Anglo-Saxon Prognostics: An Edition and Translation of Texts from London, British Library, MS Cotton Tiberius A.iii [New ed.] 1843842556, 9781843842552

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Anglo-Saxon Texts 8

ANGLO-SAXON PROGNOSTICS AN EDITION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS FROM LONDON BRITISH LIBRARY, MS COTTON TIBERIUS A.III

Medieval prognostic texts—a survival from the classical world—are the ancestors of modern almanacs; a means of predicting future events, they offer guidance on matters of everyday life, such as illness, childbirth, weather, agriculture, and the interpretation of dreams. They give fascinating insights into monastic life, medicine, pastoral care, the transformations of classical learning in the middle ages, and the complex interconnections between orthodox religion, popular belief, science, and magic. This volume provides the first full critical edition, with a facing-page translation, of a diverse and peculiar group of prognostic guides and calendars, in Latin and Old English, found in an eleventh-century manuscript from Christ Church, Canterbury; they are collated with related versions in both Anglo-Saxon and continental manuscripts. An introduction and commentary examine the transmission and translation of these texts, and shed light on their origins and uses in late Anglo-Saxon monastic culture. R. M. Liuzza is Professor of English at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville.

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Anglo-Saxon Texts issn 1463–6948

Editorial Board MICHAEL LAPIDGE GABRIELLA CORONA MECHTHILD GRETSCH RICHARD MARSDEN ANDY ORCHARD

Anglo-Saxon Texts is a series of scholarly editions (with parallel translations) of important texts from Anglo-Saxon England, whether written in Latin or in Old English. The series aims to offer critical texts with suitable apparatus and accurate modern English translations, together with informative general introductions and full historical and literary commentaries. 1. Wulfstan’s Canon Law Collection edited by J. E. Cross (†) and Andrew Hamer 2. The Old English Poem Judgement Day II: a Critical Edition with Editions of De die iudicii and the Hatton 113 Homily þe domes dæge edited by Graham D. Caie 3. Historia de Sancto Cuthberto: A History of Saint Cuthbert and a Record of his Patrimony edited by Ted Johnson South 4. Excerptiones de Prisciano: The Source for Ælfric’s Latin-Old English Grammar edited by David W. Porter 5. Aelfric’s Life of Saint Basil the Great: Background and Context edited by Gabriella Corona 6. Aelfric’s De Temporibus Anni edited with a translation by Martin Blake 7. The Old English Dialogues of Solomon and Saturn edited with a translation by Daniel Anlezark

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ANGLO-SAXON PROGNOSTICS an edition and translation of texts from london, british library, ms cotton tiberius a.iii

Edited with a translation by R. M. LIUZZA

D. S. BREWER

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© R. M. Liuzza 2010 All rights reserved. Except as permitted under current legislation no part of this work may be photocopied, stored in a retrieval system, published, performed in public, adapted, broadcast, transmitted, recorded or reproduced in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of the copyright owner First published 2010 D. S. Brewer, Cambridge ISBN 978 1 84384 255 2

D. S. Brewer is an imprint of Boydell & Brewer Ltd PO Box 9, Woodbridge, Suffolk IP12 3DF, UK and of Boydell & Brewer Inc, 668 Mt Hope Avenue, Rochester, NY 14620, USA website: www.boydellandbrewer.com A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library The publisher has no responsibility for the continued existence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. Papers used by Boydell & Brewer are natural, recyclable products made from wood grown in sustainable forests

Typeset by Word and Page, Chester Printed in Great Britain by CPI Antony Rowe, Chippenham and Eastbourne

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Contents Preface

vii

Abbreviations

x

Manuscript Sigla

xi

Introduction

1

1.  Prognostics in Anglo-Saxon and Related Manuscripts

3

2.  Types of Prognostics in T

25

3.  Prognostics as a Genre

59

4.  Conclusion

76

Note on Editorial Principles

78

Anglo-Saxon Prognostics: Texts and Translation

79

Commentary

221

Glossary

253

Bibliography

279

Index

291

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Preface London, British Library, Cotton Tiberius A.iii, an eleventh-century manuscript miscellany from Christ Church, Canterbury, has attracted the notice of many scholars,1 most of whom have been drawn to the series of texts at the beginning of the manuscript (fols. 117–73 and 2–27), including two impressive full-page drawings and glossed copies of the Benedictine Rule and the Regularis Concordia. Helmut Gneuss describes this carefully presented series of interrelated texts as ‘a compendium of the Benedictine reform movements in Carolingian Francia and in tenth-century England’;2 Robert Deshman has argued that the very sequence of texts is ‘laden with meaning’.3 Few studies, however, have looked in detail at the series of eighteen prognostic texts which follow the Regularis Concordia in the manuscript (fols. 27v–47r), even though most of these are in the same hand and appear to have been arranged with equal care. This book presents a critical edition and study of these texts, as well as four related texts on 65r. Prognostics have generally been regarded as texts on the cultural periphery, either a kind of popular folklore or learned pseudo-science, out of place in the monastic culture in which they circulated and of only marginal importance to the histories of the various disciplines—medicine, astronomy, computus—among whose texts they are preserved and with which they share a common purpose. Consequently there has been little study either of the transmission and textual histories of individual texts or of the cultural and intellectual contexts in which these texts were read and used. Prognostics deserve closer study, however, for a number of reasons. Their popularity extends well into the Middle English period and beyond and is a strong, though often unrecognized, thread of continuity connecting antiquity and the modern world.4 Their presence in later Anglo-Saxon 1

2 3 4

The manuscript is described in some detail in H. Gneuss, ‘Origin and Provenance of AngloSaxon Manuscripts: The Case of Cotton Tiberius A.iii’, in Of the Making of Books: Medieval Manuscripts, their Scribes and Readers. Essays Presented to M. B. Parkes, ed. P. R. Robinson and R. Zim (Aldershot, 1997), pp. 13–48. It is also the subject of T.-A. Cooper’s 2005 dissertation, ‘Reconstructing a Deconstructed Manuscript, Community and Culture: London, BL Cotton Tiberius A.iii’ (unpubl. PhD. dissertation, Boston College, 2005). Gneuss, ‘Origin and Provenance’, p. 15. R. Deshman, ‘Benedictus Monarcha et Monachus: Early Medieval Ruler Theology and the AngloSaxon Reform’, Frühmittelalterliche Studien 22 (1988), 204–401, at p. 229. Of fundamental importance for the general contexts of this material is D. Harmening, Superstitio. Überlieferungs- und theoriegeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur kirchlich-theologischen Aberglaubensliteratur des Mittelalters (Berlin, 1979), and V. Flint, The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe (Princeton, 1991). Useful studies of prognostic material in later periods include L. Braswell, ‘Utilitarian and Scientific Prose’, in Middle English Prose: A Critical Guide to Major Authors and Genres, ed. A. S. G. Edwards (New Brunswick, NJ, 1984), pp. 337–87.

vii

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Preface religious communities might qualify our view of the intellectual world of the tenth-century Benedictine reform movement; it suggests that not all clerics shared the views of more narrowly orthodox writers like Ælfric, who vigorously and repeatedly condemned the use of auguries and divination. The study of medicine in Anglo-Saxon England, which has generally focused on leechbooks and collections of recipes, might regard the many prognostics concerned with health and sickness as evidence for a different philosophy of medical practice, one that offered insight into disease rather than power over it. Their manuscript context places prognostics within part of a larger discourse of monastic discipline and temporal regulation; at the same time, however, prognostics address universal human uncertainties such as birth, health, dreams, weather and harvest, and the collection and translation of these texts in the eleventh century raises interesting questions about the nature of pastoral care in this period. Standing at the intersection of monastic science and popular anxiety, prognostics offer a unique window into medieval psychology; they have much to tell us about how Anglo-Saxon clerics imagined the intimate interdependence of time, the heavens, and the body, and they deserve a more central place in our understanding of the spiritual and intellectual life of the period. Until recently, most of these texts were available only in a broad but unsystematic series of articles published by Max Förster in Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen in the first decades of the twentieth century;5 others could be found only in Oswald Cockayne’s Leechdoms, Wortcunning, and Starcraft of Early England,6 and a surprising number of texts and versions of texts remain unpublished or unnoticed, hidden in library catalogues under categories such as ‘miscellaneous medical and scientific writings’. A recent study by Sándor Chardonnens provides accurate transcriptions of most of the texts collected by Förster, and makes a number of improvements on Förster’s system of organization and classification.7 This volume complements that work by focusing on a single manuscript containing the richest collection of surviving Anglo-Saxon prognostics, collating these texts with other English copies and relevant continental versions. My focus on one manuscript provides an opportunity to consider, among other things, the range of texts available to a compiler, the organization and hierarchy of texts in series, methods of production and textual arrangement, 5

6 7

In addition to his multi-part series ‘Beiträge zur mittelalterlichen Volkskunde’ in Archiv—‘I’,  Archiv 120 (1908), 43–52; ‘II’,  Archiv 120 (1908), 296–305; ‘III’, Archiv 121 (1908), 30–46; ‘IV’,  Archiv 125 (1910), 39–70; ‘V’,  Archiv 127 (1911), 31–84; ‘VI’,  Archiv 128 (1912), 55–71; ‘VII’,  Archiv 128 (1912), 285–308; ‘VIII’,  Archiv 129 (1912), 16–49; and ‘IX’,  Archiv 134 (1916), 264–93—which examined and edited most of this material for the first time, Förster also published ‘Die altenglischen Traumlunare’, Englische Studien 60 (1925–6), 58–66; ‘Die altenglischen Verzeichnisse von Glücksund Unglückstagen’, Studies in English Philology. A Miscellany in Honor of Frederick Klaeber, ed. K. Malone (Minneapolis, 1929), pp. 258–77, and ‘Vom Fortleben antiker Sammellunare im Englischen und in anderen Volkssprachen’, Anglia 67/68 (1944), 1–171. O. Cockayne, Leechdoms, Wortcunning, and Starcraft of Early England, 3 vols. (London, 1864–6; repr. in a slightly shortened form, with an introduction by C. Singer, London 1961). L. S. Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, 900–1100: Study and Texts (Leiden and Boston, 2007).

viii

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Preface and issues of repetition, diversity, exclusion and inclusion within the collection. At the same time, collation with related versions of the texts in this manuscript, along with discussion of their origins and variation, places these individual texts in a wider context and allows some reconstruction of their history and transmission. I hope thereby to avoid the tendency to generalize about prognostics as a ‘genre’ defined by modern assumptions about content or origin; by anchoring my study to a particular place and time I hope to provide a firmer basis for inquiry into the use and meaning of these texts. This book has grown from an article published in Anglo-Saxon England,8 and I am grateful to the editors of that journal for their advice and support, and for their permission to reproduce, expand upon, and correct parts of that essay here. The generous support of the National Endowment for the Humanities, the British Academy Neil Ker Memorial Fund, and the Hodges Better English Fund of the University of Tennessee have contributed time and resources to the completion of this work. I am also grateful to the librarians in London, Cambridge, Oxford, Paris and Rome who tend their collections so carefully and share their knowledge so generously. A number of friends and colleagues have commented on earlier versions of different parts of the text and commentary; I am particularly grateful to Maria Cesario, Sándor Chardonnens, Eliza Glaze, Malcolm Godden, Danielle Maion, Elaine Treharne, and Faith Wallis. My interest in Anglo-Saxon prognostics arose simultaneously with the arrival of my son Joseph, whose love, joy, and enthusiasm have enriched my life in more ways than I can begin to recount. In the years since then, both have grown in unpredictable ways; both have been challenging, surprising, frustrating, and rewarding. The demands of the one have sometimes kept me from the other, but I hope neither the boy nor the book is too much the worse for the occasional moments of distraction or neglect.

8

R. M. Liuzza, ‘Anglo-Saxon Prognostics in Context: A Survey and Handlist of Manuscripts’, Anglo-Saxon England 30 (2001), 181–230.

ix

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Abbreviations Archiv BAV Beccaria BL BNF Bodl. Lib. BSB CCC coll. EETS FC gl. Gneuss

Ker OE ÖNB pr. Wickersheimer

Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana A. Beccaria, I codici di medicina del periodo presalernitano (secoli IX, X e XI), Storia e letteratura, Raccolta di studi e testi, 53 (Rome, 1956) British Library (London) Bibliothèque nationale de France (Paris) Bodleian Library (Oxford) Bayerische Staatsbibliothek (Munich) Corpus Christi College (Cambridge) collated Early English Text Society: os = Original Series; ss = Supplementary Series R. Frank and A. Cameron, ‘A List of Old English Texts’, A Plan for the Dictionary of Old English, ed. R. Frank and A. Cameron (Toronto, 1973), pp. 25–306. glossed as H. Gneuss, Handlist of Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts: A List of Manuscripts and Manuscript Fragments Written or Owned in England up to 1100, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 241 (Tempe, AZ, 2001). N. R. Ker, Catalogue of Manuscripts Containing AngloSaxon (Oxford, 1957) Old English Österreichische Nationalbibliothek (Vienna) printed E. Wickersheimer, Les manuscripts latins de médecine du haut moyen âge dans les bibliothèques de France, Documents, études et répertoires publiés par l’Institut de recherche et d’histoire des textes 11 (Paris, 1966).

References to Beccaria, Frank and Cameron, Gneuss, Ker and Wickersheimer are to catalogue number unless indicated otherwise.

x

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Manuscript Sigla A Æ B C f G H J La M1a M3a M4a p p2 p3 p4 S T Th v v2 v3 Vi W

London, BL, Arundel 60 London, BL, Cotton Titus D.xxvi, xxvii Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Barlow 35 (6467) London, BL, Cotton Caligula A.xv, fols. 120–53 + London, BL, Egerton 3314, fols. 9–72 London, BL, Harley 3017 London, BL, Harley 3271 Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Hatton 115 Oxford, St John’s College, 17 London, Lambeth Palace Library, 427 Munich, BSB, clm 14456 Munich, BSB, clm 6382 Munich, BSB, clm 21557 Paris, BNF, lat. 2113 Paris, BNF, lat. 2825 Paris, BNF, lat. 7299a Paris, BNF, nouv. acq. lat. 1616 London, BL, Sloane 475, fols. 125–231 London, BL, Cotton Tiberius A.iii London, BL, Cotton Tiberius C.i, fols. 2–42 + London, BL, Harley 3667, fols. 2–18 Vatican City, BAV, Pal. lat. 235 Vatican City, BAV, Vat. lat. 642 Vatican City, BAV, Vat. lat. 3101 London, BL, Cotton Vitellius E.xviii Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 391

xi

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Introduction The texts known to Anglo-Saxon studies as ‘prognostics’ comprise, by scholarly consensus, approximately forty to fifty items of various lengths in Latin and Old English. They are a diverse and somewhat loosely defined group,1 including such things as predictions based on the day of the week on which something occurs, predictions based on natural phenomena such as thunder or wind,2 lists of lucky and unlucky days in the year (sometimes called ‘Egyptian’ days),3 lunaria or calendars for the lunar month listing good and bad days for illness, bloodletting, childbirth, or the interpretation of dreams,4 alphabetical lists giving the meaning of objects seen in dreams (the Somniale Danielis),5 and numerological devices for predicting the outcome of an illness.6 Prognostics differ from most later systems 1

2 3

4

5

6

Various criteria have been proposed to define a corpus of prognostics texts, and various schema have been used to organize texts within that corpus. Recent catalogues and typologies of prognostics include S. Hollis and M. Wright, Old English Prose of Secular Learning, Annotated Bibliographies of Old and Middle English Literature 4 (Cambridge, 1992), 257–69; Liuzza, ‘Anglo-Saxon Prognostics in Context’, and Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics. For the latter see R. M. Liuzza, ‘What the Thunder Said: Anglo-Saxon Brontologies and the Problem of Sources’, Review of English Studies 55 (2004), 1–23. Several different sorts of days are labeled ‘Egyptian’; these may be three days in the year, two days in each month, or one day in each month. See L. Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science, 8 vols. (New York, 1923–58), I, 685–96; J. Loiseleur, ‘Les jours egyptiens. Leur variations dans le calendriers du moyen âge’, Memoires de la Société des antiquaires de France 33 (1872), 198–253, and R. Steele, ‘Dies Aegyptiaci’, Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine 13, suppl. (1919), 108–21. For an early version of this tradition (unrelated to surviving Anglo-Saxon versions) see H. Stuart, ‘A Ninth Century Account of Diets and Dies Aegyptiaci’, Scriptorium 33 (1979), 237–44. According to Bede (De Temporum Ratione xxxvi.8–12, Bedae Opera de Temporibus, ed. C. W. Jones, Medieval Academy of America Publications 41, Cambridge, MA, 1943), the moon takes 27 days, 8 hours to complete its circuit around the earth, but because the earth is also moving while the moon revolves around it, the time from one new moon to the next—the synodical lunar month or ‘lunation’—is slightly longer, traditionally 29½ days. This was usually accommodated by alternating lunar months of 29 and 30 days; lunaria always have 30 days. See Thorndike, History of Magic and Experimental Science, II, 290–302; A. Epe, Wissenliteratur im angelsächsischen England: Das Fachschrifttum der vergessenen Artes mechanicae und Artes magica. Mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des Somniale Danielis: Edition der (lateinisch-) altenglischen Fassungen (Münster, 1995); S. R. Fischer, The Complete Medieval Dreambook. A Multilingual, Alphabetical Somnia Danielis Collation (Frankfurt, 1982); and L. T. Martin, Somniale Danielis: An Edition of a Medieval Latin Dream Interpretation Handbook (Frankfurt, 1981). See R. M. Liuzza, ‘The Sphere of Life and Death: Time, Medicine and the Visual Imagination’, in Latin Learning and English Lore: Studies in Anglo-Saxon Literature for Michael Lapidge, ed. K. O’Brien O’Keeffe and A. Orchard (Toronto, 2005), II, 28–52. Two versions, the ‘Sphere of Pythagoras’ and the ‘Sphere of Apuleius’, are textually distinct but identical in method; the more complex ‘Sphere of Petosiris’ uses the same method but is usually accompanied by a different

1

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Introduction used to obtain knowledge of future events in the fact that they are calendrical rather than astrological—that is, their predictions are derived not by calculating the positions and influences of the stars and planets but by observing the cycles of days, months, and years. While prognostication or prediction appears to be a universal human activity found in virtually all cultures, surviving Anglo-Saxon texts labeled ‘prognostics’ derive from continental Latin sources rather than native Germanic traditions; they are in that sense works of science and learning rather than folklore or popular belief. It is generally thought that prognostics originated in a late-classical Hellenistic milieu; most of the texts represented in T are found in Greek versions, but since these versions are often later than the earliest surviving Latin copies, one can only presume that the texts were translated from Greek into Latin and not vice versa.7 Prognostic texts appear to have been among the general flotsam of information that survived the end of organized Roman education; their reliance on astronomical observation rather than explicitly pagan divinatory practices may account for their apparently easy transition into Christian culture. Many texts were probably transmitted through both written and oral channels as a combination of reference-works and practices, science and craft, authority and experience. They owe their textual survival to the burst of scientific, ecclesiastical, organizational, and scholarly activity at the beginning of the ninth century collectively called the ‘Carolingian Renaissance’.8

7

8

diagram and a longer text, on which see T. G. Tolles, ‘The Latin Tradition of the Epistola Petosiridis’, Manuscripta 26 (1982), 50–60. For Greek analogues to specific Latin and English prognostics, see Förster, ‘Die altenglischen Verzeichnisse von Glücks- und Unglückstagen’, p. 264 (Twenty-Four Critical Days) and 276 (Three Critical Mondays). See D. A. Bullough, ‘Roman Books and the Carolingian “Renovatio”’, in Renaissance and Renewal in Christian History, Studies in Church History 14 (1977), 23–50. Bullough is sceptical about the presence of Greek manuscripts and readers at Charlemagne’s court (D. A. Bullough, ‘Charlemagne’s Court Library Revisited’, Early Medieval Europe 12 (2003), 339–63, at p. 344). One may also regard the frequently erroneous Greek transliterations in ninth century manuscripts as evidence of the scarcity of grammars and dictionaries, and the scholars and scribes capable of understanding them; see B. Bischoff, ‘The Study of Foreign Languages in the Middle Ages’, Speculum 36 (1961), 209–24, at pp. 215–16, and B. M. Kaczynski, Greek in the Carolingian Age: The St. Gall Manuscripts, Speculum Anniversary Monographs 13 (Cambridge, MA, 1988). But most prognostic texts were probably translated into Latin before the beginning of the ninth century, transmitted in medical and computus collections which have not survived. Carolingian educational efforts and intellectual activity only helped gather these texts in one place and spread them throughout Europe.

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Prognostics in Anglo-Saxon and Related Manuscripts

1 Prognostics in Anglo-Saxon and Related Manuscripts Prognostics survive in at least thirty Anglo-Saxon manuscripts and dozens of continental manuscripts whose number and variety defy categorization.9 Most appear singly, or in small groups of two or three, either copied among or added to texts on other subjects. A number of eleventh- and early-twelfth-century English manuscripts, however, collect prognostic texts into a series; by far the richest and most complex of these is found in Cotton Tiberius A.iii. The texts collected there reveal connections among manuscripts and religious houses that may allow us to reconstruct the origin and use of these texts in Anglo-Saxon culture.10 Anglo-Saxon manuscripts London, BL, Cotton Tiberius A.iii (T) Provenance: s. ximed, Christ Church, Canterbury11 This is a large and varied manuscript containing ninety-one items in Latin and Old English on 172 original folios. The manuscript has been described in detail elsewhere;12 its attribution to the cathedral priory of Christ Church, Canterbury, rests upon both internal and external evidence and has not been seriously challenged.13 T was damaged, though not severely, in the Cottonian fire of 1731 and its 9

10

11

12 13

The catalogues of Beccaria and Wickersheimer are indispensable resources for any survey of continental texts, but they do not include Insular manuscripts, and include only a portion of the surviving manuscripts that contain prognostics. C. Weisser, Studien zum mittelalterlichen Krankheitslunar, Würzurger medizin-historische Forschungen 21 (Würzburg, 1982), 43–56, lists over 125 manuscripts containing lunaria, and Martin, Somniale Danielis, 13–62, notes seventy-three manuscripts containing versions of the Somniale Danielis. The following survey of manuscripts lists only those most directly relevant to the study of the texts found in Cotton Tiberius A.iii; it is by no means intended to be a complete list. These descriptions expand and correct some of the entries in Liuzza, ‘Anglo-Saxon Prognostics in Context’. Where possible, English texts are referred to by their classification in FC. Ker 186, Gneuss 363. Fols. 174–9 are later additions, probably added by Sir Robert Cotton and taken from other Anglo-Saxon manuscripts; see T. Symons, ‘The Introduction of Monks at Christ Church, Canterbury’, Journal of Theological Studies 27 (1926), 409–11. The best recent descriptions are Gneuss, ‘Origin and Provenance’ and Cooper, ‘Reconstructing a Deconstructed Manuscript’. Evidence for a Christ Church origin and provenance is given by Gneuss, ‘Origin and Provenance’, and Cooper, ‘Reconstructing a Deconstructed Manuscript’, 25–47. Some scholars have expressed reservations about the certainty of this attribution; C. Hohler, ‘Some Service Books of the Later Saxon Church’, in Tenth-Century Studies. Essays in Commemoration of the Millennium of the Council of Winchester and Regularis Concordia, ed. D. Parsons (London, 1975), pp. 60–83 and 217–27, expresses a ‘quibble about the precise sense in which BM Cot. Tib. A.iii is a Christ Church book’ (p. 220 n. 10). M. O. Budny, ‘British Library Manuscript Royal 1.E.VI: the Anatomy of an

3

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Introduction leaves are now somewhat disordered and mounted separately, but the reconstruction of the manuscript’s original quiring by Ker is generally accepted as correct.14 Five different hands have been identified in the manuscript; their distribution across quires and texts suggests that five scribes were working together, and there is no evidence that (apart from the later fols. 174–9) the manuscript is composed of originally separate booklets of material.15 The manuscript begins in an orderly, indeed rather stately, way with a full-page illustration of St Benedict (now 117v) followed by a glossed copy of the Benedictine Rule and related texts (118r–173v), then another full-page illustration (2v) of a seated king (presumably Edgar) flanked by two ecclesiastics (presumably Dunstan and Æthelwold),16 and finally a glossed copy of the Regularis Concordia (3r–27v).17 This carefully presented series of interrelated texts is followed by a collection of eighteen prognostics on fols. 27–42.18 The Latin text of the first seven of these is in the same hand as the text of Regularis Concordia, and nothing in the design of the manuscript page indicates a change in subject or sequence.19

14 15

16

17

18 19

Anglo-Saxon Bible Fragment’ (unpubl. PhD dissertation, University of London, 1984), argues that the illustrations in T (117v and 2v) were produced at St Augustine’s rather than Christ Church; Gneuss, ‘Origin and Provenance’, pp. 24–7, offers convincing counter-arguments. Ker 247–8. Förster, ‘Beiträge III’, divided the manuscript into six originally independent sections (fols. 2–56, 57–116, 117–73, and three sections of added material on fols. 174–9), but to my knowledge no later scholarship has corroborated it, and the evidence of the quiring and hands in the manuscript does not support the hypothesis. See, in particular, Cooper, ‘Reconstructing a Deconstructed Manuscript’, pp. 18–24. On these illustrations, see F. Wormald, English Drawings of the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries (London, 1952), no. 31; C.  R. Dodwell, The Canterbury School of Illumination 1066–1200 (Cambridge, 1954), pl. 2 and 3; and E. Temple, Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts 900–1066, A Survey of Manuscripts Illuminated in the British Isles 2 (London, 1976), 118–19 (item 100) and pl. 313–14. See M. Gretsch, Die Regula Sancti Benedicti in England und ihre altenglische Übersetzung, Texte und Untersuchungen zur Englischen Philologie 2 (Munich, 1973), and L. Kornexl, Die Regularis Concordia und ihre altenglische Interlinearversion (Munich, 1993); see also T. Symons, Regularis Concordia: The Monastic Agreement of the Monks and Nuns of the English Nation (New York, 1953) and L. Kornexl, ‘The Regularis Concordia and its Old English Gloss’, Anglo-Saxon England 24 (1995), 95–130. Between these texts is a glossed Latin ‘Admonition concerning the Rule’ by pseudo-Fulgentius, ed. P. Pulsiano, ‘BL Cotton Tiberius A.iii: Fulgentius, Injunction’, American Notes & Queries n.s. 1 (1988), 43–4 and H. Sauer, ‘Die Ermahnung des Pseudo-Fulgentius zur Benediktregel und ihre altenglische Glossierung’, Anglia 102 (1984), 419–25; an epitome of the Rule known as the Memoriale qualiter, ed. A. S. Napier, The Old English Version of the Enlarged Rule of Chrodegang together with the Latin Original. An Old English Version of the ‘Capitula of Theodulf’ together with the Latin original. An Interlinear Old English rendering of the Epitome of Benedict of Aniane, EETS os 150 (London, 1916), 119–28; De Festivitatibus Anni; and the Capitula of Aachen of 818/819, ed. H. Mordek, Bibliotheca Capitularum Regum Francorum Manuscripta, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Hilfsmittel 15 (Munich, 1994), 223–5, and see J. E. Cross, ‘De Festivitatibus Anni and Ansegisus, Capitularum Collectio (817) in Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts’, Liverpool Classical Monthly 17.8 (1992), 119–21. These same texts are found with the Rule of St Benedict in Cambridge, CCC 57 (Abingdon, s. xi1) and London, BL, Harley 5431 (St Augustine’s, Canterbury, s. x/xi or x2). These begin on the verso of quire 116 and end on the second line of quire 131. The title is glossed in a different hand, which appears elsewhere in the manuscript. The gloss to

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Prognostics in Anglo-Saxon and Related Manuscripts T1. 27v–32v Somniale Danielis, Latin with English Gloss (FC C16.1). T2. 32v–35v General lunarium, Latin with English gloss (FC C16.2). T3. 35v–36r Dream lunarium, Latin with English gloss (FC C16.3). T4. 36r–v Revelatio Esdrae, Latin with English gloss, (FC C16.4). T5. 36v Birth lunarium, Latin with English gloss (FC C16.5). T6. 36v–37r Medical lunarium, Latin with English gloss (FC C16.6). T7. 37r–v Thunder prognostic for the hours of the night and day, Latin with English gloss (FC C16.7). T8. 37v–38r Dream lunarium in English (FC B23.3.3.1). T9. 38r–39v Dreambook in English (FC B23.3.3.2). T10. 39v–40r Agenda lunarium in English, ending at day 3 (FC B23.3.3.3). T11. 40r Medical lunarium in English (FC B23.3.3.4). T12. 40r–v Thunder prognostic for days of the week in English (FC B23.3.3.6). T13. 40v General prognostic for the weekday of the new moon in English (FC B23.3.3.7). T14. 40v–41r A note on the growth of the fetus in English (FC B21.4). T15. 41r–v Birth lunarium in English (FC B23.3.3.5). T16. 41v–42r Revelatio Esdrae in English (FC B23.3.3.9). T17. 42r–v Dreambook in English (FC B23.3.3.10). T18. 42v–43r List of Omens in pregnancy in English (FC B23.3.3.8). These are followed (43r–56v) by a group of short biblical commonplaces and a collection of confessional prayers, mostly in English.20 A second group of prognostic texts, all in Latin, appears on 65r–v of T (the beginning of quire 13) before a copy of Ælfric’s De Temporibus Anni and another small group of biblical commonplaces concerned with measurement. The texts are in the same hand that wrote the gloss to the Benedictine Rule elsewhere in the items 5–7 is quite a bit less careful than elsewhere; the scribe appears to have too much ink on his pen, and seems unhandy at writing a smaller-sized gloss text (the same hand is much more regular when writing larger text). English prognostics (items 8–18), except for the last two lines of item 18 (which are the first two lines of quire 13), are written by one scribe who also wrote the English gloss to Regularis Concordia. 20 These items (9a-l in Ker’s list of the manuscript’s contents), are edited or collated in various places: 9a, 9d, 9e, and 9f are in P. Pulsiano and J. McGowan, ‘Four Unedited Prayers in London, British Library Cotton Tiberius A.iii’, Medieval Studies 56 (1994), 189–216; these four prayers also appear in the Regius Psalter (London, BL, Royal 2. B. V), and the second is also found in Cambridge, CCC 391, pp. 601–3. 9b is edited by Förster in ‘Beiträge III’, pp. 45–6. 9c is in Latin and as far as I know is unpublished. 9g, an extract from Augustine’s Soliloquies, is ed. H. Logeman, ‘Anglo-Saxonica Minora (II)’, Anglia 12 (1889), 511–13. 9h and 9i are edited in H. Sauer, ‘Zwei spätaltenglische Beichtermahnungen aus Hs. Cotton Tiberius A.iii’, Anglia 98 (1980), 1–33. 9j, 9k, 9l (along with nos. 21a–21g in Ker’s numerations, more texts containing directions for confessors on 94v–97r) are coll. R. Fowler, ‘A Late Old English Handbook for the Use of a Confessor’, Anglia 83 (1965), 1–34.

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Introduction manuscript.21 Two of these texts, T21 and T22 (birth and medical lunaria respectively), are identical to the Latin versions found earlier in the manuscript. T19. 65r Bloodletting lunarium in Latin. T20. 65r Birth prognostic for days of the week in Latin. T21. 65r–v Birth lunarium in Latin = T5. T22. 65v Medical lunarium in Latin = T6. Ends at day 7 and is immediately followed on the same line by the Latin heading of Ælfric’s De Temporibus Anni, c. 2, De primo die seculi siue de equinoctio uernali.22 T contains a wide variety of texts, including homilies, confessional tracts, offices, prayers, numerous short texts, and glossed copies of the Benedictine Rule and Regularis Concordia. Some of these are specifically concerned with reformed Benedictine monasticism; others seem more useful for pastoral care.23 Texts such as the Office of the Virgin (107v–111v) and a treatise on monastic sign-language (97r–101v)24 are consistent with the monastic programme implied by the sequence of texts with which the manuscript begins; a glossed copy of Ælfric’s Colloquy (60v–64v) and a copy of his De Temporibus Anni (65v–73r) are also important works of monastic pedagogy. Other texts, however, seem at odds with this focus on the organization of monastic life, including a group of fifteen homilies on 77v–93v which begins with a version of Ælfric’s Palm Sunday homily heavily and minutely altered to make the text more understandable to an audience unfamiliar with the Bible,25 and includes abbreviations of Wulfstan material and anonymous exhortations on fasting and tithes, all apparently designed for lay preaching rather than monastic reading.26 Other pastoral texts include English directions for confessors, including instructions for hearing confessions from laymen (94v–97r).27 This range of material in T reflects the unusual situation of its compilers at Christ Church, Canterbury.28 The manuscript is usually assumed to have been 21 22

23

24 25

26 27 28

I am grateful to Dr Rohini Jayatilaka for confirming this analysis of the hands in the manuscript. This copy of De Temporibus Anni places ch. 1 at the end of the text, as does the copy in Æ; see Ælfric’s De Temporibus Anni, ed. H. Henel, EETS os 213 (London, 1942), pp. xii, xxi. Henel describes this copy as ‘the poorest among the complete MSS. of our text’ (p. xii). M. Clayton and H. Magennis, The Old English Lives of St Margaret, Cambridge Studies in AngloSaxon England 9 (Cambridge and New York, 1994), characterize T as ‘a type of reference book’ (pp. 85–6). The latter ed. D. Banham, Monasteriales Indicia: the Anglo-Saxon Monastic Sign Language (Pinner, Middlesex, 1991). Ælfric, Catholic Homilies II.14. The text is not collated with other versions of the homily in M. Godden, Ælfric’s Catholic Homilies, The Second Series: Text, EETS ss 5 (Oxford, 1979), but is edited separately (the text is described on pp. lv–lvi and edited on pp. 381–90). Some of the alterations may not be original to T. For a detailed examination of these homilies see T.-A. Cooper, ‘The Homilies of a Pragmatic Archbishop’s Handbook in Context: Cotton Tiberius A.iii’, Anglo-Norman Studies 28 (2006), 47–64. Ed. Fowler, ‘A Late Old English Handbook’. The authoritative work on Canterbury monasticism is N. Brooks, The Early History of the Church of Canterbury: Christ Church from 597 to 1066 (Leicester, 1984); see also his ‘The Anglo-Saxon Cathedral Community, 597–1070’, in A History of Canterbury Cathedral, ed. P. Collinson, N. Ramsay, and M. Sparks (Oxford, 1995), pp. 1–37. On Dunstan specifically, see N. Brooks, ‘The

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Prognostics in Anglo-Saxon and Related Manuscripts made in the second half of the eleventh century, but Cooper offers an interesting re-examination of the grounds on which this dating rests,29 suggesting that the manuscript’s creation was in fact at the earlier end of the range indicated by Ker’s date of ‘s. xi med.’. A slightly earlier date places the compilation of T not in the strictly reformed monastic Christ Church of the 1050s, nor the difficult episcopacy of Stigand in the 1060s, but in a mixed community containing both Bene­ dictine monks and secular canons and priests; Cooper suggests an origin during the episcopacy of Lyfing (1012–20) or Æthelnoth (1020–38).30 Both men were originally monks at Glastonbury and proponents of the ideal of an English Church led by monastic houses, but they were also archbishops with close ties to secular rulers and pastoral responsibility for churches in Kent and indeed throughout England.31 Cooper describes the book as a ‘handbook’ or ‘commonplace book’ for the archbishop of Canterbury;32 even if this is not strictly true in the literal sense, the range of texts in T reflects both the diverse functions of the archbishop and the mixed history of the cathedral community, proud of its place in the reform movement begun by Dunstan and his successors but equally committed to pastoral service. If the manuscript may be best understood in the context of the diverse functions of the cathedral community at Christ Church, then perhaps its collection of prognostics—texts arising from a close attention to temporal discipline

29

30

31

32

Career of St Dunstan’, in St Dunstan: His Life, Times and Cult, ed. N. Ramsay and M. Sparks (Woodbridge, 1992), pp. 1–24, and A. Thacker, ‘Cults at Canterbury: Relics and Reform under Dunstan and His Successors’, in St Dunstan: His Life, Times and Cult, pp. 221–46. ‘Reconstructing a Deconstructed Manuscript’, pp. 48–66. Her argument rests on several points: 1. the fact that the name of Ælfheah (archbishop of Canterbury who was martyred in 1012 but whose relics were not translated to Christ Church until 1023) appears in the Litany on 112r but is not capitalized, which might point to a date somewhere between his death and his translation; 2. two proper names added in the late eleventh century, ‘elurici bate’ (e.g., Ælfric Bata) on 117r and ‘Eadwi m . . .’ on 164r (which Richard Pfaff argues reads ‘Eadwi munuc’ and refers to the Christ Church scribe Eadwig Basan), refer to members of the Christ Church community active in the first decades rather than the middle of the eleventh century; see D. Porter, ‘Ælfric’s Colloquy and Ælfric Bata’, Neophilologus 80 (1996), 639–60, and R. W. Pfaff, ‘Eadui Basan: Scriptorum Princeps?’, in England in the Eleventh Century: Proceedings of the 1990 Harlaxtan Symposium, ed. C. Hicks, Harlaxton Medieval Studies 2 (Stamford, 1992), pp. 267–83; 3. the illustrations in T, generally regarded as being from the second half of the eleventh century, may be earlier than previously thought or, since both are on single half-sheets, may have been added to the manuscript later; 4. numerous similarities exist between the hand known as Scribe One in T and the hands of other scribes known to have worked in Christ Church in the first quarter of the eleventh century. On the relatively late date of Canterbury’s conversion to a wholly monastic establishment—well after Dunstan’s time—see Brooks, The Early History of the Church at Canterbury, pp. 251–3, who suggests that ‘we should, perhaps, think in terms of a gradual evolution’ from secular to monastic organization (256). An earlier date also places the origins of T in a more peaceful and prosperous period than the turbulent years of subsequent archbishops such as Siward (1042–8) or Stigand (1052–70), for which see Brooks, Early History, pp. 299–310. M. F. Giandrea, Episcopal Culture in Late Anglo-Saxon England (Woodbridge, 2007), presents convincing evidence for the extent to which bishops and monks were involved in secular affairs, and the degree to which secular clergy observed monastic disciplines such as the recitation of the Divine Office, blurring any strict distinctions between secular and monastic clergy in the reform period. ‘The Homilies of a Pragmatic Archbishop’s Handbook in Context’, pp. 47–8. She likens it in this respect to Æ, the ‘Ælfwine Prayerbook’, discussed below.

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Introduction and deep commitment to textual authority, but equally concerned with allaying the anxiety arising from the unpredictable course of daily secular life—might be similarly characterized as both monastic and pastoral texts. Cambridge, CCC 391 (W) Provenance: s. xi2, Worcester Cathedral Priory33 This manuscript has 362 folios (paginated 1–724) in several contemporary hands, with some additions of s. xii and s. xiii. It contains a Gallican Psalter and Canticles (pp. 24–294), Collectar (pp. 295–560), Latin calendar and computus material (pp. 1–23), and other liturgical items.34 This manuscript, known as the ‘Portiforium of St Wulfstan’, may have belonged to Wulfstan of Worcester (c. 1008–95) and is one of only a few witnesses to the early development of the breviary in England. Hughes suggests that similarities to the Winchester prayerbook now preserved as London, BL, Cotton Galba A.xiv, and the general character of the calendar, argue that the exemplar of the manuscript was from Winchester; some texts, such as the prayers to the Cross on pp. 617–18, are similar to those in T.35 A final quire (pp. 713–21)36 contains a set of eight prognostic texts in English, incomplete at the beginning, in the same hand as the Latin of the main text: W1. p. 713 General prognostic based on sunshine during the twelve days of Christmas (FC B23.3.1.1) = H6. W2. p. 713–15 Prognostics by thunder based on the day of the week, time of day, and direction in which thunder is heard (FC B23.3.1.2), the first part of which = T12 H9. W3. p. 715 Birth prognostic by day of the week (FC B23.3.1.3), similar to H3. Not a translation of T20. W4. p. 716 Birth lunarium (FC B23.3.1.4) = T15 C8 H2. Ker 67, Gneuss 104. M. O. Budny, Insular, Anglo-Saxon, and Early Anglo-Norman Manuscript Art at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge: An Illustrated Catalogue (Kalamazoo, MI, 1997) says that the manuscript is ‘datable, at least in part, between 1064 and 1069’ (p. 631). 34 Most of the liturgical material is presented in The Portiforium of Saint Wulfstan, ed. A. Hughes, Henry Bradshaw Society 89 and 90 (London, 1958–60). Of the prognostic material Hughes says only, ‘As these are of no liturgical significance, they are not presented here’ (II, 65). 35 See P. Pulsiano, ‘British Library, Cotton Tiberius A.iii, fol. 59rv: An Unrecorded Charm in the Form of an Address to the Cross’, American Notes & Queries n.s. 4 (1991), 3–5, and R. M. Liuzza, ‘Prayers and/or Charms to the Cross’, in Cross and Culture in Anglo-Saxon England: Studies in Honor of George Hardin Brown, ed. K. L. Jolly, C. E. Karkov, and S. L. Keefer (Morgantown, WV, 2007), pp. 279–323. 36 M. R. James, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (Cambridge, 1912), no. 391, says the last quire consists of 6 leaves, but this is probably incorrect; a revised collation (first proposed by K. D. Hartzell) indicates that the prognostic material formed a separate quire of 8, now missing 1, 7–8 (8 probably blank) + 1 leaf (p. 723–4) inserted after 6. 33

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Prognostics in Anglo-Saxon and Related Manuscripts W5. pp. 717–18 Medical lunarium (FC B23.3.1.5), somewhat similar to T11. W4 and W5 have the appearance of having been written to fit on one page each. The last sentence, at the top of the following page, begins with a large capital letter, and the following item omits an initial capital, making it easy to mistake the boundaries between texts. W6. p. 718 A list of the three marvelous days (FC B23.2.1.1) = C6 Vi5. W7. p. 718 A list of three unlucky days for bloodletting (FC B23.2.1.2) = Vi6. W8. pp. 718–21 Dream lunarium, first in Latin, including verses from Psalms for each day, then in English (FC B23.3.1.6); the latter part = T8 C7. In the blank space at the bottom of p. 721 the ‘Tremulous Scribe’ of Worcester has written a modernized version of the opening lines of W7: ‘ð þreo dawes beoþ on tweolf moneþ. þ∧.∨ beaþ swuþe unhalewende monne oþer nutene. blod on to forletene. oþer driic [sic] to drinkene. þet is þe æftemeste monandai’. The next few lines are blank, and the bottom half of the leaf has been cut away. London, BL, Cotton Caligula A.xv, fols. 120–53 + London, BL, Egerton 3314, fols. 9–72 (C) Provenance: s. xiexp (after 1085), Christ Church, Canterbury37 Ker describes the contents of Cotton Caligula A.xv, the latter part of a composite manuscript,38 as ‘three quires containing notes on computus and the calculation and observance of church services, a table of years and annals of Christ Church, Canterbury, lunar prognostics, charms and other notes’.39 Prognostic texts are closely related to those in T, but appear alongside other texts not found in T such as lists of lucky and unlucky days; they are copied among computus texts such as notes on ferial regulars, concurrents, and epacts, and extracts from Ælfric’s De Temporibus Anni (142r–153v) from the same textual family as T.40 In 1966 P. J. Willets demonstrated that these quires were originally part of BL, Egerton 3314, a Latin computus manuscript once belonging to John Dee. A thirteenthcentury hand titles the Egerton manuscript Ædthelardus de compoto; fol. 144 of the Caligula manuscript has the same title in a sixteenth-century hand. This is probably the computus Adelardi in Eastry’s fourteenth-century catalogue of Christ Church;41 the English and Latin portions of the manuscript were presumably separated in the sixteenth century. 37

38 39 40 41

Ker 139A, Gneuss 411. The best description of the manuscript remains that of P. J. Willetts, ‘A Reconstructed Astronomical MS from Christ Church Canterbury’, British Museum Quarterly 30 (1966), 22–9, to which the following section is heavily indebted. Fols. 3–117 (Gneuss 311), containing texts by Jerome, Isidore, and Cyprian, and computus texts, is from NE France, s. viii, but was in England by s. ix/x. Ker, p. 173. Ælfric’s De Temporibus Anni, ed. Henel, pp. xxxv–xxxviii. M. R. James, Ancient Libraries of Canterbury and Dover (Cambridge, 1903), p. 49, no. 287.

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Introduction The original structure of the manuscript has been completely altered; its reconstruction is worth describing in some detail to show the close kinship between English and Latin texts, and between computus and prognostic material, in manuscripts of this period.42 In its original form, the manuscript had the following order: Quire 18 (Egerton fols. 1–8): a preliminary quire added s. xiiexp containing notes on computus in the hand of Salomon, a monk of Christ Church c. 1180–1200. 6v–8r contain notes on the treatise of the Cunestabulus marked by marginal letters, whose original, Willets argues, is the copy in London, BL Cotton Vitellius A.xii (Sa), 87r–97v. This treatise was probably written in 1175, and the computus shows Arabic influence.43 Quire 28 (Caligula fols. 120–7): Easter tables (123v–124r have a line of runes along the bottom) and computus. 125v–126r form a single layout: C1. 125v The Sphere of Apuleius, with the verses Collige per numeros [sic] above a complex diagram similar to that usually found with the ‘Sphere of Petosiris’.44 C2. 125v–126r A list of the days of the lunar month runs down the right side of 125v; the facing 126r contains, in two columns, Latin and English versions of a medical lunarium identical to and presumably derived from the text and gloss of T6, but placing the gloss in a separate and equal column (B23.3.2.1). 126v–127r are similar to the previous folios in both layout and language, but contain notes on computus in English and Latin, beginning ‘On anre nihta eald mona. ⁊ on .xxix. scinð iiii. pricena lengce’ (B20.9) and ‘Luna i. iiii punctos lucet aeque iiii’. Quires 38, 46 (Caligula fols. 128–35, 36–41): computus and prognostics: C3. 129v–130r At the bottom of 129v, following a Latin note on lunar duration, is a preface to a version of the Twenty-Four Critical Days, beginning Non interficias nec sanguis relaxetur. The text introduces a chart on the facing 130r; initials are written in alternating red and green, and the days listed are written in red. C4. 130r English list of twenty-four unlucky days (B23.2.5.1) = Vi2. The days are not the same as those in the Latin chart above it. The text is followed by a rule on finding the date of Advent in English. 130v. A rule in English for finding the date of Easter, beginning ‘Ealde witan ⁊ wise romane gesetton on gerimcræfte’ (pr. H. Henel, Studien zum altenglischen Computus (Leipzig, 1934; repr. 1967), p. 46). C5. 130v–131r A list of the twenty-four days in the year (two in each month) on which it is not good to let blood, beginning ‘Ða ealdan læces’ (FC B23.2.3.2) = Vi7. The list begins in March. 42

Ker offers an accurate account of the English contents of C, but by presenting them without the Latin texts that accompany them, his description is potentially misleading. 43 C. H. Haskins, Studies in the History of Medieval Science (Cambridge, MA, 1927), pp. 84–5. 44 See Liuzza, ‘The Sphere of Life and Death’.

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Prognostics in Anglo-Saxon and Related Manuscripts C6. 131r English note on the Three Marvelous Days (FC B23.2.3.3) = Vi5 W6. Followed by notes on finding the dates of Septuagesima, Lent, and Easter, on Concurrents and Epacts, and other topics, all pr. Cockayne, Leechdoms, III, 226–8. C7. 131v–132r Dream lunarium in English (B23.3.2.2) = T8. C8. 132r Birth lunarium in English (B23.3.2.3) = T15. 132v–139r Easter tables for the years 988–1193, annotated in a variety of Christ Church hands. 139v Notes on the six ages of the world and on Mary and Adam, in English. The note on Mary is also found in T, 44r.45 140rv Note on a miraculous charm brought by an angel to the altar of St Peter’s in Rome, with introduction in English and text in Latin and gibberish, pr. Cockayne, Leechdoms, III, 288–91; a note from Pope Damasus on the proper time to say mass (pr. A. S. Napier, ‘Altenglische Kleinigkeiten’, Anglia 11 (1889), 1–10, at p. 7) closely related to a version in London, BL, Stowe 944, 59v–60r. 140v Latin notes on the length of seasons. 141rv Computus notes in Latin in a later hand (s. xii). Quire 58 (5 blank, 6 and 7 are stubs), Egerton fols. 9–13: More notes on computus followed by mnemonic verses for finding Septuagesima, Quadragesima, Easter, Rogation and Pentecost.46 A fifteenth-century hand has added some astrological prognostications on 9v, beginning natus in aquario negligens erit. 13rv Tables added in an early-fifteenth-century hand identical to that which added continuations of paschal tables elsewhere. The dates are 1406–33 and 1420–47. Quires 68, 78, 88, 98 (4 and 5 are half-sheets, 8 is now Caligula A.xv, fol. 142). Egerton fols. 14–21, 22–9, 30–7, 38–44: extract from a treatise on computus by Hermannus Contractus, calendar with notes, Easter tables, notes on computus, a list of the archbishops of Canterbury from Augustine to Anselm (consecrated 1093), with additions to Richard of Dover (consecrated 1174). As originally constructed—the disposition of texts and quires confirms that this is the original order of folios—a number of leaves were left blank for unknown reasons (32v, 33rv, most of 37r and all of 37v, 38r–40v); the unusual construction of quire 9, with two half-sheets in the middle of the quire, suggests that something may have been wrong with the original contents. Added material now fills many of these blank spaces. 37r–38v contain a general lunar prognostic added in the thirteenth century in two hands; the first (which is more formal and possibly earlier) ends at 5.2 mortuus; the second hand is more current and seems later. The text is identical in all but a few details to the text of T2, including the incongruous ending Finiunt somnia danielis prophetæ, and is almost certainly a copy of it. 39r–40v contain 45 46

Both are pr. A. S. Napier, ‘Altenglische Kleinigkeiten’, Anglia 11 (1889), 6–7. Most of these are in K. Strecker, Poetae Latini Aevi Carolini, IV.2, Monumenta Germaniae Historica (1923), 670–1, 701–2; and see C. W. Jones, ed., Bedae Pseudepigrapha, Scientific Writings Falsely Attributed to Bede (Ithaca, NY, 1939; repr. in his Bede, The Schools, and the Computus, Aldershot, 1994), p. 57, and H. Henel, Studien zum altenglischen Computus (Leipzig, 1934), pp. 25–6.

