums 87-90; Croker collection 71-2; Dawson collection 16, 67, 87-8; Day collection 66; Gray collection 17; Keiller-Knowles collection 62 n31; Leycester collection 66; Lindsay collection 75; O’Shaughnessy collection 89; Petrie collection 17; QCC 75, 90; RCI 50, 53, 75, 88; RIA 16, museum catalogued by Wilde 19; Roche collection 41; Sirr collection 17; William Thompson collection 60; Tobin collection 59; Windele collection 39 N Nagle, Dr. John, proposed formation of SMSA 157 National Museum of Ireland, Acquisitions Register 3; C. B. Newenham specimens 66 n7; giant Irish deer skeleton 118 (illus.); opening 87 Neligan, Rev. Frederick, 152 Neligan, Rev. Dr. William Chadwicke, biography 152; collector 66; correspondence with Windele 129; dealer 81 n30; exhibited at Cork 1852 Exhibition 77; guidelines from Windele 128-29; Mooghaun hoard 73; purchasing artefacts 18; selling collection 73; sold Lindsay correspondence at auction 3 Neophilosophers, TCD society 15 Newenham, Charles Burton, collection 66, 66 n7 Newenham, Eliza O’Callaghan, 146 Newenham, Lieut. W. R., excavations at Knocklea 11

Newenham, Robert O’C., Picturesque Views of the Antiquities of Ireland 66 (illus.), 9 (illus.), 34 (illus.), 95 (illus.); 66 n8 Newgrange, passage tomb 6; Vallancey drawing 32 (illus.) Newman, John H., 9 Newton, Sir Isaac, 6 Nicholson, Marianne, 145 Nightingale, B., correspondence with Caulfield 69 Nolan, James, correspondence with Croker 119 O O’Brien, Mary F., 150 O’Brien, Henry, book on round towers 92 n1; correspondence with Windele 90; RIA round tower prize essay 92 O’Brien, Sir Lucius MP, chair RDS Committee of Antiquities 13 O’Brien, Sarah, 153 O’Conor, Charles, biography 152; member RIA 16; translation of Ogygia 13 O’Conor, R., Brash’s RDS paper 98; correspondence with Windele 98 O’Connor, Mr., lecture to CSLS 55 O’Curry, Eugene, attitude to southern antiquarians 42; biography 152; Book of Lismore 43-4; catalogue of RIA manuscripts 20; correspondence with Windele 42; Ordnance Survey 10; professor of archaeology and Irish history 10, 55 O’Daly, John, 3 n7(3) (4); attitude to southern antiquarians 41; attitude to RIA 43; biography, 152; contact with Worsaae 121; correspondence with Windele 37, 38, 41, 43, 89; Irish music collection 27 Odell, Edward, biography 152; gift of ogham stone to RIA 104; importance of scholarship 133-34; restoration of Ardmore round tower 97 Odell, John, 152 Ó Donnchadha, Tadhg (Torna), collection at UCC, 3 O’Donovan, Edmond, 152 O’Donovan, John, attitude to southern antiquarians 41-2, 44-5; biography 152; correspondence with Windele 91, 96, 97, 101, 112 n20; meeting with Windele 37; ogham 102; Ordnance Survey Namebooks 10 O’Donovan, Mrs. John (née O’Curry), 152 O’Flaherty, John T., correspondence with Windele 92; RIA round tower prize essay controversy 92 O’Flynn, Denis, Book of Lismore 43; ogham 103 Ogham, debate 98-107; Caulfield 136; discussion at CSLS 55; drawings 99 (illus.), 100 (illus.), 101 (illus.), 104 (illus.), 105 (illus.), 106 (illus.); Pitt Rivers 136; recent research 107; stones in Cork 109 (table); stones in Kerry 123 (table), 126; translation of inscriptions 102-03 Ogham stones, see Aghabulloge, Ardmore, Ballinrannig, Brackloon, Burnfort, Deelish, Glen Fais, Glounagloch, Kilnaglory, Knockourane, Knockrour, Trabeg O’Gorman, Chevalier, Book of Fermoy 44; donation of manuscripts to RIA 16, 20 O’Gorman, John, correspondence with Hackett 97