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Introduction short texts entitled Commendacio Britannie, Beda De Situ Britannie, De mirabilibus Britannie, added in a later hand which may be the same as the second hand of the prognostic added on fols. 37–8. 41r–44v contain notes on computus, in the main hand of the manuscript, from Bede and other sources, beginning Quinque residuos egiptiorum dies and ending imperfectly at 44v—the last lines, in the same hand, are on 142r of Caligula A.xv, which is the last leaf of quire 9. Caligula A.xv, fol. 142r, continues with English notes on computus from Ælfric and Byrhtferth.47 Extracts on the date of the equinox, the bissextile, and the saltus lunae are taken from c. vi–viii of Ælfric De Temporibus Anni; a following text, beginning ‘Gy[f] þu wilt witan mid gesceade hwanun comon Martio þam monðe þa fif regulares’ (FC B20.3.1), has been attributed to Byrhtferth of Ramsey.48 Quires 108, 11 a singleton (Caligula fols. 143–52, 153). Extracts in English on computus; a section of Ælfric’s De Temporibus Anni (iv.1–xi.4),49 which ends with ‘eorðlice wæstmas forgyfan’. xi.4, at the bottom of a page but not quite at the end of a line. Quires 128, 138, 1410 (5 and 7 are stubs), 158 (7 is a stub). Egerton fols. 45–52, 53–60, 61–8, 69–75: Latin notes on computus, stars, wind, rain, etc. deriving partly from Bede (including the treatise on finger calculation, fols. 73–5, from the first chapter of De Temporum Ratione) and Isidore, but also (47v–48r) Hrabanus Maurus. Willets observes that ‘there is some relationship in the order and sources of the material here included and the arrangement of Ælfric’s treatise in [C]—i.e., the De Temporibus Anni. The script, particularly the rubrics, also bears some resemblance to that of the Anglo-Saxon work.’50 Among these is one prognostic text: C9. 50r3–50v1 Verses on Egyptian Days, with prologue and epilogue, titled De Diebus GG, pr. Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, p. 379. Quire 164 (2 is a stub). Egerton 76r–78v. Mainly blank, with scribbles on 78v, some in Salomon’s hand. Reconstructed in this way, C offers an excellent example of the close connection between computus and prognostics—even the language and page layout of the texts mirror one another—the intertwining of Latin and English texts later separated by collectors and catalogues, and the continuing circulation and use of such material well into the twelfth century and beyond. If some texts in C were indeed copied from T, they suggest that the separation of prognostic texts from other contexts was not a universal tendency; if they were copied from a common exemplar, they suggest that the compilers of T were unusually selective in their choice of texts, including only certain types of prognostics and excluding closely similar texts and related works on computus. See Henel, Studien, pp. 51–4. The text is pr. in Byrhtferth’s Enchiridion, ed. P. S. Baker and M. Lapidge, EETS ss 15 (Oxford, 1995), 429–30, who note that ‘the style of the fragment is consistent with that of Byrhtferth’ (p. 429). 49 Ælfric’s De Temporibus Anni, ed. Henel, pp. xxxv–xxxviii. 50 Willets, ‘A Reconstructed Astronomical MS’, p. 28. 47 48

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Prognostics in Anglo-Saxon and Related Manuscripts London, BL, Cotton Titus D.xxvi, xxvii (Æ) Provenance: s. xi1, New Minster, Winchester51 These are two pocket-sized volumes, originally one (in the order D.xxvii – D.xxvi), written for Ælfwine, dean and later abbot of New Minster Winchester. They contains Latin prayers, offices, religious texts, a calendar and computus. Günzel characterizes the volume as a prayerbook for private and public use: ‘If it was Ælfwine’s duty, as a dean, to supervise outlying estates of the New Minster, it must be assumed that he spent much time travelling. D.xxvii and D.xxvi would then have been useful as a book which he could take with him and which would have served him both in his private devotions and in the public liturgy which he, as a dean, would have overseen in the choir’ (p. 59). Ælfwine’s private interests evidently included prognostication; prognostics appear throughout the manuscript:52 (Titus D.xxvii) Æ1. 2r Bloodletting lunarium. Not similar to T19. Æ18. 22r–23r Verses on Egyptian Days, beginning Iani prima dies, et septima fine timetur, with prose commentary;53 followed by a warning against the Three Critical Mondays, beginning Super omnes hos sunt etiam isti obseruabiles and a warning against the dies caniculares and other lunar days. 23r–25r Latin computus notes on the saltus lunae, the length of the day, finding Easter, Concurrents, etc. Æ32. 25rv Revelatio Esdrae, similar to T4. 26r–27r A prayer beginning Ante oculos tuos, Domine, culpas quas fecimus et plagas quas excepimus conferimus. Æ35. 27r–29v General lunarium, titled Argumentum lunare ad requirendum quomodo luna qualiter observitur. Not similar to T2. 30r–55r Ælfric, De Temporibus Anni; a Latin note on indulgences; English notes on Feastdays, Concurrents, and Epacts. Æ40. 55v–56v Alphabet prognostic, in English, added by a different hand on blank leaves at the end of a quire (FC B.23.3.4).54 Ends with a metrical doxology. Ker 202, Gneuss 380. The whole manuscript is ed. B. Günzel, Ælfwine’s Prayerbook (London, British Library, Cotton Titus D.xxvi + xxvii), Henry Bradshaw Society 108 (London, 1993). 52 For ease of reference, item numbers follow Günzel’s edition. Transcriptions of texts may be found in Günzel’s work. 53 Printed as a Bedan text in Patrologia Latina 90, 955; see Jones, Bedae Pseudepigrapha, p. 73. It is no. 7597 in D. Schaller and E. Könsgen, Initia Carminum Latinorum Saeculo Undecimo Antiquiorum (Göttingen, 1977) and is printed, each line distributed across the twelve months, in Baker and Lapidge’s reconstruction of the calendar of Byrhtferth’s Computus (Byrhtferth’s Enchiridion, pp. 391–416). See also L. Thorndike and P. Kibre, A Catalogue of Incipits of Mediaeval Scientific Writings in Latin (Cambridge, MA, 1963), p. 651. The days in question are 1 and 25 Jan; 4 and 26 Feb; 1 and 28 Mar; 10 and 20 Apr; 3 and 25 May; 10 and 16 June; 13 and 22 Jul; 1 and 30 Aug; 3 and 21 Sep; 3 and 22 Oct; 5 and 28 Nov; 12 and 15 Dec. 54 Described as a ‘dream chancebook’ by S. Kruger, Dreaming in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 51

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Introduction 56v English notes on the relation of the sea and moon, and on the Age of the Virgin. The remainder of Titus D.xxvii (57r–96v) contains Latin prayers and Offices. (Titus D.xxvi) The first two quires of D.xxvi are devoted to prognostics, private prayers, and notes, beginning with directions in English for daily and weekly prayer, then Latin notes on the ages of the world, on the physical stature of Christ and the composition of the cross, then this series of prognostic texts: Æ56. 3v–4r The Three Critical Mondays. Æ57. 4rv The Three Marvelous Days. Æ58. 4v Warnings against dies caniculares and other lunar days. Æ59. 5r A list of Unlucky Days in the year. Æ61. 6rv Bloodletting lunarium = T19. Æ62. 6v–7v Birth prognostic based on the day of the week on which a child is born = T20. Æ63. 7v–8r Birth lunarium = T5, T21. Æ64. 8r–9r Medical lunarium = T6, T22. Æ65. 9rv Dream lunarium, not similar to T3. Æ66. 9v–10v Thunder prognostic for hours of the day and night = T7. Æ67. 10v–11v Revelatio Esdrae, similar to T4. Æ68. 11v–16r Somniale Danielis listing 151 items, apparently derived from one of the same sources as T1. London, BL, Cotton Vitellius E.xviii (Vi) Provenance: s. ximed, Winchester55 A Psalter with preliminary computus, all in same hand as the English gloss to 1992), p. 8, this is more likely a version of the sors biblica, as much a prayer practice as a method of divination: a prayer is said, then the petitioner opens the Bible or Psalter at random, and the first letter on the left-hand page is compared with an alphabetical list of divinatory meanings. Günzel, Ælfwine’s Prayerbook, pp. 61–3, doubts that this is a prognostic, noting that the work is untitled and includes no instructions for its use. But Günzel offers no alternative explanation for this text, and its similarity to other copies of the sortes biblicae is unmistakable. 55 Ker 224, Gneuss 407. A facsimile and description are found in P. Pulsiano, Psalters I, Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts in Microfiche Facsimile 2 (Binghamton, 1994). See also P. Pulsiano, ‘The Prefatory Material of London, British Library, Cotton Vitellius E.xviii’, Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts and their Heritage, ed. P. Pulsiano and E. M. Treharne (Aldershot, 1998), pp. 85–116, and ‘Abbot Ælfwine and the Date of the Vitellius Psalter’, American Notes & Queries 11 (1998), 3–12, where he dates the exemplar of the manuscript to c. 1030 and proposes that Ælfwine, owner and one of the scribes of Æ, was one of the scribes of its prefatory matter. Vi itself, apparently copied c. 1060, is at best a copy of this manuscript, but parallels between content in Vi and Æ make the connection highly plausible.

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Prognostics in Anglo-Saxon and Related Manuscripts the Latin Psalms. The badly damaged leaves in the front of the manuscript contain a calendar, tables, rules for finding Septuagesima and other feasts, rules for determining the age of the moon, notes on concurrents and epacts, charms, and a number of prognostics: Vi1. 2r–7v Verses on Egyptian Days distributed throughout the calendar = Æ18. 8rv Verses on Easter, the limits of feasts, and the calculation of Advent, and an Easter table. 9r Rules for finding Septuagesima and the age of the moon, printed Henel, Studien, pp. 44, 55. Vi2. 9r A list of two unlucky days in each month in English (FC B23.2.5.1) = C4. In the lower margin of 9r is a charm/prayer against fever, added in a different hand. 9v–12r Easter tables. 12r–13r a list of embolismic years, a note on concurrents and epacts (coll. Henel, Studien, p. 51; = Æ39) rules for finding Septuagesima, Lent, and Easter (coll. Henel, Studien, p. 40; = Æ38). Vi3. 13v Prohibition against bloodletting in the dies caniculares, in English (FC B23.4). 13v–14r lunar table and an Easter table. Vi4. 14v The ‘Sphere of Pythagoras’, beginning imperfectly, with a circular diagram. Vi5. 15r The Three Marvelous Days, in English (FC B23.2.5.4) = W6 C6. Essentially a translation of Æ57. Vi6. 15r Three Unlucky Days in the year for bloodletting, in English (FC B23.2.5.2) = W7. Essentially a translation of Æ56. Vi7. 15rv A list of the twenty-four unlucky days for bloodletting, in English (FC B23.2.5.3) = C5. 15v–16r Charms and medical recipes for bees, crops, stock, and against theft, including ‘Columkille’s Circle’ (whose figure is another version of the ‘Sphere of Life and Death’). Vi8. 16r ‘Sphere of Apuleius’, with diagram, titled DE VITA VEL DE MORTE. 16v Riddles and secret writing in Latin and English, some of which is also found in material added to Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Bodley 572, 40r, when that manuscript was at St Augustine’s, Canterbury.

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Introduction London, BL, Sloane 475, fols. 125–231 (S) Provenance: s. xi. Origin unknown56 A composite manuscript of two parts (fols. 1–124 are from s. xii), written in several hands. Both parts contain medical recipes, charms, advice on health, and prognostics, mostly in Latin but two (109rv) in Anglo-Norman. The two parts are similar in content, if not in origin, and do not appear to be far separated in time. In both parts prognostics appear among a variety of medical texts, recipes, charms, and glossaries; this is one of only a few Anglo-Saxon manuscripts that place prognostics in a medical context. The small size, rough hand, variation in the ruling of the page and size of the hand between quires (and sometimes within one quire), and poor Latinity of the texts of this manuscript all suggest that it was a personal book. The prognostics in the later (first) part of the manuscript (fols. 1–124; nos. 1–5 below) are unlike those found in other Anglo-Saxon manuscripts and are apparently not of English origin. (part 1) S1. 4v–6r Dietary and health advice for each month, beginning OBSERVATIO MENSIUM SECUNDUM BEDAM. Hoc mense bibe. iii. gulpos uini ieiunus cotidie electuarium. accipe gingibus.⁊ reopontico utere.57 Sanguinem ne minuere. Iani prima dies. ⁊ septima fine timetur. Luna .i. iiii. v. viiii. xv. egiptiaca. sunt. Agrimenum ⁊ apii. semper bibe. Beccaria 78.2.58 This includes the very common verses on Egyptian Days found in Æ18. S2. 6r A warning against the dies caniculares and the Three Critical Mondays, beginning Caue multum ne in his tribus diebus sanguinem minuere. aut potione bibere. aut de ansere manducare. viii. kl. aprilis die lunis. intrante augusto. die lunis. exeunte decembrio. die lunis. Tunc enim uene in homine. ⁊ in pecude nimis plene sunt. Et ideo mortale periculum est. sangiunem minuere in eis. It is followed by a treatise on bloodletting beginning De quibus locis fleotomamus. Id est de arteriis ii. 7v Treatise on bloodletting, beginning Bonum est per singulos dies. ⁊ menses studium habere. sicut multi auctores scripserunt. S3. 8r. Note on Egyptian Days, beginning hec sunt dies caniculares qous (corr. to quos) greci uocant ⁊ adfirmant. quod per hanc negligentiam infinitus numerus 56

Not in Ker; the latter part is Gneuss 498.5. Beccaria, pp. 255–9, argued for an English origin, and M. L. Cameron, ‘The Sources of Medical Knowledge in Anglo-Saxon England’, Anglo-Saxon England 11 (1983), 135–55, at p. 144, notes that confusion of n and r suggests that the scribe’s exemplar was written in Anglo-Saxon minuscule. This complicated and disheveled manuscript is badly in need of a thorough study; meanwhile, see the remarks in Thorndike, History of Magic and Experimental Science, I, 723–6. 57 Sic; probably for gingiber ⁊ reoponticum usitare debes; this is the reading found in the dietary calendar preserved in London, BL, Harley 3271, 122v; see Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, p. 473. 58 Thorndike and Kibre, A Catalogue of Incipits, p. 632. This is one of the earliest attributions of a prognostic to Bede known to me.

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Prognostics in Anglo-Saxon and Related Manuscripts hominum mortui sunt. Beccaria 78.6. It is followed by another similar text, beginning DIES EGIPTIACI QUI PER TOTUM ANNUM OBSERVANDI SUNT. UT SANGUIS NON MINUETUR. NEC POTIO SUMETUR. ID EST .IIII. NON IAN. VIII KL. FEBR. Ends EXPLICIT LIBER PRIMUS. INCIPIT LIBER .II.DUS. VERSUSQUE. AD MEDICINE LECTOREM. 8v–10r Marcellus, De Medicamentis, beginning Quod feb; docuit. quod chiron achillem. 10r–13r REMI FAVINI DE PONDERIBUS ET MENSURIS. Pondera peoniis veterum memorata libellis. 13r–23r medical recipes, beginning AD STOMACHI DOLOREM UEL AD VARIAS PASSIONES. At 22v these become charms and prayers. 35r–36r dietary calendar of the months of the year. 36r Epistola ypochratis ad antigonum. S4. 37r Bloodletting lunarium titled QUIBUS LUNATIONIBUS BONUM EST SANGUINEM. Beccaria 78.14. For most days the indications differ from those commonly found in Anglo-Saxon lunaria. 58v–60r Monthly diet regimen, beginning IN CIBO ET POTIONE QUID SING[U] LARIS MENSIBUS USITARI OPORTET. 77v A series of texts on signs, beginning INCIPIT PRONOSTICA DEMOCRITI DE FEBRIS SIGNI DE PERICULO. 80r SIGNA URINUM QUAE COGNOSCITUR VITA SI NOCTE IN CALICEM MITTIS AD LUCEM VIDEBIS. S5. 81r–82r Medical lunarium; the title PRONOSTICA AD INFIRMUM is on the bottom of fol. 80v. Thorndike and Kibre, A Catalogue of Incipits, 838; Beccaria 78.18 and p. 420. 82r A dietary calendar, beginning INDITIUM DIVERSARUM POTIONUM. PER SINGULOS MENSES BIBENDARUM PROPTER DIVERSAS HOMINUM INFIRMITATES. Mense ian. Gingiber. sumes. reupontum. It is followed by a treatise on the four humors. 110v A series of medical recipes gives way to charms, parts of which are written in a simple substitution cipher. 111r includes directions for making a magic sigil for protection, beginning Facti fieri unam laminam stagneam. ⁊ depinge tibi in ea .v. infra scriptas litteras. ⁊ porta eandem laminam semper tecum omnes inimici tui uerebunt te. (part 2) 125r–131v Treatise on health, beginning Sanitas est integritas corporis & temperantia nature ex calido & humido quod est sanguis (Isidore, Etymologiae IV.v De quatuor humoribus corporis, and IV.vi De acutis morbis). 131v–132r Short tract on purgation, beginning Hic est purgatio ypcratis satis idonea. 132v is blank.

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Introduction S6. 133rv A version of the ‘Sphere of Apuleius’ with space left on 132v for a rota which has not been added. (Beccaria 78.24a). The text = Vi4 and begins imperfectly & partiris in trigintas .xxx. partes. 133v A Latin charm for fertility: Ad mulier non concipiat scribi in lamella stanni hos carateres. Nam si uis probare in arbore fructiferum subpende ipsa arbor fructum num faciet:, followed by a series of letters and signs. The charm appears again (in slightly different language) on 135v–136r. S7. 135v A list of the best hours in each day of the week for bloodletting, beginning INCIPIUNT ora se quod [sic] sanguinem minuare debes. in primis die dominico hora. iis vis nona. bonum est. Die lunis hora. iiiis. primis. s. xi. bonum est. 137v–138v Instructions for making several protective sigils with magical characters, similar but not identical to that in the first part of the manuscript. 143r–160r Medical-botanical dictionary in alphabetical order, beginning anesus id est herba folia eius coryandro simulant and ending (160r5) ziber. id est. artemisia. zippere. id est galla. The rest of 160r is blank; a large initial I has been written but no text is supplied. 160v–165v Treatise on urine, beginning (imperfectly) on line 6 ut per speciem urinarum propriam & futuram initium. [sic] and ending imperfectly & manicoloris. febris in. 166r–209r Gynecological recipes, entitled Ad omnes quereles mulierum, with a list of contents. 209v–210v Originally blank; recipes have been added in Anglo-French, s. xiv.59 S8. 211r–16v General lunarium, similar in some respects to T2. Begins imperfectly at day 1 & dies utilis est omnibus rebus agendum. Puer natus erit inlustris astutus sapiens literatus. in aqua periclitabit & si euaserit posteriori etate melior erit. Beccaria 78.28.60 S9. 216v–217r Verses on unlucky days with prologue and epilogue, written as prose, beginning Si tenebrȩ egyptus grecos sermone uocantur [sic]. Very similar to the versions found in C9 and in London, BL, Add. 8928, 15r.61 S10. 217rv A version of the Revelatio Esdrae based on the weekday on which Christmas falls. Somewhat similar to the English text in H4. Pr. Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, p. 499. S11. 217v- 218r A version of the Somniale Danielis, beginning Aues in somnis uidere cum ipsis pugnare lites signis. Similar to T1 and Æ68; ends imperfectly after 29 items (only the letters A and B are listed). Printed in T. Hunt, Popular Medicine in Thirteenth-Century England: Introduction and Texts (Woodbridge, 1990), p. 82. 60 Ed. E. Svenberg, De latinska lunaria (Gothenburg, 1936), pp. 25–83 (collated as L3), with corrections in E. Wistrand, Lunariastudien, Göteborgs Högskolas Årsskrift 48 (Göteborg, 1942), pp. 23–35. 61 S. xi, Italy. 76 fols. containing treatises on medicine, including the illustrated Herbarium and the Medicina de Quadrupedibus, annotated throughout by later and modern hands. The poem on Egyptian Days is added in a different hand in an originally blank space at the bottom of 15r. 59

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Prognostics in Anglo-Saxon and Related Manuscripts 218v is blank. 219r–31r Medical recipes. Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Hatton 115 (H) Provenance: s. xi2, at Worcester by 1200, where it received glosses by the wellknown ‘Tremulous’ scribe, but not written there62 A collection of homilies, of unknown origin, consisting of five booklets. The main hand (1060 × 1080) is like that of London, BL, Cotton Faustina A.x (Ker 403). Prognostic material is in a separate quire (fols. 148–55, booklet 5) in a hand of the first half of s. xii; it has recently been suggested that this section was written at Christ Church, Canterbury.63 Franzen notes that ‘the fourth and fifth booklets [fols. 140–7 and 148–55] were treated differently by the tremulous hand from ff. 1–139a, perhaps confirming that they were still separate in the first half of the 13c’.64 The quire containing prognostic texts was neither annotated by the Tremulous Hand nor glossed by him either in English (as in fols. 1–139) or Latin (as in fols. 1–139 and 140–7), but notes by this scribe on 154rv make it certain that this section was part of the manuscript when it was in Worcester in s. xiii. Prognostics, all in English, are in eleven paragraphs, each introduced by a red initial letter: H1. 148r Dream lunarium (FC B23.3.6.1), not closely similar to T8. H2. 148v Birth lunarium (FC B23.3.6.2) = T15, ending imperfectly in the same place (day 14). H3. 148v22–149r A prognostic for childbirth based on the days of the week (FC B23.3.6.3). Not closely related to T20 or W3. H4. 149r12–149v7 Weather forecast based on the day of the week on which Christmas falls, a variant of the Revelatio Esdrae (FC B23.3.6.4). H5. 149v8–23 Predictions of misfortune based on the occurrence of wind during the twelve days after Christmas (FC B23.3.6.5).65 H6. 149v24–150r17 Predictions of good fortune based on the occurrence of sunshine during the 12 days after Christmas (FC B23.3.6.6) = W1. Ker 332, Gneuss 639. A facsimile is given by C. Franzen, ed., Worcester Manuscripts, Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts in Microfiche Facsimile 6 (Tempe, AZ, 1998); a description is on pp. 44–54. 63 See E. M. Treharne, ‘The Dates and Origins of Three Twelfth-Century Old English Manuscripts’, in Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts and their Heritage, ed. Pulsiano and Treharne, pp. 227–53, at pp. 235–9. 64 Franzen, Worcester Manuscripts, p. 45. 65 This text is almost exactly similar to a Latin version in Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Ashmole 345, 69rv (pr. Förster, ‘Beiträge VI’, pp. 56–8), a manuscript of s. xiv which also contains a version of H4. An earlier Latin version, similar in some details, is found in Paris, BNF, nouv. acq. Lat. 1616 (s. x, Fleury), 12v, and in Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Digby 86, 32r (s. xiii; pr. Förster, ‘Beiträge VI’, p. 58). Förster prints another Latin version from s. xiv found in Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Rawlinson C.814. 62

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Introduction H7. 150r Number of masses equivalent to a fast, pr. Cockayne, Leechdoms, III, 156. H8. 150r Number of psalms equivalent to a fast, pr. Cockayne, Leechdoms, III, 156. H9. 150v Thunder prognostic for the days of the week (FC B23.3.6.7) = T12. H10. 150v10–152v3 Dreambook in English (FC B23.3.6.8) = T9. H11. 152v4–153v16 Agenda lunarium in English, ending before the bottom of the page at the seventeenth day of the month (FC B23.3.6.9) = T10. Oxford, St John’s College 17 (J) Provenance: c. 1110–11, Thorney66 A large scientific and computistical collection containing Bede’s De Temporum Ratione and other works, related to London, BL, Cotton Tiberius C.i, fols. 2–42 + London, BL, Harley 3667, fols. 2–18 (Th) and ultimately derived from material used by Byrhtferth at Ramsey. Written by two scribes throughout, apparently in collaboration. A preliminary quire (1v–3v) containing a collection of medical texts67 on the humors, on bloodletting, on weights and measures, and on the signs of life and death (known as the Prognostica Galieni), an acrostic poem on Dunstan by Abbo of Fleury (3r), and a grammar of numbers (cardinal, ordinal etc.) in seven columns (3v). Two prognostics are added in the blank space at the bottom of 3v: J1. fol. 3v Three Critical Days, similar but not identical to Æ56. J2. fol. 3v Three Marvelous Days = Æ57. Also on this leaf are two unusual notes on the ages of the world (different from that surviving in Æ54) and on the calculation of embolisms.68 4r contains five prognostics which are found in the same order in Æ and T (though the latter does not include the last item, a different version of which appears elsewhere in the manuscript). They are presented in three columns: J3. 4r Bloodletting lunarium = T19, Æ61. Annotations to the list offer differing 66

Ker 360, Gneuss 683. The manuscript is described fully in F. E. Wallis, ‘MS Oxford St John’s College 17: A Medieval Manuscript in its Contexts’ (unpubl. PhD dissertation, University of Toronto, 1985); see also P. S. Baker, ‘Byrhtferth’s Enchiridion and the Computus in Oxford, St John’s College 17’, Anglo-Saxon England 10 (1981), 123–42, and Byrhtferth’s Enchiridion, ed. Baker and Lapidge, pp. liii–lv. 67 Discussed by Wallis, ‘MS Oxford St John’s College 17’, pp. 156–80, and Cameron, ‘The Sources of Medical Knowledge in Anglo-Saxon England’, pp. 150–3. Wallis makes a convincing case that this material is original to the manuscript and in its original position, against the earlier arguments of C. Singer, ‘A Review of the Medical Literature of the Dark Ages’, Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine 10 (1917), 107–60. 68 Both are discussed by Wallis, ‘MS Oxford St John’s College 17’, pp. 195–202.

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Prognostics in Anglo-Saxon and Related Manuscripts opinions on the status of each day; these often seem to follow the recommendations in the general lunarium found in T2. J4. 4r Birth prognostic based on the day of the week on which a child is born = T20, Æ62. J5. 4r Birth lunarium = T21, Æ63. J6. 4r Medical lunarium = T22, Æ64. J7. 4r Dream lunarium = Æ65. Later in the manuscript one prognostic table is included among a series of rotae and other diagrams: J8. 8v ‘Sphere of Petosiris’ diagram, without the instructions or list of alphanumeric values that would make it usable.69 J9. 16r–21v Verses for Critical Days are distributed throughout the calendar = Æ18. In another section of the manuscript, after a group of cosmographical rotae and diagrams, three brief texts on Egyptian Days are added to the margin of a diagram describing the Twelve Winds. J10. 40v (a) A list of one unlucky day in each month.70 = Th1; (b) List of twentyfour unlucky days in the lunar month; (c) List of twenty-four Egyptian Days in the year. J11. 41r Two versions of the ‘Sphere of Pythagoras’, the first, with diagram, = Th2; the second, originally with a diagram now excised, = Th4. Two other prognostics appear much later in the manuscript; neither is of a type found elsewhere in pre-Conquest English manuscripts: J12. 157v–158v Following several short works on the zodiac is a version of the Sortes sanctorum, a form of divination involving the casting of lots, ending with a brief office and prayer.71 J13. 159r Following a text on the fifteen signs of the Last Judgement is a version of the Revelatio Esdrae different from that found in Æ, T and other Anglo-Saxon versions, pr. Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, pp. 499–500. 69

For these see Patrologia Latina 90, 963–6. See further Wallis, ‘MS Oxford St John’s College 17’, pp. 248–50. 70 See Wallis, ‘MS Oxford St John’s College 17’, pp. 456–7. 71 See Wallis, ‘MS Oxford St John’s College 17’, pp. 574–6. On this work generally, see W. E. Klingshirn, ‘Defining the Sortes Sanctorum: Gibbon, Du Cange, and Early Christian Lot Divination’, Journal of Early Christian Studies 10 (2002), 77–130; E. M. Cartelle and A. A. Guardo, Los ‘Libros de Suertes’ medievales: las Sortes Sanctorum y los Prenostica Socratis Basilei. Estudio, traducción y edición crítica (Madrid, 2004); E. M. Cartelle, ‘Las Sortes Sanctorum: la divinación del porvenir en la edad media’, in Il congreso hispánico de Latín medieval: Actas (Léon, 11–14 de Noviembre de 1997), ed. M. P. González (Léon, 1998), I, 111–32; W. L. Braekman, ‘Fortune-telling by the Casting of Dice: A Middle English Poem and its Background’, Studia Neophilologica 52 (1980), 3–29; H. Winnefeld, ed., Sortes Sangallensis (Bonn, 1887), pp. 53–60. Other versions of this work, both with prayers and liturgical additions, include London, BL, Egerton 821, 54v–56r and Los Angeles, Getty Museum, Ludwig XII.5, 48r–49v, both unlocalized English manuscripts of s. xii.

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Introduction Related continental manuscripts London, BL, Harley 3017 (f ) Provenance: s. ix2, related to Fleury manuscripts but not from there72 A manuscript of computistical and scientific works, including Bede’s De Temporum Ratione and Isidore on words for times and seasons; Jones calls it ‘an excellent example of ninth-century Fleury computi’.73 Written in several hands, Derolez suggests that ‘[t]he codex was gathered over some length of time’.74 Though there is no indication that the manuscript was in England during the Anglo-Saxon period,75 much of its prognostic material is closely similar to Insular versions. One prognostic (f 1) is added in a contemporary hand on an originally blank flyleaf; others are concentrated in a small section of the manuscript. These include: f 1. 1r–v a fragmentary version of the Somniale Danielis containing seventy-six items.76 f 2. 58r ‘Sphere of Pythagoras’, with diagram. f 3. 58v Medical lunarium = T6. f 4. 58v–59r Birth lunarium = T5. f 5. 59r–v List of the twenty-four Egyptian Days on which bloodletting is prohibited = the prose section of Æ18. f 6. 59v Marginal note warning against the Three Critical Mondays = Æ56. f 7. 59v–60r Treatise on bloodletting, beginning Bonum est per singulos menses studium habere. 60r–62v Greek alphabets, notes on computus in two hands. f 8. 63r–64v A version of the Revelatio Esdrae, beginning Hec sunt signa quae ostendit deus Esdre prophetae, beginning Kal. ian’ si fuerint die dominico, erit hiemps calidus. uernus humidus; estas et autumnus uentosi. Different from the version in T4, Æ32 and Æ67.

Not in Ker or Gneuss. See Byrhtferth’s Enchiridion, ed. Baker and Lapidge, p. xlii. Jones, Bedae Pseudepigrapha, p. 122. 74 R. Derolez, Runica Manuscripta: The English Tradition (Brugge, 1954), p. 213. His description of the manuscript is on pp. 212–17; his interest is primarily in the Runic alphabet on 61r, but he notes that such alphabets are often found among lists of dies Aegyptiaci, the ‘Sphere of Pythagoras’, and other prognostics in continental manuscripts. 75 As H. Gneuss notes in ‘Addenda and corrigenda to the Handlist of Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts’, Anglo-Saxon England 32 (2003), p. 300, correcting my suggestion in ‘Anglo-Saxon Prognostics in Context’, p. 223. 76 Pr. L. Martin, ‘The Earliest Versions of the Latin Somniale Danielis’, Manuscripta 23 (1979), 131–41. 72 73

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Prognostics in Anglo-Saxon and Related Manuscripts Vatican City, BAV, Pal. Lat. 235 (v) s. xiii, x, xi. Origin unknown77 A composite manuscript of sixty-seven leaves, containing various literary works, including 1. fols. 4–29 poems of Paulinus of Nola in an Insular hand of s. viii; 2. fols. 30–47 Aldhelm, De laudibus uirginitatis, prayers, computus texts and a tract on music, all in two hands of s. xi; 3. fols. 48–61 glosses on Prudentius (s. x); 4. fols. 62–7 calendars, computus, and tracts on months, probably belonging with section 2 (s. xi). A collection of prognostics, many of them similar to Insular texts, appears in section 2, following a selection from Bede, De Temporum Ratione: v1. 39r Revelatio Esdrae, in a different hand from the rest of the page, similar to T4. v2. 39v A group of lunaria in 3 columns: birth lunarium = T5. v3. 39v Medical lunarium78 = T6. v4. 39v Dream lunarium, not closely similar to T3 or other Insular versions. v5. 39v a version of the Somniale Danielis immediately following the dream lunarium. Ends after fifty-four items.79 v6. 40r Thunder prognostic by month, in Latin, with indications similar to the English text in London, BL, Cotton Vespasian D.xiv, 103v (FC B23.3.5.2).80 v7. 40r Prognostic for birth by weekday, similar to T20 Æ62. v8. 40r–41v General lunarium, similar to T2.81 Relations among texts and manuscripts T contains an unusually full complement of lunar calendars compared to other groups of prognostics in other English manuscripts; it also contains a number of texts found in other manuscripts, notably the Revelatio Esdrae and the Somniale Danielis. Conspicuously absent, however, are warnings against Egyptian Days; since these are common in other manuscripts and generally not separate from other prognostics, their omission from T is presumably deliberate.82 T shares a number of texts with Æ, a New Minster Winchester manuscript. These include a series of four Latin prognostics—a bloodletting lunarium, a birth 77 78 79 80 81 82

E. Stevenson and I. B. De Rossi, Codices Palatini Latini Bibliothecae Vaticanae I (Rome, 1886). Collated by Weisser, Krankheitslunar, pp. 273–7, as Vp1L Collated as V in Martin, Somniale Danielis. See Liuzza, ‘What the Thunder Said’, pp. 12–14. Collated by Weisser, Krankheitslunar, pp. 380–92. Since the purpose of this brief summary is to reconstruct the sources for the prognostic collection in T, it necessarily omits a great deal of evidence from other prognostic texts; it does not discuss relations between manuscripts not closely connected to T, nor does it attempt to trace connections that can be deduced from non-prognostic textual histories or external evidence.

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Introduction prognostic for the days of the weeks, a birth lunarium, and medical lunarium (T19–T22 and Æ61–Æ64; T ends abruptly after the seventh day of the birth lunarium). The same texts in the same sequence are found in J, from sources either at Thorney or Ramsey; J and Æ both include a dream lunarium (Æ65/J7) not found in T, suggesting that they derive from a more complete exemplar than T. The same three lunaria for birth, health, and dreams are found in the same order in v (the birth prognostic for the days of the week, but not the bloodletting lunarium, is found on the next folio of the manuscript), so the sequence must have been, to some extent, a common one.83 In addition to this sequence, Æ and T share a thunder prognostic (T7/Æ66), and their versions of the Somniale Danielis (T1/Æ68) and the Revelatio Esdrae (T4/Æ67) apparently derive from the same source. The Christ Church manuscript C draws some of its material directly from T, most notably the Latin medical lunarium T6, whose English gloss appears in a separate column alongside C2, but also probably the English lunaria for dreams (T8/C7) and birth (T15/C8). Other texts in C are not found in T but may derive from exemplars common to both manuscripts; these include, nost notably, notes in English on Egyptian Days and the ‘Three Marvelous Days’ which are also found in Vi, another Winchester manuscript with close textual similarities to Æ (C4/Vi2, C5/Vi7, C6/Vi5; the last is virtually a translation of Æ57). Two of these latter three texts are also found in W (C4/Vi2/W7, C6/Vi5/W6), but the version of the ‘Three Marvelous Days’ text in W6 is more closely related to Vi5 than to C6. So it may be assumed that these manuscripts are all collaterally derived from the same source material, and not one from another. A list of three unlucky days for bloodletting, essentially a translation of Æ56, appears in both W7 and Vi6. Moreover the texts on Egyptian Days (Vi2 and Vi7) are closely related to those in London, BL, Harley 3271,84 another manuscript with a number of textual affinities to Æ. A close relation between H and T is indicated by a shared English dreambook (T9/H10) and a general lunarium, imperfect in both manuscripts (ending at day 3 in T10, day 17 in H11). W, a Worcester manuscript with textual links to both Winchester and Christ Church, shares a number of texts with H, a manuscript also found later in Worcester but probably not produced there: the English birth lunarium in T15 is also found in C8/W4/H2; an unusual prognostic based on the occurrence of sunshine in the twelve days after Christmas is found in W1/H6; an English birth prognostic for the days of the week, not translated from T20, is found in W3/H3; a thunder prognostic for the days of the week found in T12/H9 forms part of W2. These patterns of textual connection appear to suggest a relatively small number of exemplars, variously used in the compilation of Æ, Vi, T, C, and W, along with a relatively large degree of licence in the selection and transcription of these texts. The amount of overlap among these texts suggests that manuscripts which have prognostics gathered into distinct sections rather than interspersed among related Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, p. 60, notes seven manuscripts containing this sequence, but his other examples are either deficient (London, Lambeth Palace 427 contains only the lunaria for bloodletting and dreams), out of sequence, textually different from this group, or in English. 84 S. xi1. Ker 239, Gneuss 435. Medical material is described in Beccaria 76. 83

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Types of Prognostics in T material—T, W, H, and to a lesser extent Æ—were compiled, either by choice or necessity, from a limited number of exemplars. The character of these exemplars can only be guessed at, but the close textual similarity between prognostics in T and those in surviving continental manuscripts such as f and v suggests the kinds of manuscript contexts from which the compilers of T extracted their material.

2 Types of Prognostics in T Lunaria T contains an unusually rich collection of lunar calendars or lunaria, including separate calendars indicating the reliability of dreams on different days (T3 in Latin, T8 in English), the character or career of a child born on a given day (T5 and T21 in Latin, T15 in English), the prognosis for a patient who falls ill on a given day (T6 and T22 in Latin, T11 in English), favorable days for bloodletting (T19), an ‘agenda’ lunarium for propitious actions on each day of the month (T10 in English) and a general or collective lunarium (T2 in Latin) offering indications for all these (as well as occasional advice on the likelihood of catching a thief or recovering stolen property). The thoroughness of T’s collection, including the duplication of items in Latin and English,85 suggests a special interest in lunar forecasting among the manuscript’s compilers. Calendars indicating favorable or unfavorable actions based on the phases of the moon are at least as old as Hesiod’s Works and Days;86 Western versions are probably ultimately of Babylonian origin.87 The moon is the most prominent object in the night sky, and unlike the movements of stars and planets, one needs no great skill or special knowledge to notice its waxing and waning. Moreover, the influence of the moon’s phases upon the earth was a demonstrable and universally accepted scientific principle, evident both in nature and in the human body. In his homily on the Epiphany, while condemning calendar prognostication and celestial forecasting, Ælfric concedes that 85

The texts in T19–22 are a different section of the manuscript and apparently not derived from the same sources as T1–T18, though there are close textual similarities between T5–T21 and T6–T22. 86 Hesiod, Theogony and Works and Days, ed. M. L. West (Oxford, 1988); see lines 765–828. 87 See the numerous Babylonian lunar prognostics published by M. Jastrow, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (Boston, 1898), pp. 375–9 or Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens (Giessen, 1911), II, 457–577. Fragments of lunar calendars, as well as reports on the meaning of various omens such as thunder, eclipses, and storms, are translated by R. C. Thompson, ‘The Reports of the Magicians and Astrologers of Nineveh and Babylon’, in Assyrian and Babylonian Literature: Selected Translations, introduction by R. F. Harper (New York, 1904), pp. 451–60. A brief introduction to the subject may be found in U. Koch-Westenholz, Mesopotamian Astrology: An Introduction to Babylonian and Assyrian Celestial Divination (Copenhagen, 1995).

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Introduction is hwæþere æfter gecynde on gesceapenysse ælc lichamlic gesceaft þe eorðe acenð fulre and mægenfæstre on fullum monan þonne on gewanedum; Swa eac treowa gif hi beoð on fullum monan geheawene hi beoð heardran and langfærran to getimbrunge and swiþost gif hi beoð unsæpige geworhte; Nis þis nan wiglung ac is gecyndelic þing þurh gesceapenysse; Hwæt eac seo sæ wunderlice geþwærlæcð þæs monan ymbrene: symle hi beoð geferan on wæstme: and on wanunge; And swa swa se mona dæghwomlice feower pricum lator arist: swa eac seo sæ symle feower pricum lator fleowð.88

His information is from Bede’s De Temporum Ratione, c. 28, in which Bede draws together excerpts from Ambrose, Basil, and Vegetius to discuss the influence of the moon on the earth. Quoting Ambrose, Hexameron iv.7, Bede says that the moon has the same offices as the sun, ut illuminet tenebras, foveat semina, augeat fructus.89 He goes on to examine the effects of the moon’s cycles on living things, again quoting Ambrose nearly verbatim: In quo grande mysterium est—nam et defectui eius compatiuntur elementa et, processu eius quae fuerint exinanita, cumulantur ut animantium cerebra maritimarum humida. Siquidem pleniores ostreae reperiri ferantur multaque alia cum globus lunaris adolescit. De arborum quoque internis idem allegant, qui hoc usu proprio compererunt.90

In De Temporibus Anni (drawn from Bede), Ælfric omits most of this material; he again warns against lunar forecasting, however—specifically the belief (not otherwise attested in any Anglo-Saxon source) that the weather can be predicted by the horns of the crescent moon—but again follows his warning with an admission that the moon does influence the earth, and its phases must be observed for success in some enterprises: Ne sceal nan cristenman nan ðing be ðam monan wiglian. Gif he hit deð, his geleafa ne bið naht. . . . Nu cweðað sume men þe ðis gescead ne cunnon þæt se mona hine wende be ðan ðe hit wedrian sceall on ðam monðe, ac hi[ne] ne went næfre naðor, ne weder ne unweder, of ðam ðe his gecynde is. Men magon swa ðeah þa ðe fyrwite beoð cepan be his bleo and be ðære sunnan, oððe þæs 88

‘It is, however, in the nature of created things that each physical creature which the earth brings forth is fuller and stronger in the full moon than in the waning; likewise trees, if they are cut down during the full moon, are harder and more durable for building, and strongest if they are worked on while sapless. This is no divination, but is a natural thing in creation. So also the sea wonderfully agrees with the cycle of the moon: they are always companions in growth and in waning, and just as the moon arises four points [of an hour] later each day, so the sea always flows four points later’. Ælfric, Catholic Homilies I.6; Ælfric’s Catholic Homilies: The First Series, ed. P. Clemoes, EETS ss 17 (Oxford, 1997), p. 230. 89 ‘Illuminate the darkness, nurture seeds, and cause fruit to grow.’ 90 ‘There is a great mystery in this, for the elements respond in sympathy to her diminution, and as she grows, those things which were depleted increase in size, for example the humid brains of sea animals. For they say that as the Moon grows to fullness, oysters and many other such things are found to be larger. Those who have learned about this from their own experience claim that the same is true of the inner parts of trees.’ Bedae Opera de Temporibus, ed. Jones, p. 231. Translation from Bede: The Reckoning of Time, tr. F. E. Wallis (Liverpool, 1999), p. 80.

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Types of Prognostics in T roderes, hwilc weder toweard bið. Hit is gecyndelic þæt ealle eorðlice lichaman beoð fulran on weaxendum monan þonne on wanigendum. Eac ða treowu þe beoð aheawene on fullum monan beoð heardran wið wyrmætan and langfærran, þonne ða þe beoð on niwum monan aheawene. Seo sæ and se mona geðwærlæcað him betweonan, æfre hi beoð geferan on wæstme and on wanunge, and swa swa se mona dæghwomlice feower pricon lator arist, ðonne he on ðam oðrum dæge dyde, swa eac seo sæ symle feower pricon lator flewð.91

Bede, like Isidore of Seville,92 believed that the moon’s phases should be consulted for appropriate times for phlebotomy; in the Historia Ecclesiastica V.3 Bede recounts how St John of Beverley healed a nun who had been imprudently bled on an inappropriate day. The saint chides, Multum insipienter et indocte fecistis in luna quarta flebotomando. Memini enim beatae memoriae Theodorum archiepiscopum dicere, quia periculosa sit satis illius temporis flebotomia, quando et lumen lunae et reuma oceani in cremento est.93 Reckoning the influence of the moon upon the body’s humors was an accepted Greco-Latin medical practice; a cautious practitioner might be well advised to consult a lunar calendar before letting blood. Bede’s explanation for the prohibition is a self-consciously rational one, but it is not difficult to imagine that the acceptance of this principle (and the endorsement of such an authority) opened the door to a wider range of more arbitrary calendars based on the lunar cycle.94 Given a belief in the influence of the moon on bodily fluids and health, it would be difficult to segregate lists of good and bad days for bloodletting from lists of good and bad days for general illness or the reliability of one’s dreams, both of which might be thought 91

‘No Christian should divine any thing by the moon; if he does so, his faith is worth nothing. . . . Now some men who do not understand this distinction say that the moon turns itself according to how the weather shall be in a month, but it never turns itself, for good weather or bad, from its nature. Curious men may, however, take heed of what sort of weather is coming by its color and by the sun, or the heavens. It is natural that all earthly bodies are fuller in the waxing moon than in the waning, and trees that are cut in the full moon are harder against worms and more durable than those that are cut in the new moon. The sea and the moon agree between themselves—they are always companions in waxing and waning, and just as the moon arises four points later each day than it did the day before, so the sea always flows four points later.’ Ælfric’s De Temporibus Anni, ed. Henel, 8:7–15. It is possible, as Audrey Meaney suggests (‘Ælfric and Idolatry’, Journal of Religious History 13 (1984), 126), that this belief in the moon’s influence on the durability of timber was not in fact a common idea in England at the time; it was copied by Bede from Ambrose, by Ælfric from Bede, and by Byrhtferth (Enchiridion III.2.123–40) from Ælfric, and seems to have circulated as a learned factoid rather than an item of popular lore. 92 See J. Fontaine, ‘Isidore de Séville et l’astrologie’, Revue des études latines 31 (1953), 271–300. 93 ‘You have acted foolishly and ignorantly to bleed her on the fourth day of the moon; I remember how Archbishop Theodore of blessed memory used to say that it was very dangerous to bleed a patient when the moon is waxing and the Ocean tide flowing.’ Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. B. Colgrave and R. A. B. Mynors (Oxford, 1969), pp. 460–1. 94 The lunar science endorsed by Bede and accepted by Ælfric offered a basic two-phase hydraulic principle of lunar influence—the waning and waxing of the moon influencing earthly moisture—but lunaria are built on a more complex thirty-day cycle ultimately based on astrological subtleties unavailable to the Anglo-Saxons. The result was an apparently random allotment of favorable and unfavorable days with no obvious relationship to the phases of the moon.