177

ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK

O’Higgins, Rev., exhibited at Belfast and Cork 1852 Exhibitions 78 O’Lavery, Rev. James, rejected Three Age system 121 Oldham, Thomas, 153 Oldham, Thomas, biography 153; correspondence with Anthony 101; ogham 101, 126 Oldham, Mrs. Thomas (née Dixon), 153 Ordnance Survey, excavations 10-11; foundation and maps 10 O’Shaughnessy, Mark, donation of collection to CAMS 89 O’Sullivan, Rev. Mr., correspondence with Windele 38 Owen, Prof. Richard, follower of Cuvier 58; visit to Cork 58 Owgan, H., RCI lectures 52 P Palaeosophers, TCD society 15 Parke, Maria Belinda, 147 Parsons, Laurence (4th earl of Rosse), donation to Dawson 88; lecture to CSLS 56 Pelham, Henry, ogham 98 Perceval, Robert, founder Neophilosophers 15 Petrie, James, 153 Petrie, George, attitude to southern antiquarians 41; biography 153; collection 17; correspondence with Windele 92; destruction of monuments 132; gifts from Lindsay 68; manuscripts 3; meeting with Windele 37; music collection 27; ogham 101; Ordnance Survey 10; portrait 93 (illus.); RDS drawing prize 13; RIA round tower prize essay 92 Petrie, Mrs. George (née Mills), 153 Petty, Sir William, co-founder of Dublin Philosophical Society 6, 6 n5 Phelps, Frances, 147 Phoenix Park tumulus, 21 Photography, 83 Physico-Historical Society, 5, 8 Pitt Rivers, Augustus H. (Lane Fox), acquired artefacts in Cork 42, 74; AIGBI 46; biography 150; correspondence with Caulfield 114, 114 n23; excavations 114, 135, at Kilcrea 135, 137 (illus.), at Lisnaraha 134, with Caulfield 134-35; exhibited flints to CCS 114; joined CCS 60, 73; lecture to CCS 62, 114; ogham stones 136; proposed by Hewitt to KAS 42; portrait 42 (illus.); provenance 78; resident in Cork 42, 73; scientific approach 7-8, 134; view of Abell 128; worked with Greenwell 8 Pitt Rivers, Hon. Mrs. Alice M., 151 Pitt Rivers Museum, 4; Kanturk Bronze age horn 38 Plot, Robert, 5 Population trends, Belfast and Cork 29 (table) Porter, Dr. Charles, CCS 59; collector 66 Porter, D., lecture to CSLS 55 Portlock, Lt. Col. Joseph E., biography 153; exhibited at Dublin 1853 Exhibition 77; Geological Survey donation to QCC 90 Portlock, Nathaniel, 153 Power, J. A., 73 n18; dealer 73 Prestwich, Joseph, expanded timescale 8

Prim, John G. A., attitude to RIA 42; correspondence with Windele 37, 42, 82, 85, 129; excavations 131; ogham debate KAS 105 Prior, Thomas, List of Irish Absentees 12; RDS secretary 12 Prout, Father, see Mahony, Rev. Francis Provenance, 78-9, 126, 139; Cahill 79; Mulvany 17; Ó Floinn 79; Pitt Rivers 78 Puttick and Simpson, Croker collection 71, 72 Q QCB, see Queen’s College, Belfast QCC, see Queen’s College, Cork Queen’s College, Belfast (QCB), Queen’s College, Cork (QCC), 53-5; Brash collection 75; CCS connexion 54; Harkness donation and sale 75; Lough Gur giant Irish deer 118; museums 90; ogham collection 99; President’s reports 3; RCI connexion 52, 53, 75; Sir Robert Kane 54; view of the college 54 (illus.). See also University College, Cork Queen’s Colleges, see Queen's College, Belfast; Queen's College, Cork R RBAI, see Royal Belfast Academical Institution Reask, inscribed stone, 82, 83 (illus.) Reeves, Boles D’A., 153 Reeves, William (bishop of Down), biography 153; correspondence with Windele 37, 98, 131, 133; excavations 94 RCI, see Royal Cork Institution RDS, see Royal Dublin Society RIA, see Royal Irish Academy Ringforts, excavations 128, 135; ogham stones 127 Roach Smith, Charles, AIGBI 46-7; BAA 45-7; biography 153; correspondence with Windele 37, 78; provenance 78 Roberts, Jane, 155 Roberts, Mary, 153 Roche, Col., library 65 Roche, James, biography 153; chair Munster Provincial College Committee 54; library 65; president CCS 56; sale of collection 41, 65 n4; views on Cuvier 58 Roche, Stephen, 153 Rodbard, Anne S., 154 Roggan, John, Antrim collector and dealer, 67 Role of jewellers, 68-70 Roovesmore fort, report by Pitt Rivers 12 Roscrea, round tower, excavations 124 Ross Island copper mines, 14 n32 Rosse, see Parsons Round towers, excavations 124; origins debate 91-8, 93 (table) Rowan, Arthur (Archdeacon of Ardfert), 3 n7(5); ogham 106, 126 Royal Archaeological Institute, see Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland Royal Belfast Academical Institution (RBAI), 49 n2, 53; Lanyon report 54; School of Design 52 n9; Thomas Dix Hincks as headmaster 51