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Introduction to depend, to one degree or another, upon the flux of the humors. Several methods were used to determine the character of a given day, including the moon’s relation to the signs of the zodiac, the sidereal transit of the moon through twenty-eight stellar ‘mansions’, and the synodical cycle of 29½ days from one new moon to the next.95 Only the last of these is found in pre-Conquest English manuscripts; lunaria contain thirty days and offer advice or predictions for various events occurring on each day.96 The earliest extant Latin texts,97 almost certainly derived from Greek originals,98 are no earlier than the ninth century but appear widely thereafter, and were translated into almost every medieval vernacular. T’s collection begins with a general lunarium for various events and activities. The relationship between general and specific lunaria is not entirely clear. Förster speculated that general lunaria were the product of the compilation of various individual lunaria for special purposes;99 this idea was later argued at greater length 95

96

97

98 99

For these distinctions, see I. Taavitsainen, Middle English Lunaries: A Study of the Genre (Helsinki, 1988), and Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, pp. 393–8. Zodiacal lunaria are discussed by E. Svenberg, Lunaria et Zodiologia Latina, L. Means, Medieval Lunar Astrology: A Collection of Representative Middle English Texts (Lewiston, NY, 1993). The idea of lunar ‘mansions’ passed into the West with the recovery of Arabic astrology such as the works of Messahall’s De Lune Mansionibus and Haly Embrani’s De Electionibus Horarum; see P. Yampolsky, ‘The Origin of the Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions’, Osiris 9 (1950), 62–83, S. Weinstock, ‘Lunar Mansions and Early Calendars’, Journal of Hellenic Studies 69 (1949), 48–69, and F. J. Carmody, Arabic Astronomical and Astrological Sciences in Latin Translation: A Critical Bibliography (Berkeley, 1956). The essential study of lunaria in Anglo-Saxon England remains Förster, ‘Vom Fortleben antiker Sammellunare’; apart from those already mentioned above, important studies include Svenberg, De latinska lunaria, Wistrand, Lunariastudien, and Weisser, Krankheitslunar. For later texts in England, see L. Matheson, ed., Popular and Practical Science of Medieval England, Medieval Texts and Studies 11 (East Lansing, MI, 1994); L. Means, ‘Electionary, Lunary, Destinary, and Questionary: Towards Defining Categories of Middle English Prognostic Material’, Studies in Philology 89 (1992), 367–403, and Medieval Lunar Astrology; and I. Taavitsainen, ‘The Identification of Middle English Lunaries’, Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 88 (1987), 18–26. Beccaria notes lunaria for bloodletting or illness in the following medical manuscripts, mostly from s. ix (numbers are from Beccaria’s catalogue): (50) Berlin, Preussische Staatsbibliothek, Phillipp. 1790 (s. ix; coll. Weisser, Krankheitslunar, pp. 174–5 and 365–73; (51) Berlin, Pruessische Staatsbibliothek, Phillipps 1870 (in a section added s. xi, using Greek letters for the numbered days of the month; see V. Rose, Verzeichniss der lateinischen Handschriften der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, Erster Band: Die Meermann-Handschriften des Sir Thomas Phillipps, Die HandschriftenVerzeichnisse der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin 12 (Berlin, 1893), 321–4; (8) Copenhagen, Kgl. Bibliotek, Gamle Kgl. Samling 1653 (s. xi); (55) Herten, Bibl. des Grafen Nesselrode-Reichenstein 192 (s. xi or xii); (57) Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, Reichenau 172 (s. ix); (91) Lucca, Bibl. Governativa, 296 (s. ix); (34) Paris, BNF, lat. 11218 (s. viii/ix, ed. Wickersheimer, p. 110); (26) Paris, BNF, lat. 6882 A (s. ix, ed. Wickersheimer, p. 74); (117) Uppsala, Universitetsbiblioteket C 664 (s. ix); (129) St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 44 (s. ix); (133) St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 751 (s. ix). Wickersheimer finds lunaria in the following manuscripts which are not entirely devoted to medical texts (Roman numerals are from his catalogue): (XLII) Paris, BNF, lat. 2113 (s. x/xi, Nôtre-Dame de Puy); (XLVIII) Paris, BNF, lat. 2825 (s. x); (XCII) Paris, BNF, nouv. acq. lat. 1616 (s. x; Fleury). Wistrand, Lunariastudien, pp. 19–20, vigorously denies the derivation of Latin collective lunaria from Byzantine Greek texts, but see Weisser, Krankheitslunar, pp. 421–4, for a counter-argument. ‘So allgemein gestellt, dürfte die Frage kaum zu beantworten sein. Aber ich möchte es wohl für möglich halten, dass wenigstens die Tagwähllunare und die Geburtslunare älter sind als die

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Types of Prognostics in T by Wistrand.100 On the other hand, general lunaria appear in manuscripts as early as the various individual lunaria;101 indications for the character of a child born on a given day are often much more elaborate in general lunaria than in any surviving individual birth lunaria, so they are unlikely to have come from there; and individual lunaria for catching thieves or finding stolen goods—items often indicated in general lunaria—are not found in any early medieval manuscripts.102 These all suggest that the general lunarium developed along a separate path, to some degree, from that of its individual components. The great diversity of structure and content found among general lunaria in Weisser’s extensive collection of texts, however—texts with different elements placed in different orders, others with similar elements but different indications for each day, and so on—strongly suggests that general lunaria were pieced together from originally separate individual lunar calendars. In some cases this compilation may have taken place in several stages; T2, for example, differs from its most closely related versions in containing indications for bloodletting,103 and it is likely that these indications (though probably not original to T itself) were added to each entry after the text had taken something close to its final shape. The true origins of the text probably lie somewhere between these two hypotheses; lunaria, like other prognostics, were susceptible to alteration in their copying, and the general and specific lunaria may well have influenced one another almost equally throughout the course of their transmission. Several efforts have been made to classify general lunaria into distinct types.104 For the study of Anglo-Saxon versions perhaps the most striking distinction is between those which connect each day of the month with an event in the Old 100

101 102

103

104

zusammenfassenden Sammellunare’ (Förster, ‘Vom Fortleben antiker Sammellunare’, p. 34). Wistrand, Lunariastudien, pp. 5–18. This conclusion is also supported by Weisser, Krankheitslunar, p. 22, and Taavitsainen, Middle English Lunaries, p. 84. A brief overview can be found in Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, pp. 401–2. Weisser, Krankheitslunar, p. 422. Förster, ‘Vom Fortleben antiker Sammellunare’, pp. 8–10, points out that the same is true of Greek lunaria. In the texts under consideration here, these appear only on particular days, even in copies that are not very closely related—they are found on days 2 (S8 and Æ35, but not T2/v/v3), 3 (S8 Æ35 T2/v/ v3), 4 (S8 Æ35 T2/v/v3), 5 (S8 Æ35 T2/v/v3), 6 (S8 Æ35 T2/v/v3), 7 (S8 Æ35 T2/v3, but not v), 8 (S8 T2/v/v3, but not Æ35, though furtum factum inuenietur appears in the closely related Göteburg X), 9 (S8 T2/v/v3, but not Æ35 or Göteburg X), 13 (S8 T2/v/v3), 16 (present in S8 T2/v/v3 but in a confused form), 20 (S8 only, and not in its usual place in the sequence), 21 (S8 T2/v/v3, but not Æ35, though furtum factum inuenietur appears in the related Göteburg X). When these are present, they appear just after indications for general conditions; they sometimes have the curious effect of displacing indications for illness from their usual location after indications for male and female children to before them (see 2/3, 2/4, 2/6, 2/9; the same displacement is found in related versions). The closely related Vatican, BAV, Vat. lat. 3101 (v3) also contains indications for bloodletting, but they are different from those in T2, and placed at the beginning of each entry rather than the end. Another related version, not collated with T2 in Weisser, Krankheitslunar, but printed by him on pp. 334–9, is Munich, BSB, clm 16521, 6r–7r (c. 1462), which does contain indications for bloodletting, though not the same ones as T2. Various schemata, all of them more or less unsatisfying, can be found in Svenberg, De latinska lunaria, pp. 17–18, Wistrand, Lunariastudien, pp. 17–18, Förster, ‘Vom Fortleben antiker Sammellunare’, pp. 10–32, Weisser, Krankheitslunar, pp. 63–76. They are discussed by Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, pp. 402–4, who offers his own classification scheme, in the form of a chart, on p. 566.

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Introduction Testament (e.g., Luna .i. Adam creatus est . . . Luna .ii. Eva facta est etc.) and those which do not: only the latter type is found in pre-Conquest English manuscripts.105 Even within a single text-type, however, formal similarity can conceal considerable variation; the complex diversity of variants in what Förster calls the ‘Vulgatagruppe’ of texts106 testifies to the freedom with which the text was treated by its copyists.107 Many general lunaria share a tendency for their entries to get briefer and more perfunctory as they progress through the month—either because the end of the month was regarded as less eventful or less predictable than the beginning or, one suspects, because the energy or interest of the compilers began to flag. Nevertheless, broad textual affinities can be established by the sequence in which items appear in the thirty-day series of entries, by the presence or absence of items in this sequence, and in the textual form of each item.108 T10 is an ‘agenda’ lunarium for undertaking specific actions.109 It also appears in H11, and both texts follow an English dreambook (T9 and H10) and so may have been copied as a series of texts. The version in T10 is notably deficient, ending after three entries without any indication in the manuscript that anything is missing. H11 preseves a more complete copy containing seventeen days. Neither T10 nor H11 can have been copied from the other; evidently the two texts, dreambook and lunarium, circulated together, although a more complete (and textually distinct) exemplar was available to the scribe of H. 105

106

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109

Versions of general lunaria with biblical notes are found in Greek (Förster, ‘Vom Fortleben antiker Sammellunare’, p. 15), though none of them is early; the earliest Latin version known to me is in Paris, BNF, lat. 2113 (s. x/xi, Notre-Dame de Puy), 256v–57v (ending imperfectly at day 18). This manuscript is noted in Wickersheimer XLII, but this text is mentioned only in passing. The earliest appearance of this type in an English manuscript is London, BL, Egerton 821, 8v–12r (s. xii), mentioned by Förster, ‘Vom Fortleben antiker Sammellunare’, pp. 19–20 and ed. Weisser, Krankheitslunar, pp. 244–52. This version is unusual in that it also includes indications of the moon’s place in the zodiac; its first two entries begin Luna i. Capud de ariete. Factus est Adam . . . . Luna ii. Venter de ariete. Facta est Eua. Förster, ‘Vom Fortleben antiker Sammellunare’, p. 36. He includes twenty-one manuscripts in this group; he singles out as deriving from a single archetype T2 + Berlin, Staatsbibl., lat. oct. 93, Vatican, BAV, lat. 3101 (v3) + Erlangen 634, and Vienna, ÖNB, lat. 2245. Förster notes, ‘[v]ielmehr wollten jene Mönche, die diese Lunare aufschreiben, für sich und ihre Mitfratres Gebrauchstexte zur praktischen Befragung herstellen, bei denen die Beibehaltung des genauen Wortlautes weniger in Betracht kam. Die Aufzeichner waren also bis zu einem gewissen Grade ofte zugleich auch Bearbeiter ihrere Textvorlage’ (‘Vom Fortleben antiker Sammellunare’, p. 37). The most comprehensive discussion of this topic is Weisser, Krankheitslunar, pp. 15–20, 63–76. Using a slightly modified version of Weisser’s notation (p. 18), T2 orders its items in the following pattern: (a) general conditions, usually with recommendations for specific actions, (d1) the character of a male child, (d2) the character of a female child, (e) prognosis for illness, (f) the reliability of dreams, (g) advice on bloodletting. Some entries include advice on (c) the recovery of stolen goods or (b) the catching of a thief (these are sometimes conflated), or (s) indications of birthmarks or other signs on male or female children. Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, p. 422, points out the difference between a general lunarium (which he called ‘collective’) and an ‘agenda lunarium’ for various actions. I have adopted his terminology in preference to that used in my earlier description of this text (‘Anglo-Saxon Prognostics in Context’, p. 188).

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Types of Prognostics in T The text is unrelated to other surviving Anglo-Latin versions, but a number of its indications have analogues in the general lunarium in Vatican, BAV, Vat. lat. 642, 91v–94r.110 This Latin version contains far more information for each day than H11; it is more like the early entries in T2 in its range, offering observations on general activities, theft, birth, and illness. T10 and H11 offer only indications for propitious actions on each day; these are occasionally somewhat random and unrelated, and some entries in H11 read as if they had been assembled from excerpts of more complete texts. T contains a number of lunaria for particular subjects. Even though the general lunarium in T2 contains indications on the reliability of dreams for each day of the month, it is followed by a lunar calendar specifically for that purpose, one of five texts in T dealing wholly or in part with the interpretation of dreams.111 Continental versions of a lunarium for dreams are numerous and varied, and found from the ninth century onward.112 At least three distinct types are found in English manuscripts, including T3, a version found in Æ65, J7 and the Lambeth Psalter (London, Lambeth Palace Library, 427, 3r),113 and a third in W8114 which includes verses of Psalms for each day of the month.115 For many days in the month, Insular 110 111

112

113

114

115

Pr. Förster, ‘Beiträge VIII’, pp. 38–42, and Svenberg, De latinska lunaria, pp. 88–95. The best study of Anglo-Saxon dream lunaria remains Förster, ‘Die altenglischen Traumlunare’. For individual lunaria, see also L. DiTommaso, ‘Pseudepigrapha Notes I: 1. Lunationes Danielis; 2. Biblical Figures outside the Bible’, Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 15 (2006), 119–44. Early representatives include Munich, BSB, clm 14725 (s. ix1, Regensberg; see Jones, Bedae Pseudepigrapha, p. 126), a manuscript of Bede’s De Temporum Ratione with two incomplete lunaria for illness and dreams added in a different hand on 25r; Paris, BNF, lat. 2825 (s. x, noted in Wickersheimer XLVIII; cited as p2), a collection of unrelated fragments, one of which (no. VII, fols. 110–37) contains computus texts, various notes, and (125r–129v) lunaria for dreams and illness, and notes on Egyptian Days, dies caniculares, bloodletting, and monthly dietary recommendations; Paris, BNF, lat. 2113 (s. x/xi, Notre-Dame de Puy; noted in Wickersheimer XLII; cited as p), containing (255v–257v) a sequence of three lunaria for dreams, birth, and illness, followed by a general lunarium; Munich, BSB, clm 6382 (s. x/xi), containing (42v) Greek alphabets, a version of the Revelatio Esdrae and a dream lunarium; Vatican City, BAV, Pal. lat. 235 (s. xi, cited as v), containing (39v) a group of lunaria for birth, illness, and dreams, in three columns (oddly enough, although the birth lunarium and medical lunarium are identical to T5 and T6, the dream lunarium that follows them is entirely different from T3); Vatican City, BAV, lat. 642, 91r (s. xiiinc, Lyons?; see M. Vattasso and P. F. De’Cavalieri, Codices Vaticani Latini I (Rome, 1902), pp. 491–3, and Jones , Bedae Pseudepigrapha, p. 138), a manuscript of computus texts containing Bede, De Natura Rerum and De Temporibus among other works, and (91r–94r) separate lunaria for dreams and birth, and a general lunarium (the latter is ed. Svenberg, De latinska lunaria, pp. 88–95). The former is pr. Günzel, Ælfwine’s Prayerbook, pp. 149–50; all three are transcribed in Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, pp. 456–8. J7 and L2 are essentially identical, but differ only slightly from Æ65. In Æ and J it follows a series of four texts (Æ61–4) found in the same order elsewhere in T. Transcribed in Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, pp. 454–5; this should more properly be regarded as the first half of a dual Latin/English version, the second part of which, as noted above, is a version of T8. I have not found any early lunaria containing Psalm verses; the earliest known to me, all from s. xii, include W8, the dream lunarium in Vatican City, BAV, Vat. lat. 642, 91r, (collated as R by Förster, ‘Die altenglischen Traumlunare’, pp. 67–75) and the general lunarium in London, BL, Egerton 821, 8v–12r (pr. Weisser, Krankheitslunar, pp. 244–52). The latter is unlike any other version in that it

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Introduction and continental calendars give broadly similar recommendations, but differ in numerous details—in fact, dream lunaria exhibit the greatest variety in both textual detail and overall structure of all medieval lunaria. The indications for the reliability of dreams in general lunaria in T2, S8, Æ35 and v3 (Vatican City, BAV, Vat. lat. 3101) sometimes echo those of the individual dream lunaria. Those in T2 are similar to those in S8 and v3, while those in Æ35 are entirely different. The dream lunarium in T3 agrees with the indications for dreams in T2 only in nos. 1, 2, 4, 6, 7, 12, 14, 16, and 30. Sometimes the indications directly contradict one another—for day 11, for example, T2 advises that Somnium inter .iiii. dies fiet while T3 indicates that falsa sunt omnia; for day 24, T2 notes that Somnium nichil est while T3 assures the reader that quicquid uideris de salute tua erit. One can only wonder what an attentive reader of T made of these contradictions. Förster notes close similarities between a number of entries in T3 and Byzantine Greek versions (though all these survive only in later copies), and assumed that the great diversity among surviving Latin versions could be attributed to separate translations of two distinct Greek texts. He placed surviving AngloLatin versions in one branch of this textual descent and postulated that an original eighth- or ninth-century translation from Greek into Latin underwent a long period of transmission and textual diversification to give rise to the difference between Latin versions.116 While Förster’s assumptions about multiple independent translations of similar or separate originals may be correct, the earliest surviving versions of Latin dream lunaria are already textually quite diverse. The virtually identical texts found in Æ65, J7 and L2 show that later scribes were capable of reproducing texts like this with great precision when they chose to do so; the textual differences that allowed Förster to distinguish three surviving Anglo-Latin versions (T3, Æ65–J7–L2, and W8) were presumably already present when these texts arrived in England. Agreement among all texts for a given entry is rare, but does occur: nearly all early versions117 agree, for example, that whatever one dreams on the first day of the month ad gaudium convertitur, that a dream on day 16 will come to pass post multum tempus, and that a dream on day 30 will come to pass infra triduum. Beyond these, there are many similarities in sense and parallels in language between one version and others, but uses the consecutive verses of Psalm XXI Deus Deus meus for each day of the month. v2 and W8 follow the more common pattern used to assign Psalm verses for each day—generally speaking, taking one verse from each of the first thirty Psalms (Ps. I.1, II.2, III.4, IV.4, V.6, VI.7, etc.). They are also broadly similar in their indications for each day. Weisser, Krankheitslunar, pp. 446–7, offers a collation of the Psalm verses found in various lunaria, mostly from later manuscripts; their consistency is remarkable. E. Svenberg, ‘Nya kollektivlunaria’, Eranos. Acta Philologica Suecana 37 (1939), 75–83, at pp. 76–7, suggests that the Psalm verses found in general or collective lunaria were used for some version of the sortes biblicae, but it is difficult to imagine how this might have worked in practice. 116 Förster, ‘Die altenglischen Traumlunare’, pp. 63–4. 117 T3, Æ65, J7, L2, W8, and the continental manuscripts M3a, p, p2, v2, and the dream indication in the general lunaria in T2, Æ35, S8, and v3 (Vatican City, BAV, Vat. lat. 3101). In each instance I have ignored cases where only one manuscript differs from the predictions of all others collated here.

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Types of Prognostics in T agreements in individual items between different versions do not appear to follow any discernible pattern of textual relationship. T3 and Æ65–J7–L2 offer similar predictions in similar language for days 7, 10, 16, 18, 23, 24 and 30; T3 and W8 concur on days 2, 4, 5, 14, 15, 16, 22, and 30; Æ65–J7–L2 and W8 agree in days 8, 13, 16, and 30. Such similarities may be sufficient to rule out entirely separate origins for the different texts, but they are hardly close enough to assume that they are all the result of purely textual variation from a single original. The differences found in the indications for other days also argue against a close relation between any two versions. Another significant difference between versions is structural: the three Anglo-Latin versions group days with similar qualities into pairs (sometimes trios), but each follows a different pattern: T3 groups days 2/3, 4/5, 12/13, 14/15, 20/21, 26/27, 28/29; Æ65–J7–L2 group days 2/3, 5/6, 8/9, 13/[14], 16/17, 18/19, 21/22, 25/26, 27/28/29; W8 groups days 2/3, 4/5, 8/9, 14/15, 18/19, 20/21, 23/24, 25/26, 27/28. Such differences in wording and structure make it impossible to collate, and difficult to compare except in general terms, the three surviving Anglo-Latin versions or their early continental analogues. Given the likelihood of cross-influence between different branches of the text, spontaneous emendation, memorial reconstruction, and random variation in the transmission of the lunaria, it would be unwise to propose any stemmatic relationship or reconstruct an original text from the surviving witnesses. Versions of an English dream lunarium are found in T8, C7 and W8;118 in the latter it follows the Latin dream lunarium of a type different from other surviving Insular versions. Förster concluded that T8–C7–W8 ‘alle aus einer Quelle geflossen sind’,119 and all evidence supports this conclusion. T8 and C7 are minutely similar; since C7 agrees with W8 against T8 in only a handful of trivial details, it is likely that C7 derives directly from T8 itself. W8 differs from these two copies in a number of readings, though none is particularly substantive; in many cases its reading makes better sense and may well be closer to the original reading. Förster further notes (p. 66) that the English text is not directly derived from the surviving Latin versions T3, Æ65, or W8. In some respects this must be true, but close comparison of T8 to surviving Latin texts suggests that the Latin original of T8, if not identical to these Latin versions, must have been very similar to them. Yet even if the English version is a witness to another otherwise-lost Latin dream lunarium, that lost version cannot be reconstructed with any certainty, given the unknown amount of collateral influence, error, misremembered readings, and pure fancy that characterizes the transmission of these texts. Another English dream lunarium is found in H1;120 although it is different enough textually that it cannot be easily collated with T8–C7–W8, it has many The first is pr. Förster, ‘Die altenglischen Traumlunare’, p. 79 and Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, p. 450; the second is pr. Förster, loc. cit., pp. 79–86 and Chardonnens, loc. cit., p. 449. 119 Förster, ‘Die altenglischen Traumlunare’, p. 79. 120 Pr. Förster, ‘Die altenglischen Traumlunare’, pp. 90–2, Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, p. 452.

118

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Introduction of the same indications for individual days (see 8/1, 8/2, 8/7, 8/12, 8/14, 8/16, 8/20–1, 8/23, 8/27–8). In its grouping of days into pairs it is structurally very similar to other English versions, and structurally unlike any surviving Insular Latin version: T8 groups days 2/3, 4/5, 8/9, 12/13, 17/18/19, 20/21, 22/23, 25/26, 27/28 (W8 has 27/28/29), and H1 groups days 2/3, 4/5, 8/9, 12/13, 17/18/19, 20/21, 24/25/26, 27/28, 29/30. In this context it should also be noted that version preserved in T8 has a number of doublets (see 8/22, 8/24, 8/25, and 8/27), perhaps reflecting a tendency to translate Latin words by pairs of English words, and these doublets are all found in H1. Since they have no basis in a Latin text but are purely a characteristic of the translation’s style, they suggest a closer relationship between the English versions than has usually been assumed. The general lunarium in T2, unlike that in Æ35, provides information on the character of a boy or girl born on a given day; different information, not distinguished by gender and generally much briefer, is found in a lunarium for childbirth in T5.121 It is one of five texts in the collection dealing with childbirth, along with a second copy in T21, the English version in T15, a birth prognostic for the days of the week in T20, and the sections of T2 beginning puer natus and puella nata. When one adds to these the short tract on the development of the fetus (T14) and the list of omens in pregnancy (T18), it is clear that the compilers of the collection had a special interest in addressing the anxieties surrounding childbirth; one assumes this was for pastoral reasons. Apart from a few simple copying errors, T5 is essentially identical to T21. It is one of a sequence of texts found in Æ, J, T and v, consisting in it fullest form of a bloodletting lunarium (Æ61–J3–T19), a prognostic for childbirth based on the days of the week (Æ62–J4–T20), and lunaria for birth (Æ63–J5–T21), medical prognosis (Æ64–J6–T22), and dreams (Æ65–J7). The last is not found among the four texts copied in T on 65r–v, and the medical lunarium in T22 is incomplete; either T’s exemplar was deficient at this point, or the scribe realized that he was copying material already available elsewhere in the manuscript and abandoned his work in mid-text. The birth and medical lunaria in T21–2 appear in the same order in T5–6, and are found in the same order in the continental manuscripts f 3–4 and v2–3; v also contains the prognostic for birth based on the days of the week (v7) and a dream lunarium (v4), but the latter is different from the version found in either T3 or Æ65–J7.122 The birth lunarium is a remarkably stable text, for a lunarium; even the birth predictions in the general lunarium Æ35 are reasonably close to those found in the separate version. The text survives in four nearly identical copies (T5, T21, Æ63, J5), and is very similar to the version found in continental manuscripts: f 3, v4,123 The best recent discussion is found in Weisser, Krankheitslunar, pp. 87–98. See also Förster, ‘Beiträge VI’, and Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, pp. 426–36. 122 Paris, BNF, lat. 2113, 255v–257v (cited as p), contains a different sequence of texts, with lunaria for dreams, birth, and medical prognosis, followed by a general lunarium that ends imperfectly at day 19. 123 Ed. by DiTommaso, ‘Pseudepigrapha Notes I’, p. 124.

121

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Types of Prognostics in T Paris, BNF, lat. 2113, 256r (p).124 Versions of a birth lunarium in English are found in T15, C8, H2 (days 1–14 only), and W4; these are similar but not identical to one another and to the Latin version. T15 is the vernacular counterpart to T5, similar in many details though with some differences and transpositions of number. The version in C8 differs from T15 in a few details, primarily the repetitive formula ‘gif he bið on X nihta’ (where T15 has ‘gif he bið X nihta’), but follows T15 in a number of errors (e.g., 15/5, 15/6); there is no reason to think it is not a copy of T15 itself. Another version, with similar predictions but somewhat different structure, survives in H2 (which ends imperfectly at day 14) and W4: where T15–C8 group together days 13/14, 18/19, 29/30, both H2 and W4 have separate entries for days 13 and 14, and W4 has separate entries for 18, 19, 29, and 30. Echoing Förster, Chardonnens argues that W4 and H2 ‘are probably two separate translations not derived from or related to’ T15–C8,125 but close similarities in the language of these different versions, particularly in those entries without a clear Latin antecedent (see, for example, 15/3, 15/9, 15/12, 15/16, 15/22), make it more likely that they all derive from a common English translation. That text apparently translated a Latin version largely similar to T5, but as the textual history of the birth lunarium is more homogeneous than that of the medical lunarium so it is not possible to identify a single text or textual tradition as the origin of this version. Another component of the general lunarium in T2 is a prediction for the recovery of a person falling sick on a given day. T6 is a lunar calendar offering similar medical prognosis;126 it generally predicts only whether a patient will live or die, and whether the illness will be short or long. The medical lunarium seems to have been an enormously popular work, appearing as early as the ninth century in manuscripts such as f (Harley 3017, 58v), Uppsala, Universitetsbibliotek, C 664, p. 23 (incomplete), Berlin, Preussische Staatbibliothek, Phillipps 1790, 41v,127 and others. It is also one of the most textually diverse; Weisser distinguishes at least six different versions of the text based on differences in the nature of the prognoses and the structure of the texts. In contrast, Insular copies of the text show a remarkable uniformity, though they differ from the medical prognoses included

124

Early birth lunaria are also found in Berlin, Preussische Staatsbibliothek, Phillipps 1790, 40r (s. ix; Beccaria 50), where it is called lunaris sancti Danielis and is part of a series of prognostics including a combined medical/dream lunarium, 40r (ed. Weisser, Krankheitslunar, pp. 175–6), a numerological device for medical prognosis (40v), two medical lunaria (40v–41v; ed. Weisser, Krankheitslunar, pp. 365–73 and 174–5), a medical prognostic based on the signs of the zodiac (41v–42r), and another dream lunarium (42rv). See Rose, Verzeichniss der lateinischen Handschriften der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, pp. 362–8; and St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 751, p. 376 (s. ix; described in Beccaria 133). A somewhat different Latin version is found in Vatican, BAV, Vat. lat. 642 (s. xii, Lyons?), 91r, where it is also part of a sequence of lunaria for dreams (91r), birth, and propitious actions (91v–94r; ed. Svenberg, De latinska lunaria, pp. 88–95). 125 Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, p. 428; see Förster, ‘Beiträge VIII’, pp. 17–18. 126 See Förster, ‘Beiträge VIII’, pp. 30–6; some texts are transcribed in Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, pp. 461–5. The definitive study is that of Weisser, Krankheitslunar. 127 Beccaria 50; coll. Weisser, Krankheitslunar, pp. 174–5.

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Introduction in the general lunarium discussed above.128 The text is part of the sequence of texts copied as a group in T, Æ and J; T6 is identical to T22 (which is however cut short after seven entries), Æ64, and J6. C2 (London, BL, Cotton Caligula A.xv, 125v–126r) is almost certainly a direct copy of both the text and gloss of T6; in this copy the English gloss appears alongside the Latin in a parallel column. This version of the text is also found in the continental manuscripts London, BL, Harley 3017, 58v (f ) and Vatican, BAV, Pal. lat. 235, 39v (v).129 T11 is a vernacular counterpart to the Latin text in T6 but not a translation of it. It preserves an idiosyncratic structure not found in other surviving medical lunaria, grouping days 9/10/11, 13/14/15/16/17/18/19, 21/22/23 and 26/27/28/29. A different English version with a different structure is found in W5;130 the two English versions are not from the same original, but their predictions are similar in a number of cases. Both English versions are similar to surviving Anglo-Latin texts but not identical to them, nor indeed to any of the many versions of the text noted in Weisser. Whether these English versions derive from an otherwise unattested Latin source, or are rather loosely remembered versions of existing texts, or preserve traces of a vernacular tradition parallel to that found in Latin, cannot easily be determined. The surviving English and Latin versions often reflect, repeat, imitate, and echo one another in numerous ways, not all of which are susceptible to textual analysis. T2 also offers advice on bloodletting; a separate lunarium for bloodletting is found in T19, one of a group of four prognostics on 65r–v. A lunar calendar listing good and bad days for phlebotomy, and occasionally hours within the day, is printed among Bede’s works in Patrologia Latina 90, 961–2, but its attribution to Bede has long been recognized as spurious.131 As has already been noted, Bede lends the supernatural support of St John of Beverley to the idea that the moon influenced the flow of the blood; one should not infer from this passage that Bede 128

One possible exception may be London, BL, Cotton Nero A.ii, which contains a brief note at the bottom of 7r: Luna .i. ⁊ iii ⁊ u ⁊ ix ⁊ xi ⁊ xu qui inciderit in eis cito morietur. The language is that of a medical lunarium pared down to its bare essence, but the days listed as fatal are not the same as those found in any other surviving Insular text. This is a composite manuscript whose first part (fols. 3–13) was almost certainly once part of London, BL, Cotton Galba A.xiv, a private prayer book written 1029–47 at Winchester, probably Nunnaminster; see B. Muir, A Pre-Conquest English Prayer-Book (BL MSS Cotton Galba A.xiv and Nero A.ii (ff. 3–13)), Henry Bradshaw Society 103 (Woodbridge, 1988), and A. N. Doane, Early English Manuscripts in Microfiche Facsimile 1 (Binghamton, NY, 1994), 15. The manuscript is Ker 157 and Gneuss 342. 129 The text is somewhat similar to that of Paris, BNF, lat. 6882A, 18v (a composite manuscript, the first part of which, fols. 1–26, is from Poitiers, s. ix, and contains medical texts, much annotated and corrected. See Beccaria 26, Wickersheimer LXIII; the text is transcribed in Wickersheimer, p. 74) and Vatican, BAV, Pal. lat. 485, 13v (s. ix, Lorsch; see F. Paxton, ‘Bonus liber: A Late Carolingian Clerical Manual from Lorsch (Bibliotheca Vaticana MS Pal. lat. 485)’, in The Two Laws: Studies in Medieval Legal History Dedicated to Stephan Kuttner, ed. L. Mayali and S. A. J. Tibbetts, Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Canon Law 1, Washington, 1990), where it follows a prose text on bloodletting and precedes a dietary calendary. Lunaria in both manuscripts are also coll. Weisser, Krankheitslunar, pp. 273–7; both tend to diverge more and more from the version edited here as the text progresses. 130 Pr. Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, pp. 460–1. 131 Jones, Bedae Pseudepigrapha, pp. 88–9.

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Types of Prognostics in T was familiar with a text like the bloodletting lunarium,132 but it does suggest that he condoned the theory behind such a text, which posits a correlation between the moon’s phases and the flow of the humors. Among T’s main collection of texts only T2 offers advice on bloodletting, but attention to the proper times for bloodletting seems to have been a preoccupation of most other users of prognostics. A great many Latin texts in Anglo-Saxon manuscripts note the occurrence of ‘Egyptian Days’, or the late summer dies caniculares, which were, among other things, bad days for letting blood.133 All the same, bloodletting may not have been a widely followed practice at all levels of Anglo-Saxon society: bloodletting lunaria are not found in English (with the exception of a glossed version in Cambridge, CCC 422, part II, p. 27 (cited as D),134 in which the Latin text and English gloss are arranged in columns,135 and texts on the topic are generally confined to learned monastic works such as Psalters and computus collections. The earliest surviving English lunarium for bloodletting appears in a section added to Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Bodley 579 (2675);136 its simplified guidelines note only which days are bonae and which are malae137 and it does not specify the activity to which these indications refer, though there can be little doubt that the activity in question is bloodletting. Two distinct Latin versions are found in a number of manuscripts; copies virtually identical to T19 are found in Æ61–J3 and London, Lambeth Palace 427, 3r;138 J3 has been annotated with different 132 133 134

135 136

137 138

Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, pp. 113–15, misunderstands earlier statements on the subject in my ‘Anglo-Saxon Prognostics in Context’, p. 202. These are discussed and transcribed in Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, pp. 270–89 and 330–92. C. 1061, Winchester Nunnaminster or Sherborne. Ker 70; Gneuss 111. A facsimile is ed. T. Graham, R. J. S. Grant, P. J. Lucas, and E. M. Treharne, Corpus Christi College Cambridge 1, Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts in Microfiche Facsimile 11, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 265 (Tempe, AZ, 2003), with a description on pp. 81–97. Budny, Insular, Anglo-Saxon, and Early Anglo-Norman Manuscript Art at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, describes this as a ‘decorated, small-format copy of Masses and other Offices, with some Old English texts and headings, and with prefatory calendrical and computistical tables . . . a portable breviary in partial or primitive form’ (645). The text, damaged but legible, is pr. H. Henel, ‘Altenglischer Mönchsaberglaube’, Englische Studien 69 (1934–5), 334–5. The text is arranged somewhat oddly in four columns, i.e. ‘Luna | i | B | ona est. her hit’ etc.; part of the top right corner of the page is missing. Because the gloss/translation produces complex differences from other versions, this version has not been collated among the variants to T19; textually it is similar to Æ1. S. ix2; s. x2; s. xi med., Exeter. Ker 315, Gneuss 585. Ed. N. Orchard, The Leofric Missal, 2 vols., Henry Bradshaw Society 113–14 (London, 2002). A large and complex service book formerly thought to have been written in France and brought to England in the tenth century; Orchard (I, 1) argues that the manuscript was compiled for Archbishop Plegmund of Canterbury (890–923). Fols. 38–59 were added in the late tenth century, possibly at Canterbury but based on Glastonbury materials and containing a calender and computus texts, a two-page ‘Sphere of Apuleius’ (49v–50r) presented with two personified figures of a crowned Vita and horned Mors, and (56r) a simplified lunarium, presumably for bloodletting. The bad days are 5, 6, 8, 12, 15, 18, 21, 25, 26, 28, 29, and 30. Gneuss 517, Ker 280; s. xi1, Winchester (?), later Lanthony. Prognostic texts, including this one and a Latin dream lunarium, are on leaves probably added s. xii1. Both are essentially identical to the

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Introduction predictions for many days.139 In T, Æ, and J (but not L) it is the first of a set of four prognostics found in the same order in the three manuscripts. Another Latin version survives in Æ1, London, BL, Arundel 60, 1r (A),140 and London, BL, Harley 3271, 102v (G),141 and D;142 textual agreements among this group distinguish it from T19–Æ61–J3.143 The surviving manuscript contexts of these two versions suggest that Æ1–A–G–D circulated as a single text; it is prefaced to a Psalter calendar in three surviving manuscripts (Æ1–A–D) and added to a blank space in one (G). The version in T19–Æ61–J3 was one of a group of texts which appear to have circulated together. But these textual distinctions are not absolute, and since, as J3 indicates, copyists or readers may have compared and collated different versions of the text, any division into textual families must be provisional. The general lunaria most similar to T2, and those collated by Svenberg and Weisser alongside it, do not contain indications for bloodletting, suggesting that these may have been added to T2 or its exemplar from a separate source. Indications for bloodletting in T2 differ from both of the textual traditions represented by T19 and Æ1 on 17 of its 30 days;144 these differences suggest that at least one other distinct version of this text—a third textual tradition—found its way to Anglo-Saxon England. Dreambooks Five texts in T are concerned with dreams—in addition to the lunar calendars in Latin (T3) and English (T8) addressing the reliability of dreams on a given day, three separate texts offer lists explaining the meaning of objects seen in dreams,

139

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texts as originally written in J without later alterations. All three copies are transcribed Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, pp. 444–6. The alterations in J3 do not correlate to the differences between T19 and the text found in G3–Æ1–A1. In many cases they bring the text into closer conformity with the bloodletting indications in the general lunarium T2: the text has been altered on fifteen days (2, 3, 4, 9, 10, 11, 14, 15, 19, 21, 23, 24, 28, 29, and 30), ten of which (3, 4, 10, 11, 21, 23, 24, 28, 29, 30) reflect the bloodletting indications in T2. The ‘Arundel Psalter’. s. xi2, Winchester NM. Ker 134, Gneuss 304. Facsimile ed. Pulsiano, Psalters 1, with a description on pp. 13–18. The lunarium appears among prefatory computistical material on fols. 1–12. S. xi1, of unknown origin. Ker 239, Gneuss 435. A copy of Ælfric’s Grammar and miscellaneous materials in Latin and English; Latin and English are not distinguished in script. In the blank space at the end of the last quire of the Grammar (fols. 90–2) are computistical and other notes, including prohibitions against bloodletting on Egyptian Days. More lists of unlucky days are on 120v–124r; the fact that the same text is repeated several times suggests that these additions were not carefully planned. This material is closely related to texts in Æ. The bloodletting lunarium is added in a different hand in a blank space on 102v. Medical material in this manuscript is described in Beccaria 76. Henel, ‘Altenglischer Mönchsaberglaube’, notes the close connections between these texts and proposes that a bloodletting lunarium was on the first (now lost) folio of Vi (London, BL, Cotton Vitellius E.xviii). continental versions, mostly different from surviving Insular copies, are found in Vatican, BAV, Pal. lat. 1449, 9r; BAV, Pal. lat. 485, 15v; London, BL, Sloane 475, 37r. Indications are different for days 3, 7, 8, 10, 12, 13, 17, 20, 22, 23, 26, 28, 29, 30. These are days 3, 4, 8, 10, 13, 14, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29.

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Types of Prognostics in T two in English (T9, T17) and one in Latin (T1). The interpretation of dreams was clearly one of the primary interests of the compilers of T. Belief in the predictive power of dreams was universal in antiquity, inevitably accompanied by scepticism about their truth-value and anxiety over their proper interpretation.145 The belief, scepticism, and anxiety alike persisted virtually unchanged into Christian culture. Despite scriptural warnings such as Jeremiah XXIX.8 non vos seducant prophetae vestri qui sunt in medio vestrum et divini vestri, et ne adtendatis ad somnia vestra quae vos somniatis,146 biblical warrant for the interpretation of dreams could be found in Job XXXIII.14–16, which affirms that God speaks to man per somnium in visione nocturna, quando inruit sopor super homines et dormiunt in lectulo; tunc aperit aures virorum, et erudiens eos instruit disciplinam,147 as well as the story of Joseph in Egypt in Genesis XXXVII–XLI and the prophetic dreams of Joseph in the Gospel of Matthew. At the same time the potentially deceptive and dangerous nature of dreams was recognized and feared; each night at Compline monks living under the rule of St Benedict prayed for protection against the timore nocturno and negotio perambulante in tenebris (Ps. XCI.5, 6); the Compline hymn Te lucis ante terminum asks that Procul recedant somnia / et noctium phantasmata.148 Presumably most dreams, then as now, fell somewhere between these extremes of celestial visitation and demonic wrestling, but the portentous ambiguity that is the hallmark of dream imagery naturally encouraged speculation and interpretation. Gregory the Great’s Dialogues asserts that dreams arise in the soul in various 145

The literature on this topic is vast; general studies of the role of dreams in antiquity and the early Middle Ages include J. Le Goff, ‘Les rêves dans la culture et la psychologie collective de l’Occident médiéval’, in Pour un autre Moyan Âge. Temps, travail et culture en Occident (Paris, 1977), pp. 299–306, tr. as ‘Dreams in the Culture and Collective Psychology of the Medieval West’, in Time, Work and Culture in the Middle Ages (Chicago, 1980), pp. 201–4), and ‘Christianity and Dreams (Second to Seventh Century)’, in The Medieval Imagination, tr. Arthur Goldhammer (Chicago, 1988), pp. 193–231. For the ancient Near East, see A. L. Oppenheim, The Interpretation of Dreams in the Ancient Near-East, with a Translation of an Assyrian Dream-Book, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society n.s. 46:3 (Philadelphia, 1956); for the late Hellenistic context, see S. M. Oberhelman, Dreambooks in Byzantium: Six Oneirocritica in Translation, with Commentary and Introduction (Aldershot, 2008), who translates a number of important texts. Other useful studies include J. S. Hanson, ‘Dreams and Visions in the Graeco-Roman World and Early Christianity’, in Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt. Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung II, ed. W. Haase, 23.2 (Berlin, 1980), pp. 1395–1427; L. Bitel, ‘In Visu Noctis: Dreams in European Hagiography and Histories, 450–900’, History of Religions 31 (1991), 39–59; Kruger, Dreaming in the Middle Ages; P. C. Williams, Dreams in Late Antiquity (Princeton, 1994); P. Dutton, The Politics of Dreaming in the Carolingian Empire (Lincoln, NE, 1994); I. Moreira, Dreams, Visions and Spiritual Authority in Merovingian Gaul (Ithaca, NY, 2000), and ‘Dreams and Divination in Early Medieval Canonical and Narrative Sources: The Question of Clerical Control’, Catholic Historical Review 89 (2003), 621–42; A. Paradis, ‘Les oniromanciens et leurs traités des rêves’, in Aspects de la marginalité du Moyen Age, ed. G.-H. Allard (Montréal, 1975), pp. 118–27. 146 ‘Let not your prophets that are in the midst of you and your diviners deceive you, and give no heed to your dreams which you dream.’ 147 ‘In a dream, in a vision of the night, when sleep falls upon men and they slumber in their beds; then he opens the ears of men, and teaching instructs them in what they are to learn.’ 148 ‘Let the dreams and phantasms of the night depart to a distant place.’

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Introduction ways, from revelation to demonic deception to indigestion. Given this variety of causes, he urges prudence in the interpretation of dreams: Sed nimirum cum omnia tot rerum qualitatibus alternent, tanto eis credi difficilius debet, quanto et ex quo impulsu veniant, facilius non elucet. Sancti autem viri inter illusiones atque revelationes ipsas visionum voces aut imagines quodam intimo sapore discernunt, ut sciant vel quid a bono spiritu percipiant, vel quid ab illusione patiantur. Nam si erga haec mens cauta non fuerit, per deceptorem spiritum multis se vanitatibus immergit, qui nonnumquam solet multa vera praedicere, ut ad extremum valeat animam ex aliqua falsitate laqueare.149

While scepticism towards dreams was often urged as a protection against delusion, both lay and clerical society believed without question in the power of dreams to predict future events or reveal hidden truths, and they had the authority of scripture, the traditions of hagiography, and the inclinations of human nature to support them.150 In his life of St Swithun, in which revelatory dreams play a pivotal role, Ælfric recounts the many visitations of the saint in dreams but interrupts his narrative to warn that while some dreams come from God, others come from Satan. Almost as soon as he introduces the topic, he retreats from it somewhat evasively: Nu is to witenne þæt we ne sceolan cepan ealles to swyðe be swefnum, forðan þe hi ealle ne beoð of Gode. Sume swefna syndon soðlice of Gode, swa swa we on bocum rædað, and sume beoð of deofle to sumum swicdome hu he ða sawle forpære, ac his gedwimor ne mæg derian þam godum, gif hi hi bletsiaþ, and hi gebiddað to Gode. Þa swefna beoð wynsume þe gewurðaþ of Gode, and þa beoð egefulle ðe of þam deofle cumað, and God sylf forbead þæt we swefnum ne folgion, þe læs ðe se deofol us bedydrian mæge.151

Given such uncertainties, it is not surprising that devices for oneiromancy from Dialogues IV.48a (Patrologia Latina 77, 412): ‘Seeing, then, that dreams may arise from such a variety of causes, one ought to be very reluctant to put one’s faith in them, since it is hard to tell from what source they come. The saints, however, can distinguish true revelation from the voices and images of illusions through an inner sensitivity. If the mind is not on guard against these, it will be entangled in countless vanities by the master of deceit, who is clever enough to foretell many things that are true in order finally to capture the soul by but one falsehood’. Tr. O. J. Zimmerman, Dialogues (New York, 1959), p. 262. 150 Moreira, ‘Dreams and Divination’, p. 626. With examples largely drawn from Merovingian Gaul, Moreira suggests that ‘the model held up for lay dreamers was the importance and utility of priestly consultation’ and that ‘models of desired behavior depicted by Gregory of Tours and the seventhcentury hagiographers . . . promote the view that priestly advice was sought, not mandated— requested, not imposed’ (pp. 641–2). 151 ‘Now you must know that we should not take too much heed of dreams, because they are not all from God. Some dreams truly are from God, as we read in books, and some from the devil for some deception so that he might destroy the soul, but his illusions may not harm good people if they bless themselves and pray to God. Dreams which come from God are pleasant, and those which come from the devil are terrifying, and God himself forbade that we follow dreams, lest the devil be able to deceive us’. Ælfric’s Lives of Saints, ed. W. W. Skeat, EETS os 76, 82, 94, 114 (London, 1881–1900; repr. 2 vols. 1966), I, 467. 149

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Types of Prognostics in T antiquity continued to be found useful in medieval culture. Among these were alphabetical lists of the significance of objects appearing in dreams, whose Latin versions are known to scholars as the Somniale Danielis.152 The Somniale Danielis was apparently written in Greek, though the earliest surviving Greek versions of the text are from the fifteenth century or later.153 The work betrays its origins in the late-antique Mediterranean world with entries for dreams about camels (1/57), elephants (1/95), Hercules (1/130) and amphitheaters (1/144). It appears to have been translated into Latin, perhaps more than once, fairly early in its life;154 the translator(s) rearranged the items in the list in alphabetical order according to the first letter of their Latin rather than their Greek forms. The Latin version survives in more than seventy manuscripts, the earliest of which include f 1, a fragmentary version containing 76 entries from D to N, not all of them legible;155 v5, containing 54 entries from A to F; Uppsala, Universitetsbibliotek C 664 (s. ix), containing 312 entries (D through Z);156 and Vienna, ÖNB 271 (s. xinc), 76v–77v, containing 158 items. 152

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The text is attributed to Daniel in T1; if titles were prefaced to S11 and F1, they have been lost; no title is given in Æ68—though one was added later—or in v, where the text is apparently to be taken as part of the preceding set of lunaria. On the attribution to Daniel in the Middle Ages see M. Semeraro, Il ‘Libro dei sogni di Daniele’. Storia di un testo ‘proibito’ nel medioevo (Rome, 2002) and L. DiTommaso, The Book of Daniel and the Apocryphal Daniel Literature, Studia in Veteris Testamenti Pseudepigrapha 20 (Leiden, 2005), 247–58. This attribution was criticized, e.g., by John of Salisbury, Policraticus II.17.97–8. The best recent study is Epe, Wissenliteratur im angelsächsischen England. Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, pp. 290–329, provides generally reliable transcriptions and copious bibliography. The earliest is Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Philipps 1479, 4v–10v, for which see E. DeStoop, ‘Oneirocriticon du prophète Daniel dédié au roi Nebuchodonosor’, Revue de philologie, de littérature et d’histoire anciennes (Paris) 33 (1909), 93–111; another text is pr. F. Drexl, ‘Das Traumbuch des Propheten Daniel nach dem cod. Vatic. Palat. gr. 319’, Byzantinische Zeitschrift 26 (1926), 290–314. The Somniale bears only a structural similarity to the second-century Oneirocritica of Artemidorus, for which see Artemidori Daldani Onirocriticon Libri V, ed. R. Pack (Leipzig, 1963). Another analogue is discussed in F. Drexl, ‘Das Traumbuch des Patriarchen Nikephoros’, in Festgabe für Albert Ehrhard, Beiträge zur Geschichte des christlichen Altertums und byzantischen Literatur 14 (Bonn, 1922), pp. 94–118. M. Mavroudi, A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretations: The ‘Oneirocriticon of Achmet’and its Arabic Sources, The Medieval Mediterranean: Peoples, Economies and Cultures, 400–1453, 36 (Leiden, 2002), convincingly demonstrates that another analogue, a popular Greek work from the ninth or tenth century, is derived from Islamic Arabic sources, not Hellenistic ones. Förster, ‘Das älteste kymrische Traumbuch (Um 1350)’, Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 13 (1921), 59–60, suggests that the Latin translation is from the seventh century, though his argument is made more on the grounds of probability than evidence. The complex relationship between early manuscripts of the Latin Somniale and Byzantine Greek versions is charted in A. Önnerfors, ‘Zur Überlieferunggeschichte des sogenannten Somniale Danielis’, Eranos: Acta Philologica Suecana 58 (1960), 142–58. Edited in Martin, ‘The Earliest Versions of the Latin Somniale Danielis’. A medical manuscript of 179 fols. (pp. 85–100 are from a different manuscript) from northern Italy; Beccaria 117, and see M. Andersson-Schmitt, H. Hallberg, and M. Hedlund, Mittelalterliche Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek Uppsala: Katalog über die C- Sammlung: Bd. 6. C 551–935 (Stockholm, 1993), pp. 239–43. The manuscript is in various hands and contains a number of medical works, both theoretical and practical, the Pseudo-Apuleius Herbarium and other recipes, and prognostics, including lunaria for medical prognosis (p. 23) and bloodletting (p. 30), both

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Introduction The Somniale Danielis is a strikingly polymorphous work; no two copies are identical. Martin discerns ‘two radically distinct versions’ of the text, ‘a’ and ‘b’,157 with different dreams and different interpretations for the same dreams, as well as some hybrid ‘a/b’ texts and a few anomalous ones; on the origin of these two versions—whether one is derived from the other, or both are separate translations of a single original—Martin offers no opinion, suggesting that ‘the nature of the evidence does not permit a definite conclusion’.158 Surviving Anglo-Saxon copies T1, S11, and Æ68 are all variants of the ‘a’ version; early continental copies (v5, Uppsala C 664, Vienna 271) are of the ‘b’ version.159 The earliest English versions of the ‘b’ text are in post-Conquest manuscripts such as Cambridge, Pembroke College 103 (s. xii, Reading), 75r–77v,160 and London, BL, Egerton 821 (s. xii), 12r–14v. Because it is essentially a catalogue of one-line items expressed in formulaic language, the Somniale Danielis was naturally subject in the course of its transmission to unpredictably variable amounts of omission, alteration, and expansion, as well as the error and emendation common to all manuscript texts. Most later copies combine items from the ‘a’ and ‘b’ texts, and even the earliest surviving copies of these two versions are not entirely distinct; some items may have been transmitted mnemonically rather than copied from an exemplar, making it virtually impossible to reconstruct the work’s textual history. Possible lines of textual transmission may be inferred, however, from the different meanings given for different items and from differences in the formulas used in different texts. The glossed Latin version in T1, the fullest early version of the text, is a conflation of at least three different sources; the first 249 entries follow alphabetical order, and include most of the 158 items in Æ68 and all 29 of S11 (a fragment containing items from A to B); it is followed by a group (250–70) of items beginning with C–V which includes all the remaining items found in Æ68 but not in the first part of T1. This is then followed by a third group (271–302) containing entries which begin with si (compare 1/292 Si uideris domum tuam ardentem. inuenire te pecuniam significat with the corresponding 1/83 Domum suam ardere uiderit. periculum uitę significat).161

157 158 159

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mutilated, and the Revelatio Esdrae (pp. 111–13). Its version of the Somniale Danielis is ed. J. Grub, Das lateinische Traumbuch im Codex Upsaliensis C664 (9. Jh.). Eine frühmittelalterliche Fassung der lateinischen Somniale Danielis-Tradition, Lateinische Sprache und Literatur des Mittelalters 19 (Frankfurt, 1984). Grub notes other early manuscripts: Munich, BSB, clm 14377 (s. x), 105v–106v; Vatican, BAV, Reg. lat. 567 (s. ix-x/xi), 34v–37r; Vercelli, Bibl. Capitolare LXII (s. xiinc), 218rb-219vb; Vienna, ÖNB, 2723 (s. x), 124v–130r. Martin, Somniale Danielis, p. 4. Martin’s ‘a’ and ‘b’ typology is explored in more detail by Epe, Wissenliteratur im angelsächsischen England, pp. 74–101. Martin, Somniale Danielis, p. 7. The fragmentary f 1 is somewhat anomalous, containing items not found in either the ‘a’ or ‘b’ version of the text, and bears little resemblance to the version in T1. Epe describes it as a ‘Version C’ (p. 78) alongside Uppsala C 664. Containing 144 dreams along with a dream lunarium and other prognostics for weather and the Visio Pauli. The English version of the text in T9 also uses this formula.