178

INDEX

Royal Cork Institution (RCI), 48-53; amalgamation with Cork Society of Arts 49; archival material 3; botanic gardens 32, 50; Book of Presents 3; building transferred to Cork Corporation 53; casts collection 49, 49 n3 and n4, 50 (illus.), 50 n5, 53; charter 48; damage to ogham stones 126; disposal of collection and library 53, 99; exhibited at Cork 1852 Exhibition 77; foundation 48; gift from Abell 88, 99; gift from Brennan 116; gift from Windele 99; gift of antlers from Wright 118; lectures 49, 50, 52; library 49; minute book 3; Munster Farmers’ Magazine, The, 50; museum 88; ogham collection 99; premises 50; Proprietors 49; QCC connexion 52, 53, 75; repository for finds 88; sale of botanic gardens to Fr. Mathew 32; seal 49 (illus.); scientific equipment 49; Visitors 31, 49 Royal Dublin Society (RDS), 5, 11-15; academy for drawing 13; collection of antiquities 12; Committee of Antiquities 13; Leskean mineral cabinet 14; link with RCI 14; organized Dublin 1853 Exhibition 19; purchased gold torcs 17; recording of archaeological artefacts 6; statistical county surveys 15, 108; receipt of RIA geological collection 16 Royal Irish Academy (RIA), 5, 15-24; Betham collection 20; Book of Ballymote 16; Book of Fermoy 44; Book of Lismore 20, 43-4; Commissioners of Public Works donation 17; Cross of Cong 17; Danish Royal Academy of Antiquities 17; Dawson collection 16, 67; Dublin 1853 Exhibition 19; excavation reports 11; excavations in Phoenix Park 21; exhibited drawing of Cross of Cong at Cork 1852 exhibition 76; gift to Museum of Northern Antiquities in Copenhagen 21; Gray collection 17; Haliday collection 21; Hodges Smith collection 20; Huband Smith 1841 report 17; internal dissension 22-3; Irish language class 24; manuscripts catalogue 20; Mooghaun gold hoard 18; Moore collection 21; Mulvany 1852 report 17; museum catalogue 19; O’Gorman collection 20; Ordnance Survey material 21; Petrie collection 17; receipt of gifts: from Copenhagen 21, from Odell 104, from Vallancey 30; round tower prize essay 92; Sirr collection 17; Stowe manuscripts 20; transfer of geological collection to RDS 16; treasure trove grant 18; Windele manuscripts 21 Royal Society of London, foundation 5; collections 5 Royal Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, purchased Bell collection 67 n10 S SA, see Society of Antiquaries of London Sainthill, Capt. Richard, 154 Sainthill, Richard, biography 154; CCS 59; collector 64, 66; contact with BM 73 n 17; contact with Worsaae 121; correspondence: about Irish language 26, with Croker 29-30, 64, 73, 82, 94, 121-22, with Dawson 65, 73, with Windele 65, 68, 69, 73; Danes debate 136; dealer 32, 71, 73; exhibited at British Association 1852 Belfast meeting 77; exhibited at CCS 119; exhibited at Cork 1852 Exhibition 77; portrait 64 (illus.); return to Cork 65; round tower debate 97; sale of coins 65; treasurer CAMS 89; tribute to Windele 35