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Types of Prognostics in T T9 is an English version of the Somniale Danielis; another copy of the text is found in H10. The entries generally follow the alphabetical order of a Latin original (e.g., ‘earn . . .beon . . . fugela’ etc. for original aquila . . . apes . . . aves etc.). T9 is more explicitly Christian than T1—it mentions dreams about praying to God (9/43), singing in church (9/69), confessing one’s sins (9/72), and reading ‘godcundum bocum’ (9/80), all of which foretell good things—but it is presumably not monastic, since it contains dreams about having sex with one’s neighbour’s wife (9/41) as well as one’s own (9/42), and about one’s wife being with child (9/73). Entries begin with ‘Gif man mæte’ (9/1) or ‘Gif him þince’ (9/2 etc.) which suggests that entries in the Latin source began with the phrase si somniaveris or si uideris (as in 1/271–302). While more than 25% of dreams in T9 have some parallel in the items in the si uideris section of T1, sometimes occurring in roughly the same sequence (e.g., 9/4–5, 9/8–11 = 1/284–9), other dreams are similar to items elsewhere in T1, or in other versions of the Somniale preserved in later manuscripts. Epe associates T9 and H10 (his sigla are EB-EH) with his ‘Rezension G’, different from both ‘a’ and ‘b’ recensions of the Somniale Danielis but with similarities to both, and represented by London, BL, Sloane, 3281 (s. xiii–xiv),162 but concludes that ‘der Traumbestand von EB-EH vollständig nicht in einer lateinischen Somniale-Fassung vorhanden ist. Vielmehr erscheinen die Träume allzu exzerptartig aneinandergereiht’.163 Another English version of the Somniale (containing 26 items) is found in T17, with a similar structure but different items and meanings. Revelatio Esdrae Another text found in parallel Latin and English versions in T is a short text offering predictions for the year’s weather, agricultural conditions, and some human affairs based on the day of the week on which the Kalends of January falls.164 Noted and described by Martin, Somniale Danielis, pp. 27–9. Epe, Wissenliteratur im angelsächsischen England, p. 97, emphasis in the original. 164 The text is discussed in Thorndike, History of Magic and Experimental Science, I, 677–8; Förster, ‘Beiträge II’, pp. 296–301; and noted in Biggs et al., Sources of Anglo-Saxon Literary Culture: A Trial Version, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 74 (Binghamton, NY, 1990), 29–30. It is printed among Bede’s writings in Patrologia Latina 90, 951 (where it is joined to a later, apparently Spanish, astrological text predicting the course of the year based on the zodiacal sign ruling the first hour of the night of 1 January); see Jones, Bedae Pseudepigrapha, p. 87, who describes it—presumably because of the longer text to which it is attached—as ‘obviously tinged with Arabic astrology’, though it really has no trace of any astrological influence. Fuller discussions are found in G. Mercati, ‘Anecdota Aporcypha Latina. Una “Visio” ed una “Revelatio” d’Esdra con un decreto di Clemente Romano’, Note di letterature biblica e christiane antica, Studi e testi 5 (Vatican City, 1901), pp. 61–81, at pp. 74–9; E. A. Matter, ‘The “Revelatio Esdrae” in Latin and English Traditions’, Revue bénédictine 92 (1982), 376–92; Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, pp. 491–500; and M. C. Cesario, ‘Anglo-Saxon Prognostics: The Twelve Nights of Christmas and the Revelatio Esdrae’ (unpubl. Ph.D. Thesis, University of Manchester, 2007), pp. 115–88 (I am grateful to Dr Cesario for calling to my attention a number of studies and texts I would not otherwise have found, and for her 162 163

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Introduction Like most medieval prognostics, the Latin text may be a translation from a Greek original, but there is no consensus on when and where it originated, as long-range weather prognostics are common to many cultures.165 Latin versions often appear with the title Revelatio (or Supputatio) Esdrae; the reason for the ascription of this text to the biblical prophet Ezra, to whom a number of mostly apocalyptic apocrypha are attributed, is not known.166 Despite, or perhaps because of, the general and fairly banal nature of its predictions—one hardly needs prophetic revelation to know that spring is often windy or that the elderly tend to die—the Revelatio Esdrae enjoyed enormous popularity; it had a wide circulation in Latin and many vernaculars167 and continued to appear in early-modern printed almanacs in Germany and in England, where it was ascribed to a fictitious ‘learned Jew’ named ‘Erra Pater’.168 The belief that each weekday had a different quality or significance is older than Christianity;169 the Church calendar and the Divine Office also distinguished,

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permission to draw upon her collations here. In one or two cases I have relied on her transcriptions on manuscripts I have not seen personally). Matter, ‘The “Revelatio Esdrae”’, p. 379, notes that a similar text is described in the chronicle of John of Nikion, an Egyptian churchman of the seventh century (see The Chronicle of John, Bishop of Nikau, ed. and trans. R. H. Charles (London, 1916), pp. 51–2), but surviving Greek texts are later than the earliest Latin texts. Two are pr. C. Du Cange, Glossarium ad Scriptores Mediae et Infirmiae Graecitatis (Lyons, 1788; repr. Graz 1958), I, 548, from Vatican, BAV, Vat. Reg. 945, and M. Boissonade, Traité alimentaire de médecine hiérophile, in Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque du Roi 11/2 (Paris 1827), pp. 186–7, n. 3, from Paris, BNF, grec. 2286, fols. 110–11, where the text is classed among the ‘monuments de la sottise humaine’. D. A. Fiensy, however, suggests that the text’s original language was Latin; see ‘Revelations of Ezra (prior to the Ninth Century A.D.): A New Translation and Introduction’, in J. H. Charlesworth, ed. The Old Testament Pseudoepigrapha, I: Apocalyptic Literature and Testaments (London and New York, 1983), pp. 601–4 (cited in Cesario, ‘Anglo-Saxon Prognostics’, p. 116). The preference in Latin versions for the ecclesiastical ferial system of numbering days, and the universal reference to Sunday by its Christian name dies Dominici (rather than dies Solis) supports this suggestion, or at least suggests that the text underwent considerable revision in its translation to Latin. See R. A. Kraft, ‘“Ezra” Materials in Judaism and Christianity’, in Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischer Welt: Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der Neueren Forschung, ed. H. Temporini and W. Haase (Berlin, 1980), II, 119–36, and F. Nau, ‘Analyse de deux opuscules astrologiques attribués au Prophète Esdras et d’un calendrier lunaire de l’Ancien Testament attribué à Esdras, aux Égyptiens et même à Aristote’, Revue de l’orient chrétien 12 (1907), 14–21. Cesario lists and collates twenty-five copies of the Latin text from the ninth to twelfth centuries, and suggests that ‘No doubt further texts await discovery’ (p. 128). She points out the general lack of grammatical and linguistic consistency both between different copies and within single copies (pp. 134–8), which suggests its popularity as a living text, subject to linguistic changes in popular Latin and at the mercy of the relatively poor Latinity of its copyists. Matter, ‘The “Revelatio Esdrae”’, p. 381 n. 1, lists a number of French and Anglo-Norman versions of the text, the earliest of which appear to be written in England or are in an English hand. For early printed editions in German, see G. Hellmann, Die Bauern-Praktik 1508, Neudrucke von Schriften und Karten über Meteorologie und Erdmagnetismus 5 (Berlin, 1896). For English versions, see C. Camden Jr, ‘Elizabethan Almanacs And Prognostications’, The Library 13 (1931), 83–108, C. F. Bühler, ‘Sixteenth-Century Prognostications: Libri Impressi cum Notis Manuscriptis—Part II’, Isis 33.5 (1942), 609–20. As Matter observes, ‘The English Revelatio Esdrae tradition, in short, ends only by blending into the world of the Farmer’s Almanac’ (p. 385). The ‘theophoric’ names of the days of the week suggest that astrologically each day was considered

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Types of Prognostics in T in their way, certain weekdays as having a particular character (celebration on Sundays, penance on Fridays, and so on). Prognostics involving the coincidence of weekdays and larger cycles such as the month (see T13) or year were in a sense a natural complement to this system, similar in many respects to the modern idea that misfortunes are more frequent when a Friday falls on the thirteenth day of the month. In the Revelatio Esdrae, however, the predicted course of the year seems to bear few traces of the quality of the day on which it begins—years beginning on a Sunday are not notably better than those beginning on a Monday (a day regarded as inauspicious in many prognostic texts). Nor does there seem to be any trace of the character of the Roman gods in the predictions for each day—years beginning on dies Martis are not particularly martial, nor those beginning on dies Veneris particularly amorous or fertile. The text does, however, reflect the Roman practice of beginning the year on the Kalends of January. There was no general agreement in Anglo-Saxon and early-medieval culture on whether the year began on 1 January, 25 December (which seems to have been the Germanic custom), 25 March (the feast of the Annunciation), 1 September (the beginning of the Roman indiction), or some other date.170 Ælfric discusses these different customs in his Homily on the Octave of the Nativity, rejecting various alternatives not authorized by Scripture in favor of 21 March, the fourth day of creation in Bede’s reckoning and, by a fortunate coincidence, the feast of St Benedict: We habbað oft gehyred þæt men hatað þysne dæg geares dæig: swilce ðes dægi fyrmest sy on geares ymbrene: ac we ne gemetað nane geswutelunge on cristenum bocum hwi ðes dæg. to geares anginne geteald sy. Ða ealdan romani on hæðenum dagum ongunnon þæs geares ymbrene on þisum dæge. & þa hebreiscan leoda on lenctenlicere emnihte þa greciscan on sumerlicum sunstede. & þa egyptiscan þeoda ongunnon heora geares getel on hærfeste. Nu ongynð ure gerim æfter romaniscre gesetnysse on þysum dæge: for nanum godcundlicum gesceade: ac for þam ealdan gewunan. Sume ure þeningbec onginnað on aduentum domini. Nis þeah ðær for ðy þæs geares ord: ne eac on þisum dæge nis mid to reflect the character of its ruling deity or planet. On the Germanic adaptation of the Roman system, see D. H. Green, ‘Zu den germanischen Wochentagsnamen in ihren europäischen Beziehungen’, in Vox Sermo Res: Beiträge zur Sprachreflexion, Literatur- und Sprachgeschichte vom Mittelalter bis zur Neuzeit. Festschrift Uwe Ruberg, ed. W. Haubrichs, W. Kleiber and R. Voß (Stuttgart and Leipzig, 2001), pp. 223–35, and Language and History in the Early Germanic World (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 243–53. A more cautious view of the origins of this system is P. Shaw, ‘The Origins of the Theophoric Week in the Germanic Languages’, Early Medieval Europe 15 (2007), 386–401. 170 For debate over the beginning of the year, see R. L. Poole, ‘The Beginning of the Year in the Middle Ages’, Proceedings of the British Academy 10 (1921–3), 113–37 and Studies in Chronology and History (Oxford, 1934); K. Harrison, ‘The Beginning of the Year in England, c. 500–900’, Anglo-Saxon England 2 (1973), 51–70, and M. R. Godden, ‘New Year’s Day in Late Anglo-Saxon England’, Notes & Queries n.s. 39 (1992), 148–50. Written calendars always begin on 1 January; homiliaries (including Ælfric’s Catholic Homilies) and mass lectionaries usually begin with the vigil mass for Christmas. In The Framework of Anglo-Saxon History, Harrison suggests that the Church was slow to adopt 1 January as the beginning of the year because of the Roman custom of celebrating the kalends of January in a raucous and excessive manner (p. 38).

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Introduction nanum gesceade. þeah ðe ure gerimbec on þyssere stowe geedlæcon. Rihtlicost bið geþuht þæt ðæs geares anginn on þam dæge sy gehæfd. ðe se ælmihtiga scyppend sunnan & monan. & steorran & ealra tida angin gesette: þæt is on þam dæge þe ðæt hebreisce folc. heora geares getel ongynnað. Swa swa se heretoga moyses on þam ælicum bocum awrat. Witodlice god cwæð to moysen be ðam monðe. Þes monað is monða angin. & he bið fyrmest on geares monðum. Nu heold þæt hebreisce folc þone forman geares dægi on lenctenlicere emnihte for þan ðe on þam dæge wurdon gearlice tida gesette. Se eahtateoða dæg þæs monðes þe we hatað martius þone ge hatað hlyda wæs se forma dæg þyssere worulde. On ðam dæge worhte god leoht & merigen. & æfen: þa eodon þry dagas forð buton tida gemetum: for þan þe tunglan næron gesceapene ær on þam feorþan dæge. On þam feorðan dæge gesette se ælmihtiga ealle tunglan & gearlice tida. & het þæt hi wæron to tacne dagum & gearum. Nu ongynnað þa hebreiscan heora geares anginn. on þam dæge þe ealle tida gesette wæron. þæt is on þam feorþan dæge woruldlicere gesceapenysse: & se lareow beda telð mid micclum gesceade þæt se dæg is .xii. kalendas aprilis. ðone dæg we freolsiað þam halgan were benedicte to wurðmynte for his micclum geþingcðum. Hwæt eac seo eorðe cyð mid hire ciþum. ðe þonne geedcuciað. þæt se tima is. þæt rihtlicoste geares angin. þe hi on gesceapene wæron.171

On this matter, as in many others, Ælfric’s was apparently a minority opinion. 1 January was the occasion of popular celebration, some of it apparently tending towards sinful licence or even pagan practice; such carnivalesque observance was condemned by Church councils, homilists, and the compilers of penitentials. It is 171

‘We have often heard that men call this day “Year’s Day”, as if this were the first day in the course of the year, but we find no explanation in Christian books as to why this day should be considered the beginning of the year. In heathen days, the old Romans began the course of the year on this day, and the Hebrew people on the spring equinox; the Greeks on the summer solstice, and the Egyptian nation began the reckoning of their year in the fall. Now our calendar begins after the Roman system on this day, not for any religious reason by because of old custom. Some of our service books begin on the Lord’s Advent, but it is not the beginning of the year because of that, nor is it placed on this day for any reason, even though our calendars repeat it. Most rightly it has been thought that the beginning of the year should be observed on the day when the Almighty Creator placed the sun and moon and stars, and the beginning of all seasons—that is, on the day on which the Hebrew people begin the calculation of their year, just as the leader Moses wrote in the books of the law. Indeed, God said to Moses about that month, “This month is the beginning of months, and it is first of the months of the year.” Now the Hebrew people held the first day of the year on the spring equinox, because on that day the seasons of the year were established. The eighteenth day of the month that we call Martius, which you call “Hylda”, was the first day of this world. On that day God made light, and morning and evening: then three days went forth without any measure of time, because the stars were not created until the fourth day. On the fourth day the Almighty fixed all the stars, and the seasons of the year, and commanded that they should be for signs of days and years. Now the Hebrews begin their year on the day when all the seasons were established, that is, on the fourth day of the world’s creation; and the scholar Bede calculates, with great understanding, that that day is the twelfth Kalends of April [i.e., March 21], the day which we celebrate in honor of the holy man Benedict, for his great qualities. And lo, even the earth makes known with her new plants, which then come to life again, that the time at which they were created is the most correct beginning of the year’ (Ælfric, Catholic Homilies I.6, 129–61). Ælfric makes his case again in De Temporibus Anni IV, 18–21, but as Godden points out (‘New Year’s Day’), he is virtually alone in his advocacy of this date.

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Types of Prognostics in T by no means clear, however, that these Roman practices were ever adopted by the English, or indeed that 1 January displaced Christmas in the popular imagination as the beginning of the year. Ælfric may have been concerned, however, with other, less exuberant observances associated with this day; immediately after his argument against beginning the year on 1 January in his Homily on the Octave of the Nativity he condemns the practice of divinations on this day, along with other calendrical observances such as avoiding business or bloodletting on Monday, or postponing journeys and voyages because of the day of the month: Nu wigliað stunte men menigfealde wigelunga on þisum dæge. mid micclum gedwylde æfter hæðenum gewunan ongean hyra cristendom: swilce hi magon heora lif gelengan. oððe heora gesundfulnysse mid þam ðe hi gremiað þone ælmihtigan scyppend; Sind eac manega mid swa micclum gedwylde befangene. þæt hi cepað be ðam monan heora fær. and heora dæda be dagum. and nellað heora þing wanian on monandæge: for angynne þære wucan: ac se monandæg nis na fyrmest daga on þære wucan: ac is se oþer; Se sunnandæg is fyrmest on gesceapenysse: and on endebyrdnysse: and on wurþmynte.172

Ælfric’s association of these diverse practices and his use of the term wiglung ‘divination’ suggests that he had in mind something like the observances reflected in the Revelatio Esdrae. He returns to these condemnations on other occasions, which may suggest how widespread such practices were; moreover, as Godden has suggested, Ælfric appears to be directing his condemnation not at lay belief but at clerical practices.173 Surviving copies of the Revelatio Esdrae, like most prognostics, combine narrow formal consistency with broad textual variety, but at least two distinct redactions of this text can be distinguished—one longer and more detailed, the other shorter and devoted almost exclusively to seasonal and agricultural forecasts. The shorter version omits weather forecasts for autumn, offers few predictions about human affairs, and generally limits its agricultural interests to wine and honey. Most of the earliest surviving texts, from the ninth century, including f 8 (London, BL, Harley 3017, 63r–64v), Vatican, BAV, Pal. lat. 1449, 119v–120r,174 Uppsala, 172

‘Now foolish men work various kinds of divination on this day [i.e., 1 January] with great error, after the manner of the heathens against their Christian faith, as if they could increase their lives or health by offending the almighty Creator. There are also many who are caught up in such great error that they plan their journeys by the moon, and their deeds by days, and will not let blood on Monday because it is the beginning of the week. But Monday is not the first day of the week but rather the second; Sunday is first in Creation and in order and in dignity’ (Ælfric, Catholic Homilies I.6, 161–91). 173 ‘The people who call 1 January “year’s day” and the foolish people who practise auguries on that day are perhaps not the common people continuing old pagan celebrations but Ælfric’s own ecclesiastical colleagues.’ Godden, ‘New Year’s Day’, p. 150. 174 A manuscript of 146 fols., mostly of computus materials, from Lorsch. It contains Bede’s De Temporum Ratione and De Natura Rerum as well as other works. Its medical material includes Galen on fever, urine, and the signs of death, and a dietary calendary (120v); its prognostic material includes a bloodletting lunarium (9r), the Revelatio Esdrae (119v–120r), and the ‘Sphere of Pythagoras’ (146v). Its copy of the Revelatio is ed. Mercati, ‘Anecdota Apocrypha Latina’, pp. 77–9, and tr. Matter, ‘The

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Introduction Universitetsbibliotek, C 664, pp. 111–13,175 and Montpellier, Bibliothèque de l’École de Médecine, 301, 1r,176 contain the longer redaction.177 The first entry in Harley 3017 is typical: Hec sunt signa quae ostendit deus esdre prophetae. Kalende ianuarii si fuerint die dominico; erit hiemps calidus. uernus humidus; estas; & autumnus uentosi; annonas. bonas; abundantia; pecorum; mel sufficientia uindemia. uberis. ligumina; ubertas. fructus ortolaris; p\e/r\i/bunt. [corr. from parebunt] iuuenes; interibunt; bella; dilecta militum; regibus disceptationum; pugne erunt. latrocinia magnę erunt & aliquid noua; audietur. aut ex principes. aut ex reges.178

The copies in BAV, Pal. lat. 1449, Uppsala C 664, and Montpellier 301 are similar.179 Surviving Anglo-Saxon copies, however, including T4, Æ32, Æ67 and Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Barlow 35 (6467) (collated as B),180 are all versions of the shorter redaction. All are similar, though none derives directly from another; 175 176

177

178

179 180

“Revelatio Esdrae”’, p. 378. The copy of the Revelatio in this manuscript is coll. Cesario, ‘Anglo-Saxon Prognostics’, pp. 204–45, as Ua, and I rely on her transcription here for information about this text. From France; ed. A. Boucherie, ‘Dialectes anciens. Un almanach au Xme siècle’, Revue des langues romanes 3 (1872), 133–45. The manuscript is mainly a penitential, pr. J. Luc d’Achery, Spicilegium, sive Collectio Veterum Aliquot Scriptorum qui in Galliæ Bibliothecis, Maxime Benedictinorum, Latuerunt, 13 vols. (Paris, 1655–77; repr. in 3 vols. Paris, 1723), vol. XI; the Revelatio Esdrae is added to the manuscript in a slightly later hand. Collated in Cesario as MOa. Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, p. 492, notes the existence of a late eighth-century version in Leiden, Vossianus lat. Q.69, 37r, but I have not seen this. Another early copy is Munich, BSB, clm 14456, 75v (before 824), but this contains the shorter redaction; it is collated with T4 as M1a and discussed below. ‘These are the signs which God revealed to the prophet Esdras. If the Kalends of January is on the Lord’s Day, there will be a warm winter, a humid spring, and a windy summer and fall; good crops, an abundance of herds, enough honey, plentiful grape harvest, plenty of beans; garden crops will die; young men will perish; war beloved by soldiers; there will be conflict over disputes among kings; there will be great thefts, and something new will be heard, either from princes or kings.’ The version in f is ed. P. Spunar, ‘Ceské zpracování Esdrásova prorictví ve videnském rukopisu ÖNB 3282’, Sborník Národního Muzea v Praze (Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae) 12 (1967), 101–7 (Spunar’s transcription is not entirely accurate, and I have silently corrected his errors, restored manuscript punctuation—which is interesting in itself for its confusing inappropriateness—and indicated abbreviations). Other representatives of this longer version include a number of later manuscripts printed by Spunar: Munich, BSB, clm 677, 18v–19r (s. xiii), Budapest, Schéchény Könyvtár, no. 59, 21r (s. xiv), London, BL, Sloane 3469, 37r (s. xiv), London, BL, Sloane 282, 86rv (s. xv), and Vatican City, BAV, Pal. lat. 1226, 227v–228r (s. xv). Mercati, ‘Anecdota apocrypha latina’, prints two others, Vatican City, BAV, Vat. lat. 248, 11v (s. xii, Besançon, though according to Mercati’s report the text changes hands on day 7 and switches to a version of the shorter redaction) and Vatican City, BAV, Vat. lat. 4825, fol. 156 (s. xv med., Italy). Matter (p. 387) adds Zurich, Z. B. Car C. 176, fol. 161 (s. x/xi, St Gallen?) Including orthographical peculiarities such as parebunt (Montpellier 301) or parebit (Uppsala C 664) for peribunt. Written in the tenth century on the continent; in England by the early eleventh century. The manuscript is in several parts in various hands; it contains a preliminary quire of computus texts (2r–5v); Alcuin, Interrogationes Sigewulfi in Genesin (6r–43v); and glossaries, both Greek–Latin (44r–54v) and Latin–English (57rv). The Revelatio Esdrae appears at the end of the preliminary quire of computus material on 5r. See Ker 298, Gneuss 541.

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Types of Prognostics in T as with other prognostics, the complexity of their variation may reflect some degree of memorial transmission or spontaneous alteration. In both English and continental manuscripts the text often appears, as it does in T, among lunaria. Contemporary continental copies of the shorter redaction include Vatican City, BAV, Pal. lat. 235, fol. 39r (v); Munich, BSB, clm 6382, 42v (M3a);181 Munich, BSB, clm 14456, 75v (M1a),182 both of which are textually similar to Æ32 and Æ67; Leiden, Vossianus lat. Q.69, fol. 37v, closely similar to M3a;183 and Munich, BSB, clm 21557, 25v (M4a),184 which is virtually identical to T4. A different long version, presumably post-Conquest, is found in J13;185 a version adjusted to note the day of the week on which Christmas falls rather than the Kalends of January, but otherwise similar to the shorter redaction, is found in S10,186 and an English version with the same adjustment is found in H4.187 English versions of the Revelatio, similar but not identical to both the Latin versions and to one another, survive in T16 and V1. Apart from the fact that the

181

182

183

184

185

186

187

S. xi, Freising (?). A composite manuscript of 172 fols. The first part, fols. 1–43, is in several hands; it contains extracts from Isidore’s Etymologiae and other texts. 42v has the Revelatio Esdrae and a dream lunarium. The text is also coll. Cesario, ‘Anglo-Saxon Prognostics’, as M3a and cited by her siglum. S. ix (before 824), Regensburg. 86 fols. Noted in Förster, ‘Beiträge II’. It contains a Latin glossary, grammatical tracts from Donatus and Priscian, and (8r–79v) a number of works on computus. On the Irish origins of the computus contained in this manuscript, see D. Ó Cróinín, ‘An Old Irish Gloss in the Munich Computus’, Éigse 18 (1981), 289–90; K. Schäferdiek, ‘Der irische Osterzyklus des sechsten und siebten Jahrhunderts’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters Koln 39.2 (1983), 357–78; and I. Warntjes, ‘The Munich Computus and the 84 (14)-Year Easter Reckoning’, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 107C (2007), 31–85. The Revelatio Esdrae is on 75v; its text, very similar to that of Æ32, is coll. Cesario as M1a and cited as such here. Ed. R. H. Bremmer Jr, ‘Leiden, Vossianus lat. Q.69 (Part 2): Schoolbook or Proto-Encyclopaedic Miscellany?’, in Practice in Learning: The Transfer of Encyclopaedic Knowledge in the Early Middle Ages, ed. R. H. Bremmer Jr and Kees Dekker (Leuven, 2010), pp. 19–53, at p. 38. A composite manuscript of 133 fols., possibly from Freising, the greater part of which is from the eleventh century and contains a calendar (fols. 13–22), computus verses, notes, and tables (fols. 23–5), Bede’s De Temporum Ratione (26r–83v), De Natura Rerum (93r–99v), and other computus excerpts from Bede, Isidore, and others (fols. 84–102). See K. Halm, W. Meyer, et al., Catalogus Codicum Latinorum Bibliothecae Regiae Monacensis, 2 vols. in 7 parts (Munich, 1868–81), II, 4, which does not note the Revelatio Esdrae among the manuscript’s contents. The text is on 25v and is coll. Cesario, ‘Anglo-Saxon Prognostics’, as M4a and cited as such here. 159rb. Its first entry reads: ‘Si prima feria kł Ianuarii fuerit. frugifer annus erit. extremi hominum morientur. frumentum & uinum abundabit. apes proficient. oues morientur. naues periclitabuntur. gentes mouebuntur. fremitus bellorum erit. pugna nulla. pax breuis; in mense septembri grauis mortalitas & siluę proficient.’ Fol. 217. Its first entry reads ‘Natalis domini prima dies si acciderit dominica scitote hieme[m] benignum & uent[os]am. quadragessimam. estatem. aridam. uinea[s] opulentas. oues. fetus. producentes. mel. sufficere. tempestiues homines mori. & pacem in terris.’ See the collation and analysis in Cesario, ‘Anglo-Saxon Prognostics’, pp. 176–84; she suggests that this version of the text originated in England. Matter, ‘The “Revelatio Esdrae”’, pp. 389–91, lists nine other manuscripts (mostly from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries) containing this version of the text, and six other Old and Middle English versions (one of which, London, BL, Cotton Vespasian D.xiv, 75v, does not belong on the list).

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Introduction list of days begins on Monday rather than Sunday,188 T16 is virtually a translation of the Latin version represented by T4, and is particularly close to the text of Æ32; it does not, however, follow any one surviving copy entirely or precisely. Its predictions are largely consistent from one day to the next—a brief description of the weather for winter, spring, and summer; a comment on agricultural condition (crops, sheep, or honey); a forecast of death and/or sickness in one class of person or another; a general prediction for a peaceful or violent year. In this it is only slightly more terse than some Latin copies of the Revelatio Esdrae, and there is no reason to think that it is not a translation or adaptation of an original Latin text. Another English versions of this text is found in H4, noting the weekday of Christmas rather than 1 January.189 It is similar to T16 and to Latin versions but does not appear to be directly derived from any other surviving copy. Weekday prognostics T20 offers predictions for the character of a child born on a given weekday. Such predictions are found in many cultures; the modern rhyme beginning ‘Monday’s child is fair of face, / Tuesday’s child is full of grace’ is analogous though unrelated. As a predictor for childbirth it is not unlike the birth lunarium, a version of which either precedes or follows this text in T, Æ, and J in Latin, and W and H in English. A version of this text is printed among Bede’s pseudepigrapha in Patrologia Latina 90, 959–60 among texts dealing with the growth of the fetus, the number of bones, nerves, and teeth in the body, and the ‘Three Marvelous Days’ on which only male children are born, and those with incorruptible bodies.190 Similar Latin versions are found in Æ62 and J4, where they form the second in a series of four texts, and in the continental Vatican, BAV, Pal. lat. 235 (collated as v). T20, Æ62 and J4 are more closely related to one another than to v. English versions are found in W3 and H3; these are different from the early Latin version, and differences between the two English texts are great enough that they are best understood in parallel rather than as variants. Förster prints Latin versions from two later manuscripts, Cambridge, University Library, Gg. 1.1, 393v (s. xv) and Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Ashmole 342, 25r and 25v (c. 1400).191 Neither is very closely related to earlier Latin texts but both are markedly similar to early English ones. In addition to the persistent error diuturna for diurna, the Latin texts T20–Æ62–J4 contain a peculiar reading omnibus rebus incipiendum bonum est (‘it is good for beginning all undertakings’) for days 2, 3, 5, and 6. The phrase is absent from v and from the English versions of the text; it makes no sense in context but is similar to the wording in a general lunarium (see, See Ælfric’s Homily on the Octave of the Nativity (Catholic Homilies I.6), quoted above, for the popular belief that the week began on Monday rather than Sunday. 189 These are transcribed by Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, pp. 495–6. 190 This text, though clearly not by Bede, is not listed in Jones, Bedae Pseudepigrapha. 191 Förster, ‘Beiträge IX’, p. 296. 188

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Types of Prognostics in T e.g., T2/1 Luna prima omnibus rebus agendis utilis est). It indicates that the text was influenced by the language and content of lunaria during its transmission.192 T13, a general prognostic for the day of the week on which the new moon occurs, is otherwise unparalleled and no Latin antecedent is known to me.193 Its language and structure appear to be adapted from the Revelatio Esdrae or the preceding prognostic T12, for thunder on weekdays. Unlike the latter text, however, most of its predictions are positive rather than negative; in this respect T12 and T13 form a kind of diptych not unlike H5 and H6, which forecast events based on the occurrence of wind (generally unfavorable) or sunshine (generally favorable) on the twelve nights of Christmas. Brontologies Educated Anglo-Saxons certainly understood the natural origin of thunder; Ælfric writes in his version of De Temporibus Anni: Þunor cymð of hætan and of wætan, seo lyft tyhð þone wætan to hire neoðan, and ða hætan ufan; and ðonne hi gegaderode beoð, seo hæte and se wæta, binnon þære lyfte, þonne winnað hi him betwynan mid egeslicum swege, and þæt fyr aberst ut ðurh ligette, and derað wæstmum, gif he mare bið þonne se wæta; gif se wæta bið mare ðonne þæt fyr, þonne fremað hit, swa hattre sumor swa mare ðunor and liget on geare. Soðlice ða þuneras þe Iohannes ne moste awritan on apocalipsin sind gastlice to understandenne, and hi naht ne belimpað to þam ðunere ðe on ðissere lyfte oft egeslice brastlað, se bið hlud for þære lyfte bradnysse, and frecenful for þæs fyres sceotungum.194

On the other hand, the association of thunder with the voice of the gods and the occurrence of important events is ancient, and is found in the literatures of 192

Another indication of this is found in the English version in W3/2, which indicates that a child born on Monday will be ‘oft seoc ⁊ hunhal’ [sic; for ‘unhal’]. The same phrase appears in the English birth lunarium found in T15–C8–H2–W4: ‘Gif he bið on tweigra nihta acenned. se bið a seoc ⁊ unhal’ (in W4 itself the phrase is ‘seoc ⁊ sicle’). 193 A Middle English analogue is found in New York, Pierpont Morgan Library 775, 280v–282v (s. xv; pr. C. Bühler, ‘Astrological Prognostications in MS 775 of the Pierpont Morgan Library’, Modern Language Notes 56 (1941), 351–5), where it follows a brontology by zodiacal sign, but it is similar only in form, not content. It begins, ‘If the mone chaunge on Soneday hit signifieth drye wether fro the furst day tyll the xxxth day. It if chaunge on Monday it signifieth neþer drye ne wete. If it chaunge on the Tywysday it singifieth cold weþer. And northen wynde.’ 194 ‘Thunder comes from heat and moisture. The air draws moisture to itself from below, and the heat from above, and when the heat and the moisture are gathered together within the air, then they struggle between themselves with terrible noise, and fire bursts out with lightning, and damages crops, if it is greater than the moisture. If the moisture is greater than the fire, it makes it so that the hotter the summer the more thunder and lightning in the year. Truly the thunders of which John could not write in Apocalyse are to be understood spiritually, and they have nothing to do with the thunder which often rattles terribly from this sky. It is loud because of the breadth of the sky, and dangerous from the shooting of its fire’ (De Temporibus Anni, c. 14).

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Introduction nearly all cultures, including of course the Bible.195 Divination by thunder was practiced in the ancient world and persisted into Christian culture196 as part of a larger interest in the signs and portents found in dramatic natural events such as comets and eclipses. The significance of such signs was no doubt best appreciated post factum; because of their infrequency and unpredictability, dramatic events in the heavens were less susceptible to systematic classification than the days of the month or year. Few of the penitentials contain explicit reference to divination by thunder; as far as weather is concerned, most seem, understandably, to be more interested in constraining those who claim to be able to conjure up storms.197 So although prognostics that interpret weather phenomena are less common than those which predict them, prognostication by thunder was apparently well enough known to merit a place in the inventories of both Æ and T, as well as in other manuscripts. T7 is a Latin text explaining the meaning of thunder at different hours of the day; another copy is found in Æ66. The two texts are particularly close, though they are presumably independently derived from a common exemplar since each avoids the errors of the other.198 The structure of T7–Æ66 bears comparison to that of W2,199 not only as an example of the fluidity of such texts but of the ease with which they were adapted to the monastic world. W2 begins with seven items on the meaning of thunder on each day of the week, rather closely similar to T12 and H9; it continues with three items interpreting the meaning of thunder at the hours of the monastic Night Office, using English equivalents for the different times for prayer: ‘foran niht’ (MS ‘forantniht’) for Completorium in W2/8200 ‘middeniht’ for Nocturna in W2/9, and ‘on dæg’, probably an error for ‘on dægred’, in W2/10 for Matutina.201 The meanings given correspond to those given in T7 for prima noctis hora gl. 195 196

197

198 199 200 201

See, e.g., Ps. CIII.7, Ab increpatione tua fugient; a uoce tonitrui tui formidabunt, ‘at your rebuke they shall flee, at the voice of your thunder they shall fear’. See Flint, Rise of Magic, pp. 108–15. For thunder prognostication among the Romans, see Pliny, Natural History, II’xviii, 53–5. For a Christian example, see Paul the Deacon, Historia Langobardorum III.xxx. John of Trevisa, De Proprietatibus Rerum, bk 11, notes the influence of thunder on agricultural activities. See the following texts in J. T. McNeill and H. M. Gamer, Medieval Handbooks of Penance. A Translation of the Principal Libri Poenitentiales and Selections from Related Documents (New York, 1938; repr. 1990): pseudo-Bede VI.14 (p. 227); Burgundian penitential, no. 20 (p. 275); Roman penitential, no. 33 (p. 305); Corrector of Burchard of Worms, no. 68 (p. 331), and see the ninth-century treatise by Agobard of Lyons, De Grandine et Tonitruis (ed. L. Van Acker, Agobardi Lugdunensis Opera Omnia, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis 52 (Turnhout, 1981), pp. 3–15), partly tr. in Carolingian Civilization: A Reader, ed. P. E. Dutton (Peterborough, ON, 1993), pp. 189–92. For example in 7/1 Æ writes notauerit where T has the more correct tonitruauerit; in 7/12 Æ has the correct oriente where T has orietate. Förster divides the text of W2 into sections and prints them separately, but the manuscript gives no warrant for doing so and they are taken as one text here. See J. M. Ure, ed., The Benedictine Office: An Old English Text (Edinburgh, 1957), p. 99.2, ‘On foranniht we sculon God herian ær we to bedde gan’. So Förster assumes (‘Beiträge I’, p. 49).

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Types of Prognostics in T ‘on forman nihte tide’ (7/2), hora quinta mediæ noctis gl. ‘on tide þriddan midre nihte’ (7/3, where egredientem de seculo gl. ‘utgangende of wurulde’ T7 = ‘ofer worulde farende’ W2; the preceding sonum gl. ‘sweg’ in T7 vs. ‘halie saule’ in W2 may be the result of confusion somewhere in the text’s transmission between sonum (abbreviated sõum?) and sanctam (written sc̄am), and hora matutina gl. ‘on tide dægræd’ (T7/6). W2 continues with a set of entries for the meaning of thunder from different directions (11–15),202 then resumes its list of hours of the daily monastic office, including Terce, Sext, None (16–18), and the tenth and twelfth hours of the day (nos. 19, 20), the hours at which the office of Vespers was celebrated in different seasons.203 The temporal framework of W2, then, is that of the monastic day, measured by the recital of the Divine Office.204 In contrast, the divisions of time in T7 depend not on the hours of monastic prayer but on the division of the day into two twelve-hour periods inherited from Roman culture. This is, at any rate, one aspect of its system of time-reckoning, perhaps an original structure which was subsequently altered: while most of the divisions of the night in the first part of the text (7/1–7) are numbered rather than named, they roughly follow (or have been made to follow) the articulation of the hours of darkness into seven parts indicated by Bede, De Temporum Ratione, c. 7, and explained in English by Ælfric, De Temporibus Anni 3.18–25: Seo niht hæfð seofon dælas, fram ðære sunnan setlunge oð hire upgang. An ðæra dæla is Crepusculum, þæt is æfengloma; Oðer is Uesperum, þonne se æfensteorra betwux þære repsunge æteowað; Ðridde is Conticinium, þonne ealle ðing suwiað on heora reste; Feorða is Intempestum, þæt is midniht; Fifta is Gallicinium, þæt is hancred; Sixta is Matutinum uel Aurora, þæt is dægred; Seofoða is Diluculum, þæt is se ærmergen, betwux ðam dægrede and sunnan upgange.205

202

Förster puts nos. 13 and 14 in one entry, for reasons which are not clear. Cf. the Rule of St Benedict, c. xli: ipsa tamen vespera sic agatur ut lumen lucernae non indigeant reficientes, sed luce adhuc diei omnia consummentur, ‘Let Vespers be celebrated (early enough) so that there is no need for the light of a lamp while eating, but rather everything can be finished by daylight’. 204 Only Prime is missing; Förster, ‘Beiträge I’, p. 49, proposes that a copying error in W2 no. 10 caused a scribal slip from an item *‘on dægred’ to the following *‘æt forman tide dæges’, but since the meaning in W2/10 corresponds to the entry in T7 for hora matutina (T7/6), this is not likely. It is however possible that an entry for the first hour of the day (corresponding to T7/7) was lost when a set of entries for compass directions (W2 nos. 11–15) was interpolated into the list of hours. A different system appears to have been employed by the Old English translator of the Theodulfi Capitula (Cambridge, CCC 201, s. xi, and Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Bodley 865, s. xi); see H. Sauer, ‘Time Words and Time Concepts in Anglo-Saxon Prose: The Theodulfi Capitula’, in A New Curriculum for English Studies, ed. B. L. Tomaszczyk and I. Czwenar (Piotrków Trybunalski, 2001), pp. 251–74. I am grateful to Professor Sauer for providing me with a copy of this paper. 205 ‘The night has seven parts, from the sun’s setting to its rising. The first part is called Crepusculum, that is, twilight; the second is Vesperum when the evening star appears during the early night; third is Conticinium, when all things take their rest; fourth is Intempestum, that is ‘midnight’; fifth is Gallicinium, that is cock-crow; sixth is Matutinum or Aurora, that is dawn; the seventh is Diluculum, that is early morning, between daybreak and sunrise’ (Ælfric’s De Temporibus Anni, ed. Henel, pp. 24–6). 203

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Introduction Indications are given for Uesperum (7/1 hora uespertina : ‘æfen tid’, assuming that the glossator’s reversal ‘tide æfen’ here and elsewhere is primarily a concession to the word-order of the Latin text), then the first, third, and fifth hours of the night (7/2–4); the last is called mediæ noctis, which accords with Ælfric’s reckoning only if hora uespertina (7/1) were in fact equivalent to Ælfric’s Crepusculum. There follow in proper order entries for Gallicinium (7/5 gallicantu : ‘angræde’, i.e., ‘hancred’) and Matutinum (7/6 hora matutina : ‘tide dægred’), and finally sunrise (7/7 hora ortus solis : ‘tide upganges sunnan’) rather than Diluculum. Indications are then given for the sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth, tenth, and last hours of the day (7/8–13), followed by a second entry for the middle of the night (7/14 media nocte : ‘midre nihte’, but with a different significance from its earlier appearance in 7/4). The significance of thunder at this hora nouissima is the same in W2/20; T7’s omission of an entry for the eleventh hour in what is otherwise a complete numerical sequence (and what may well be an effort to make up for its lack by supplying an additional entry) suggests that at some point the parallel between the sequence of entries in the two texts was, for some reason, closer than it is now. The structure of T7 leads one to suspect that one method of reckoning time has been mapped somewhat imperfectly onto another, and one system adjusted to accommodate and coordinate with a different one. Another structural peculiarity shared by T7 and W2 is the intrusion of indications for compass directions in the middle of a list of hours. While all items in T7 mention the hour at which thunder is heard, items 7/9–12 indicate as well the direction from which it is heard (7/9 specifies de quacumque parte ‘from any direction’). The inclusion of compass directions apparently confused the glossator; in 7/10 a parte meridiana ‘from the south quarter’ is glossed ‘fram dæle middæges’206 as if it were a temporal marker. Further setting these entries apart is the fact that the verb tonitruaverit, used in 7/1 but not thereafter, appears again in 7/9–12, then disappears again (7/14 uses a different formula, tonitruum factum fuerit). In a similar way, directional indications appear unexpectedly in W2 between the three entries for the hours of the Night Office and five entries for the hours of the Divine Office; in this case no mention is made of time. The appearance of W2’s first seven items (for the days of the week) as a separate text in other manuscripts already indicates the composite and frangible nature of a work like this, and the preference in W2 for the construction ‘byð gehyred’ in early items and ‘cymð’ in later ones reinforces the impression that it is a conflation of two originally distinct lists. It is possible that both the Latin T7 and the English W2 are composed of originally independent items, given a more or less coherent shape by a compiler.207 And yet a version of this text closely similar to that in T7 is found in Oxford, The translation is perhaps misled by the prominent use of the word in Ps. XC.6; the phrase a demonio meridiano is glossed in psalters ‘deofle suðernum’ (Arundel Psalter) and ‘deofle middæglecum’ (Junius Psalter) with almost equal frequency. 207 P. S. Baker, ‘Textual Boundaries in Anglo-Saxon Works on Time (and in Some Old English Poems)’, in ‘Doubt Wisely’: Papers in Honour of E. G. Stanley, ed. M. J. Toswell and E. M. Tyler (London, 1996), pp. 445–56, has commented on the flexible boundaries of Old English computus texts; the same phenomenon may be at work here. 206

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Types of Prognostics in T Bodl. Lib., Ashmole 345, 66v–67r, a scientific miscellany from the fourteenth century. It appears among other brontologies, versions of the Revelatio Esdrae, and a prognostic for wind on the twelve days of Christmas which is analogous to H5:

1 Si tonaverint hora uespertina, signum natiuitatis cuiusdam magni significat. 2 Si prima hora noctis, signum mortalitatis. 3 Si 3a hora noctis, iram dei vel iudicium mundo illatum vel famem. 4 Si 5a hora noctis vel media nocte, significat aliquem summum de seculo egredientem uel uindictam in mundo. 5 Si cantugalli, bellum vel effusionem sanguinis. 6 Si hora matutina, natiuitatem regis. 7 Si ortu solis, aliquem ad fidem conueniendum. 8 Si hora 3a diei, significat spiritum sanctum ad aliquem electorum missum. 9 Si hora 5a diei, significat heresim surgentem atque persecutionem Christianorum ut restoretur ecclesia per uictores. 10 Si hora 7a diei, fructum et ubertatem magnam. 11 Si hora 9a, ab aquilone vel a summo celi tonauerint, significat mutaciones gencium et strepitus armorum. 12 Si hora 10a ab oriente tonauerint, significat ruinas urbium et strages barbaroribus vel timorem a deo missum. 13 Si hora nouissima diei tonitrua tremiunt, significat tempestates maris, ventorum impetus, bellicosissimum nuncius.

The correspondences between this text and T7 are precise in items 1–7 (the hours of the night), and only slightly less so in the remaining items, even though its division of the hours of daylight by odd numbers is more nearly parallel to its division of the hours of darkness, suggesting a structure more coherent, though not necessarily more original, than that of T7. No. 8 hora 3a diei corresponds to W2/16 but to nothing in T7; 9 hora 5a diei is the same as the indication for the sixth hour in both W2 and T7; 10 hora 7a diei is the same as the indication for the seventh hour in T7/9, but does not specify a compass direction. 11 hora 9a corresponds closely to T7 but not to W2;208 12 hora 10a corresponds both to T7/12, including the specification ab oriente, and W2/18 (timorem a deo missum being roughly similar to ‘from gode . . . ege in þam folce’); finally, 13 hora nouissima diei corresponds to the indication for hora nouissima in T7 and W2. Unless a composite list like T7 is the source of the later Ashmole list—not inconceivable, though similarities between Ashmole and W2 make it somewhat unlikely—it must be assumed that more than one version of a list explaining the meaning of thunder at different hours of the day contained interpolated specifications for the particular direction from which the thunder was heard. A second brontology in T12 gives a list in English predicting various kinds of misfortune in the coming year based on the day of the week on which the first

208

W2’s entry no. 18 for ‘þære ix tide dæges’ predicts peace and plenty, which T7 and the Ashmole text predict for the seventh hour.

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Introduction thunder of the year is heard.209 Related versions of this text are in H9, where it is found among versions of other texts also in T, and W2, where it forms the first part of the composite brontology discussed above.210 Like most prognostics the text is essentially a list, repeating items in formulaic language; in this case each surviving version uses a different formula. Except for its first item, T12 uses the subjunctive ‘Gif hit on X þunrige, þæt tacnað . . .’. H9 is more variable, changing the introductory formula for the entries on Tuesday (‘Gyf on tiwesdeg þunrieð’) and Wednesday (‘Gyf on wodnesdæg geþunrie’), then settles into the formula ‘Gyf on X þunrað, þonne tacnað þæt . . .’. In addition to its copying errors, W2 seems less formulaic, using ‘Gif . . . bið gehyred’ for Monday through Thursday and ‘Gif on X geþunrað’ for Friday and Saturday; W2 uses the explanatory formula ‘se becnað’ for Sunday, Monday, Wednesday, Thursday, and different formulae for Friday (‘þonne getacnað þæt’) and Saturday (‘þæt tacnað’). It is notable that W2 becomes more like H9 towards the end of this brief text, but H9 becomes less like T12 as it progresses; it is less clear whether this should be taken as evidence that the three versions derive from a single English translation that at some point in its transmission was imperfectly redacted with different formulae, or that they arose independently from a Latin text with only coincidental congruences in vocabulary. Förster suggests that these three versions ‘sind uns in drei wohl voneinander unabhängigen altenglischen Übersetzungen derselben lateinischen Vorlage bewahrt’; Chardonnens argues that ‘the Old English brontologies seem to be, or to have been copied from, independent translations’.211 Despite the differences in formulae, however, close agreement among the three versions—except for errors (H9 reverses predictions for Sunday and Monday, and omits the crucial word ‘forma’ in the first entry) and elaborations (W2 expands on the prediction for Sunday)—suggests that they are diverging versions of a single English translation.212 The variety in their opening formulae might be explained by memorial transmission, although copying errors such as H9 ‘gerestena’ for ‘gerefena’ (Saturday) and T11’s ‘cyme bearn’ for ‘cynebearn’ (Sunday) indicate that the immediate sources of surviving copies were textual. Förster prints Latin versions from Cambridge, UL, Gg. 1. 1, 394v (c. 1400) and London, BL, Royal 12.C.XII, 86v (c. 1320–40), neither of which is particularly close to these Old English versions.213 A partial Latin text (with entries for Sunday, Monday and Tuesday only) more 209 210 211

212 213

Two brontologies for the months of the year, not related to one another, are in London, BL, Royal 2.B.V, 190rv (in Latin) and London, BL, Cotton Vespasian D.xiv, 103v (in English). Both texts are transcribed in Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, pp. 260–1. Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, p. 259. Förster, ‘Beiträge I’, p. 45. Förster, ‘Beiträge I’, pp. 46–7. He describes them as ‘eine fast gänzlich andere Fassung’. In the Royal manuscript the brontology is really one text in three parts, of which Förster prints only the last—first thunder by month (similar to that in London, BL, Egerton 2852), then by direction, then by weekdays. The predictions of the latter two parts are similar to, and at times nearly identical to, those found in the pseudo-Bede De Tonitruis Libellus (Patrologia Latina 90, 609–14), for which see Liuzza, ‘What the Thunder Said’.

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Types of Prognostics in T closely similar to the Old English version survives in Paris, BNF, lat. 7299a, 37v (s. xi),214 among a series of medical prognostics and alongside predictions of the meaning of thunder from various directions. Other texts Most of the texts in T offer predictions based on the calendar, but the collection also contains two somewhat anomalous texts relating to pregnancy. T14 is a brief text describing the development of the fetus through ten lunar months of pregnancy. Unlike other texts in T’s collection, it does not forecast anything or presume a relationship between occurrences in the natural world and in the body or human society.215 Nevertheless its thematic resonances with surrounding material are obvious, and given the concern with childbirth shown in other texts in T it is not incongruous here. The text is found only here; it has been little studied and its sources are not known.216 Chardonnens points out that analogous texts in Old Frisian and Old Saxon are found not in medical collections but in law codes, where they help define the legal status of a pregnant woman and her unborn child.217 He argues that the text is a version of Vindicianus’ Gynaecia, c. 21 (on the fetus) but this is a seriously misleading characterization. The fourth-century Gynaecia survives in a number of very different versions, but none of them is remotely like T14;218 at best 214

215

216

217

218

This manuscript, of unknown origin but related to manuscripts from Fleury, contains computus and scientific texts, as well as Bede’s De Natura Rerum. Prognostics appear among computus texts and diagrams, and include versions of the ‘Sphere of Petosiris’ (33v, 36r), the ‘Tetragonus’ and the ‘Sphere of Life and Death’ (35v), lists of Egyptian Days and Critical Mondays (37v), and a note on the meaning of thunder from various directions and on different days of the week (37v). The text ends incompletely; the writing in the last five lines is compressed, as if the scribe were trying to fit a text into available space, even though fols. 29–38 form a regular quire of 10, and 38r–v is blank. Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, p. 224, argues that the text is a prognostic because its final phrase predicting death for a woman who has not given birth by the tenth month adds ‘oftost on tiwesniht’, but this is a relatively trivial point. It is mentioned in Cameron, Anglo-Saxon Medicine, Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England 7 (Cambridge, 1993), p. 184, who says he knows of no source for it. A new and accurate transcription is available in L. S. Chardonnens, ‘A New Edition of the Old English “Formation of the Foetus”’, Notes & Queries n.s. 47 (2000), 10–11. See also M. Deegan, ‘Pregnancy and Childbirth in the Anglo-Saxon Medical Texts: A Preliminary Survey’, in Medicine in Medieval England, ed. M. Deegan and D. G. Scragg (Manchester, 1987), pp. 17–26. Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, p. 225. On this topic see M. Elsakkers, ‘Her anda neylar: An Intriguing Criterion for Abortion in Old Frisian Law’, Scientiarum Historia 30 (2004), 107–54, and B. H. Hill, ‘Frisian Law and the Foetus’, Janus. Archives internationales pour l’histoire de la médicine et la géographie médicale 50 (1961–3), 55–9. The standard edition is V. Rose, ed., Theodori Prisciani Euporiston Libri iii: cum Physicorum Fragmento et Additamentis Pseudo-Theodoreis (Leipzig, 1894), which prints six versions in parallel. A modern edition is available in L. Cilliers, ‘Vindicianus’ Gynaecia: Text and Translation of the Codex Monacensis (Clm 4622)’, Journal of Medieval Latin 15 (2005), 153–236, and a study of the text in L. Cilliers, ‘Vindicianus’ Gynaecia and Theories on Generation and Embryology from the Babylonians up to Graeco-Roman Times’, Studies in Ancient Medicine 27 (2004), 343–67.

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Introduction the two texts are structurally analogous, each discussing different stages of fetal development through nine or ten months. There are few points of agreement or even similarity between any known text of the Gynaecia and the English version in T14, and a number of significant differences, including the Gynaecia’s assertion that semen assembles in the navel during the first month, that distinctive features appear in the fifth month, and that the bones consolidate in the eighth month.219 T14 bears some similarities to a brief anonymous text on this subject in Paris, BNF, nouv. acq. lat. 1616, 12r:220 notable parallels include the formation of the brain in the first month, the formation of 365 veins in the second month,221 and the quickening of the fetus in the fifth month. T14 is most closely similar, however, to a text in Leiden University Library, Vossianus lat. Q.69, 36v;222 in fact it is largely a translation of the Leiden text (though the last sentence in T14 does not appear in the Latin). Contrary to Chardonnens’s assertion, however,223 the Leiden text is not an excerpt of Vindicianus—it has no verbal parallels to any version of Vindicianus printed in Rose or noted by Cilliers, and its indications for the various months are quite different from those found in published versions of Vindicianus’s text. T18, a list of omens in pregnancy, is another text not normally found among prognostics, but one that is nonetheless appropriate to the context and to T’s promient interest in childbirth.224 The text consists of five signs used to determine whether an unborn child will be male or female, followed by two pieces of dietary advice warning the mother to abstain from fruits and nuts, lest the child be ‘disig’, and the flesh of male animals, lest the child be ‘hoforode ⁊ helede’. The two sections were apparently considered part of one text; each sentence in the text begins with ‘Eft (is) oþer wise’ even where it is awkward (as in the last two entries, which constitute a new topic) or inappropriate (as in the first sentence). The list of contents of Book II of Bald’s Leechbook notes that c. 60 will contain ‘manigfeald tacn þæt mon mæge ongitan hwæþer hit hysecild oþþe mædenchild

219 220 221 222

223 224

Cilliers describes the Gynaecia as ‘amongst the most well-known and widely excerpted works in the Western Roman Empire during the early Middle Ages’ (‘Vindicianus’ Gynaecia and Theories on Generation’, p. 345), and notes that the chapter in question appears (without attribution) in the twelfth-century Trotula, de Mulierum Passionibus, c. 12. Cilliers, ‘Vindicianus’ Gynaecia and Theories on Generation’, pp. 356, 358, and 358–9, respectively— these few examples are found in all manuscripts of the Gynaecia. S. x, Fleury. The surviving manuscript is 16 folios containing computus and prognostic texts in various hands. The text on the formation of the fetus is noted in Wickersheimer, p. 141. Whether this is an Irish characteristic or not, as Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics suggests (p. 228), is not certain. Ed. Bremmer, ‘Leiden, Vossianus lat. Q.69’, p. 34; the manuscript is available in facsimile in R. H. Bremmer Jr and K. Dekker, eds., Manuscripts in the Low Countries, Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts in Microfiche Facsimile 13, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 321 (Tempe, AZ, 2006). A description of the manuscript is on pp. 89–105. This is a composite manuscript; the text in question appears in part 2 (fols. 7–47, s. viii from St Gallen), which also contains the ‘Leiden Glossary’, among a collection of biblical commonplaces, short lists, notes on measurement, and prognostics, including the Revelatio Esdrae. Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, p. 227. The text is transcribed Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, p. 244. See also Deegan, ‘Pregnancy and Childbirth in the Anglo-Saxon Medical Texts’.

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Prognostics as a Genre beon wille’, but this portion of the Leechbook has not survived.225 There are otherwise no sources or close analogues for T18. As with T14, Chardonnens proposes a link between this text and Vindicianus’s Gynaecia (in this case c. 25 on the gender of a fetus), but again the English text can in no way be considered a version of any surviving copy of Vindicianus’s Latin text.226 The two texts can hardly even be considered analogues—although both deal with the same topic, they do so in entirely different ways. Vindicianus is largely concerned with the role that fetal placement on the left or right of the uterus plays in determining the gender of a child;227 this concern is entirely absent from T18. Moreover, the observations on diet in T18 are not found in any known version of c. 25 of the Gynaecia. Signs predicting the sex of an unborn child can be found in many cultures, but in the complete absence of sources for this text, it would be unwise to speculate further on its origins.

3 Prognostics as a Genre The range of manuscripts in which prognostics are found, and the variety of forms, methods, and purposes they represent, inevitably raise the question of definition: does the term ‘prognostic’ refer to a distinct category of text, or is it merely a label of convenience for modern scholars? These texts do not form an obviously coherent group with clearly defined boundaries; they share the language, style, history, and presentation of the texts among which they were copied.228 Most attempts to delineate a corpus of prognostic texts, whether earlier efforts like those of Cockayne and Förster or more recent ones like Chardonnens or Liuzza,229 have done so only by making post hoc distinctions and drawing artificial boundaries between ‘prognostics’ and other texts. Warnings against Egyptian Days or the ‘Three Critical Mondays’, for example, are invariably considered ‘prognostics’, but the monthly dietary regimens and treatises on the humors that follow these texts in Harley 3017 (f 7) and Sloane 475 (7v) are not; nor are the computistical texts such as the prose menology entitled De diebus fesstis [sic] in London, BL, 225

226 227 228

229

‘various signs by which one might perceive whether it will be a male or female child.’ London, BL, Royal 12. D. XVII, 64r; M. Deegan, ‘A Critical Edition of MS BL Royal 12. D.xvii: “Bald’s Leechbook” Vols. 1 and 2’ (unpubl. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Manchester, 1988), p. 123. Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, p. 243. He bases his assertion in part on the belief that T14 provides evidence for a knowledge of the Gynaecia in Anglo-Saxon England. Cilliers ‘Vindicianus’ Gynaecia and Theories on Generation’, pp. 350–3. These texts are not often given titles in their manuscripts, and the few titles that are given are usually narrowly descriptive. In a few cases words like Signa are used (e.g., Æ67 Signa de temporibus). The Latin word prognostica generally denotes treatises describing the signs (e.g., of an illness, impending death, or future event) by which one might recognize something. The typology in Epe, Wissenliteratur im angelsächsischen England, pp. 54–64, is essentially that of Förster.

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Introduction Harley 3271, 91rv (whose title echoes that of the previous text on Egyptian Days, De diebus malis) or the notes on Advent and Easter in C (130r–v). The lines of exclusion and inclusion drawn by modern studies may sever connections between texts and obscure relationships that could offer a better understanding of the origin and purpose of the prognostics. At the same time it seems useful, even necessary, to note incongruities between ‘prognostic’ texts and surrounding material—in some manuscripts, ‘prognostics’ are found among medical treatises such as dietary calendars offering advice on the appropriate foods to consume at different times of the year; in others, they appear among liturgical or computus texts listing feast days or marking the divisions of the seasons; in still others they appear with divinatory devices such as the ‘Sphere of Pythagoras’ or the lot-casting Sortes sanctorum. While similar to all these texts in some respects, prognostics as generally understood differ from them in important ways: unlike medical texts, they are not directed towards curing any particular disease; unlike computus texts they are directed not toward liturgical observance but to secular knowledge—the weather, the outcome of an illness, a child’s character. And unlike divinations they do not require the reader to perform any action; they offer foreknowledge of general conditions by observation alone, not foreknowledge of particular events through numerological calculation or divine revelation. This negative definition situates ‘prognostics’ in the shifting conceptual overlap between medicine, computus and the modern notion of ‘magic’.230 Like computus, they are generally concerned with time and the calendar; like medicine, they are generally concerned with health and the body. Like both, they offer some solace for the often troubled relationship between human beings and time. Prognostics address the anxieties which arise from the universal uncertainty of life: they forecast weather and harvest, predict the course of a new child’s life or the fate of a person who has fallen ill, interpret the meanings of dreams, offer advice on when to conduct business or embark on some course of action, or explain the significance of unusual natural phenomena such as thunder. All prognostics share a conviction that certain times and days have significance, a belief in the connection between celestial phenomena—thunder, the phases of the moon, or the course of the year—and human life, and a hope that through care and knowledge one can foresee, and to that extent control, the course of events; their tersely organized textuality and presumed antiquity undoubtedly offered some additional reassurance of their validity. Like computus, they offer a glimpse of cosmic order beneath the chaos of passing time; like medicine, they reveal the regular pattern beneath the irregular course of illness. Like both, they are underwritten by a theory, though scarcely visible in surviving manuscripts, of the homology 230

The term is used here in a manner best described by Gideon Bohak in a recent discussion of Jewish magical texts: ‘we are using “magic” as a heuristic device—a means to gather together a group of related cultural phenomena, texts, and artifacts—and not as an explanatory category’, Gideon Bohak, Ancient Jewish Magic: A History (Cambridge, 2008), p. 62. It may be useful to study a body of texts as a group without imposing any defining formal characteristics on them, or proposing that the label under which they are studied is either sufficient or precise.

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Prognostics as a Genre between the bodily humors, the seasons of the year, and the elements that make up the cosmos. Prognostics and medicine The ‘striking absence of theoretical material’ in early-medieval medicine has often been noted;231 the compilers and transmitters of late-classical medical knowledge show a notable preference for praxis over theory, and a relative lack of interest in explanatory frameworks in which to place their remedies.232 Early medical manuscripts are nearly all compendia and florilegia consisting of anonymous, pseudonymous, or misattributed excerpts and treatises; even when carefully divided into chapters and provided with lists of contents, they are seldom organized according to or informed by a theory of health and disease. Such manuscripts present medicine as a skill, not a science.233 Even as a purely practical art, however, medicine was necessarily a specialized craft, and while secular practitioners must certainly have existed in all cultures in some form or another, the centres of training and transmission for the kinds of medical information presented in works like the Herbarium and Bald’s Leechbook234 seem to have been ecclesiastical and monastic establishments.235 Clerical 231 232

233

234

235

R. French, Medicine before Science: The Business of Medicine from the Middle Ages to the Enlightenment (Cambridge, 2003), p. 64. See J. M. Riddle, ‘Theory and Practice in Medieval Medicine’, Viator 5 (1974), 157–84; F. Wallis, ‘Medicine in Medieval Computus Manuscripts’, in Manuscript Sources of Medieval Medicine, ed. M. Schleissner (New York, 1995), pp. 110–11; and more generally, D. W. Amundsen, Medicine, Society, and Faith in the Ancient and Medieval Worlds (Baltimore and London, 1996). F. Wallis notes that ‘In the pre-Salernitan centuries medicine was treated as a craft, not a branch of knowledge; it could not make knowledge claims in its own right, nor be pursued for its own sake, nor aspire to the status of “wisdom”. The freedom with which its textual materials were treated is of a piece with the absence of theory within the texts themselves. And there is every evidence that this is exactly what earnest Christians wanted medicine to be.’ ‘The Experience of the Book: Manuscripts, Texts, and the Role of Epistemology in Early Medieval Medicine’, in Knowledge and the Scholarly Medical Traditions, ed. D. Bates (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 101–26, at p. 119. See also G. Keil, ‘Möglichkeiten und Grenzen frühmittelalterlicher Medizin’, in Das Lorscher Arzneibuch und die frühmittelalterliche Medizin: Verhandelungen des medizinhistorischen Symposiums im September 1989 in Lorsch, ed. G. Keil and P. Schnitzer (Lorsch, 1991), pp. 219–52, who sees this fragmentation of classical medical texts as a deliberate reaction to their underlying philosophical and religious assumptions. For these see H. J. De Vriend, The Old English Herbarium and Medicina de Quadrupedibus, EETS os 286 (Oxford, 1984); M. Deegan, ‘A Critical Edition of MS BL Royal 12. D.xvii: “Bald’s Leechbook” Vols. 1 and 2’. For Anglo-Saxon medicine generally, see A. Meaney, ‘The Practice of Medicine in England about the Year 1000’, Social History of Medicine 13 (2000), 221–37, and M. L. Cameron, Anglo-Saxon Medicine. A. Crislip provides a well-documented account of the incorporation of an active system of medical care into Christian monasticism in late Antiquity in From Monastery to Hospital: Christian Monasticism and the Transformation of Health Care in Late Antiquity (Ann Arbor, 2005). See also Keil, ‘Möglichkeiten und Grenzen frühmittelalterlicher Medizin’, who discusses the enthusiastic defence of medical knowledge with which the Lorschner Arzneibuch (Bamberg, Staatlichbibliothek,

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Introduction participation is assumed in a number of medical recipes, which instruct the physician to say masses, use consecrated hosts, or recite Latin prayers.236 The Rule of Benedict makes no mention of physicians among its list of monastic officers, but with the endorsement of authorities like Basil and Cassiodorus237 medieval monasteries made some provision for medical care, if only for the monks themselves. Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica V.2–6 notes the medical expertise of St John of Beverley, who claims to have learned the art from Archbishop Theodore; quotations from a number of late-classical medical works appear in Bede’s works,238 though some of them may have come via Isidore or some other intermediary. cod. med. 1; s. viii/ix) begins. The Christian attitude towards classical medicine—ambivalence about its theory but acceptance of its practice—is surveyed in D. W. Amundsen, ‘Medicine and Faith in Early Christianity’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine 56 (1982), 326–50; V. Nutton, ‘God, Galen and the Depaganization of Ancient Medicine’, in Religion and Medicine in the Middle Ages, ed. P. Biller and J. Ziegler (York, 2001), pp. 17–32, charts the history of Galen’s reception in the Middle Ages and the adaptation of pagan medical practices to the Christian world. 236 Examples are numerous and are especially common in the case of poisons and mental illnesses. All the following instances are taken from Leechbook I (ed. Cockayne, II, 2–157): ‘Wið attre, betonican ⁊ þa smalan attorlaþan do on halig wæter, drinc þæt wæter ⁊ et þa wyrta’ (45.1.2); ‘Wiþ nædran slege do of þinum earan þæt teoro ⁊ smire mid ymb ⁊ sing þriwa þæs halgan sancte Iohannes gebed ⁊ gealdor: Dominus meus et pater et filius et Spiritus Sanctus . . .’ (45.3.6, followed by a long prayer); ‘Drenc wiþ þeoradle, sundompran ymbdelf, sing þriwa pater noster, bred up, þonne þu cweþe set libera nos a malo genim þære fif snæda ⁊ seofon piporcorn, gecnua togædere ⁊ þonne þu þæt wyrce sing XII siþum þone sealm miserere mei deus ⁊ gloria In excelsis deo ⁊ pater noster, ofgeot þonne mid wine þonne dæg ⁊ nihtscade, drince þonne þone drenc ⁊ bewreoh ðe wearme’ (47.1.9); (presumably for fever) ‘Þis mon sceal writan on husldisce ⁊ on þone drenc nid halig wætere þwean ⁊ singan on. [there follows a line of crosses, then] In principio erat uerbum . . . þweah þonne þæt gewrit mid halig wætre of þam disce on þone drenc, sing þonne credo ⁊ pater noster ⁊ þis leoþ, Beati Inmaculati þone sealm, mid ad dominum þam XII gebedsealmum’ (62.3.1); ‘Wið genumenum mete genim elehtran, lege under weofod, sing nigon mæssan ofer, þæt sceal wiþ genumenum mete, lege under þæt fæt þe þu wille on melcan’ (67.1.1). In Leechbook III masses are often part of the preparation of remedies against ‘ælfadle’ and temptation. 237 See H. Schipperges, Die Benediktiner in der Medizin des frühen Mittelalters (Leipzig, 1964). Ch. 55 of Basil of Caesarea’s Longer Rules (Regulae Fusius Tractatae), Patrologia Graeca 31, 905–1052, tr. W. K. L. Clarke, The Ascetic Works of St. Basil (London, 1925), is devoted to the use of secular medicine (as opposed to spiritual healing and prayer); Basil advocates the use of Hippocratic/ Galenic medicine in monasteries. Cassiodorus’ Institutiones 31.1, ed. R. A. B. Mynors, Cassiodorus Senatoris Institutiones (Oxford, 1937); tr. L. W. Jones, An Introduction to Divine and Human Readings (New York, 1946), urges monks to ‘Learn, therefore, the properties of herbs and perform the compounding of drugs punctiliously; but do not place your hope in herbs and do not trust health to human counsels. For although the art of medicine can be found to be established by the Lord, he who without doubt grants life to men makes them sound.’ Cassiodorus included (in I.xxxi.2 of that work) the Herbarium of Discorides, Latin translations of Hippocrates and of Galen’s Therapeutica (i.e., presumably the Ad Glauconem) ‘et anonymum quendam, qui ex diversis auctoribus probatur esse collectus’ (‘and a certain anonymous work which has been compiled from various authors’), Caelius Aurelius’ De Medicina, and others which he claimed to have placed in his monastic library. The Latin translations of Hippocrates he mentions cannot be positively identified, but see P. Kibre, Hippocrates Latinus: Repertorium of Hippocratic Writings in the Latin Middle Ages (New York, 1985), esp. pp. 177–82. 238 Cameron, Anglo-Saxon Medicine, p. 28, lists Marcellus De Medicamentis (in De Natura Rerum 30), the Epistula Vindiciani ad Pentadium Nepotem (De Natura Rerum 35), and Cassius Felix’ De Medicina (in the Retractatio de Actis Apostolorum).

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Prognostics as a Genre Bede’s story of St John of Beverley implies that clerics were sought out for medical advice, but it also reminds the reader how difficult it can be to define the boundary between medical knowledge and divine insight or miraculous power. The shrines of saints were common gathering-places for the sick and infirm, and while it seems only natural that some sort of mundane medical advice might be dispensed along with prayer and charity, the primary motive of the patients as well as the practitioners would have been heavenly intercession, not medical treatment. Ælfric’s life of St Swithun memorably recounts how Þær wurdon gehælede þurh ðone halgan wer feower wanhale menn binnan ðrym dagum, and geond fif monþas feawa daga wæron þæt ðær næron gehælede huru ðry untrume, hwilon fif oððe syx, seofon oððe eahta, tyn oððe twelf, syxtyne oððe eahtatyne. Binnon tyn dagum þær wurdon twa hund manna gehælede, and swa fela binnan twelf monðum þæt man hi getellan ne mihte. Se lictun læg afylled mid alefedum mannum, swa þæt man eaðe ne mihte þæt mynster gesecan; and þa ealle wurdon swa wundorlice gehælede binnan feawa dagum, þæt man þær findan ne mihte fif unhale menn of þam micclan heape.239

Later he reports that Seo ealde cyrce wæs eall behangen mid criccum, and mid creopera sceamelum, fram ende oð oþerne on ægðrum wage, þe ðær wurdon gehælede, and man ne mihte swa ðeah macian hi healfe up.240

These images—the churchyard thronged with the sick and suffering, the church cluttered with souvenirs of healings—are offered as testimony to the power of the saint, not the efficacy of the physician. Monastic medicine regarded bodily health as inseparable from spiritual health; illness might be a divine affliction, and healing an act of mercy or a dramatic sign of divine power. A patient seeking healing had many options—the power of prayer, appeals to Christus medicus,241 visits to the shrine or relic of a saint, dietary regulation, bloodletting, herbal remedies, medicinal washes, and surgery. And before offering treatment, a physician might well have to determine whether the disease was the result of divine punishment, demonic affliction, or a mere physical ailment. Collections of compounds and remedies are found in both Latin and the ver239

‘There through that holy man four sick men were healed in three days, and during five months there were few days on which at least three sick people were not healed—sometimes five or six, seven or eight, ten or twelve, sixteen or eighteen. In ten days two hundred men were healed, and so many within twelve months that one cannot number them. The churchyard lay filled with afflicted people, so that one could not easily reach the minster, and within a few days they were all so wondrously healed that one could not find five sick men there from that great crowd.’ Skeat, Ælfric’s Lives of Saints, I, 450 (no. XXI, 143–55). 240 ‘The old church was all hung about from one end to the other on either side with crutches and with the stools of cripples who had been healed there, and yet one could not put half of them up’ (lines 431–4). 241 See G. Fichtner, ‘Christus als Arzt. Ursprünge und Wirkungen eines Motivs’, Frühmittelalterliche Studien 16 (1982), 1–17; F. Kudlein, ‘Der Arzt des Körpers und der Arzt der Seele’, Clio Medica 3 (1968), 1–20.

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Introduction nacular, but certain forms of medical knowledge largely confined to Latin texts seem to have been the specialized province of learned clerical medicine. Specialized skills include diagnostic or semiotic texts involving, for example, the examination of urine and pulses or the reading of the signs of fever.242 In the monastic world, as Andrew Crislip has noted, diagnosis or ‘discernment’ was a central practice for ‘distinguishing between various demonic afflictions or distinguishing between angels and demons’, and between diseases arising from natural causes and supernatural ones.243 Prognostics that predicted the course of a disease or the appropriate time for treatment may have been another technique that was largely the province of the clerical practitioner, ‘the touchstone’, as Wallis argues, ‘of the physician’s claim to expert knowledge’.244 Prognosis is a way of asserting knowledge about disease, not gaining power over it,245 a method of addressing illness which avoids questions of causation or cure, matters perhaps better left in the hands of God or His saints, given what Nancy Siraisi has called the ‘tensions and ambiguities’ of the Christian view of bodily disease.246 This is not to say that it is without practical benefit or consequences; an unfavorable prognosis may have advised a patient to forego medical assistance and seek spiritual intercession, or told a physician when to cede place to (or switch to the role of) the pastor and confessor. The ability to consult a pro­gnostic text may also have served as a mark of distinction between a learned clerical physician and a village healer, who might otherwise have competed for cultural authority using essentially the same limited repertoire of medical practices. Prognostics, like most medieval medical texts, preserve few traces of the theoretical infrastructure on which the practice of medicine rested, but their claim to efficacy is nonetheless underwritten by a physiology of the body imagined, as Gail Paster memorably puts it, in broadly hydraulic terms as a ‘semipermeable, irrigated container in which humors moved sluggishly’.247 The shadow of this theory of the humors traces the outline of the possibility of prognosis. This theory, preserved and circulated in the Middle Ages under the names of Galen and Hippocrates, has been thoroughly studied and need not be rehearsed here;248 242 243 244 245

246 247

248

See F. Wallis, ‘Diagnosis and Prognosis in Early Medieval Pulse and Urine Texts’, Social History of Medicine 13 (2000), 265–78. Crislip, From Monastery to Hospital, p. 19. Wallis, ‘The Experience of the Book’, p. 117. As Wallis puts it, ‘The physician’s skill, perhaps one ought to say his gift, was to foresee what God would do to the patient, not to discern the cause of his ailment, nor yet to lay claim to a cure. He had insight into time, not power over the body’ (‘The Experience of the Book’, p. 120). N. G. Siraisi, Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine: An Introduction to Knowledge and Practice (Chicago, 1990), pp. 8–9. G. K. Paster, The Body Embarrassed: Drama and the Disciplines of Shame in Early Modern England (Ithaca, 1993), p. 8. Paster offers a fascinating discussion of the ideology and implications of humoral theory in the Renaissance. On classical theories of humoral pathology and their medieval afterlife, see E. Schöner, Das Viererschema in der antiken Humoralpathologie (Wiesbaden, 1964); O. Temkin, Galenism: Rise and Decline of a Medical Philosophy (Ithaca, 1973) and Hippocrates in a World of Pagans and Christians (Baltimore, 1973); R. E. Siegel, Galen’s System of Physiology and Medicine (Basel, 1968).

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Prognostics as a Genre it may be sufficient to cite the succinct formulation of the principle in Isidore’s Etymologiae IV.v: Sanitas est integritas corporis et temperantia naturae ex calido et humido, quod est sanguis; unde et sanitas dicta est, quas sanguinis status. . . . Morbi omnes ex quattuor nascuntur humoribus, id est ex sanguine et felle, melancholia et phlegmate. [Ex ipsis enim reguntur sani, ex ipsis laeduntur infirmi. Dum enim amplius extra cursum naturae creverint, aegritudines faciunt.]249

The opening section of Bald’s Leechbook indicates that humoral theory, though seldom explicitly mentioned in vernacular texts, was nevertheless known to some English physicians: Sio adl cymð of yfelre wætan ufan flowendre oþþe æþme oþþe of bam. Þonne sceal mon ærest on ða adle foreweardre blod lætan of ædre. Æfter þon sceal man wyrt drenc sellan ⁊ lacnian siþþan þa saran stowa. Gif seo adl sie cumen of micelre hæto þonne sceal man mid cealdum læcedomum lacnian, gif hio of cealdum intingan cymð þonne sceal mon mid hatum læcedomum lacnian, gehwæþeres sceal mon nyttian ⁊ miscian þæt þone lichoman hæle ⁊ æfter mægen hæbbe.250

Bloodletting, the medical practice most obviously based on humoral theory, is recommended as a remedy for some illnesses in the Leechbook, though as Cameron points out it is not common, appearing in fewer than fifty of 1300 remedies. The Leechbook also contains among its treatments a discussion of the dies caniculares and other good and bad days for bloodletting, a practice which is based, ultimately, on the theory of a monthly, yearly or seasonal flux of the humors. Even the Lacnunga, which has only one remedy that recommends bloodletting, contains a discussion of unlucky or ‘Egyptian’ days.251 The theory of humoral physiology may appear only rarely in both the manuscripts and the scholarly discussion of medieval recipes and remedies, but it was certainly known to the Anglo-Saxons, and is the framework within which the medieval discourse of 249

‘Sanitas [health] is physical integrity and a natural balance between heat and humidity, that is in the blood; it is called sanitas from when the blood [sanguis] is stable . . . . All diseases arise from the four humors, that is from blood and yellow bile, black bile and phlegm. By these the healthy are ruled, and by these the sick are harmed. For when these increase beyond the bounds of nature, they cause diseases.’ Isidori Hispalensis Episcopi Etymologiarum sive Originum Libri XX, ed. W. M. Lindsay, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1911). Cited in L. Ayoub, ‘Old English wæta and the Medical Theory of the Humours’, Journal of English and Germanic Philology 94 (1995), 332–46, at p. 334. 250 ‘Disease comes from evil humors flowing down, or vapours, or both. So one should first let blood from the veins in the early part of an illness. After that, one should give herbal potions and then cure the afflicted places. If the disease has come from great heat, then one must cure it with cold medicines; if it comes from cold causes, one must cure it with hot medicines; one must use both of these, and mix them so that the body might heal, and then have strength.’ Leechbook I, I.xiii.1–4 (ed. Cockayne). 251 The information on bloodletting in Bald’s Leechbook is tr. by Cameron, Anglo-Saxon Medicine, pp. 161–2, but taken from Cockayne; the passage from the Lacnunga on Egyptian Days is on p. 165, but taken from J. H. G. Grattan and C. Singer, Anglo-Saxon Medicine and Magic (London, 1952), p. 198. The same text appears in the Herbarium preserved in London, BL, Cotton Vitellius C.iii.

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Introduction the physical body—both the collections of recipes and remedies and the more learned diagnostic and prognostic texts—was conducted.252 This fact accounts for the early transmission of prognostic texts among medical treatises on dietary regulation and bloodletting. The manuscript evidence for the history of early medieval medicine is complex, and much of it remains barely or badly analyzed; as F. E. Glaze puts it, No single surviving manuscript . . . replicates another, with the result that each surviving medical anthology differs from every other in content and form. There was, moreover, no canonical body of texts universally preferred or even favored. We are ignorant in nearly all cases of the very motives and methods of the anonymous early medieval scribes and scholars who were instrumental in selecting medical treatises for preservation, reproduction and excerption.253

The best surveys of early medical manuscripts remain those of Beccaria and Wickersheimer; together they offer a broad picture of early works of medical knowledge and the manuscripts in which they were transmitted. They also offer some indication of the changing place of prognostic texts in medical discourse. Beccaria, whose survey of medical manuscripts begins in the ninth century, lists seven manuscripts which he dates to the eighth/ninth centuries,254 only one of which, Paris, BNF, lat. 11218,255 contains a prognostic text, a medical lunarium on 101r256 between two texts on how to recognize the signs of death. Beccaria dates seventy-one medical manuscripts to the ninth century, of which twelve are too fragmentary to grasp a sense of their full contents257 and another twelve have only incidental or added medical material.258 Of the remaining forty-seven manuscripts, twelve contain texts which later appear among prognostic collections; 252

253 254 255

256 257 258

Iyoub observes that ‘in nonmedical vernacular texts very few allusions to the humors occur, suggesting that in Anglo-Saxon England humoral theory was specialized medical information rather than common knowledge’ (‘Old English wæta’, p. 344). As J. Stannard puts it, however, ‘acceptance of the doctrine of humors and its corollaries is seldom explicitly defended in the recipes themselves. Its defense or promulgation is usually reserved for separate, introductory chapters in leechbooks and assumed thereafter in recipes. But, as the principle explanatory basis for medical, botanical, and pharmacological theory, some form of humoralist doctrine is frequently found in recipes.’ J. Stannard, ‘Botanical Data and Late Mediaeval “Rezeptliteratur”’, in Fachprosa-Studien: Beiträge zur mittelalterlichen Wissenschafts- und Geistesgeschichte, ed. G. Keil (Berlin, 1982), p. 390. F. E. Glaze, ‘The Perforated Wall: The Ownership and Circulation of Medical Books in Medieval Europe, ca. 800–1200’ (unpubl. PhD. Dissertation, Duke University, 1999), p. 78. Nos. 34, 53–63–64—these are fragments of the same manuscript—93, 119, 125, 143, 145. S. viii/ix, Beccaria 34 (also Wickersheimer LXXVI, who dates it s. ixinc), a medical collection of 126 fols. containing recipes, the Oxipate, Galen Liber Tertius, Vindicianus on anatomy, the Disputatio Platonis et Aristotelis, Epistola de Phlebotomia, Galen De Febribus, and other texts. Ed. Weisser, Krankheitslunar, pp. 174–5 with Berlin, Preussische Staatsbibliothek, Phillipps 1790 (e). Nos. 12, 36, 38, 59, 87, 99, 104, 114, 118, 120, 140b, 142. Nos. 15, 17, 18, 19, 23, 39, 105, 111, 121, 123, 132, 139. Three of these (St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 878, Laon, Bib. Comm. 426 bis, and Paris, BNF, lat. 2773, the latter two of which are also Wickersheimer XXVIII and XLVI) have prognostic texts added later.

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Prognostics as a Genre virtually all of these texts appear among collections of texts devoted to discussions of humoral regulation or bloodletting.259 Only one of the seventeen more 259















I have not seen all of these and rely on published descriptions for their contents, date and provenance; they are: 1. Bamberg, Staatliche Bibliothek, cod. med. 1 (L.III.8) (s. viii/ix, Lorsch; Beccaria 48): warnings against Egyptian Days (8r) and several dietary calendars. 2. Berlin, Preussische Staatsbibliothek, Phillipps 1790 (s. ix1; Beccaria 50): recipes, the Oxipate, Galen De Febribus, Democritus Prognostica Mortalia, extracts from Isidore, phlebotomies and diagnosis by urine, and Galen Ad Glauconem; lunaria for birth, general conditions, medical prognosis (twice, the first of which ends explicit dicta Galieni de lunae diebus pro infirmis) and dreams are concentrated on a few folios (40r–42v) and are accompanied by an astrological medical prognostic and a device similar to the ‘Sphere of Life and Death’. 3. Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, Reichenau CXX (s. ixinc, probably written in or around Verona but in Germany early in s. ix; Beccaria 56): warning on Egyptian Days following Democritus Prognostica, and a dietary calendar, followed by a now-fragmentary text on the humors. 4. Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, Reichenau CLXXII (s. ix; Beccaria 57): added medical notes concerning humors and temperaments, Hippocrates Epistola ad Antiochum, Pronostica ex Diversis Libris uel Auctoribus, a medical lunarium and warning on Egyptian Days. 5. Leiden, Rijks-Universiteit cod. Vossianus lat. O.92, fols. 33–121 (s. ix/x.; Beccaria 115): extracts from Pliny De Medicina, Hippocrates Epistola ad Antiochum, Medicinae ex Oleribus et Pomis, Liber Dietarum Diversorum Medicorum, Ratio Quomodo Partus Gignitur uel Formatur in Utero, and (79r–v) the Sphere of Apuleius, beginning Spera Apulei Platonici de Morte vel Omnibus Negotiis vel Causis Requires, with a circular diagram. 6. Lucca, Bibl. Governativa, 296 (B. 196) (s. ixexp, Italy; Beccaria 91): ps.-Apuleius Herbarium and other texts, diagnostics by urine, a dietary calendar, two warnings on Egyptian Days (108v–109v) and a dream lunarium (109r). 7. Paris, BNF, lat. 6882a, fols. 1–26 (s. ix1, St-Hilaire, Poitiers; Beccaria 26, also Wickersheimer LXIII): parts of recipe collections, texts on gynecology, a medical glossary, extracts from Isidore, Cassius Felix and the ‘Petrocellus’; a medical lunarium, 18v, is add. s. x. 8. St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 44, pp. 185–368 (s. ix, Germany?; Beccaria 129): recipes, works on phlebotomy, Vindicianus Epistola ad Pentadium, Hippocrates Epistola ad Antiochum, a dietary calendar, Hippocrates Prognostica, Democritus Prognostica, a medical lunarium (pp. 226–8), more recipes, a medical glossary, diagnostics on pulses and urines, the Ps.-Apuleius Herbarium, Quintus Serenus Liber medicinalis, and other works. 9. St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 751 (s. ix, St Gall; Beccaria 133): a medical glossary, Hippocrates Epistola ad Antiochum, Democritus Prognostica, Hippocrates Epistola ad Maecenatem, a medical lunarium (p. 175–6), Herbarium texts, extracts from Pliny De Medicina, Galen Liber Tertius, recipes, diagnostic texts on urines, Vindicianus Epostola ad Pentadium, a birth lunarium (p. 376, beginning Incipit lunaris sancti Daniheli and repeated incompletely on pp. 428–9), warnings on Egyptian Days (p. 376–7, ascribed to sancto Ysidoro and repeated on p. 401), diagnosis by urine, a lunarium for bloodletting (p. 428), a dietary calendar, and many other works. 10. St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 752, pp. 1–160 (s. ix, Reichenau; Beccaria 134): virtually identical to Leiden Vossianus lat. O.92, containing recipes, Pliny De Medicina, Hippocrates Epistola ad Antiochum, the Sphere of Apuleius (p. 82), Garglius Martialis, Medicinae ex Oleribus et Pomis, Liber Dietarum Diversorum Medicorum, and recipes. 11. St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 878 (s. ix, Reichenau; Beccaria 139): works of Donatus and Priscian, Hrabanus, De Computo, Bede, De Natura Rerum and Liber de Temporibus, various computistical extracts, texts on astronomy and chronology, extracts from Orosius and Cassiodorus; medical material on pp. 327–94 contains Hippocrates Epistola ad Antiochum, recipes, texts on phlebotomy and Egyptian Days (pp. 366–7), recipes, and works on seasons and humors. 12. Uppsala, Universitetsbiblioteket, C.664 (s. ix, Germany?; Beccaria 117): works on phlebotomy, Vindicianus Epistola ad Pentadium, Hippocrates Epistola ad Antiochum, a fragmentary medical

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Introduction or less complete manuscripts from the tenth century, however, contains prognostic texts;260 of nineteen complete manuscripts from the eleventh century, many of which tend towards miscellaneous non-medical contents, eight manuscripts contain prognostics, in what must be characterized as increasingly marginal contexts.261 Of the twenty-two complete manuscripts which Beccaria dates to the eleventh/twelfth centuries, only five contain such texts.262 In all centuries there are lunarium (p. 23), recipes, diagnosis on pulses and urines, Galen Ad Glauconum and Liber Tertius, a fragmentary dream dictionary (pp. 101–11), the Revelatio Esdrae (pp. 111–13), Herbarium texts, a medical glossary, and other works. 260 Trier, Stadtbibliothek 40 (s. x, Germany; Beccaria 67), a volume of glossaries, including a few in Old English (see Ker, p. 482); various texts and recipes appear in the margins, including a warning against Three Critical Days (12r–v), a text on phlebotomy (21v), the Inuentiones atque Precepta Hyprocratis Medici (30r, roughly = the Epistula ad Maecenatem, relating the humors to the seasons), a prayer (in German and Latin) against paralysis, and some texts of the Herbarium-group. The manuscript is described in some detail in C. Ferkel, ‘Medizinische Marginalien aus dem cod. Trevirens. nr. 40’, Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin 7 (1913), 129–43. 261 These are: 1. Copenhagen, Kung. Bibliotek. Kgl. Samling cod. 1653 (s. xi, south Italy; Beccaria 8), which contains a bloodletting lunarium (76v) among dietary calendars, tracts on the humors, and a warning against Egyptian Days (184v) following a text on phlebotomy; the manuscript is discussed in R. Laux, ‘Ars medicinae: ein frühmittelalterliches Kompendium der Medizin’, Kyklos 3 (1930), 417–34, and F. Newton, The Scriptorium and Library at Monte Cassino 1058–1105 (Cambridge, 1999), pp. 150–75. 2. Bonn, Universitätsbibliothek 218 (s. xi, Germany; Beccaria 52), a miscellany and computus collection with some medical notes, including a text on phlebotomy and adietary calendar (81v–82r). 3. Cambridge, University Library, Gg. 5. 35 (s. xi, St Augustine’s, Canterbury; Beccaria 70, Ker 16, Gneuss 12), the ‘Cambridge Songs’, a large anthology of Christian poetry and other works, with a collection of medical treatises (see Cameron, ‘The Sources of Medical Knowledge in AngloSaxon England’, pp. 154–5) written on originally blank folios (425v–431v) in a hand of about 1100, including treatises on bloodletting, warnings against Egyptian Days, and the Disputatio Platoni et Aristotili. 4. London, BL, Add. 8928 (s. xi, England? Beccaria 84), with verses on Egyptian Days (15r) add. in a later hand; 5. London, BL, Harley 3271 (Beccaria 76), described elsewhere. 6. London, BL, Sloane 475, fols. 125–231 (Beccaria 78b), described elsewhere. 7. Vatican, BAV, Vat. lat. 4418, fols. 111–49 (s. xi, Italy; Beccaria 101), part of a composite medical miscellany including verses on Egyptian Days (149r), a text on phlebotomy and warning against unlucky days for bloodletting (149v). 8. Vatican, BAV, Barb. Lat. 160 (s. xi2, Italy; Beccaria 108; see Newton, The Scriptorium and Library at Monte Cassino, pp. 145–7), a large medical collection which includes verses on Egyptian Days and a warning against unlucky days for bloodletting (276r). It is notable that four of these eight manuscripts are English. 262 These are: 1. Poitiers, Bibliothèque municipale, 184, fols. 1–73 (s. xi/xii; Beccaria 43, also Wickersheimer XCIX, who dates it s. xi), containing Galen Ad Glauconem and Liber Tertius, texts on humors, verses on Egyptian Days (67rv), dietary calendar, warning against Egyptian Days (69r–v). 2. Berlin, Preussische Staatsibliothek, Phillipps 1870 (s. xi/xii, Flavigny; Beccaria 51): the handbook of Hugo, abbot of Flavigny c. 1065–1102, containing his chronicle and computus, and some medical prognostics, including Hippocrates Epistola ad Antiochum (1r), bloodletting lunarium (3v), dietary calendar, a general lunarium (7r), texts on phlebotomy and warning against the dies caniculares (54v–55r).