Sarsfield, exhibited at British Association 1852 Belfast meeting 77 Scott, Rebecca, 146 Scott, Sophia, visit to Cork 31 Scott, Sir Walter, Antiquary to the Royal Society 32; gift from Croker 32; visit to Cork 31; meeting with Maclise 31 Shandon Cave, fossil finds 116 Sharpe, Elizabeth, 146 Shea, John A., correspondence with Windele 36; emigration 29 Simpson, Elizabeth, 153 Sirr, Henry C., biography 154; collection 17 Sirr, Maj. Joseph, 154 Sirr, Rev. Joseph D’Arcy, sale of Sirr collection 17 SMAS, see South Munster Antiquarian Society Smith, Dr. Aquilla, biography 154 Smith, Charles, county descriptions 8 Smith, William, 154 Smyth, William H., Sardinian nuraggi 93 Sloane, Sir Hans, 6 n7 Society for the Preservation and Publication of the Melodies of Ireland 27 Society of Antiquaries of London (SA), 3; foundation 6 Society of Antiquaries, Scotland, 5 n1 Sotheby, Wilkinson and Hodge, see Sothebys Sothebys, 1939 auction 74 n20; Bishop Murphy book collection 65; British Museum auction 68; Dawson collection 67, 68 n11; Hewitt collection 69 n13; Leycester collection 66; Lindsay correspondence 3; Lindsay collection 65, 75, 75 n22; Mockler auction 81 n32; Neligan sales 73; Nott auction 68; Picking auction 68; Rowley auction 68; Vidal auction 68 Souterrains, excavations 128, 129, 136; ogham stones 127 Southgates, Jones Long auction 68 South Munster Antiquarian Society (SMAS), 157; activity 86, 99; excavations 59, 94 South Munster Society of Archaeologists, 86, 157 Sneyd, Elizabeth, 147 Sneyd, Honora, 147 Spotswood, Jane, 150 Spring-Rice, Thomas (secretary to the Treasury), RCI grant 51 Stephenson, Mr., Lisburn collector, 75 Stewart, Donald, search for fossils and minerals 14 Stopford, R. L., ‘View of Queen’s College, Cork’, c. 1850 54 (illus.) Stukeley, William, secretary of SA 6; ‘Druidomania’ 6 Suighe Finn, tumulus, 126 (illus.); excavations 128 Sullivan, Dr. William K., lecturer at CSLS 56 Summary, 1-2; 138-42 Swanton, Thomas, biography 154; correspondence: about Irish language 26, with Windele 36, 69; exhibited at British Association 1852 Belfast meeting 77 Synnot, Walter, Annacloghmullin excavations 10 T Talbot de Malahide, Rt. Hon. Lord James, biography 154; Book of Fermoy 44; president Archaeological Institute 18

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ANTIQUARIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN 19TH CENTURY CORK

Talbot, James, 154 Tara, gold torcs found at, purchased by RIA 17 Tate, Prof. Ralph, lectures to BNFC 62 TCD, see Trinity College Dublin Temple Coffee House Botanic Club, London, 6 Thackeray, William, visit to Cork 33 Thomsen, Christian J., proponent of Three Age system 19, 64, 120 Thompson, William (socialist), early Proprietor RCI 51; lecture to CSLS 55 Thompson, William, Sr., 154 Thompson, William, Jr. (naturalist), biography 154; excavations 124; president BNHPS 60 Thomson, Sir Charles Wyville T., biography 154; British Association Belfast 1852 meeting 61 Thomson, William (Lord Kelvin), British Association Belfast 1852 meeting 61; lecture to CSLS 56 Three Age system, acceptance 19; 120-22 Timahoe, round tower 94, 95 (illus.) Timoleague, silver conac 80, 81 (illus.) Tobin, Sir Thomas, biography 155; president CAMS 89; CCS conversazione 59; collection 59, 66; excavations 135; exhibited at British Association 1852 Belfast meeting 77; exhibited at Dublin 1853 Exhibition 77 Tobin, Thomas, 155 Todd, Dr. Charles H., 155 Todd, Rev. Dr. James H., Mooghaun hoard 73, biography 155; Book of Fermoy 44; destruction of monuments 132; round tower debate 97 Tooker, Richard, collector 66; exhibited at Cork 1852 Exhibition 77; Mangerton lunette 73 Torna, see Ó Donnchadha, Tadhg Tourism in Ireland, growth of, 34-5 Townsend, Rev. Horatio, RDS 1815 survey of Cork 15, 108 Trabeg, ogham stone 6; drawn by R. R. Brash 6 (illus.) Tralee, silver fibula, 72 (illus.), 73 Trinity College Dublin (TCD), exhibited at Cork 1852 exhibition 76; foundation 8 Trummery, round tower, 125 (illus.); excavations 124 Tullaghog, hillfort, 134 (illus.) Turner, Fanny, 153 U UCC, see University College, Cork Ulster Gaelic Society, 25 UJA, see Ulster Journal of Archaeology Ulster Journal of Archaeology (UJA), excavation reports 11; foundation 61; MacAdam as editor 40, 61 Ulster Museum, Belfast, acquisitions registers 4 Underwood, James H., Dublin dealer 21 University College, Cork (UCC), Catalogue of Casts and Antiquities 3; established 1908 55; Munster Printing Collection 3. See also Queen’s College, Cork Urban, Sylvanus, correspondence with Caulfield 136 Ussher, James (archbishop of Dublin), 5, 8 V Vallancey, Charles, biography 155; correspondence: with Banks 98; with Cooper Walker 30; co-secretary RDS