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Prognostics as a Genre manuscripts containing the sorts of texts on humoral physiology and diet which are found alongside prognostics,263 and prognostics, particularly works on bloodletting, do not entirely disappear from collections of medical texts; nevertheless, the evidence of Beccaria’s catalogue clearly points to the gradual exclusion of prognostics, even those dealing with health and illness, from medical manuscripts by the eleventh century. Wickersheimer’s catalogue corroborates this evidence, and indicates the new context in which prognostics were transmitted. Wickersheimer lists 119 manuscripts264 containing medical texts in French libraries; thirty-eight of these are also in Beccaria. Of the remaining eighty-one manuscripts, twenty-one have prognostic texts in them, but in all but three cases the prognostic is the only ‘medical’ text listed, and the manuscript is in fact devoted to other topics: in almost every case, that topic is computus.265

3. Herrnstein (formerly at Herten), Bibliothek der Grafen Nesselrode, 192, fols. 21–96 (s. xi or xii, S. England or NW Germany; Beccaria 55. Destroyed in WWII, but described in some detail by K. Sudhoff, ‘Codex Medicus Hertensis (nr. 192)’, Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin 10 (1916–17), 265–313, at pp. 273–313, who dates it s. xii), the second part of a composite manuscript containing Hippocrates Epistula ad Antiochum, texts from the Herbarium-group, recipes, a treatise on phlebotomy, dies caniculares, Pliny De Medicina, dietary calendars, a Greek-Latin medical glossary, Quintus Serenus Liber Medicinalis, Walahfrid Strabo De Cultura Hortorum, Vindicianus, Bede, De Temporum Ratione, c. 30, dietary calendars, warnings on Egyptian Days (87rv), lunaria, recipes, a mass for the relief of epilepsy, a general lunarium beginning Excerptio de dialogo quem habuit Nemroth Chaldeus cum Ioanton discipulo suo, a version of the Revelatio Esdrae (90v–91v), a number prognostic similar to the Sphere of Life and Death (91r), and a brontology closely similar to that found in Cologne 102. 4. London, BL, Sloane 475, fols. 1–124 (s. xii, England?), described elsewhere. 5. London, BL, Sloane 2839 (s. xi/xii, England? Beccaria 81), a small medical anthology of 112 fols. in a neat hand, with some later additions (mostly recipes); 7v–112v contains the ‘Petrocellus’, a treatise on diseases and their remedies, with various other short texts inserted, including the Epistola Ypocratis de Quattuor Humoribus, Galen on fevers, the Disputatio Platonis et Aristotilis, treatises on bloodletting, dietary calendars, warnings against the dies caniculares and Egyptian Days, the Three Critical Mondays, and the Epistola ad Antiochum. 263 Examples include Montpellier, Bibl. de la Faculté de médecine cod. 185 (s. xi; Beccaria 16), which contains dietary calendars, works on phlebotomy, treatises on humors, but no prognostics; or Paris, BNF, lat. 14935, fols. 82–118 (s. xi/xii, Saint-Victoire, Paris; Beccaria 40), part of a composite manuscript, containing texts on humors and phlebotomy, dietary calendars, and no prognostics. 264 A second no. XXXIII is added in an addendum, pp. 191–2. 265 These are: 1. Angers 91 (s. x, Fleury; Wickersheimer II), warning on Egyptian Days, 9v; 2. Chartres 113 (s. ix, Chartres; Wickersheimer XIX), Sphere of Apuleius, 99r; 3. Laon 407 (s. ix3, Notre-Dame de Laon; Wickersheimer XXV), a iatromathematical device similar to the Sphere of Life and Death but known as the Tetragonus subiectus, 136v; 4. Orléans 276 (s. xi, Fleury; Wickersheimer XXXIII), Sphere of Life and Death, p. 129 (this and the previous diagram are pr. Wickersheimer, ‘Figures médico-astrologiques des IXe, Xe, et XIe siècles’, Janus 19 (1914), 157–77); 5. Paris, BNF, lat. 820 (s. xi; Wickersheimer XXXVIII), a liturgical manuscript containing a warning on Egyptian Days add. in a different hand, 163v; 6. Paris, BNF, lat. 1338 (s. xi, Saint-Martial, Limoges; Wickersheimer XL): warning on Egyptian Days, 139v; 7. Paris, BN lat. 2113 (s. x/xi, Notre-Dame de Puy; Wickersheimer XLII): biblical commentary and

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Introduction Prognostics and computus It is as difficult to generalize about the history of the computus as about the history of medical texts, given the anthological and non-canonical nature of manuscript collections, the number of texts still unpublished, and the present state of scholarly inquiry.266 But prognostics are generally absent from surviving versions of computus, with lunaria for dreams, birth, health, and general conditions, the last ending imperfectly, fols. 255–7; 8. Paris, BNF, lat. 2825 (s. x; Wickersheimer XLVIII), a collection of unrelated fragments of which no. 7 (fols. 110–37), a tattered heap of quires and single sheets, contains computus texts, annals, lunaria for dreams and health, notes on Egyptian Days and the dies caniculares, treatises on bloodletting and a dietary calendar; 9. Paris, BNF, lat. 5239 (s. x, Saint-Martial, Limoges; Wickersheimer LIV), a computus containing warnings on Egyptian Days and the Three Critical Mondays (2v) and the Sphere of Petosiris (166v); 10. Paris, BNF, lat. 5600 (s. x, Saint-Martial, Limoges; Wickersheimer LVII), a collection of homilies and saints’ lives, with sections on grammar and computus including a warning on Egyptian Days, fol. 173; 11. Paris, BNF, lat. 8663 (s. xi, Burgundy?; Wickersheimer LXIX), astronomical and computus manuscript containing the Sphere of Apuleius, 57v; 12. Paris, BNF, lat. 11411, fols. 99–102 (s. ix, Echternach; Wickersheimer LXXVIII), a scrapbook of miscellaneous and unrelated leaves; the relevant section contains fragments of the Hisperica Famina and a version of the Sphere of Pythagoras (99r); 13. Paris, BNF, lat. 17868 (s. x, Paris; Wickersheimer LXXXVI), an astrological manuscript containing one of the earliest copies of Anchandrinus’ handbook and (13r) a version of the Sphere of Petosiris; 14. Paris, BNF, nouv. acq. lat. 1073 (s. xi, xii; Wickersheimer LXXXIX), a collection of grammatical treatises and verses on Egyptian Days, 51r–52r; 15. Paris, BNF, lat. nouv. acq. 1525 (s. ix-x, Saint-Amand; Wickersheimer XC), fragments of ten manuscripts including Versus Hucbaldi de Diebus Aegiptiacis, 4v; 16. Paris, BNF, nouv. acq. lat. 1616 (s. ix–x; Fleury; Wickersheimer XCII), a computus manuscript of fourteen folios containing a number of prognostics including the Sphere of Pythagoras (7v), a lunarium for general conditions (10v), warnings on Egyptian Days and the Three Critical Mondays (12r), notes on the formation of the foetus (12r), a forecast for misfortune based on wind during the twelve days of Christmas (12v) and a version of the Tetragonus subiectus similar to that in Laon 407; 17. Reims, 304 (s. x, Saint-Thierry, Reims; Wickersheimer CII); verse and prose warnings on Egyptian Days, 1rv; 18. Strasbourg, Bibliothèque Nationale et Universitaire, 326 (s. x-xi, Angoulême; Wickersheimer CXIV), warnings on Egyptian Days and the Three Critical Mondays, 199v. The exceptions, which I have not seen, are: 19. Dijon 448 (s. xiinc, Dijon; Wickersheimer XXII), numerical prognostic, 74r, verse and prose warnings on Egyptian Days, 87v, Three Critical Mondays, 191r; 20. Reims 438 (s. ix1; Saint-Thierry, Reims; Wickersheimer CIV), warnings on Egyptian Days attributed to ‘Ypocratis’, 29v, followed by a text on phlebotomy, Conseruatio Phlebotoiae et Dies Caniculares, 29v, and dietary calendar, 30v; 21. Rouen, 496 (s. x, Jumièges; Wickersheimer CVIII), verse and prose warnings on Egyptian Days, 134rv, Egyptian Days, followed by a list of medicines. 266 Baker and Lapidge have written with great clarity on the development of the computus (Byrhtferth’s Enchiridion, pp. xl–lx); though their focus is primarily on the sources of Byrhtferth’s work, I have largely depended on their conclusions, and on C. W. Jones, ed., Bedae Opera De Temporibus, pp. 75–113, in most matters of textual and manuscript history. The earlier history of computus is

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Prognostics as a Genre the Irish and pre-Carolingian computus collections from which Bede derived his work;267 they begin to appear in significant numbers in continental computus collections developed in the ninth century in response to Charlemagne’s requirement in the Admonitio Generalis of 789 that all clergy should be taught computus in the schools.268 The ninth-century study of computus was founded, to a considerable degree, on Bede’s De Temporum Ratione, of which dozens of continental copies from the ninth century survive,269 but it was the task of later scholars such as surveyed, not comprehensively, by A. Cordoliani in ‘Les traités de comput ecclésiastique du haut moyen âge (526–1003)’, Archivum Latinitatis Medii Aevi 117 (1942), 51–71, and ‘Contributions à la littérature du comput ecclésiastique au haut moyen âge’, Studi medievali, 3rd ser. 1 (1960), 107–37 and 2 (1961), 167–208. A. Borst, The Ordering of Time: From the Ancient Computus to the Modern Computer, tr. A. Winnard (Chicago, 1993), offers a more basic introduction to medieval computus. H. Grotefend’s Taschenbuch der Zeitrechnung des deutschen Mittelalters und der Neuzeit, 11th edn by T. Ulrich (Hannover, 1971), remains an indispensable text to orient oneself in this complex topic, as does K. Harrison, A Framework for Anglo-Saxon History to A.D. 900 (Cambridge, 1975), whose scope is much broader than its title suggests. 267 Examples include Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Bodley 309 (s. xi, Vendôme; described in C. W. Jones, ‘The Lost “Sirmond” Manuscript of Bede’s Computus’, English Historical Review 52 (1937), 204–19); Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Digby 63 (s. ix2, Northumbria, later in Winchester; Gneuss 611; a warning against Egyptian Days is found on 3v), and the first part of Cotton Caligula A.xv, fols. 1–119 (s. viii1, NE France, but in England by s. ix/x; Gneuss 311). See D. Ó Cróinín, ‘The Irish Provenance of Bede’s Computus’, Peritia 2 (1983), 229–47, and ‘A Seventh-Century Irish Computus from the Circle of Cummianus’, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 82C (1982), 405–30. This is not to say, however, that these collections do not contain ancillary non-computistical material. 268 Admonitio Generalis, c. 72, ed. A. Boretius, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Capitularia Regum Francorum I (Hannover, 1883), p. 60. On the manuscripts created to fulfil this requirement, see Cordoliani, ‘Les traités de comput de haut moyen âge’; W. Stevens, ‘Compotistica et Astronomica in the Fulda School’, in Saints, Scholars and Heroes, ed. W. M. Stevens and M. H. King (Collegeville, MN, 1979), pp. 27–63, and Cycles of Time and Scientific Learning in Medieval Europe (Aldershot, 1995); and the essays collected in B. S. Eastwood, The Revival of Planetary Astronomy in Carolingian and Post-Carolingian Europe (Aldershot, 2002). A sceptical view of the success of this admonition is expressed by A. Murray, Reason and Society in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1978), p. 153. 269 Bede: The Reckoning of Time, tr. F. E. Wallis, pp. lxxxv–xcvii. See also W. Stevens, ‘Bede’s Scientific Achievement’, Jarrow Lecture 1985, repr. in Cycles of Time and Scientific Learning in Medieval Europe, pp. 53–8, and J. E. Cross, ‘Bede’s Influence at Home and Abroad’, in Beda Venerabilis: Historian, Monk and Northumbrian, ed. L. A. J. R. Houwen and A. A. MacDonald (Gröningen, 1996), pp. 17–30. Many of these are only partial copies, already excerpted. Copies of Bede’s work would already have been available as a result of the missionary work of Boniface and others, but Bullough, ‘Charlemagne’s Court Library Revisited’, argues that Alcuin brought computus manuscripts from Northumbria to Tours; he argues that Alcuin’s computus may survive in Vatican City, BAV, Pal. lat. 1448 and 1449. The latter contains, alongside Bede’s works on time and computus, a bloodletting lunarium (9r), a copy of the Revelatio Esdrae (119v), dietary calendars and treatises on bloodletting, and a version of the ‘Sphere of Pythagoras’ (146v). On the other hand, the continental computus-cum-encyclopedia of Archbishop Hildebold of Cologne from the same period, surviving in Cologne, Dombibliothek 83 II (see J. M. Plotzek, Glaube und Wissen im Mittelalter. Katalogbuch zur Ausstellung (Munich, 1998), pp. 136–56; a facsimile and careful description of this manuscript’s contents can be found online at http://www.ceec.uni-koeln.de/) appears to rely directly on the work of Dionysius Exiguus, not on Bede’s exposition of it, and while it contains similar excerpts from Isidore and other authors, it is free of prognostic material, although it does have a guide to recommended activities during each sign of the zodiac, beginning Martius arietis abraham, pro eo quod arietem domino obtulit, on 144v–145r (on the further history of this work, see A. Cordoliani,

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Introduction Hrabanus Maurus, Helpericus and Walahfrid Strabo to create more practical computus collections for the general clergy by dismembering Bede’s work, combining it with excepts from Isidore, Pliny, Calcidius, and other authors, and adding calendars, tables, diagrams, rotae and the commentaries on these devices270 which made it possible to find feast days and calculate the date of Easter.271 Examples of such ninth-century manuscripts can be seen in f (BL, Harley 3017) and Vatican, BAV, Pal. lat. 485.272 In the process, computus manuscripts tended to collect ‘a halo of noncomputistical materials’273 around their core of calendars, Paschal tables and formulae. The subjects of these texts were sometimes only vaguely or analogically related to the computus, but generally concerned time, space, or measurement; computus manuscripts ‘assumed the role of a sort of filing cabinet for the scattered fragments of ancient scientific erudition’.274 A further reorganization and rationalization of this ‘unwieldy, redundant, and inconsistent’ material, ‘assembled more by chance than by design’,275 is generally attributed to Abbo of Fleury.276 Examples of Abbonian computi from Fleury

270

271

272

273 274

275 276

‘Une encyclopédie carolingienne de comput: les Sententiae in laude computi’, Bibliothèque de l’École des chartes 104 (1943), 237–43). An early ninth-century hand has added a version of the ‘Sphere of Life and Death’ to an originally blank leaf (218v) at the end of the manuscript; whether prognostic texts were present in Alcuin’s sources or were later accretions to computus collections, they were clearly seen as appropriate companions to the computus from an early stage. On the illustrations in scientific manuscripts of the earlier Middle Ages, see J. Murdoch, Album of Science: Antiquity and the Middle Ages (New York, 1984), as well as the lengthy and informative review by B. Eastwood, ‘Medieval Science Illustrated’, History of Science 24 (1986), 183–208; on specific works see H. Bober, ‘An Illustrated Medieval School-book of Bede’s “De natura rerum”’, Journal of the Walters Art Gallery 19–20 (1956–7), 64–97. Hrabanus’ text is ed. W. Stevens, Rabani De Computo, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio mediaevalis 44 (Turnhout, 1979); on Hrabanus, see Stevens, ‘Compotistica et Astronomica in the Fulda School’; M. Rissel, ‘Hrabans Liber de computo als Quelle der Fuldaer Unterrichtspraxis in den Artes Arithmeticae und Astronomiae’, in Hrabanus Maurus und seine Schule, ed. W. Böhne (Fulda, 1980), pp. 138–55. On Walahfrid Strabo, see B. Bischoff, ‘Eine Sammelhandschrift Walahfrid Strabos’. On Helpericus, see P. McGurk, ‘Computus Helperici. Its Transmission in England in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries’, Medium Ævum 43 (1974), 1–5. S. ix, Lorsch. See the discussion and partial list of contents in Wallis, ‘Medicine in Medieval Computus’, pp. 111–22; see also H. Stevenson, Codices Palatini Latini (Rome, 1936), I, 155–8; Paxton, ‘Bonus liber’; E. Gugumus, ‘Die Lorscher Kalendarien in Cod. Pal. lat. 485 und 499 der Vatikanischen Bibliothek’, Jahrbüch für das Bistum Mainz 8 (1958/60), 286–321; R. Reiche, ‘Einige lateinischen Monatsdiätetiken aus Wiener und St. Galler Handschriften’, Sudhoffs Archiv 57 (1973), 113–41. Wallis, ‘Medicine in Medieval Computus Manuscripts’, pp. 107–8. F. E. Wallis, ‘The Church, the World and the Time: Prolegomena to a History of the Medieval Computus’, in Normes et pouvoir à la fin du moyen âge. Actes du colloque ‘La recherche en études médiévales au Québec et en Ontario’ 16–17 mai 1989–Montréal, ed. M.-C. Déprez-Masson (Montreal, 1989), pp. 27–9, at p. 21. Byrhtferth’s Enchiridion, ed. Baker and Lapidge, p. xlv. See Byrhtferth’s Enchiridion, ed. Baker and Lapidge, pp. xx–xxv, for an account of Abbo’s tenure at Ramsey in 985–7. On Abbo’s work see, above all, A. Van de Vyver, ‘Les oeuvres inédites d’Abbon de Fleury’, Revue bénédictine 47 (1935), 125–69; E.-M. Engelen, Zeit, Zahl und Bild. Studien zur Verbindung von Philosophie und Wissenschaft bei Abbo von Fleury (Berlin and New York, 1993), esp. pp. 113–43; and P. Lendinara, ‘Abbo of Fleury’, Sources of Anglo-Saxon Literary Culture I: Abbo of Fleury, Abbo of Saint-Germain-des-Prés, and Acta Sanctorum, ed. F. M. Biggs, T. D. Hill,

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Prognostics as a Genre include Berlin, Staatsbibliothek 138 (formerly Phillipps 1833) and Bern, Burgerbibliothek 250;277 other continental examples include London, BL, Harley 2506 (probably written at Fleury but in England by s. xi),278 Vatican, BAV, Urb. Lat. 290 (s. xi, Brauweiler) and Vatican, BAV, Ross. Lat. 247 (s. xi). English examples include Durham, Hunter 100 (s. xiiinc, Durham), Cambridge, St John’s College 221 (s. xii, Colchester?) and Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Digby 56 (a composite manuscript from Hereford, s. xii). The influence of Abbo’s computus can also be seen in a closely related group of manuscripts from the first decades of the twelfth century, which reflect in varying degrees the computistical work of Abbo’s English disciple Byrhtferth of Ramsey,279 including London, BL, Cotton Tiberius C.i + BL, Harley 3667 (s. xiiinc, Peterborough), BL, Cotton Tiberius E.iv (s. xii2, Winchcombe), BL, Cotton Vitellius A.xii, BL, Royal 13.a.xi, and Oxford, St John’s College 17 (1110–11, Thorney). The reform of English monastic life in the latter tenth century was well underway before Abbo came to Ramsey; the introduction of a stricter monastic regula necessarily involved the importation of manuscripts and required new versions of the computus.280 Baker and Lapidge distinguish as an early product of the Benedictine Reform a ‘Leofric-Tiberius’ computus,281 represented by Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Bodley 579, 38r–58r, and London, BL, Cotton Tiberius B.v, 2r–19r, closely related in their computus materials;282 they also point out similarities to the computus added to London, BL, Cotton Galba A.xviii, a French Psalter of the ninth century with material added (esp. 3r–20r) in England by the early tenth century. One notable aspect of the manuscripts containing the computus of Abbo of Fleury and the ‘Leofric-Tiberius’ computus is that they do not, at least in their original form, contain a significant number of prognostic texts.283 Quite another

277

278 279 280 281

282 283

P. E. Szarmach and E. G. Whatley (Kalamazoo, MI, 2001), pp. 1–15. Byrhtferth’s Enchiridion, ed. Baker and Lapidge, p. xlii. On Fleury’s library, see M. Mostert, The Library of Fleury: A Provisional List of Manuscripts, Middeleeuwse Studies en Bronnen 3 (Hilversum, 1989); these manuscripts are BF012 and BF134, respectively, in that study. On Berlin 138, see V. Rose, Die Verzeichnis der lateinischen Handschriften der königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, I, 308–15. Mostert, The Library of Fleury, no. BF380. A reconstruction of Byrhtferth’s computus can be found in Baker and Lapidge’s edition of the Enchiridion, Appendix A (pp. 373–427). See F. A. Rella, ‘Continental Manuscripts Acquired for English Centers in the Tenth and Early Eleventh Centuries: A Preliminary Checklist’, Anglia 98 (1980), 107–16. They do so, however, with extreme diffidence: the manuscripts ‘may in fact be not two representatives of a lost archetype, but two stages in a historical process which has no identifiable beginning or end, and in which our two manuscripts present to us no focus with any importance beyond the plain fact that they are the texts we have’ (Byrhtferth’s Enchiridion, p. xlviii). See Byrhtferth’s Enchiridion, ed. Baker and Lapidge, pp. xlvi–xlvii, for a list of texts common to both manuscripts. Nor do other manuscripts which Baker and Lapidge connect to the ‘Leofric-Tiberius’ computus, including Cambridge, University Library, Kk.5.32 (s. xi/xii, W. England (Glastonbury?); Gneuss 26), London, BL, Cotton Julius A.vi (s. xiinc, Christ Church, Canterbury; Gneuss 337), Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Digby 81 (s.x/xi, Durham; Gneuss 612), or Rouen, Bibliothèque municipale 274 (Y.6), the Missal of Robert of Jumièges (s. xi med., Christ Church, Canterbury; Gneuss 921).

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Introduction matter, however, is the computus collection largely independent of the Abbonian computus ‘assembled by a single, intelligent worker at Winchester, possibly around the year 978’.284 Whatever its sources (Baker and Lapidge suggest that the compiler ‘ruthlessly’ revised and edited the texts of the Leofric-Tiberius group),285 the manuscripts of the so-called ‘Winchester computus’ produced in the New Minster in Winchester in the second quarter of s. xi, and the later manuscripts derived from these manuscripts, are the primary witnesses of surviving prognostic texts in both Latin and English: Æ, Vi, C, Cambridge, Trinity College R.15.32 (written in the same hand as Æ), and London, BL, Arundel 60.286 The number of prognostics that appear in all these manuscripts, sometimes in sequence and alongside versions of other shared texts, makes it clear that prognostics were an integral part of the original composition of these manuscripts.287 Texts found in these manuscripts can also be found in places where later computus compilations such as Oxford, St John’s College 17 and Cotton Tiberius C.i + Harley 3667 diverge from the Abbonian computus. Prognostics were equally at home among medical and computistical works because all these texts shared, to some degree, a belief in the theory of the humors and the correspondence between the microcosm of the human body and the macrocosm of the world. Chapter 35 of Bede’s De Temporum Ratione, entitled De quattuor temporibus, elementis, humoribus, is explicit on this relationship: Tempora sunt anni quattuor .  .  . . A quo temperamento videtur temporibus inditum nomen; uel certe quia quadam suae similitudine qualitatis ad inuicem contemperata uoluuntur, tempora recte uocantur. Hiems enim, utpote longius sole remoto, frigida est et humidus; uer, illo super terras redeunte, humidum et calidum; aestas, illo superferuente, calida et sicca; autumnus, illo ad inferiora decedente, siccus et frigidus . . . . Quibus aeque qualitatibus disparibus quidem per se sed alterutra ad inuicem societate connexis, ipsa quoque mundi elementa constat esse distincta. Terra namque sicca et frigida, aqua frigida et humida, aer humidus et calidus, ignis est calidus et siccus; ideoque haec autumno, illa hiemi, iste ueri, ille comparatur aestati. Sed et homo ipse, qui a sapientibus microcosmos, id est minor mundus, appellatur, hisdem per omnia qualitatibus Byrhtferth’s Enchiridion, ed. Baker and Lapidge, p. xlviii. C. Hart, Learning and Culture in Late Anglo-Saxon England and the Influence of Ramsey Abbey on the Major English Monastic Schools, 2 vols. (Lewiston, 2003), argues vigorously that it is in fact in Ramsey, through the influence of Abbo and Byrhtferth, that the ‘Winchester Computus’ had its origin (II, 549); he cites as an example of this ‘Ramsey computus’ Exeter, Cathedral Library, 3507 (c. 975). 285 The general contents of this computus is described in Byrhtferth’s Enchiridion, ed. Baker and Lapidge, pp. xlix–lii. 286 Baker and Lapidge, Byrhtferth’s Enchiridion, p. lii, identify other versions of this ‘Winchester’ computus which do not contain prognostics, including what is left of London, BL, Cotton Domitian i. For a full list of Anglo-Saxon manuscripts containing computus texts, see Gneuss, Handlist, p. 160. 287 Worcester manuscripts containing a version of this computus, however, including Cambridge, CCC 9 (s. x3/4, Worcester; Gneuss 36) and Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Hatton 113 (s. xi2, Worcester; Gneuss 637) do not contain any prognostics, and W, another Worcester manuscript, places its collection of prognostics in a final quire (pp. 713–21) far removed from the computus (pp. 1–23). 284

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Prognostics as a Genre habet temperatum corpus, imitantibus nimirum singulis eius quibus constat humoribus, modum temporum quibus maxime pollet. Sanguis siquidem, qui uere crescit, humidus et calidus; cholera rubea, quae aestate, calida et sicca; cholera nigra, quae autumno, sicca et frigida; phlegmata, quae hieme, frigida sunt et humida.288

Prognostics found their conceptual niche in the analogies between the humors, elements, and seasons; if certain humors predominated during certain seasons, then it was only prudent to connect questions of health—diet, bloodletting, medical prognosis—to discussions of the calendar or the phases of the moon. Wallis notes, ‘The astronomy necessary to understand the calendar was conveyed within a physics based on the four elements of earth, air, fire, and water, which were linked by pairs of shared qualities (heat and cold, moisture and dryness). . . . In short, the pedagogy of computus itself provided a niche for the humoral physiology that occupied such a large place in the early medieval medical interests.’289 This point of intersection between the discourses of time, the heavens and the body allowed prognostics to enter into and flourish in medieval monastic life. Like computus, prognostics explicate the hidden patterns which underlie the apparent randomness of the passage of time; like computus, they generally take the form of calendars or lists of days.290 By insisting on the relationship between health and time, humoral theory provides a theoretical warrant for the dietary calendars and lists of appropriate and inappropriate seasons or months for bloodletting that are among the earliest surviving prognostics. This theory made it logical to assume 288

‘There are four seasons in the year . . . . The seasons [tempora] take their name from this temperateness; or else they are rightly called tempora because they turn one into the other, being tempered one to another by some qualitative likeness. For winter is cold and wet, inasmuch as the Sun is quite far off; spring, when [the Sun] comes back above the Earth, is wet and warm; summer, when it waxes very hot, is warm and dry; autumn, when it falls to the lower regions, dry and cold . . . . It is also said that they very elements of the universe are distinguished by these divergent qualities, and that they are knit into a company with each other, but each to each. For earth is dry and cold, water cold and wet, air wet and warm, fire warm and dry, and therefore the first is likened to autumn, the next to winter, the next to spring, and the last to summer. And man himself, who is called “microcosm” by the wise, that is, “a smaller universe”, has his body tempered in every respect by these same qualities; indeed each of its constituent humors imitate the manner of the season in which it prevails. For blood, which increases in the spring, is moist and warm; red bile, which [increases in] the summer, is hot and dry; black bile, which [increases in] the autumn, is dry and cold; and phlegmatic humors, which [increase in] the winter, are cold and moist.’ Bedae Venerabilis Opera, Pars VI: Opera Didascalica 2, ed. C. W. Jones, Corpus Christianorum, series Latina 123B (Turnhout, 1977), 391–2; tr. Wallis, Bede: The Reckoning of Time, p. 100. On the diagrams which usually illustrated this concept, see P. Vössen, ‘Über die Elementen-Syzygien’, in Liber Floridus. Mittelalterliche Studien (Paul Lehmann zum 65. Geburtstag am 13. Juli 1949 gewidmet), ed. B. Bischoff (St Ottilien, 1950), pp. 33–46. 289 Wallis, ‘Medicine in Medieval Computus Manuscripts’, p. 115. 290 Wallis notes that dietary regimens based on the humors were originally seasonal, and only gradually adapted to the monthly calendar of the computus; ‘in a computus manuscript, “penumbral” material tends to take the shape of the computus material in order to establish a secure foothold in the host manuscript’ (‘Medicine in Medieval Computus Manuscripts’, pp. 113–14). A thorough study of dietary calendars is found in F. P. Donati, ‘Fra teorie mediche e practica quotidiana: i calendari dietetici dell’Occidente latino altomedievale (secoli IX–XI)’ (unpubl. PhD. dissertation, Università degli studi di Bologna, 2004).

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Introduction that some days were particularly salubrious and others particularly dangerous; the label ‘Egyptian’ days regularized and provided a biblical or theological (i.e. non-medical) justification for their observance. Similarly, given the moon’s obvious influence on the earth, attention to lunar cycles is a natural part of humoral physiology; the inclusion of lunaria in computus manuscripts no doubt invited and encouraged the inclusion of other calendrical texts for other sorts of activities or events. Even without any theoretical framework, however, an apparently random list of good and bad days might have seemed perfectly acceptable to a monastic culture accustomed to the observation of the hours of the Divine Office, the detailed monthly calendar for feast days and celebrations, and the equally complex (and to the uninitiated, equally arbitrary-looking) computus tables which made it possible to calculate the dates of the annual observance of Lent and Easter. The regimen of the prognostics is congruent with the monastic regulation of daily life according to a minutely parsed schedule of unprecedented precision and complexity. A monastic life was conducted in a space in which the divine order of number, weight and measure is made explicit, and the course of the heavens impinges upon the body intimately and immediately. The formation of the monastic subject through submission to the regula was a continuous process, not only in liturgy and prayer but in waking, eating, and sleeping, and prognostics may have played a role in this process even in the field, the dormitory, the refectory and the infirmary. They offered a regula for fortuna herself, a method of understanding the operation of time and chance.291

4 Conclusion While the content and origin of surviving prognostic texts locates them at the point of intersection between the histories of medicine and computus, their distribution in Anglo-Saxon manuscripts suggests that they should also be seen as part of the larger story of the tenth-century monastic reform. The prognostics found in Anglo-Saxon manuscripts derive from a limited number of exemplars whose closest continental parallels are found in non-Abbonian computi from the vicinity of Fleury such as BL, Harley 3017. It seems probable that one or more manuscripts similar to this one found their way to Winchester where they were used in the compilation of a computus collection there. Along with their relative lack of textual diversity as compared to continental versions, a notable characteristic of Anglo-Saxon prognostics is the fact that they are, in some later manuscripts, collected in one place, not distributed among 291

Some reflections on the larger meaning of computus in the context of the monastic life are found in F. E. Wallis, ‘Images of Order in the Medieval Computus’, in ACTA XV: Ideas of Order in the Middle Ages, ed. W. Ginsberg (Binghamton, NY, 1990), pp. 45–68.

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Conclusion computus texts. These collections have every appearance of being selected and organized with conscious intent, perhaps revised for a particular audience, and set in a deliberate relation to one another. The activity of the compilers of these collections suggests that by the eleventh century prognostics had begun to be regarded as in some way different from the texts among which they had formerly been transmitted, and worthy of being gathered into separate collections—they were, in effect, being perceived as a distinct genre. They indicate that even as prognostics were disappearing from newer medical and computistical manuscripts reflecting more rigorously organized discourses on time and the body, these texts retained some value for their readers.

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Introduction

Note on Editorial Principles The text is taken from T. Texts are referred to by number and line; thus 5/7 refers to item 7 in text 5. Where there is the possibility of ambiguity the manuscript sigla are attached, e.g., T5/7 compared to Æ63/7. Manuscript punctuation is preserved, but the lineation of texts has been rearranged for easier reference—lunaria, for example, are presented as lists, though they are usually written from margin to margin across the page. Abbreviations have been expanded, except for & (= et) in Latin and ⁊ (= and) in English; expansions are indicated in italics. Obvious errors in Latin texts have been emended, except where these are supported by the reading of the accompanying English gloss; errors in English have been emended where they appear to be purely mechanical and do not reflect possible dialectal features. In all cases of emendation the original reading is given in the apparatus. The apparatus uses the common abbreviations om., add., alt. to indicate material omitted, added, or altered; other symbols used in the text and apparatus are: ∧ ∨ to indicate emendations or editorial addition (e.g. of missing initial capitals) [ ] to indicate erased or illegible material, with dots indicating the approximate number of illegible characters. \ / to indicate material added by the scribe, generally above the line. Material added by later hands is noted in the apparatus. | to indicate the end of a folio or, in some cases in the apparatus, the end of a line.

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ANGLO-SAXON PROGNOSTICS Text and Translation

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T1. Alphabetical Dreambook (Somniale Danielis), Latin Fols. 27v12–32v16. Variants from Æ68 (154 items) and S11, which ends imperfectly after 29 items. Minor orthographical variants are not noted. be

swefena

mistlicnesse

æfter

endebyrdnessæ

DE SOMNIORUM DIUERS∧I∨TATE SECUNDUM ORDINEM

abecedes

danielis

þæt witegan.

ABCHARII DANIELIS PROPHETE fugelas on swefenum se þe gesyhð ⁊ mid him

winneð

saca

sume

1  Aues in somnis qui uiderit & cum ipsis pugnauerit lites aliquas hit getacnað.

significat.

fugelas on swefnum gefon

gestreon hit getacnað.

2  Aues in somnis capere. lucrum significat fugelas sum þincg fram him gegripan

hearpan hit getacnað.

3  Aues aliquid a se rapuisse damnum significat

assan oððe hecenu gesihð

gylt

ceapes hit getacnað.

4  Asinos uel ∧h∨edos uiderit. crimen negotii significat.

wæpnu on swæfnum beran



+ assan etan

bewerunge hit getacnað.

5  Arma in somnis portare. tutamentum significat. geswinc hit getacnað.

6  Asinos edere laborem. significat.

assan

clipiende oððe untie∧d∨e yrnan

sume sace wyðerwyrdnysse hit getacnað.

7  Asinos clamantes aut solutos currere aliquam litem aduersarię significat.

fugeles sceottende gesihð

feonda

yfele

sprece

hit getacnað.

8  Aues bullientes uiderit. inimicorum malam locutionem. significat.

Title not in Æ68 S11   DIUERSITATE]  MS Diuersiitate (first i very faint)   þæs (gl.)]  MS þæt 1  qui uiderit]  uidere Æ68/1 S11/1   cum ipsis pugnauerit]  cum illis pugnare Æ68/1, cum ipsis pugnare S11/1   aliquas significat]  significat Æ68/1, signis S11/1 2  somnis]  somno Æ68/2   significat]  signus S11/2 3  Aues aliquid a se rapiusse]  Avem aliquem rapuisse Æ68/5, Auem in somnis a re rapta qui uiderit S11/5 4  Asinos uel hedos]  MS Asinos uel edos; Asinum Æ68/6, Asinas qui S11/3   crimen negotii significat]  laborem significat Æ68/6, crimentis signus S11/3

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T1. Alphabetical Dreambook (Somniale Danielis), Latin

Concerning the variety of dreams, by the prophet Daniel, in alphabetical order

1  One who sees birds in dreams and fights with them, that signifies some strife. 2  To snare birds in dreams signifies wealth. 3  For birds to take something from him signifies harm. 4  To see asses or kids signifies a crime in business. 5  To bear arms in dreams signifies protection. 6  Asses eating signifies toil. 7  Asses crying or running free signifies some strife with an enemy. 8  If he sees birds [aquas = waters] boiling, that signifies evil speech from enemies. 5  somnis]  somno Æ68/4   tutamentum]  fortitudinem Æ68/4   significat]  signum S11/4 6  not in Æ68 7  not in Æ68 S11   untiede (gl.)]  MS untiende 8  Aues bullientes]  Aues ebuillientes Æ68/3, Aquas bullientes S11/7   uiderit]  om. Æ68/3, qui derit [sic]  S11/7   malam locutionem]  locutionem Æ68/3, locutionis S11/7

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T1. Alphabetical Dreambook

treow.

mid wæstme gesihð gestreon

gewilnode

hit getacnað.

 9  Arbores cum fructu uiderit. lucrum exsperatum significat.



treow

upp astigan



weder

hlutter

sumne

wyrðscype

he begyt.

10  Arbores ascendere. aliquam dignitatem optinebit. gesihð

ceapes

ferðrunge

hit getacnað.

11  ∧A∨erem limpidem uiderit. negotii expeditionem significat.

fram wyldeorum se þe hine gesihð

ehtan

fram feondum he byð oferswiðed.

12  A bestiis qui se uiderit infestare. ab inimicis superabitur | [fol. 28r]



bogan



ring

bendan oððe flan

asendan

geswinc oððe angsumnysse

ge.

13  ∧A∨rcum tendere uel sagittas mittere. laborem uel anxietatem significat. on swefnum gesihð

stowe

gewilnode

hit ge.

14  Anullum in somnis uiderit. locum exsperatum significat.



ring

on swefnum underfon

carleaste

ge

15  ∧A∨nullum in somnis accipere. securitatem significat.



ring

syllan

hearm

ge

16  Anullum dare dampnum significat.



gold on swefnum handlian



wermod



eced

forðunge

ceapes

getacnað.

17  Aurum in somnis trectare. expeditionem negotii significat. drincan sace

hefige

hit ge

18  Absinthium bibere. litem grauem significat. drincan on swefnum

untrumnysse

ge

19  Acetum bibere in somnis. infirmitatem significat.



garclifan

etan

ærende

fullic

ge

20  ∧A∨grimoniam edere. nuntium fedum. significat.



hwite oððe beorhte hine gescrydan wynsumnysse

ge

21  Alba aut splendida se uestire. iocunditatem significat.



erian se þe hine gesihð swincu

mæste him ongean cumað.

22  Arare qui se uiderit. labores maximas ei obueniunt.

9  cum fructu]  confractos Æ68/7   uiderit]  uidere Æ68/7 S11/8   exsperatum]  om. Æ68/7, separatum S11/8 10  not in Æ68   optinebit]  optinere signus S11/9 11  not in Æ68 S11   Aerem]  initial cap. om. (similarly indicated passim) 12  not in S11   qui se uiderit]  om. Æ68/8   ab inimicis superabitur]  inimicorum locutionem significat Æ68/8 13  Arcum tendere uel sagittas mittere]  Arcu mittere \&/ sagittam tendere Æ68/9   laborem uel anxietatem]  anxietatem Æ68/9, & anarietate [sic]  S11/10   significat]  signus S11/10 14  not in Æ68 S11 15  in somnis]  om. S11/11

82

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T1. Alphabetical Dreambook

 9  If he sees trees with fruit, that signifies wished-for profit. 10  To climb trees—he will obtain some honor. 11  If he sees clear air, that signifies success in business. 12  Whoever sees himself set upon by beasts will be overcome by his enemies. 13  To bend a bow or send forth an arrow signifies toil or anxiety. 14  If he sees a ring in a dream, that signifies the hope of a place [lucrum = money]. 15  To take a ring in a dream signifies safety. 16  To give a ring signifies harm. 17  To handle gold in a dream signifies success in business. 18  To drink absinthe signifies serious strife. 19  To drink vinegar in a dream signifies illness. 20  To drink agrimony signifies horrible news. 21  To be dressed in white or bright clothes signifies joy. 22  Whoever sees himself plowing, very great toil will befall him.

16  significat]  signum S11/12 17  in somnis]  om. Æ68/12 S11/13   trectare]  tractare Æ68/12, tractari S11/13 18  litem grauem significat]  litem significat Æ68/13, om. S11/14 19  Acetum bibere in somnis]  Acetum bibere Æ68/14, Acetum uel puscam bibere S11/15 20  not in Æ68   nuntium fedum. significat]  om. S11/16 21  se uestire]  uestire Æ68/15, ueste indui S11/18   iocunditatem]  infirmitatem Æ68/15   significat]  signus S11/18 22  qui se uiderit]  uidere Æ68/16   maximas ei obueniunt]  laborem significat Æ68/16, maxime obuenient eis signum S11/19

83

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T1. Alphabetical Dreambook

beard him beon bescoren heorm



braccas on swefnum gesihð

hit ge.

23  Barba sibi tondi dampnum. significat. ∧c∨arleaste

ge.

24  Bracas in somnis uiderit. securitatem significat.

on folan

sittan



wilde hine gesihð

swicunge

ceapes

hit ge.

25  B∧u∨rdo∧n∨e sedere. deceptionem negotii. significat. untrumnysse

ge

26  Brutum se uiderit. infirmitatem significat

eormas strange habban

wexinge

hit ge.

27  ∧B∨rachia ualida habere. incrementum. significat.

wilde deor temian se þe hine gesihð gyfe oððe þanc wiðerwinnena



wilde deor yrnende

ge.

28  Bestias domare qui se uiderit. gratiam aduersariorum significat. gesihð

sume

gedræfednysse

ge.

29  Bestias currentes uiderit. aliquam turbationem significat.

on beþe hine þwean

anxsumnesse

ge.

30  Balneo se lauare. a∧n∨xietatem. significat.

gebyrdne hine gesihð

glæncge

getacnað

31  Barbatum se uiderit. ornamentum. significat.

oferslop

hwit

haban



oferslop

bleofah



gefeohtu oððe heþene

blisse

ge.

32  Byrrum album habere. letitiam. significat. habban

ærende

fullic

ge.

33  Byrrum coloreum habere nuntium fedum significat gesihð

blisse on openum hit openað.

34  ∧B∨ella uel barbaros uiderit. letitiam in publico pat&.

buteran



oxan



oxan

etan.

hærende

god

ge.

35  Butirum edere. nuntium bonum. significat grasiende gesihð

sige

ceapas

ge.

36  Boues pascentes uiderit. agoniam negotii significat slapende

gesihð

yfelnysse ceapes

ge.

37  Boues dormientes uiderit. malitiam negotii significat. 23  dampnum significat]  dandum signum S11/20 24  not in Æ68 S11   carleaste (gl.)]  MS earleaste 25  not in Æ68   Burdone]  MS Bordore; Burdone S11/22 26  not in Æ68 S11 27  not in Æ68 S11 28  not in Æ68   se uiderit]  uiderit S11/23   aduersariorum]  aduersarii S11/23 29  not in S11   currentes uiderit]  curres uidere Æ68/18   turbationem]  perturbationem Æ68/18 30  not in Æ68 S11   anxietatem]  MS axietatem

84

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T1. Alphabetical Dreambook

23  To shave one’s beard signifies harm. 24  If he sees trousers in dreams, that signifies safety. 25  To sit on a foal signifies deception in business. 26  If he sees himself senseless, that signifies illness. 27  To have mighty arms signifies increase. 28  Whoever sees himself tame beasts, that signifies the esteem of enemies. 29  If he sees beasts running, that signifies some disturbance. 30  To wash oneself in a bath signifies anxiety. 31  To see oneself bearded signifies distinction. 32  To have a white surplice signifies joy. 33  To have a colored surplice signifies horrible news. 34  If he sees war or barbarians, joy will be revealed in public. 35  To eat butter signifies good news. 36  If he sees oxen grazing, that signifies struggle in business. 37  If he sees oxen sleeping, that signifies evil in business. 31  se uiderit]  se uidere Æ68/19 S11/24   ornamentum]  dampnum Æ68/19, crementum S11/24 32  Byrrum album]  Birro albo S11/25 33  not in Æ68 S11 34  not in Æ68   Bella uel barbaros uiderit]  Bellum uel barbaras uidere S11/26   in publico patet]  significat S11/26 35  edere]  uidere Æ68/22   significat]  signus S11/27 36  not in Æ68   uiderit]  uidere S11/28   significat]  signum S11/28 37  not in Æ68 S11

85

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wilde deor. sprecende gesihð

teonan

hefige



mid rocce beon gescrid orsorhnysse

ge



cynehelm gewilces þinges onfon

blisse



blindne se þe hine gesihð



heofen

ge.

38  Bestias loquentes uiderit. molestias graues. significat. 39  Clamide uest∧i∨ri. securitatem significat hit getacnað.

40  Coronam cuiusque rei accipere letitiam. significat lettincge

ge.

41  Cecum qui se uiderit inpeditionem significat ligenne

gesihð

sume unrihtwisnysse

42  Cęlum flammeum uiderit. aliquas iniquitates

on eallum embhwyrfte ongean cumað.

in

toto

orbe

obueniunt | [fol. 28v]



hwerhwettan oððe

cyrfet

gesihð on swefnum untrumnysse

ge.

43  ∧C∨ucumeres aut cucurbitas uiderit in somnis. infirmitatem significat.



wex



culfran

drige

etan

saca mid ungecoplicum

ge.

44  ∧C∨eram aridam edere. lites cum importunis. Significat. gesihð

sume

unrotnysse

ge

45  Columbas uiderit aliquam tristitiam. significat.

on cwearterne se þe hine gesihð sume

carfulnesse



heofod wit

ge.



heafod him beon gescoren hearm

oððe

teonan

ge.

46  Carcere qui se uiderit. aliquam sollicitudinem uel calumpniam significat. habban gestreon

47  Caput album habere. lucrum. significat. ge.

48  Caput sibi tondi. dampnum. significat



mid gescy niwum beon gescod gestreon of ungewenedum



mid gescy

ge.

49  Calciamento nouo calciari. lucrum ex insperato. significat. ealdum beon gescod swicunge

ge.

50  Calciamento ueteri calciari, deceptionem. significat



spicyngas gadirian oððe wyrcean geswinc

hit getacnað.

51  Clauos colligere uel facere. laborem. significat.

38  uiderit]  uidere Æ68/21   molestias graues. significat]  modestiam significat Æ68/21, om. S11/29 (which ends here) 39  Clamide]  Clamidem Æ68/23   uestiri]  MS vestri 40  cuiusque rei]  om. Æ68/24 41  not in Æ68 42  uiderit]  uidere Æ68/25   aliquas]  om. Æ68/25   obueniunt]  ueniunt Æ68/25 43–4 not in Æ68

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38  If he sees beasts talking, that signifies serious trouble. 39  To be clad in an over-garment signifies safety. 40  To accept a crown of any material signifies joy. 41  If he sees himself blind, that signifies hindrance. 42  If he sees the sky in flames, some evils will befall the whole world. 43  If he sees cucumbers or gourds in a dream, that signifies illness. 44  To eat dry wax signifies strife with troublesome people. 45  If he sees doves, that signifies some sadness. 46  If he sees himself in prison, that signifies some trouble or slander. 47  To have a white head signifies wealth. 48  To shave one’s head signifies harm. 49  To wear new shoes signifies wealth from an unexpected source. 50  To wear old shoes signifies deception. 51  To gather or make nails signifies toil.

45  uiderit]  uidere Æ68/26 46  not in Æ68 48  tondi]  mundi Æ68/29 49  not in Æ68 50  deceptionem]  dampnum Æ68/30 51  not in Æ68

87

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T1. Alphabetical Dreambook hundas beorcynde gesihð oððe him laðhetan

fynd þine þe oferswiðan

52  Canes latrantes uiderit. uel eis infestare. inimici tui te superare secað.

querunt significat.

hundas ∧p∨legan gesihð



heafod þwean fram ælcum ege ⁊ ælcere fræcennysse he bið alesed.

þanc

hit getacnað.

53  Canes ludere uiderit. gratiam significat. 54  Caput lauare. ab omni metu & omni periculo liberabitur.

cyse

geongne

onfon

gestreon

ge.

55  Caseum recentem accipere. lucrum. significat.

sealt

gif he bið sace hit getacnað.



olfendas geseon ⁊ fram him gesihð laðhetan.

56  Salsum si fuerit. litem. significat

sace

hit ge.

57  Camelos uidere & ab eis se uiderit infestare. litem significat.

gleda se þe hine gesihð

etan

fynd

þine be þe yfela

sprecað.

58  Carbones qui se uiderit edere inimici tui de te mala loquuntur.

eahþyrlu

gesihð oððe on him hine belocene

geseo on sumum

teonan oððe

59  Cancellos uiderit aut in eis se reclusum uideat. in aliqua calumpnia uel on hæftnoðe bið gehæfd.

custodia detinetur.

cartan w∧ri∨tan oððe rædan ærende

fullic

hit getac.

60  ∧C∨artam scribere aut legere nuntium fedum significat.

mete

spiwan

hearm

hit getacnað.

61  Cibum uomere. dampnum. significat

spiwan saca

hit ge.

62  Ceroma uomere lites significat.

yrnan se þe hine gesihþ ⁊ he ne mæg

lettinge

hit getacnað.

63  ∧C∨urrere qui se uiderit & non potest inpeditionem. significat

on cræte sittan

sace

hefyge hit getacnað.

64  Curru sedere. litem grauem. significat.

52  uiderit uel]  uidere & Æ68/31   significat]  om. Æ68/31 53  plegan (gl.)]  MS blegan   uiderit]  uidere Æ68/32   gratiam significat]  gratiam aduersarii Æ68/32 54  ab omni metu . . . liberabitur]  & gaudium significat Æ68/33 56–7 not in Æ68 58  qui se uiderit]  uidere Æ68/37   de te mala loquuntur]  superabunt Æ68/37

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52  If he sees dogs barking, or they attack him, that signifies that your enemies seek to overpower you. 53  If he sees dogs playing, that signifies thanks. 54  To wash the head—he will be freed from all fear and all danger. 55  To accept new cheese signifies wealth. 56  If it is salted, that signifies strife. 57  To see camels, and if he sees himself attacked by them, that signifies harm. 58  Whoever sees himself eating coals, your enemies will speak badly of you. 59  If he sees lattices, or sees himself enclosed in them, he will be caught in some scandal or arrest. 60  To write or read a sheet of paper signifies horrible news. 61  To vomit food signifies harm. 62  To vomit ointment signifies strife. 63  Whoever sees himself trying to run and cannot, that signifies hindrance. 64  To sit on a cart signifies serious strife.

59  not in Æ68 60  cartam]  catras Æ68/36   writan (gl.)]  MS wirtan   fedum]  bonum Æ68/36 62  not in Æ68 63  Currere qui se uideret & non potest]  Qui \se/ currere non posse uidit Æ68/136 64  not in Æ68

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wex oððe taperas gesihð

blisse

hit getacnat.

65  Ceram uel cereos uiderit. gaudium. significat.

mid

deadum

spellian

gestrion

hit ge.



mid his swuster gelicgan

hearm



mid his meder

orsorhnysse

hit ge.



mid medene

gelicgan



mid

66  Cum mort∧u∨o fabulare. lucrum. significat. hit ge.

67  Cum sorore concumbere. dampnum Significat. 68  Cum matre. securi∧ta∨tem significat. agsumnesse

hit.

69  Cum uirgine concumbere anxietatem significat. his gemacan

gelicge

ancsumnysse

hit.

70  Cum coniuge sua concumbere anxietatem significat.

bec

gewilces þinges onfon

oððe rædan oððe rædende lestan

71  Codicellos cuiusque rei accipere. uel legere aut legente audire geselþe

tima∧n∨ hit getacnað.

felicitatem | [fol. 29r] temporis significat.

þonne man∧ega∨ hine gesihð sumne

teonan

hefine

hit.

72  Cum plures se uiderit. aliquam calumniam grauem. significat.

heordredena se þe gesihð

swicunge

hit getacnað.

73  Custodias qui uiderit. deceptionem. significat.

cimbalan oððe psalteras oððe strengas ætrinan saca



hearpan



mid deadum sprecan micel

hit.

74  Cimbala aut salteria aut corda tangere lites significat gesihð

orsorhnesse ceapes

hit ge.

75  Citharam uiderit. securitatem negotii. significat. gestrion

hit.

76  Cum mortuo loqui. grande lucrum significat.

ligræsceas



teð

gesihð orsorhnesse hit ge.

77  Coruscationes uiderit. lucrum significat. his feallan

sum

of

his magum

swylt.

78  Dentes suos cadere. aliquis de parentibus suis morietur.

65  ceram]  ceras Æ68/40 66  mortuo]  MS mortico   fabulare]  loqui Æ68/41 67  concumbere]  recumbere Æ68/42 68  securitatem]  MS securi|tem (line break) 69  concumbere]  om. Æ68/44 70  concumbere]  om. Æ68/45

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65  If he sees wax or candles, that signifies joy. 66  To converse with a dead person signifies wealth. 67  To lie with one’s sister signifies harm. 68  With one’s mother signifies safety. 69  To lie with a virgin signifies anxiety. 70  To lie with one’s own wife signifies anxiety. 71  To accept books on any subject, or to read or hear them read, signifies a period of happiness. 72  If he sees himself multiplied, that signifies some grave accusation. 73  If he sees guards, that signifies deception. 74  To touch bells or psalteries or strings signifies strife. 75  To see a harp signifies safety in business. 76  To speak with a dead person signifies great wealth. 77  To see flashes signifies wealth. 78  To have one’s teeth fall out signifies that one of one’s parents will die.

71–5 not in Æ68 71  timan (gl.)]  MS timam 72  manega (gl.)]  MS man 76  grande]  om. Æ68/41 77  uiderit]  uidere Æ68/35 78  suos]  sibi Æ68/55   de parentibus suis morietur]  \amicum perdere/ add. in diff. ink Æ68/55

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Teð

neoðeran oððe

tuxas

þa∧m∨ afeallað

gif mid

blode

oððe

79  Dentes inferiores aut maxillares cui ceciderint si cum sanguine aut butan sare

fræmde he bið fram magum;

sine dolore. alienus erit a parentibus.

On huse his



hus

offrian

wexincge

oððe blisse hit ge.

80  Domo sua sacrificare incrementum letitię significat. his

feallan

hearm

mid manegum hit getacnað

81  Domum suam cecidisse. dampnum cum pluribus significat.

hus

⁊ towyrpan

feallan

hearm

hit ge.

82  Domum cecidisse & destruere. dampnum significat.

hus

his

byrnan gesyhð

fræcenysse lifes

ge.

83  ∧D∨omum suam ardere uiderit. periculum uitę significat.

swete etan

on manegum leahtrum

bið ofsett

hit ge.

84  Dulcia edere. in multis criminibus opprimitur significat. mid biscoprocce scrydan him gestreon getacnað of cynne.

85  Dalmatica uestire. sibi lucrum significat ex semine.

dracan

gesihð

sumne

wyrðscipe

hit ge.

86  Dracones uiderit. aliquam dignitatem. significat. on horse hwitum sittan

belimp

god

ge.

87  Equo albo sedere. euentum bonum significo. on horse sweartan sittan

anxsumnesse

ge.

88  Equo nigro sedere anxietatem significo. on horse gelewum sittan

hynðe

on horse dunnan sittan

ferðrunge

ge.

89  Equo flauo sedere. detrimentum significo. g.

90  Equo baio sedere expeditionem significo.

on horse brunum

sittan

ceap

fulne

ge.

91  Equo castaneo sedere. negotium fedum significo

hors

wilde

yrnan oððe fram him hearmian

hearm

ge.

92  Equos solutos currere aut ab eis. infestare. dampnum significat.

79  not in Æ68   þam (gl.)]  MS þana 80  Domo sua]  Domum suam Æ68/51   incrementum letitię]  letitia Æ68/51 81  cecidisse]  cadere Æ68/56   cum pluribus]  om. Æ68/56 82  cecidisse & destruere]  destruer\e/ Æ68/52 83  uiderit]  om. Æ68/53   uitę]  om. Æ68/53 84  not in Æ68

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79  If his lower teeth or jaw-teeth fall out, either with blood or without pain, he will be estranged from his parents. 80  To sacrifice in one’s own house signifies an increase of joy. 81  If one’s house falls down, that signifies harm with many. 82  For a house to fall down and be destroyed signifies harm. 83  If he sees his house burn, that signifies danger to his life. 84  To eat sweets signifies that he will be beset by many crimes. 85  To dress in a dalmatic signifies wealth from seed. 86  If he sees dragons, that signifies some honor. 87  To sit on a white horse signifies a good outcome. 88  To sit on a black horse signifies anxiety. 89  To sit on a fallow horse signifies damage. 90  To sit on a bay horse signifies advancement. 91  To sit on a chestnut horse signifies terrible business. 92  To see horses running loose, or to be attacked by them, signifies harm.

85  uestire]  indui Æ68/57   sibi lucrum significat ex semine]  lucrum significat Æ68/57 86  uiderit]  uidere Æ68/54   aliquam]  om. Æ68/54 87  Equo albo]  Aequum album Æ68/58   euentum]  nuntium Æ68/58   significo]  significat Æ68/58 88  significo]  significat Æ68/60 89–92 not in Æ68

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T1. Alphabetical Dreambook

druncenne hine gesihð

untrumnesse

ge.

 93  Ebriosum se uiderit. infirmitatem. significo. belysnode gesihð

hearm

hit ge.

 94  Eunuchos uiderit. dampnu∧m∨ significo. ylp

gesihð laðne oððe \gramne/ sume

wrohte

hit getacnað.

 95  Elephantum uiderit infestum, aliquam accusationem significat ylpesban handlian

lettincge

ge.

 96  Eborum trectare. inpeditionem significo. ylpesban becgan oððe beceapan unrotnyssa

mæste

ge.

 97  ∧E∨borum emere aut uendere tristitias maximas significat melu

on swefnum handlian

eacan

ceapas

ge.

 98  Farinam in somnis trectare. incrementum negotii. significat mid isene

geslægene

gesihð

carfulnysse

ge.

 99  Ferro | [fol. 29v] percussum uiderit. sollicitudinem significat.



isen

gewylces þinges handlian

sume

untrumnyssa



ansine

his on swa wilcum þinge gesihð lif



ansine

hiwlice hine habban



ansine fullice habban mid manegum

hit ge.

100  Ferrum cuiusque rei trectare. aliquas infirmitates significat. lang him bi∧ð∨ geseald.

101  Faciem suam in quacumque re uiderit uita longa ei datur. fultum

⁊ wyrðmynt

rumran

ge.

102  Faciem formosam se habere. auxilium & honorem ampliorem significat. bið ofþrycce∧d∨.

103  Faciem turpem habere. multis criminibus subprimitur

flod

drof

gesihð



hwætas



broðer oððe swuster

æbyliigða

hit g.

104  Flumen turbulentum uiderit. offensiones significat. sume

andlian

untrumnysse

ge.

105  Frumenta aliqua trectare. infirmitatem significat. gesihð fram wyrstum

wundum bið geswenct.

106  Fratrem uel sororem uiderit. a pessimis ulceribus fatigatur.

pitt

gesihð ⁊ on þane befealð

sume

teonan

hit ge.

107  Fossam uiderit & in ea ceciderit. aliquam calumpniam significat.

93  uiderit]  uidere Æ68/59   significo]  significat Æ68/69 94  uiderit]  uidere Æ68/61   dampnum]  MS dampnu   significo]  significat Æ68/61 95–7 not in Æ68 98  in somnis]  om. Æ68/62   incrementum negotii]  dampnum Æ68/62 99–101 not in Æ68 101  bið (gl.)]  MS bid

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 93  If he sees himself drunk, that signifies illness.  94  If he sees eunuchs, that signifies harm.  95  If he sees a fierce elephant, that signifies some accusation.  96  To handle ivory signifies hindrance.  97  To buy or sell ivory signifies great sadness.  98  To handle wheat in a dream signifies increase in business.  99  If he sees himself struck by iron, that signifies worry. 100  To handle iron in any form signifies some sort of illness. 101  If he sees his own face in something, long life will be given to him. 102  To have a handsome face signifies greater help and honor. 103  To have a dirty face—he will be oppressed by many accusations. 104  If he sees a turbulent river, that signifies misfortunes. 105  To handle some grain signifies illness. 106  If he sees his brother or sister, he will be afflicted by very bad sores. 107  If he sees a ditch and falls in it, that signifies some accusation.

102  se habere]  uidere Æ68/63   auxilium & honorem ampliorem]  honorem Æ68/63 103  turpem]  turbulentam Æ68/64   multis criminibus subprimitur]  crimen significat Æ68/64 ofþrycced (gl.)]  MS ofþryccend 104–6 not in Æ68 107  ea ceciderit]  eam cadere Æ68/65   aliquam]  om. Æ68/65

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wylspring on huse his gesihð beon geopenad eacan

oððe blisse

ge.

108  Fontem in domo sua uiderit aperiri. incrementum uel letitiam. significat.

æmyttan



flod

swa wilce

gesihð

saca þa mæstan

ge.

109  Formicas quascumque uiderit. lites maximas. significat. on huse his infaran fræcendnysse he

þolað.

110  Flumen in domo sua introire. periculum ipse patietur.

scinlacu

gesihð gestreon of ungewendum hit ge.



fictreow gesihð

111  ∧F∨antasmas uiderit. lucrum ex insperato significat. saca mid ungedafenlicum

ge.

112  Ficum uiderit. lites cum inportunis. significat.

fictreow sweart

onfon



l∧e∨of mid wine



leaf mid niwan wine



uðwitan

unrotnyssa

ge.

113  ∧F∨icum nigrum accipere. tristitiam significat onfon

⁊ dri∧n∨can untrumnysse

ge.

114  Folium cum ui∧n∨o accipere. & bibere infirmitatem significat ⁊ dri∧n∨can

niman

geselðe

timan

ge.

115  Folia cum recente uino accipere & bibere. felicitatem temporis significat gesihð twysehtan

henðe

ge.

116  Filosophos uiderit disiungi. dampnum significat.

suna oððe dohtra beon acennede gesihð



swurdboran hine gewordene gesihð

eac∧an∨

getacnað.

117  Filios aut filias nasci uiderit. incrementum. Significat. hearm

fullic

ge.

118  Gladiatorem se factum uiderit. dampnum fedum significat.

swurd beran ⁊ be him plegean unheaðnysse

ge.

119  Gladium ferre & de ipso ludere anxietatem significat

swurdwege∧n∨de anbidian gehende saca

mæste

ge.

120  Gladiantes expectare uicinas. litas maximas. Significat.

gimm

of ringe forleosan

sum þinc forlæt.



henne ægru lecgan gestreon mid



henne

121  Gemmam de anulo perdidisse. aliquid admittit. carfulnysse

ge.

122  Gallinam oua parere lucrum cum sollicitudine significat. mid cicenum gesihð

ceapas

eacan

ge.

123  Gallinam cum pulcinis uiderit. negotii incrementum significat. 108–16 not in Æ68 114  uino]  MS uiuo   leof (gl.)]  MS lof   drincan (gl.)]  MS drican 115  drincan (gl.)]  MS drican 117  uiderit]  om. Æ68/66   incrementum]  dampnum Æ68/66 118  factum uiderit]  uidere Æ68/67   dampnum fedum]  factum dampnum Æ68/67

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108  If he sees a spring appear in his house, that signifies increase or joy. 109  If he sees any sort of ants, that signifies great strife. 110  A river flowing through his house—he will suffer danger. 111  If he sees phantoms, that signifies wealth from an unexpected place. 112  If he sees a fig tree, that signifies strife with troublesome people. 113  To take a black fig signifies sadness. 114  To take a leaf with wine and drink it signifies illness. 115  To take leaves with new wine and drink it signifies a time of happiness. 116  If he sees philosophers in argument, that signifies harm. 117  If he sees sons or daughters born, that signifies increase. 118  If he sees himself made a gladiator, that signifies terrible harm. 119  To bear a sword and play with it signifies anxiety. 120  To await men bearing arms signifies that very great strife is at hand. 121  To lose a jewel from a ring—he will let something go. 122  A hen laying an egg signifies wealth with worry. 123  If he sees a hen with her chicks, that signifies an increase in business. 119–20 not in Æ68 120  swurdwegende (gl.)]  MS swurdwegede 121  Gemmam de anulo]  Feminam anuli Æ68/68   aliquid admittit]  aliquot ammitere significat Æ68/68 122–4 not in Æ68

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hæþene

gesihð ⁊ f[r]ram him cidan

feohtende

saca

124  Gentiles pugnantes uiderit. & ab eis infestare. lites | [fol. 30r] mid fræcednysse

ge.

cum periculo significat.

geblissian on swefnum unrotnysse

ge.

125  Gaudere in somnis. tristitiam significat.

hagol

on swefnum unrot∧n∨ysse



hagol

on swefnum gesihð

ge.

126  Grandinem in somnis. tristitiam significat. hearm

welreowne

ge.

127  Grandinem in somnis uiderit. dampnum crudele significat

buccan oððe get

gesihð

ferðrunge

andan

getacnað.

ge.

128  Hircos uel capras uiderit. expeditionem. Significat.

cuman

habban

129  Hospites habere. inuidiam. Significa∧t∨.

gesihð

freodscipe

fegð.

130  Herculem uiderit amicitiam iungit.

mann

ofslean

bewerunge

ge.



casere

hine beon gewordene wyrðscype

131  Hominem occidere tu∧t∨amentum. Significa∧t∨. ge.

132  Imperatorem se factum aliquem honorem significa∧t∨.

on strete oððe on palentan abutan gan

uneaðnysse

ge.

133  In platea uel palatio deambulare. anxietatem. significat.

brynas on

gewilcre

stowe gesihð

sume

fræcednysse

ge.

134  Incendia in quocumque loco uiderit aliquod periculum significat.

on flod

swymman anxsumnesse



on wille hine þwean ges∧t∨reon



on

ge.

135  In flumen n∧a∨tare. anxietatem. Significat ge.

136  In fonte se lauare. lucrum significat. se hine þwean

blisse

getacnað.

137  In mare se lauare. letitiam significat.

123  negotii]  MS negotiii 126–8 not in Æ68 126  unrotnysse (gl.)]  MS unrotuysse 129  inuidiam]  \uiduitatum/ add. in a diff. hand Æ68/70 130–1 not in Æ68 131  tutamentum]  MS tuntamentum

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124  If he sees heathens fighting and is attacked by them, that signifies strife along with danger. 125  To rejoice in a dream signifies sadness. 126  Hail in a dream signifies sadness. 127  If he sees hail in a dream, that signifies cruel sadness. 128  If he sees he-goats or she-goats, that signifies advancement. 129  To have guests signifies envy. 130  If he sees Hercules, he will form a friendship. 131  To kill a man signifies protection. 132  If one is made Emperor, that signifies some honor. 133  To walk around a plaza or a palace signifies anxiety. 134  If he sees fire in any place, that signifies some peril. 135  To swim in a river signifies anxiety. 136  To bathe in a fountain signifies wealth. 137  To wash oneself in the sea signifies joy.

132  Imperatorem se factum aliquem]  Inperator se uidere. factum Æ68/78   significat]  MS significa 133  platea uel palatio]  palatio Æ68/79 134  not in Æ68 135  natare]  MS notare; natare Æ68/75 136  fonte se lauare]  fontem lauare Æ68/80   gestreon (gl.)]  MS gesreon 137  se lauare]  lauare Æ68/77

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on wæle

fulum



on sæ



on mere

feallan



on wæle

fulan



cildru

þwean

sume

wrohte

ge.

138  In gurgite sordido lauare. aliquam accusationem significat. feallan

gestreon

ge.

139  In mare cecidisse. lucrum significat. blisse.

140  In piscina cecidisse. gaudium significat. feallan

sumne

teonan

ge.

141  In gurgite sordido cecidisse aliquam calumpniam. Significat. gesihð ⁊ mid him plegað

gesælðe

timan

ge.

142  Infantes uiderit & cum ipsis luderit felicitatem temporis significat.



∧u∨ntrumnyssa sume



on ∧p∨legstowe oððe on

gesihð

carfulnysse

ge.

143  Infirmitates aliquas uiderit. sollicitudinem significat. andbidian hine gesihð

wafungstowe

styrunge

144  In thea∧t∨rum uel in amphitheatrum exspectare se uiderit. tumultum

sume

ge.

aliquem significat.



on æppeltune

gan

anxsumnysse



on brede hine beon gemetne

hefige

ge.

145  In pomerio ambulare anxietatem grauem significat. lif

lang him bið geseald.

146  In tabula se pingi uiderit uita longa ei datur.



beon gegyrd trymmige.

147  Luna cingi. Tutament∧um∨. significat.



forleosan. geleafan

tolysinge

ge.

148  Luna perdere. fidei s∧o∨lu∧ti∨onem. Significat.



gyldenne bygyrdan. andan

ge.

149  Luna aurea cingere. inuidiam. Significat.

stra∧n∨gnysse

ge.

150  Luna pertica cingi. ualitudines. significat.



monan beorhtne gesihð

blisse

ge.

151  Lunam claram uiderit. inuidiam significat. 138  sordido]  solido Æ68/81 141  not in Æ68 142  luderit]  ludere Æ68/73   felicitatem temporis]  gaudium Æ68/73 143–4 not in Æ68 143  untrumnyssa (gl.)]  MS ontrumnyssa 144  theatrum]  MS thearum   plegstowe (gl.)]  MS blegstowe 145  pomerio]  pomerium Æ68/74   grauem]  om. Æ68/74

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138  To wash in a dirty whirlpool signifies some accusation. 139  To fall into the sea signifies wealth. 140  To fall into a pond signifies joy. 141  To fall into a dirty whirlpool signifies some kind of accusation. 142  If he sees children and plays with them, that signifies a time of happiness. 143  If he sees some sick people, that signifies trouble. 144  If he sees himself waiting in a theater or amphitheater, that signifies some confusion. 145  To walk in an orchard signifies great anxiety. 146  If he sees himself painted on a tablet, long life will be given to him. 147  To be girded with the moon [zona = belt] signifies protection. 148  To lose the moon signifies a loosening of faith. 149  To be girded with a golden moon signifies envy. 150  To be girded with a divided moon [= zona partita] signifies strength. 151  If he sees a clear moon that signifies envy.

146  se pingi uiderit]  punctum se uidere Æ68/76   uita longa ei datur]  uitam longam significat Æ68/76 147–50 not in Æ68 147  tutamentum]  MS tutamento 148  solutionem]  MS salutationem 150  strangnysse (gl.)]  MS stragnysse 151  uiderit]  uidere Æ68/87   inuidiam]  gaudium Æ68/87

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T1. Alphabetical Dreambook

monan twegen gesihð

andan

ge.

152  Lunas duas uiderit. inuidiam. Significat.

monan

blodigne

gesihð

hearm

ge.



monan of heofene feallan oððe up astigan gesihð



monan wittne gesihð gestreon



monan



spic

153  Lunam sanguine∧a∨m uiderit. damnum. Significat geswinc

ge.

154  Lunam de cęlo cecidisse uel ascendere uiderit. laborem significat. ge.

155  Lunam albam uiderit. lucrum. significat | [fol. 30v] bleoh

habban

hynðe

ge.

156  Lunam colores habere. damnum. significat. handlian

sum

of

claðas

waxan

his magum

swylt.

157  Lardum trectare aliquis de parentibus eius morietur.

linene



linen

reaf



leon

yrnende



leon



leon

gesihð

hearm

ge.

sume

seocnysse

158  Linea uestimenta lauare uiderit. dampnum significat. scredan

ge.

159  Lineam uestem uestire. aliquam egritudinem significat. gesihð

ferðrunge

ceapas

ge.

160  Leonem currentem uiderit. expeditionem negotii significat. slæpende

gesihð awyrige∧dn∨e

cep

ge.

161  Leonem dormientem uiderit malignum negotium. Significat wedan

fe\o/ndes

gestric

ge.

162  Leonem infestare. inimici seditionem significat.

ærendraca gesihð

lettige

ge.

163  Legatum se uiderit. inpeditionem. Significat

leohtfatu

handlian

untrumnysse



leohtfatu hine gesihð orsorhnysse



stanes asendan

ge.

164  Luminaria trectare. infirmitatem. Significat. ge.

165  Luminaria se uiderit securitatem. Significat seocnesse

ge.

166  Lapides mittere. egritudinem. Significat.

152  not in Æ68 153  sanguineam]  MS sanguinem; sanguineam Æ68/88   uiderit]  om. Æ68/88   damnum]  gaudium Æ68/88 154  cecidisse uel ascendere uiderit]  descendere uidere Æ68/89 155  not in Æ68

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152  If he sees two moons that signifies envy. 153  If he sees a bloody moon that signifies harm. 154  If he sees the moon fall or rise in the sky, that signifies toil. 155  If he sees a white moon that signifies wealth. 156  The moon having colors signifies harm. 157  To handle lard—one of his parents will die. 158  If he sees linen clothing being washed, that signifies harm. 159  To be dressed in linen clothing signifies some sort of sickness. 160  If he sees a lion running, that signifies success in business. 161  If he sees a lion sleeping, that signifies a wicked business. 162  To be attacked by a lion signifies dissension among enemies. 163  If he sees himself as a legate [ligatum = tied up], that signifies a hindrance. 164  To handle lanterns signifies illness. 165  If he sees lanterns that signifies safety. 166  To throw stones signifies sickness.

156  colores habere]  colorosam uidere Æ68/91 157–61 not in Æ68 161  awyrigedne (gl.)]  MS awyrigende 163–4 not in Æ68 165  se uiderit]  uidere Æ68/93   securitatem]  lucrum Æ68/93

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T1. Alphabetical Dreambook

cidan on swefnum ceapes

eacan

ge.

167  Litigare in somnis. negotii incrementum. Significat.



bet

him gestreht ⁊

wel ges∧t∨reht gesihð beorhtnysse



sæ

smylte

ceapas



sæ

fixas gesihð

ge.

168  Lectum sibi stratum & bene stratum uiderit. claritatem significat gesihð

fyrðrunge

ge.

169  Mare placidum uiderit. negotii expeditionem significat anxsumnysse hefige

ge.

170  Maris pisces uiderit. anxietatem grauem. Significat



handa him



mode∧r∨ his

befylde

gesihð

weorca unrihte

ge.

171  Manus sibi inquinatas uiderit. opera iniqua significat. deade oððe cucu

gesihð

blisse

ge.

172  Matrem suam mortuam aut uiuam uiderit. gaudium. Significat



maran hine gesihð

bliss∧e∨

læsse hit his

hynðe

ge.

173  Maiorem se uiderit gaudium minus est. ⁊ detrimentum significat



wif

tospræddum loccum hine gesihð.

ges∧t∨ricg

ge.

174  Mulierem sparsis crinibus se uiderit. seditionem significat



mus ⁊ leo on swefnum orsorh∧n∨ysse

ge.

175  Mus & leo in somnis. securitatem. Significat.



faran



deade

bigswicæ

ge.

176  ∧M∨igrare. deceptionem. Significat gesihð

blisse

ge.

177  Mortuum uiderit gaudium. Significat.



deadne

cyssan

lif to libbenne

ge.

178  ∧M∨ortuum osculari. uitam uiuendi. Significat



cnihtas



handa

gesihð

blisse

ge.

179  Milites uiderit. letitiam significat. þwean

teonan

hefige

ge.

180  Manus lauare m∧o∨lestias graues. Significat.

167  not in Æ68 168  sibi stratum & bene stratum uiderit]  suum bene stratum uidere Æ68/95   gestreht (gl.)]  MS gesreht   claritatem]  caritatem Æ68/95 169  not in Æ68 170  maris]  mare Æ68/96   grauem]  om. Æ68/96 171  sibi]  om. Æ68/97   uiderit]  habere Æ68/97   opera iniqua]  dampnum Æ6/97 172  moder (gl.)]  MS modes   aut uiuam uiderit]  aut uiduam uidere Æ68/98 173  Maiorem . . . detrimentum]  Maiorare \&/ minorare se uidere detrimentum Æ68/99   blisse (gl.)]  MS bliss

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167  To quarrel in a dream signifies an increase in business. 168  If he sees his own bed prepared and well prepared, that signifies clarity. 169  If he sees a smooth sea, that signifies success in business. 170  If he sees the fish of the sea, that signifies great anxiety. 171  If he sees his own hands defiled, that signifies evil deeds. 172  If he sees his mother dead or alive, that signifies joy. 173  If he sees himself larger, the joy is less, and it signifies loss. 174  If he sees a woman with flowing hair, that signifies dissension. 175  A mouse and lion in a dream signifies safety. 176  To travel signifies deception. 177  If he sees a dead person, that signifies joy. 178  To kiss a dead person signifies living life. 179  If he sees soldiers that signifies joy. 180  To wash the hands signifies great annoyance.

174  se uiderit]  uidere Æ68/100   seditionem]  dampnum Æ68/100   gestricg (gl.)]  MS gesriicg 175  not in Æ68 176  Migrere]  Migrare se uidere Æ68/101   deceptionem]  damnum Æ68/101 177  uiderit]  uidere Æ68/102 178  uitam]  uita Æ68/103 179  not in Æ68 180  molestias graues]  MS malestias graues, molestiam Æ68/104

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ripu

gaderian

blisse

ge.

181  Messes colligere. letitiam significat.

hunig

niman

hine gesihð warnige þæt he na fram oðrum si beswicen

182  Mel accipere se uiderit. caueat

ne

ab

alio seducatur.

ge.

significat.

scipu gesihð

god



hnyte gaderian



nest

ærende

ge.

183  Naues uiderit. bonum nuntium. Significat. saca

ge.

184  Nuces colligere. lites significat. fugela gesihð

sige

ceapas

ge.

185  Nidus auium uiderit. agoniam negotii significat.

s∧n∨awas gesihð

blisse.

186  ∧N∨iues uiderit. letitiam significat

mist



gifta

ofer

eorþan

nan

god

ge.

187  Nebula super terram. nullum bonum. Significat. don

hearm

ge.

188  Nuptias facere. dampnum. Significat

barum fotum



pipdram singan

gan

hearm

ge.

189  Nudis pedibus ambulare dampnum Significat. | [fol. 31r] gehyreð gehende

blisse.

190  Organa cantare audierit. uicinas [….] letitias.

gebed

don

geseligran

timan

ge.

191  Orationem facere. feliciora tempora. Significat.

banu sume handlian hatunge



weorcu handlian

ge.

192  Ossa aliqua trectare. odium significat lættinge

ge.

193  Opera trectare. inpeditionem significat

elebeam∧a∨s handlian gestreon

ge.

194  Oliuas trectare. lucrum significat 182  se uiderit]  om. Æ68/106   caueat ne ab alio seducatur]  ab alio decipi Æ68/106 183  uiderit]  uidere Æ68/107 184  lites]  litem Æ68/108 185  not in Æ68 186  Niues uiderit]  Niuem uidere Æ60/110   snawas (gl.)]  MS swawas 187  Nebula super terram]  Nebulam in terra uidere Æ68/111   nullum bonum significat]  bonum est Æ68/111

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181  To gather harvests signifies joy. 182  If he sees himself accept honey, that signifies that he should be careful not to be deceived by another. 183  If he sees ships, that signifies good news. 184  To gather nuts signifies strife. 185  If he sees a nest of birds, that signifies struggle in business. 186  If he sees snow, that signifies joy. 187  A cloud upon the earth signifies nothing good. 188  To have a wedding signifies harm. 189  To walk around with bare feet signifies harm. 190  If he hears a organ playing—joy is nearby. 191  To make a speech signifies a more fortunate time. 192  To handle someone’s bones signifies hatred. 193  To handle work signifies hindrance. 194  To handle olives signifies wealth. 188  Significat]  est Æ68/112 189  Nudis pedibus]  Nudos pedes Æ68/113   significat]  est Æ68/113 190  audierit]  uidere Æ68/114   letitias]  laudes significat Æ68/114 191  feliciora tempore]  letitiam Æ68/116 192  aliqua]  om. Æ68/117 193  not in Æ68 194  elebeamas (gl.)]  MS elebeamus   trectare]  uidere Æ68/118

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sc\e/ap gesihð gescorene hynðe

ge.

195  Oues uiderit tonsas dampnum. Significat



cossas syllan

hearm

196  Osculum dare. dampnum significat



ren

gesihð

blisse

ge.

197  Pluuiam uiderit. letitiam significat.



mædenu niman on þeawe godne

timan

ge.

198  Puellas accipere more. bonum tempus Significat



r∧u∨hne hine gesihð gewordenne fræcednysse

eacan

ge.

199  Pil∧os∨um se uiderit factum periculi incrementum significat. gesihð ⁊ on hine befealð



pytt



feoh

underfon



wepan

on swefnum blisse

teonan

ge.

200  Puteum uiderit & in eum ceciderit calumpniam significat sace.

201  Pecuniam accipere. litem significat. ge.

202  Plo[.]rare in somnis gaudium significat.



palman underfon

wyrðment

ge.

203  Palmam accipere. honorem significat



laf

wexenne



hlaf

wexenne



laf

berenne

niman

freodscipas

ge.

204  Panem candidum accipere accusationem. significat. niman

freodscipas niwe gefegð.

205  Panem cerarium accipere. amicitias nouas iungit niman

blisse

ge.

206  Panem ordeacium accipere letitiam significat



gerwigan wife



briwas niman

hus

wexincge

ge.

207  Parare mulieri domum. incrementum. significat gestreon mid

carfulnysse

ge.

208  Pultes accipere lucrum cum sollicitudine. Significat.



bricge

gesihð

carleaste

ge.

209  Pontem uiderit. securitatem significat

195  uiderit]  uidere Æ68/119 197  uiderit]  uidere Æ68/122   letitiam]  gaudium Æ68/122 198  not in Æ68 199  pilosum]  MS pilososum, pilosum Æ68/123   ruhne (gl.)]  MS rihne   se uiderit factum]  uidere Æ68/123   periculi incrementum]  dampnum Æ68/123 200  uiderit]  uidere Æ68/124   ceciderit]  cadere Æ68/124   calumpniam]  dampnum Æ68/124

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195  If he sees sheared sheep, that signifies harm. 196  To give a kiss signifies harm. 197  If he sees rain, that signifies joy. 198  To receive maidens . . . signifies a good time. 199  If he sees himself become hairy, that signifies an increase in danger. 200  If he sees a pit and falls into it, that signifies an accusation. 201  To accept money signifies strife. 202  To cry in a dream signifies joy. 203  To accept a palm signifies honor. 204  To accept white bread signifies an accusation. 205  To accept wax bread—he will form new friendships. 206  To accept barley bread signifies joy. 207  To prepare one’s house for a woman signifies increase. 208  To accept porridge signifies wealth with worry. 209  If he sees a bridge, that signifies safety.

201  not in Æ68 202  gaudium]  letitiam Æ68/125 205  not in Æ68 207–8 not in Æ68 209  uiderit]  uidere Æ68/129

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swin



fet

gesihð

untrumnysse

ge.

210  Porcos uiderit. infirmitatem significat. þwean anxsumnysse

ge.

211  Pedes lauare anxietatem Significat

lead



crætu

handlian

untrumnysse

ge.

212  Plumbum trectare. infirmitatem. Significat. hwite gesihð oððe sittan

ceapas

lettincge

ge.

213  Quadrigas albas uiderit uel sedere. negotii inpeditionem. Significat.

fyþerfete

swa wilc swa gesihð uneaðnysse

ge.

214  Quadrupedem quicumque uiderit anxietatem Significat

crætu

wite



fyþerfete

sittan wyrðment

ge.

215  Quadrigas albas sedere honorem significat. sprecan feondscipas cinigas

ge.

216  Quadrupedem loqui inimicitias regis. significat.

hlihhan oððe gnyrende

gesihð

unrotnyssa

ge.

217  Ridere aut stridentes uiderit. tristitiam significat.

rosan

gesihð

strengþa



ryselas oððe swefel

ge.

218  Rosam uiderit ualitudines significat gesihð

hefige

teonan

ge.

219  Resinas uel sulphur uiderit. grandes molestias significat.

cyningas gesihð of wurlde gywitan



cyninges bodan

ge.

220  Reges uiderit. de seculo migrare significat. underfon

micel hit his ta∧c∨an.

221  Regis nuntium accipere. magnum est signum.

staþu

astigan

geswinc

ge.

222  Ripas ascendere laborem. Significat.

of staþe niþer stigan

godne

timan

ge.

223  Ripa descendere. bonum tempus. significat

froxas gesihð anxsumnesse



sunnan twa gesihð

ge.

224  Ranas uiderit anxi∧etat∨em significat. wyrðscip

ge.

225  Soles duas uiderit. honorem. significat. 210  uiderit]  uidere Æ68/130 212–16 not in Æ68 217  aut stridentes uiderit]  qui se uidit Æ68/137 218  uiderit]  uidere Æ68/138   ualitudines]  ualitudinem Æ68/138 219  not in Æ68

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210  If he sees pigs, that signifies illness. 211  To wash the feet signifies anxiety. 212  To handle lead signifies illness. 213  To see a white chariot or sit in it signifies a problem in business. 214  Whoever sees a four-legged creature, that signifies anxiety. 215  To sit in a white chariot signifies honor. 216  A four-footed animal talking signifies the enmity of a king. 217  If he sees laughing or grinning, that signifies sadness. 218  If he sees a rose, that signifies health. 219  If he sees resin or sulfur, that signifies great troubles. 220  If he sees kings, that signifies a departure from the world. 221  To accept a royal messenger is a great sign. 222  To go on shore signifies toil. 223  To go down from the shore signifies a good time. 224  If he sees frogs, that signifies anxiety. 225  If he sees two suns, that signifies honor. 220  uiderit]  uidere Æ68/139 221  not in Æ68   tacan (gl.)]  MS tagan 223  bonum tempus significat]  nuntium bonum est Æ68/141 224  not in Æ68   anxietatem]  MS anxionem 225  duas uiderit]  duos uidere Æ68/142

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sunan

beorhte

gesihð



sunan oððe monan gesihð



sterran oððe feala

blisse

ge.

226  Solem sp∧l∨endidum | [fol. 31v] uiderit gaudium significat blisse

domes

ge.

227  Solem uel lunam uiderit. letitiam \iudicii/ significat gesihð

blisse

ge.

228  Stellas cum plures uiderit. letitiam significat.

blod

of his sidan

dropian

hearm

ge.

229  Sanguinem de suo latere distillare. dampnum. significat.

on læddran sittan

swicuncge

ge.



fram næddran laðre þolian feondes gesihðe

230  Sc∧a∨la sedere deceptionem. significat. ge.

231  Serpente infesto pati. inimici uisionem significat.

sittan on swefnum untrumnysse

ge.

232  Sedere in somnis infirmitatem. significat.

þunor

gehyran oððe geseon



ungewyderu

ærende

god

ge.

233  Tonitru∧u∨m audire uel uidere. nuntium bonum. significat. gesihð

gestrion

ge.

234  Tempestates uiderit. lucrum significat.

þystru

gesihð

untrumnysse

ge.

235  Tenebras uiderit. infirmitatem significat.

webbu swa wilc swa wyfð ⁊

blisse oððe unrotnysse gesihð

god

236  Tela quicumque texerit & letitiam siue tristitiam uiderit bonum ærende

ge.

nuntium significat.

cwydas

don

trim∧i∨ncge

ge.

237  Testamenta facere tutamentum significat.

eorðan styrunge gesihð sum þin∧g∨ he forlæt.



mearcian se þe hine gesihð anxsumnese

238  Terre motum uiderit. aliquid admittit. ge.

239  Tricare qui se uiderit. anxietatem significat. 226  splendidum]  MS spendidum, splendidum Æ68/143   uiderit]  uidere Æ68/143 227  uiderit]  uidere Æ68/144 228  cum plures uiderit]  plures uidere Æ68/145 229  suo latere]  latere suo Æ68/146 230  Scala]  MS Scola; Scalam Æ68/147   deceptionem]  dampnum Æ68/147 231  Serpente infesto pati]  Serpentem uidere Æ68/148   inimici uisionem]  inimicum Æ68/148 232  not in Æ68

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T1. Alphabetical Dreambook

226  If he sees a shining sun, that signifies joy. 227  If he sees the sun or moon, that signifies happiness in a judgment. 228  If he sees many stars, that signifies happiness. 229  Blood running from his side signifies harm. 230  To sit on a ladder signifies deceit. 231  To suffer an attack from a serpent signifies the sight of an enemy. 232  To sit in a dream signifies illness. 233  To hear or see thunder signifies good news. 234  To see storms signifies wealth. 235  To see darkness signifies illness. 236  If someone weaves on a loom and sees joy or sadness that signifies good news. 237  To make a statement signifies protection. 238  If he sees an earthquake, he will let go of something. 239  Whoever sees himself measuring, that signifies anxiety. 233  Tonitruum]  MS Tonitruam, Tonitruo Æ68/149   uel uidere]  om. Æ68/149   nuntium bonum]  gaudium Æ68/149 234  uiderit]  uidere Æ68/150 235  uiderit]  uidere Æ68/151 236–7 not in Æ68 237  trimincge (gl.)]  MS trimncge 238  uiderit]  uidere Æ68/152   þing (gl.)]  MS þine (for þinc)   admittit]  ammitti significat Æ68/152 239  not in Æ68

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T1. Alphabetical Dreambook

win∧g∨eardes ripe

fulle

gesihð

blisse

ge.

240  Vites maturas plenas uiderit letitiam significat.

wineard wyrcen bliðnysse

lif

ge.

241  Vindemiare hilaritatem uite significat.

swingon on swefnum god

æfter filigð.

242  Vapulare in somnis bonum prosequitur.

huntað

don

gestreon

ge.

243  Venationem facere. lucrum. significat.

s∧c∨ridan se þe hine gesihð winsumnysse

ge.

244  Vestire qui se uiderit. iocunditatem significat.

beran

to him gewræþan gesihð feondes



win dri∧n∨can untrumnysse

styrunge

ge.

245  Vr∧s∨um ad se infestare uiderit inimici seditionem significat ge.

246  Vinum bibere. infirmitatem significat.

reaf

hiwlic

habban

blisse

ge.

247  Vestem formosam habere. letitiam significat. on wege fennigum lædan oððe

gan

teonan

hefige

ge.

248  Via lutosa ducere. uel ambulare molestias graues significat.

wif



loc



mid

lædan

hearm

ge.

249  Vxorem ducere dampnum significat. hine geseon

cor∧n∨cið

ge.

250  Capillum se uidere incrementum. significat. oðrum cynehelm

deað

ge.

251  ∧C∨um ceteris corona. mortem significat.

mid wep∧men∨ þwean

geteorung

ge.

252  Cum masculo lauare. defectionem significat.

untrumnysse.

253  Cum al∧i∨o peccare infirmitatem significat.

mid his yldran sprecan oððe

gan

fyrðrunge

254  Cum altiore loqui aut ambulare expeditionem significat. 240  Vites]  Vitres Æ68/153   wingeardes (gl.)]  MS windeardes   uiderit]  uidere Æ68/153 241  Vindemiare]  Vindemiare \uel uicdemias uidere/ add. in diff. hand Æ68/154 242  not in Æ68 244  scridan (gl.)]  MS soridan   uiderit]  uidit Æ68/158 245–9 not in Æ68 245  Vrsum]  MS Vrbum 246  drincan (gl.)]  MS drican

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240  If he sees vines full of ripe fruit, that signifies joy. 241  To harvest grapes signifies a pleasure in life. 242  To be flogged in a dream—good things will follow. 243  To go hunting signifies wealth. 244  Whoever sees himself get dressed, that signifies mirth. 245  If he sees himself attacked by a bear, that signifies the treachery of an enemy. 246  To drink wine signifies illness. 247  To have handsome clothing signifies joy. 248  To travel or walk on a muddy road signifies grave injury. 249  To take a wife signifies harm. 250  To see one’s hair signifies growth. 251  A crown among others signifies death. 252  To wash with a man signifies failure. 253  To sin with another signifies illness. 254  To speak or walk with a more noble person signifies advancement.

250  Capillum]  Capill\atum/ corr. in a diff. hand Æ68/27   incrementum]  crementum Æ68/27   corncið (gl.)]  MS corcið 251  ceteris]  ceteris \s. hominibus/ add. in a diff. hand Æ68/39 252  wepmen (gl.)]  MS wepnem 253  alio]  MS altio, altio Æ68/47 254  altiore]  altione Æ68/48

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T1. Alphabetical Dreambook

enneleac geseon

eagena

sar

hit getacnað.

255  Cepas uidere. oculorum. dolor∧e∨m. significat.



beheafdian hine

gestreon

ge.



on beþe hine þwean anxsumnesse



on cwearterne geseon



on fisc∧p∨ole þweon

winsumnyse.



on flode

blisse



on

256  Decollare se uidere. lucrum significat. ge.

257  In balneo se lauare. anxietatem. significat. hearm

ge.

258  In carcere se uidere dampnum significat. 259  In piscario lauare. iocunditatem. significat. þwean

ge.

260  In flumine lauare gaudium significat. wyll

feallan

sume

wrohte

hit getacnað.

261  In | [fol. 32r] fontem cecidisse aliquam accusationem significat.



gebundenne hine gesihð



swimman hine geseon

hearm

hit getacnað.

262  Ligatum se uidere dampnum. significat. hearm

ge.

263  Natare se uidere dampnum. significat



ele

geseon

blisse

ge.

264  Oleum uidere letitiam significat.



orcyrd geseon

hearm

ge.

265  Ortum uidere dampnum significat.



æppla

gaderian

graman



se þe hine fleon



se þe on wræcsit

ge.

266  Poma colligere molestiam significat. gesiht stowe awendan.

267  Qui se uolare uiderit locum mutare significat. gesihð mid micelum

gyltum

heom ofsett

ge.

268  Qui in exill\i/o se uiderit magnis crimin∧i∨bus opprimi significat.

255  dolorem]  MS dolorum   significat]  om. Æ68/49 256  Decollare]  Decollatum Æ68/50 257  se lauare]  lauare Æ68/71 258  dampnum]  calumniam Æ68/72 259  fiscpole (gl.)]  MS fiscwole 260  flumine]  flumen Æ68/83   flode]  f written like a minuscule s

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T1. Alphabetical Dreambook

255  To see onions signifies an illness of the eyes. 256  To see oneself beheaded signifies wealth. 257  To wash oneself in a bath signifies anxiety. 258  To see oneself in prison signifies harm. 259  To wash in a fishpond signifies mirth. 260  To wash in a river signifies joy. 261  To fall into a fountain signifies some accusation. 262  To see oneself bound signifies harm. 263  To see oneself swim signifies harm. 264  To see oil signifies joy. 265  To see a garden signifies harm. 266  To gather apples signifies trouble. 267  If someone sees himself flying, that signifies a change of place. 268  If someone sees himself in exile, that signifies that he will be beset by great crimes.

263  se uidere]  uidere Æ68/109 266  graman]  alt. from gramam 267  uiderit]  uidit Æ68/134 268  in exill\i/o se uiderit]  \se/ in exilium uidit Æ68/135   criminibus]  MS criminebus with e not quite alt. to i

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winberian sure

geseon sace

ge.

269  Vuas acerbas uidere litem significat.

nægelas geseon anxsumnysse

ge.

270  Vngulas uidere. angustiam significat gefean ⁊



gif þu swefnast þe twege monan geseon



gif þu gesihst þæt of hehstum þu fealst niþer

blisse

ge.

271  Si somniaueris te duas lunas uidere. gaudium & lętitiam significat. to

godan ⁊

þearfan

272  Si uideris quod de altissimo cadas desubtus. ad pauperem bonum & to weligan yfelan

ge.

ad diuitem malum significat

gif þu gesihst dracan

ofer þe fleogende



gif þu gesihst ansine þine



gif þu gesihst þæt þu on wætere fægere

goldhord

ge.

273  Si uideris draconem super te uolantem thesaurum significat. fægere

blisse

ge.

274  Si uideris faciem tuam pulchram gaudium significat. inga oððe

oferga

275  Si uideris quod in aqua pulcra intres aut ultra ambulaueris. sorh∧l∨easte

ge.

securitatem significat.

gif þu gesihst þæt þu on wætere fægrum inga oððe



ge.

oferga

nan

god

276  Si uideris quod in aqua pulcra intres aut ambulaueris. nullum bonum significat

gif þu gesihst þæt þu mid swurde bist begyrd

sorhleaste

hit getacnað.

277  Si uideris quod gladio eris c∧i∨nctus securitatem significat.

gif þu gesihst gimmas

deorwyrða



gif þu gesihst manega

get



gif þu gesihst þæt þu demst



gif þu gesihst fela

findan

spellu

ge.

278  Si uideris gemmas pretiosas inuenire parabolas significat. ydel

ge.

279  Si uideris multas capras. uanitatem significat. folc

god

oððe wyrðscipe ge.

280  Si uideris quod iudicas populum bonum uel honorem significat. hunda of feondum þinum þe warnian

ge.

281  Si uideris multos canes de inimicis tuis te cauere significat.

271–302 not in Æ68 275  sorhleaste (gl.)]  MS sorhseaste 277  cinctus]  MS cunctus

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T1. Alphabetical Dreambook

269  To see sour grapes signifies strife. 270  To see claws signifies anguish. 271  If you dream that you see two moons, that signifies joy and happiness. 272  If you see yourself fall down from a high place, that signifies good to a poor man and bad to a rich man. 273  If you see a dragon flying over you, that signifies treasure. 274  If you see that your face is beautiful, that signifies joy. 275  If you see that you are walking into or out of beautiful water, that signifies safety. 276  If you see that you are walking into or [out of] beautiful water, that signifies nothing good. 277  If you see yourself girded with a sword, that signifies safety. 278  If you see yourself find precious jewels, that signifies stories. 279  If you see many goats, that signifies vanity. 280  If you see yourself judging people, that signifies good things or honor. 281  If you see many dogs, that signifies that you should beware of your enemies.

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gif þu gesihst

coss

þe syllan nehstan

god



gif þu gesihst manega



gif þu gesihst beon þe beswican oððe derian

ge.

282  Si uideris osculum te dare proximo bonum significat hlafas

blisse

ge.

283  Si uideris plurimos panes letitiam. significat. lif

þin beon as∧t∨yrud fram

284  Si uideris apes te illudere uel nocere uitam tuam moueri de

mannum

ge.

hominibus. significat.



gif þu gesihst beon fleon on huse þiinum forlætincge



gef þu gesihst

ge.

285  Si uideris apes uolare in domo tua. desertionem significat. snacan

ongean þe cuman ongean hyfele

wyfmen þe

286  Si uideris colubr∧e∨m contra te uenire contra malas feminas te

bewerian

mynegað

defendere ammonet;



gif þu gesihst earn

fleon

wif

þin gegripan deað

ge.

287  Si uideris aquilam uolantem. uxorem tuam rapere mortem significat.



gif þu gesihst þe on wearmum watere þwean

hynðe

lichaman

ge.



gif þu gesihst þe on wætere cealdan þwan

hælðe

lichaman

ge.

288  Si uideris te in calida aqua lauare. dampnum corporis. significat. 289  Si uideris te in aqua frigida lauare, sanitatem corporis significat | [fol. 32v]



gif þu gesihst fæla

penega oððe þu findast bigsp∧e∨llu oððe tælincga

290  Si uideris plures denarios aut inuenies parabolas uel irrisiones.

oððe

wærginga

ge.

uel maledictiones significat.



gif þu gesihst of handu deades sum þincg niman

be suman dæle

þe

291  Si uideris de manu mortui aliquid accipere. de aliqua parte tibi

cuman

feoh

ge

uenire pecuniam significat.



gif þu gesihst

hus

þin

byrnende

findan

þe

feoh

ge.

292  Si uideris domum tuam ardentem. inuenire te pecuniam significat.

284  astyrud (gl.)]  MS ascyrud 286  colubrem]  MS colubrum

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T1. Alphabetical Dreambook

282  If you see yourself give a kiss to your neighbour, that signifies good. 283  If you see a great deal of bread, that signifies joy. 284  If you see bees beset you or injure you, that signifies that your life will be disturbed by men. 285  If you see bees flying into your house, that signifies abandonment. 286  If you see a snake coming towards you, it warns you to guard against evil women. 287  If you see an eagle flying, that signifies that death will take hold of your wife. 288  If you see yourself wash in hot water, that signifies harm to the body. 289  If you see yourself wash in cold water, that signifies the health of the body. 290  If you see or find many coins, that signifies stories or mockery or curses. 291  If you see yourself take something from the hand of a dead person, that signifies that money will come to you from some place. 292  If you see your house burning, that signifies that you will find money.

290  bigspellu (gl.)]  MS bigspllu

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T1. Alphabetical Dreambook

gif þu gesihst hearmas þine bemancude



gif þu gesihst feala

god

ge.