Committee of Antiquities 13; Danes debate 136; honorary member RCI 49; member RIA 16; ogham 98; portrait 30 (illus.); donated coin collection to RDS 14; donation to RIA 30; drawing of Newgrange passage tomb 32 (illus.); queries 13, 14; resident in Cork 30-1; round towers 91; Visitor to RCI 31, 49; RDS librarian 14 View of the Irish from England 76 von Rapp, Wilhelm, 58 Vyse, Maj.-Gen. Howard, need for Irish equivalent 22 W Wakeman, William F., biography 155; rejected Three Age system 121 Waldie, Maria J., 148 Walker manuscripts, 3 Walker, Richard, 10 Wall, Margaret, 156 Ware, Sir James, 8 Waterhouse firm, Dublin, exhibited Tara brooch at Cork 1852 exhibition 76 Way, Albert, foundation of Archaeological Institute 45-6 Webber, Frederick, comparison with artefacts from North America 115; elected honorary member CCS 115 n24 Wedgewood, Emma, 145 Wedgewood, Josiah, 145 Wedgewood, Susannah, 145 Welbeloved, Mr., Yorkshire collector 17 Welply, Thomas, correspondence with Windele 119; giant Irish deer 119 Welsh, Alexander Colville, Dromore collection 66-7; correspondence with Dawson 67, 87 Westropp, Hodder M., biography 155; concept of Mesolithic 122; exhibited to CCS 122 Westropp, Ralph, 155 Westropp, Ralph, collector 39 White, Richard (2nd earl of Bantry), Grand Tour 9; papers 9 n17 Wilde, Dr. Thomas, 155 Wilde, Mrs. Thomas (née Fynn), 155 Wilde, Sir William R. W., 10; biography 155; correspondence with Windele 37, 70-1, 90; giant Irish deer 120; RIA museum catalogue 19, 90 n7; rejected Three Age system 19, 121 Willes, William, biography 155; CCS 59; emigration 29; headmaster Cork School of Design 33, 52; round towers 97; tour of Ireland 33 Williams, Harriet, 146 Williams, William, correspondence with Windele 99, 116; ogham 105-06 Windele, Emma, Dunderrow mound 133 Windele, John D. (né Windle), 35-9, 36 (illus.); 1851 Census Irish language question 25; AIGBI 46-7; antiquities show at Cork 1852 exhibition 76; antler find 118; attitude to Dublin antiquarians 41; attitude to Petrie’s remarks 41; attitude to RIA 42, 44-5; BAA 457; Ballyspellan fibula 37 n11, 100, 100 (illus.), 101 (illus.); biography 156; Book of Fermoy 44; Book of Lismore 43-4; CCS 59; collector 66; contact with Conyngham 7; correspondence: 2, 3, about Irish

180

INDEX

language 25-7, with Anthony 37, 68, 69, 78, 81, 108, 111, 121, with Beamish 127, with Betham 57, 68-9, 93-4, 127, with Michael Browne 43, with Bullen 119, with J. J. Callanan 36, with Caulfield 133, with William Clear 51-2, with Connellan 43, 98, 103-04, with Conyngham 74, with Cooke 73, 89-90, with Cotton 85, with Croker 38, 41, 72, 73, 76, 131, with D’Alton 100, with Day 73-4, 75, with Fitzpatrick 112, with Edmund Getty 37, 61, 94, 124, 127, with Charles B. Gibson 37, with Charles Graves 37, 103, with James Graves 37, 73, with Hackett 37, 52, 73, 96, 101, 10910, 127, with Hall 96, with Hawkes 69, 89, 109, 119, 133, with Hitchcock 73, 85, 105, 127, 128, 129, with Horgan 96, with Hudson 102, with Kennifeake 132, with Lindsay 80, with M. F. Johnson 36, with MacAdam 37, 40, 58, 61, 71, 80-1, 96, 98, 100, 102, 105-06, 132, 133, with M. F. McCarthy 36, with P. I. Meaghar 36, with Thomas Moore 36, 94, 96, with Edward Murphy 91-2, with Neligan 129, with Henry O’Brien 90, with R. O’Conor 98, with O’Curry 42, with John O’Daly 37, 38, 41, 43, 89, with O’Donovan 91, 96, 97, 101, 112 n20, with O’Flaherty 92, with Rev. Mr. O’Sullivan 38, with Petrie 92, with Prim 37, 42, 82, 85, 105, 129, with Reeves 37, 98, 131, 133, with Roach Smith 37, 78, with Sainthill 65, 68, 69, 73, with J. A. Shea 36, with Swanton 36, 69, with Welply 119, with Wilde 37, 70-1, 90, with Williams 99, 116, with Wyndham-Quin 97, with Thomas Wise 38, 134, with Thomas Wright 37; dealer 38, 39, 68-9, 69; destruction of monuments 132; disagreements with others 37; early antiquarian interest 35; excavations 129; exhibited at British Association 1852 Belfast meeting 77; exhibited artefacts to CCS 82, 121; exhibited at Cork 1852 Exhibition 77; exhibited at Dublin 1853 Exhibition 77; fossil hunting 116; fundraising 38; geology 111; giant Irish deer 119; gifts from Anthony 67; gifts from Lindsay 68; gift from Woods 68; gift to RCI 99; guidelines to Neligan 12829; Lismore inscribed stones 84 (illus.); list of ogham stones in Cork 109 (table); list of ogham stones in Kerry 123 (table); meeting: with Betham 37, with Connellan 37, with Dawson 37, with O’Donovan 37, with Petrie 37; ogham 99-107, 127; portrait 40 (illus.); round towers 91-6; sale of artefacts to Pitt Rivers 74; sale of collection 39; sale of manuscripts to RIA 21, 37; secretary CAMS 89; Suighe Finn tumulus 126 (illus.); summary 139; Three Age system 122; tribute by Sainthill 35; urged to join BAA 45; visit to Galway 37; visit to Newenham museum 66 Windle, Sir Bertram, first UCC professor of archaeology 55; deer skeletons at QCC 118 n30 Wise, Dr. Thomas, correspondence with Windele 38, 134 Woods, John, gift of ring money to Windele and Hawkes 68 Wornum, Ralph N., Head School of Design, London, lecturer at Cork School of Design 56 Worsaae, Jens J. A., applied Three Age system 120; biography 156; contact with collectors 64; lectured to RIA 19, 120; purchase of Lagore items 21; rejection of

his principles by J. M. Kemble 19; visited Ireland 12021 Wright, Joseph, biography 156; excavations 113, at Curraghaly 136 Wright, Samuel, gift of antlers to RCI 118 Wright, Thomas, 156; BAA 45; collector 64; correspondence with Windele 37 Wyndham-Quin, Edwin R. (3rd earl of Dunraven and Mount-Earl), correspondence with Windele 97; round tower debate 97 Y Youghal, coin hoard found at, described by Sainthill 65; purchased by Leybourn 65 Young, Arthur, journey through Ireland 9; visit to home of Lord Charlemont 16 Young, Catherine, 152

181