293  Si uideris brachia tua truncata; bonum significat claða

habban

feond

þine on andwealde

294  Si uideris multa uestimenta habere. inimicum tuum in potestate þinum habban

ge.

tua habere significat.

gif þu gesihst hring

gyldenne habban



gif þu gesihst þe spiweþan

wyrðscipe

ge.

295  Si uideris anulum aureum habere. honorem. significat don

⁊

geþancu

geþeahtu þine tostredde

296  Si uideris te uomitum facere. cogitationes & consilia tua dispersa ⁊ to nahte getealde beon

ge.

& adnichilata esse significat

gif þu gesihst

swiran

þine gewriþene

wærne

þe beon þæt þu naht

297  Si ui\d/eris collum tuum ligatum. cautum te esse ne quid unrihtes

ne do

ge.

iniquum facias. significat.

gif þu gesihst of hehre stowe nyþer on þystrum þe feallan anxsumnyssa oððe

298  Si uideris de alto loco subtus in obscuro te cadere angustias uel teonan

ge.

iniurias significat

gif þu gesihst þæt

þu gewilnige

wif

nexstan þines

yfel

sar

299  Si uideris quod concupiscas uxorem proximi tui. malum dolorem on lichaman

ge.

in corpus significat.

gif þu gesihst mid

wife þinum licgan



gif þu gesihst þe gebiddan to drih\t/ne

god

ge.

300  Si uideris cum uxore tua accumbere, bonum significat. micel

blisse

þe

to cumon

301  Si uideris te orare ad dominum, grande gaudium tibi aduenisse hit getacnað.

significat.

gif þu gesihst timbrian

hus

þin

feoh

þin

wexan

302  Si uideris fabricare domum tuam. pecuniam tuam crescere hit getacnað.

significa∧t∨. 298  feallan (gl.)]  MS feallā

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293  If you see your arms cut off, that signifies good. 294  If you see that you have much clothing, that signifies that you will have your enemy in your power. 295  If you see that you have a gold ring, that signifies honor. 296  If you see yourself vomit, that signifies that your thoughts and counsel will be scattered and come to nothing. 297  If you see your neck bound, that signifies that you should be careful lest you do evil. 298  If you see yourself fall from a high place down into darkness, that signifies anguish or injury. 299  If you see yourself desiring your neighbor’s wife, that signifies an evil pain in the body. 300  If you see yourself sleep with your wife, that signifies good. 301  If you see yourself pray to the Lord, that signifies that great joy will come to you. 302  If you see yourself bulding a house, that signifies that your wealth will grow. 302  significat]  MS significata

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T2. General Lunarium, Latin Fols. 32v16–35v14. Variants from Vatican City, BAV, Pal. lat. 235, fols. 40r–41r (v). Minor orthographical differences are not noted.

DE OBSERVATIONE LVNE ET QVAE CAVENDA SVNT    mona  se forma; on eallum   þingum ∧to∨ dondum nytlic  ys.   cild  acenned  bið

1  Luna prima omnibus rebus agendis utilis est. puer natus erit   mære      glæw      wis     gestæflæred   on wætere   gedyrfed     gif he ætwint

illustris. astutus. sapiens. litteratus. in aqua periclitatus si euaserit.   langlife    he bið.  mæden acenned ungewemmed   clæne    milde      wlitig

longeuus erit. puella nata. intemerata casta. benigna. speciosa. werum gelicgende rihtlice tosceden∧d∨e on æfteweardan ylde  heo bið on bedde  lange

uiris placens ęque discernens. in postera ętate erit in lecto longe    licgende      tacen     heo hefð on muðe oððe on     bruan.    se þe   ∧l∨ið

recumbens. signum. habet in ore uel in supercilio qui recumbit lange   he h∧a∨dlað   swa wæt swa   hine swefnað   on     blisse    hit bið gewyrfed   For þi

longe languescit quicquid somniauerit. in gaudium conuertetur. quia

   ne     yfel    seldan   god     hit getacnað.   ⁊     blod    lætan oððe wanian ealne dæg

neque malum raro bonum significat & sanguinem min∧u∨ere tota die mona    god    ys. 

luna bona est

    mona se oðer. on eallum þingum to dondum   nytlic  ys    bicgan

  syllan    scyp

2  Luna .ii. omnibus rebus agendis utilis est emere. uendere nauim   astigan.         cild   acenned  ascen|dere [fol. 33r] puer natus.

wis     milde    geap   gesælig.

sapiens. benignus. astutus. felix.

mæden   eallswa.  se þe  lið   raðe    acofrað.      swefen    næfð 

puella similiter. qui iacet cito conualescit. somnium non habet gefremincge.  nys   na   god  mona   blod      wanian 

effectum. Non est bona luna sanguinem minuere. Title]  DE LVNĘ OBSERVATIONE v 1  to dondum (gl.)]  MS dondum   periclitatus]  periclitabitur v   intemerata]  literata v   toscedende (gl.)]  MS toscedenne   postera]  posteriori v   in supercilio]  supercilio v   lið (gl.)]  MS bið   hadlað (gl.)]  MS handlað (for adlað; cf. 2/13 hadlað)   longe]  diu v   somniauerit]  somniaueris v   in gaudium conuertetur]  conuertetur in gaudium v   significat]  sepe uacuum est add. v   & sanguinem . . . est]  om. v (similarly throughout)    minuere]  MS minere

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T2. General Lunarium, Latin

On lunar observation and what things to be wary of. 1  The first day of the month is useful for doing all things. A boy born on this day will be illustrious, clever, wise, learned, in danger from water; if he escapes, he will have a long life. A girl born on this day will be without stain, chaste, kind, lovely, pleasing to men, of balanced judgment; later in life she will be bedridden for a long time. She will have a sign in the mouth or the eyebrow. Whoever falls sick will languish for a long time. Whatever one dreams will be turned to joy, for it means no bad, but rarely good. And it is a good day all day for letting blood. 2  The second day of the month is useful for doing all things: buying, selling, going aboard a ship. A boy born on this day will be wise, kind, clever, fortunate; a girl likewise. Whoever falls sick will quickly recover. A dream has no result. It is not a good day to let blood.

2  astutus. felix]  felix astutus v   similiter]  similiter ut puer. sed uiros respuit de uno non erit contenta add. v   Non est . . . minuere]  om. v

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T2. General Lunarium   mona  se ðridda  weorcu  onginnan  na  gedafanaþ   butan   þæt  bið geedcenned

3  Luna .iii. opera incipere non congruit. nisi quod renascitur

   ∧a∨stifician    nytenu    tymian    baras   ∧a∨fyran    wyrttun  na    saw þu.  For þi 

∧ex∨stirpare. animalia domare. uerres castrare. ortum non seras quia   ydele    wyrta  beoð accennede  þæt bið forstolen raþe he bið fundon se þe     gelið

ua∧n∨ę herbę nascuntur. quod furatur cito inuenitur. qui recumbit raðe   he hamacgað   oððe   lan∧ge∨   fræcednysse   he þolað.   cild  acenned

cito conualescit. aut longum periculum sustinebit puer natus. geþancfull   grædig   be  þingum  fremedum; seldan  he bið  eald    ungodan    deaðe

animosus. cupidus de rebus alienis. raro erit senex. non bona mo\r/te   he swylt.   meden   ealswa   ⁊   geswincful    feala   wera  gewilnað  ⁊  heo ne

morietur. puella similiter. & laboriosa. multos uiros cupit. & non bið   eald    swefen    ydel    ys.   nis   na   god   mona     blod

erit uetula. somnium uacuum est. non est bona luna sanguinem   lætan. 

minuere.    mona se feorþa wercu  onginnan   cildru   on  scole   betæcen  nytlice  ys.

4  Luna .iiii. a opera incipere. pueros in scolam mittere utilis est. se þe flæhð   raþ∧e∨  funden  

se þe   gelyð   rað∧e∨  he swylt  oððe  uneaþe he ætw∧i∨nt.

qui fugit. cito inuenitur. qui recumbit cito moritur. uel uix euad∧e∨t. se þe bið acenned  forligende    gear    twelfe.   gif  he ∧æt∨wint  wælig  he bið 

qui nascitur fornicator. annos duodecim. si euaserit diues erit.

fræcednysse  he hæf∧ð∨. mæden  þæt selfe.    swefne  swa wæder swa god swa   yfel

periculum habet puella similiter. somnium siue bonum siue malum. gefremminge hit hæfð. fram tide þær∧e∨ syxtan oð     non    god   mona     blod

effectum habet ab hora. sexta. usque nonam. bona luna sanguinem   lætan.

minuere.

3  exstirpare]  MS stirpare   astifician (gl.)]  MS stifician   castrare]  castrari v   afyran (gl.)]  MS fyran   non seras]  ne seras v   vanę]  MS varię; vanę v   lange (gl.)]  MS lan   non bona]  nec bona v   non est . . . minuere]  om. v

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3  The third day of the month is not suitable for beginning work, except for rooting out something that has grown back, taming animals, castrating hogs. Do not plant a garden, because weeds will grow in it. What has been stolen will quickly be found. Whoever lies sick will quickly recover, or endure long peril. A boy born will be spirited, greedy for foreign things; he will rarely grow old, and will not die a good death. A girl will be the same, and industrious; she will desire many men, and will not be an old woman. A dream is empty. It is not a good day to let blood. 4  The fourth day of the month is useful for beginning works, and sending boys to school. Whoever flees will quickly be found. Who falls sick will quickly die, or will barely survive. Whoever is born will be a fornicator; if he survives to age twelve he will be rich. He will have danger. A girl will be the same. A dream, whether good or bad, will have results. From the sixth to the ninth hour it is a good day to let blood.

4  utilis est]  utilis v   raðe (gl.)]  MS rað   moritur]  morietur v   euadet]  MS euadat; euadet v   ætwint (gl.)]  MS wint   fornicator]  laboriosus fornicator v   duodecim]  xv v   habet]  habebit v   hæfð (gl.)]  MS hæf   þære (gl.)]  MS þær   ab hora sexta . . . minuere]  om. v   minuere]  MS miñ

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T2. General Lunarium    mona   se fifta  þu na   selle     offrunga    for þi   aðsware   se þe   flyhð

5  Luna quinta non dabis sacramentum quia periurium qui fu\g/it raðe he bið gecydd 

dead  

oððe  gewriðan he bið gecyrred.  stale   earfoðlice

cito nuntiatur mortuus. uel ligatus reuertitur. Furtum difficile bið funden. 

cild  acenned uneaðe ætwint  æfter    fif     gear   oft    unnytt

inuenitur. puer natus uix euadit. post quinque annos sepe inutilis   swylt.    mæden   wyrst     swelt     for þi  yfeldæda    ⁊  wyrtgælstre  se þe

moritur. puella pessima moritur. quia malefica & herbaria qui

   gelið    he swelt    swefnu   sint   gefremmige  habbað.    nis   na    god    mona

recumbit moritur. Somnia sunt. effectum habent. non est bona luna    blod      lætan 

sanguinem minuere.    mona  se sixta 

stalu   bið funden   se þe    gelið  

lange  ⁊  liðelice

6  Luna sexta furtum inuenitur. qui recumbit diu & leniter    he adlað   se þe  bið acenned  þriste     mære     swiðe   aber∧e∨d.  ∧g∨if  he gear

languescit. qui nascitur audax. magnus. multum astutus. Si annos nigontyne  ætwint     gesælig   he bið    tacn    hefð  on  swiðra∧n∨  handu

.xviiii. euaserit. fortunatus erit. Signum habet in dextera manu. mæden  acenned  clæne        werum  gecweme  andfæncge \ɬ þancful/ on eallum godum

puella nata. casta |  [fol. 33v] uiris accepta. grata in omnibus bonis   swefne  synt  gewisse  nelle þu awreon.   nys  na   god   mona     blod

Somnia sunt certa noli reuelare. non est bona luna sanguinem   lætan. 

minuere.

5  periurium]  periurium erit v   inutilis moritur]  inutilis morietur v   pessima moritur]  pessima morte morietur v   moritur]  morietur v   Somnia sunt]  Somnia suspensa sunt v   habent]  habent. nemini dicas add. v   non est . . . minuere]  om. v

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5  The fifth day of the month, do not give an oath, because of perjury. Whoever flees will be quickly found dead, or returned bound. Stolen property will be found with difficulty. A boy born will scarcely survive past five years; he will often die useless. A girl will die the worst death because [she will be] a sorceress and maker of potions. Whoever falls sick will die. Dreams are . . . and have effect. It is not a good day to let blood. 6  The sixth day of the month—stolen property will be found. Whoever falls sick will languish long but gently. Whoever is born will be bold, great, clever in many things. If he survives nineteen years he will be fortunate. He will have a sign on his right hand. A girl born will be chaste, pleasing to men, pleasant in all good things. Dreams are certain—do not reveal them. It is not a good day to let blood.

6  inuenitur]  non inuenitur v   abered (gl.)]  MS aberd   gif (gl.)]  MS wif   dextera manu]  dextera v   swiðran (gl.)]  MS swiðram   nata]  namque v   non est . . . minuere]  om. v

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T2. General Lunarium    mona se syofoða  blod     lætan.    lac niman  oððe  temian     hælan

7  Luna .vii. sanguinem minuere medicare uel domare. castrare   god  

ys    flema    bið gemet    þyfð    gestrangað.  cild  acenned

bonum est fugitiuus inuenitur. Furtum conualescit puer natus.   snoter    gemendful     strang   gelæred    stefwis   soðfæst   lufwende

prudens memoriosus. strenuus doctus. litteratus. uerax. amabilis   tacn   on andwlitan.  mæden  felaspecol  werum  ⁊fæncge    ta∧cn∨  on

signum in fronte. puella uerbosa. uiris accepta. Signum in   oferbruwe    swiþran  ⁊  on   breoste   wynstran.   seoc   mid læcedomum  bið geheled.

supercilio dextro & in mamilla sinistra. eger medicamentis sanatur.   swæfnu gewisse  synt    oft  

late    oð    æfen   god   mona    blod

Somnia certa sunt sepe tarda usque sero. bona luna sanguinem   lætan 

min∧u∨ere.    mona se ehtoða  sædu 

on  eorðan   sendan   beon  awendan fram stowe  to

8  Luna .viii. semina in terram mittere apes mutare de loco ad   stowe    god   hit ys  stalu   na bið   funden     cild  acenned  uncuð     strang

locum bonum est furtum non inuenitur. puer natus ignotus strenuus.   swiðe    he bið gedyrfed  on wætere   gewislice    tacn    hæfð  on  sidan

multum. periclitatur in aqua. presertim signum habet in latere swiðran.   mæden    tacn    on   oferbruwe  swiþran    oft   ⁊   his    mære

dextro. puell∧a∨ signum in supercilio dextro. sepe & est magna. nytlice   scea∧m∨fæst   anum  were   eðhylde  heo ne  bið     swefen    raðe  gewyrð

utilis. uerecunda. uno uiro contenta non erit. somnium cito fiet     gefyld     gode    betæc     se þe   gelið    raðe   swylt  

ealne dæg

completum. deo commenda. qui recumbit. cito moritur. tota die   god  mona    blod      lætan. 

bona luna sanguinem minuere.

7  medicare uel]  medicari v   castrare bonum est]  castrari v   fugitiuus inuenitur. Furtum conualescit]  om. v   signum in fronte]  signum habet in fronte v   tacn (gl.)]  MS tanc   sinistra]  sinistra habet v    usque sero . . . minuere]  om. v   minuere]  MS minere

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7  The seventh day of the month is good for letting blood, giving medicine, or taming or castrating. A fugitive will be found. Stolen property . . . will get better. A boy born will be prudent, remembering, strong, educated, learned, loving truth; he will have a sign on his face. A girl will be talkative, pleasing to men; she will have a sign on the right brow and the left breast. A sick person will be cured by medication. Dreams are certain, often delayed. Until evening it is a good day to let blood. 8  The eighth day of the month is good for putting seeds in the ground, or moving bees from place to place. Stolen property will not be found. A boy born will be obscure, strong, in great danger from water; generally he will have a sign on his right side. A girl will have a sign on her right brow; and she is often great, useful, modest. She will not be content with one man. A dream will quickly come to fruition; give praise to God. Who falls sick will quickly die. All day it is a good day to let blood.

8  ad locum]  in locum v   bonum est]  om. v   presertim]  maxime v   signum habet]  signum v   puella]  MS puello; puella v   sceamfæst (gl.)]  MS sceanfæst   uno uiro]  de uno viro v   non erit]  qui recumbit cito morietur add. v   completum]  inpletum v   qui recumbit cito moritur]  om. v (see above)   tota die . . . minuere]  om. v

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T2. General Lunarium    mona se nigoþa on eallum intingum to dondum  god   ys   wyrtun   don   se þe

9  Luna .ix. omnibus causis agendis bona est. ortum facere. qui

  flyhð   raþe  bið funden   seoc  raþe    gewyrpð    cild  acenned corngesælig

fu∧g∨it cito inuenitur. eger cito conualescit. puer natus granosus.   geap    s∧t∨rang    smylte    he bið geswenct   oð       gear   seofone

astutus. strenuus. serenus periclitatur usque ad annos septem.    tacn   on  swiþran    hand    gyf he þritig geara    leofoð   wælig  he bið. mæden

signum in dextera manu. Si xxx annos uixerit. diues erit puella    carful    þancful  nytwyrþe  clæne  

tacn  ealswa c∧n∨apa hæfð.  swæfnen   raþe  hit gewyrð 

studiosa grata. utilis. casta. signum ut puer habet somnium cito fiet. bedigla.  ys  na   god   mona    blod     lætan 

cela non est bona luna sanguinem minuere    mona  se teoða  on eallum  þingum  to dondum  god    on   hus    niwe     infaran

10  Luna .x. omnibus rebus agendis bona. in domum nouam. intrare.   cildru   on   scole   betacen   cild  acenned    gimeleas    geswincful   on

pueros in scolam mittere. puer natus. neglegens. laboriosus. in forman   ylde   mæden   milde    wultewestre  þurh   ylde     bed   ⁊    bed

prima etate. puella benigna l∧an∨ifica per etatem melius ac melius heo deð. se þe    gelið    raðe  he styrfð  oððe genunge he ariseð swefnu  ydele

agit. qui recumbit cito moritur aut cito surgit. somnia uana |  [fol. 34r] sint.   fram  tide  þære syxtan    æfen   god    mona     blod     lætan 

sunt. ab hora .vi. ta usque sero bona luna sanguinem minuere.

9  causis]  om. v   bona est]  utilis v   fugit]  MS fuit; fugit v   strang (gl.)]  MS srang   strenuus]  om. v   periclitatur]  periclitabitur v   septem]  viiio v   ut puer habet]  ut puer v   cnapa (gl.)]  MS cwapa   cela]  sed cela v   non est . . . minuere om. v

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9  The ninth day of the month is good for doing all projects, and making a garden. Whoever flees will quickly be found. A sick man will quickly get well. A boy born will be full of grain [gratiosus = favored], clever, strong, calm; he will be in danger until his seventh year. A sign on his right hand. If he lives thirty years he will be rich. A girl will be zealous, thankful, useful, chaste; she will have a sign like the boy. A dream will quickly come to pass; conceal it. It is not a good day to let blood. 10  The tenth day of the month is good for doing all things: entering a new house, sending boys to school. A boy born will be careless, industrious in his early life. A girl will be kind, a spinner of wool, she will do better and better throughout her life. Whoever falls sick will quickly die, or quickly rise up. Dreams are meaningless. From the sixth hour until evening it is a good day to let blood.

10  rebus]  om. v   bona]  utilis v   in domum]  domum v   pueros]  puerum v   lanifica]  MS lętifica; lanefica v   melius ac melius agit]  in melius prouehitur v   cito moritur]  aut cito moritur v   somnia uana sunt]  om. v   ab hora . . . minuere]  om. v

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T2. General Lunarium     mona  se ændlefta  wyldæda  biddan   treowu    ceor∧f∨an   beon    infaran

11  Luna .xi. beneficium petere. arbores abscidere. apes inuadere nytlic   ys.   cild  acenned  weallende   abere∧d∨    modful    on  langfære  ylde

utilis est. puer natus. feruidus. callidus. animosus. in postera etate    bet    he deð.  mæden    tacn    on  anwlitan  ⁊  on    breoste   hæbende     wis

melius agit. puella signum in fronte. & in mamilla habens. Sapiens heo bið  clæne  on  ylde   ungodum    deaðe   heo swylt   seoc  lang     ∧ad∨lað   oððe

erit. casta in etate non bona morte morietur. eger diu languescit uel   rædlice    aris∧t∨    swefne    betwuh  feower  dagas  gewyrð  beo þu  ealswa   god

celeriter surgit. Somnium inter .iiii. or dies fiet esto. Similiter bona mona    nys        blod      lætan. 

luna non est sa∧n∨guinem minuere.      mona  se twelfta  on e\a/llum  weorcum    nytlic   ys    sawan     wif

12  Luna .xii. ma omnibus operibus utilis est seminare. uxorem   lædan   wæg  faran    cild  acenned    god     luflic     tacn   on  handa

ducere. iter pergere. puer natus. bonus. amabilis. Signum in manu   swiþran    hæfð   oððe on cneowe   fræcenful    mæden    tacn   on   breoste

dextera habet. uel in genu periculosus puella signum in mamilla   hæfð    wlitig      ac     na     lang     lif  heo adrycð  seoc  oððe  he lange

habet. speciosa. Se∧d∨ non diuturnam uitam agit. eger uel diu

   ∧ad∨lað    oððe  he swylt.    swefne    ys    gewis     orsorh  beo þu  ealne  dæg

languescit uel moritur Somnium est certum. securis esto. tota die   god   ys  mona    blod      lætan 

bona est luna sanguinem minuere

11  abscidere]  amputare v   ceorfan (gl.)]  MS ceorran   utilis est]  om. v   abered (gl.)]  MS abereð   in postera]  posteriori v   agit]  erit & agit v   & in mamilla habens]  l in mamilla v   morte morietur]  moritur v   languescit]  languet v   adlað (gl.)]  MS andlað   arist (gl.)]  MS aris   inter .iiii.or dies]  in dies .iiii.or v   esto]  cautus esto v   Similiter . . . minuere]  om. v   sanguinem]  saguinem MS

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11  The eleventh day of the month is useful for asking for favors, cutting down trees, bringing in bees. A boy born will be passionate, skillful, spirited; he will do better in his later years. A girl will have a sign on the face and on the breast; she will be wise, chaste in her later years; she will not die a good death. A sick person will languish a long time, or quickly arise. A dream will come to pass within four days; be . . . Likewise it is not a good day to let blood. 12  The twelfth day of the month is useful for all works: sowing, bringing home a wife, setting out on a journey. A boy born will be good, amiable; he will have a sign on his right hand or his knee. Dangerous. A girl will have a sign on her breast. Lovely, but she will not enjoy a long life. A sick man will either languish for a long time or die. A dreams is certain; be sure. The whole day is good for letting blood.

12  operibus utilis est]  agendis utilis v   uxorem ducere. iter pergere]  om. v   bonus. amabilis]  amicabilis. bonus v   habet]  om. v   genu]  geniculo v   mamilla habet]  mamilla v   Sed]  MS Se   agit]  exigit v   uel diu languescit uel moritur]  uel cito moritur uel diu languescet v   adlað (gl.)]  MS lað   est certum]  certum est v   tota die . . . minuere]  om. v

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T2. General Lunarium     mona se þreotteoþa fræcenful   to   angennene   þinc  ne þu  mid  freondum

13  Luna .xiii. ma periculosa. ad incipiendas res. nec cum amicis

    na flit.    se þe  flehð   raþe  bið funden.    cild  acenned    þancfull     tacn

c\o/ntendas. qui fugit. cito inuenitur. puer natus. animosus. Signum abuta   eagan   hæbbende    þriste    reaful    ofermod    him  sylfum gelicigende  na

circa oculos habens. audax. rapax. Superbus. sibi soli placens. non   lange  ne leofað  mæden    tacn   on  neccan   hæfð  oððe  on   þeo    ofermodig

longe uiuit. puella signum in ceruice habet uel in femore superba   þancfull     þriste    on  lichaman  mid  manegum  werum  raþe  heo swilt   seoc

animosa. temeraria in corpore cum multis uiris cito moritur. Eger raðe  ætwint  oððe  lange  he hadlað     swefn    binnan  dagum  nigon    bið gefylled

cito euadit. uel diu languescit. Somnium infra dies .ix. uem completur. fram  tide  þere syxtan            god   mona     blod      lætan 

ab hora .vi. ta usque sero bona luna sanguinem minuere.     mona  se feowerteoðe  e\a/llum  god∧um∨  þingum  god  

þeawas    bicgan

14  Luna .xiiii. ma omnibus bonis rebus bona. mancipia emere.     wif     lædan    cildru   on   scole    betæcan   cild  acen\n/ed  ceapman

uxorem ducere. pueros in scolam mittere. puer natus mercator   tacn    abutan   eagan   oððe  on    þeo    hæfð    þriste     modig    him

signum circa oculos. uel in femore habet. audax. superbus sibi silfan  licigende  raðe    swelt    mæden    tacn    on    neccan    hæfð     modig

soli placens cito moritur. puella signum in uertice habet. Superba   dyrstig     manega  weras  gewilnigende        swilt    seoc  gif       raðe

temeraria. multos uiros desiderans. cito moritur. eger si non cito    gewerpð           swefen    on sceortum  timan  gefremminge  hæfð conualescit |  [fol. 34v] Somnium breui tempore effectum habet.   liflic   ys  mona     blod     lætan 

uitalis est luna sanguinem minuere.

13  incipiendas res]  res incipiendas v   contendas]  corr. from centendas MS   habens]  om. v   sibi soli]  sibi v   signum in ceruice habet uel in femore]  in ceruice uel in femore signum habet v   in corpore]  om. v   languescit]  languet v   infra]  intra v   ab hora . . . minuere]  om. v

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T2. General Lunarium

13  The thirteenth day of the month is dangerous for beginning anything; nor should you argue with friends. Whoever flees will be quickly found. A boy born will be spirited, having a sign around the eyes; bold, grasping, proud, pleasing only himself. He will not live long. A girl will have a sign on the neck or on the thigh; proud, spirited, heedless of her body with many men, she will quickly die. A sick man will quickly survive, or languish for a long time. A dream will be fulfilled within nine days. From the sixth hour until evening it is a good day to let blood. 14  The fourteenth day of the month is good for all good things: buying slaves, taking a wife, sending boys to school. A boy born will be a merchant, and he will have a sign around the eyes or on the thigh; bold, proud, pleasing only himself, he will quickly die. A girl will have a sign on the neck; proud, rash, desiring many men; she will quickly die. A sick person if he does not recover at once. . . . A dream will have its result in a short time. It is a healthy day for letting blood.

14  bonis rebus bona]  rebus bona v   godum (gl.)]  MS god   pueros]  puerum v   scola]  scolam v   mercator]  mercator erit v   habet]  om. v   uertice habet]  ceruice v   temeraria]  tenera v   non cito conualescit]  non cito moritur. cito conualescet v   breui]  in breui v   uitalis . . . minuere]  om. v

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T2. General Lunarium     mone  se fifteoða  gewitnyssa   syllan  hit    nis    trum    cild  acenned

15  Luna .xv. ma testimonium dare non est. firmum puer natus.    fræcenful     tacn  

on    ∧ea∨xle   winstran   hæfð             cumliðe

periculosus. Signum in humero sinistro habet. benignus. hospitalis.   fræcednisse   hæfð   of    ysen  oððe on  wætere  mæden   scamfæst    geswincful

periculum habet de ferro. uel in aqua. puella uerecunda. laboriosa. clæne  wærum  gelicgende  seoc  gif heo æfter þrim dagum na   arist.    He bið geswenct

casta. uiris placens. eger si post triduum non resurgit. periclitatur.    swefn    na   derað    na   ys   god   mona    blod     lætan. 

somnium non nocebit non est bona luna sanguinem minuere.    mona  se syxteoða  nanum  þingum  nytlice     stalum  se þe  aweg gewit   dead

16  Luna xvi ta null∧i∨s rebus utilis nisi furtis. qui recedit. mortuus he bið gecyd    cild  acenned    cumliðe     þancul  staðolfæst      ylde     betere

nuntiatur. puer natus. hospitalis. efficax. stabilis. in ętate melior ⁊    betere    tacn      ansine    hæfð    mæden    tacn   on   sidan   swiðran

ac melior. Signum in facie habet. puella signum in latere dextro. abered    eallum   gelufad   seoc  herbeforan     swefen    æfter   langum    timan

astuta. omnibus amata. eger ut supra Somnium post multum tempus bið gefylled  ⁊   facn   bið   god   ys   mona    blod     lætan 

expletur & dolus erit. bona est luna sanguinem minuere.     mona    se seofonteoða      nan    ys   geseligra   onginnan   sawan    cildru

17  Luna septima decima. nulla est felicior incipere serere. pueros on   scol∧e∨   betæcan    cild  acenned     fræcenful     freo\n/dheald   abered

in scolam mittere. puer natus. Periculos∧u∨s. amicabil∧i∨s astutus.    wis    gestæflæred   þriste   soðfæst  mæden  wordum  gelæred  on   eallum

sapiens litteratus. audax. uerax. puella uerbis docta in omnibus þingum  nytlic   clæne    wælig   seoc  lange   adlað    

swefne    raðe  gewy∧r∨ð

rebus utilis. casta. diues. eger diu egrotabit. Somnium cito fiet.   na   ys   god  mona   blod      lætan 

non est bona luna sanguinem minuere.

15  testimonium]  testamentum v   eaxle (gl.)]  MS tuxle   habet]  om. v   hospitalis]  & hospitalis v   in aqua]  aqua v   casta]  om. v   resurgit]  surgit v   non est . . . minuere]  om. v 16  nullis]  MS nullus; nullis v   utilis]  agendis utilis v   nuntiatur]  nunciabitur v   puer natus]  signum habet in facie add. v   Signum in facie habet]  om. v (see above)   dolus]  dolosum v   bona . . . minuere]  om. v

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T2. General Lunarium

15  The fifteenth day of the month is not safe for giving testimony. A boy born will be dangerous, he will have a sign on his right shoulder, kind, hospitable, he will have danger from iron or in water. A woman will be modest, industrious, chaste, pleasing to men. If a sick man does not get up within three days, he will be in danger. A dream will do no harm. It is not a good day to let blood. 16  The sixteenth moon is not good for anything except stolen things [furis = ‘thieves’] that have gone away will quickly be proclaimed dead. A boy born will be hospitable, efficient, steadfast, better and better in his later years. He will have a sign on his face. A girl will have a sign on the right side, clever, loved by all. A sick man, as above. A dream will be fulfilled after a long time, and will be painful. It is a good day to let blood. 17  The seventeenth day of the month: none is more fortunate for beginning—sowing, sending boys to school. A boy born will be dangerous, amicable, clever, wise, learned, bold, honest. A girl will be learned with words, useful in all things, chaste, rich. A sick man will suffer for a long time. A dream will quickly come to pass. It is not a good day to let blood. 17  pueros in scolam mittere]  om. v   scole (gl.)]  MS scolo   periculosus]  MS periculosos; periculosus v   amicabilis]  MS amicabiles; amicabilis v   in omnibus rebus]  in omnibus v   gewyrð (gl.)]  MS gewyhð   non est . . . minuere]  om. v

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T2. General Lunarium     mona  se ehteoða   eallum   to do∧n∨dum  nytlice   gemacan   on   huse

18  Luna xviii. ma omnibus agendis utilis. coniugem in domum gelædan    cild\r/u  on    hus   oððe  on   scole   cild  acenned  ofercumen   tacn

ducere. pueros in domum uel in scolam puer natus inuictus signum abutan     cneow    hefð    ungedefe    ofermod     felasprecol   mæd∧en∨

circa geniculum habet. inquietus. superbus multiloquax puella

   tacn  oððe  cild   clæne   geswincful    gehealdend  on   eftran      ylde    betere

signum ut puer. casta. laboriosa. seruatrix. in posteriori ętate melior seoc   raþe   arist    swefen   binnan  dagum  tyn   beoð gefylled  ealne   dæg  god

eger cito surgit. somnium inter dies .x. cem completur tota die bona mona    blod     lætan

luna sanguinem minuere.     mona  se nigonteða    ellum   þingum  to dondum  nytlice   cild  acenned

19  Luna .xviiii. ma omnibus rebus agendis utilis. puer natus.    milde     abered     swiðe     wis      wexende    betere    ⁊    betere

benignus. astutus. multum sapiens. crescendo melior ac melior.    tacn   on   oferbruwe   mæden    ealswa    swa  c∧n∨apa  on  anum      were Signum in supercilio. puella similiter ut puer in uno |  [fol. 35r] uiro   heðhylde  heo ne bið    seoc   raðe    gewyrpð     þurh   læcecræft.     swefne

contenta non erit. eger cito conualescit. per medicinam. somnium binnan  fif   dagum    geopenud    bið.  fram  tide        oð    ða nigoðan  nys   na

inter .v. que dies patefactu∧m∨ erit. ab hora .i. ma usque nonam non est   god  mona     blod    

lætan 

bona luna sanguinem minuere.     mona  se twentigoþa  eallum  þingum  ydelust    ys  cild  acenned  yrðlincg

20  Luna .xx. ma omnibus rebus uanissima est puer natus agricola.   gep    mæden    ealswa   weras  forhogað  seoc  lange    adlað     raðe    na

astutus. puella similiter uiros spernit eger diu languescit. cito non arisað    swefen    na    to gelefenne   nys    na    god    mona    blod

surgit. somnium non credendum. non est bona luna sanguinem   lætan 

minuere 18  dondum (gl.)]  MS dodum   ducere]  om. v   in domum uel in scolam]  in scolam mittere v   habet]  om. v   mæden (gl.)]  MS mæd   melior]  melior erit v   tota die . . . minuere]  om. v 19  rebus]  om. v   natus]  signum in supercilio add. v   benignus]  fidelis. benignus v   melior ac melior]  melior erit v   Signum in supercilio]  om. v (see above)   cnapa (gl.)]  MS cwapa

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T2. General Lunarium

18  The eighteenth day of the month is useful for doing all things—bringing a spouse into the home, boys to the house or to school. A boy born will be unconquerable, and will have a sign around the knee, restless, proud, talkative. A girl will have a sign like the boy; chaste, industrious, a servant, better in her later years. A sick person will quickly arise. A dream will be fulfilled within ten days. The whole day is good for letting blood. 19  The nineteenth day of the month is useful for doing all things. A boy born will be kind, clever, wise in many things, growing better and better, with a sign on the brow. A girl will be like the boy; she will not be satisfied with one man. A sick person will quickly recover with medicine. A dream will be revealed within five days. From the first hour to the ninth it is not a good day to let blood. 20  The twentieth day of the month is most useless for all things. A boy born will be a farmer, clever. A girl likewise; she will spurn men. A sick person will languish a long time, and will not rise quickly. A dream should not be believed. It is not a good day to let blood. in uno]  sed uno v   contenta non erit]  contenta erit v   conualescit]  conualet v   inter]  intra v   patefactum]  MS patefactus; patefactum v   ab hora . . . minuere]  om. v 20  rebus]  operibus v   uiros]  sed uiros v   languescit]  languet v   cito]  si cito v   non est . . . minuere]  om. v

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T2. General Lunarium     mona  se an ⁊ twentigoða  un∧n∨ytlice  to wyrcenne  buton  swurdwyrhtan ⁊

21  Luna .xx. mai. ma non utilis operandi nisi gladiatoribus & si   þu sylst   na  underfehst    eft     stalu     raðe  bið funden    cild  acenned

dederis non recipies iterum fu∧rt∨um cito inuenitur. puer natus. geswi∧n∨cful  

mildheort   gestæflæred    wel    donde    mæden    tacn   on

laboriosus. misericors litteratus. bene agens. puella signum in   neccan   oððe  on    breoste   swiþran   geswincful   clæne  on   eallum   gelufod

ceruice. uel in mamilla dextra. laboriosa. casta. in omnibus amata anum  wer   eðhelde    seoc  earfoðlice  ætwint  oððe  raðe  he swylt    swefen

uno uiro contenta. eger difficile euadit. uel cito moritur. somnia   ydele   synt      oð      þa þriddan tide    god    ys  mona    blod     lætan 

uacua sunt. usque ad horam .iii. ma bona est luna sanguinem minuere.     mona  se twa ⁊ twentigoðe  nytlice  biicgan  þeawas  cild  acenned   læce

22  Luna .xx. maii. a utilis emere mancipia. puer natus medicus. mæden    ealswa     þearfen∧d∨    seoc  raðe  bið gestrangod   nytlic  ys  mona

puella similiter. paupercula. eger cito confortatur. utilis est luna    blod      lætan     swefnu  gewisse  beoð    gif  hi beoð  gehealdene on

sanguinem minuere. Somnia certa erunt. si fuerint retenta in   gemynde 

memoria.     mona  se þri ⁊ twentigoða  eallum  to dondum  nytlic    cild  acenned    folclic

23  Luna .xx maiii. a omnibus agendis utilis. puer natus. popularis. mæden   þancful   seoc  lange    he adlað    oððe  raðe    swylt      swefen

puella animosa. eger diu languescit. uel cito mor∧i∨tur somnium   na    to gelyfenne   na  on    mode    to healdenne      oð      ða syxtan tide   god

non credendum nec in animo retinendum. usque ad horam .vi. bona mona      blod     lætan 

lu\n/a sanguinem minuere.

21  unnytlice (gl.)]  MS untytlice   & si]  etiam si v   geswincful (gl.)]  MS geswicful   furtum]  MS futurum; furtum v   natus]  signum in femore habet add. v   dextra]  dextra habet v   uno uiro]  de uno uiro v   usque . . . minuere]  om. v 22  utilis]  om. v   medicus]  mendicus v   þearfend (gl.)]  MS þearfena   utilis . . . minuere]  om. v

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T2. General Lunarium

21  The twenty-first day of the month is not useful for doing things except for gladiators, and if you give something you will not get it back. Stolen property will be quickly found. A boy born will be industrious, merciful, learned, doing well. A girl will have a sign on the neck or the right breast; she will be industrious, chaste, loved in all things, content with one man. A sick person will survive with difficulty, or quickly die. Dreams are empty. Until the third hour it is a good day to let blood. 22  The twenty-second day of the month is useful for buying slaves. A boy born will be a doctor. Likewise for a girl; she will be poor. A sick person is quickly comforted. It is a useful day for letting blood. Dreams are certain, if they are held in the memory. 23  The twenty-third day of the month is useful for doing all things. A boy born will be popular, a girl spirited. A sick person will languish a long time, or quickly die. Dreams are not to be believed, or held in the heart. Until the sixth hour it is a good day for letting blood.

23  agendis]  agendis rebus v   languescit]  languet v   moritur]  MS moretur; moritur v   usque . . . minuere]  om. v

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T2. General Lunarium    mona  se feower ⁊ twenti  to  ongynnenne   þinc  nytlic   cild  acenned  winnende

24  Luna .xx. ma.iiii. ta ad incipiendas res utilis. puer natus. pugnans. mæden  strang   seoc  raðe  he swylt    swefen     naht    ys    on   uhtan

puella fortis. eger cito moritur. Somnium nichil est. in matutino   god    mona    blod     lætan 

bona luna sanguinem minuere.    mona  se fif ⁊ twenti    huntoþas     began   nytlic   cild  acenned    grædig

25  Luna .xx. ma.v ta uenationes exercere utilis. puer natus. cupidus. mæden  grædig   wulltewestre.  seoc  binnan  þrim dagum     cuð      bið  se dæg

puella cupida. lanefica. eger infra triduum manifestus erit dies.   swefne  binnan  nigon  dagum    swutele   

beoð   fram  þære syxtan  tide  oð  non

Somnia intra dies .ix. uem manifesta erunt. ab hora .vi. ta usque nonam   god  mona    blod            latan  bona luna sanguinem |  [fol. 35v] minuere   

mona  se syx ⁊ twenti  cild  accenned    gemindig     mæden  geradod  seoc

26  Luna .xx. ma.vi. ta puer natus mem∧ori∨osus. puella citata. eger raðe  he swylt    swefen  swa  herbeforan  fram  undertid    oð     non    nys  na

cito moritur. Somnia ut supra. Ab hora .iii. a usque nonam non est   god    mona     blod     lætan 

bona luna sanguinem minuere.    mona  se seofon ⁊ twenti  cild  acenned   s∧n∨oter    mæden    wyrðful    wis

27  Luna .xx. ma.vii. ma puer natus prudens. puella honesta. sapiens. seoc  leofað    swefenu    habbað  gefremmincge  naht na   deriað    ealne  dæg  god

eger uiuet. Somnia habent effectum. nichil nocebunt. tota die bona mona     blod   

latan 

luna sanguinem minuere.

24  in matutino . . . minuere]  om. v 25  utilis]  om. v   infra]  intra v   manifestus erit dies]  manifestus v   manifesta erunt]  manifestum erit v   ab hora . . . minuere om. v   sanguinem]  MS sanḡ | (page end)

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T2. General Lunarium

24  The twenty-fourth day of the month is useful for beginning things. A boy born will be combative, a girl strong. A sick person will quickly die. A dream means nothing. In the morning it is a good day to let blood. 25  The twenty-fifth day of the month is useful for undertaking a hunt. A boy born will be eager, a girl eager, a spinner of wool. A sick person will be known within three days. Dreams will be known within nine days. From the sixth hour until the ninth it is a good day for letting blood. 26  The twenty-sixth day of the month, a boy born will be mindful, a girl quick. A sick person will quickly die. Dreams, as above. From the third hour until the ninth it is not a good day for letting blood. 27  The twenty-seventh day of the month, a boy born will be prudent, a girl honest, wise. A sick person will live. Dreams have a result; they will do no harm. All day is a good day to let blood.

26  memoriosus]  MS mementuosus; memoriosus v   Ab hora . . . minuere om. v 27  snoter (gl.)]  MS stoter   Somnia habent]  somnium habet v   nocebunt]  nocebit v   tota die . . . minuere]  om. v

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T2. General Lunarium    mona  se eahta ⁊ twenti    cild  accenned   geswincful   on   eallum    geleafful

28  Luna .xx. ma.viii. ma puer natus. laboriosus. in omnibus credulus. mæden   gehyrsum    getriwe   seoc  raðe  geeþrað    swefnu  swa  herbeforan  fram  non

puella obediens. fidelis. eger cito ualet. Somnia ut supra. ab hora   tidi    oð   æfen   god   mona    blod      lætan. 

nona usque sero bona luna sanguinem minuere.   

mona  se nigon ⁊ twenti  cild  acenned  geleafful   ⁊     rice    mæden     wis

29  Luna .xx. ma.ix. ma puer natus credulus & eminens. puella. Sapiens ⁊  wælig     swefnu     god    ⁊   gewiss    ealswa    god    mona    blod

& diues. Somnium bonum & certum. Similiter bona luna sanguinem    lætan 

minuere.   

mona  se  þritti   cild  acenned   gesæligust      milde     mæden  gesælig

30  Luna .xxx. ma puer natus felicissimus. benignus. puella felix.   geþwære.    seoc   swin∧c∨ð  ac  he leofað  swefnu  binnon  þrim dagum  beoð onwrigene

mansueta. eger laborat sed uiuet. somnia infra triduum reuelabuntur   hwilan    to warnienne        nys na       god   mona    blod     lætan

interdum cauendum est. Non [est] bona luna sanguinem minuere.   endiað   swefnu          witigan. 

Finiunt somnia danielis prophetę

28  credulus]  credendus v   Somnia]  somnium v   ab hora . . . minuere]  om. v 29  credulus]  eruditus v   certum]  certum est v   Similiter . . . minuere]  om. v

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T2. General Lunarium

28  The twenty-eighth day of the month, a boy born will be industrious, credulous in all things. A girl will be obedient, faithful. A sick person will quickly be well. Dreams, as above. From the ninth hour until evening it is a good day to let blood. 29  The twenty-ninth day of the month, a boy born will be credulous and eminent, a girl wise and wealthy. Dreams are good and certain. Likewise it is a good day to let blood. 30  The thirtieth day of the month, a boy born will be most fortunate, kind, a girl fortunate, gentle. A sick person will suffer but survive. Dreams will be revealed within three days; meanwhile beware. It is not a good day to let blood. Here end the dreams of Daniel the prophet.

30  swincð (gl.)]  MS swinð   somnia]  somnium v   infra]  inter v   reuelabuntur]  reuelabitur v   cauendum]  caute cauendum v   est]  marked for deletion MS   Non est . . . minuere]  om. v   Finiunt . . . prophetæ]  om. v

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T3. Dream Lunarium, Latin Fols. 35v–36r.

swa wæt swa þu gesihst on

blisse

bið ⁊ gif þu gesihst þe

1  Luna prima quicquid uideris in gaudium erit. & si uideris te beon ofercumene ofercymst ealle

feond

þine geunnendum gode

uinci tu tamen uinces omnes inimicos tuos annuente deo.

gif þu gesihst

swefnu

nane gefremminge hefð

na on

2  Luna .ii. da si uideris somnium. nullum effectum habet. nec in mode þu asete oððe

god

oððe

yfel

animo ponas siue bonum siue malum.

ealswilc swilce se oðer

3  Luna .iii. a qualis & secunda. gode gefremminge hæfð

naht ne derað

4  Luna .iiii. ta bonum effectum habet. nichil nocet.

eallswa

se feorþa

5  ∧L∨una .v. ta sicut & quarta æfter

þam þe þu gesihst swa þe gewyrð

digle

6  Luna .vi. ta secundum quod uideris ita tibi fiet. Secretum geþeaht

utlendisc∧um∨ nelle þu areccan

consilium. extraneis noli proferre

swa hwæt swa þu gesihst æfter langum

timan hit gewyrð

7  Luna .vii. a quicquid uideris. post multum tempus fiet.



gewisse sint

ealle

8  Luna .viii. a certa sunt omnia.

binnan twa∧m∨ dagum geli∧m∨pð

9  Luna .viiii. a inter duos dies euenit.

Initial caps. in red 5  initial cap. om. 6  utlendiscum (gl.)]  MS utlendisc 9  twam (gl.)]  MS twan   gelimpð (gl.)]  MS gelipð

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T3. Dream Lunarium, Latin

1  The first day of the month, whatever you see will be for joy; even if you see yourself conquered, yet you will conquer all your enemies, God willing. 2  The second day of the month, if you see a dream, it will have no effect; do not hold it in your heart, whether good or bad. 3  The third day of the month, like the second. 4  The fourth day of the month will have a good result, and do no harm at all. 5  The fifth day of the month, just like the fourth. 6  The sixth day of the month, as you see, so shall it be for you. Tell no stranger of your secret plan. 7  The seventh day of the month, whatever you see will come to pass after much time. 8  The eighth day of the month, all [dreams] are certain. 9  The ninth day of the month, it will come about within two days.

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T3. Dream Lunarium swa hwæt swa þ∧u∨ swefnast

nane

gefremmige

yfele

hæfð.

10  Luna .x. a quicquid somniaueris. nullum effectum malum habet | [fol. 36r] lease sint

ealle

11  Luna .xi. falsa sunt omnia. a

gewisse sint

ealle

12  Luna .xii. a certa sunt omnia. eallswilc

13  Luna .xiii. a qualis .xii.a

gefremminge hæfð

scortes

timan

14  Luna .xiiii. a effectum habet breuis temporis.

eallswilc

15  Luna .xv. qualis .xiiii.a a



æfter langum

timan hit gewyrð

16  Luna .xvi. a post multum tempus fiet.

æfter dagum endlufon hit geli∧m∨pð

17  Luna .xvii. post dies .xi. cim eueniet. a



binnon twentigum dagum hi∧t∨ getimað

18  Luna .xviii. a inter .xx. ti dies continget.

binnon dagum feower hit gelimpð



ne þu

19  Luna .xix. inter dies .iiii. or eueniet. sege

swefen

þin binnon dagum seofo∧n∨

20  Luna .xx. ne tu dixeris somnium tuum intra dies .vii. tem ac

begim

gewiss

sed obserua certitudinem.

eallswa uigessima

21  Luna .xx. ma.i. ma sicut & .xx. ma

swa hwæt swa þu gesihst gewiss

his to

blisse

becuman

22  Luna .xx. .ii. quicquid uideris certum est ad gaudium pertinere. ma

da

10  þu (gl.)]  MS þe 17  gelimpð (gl.)]  MS gelipð 18  hit (gl.)]  MS hið 20  seofon (gl.)]  MS seofoðan 22  his (gl.)]  for is

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T3. Dream Lunarium

10  The tenth day of the month, whatever you dream will have no bad effect. 11  The eleventh day of the month, all [dreams] are false. 12  The twelfth day of the month, all [dreams] are certain. 13  The thirteenth day of the month, like the twelfth. 14  The fourteenth day of the month, it will have a result in a short time. 15  The fifteenth day of the month, like the fourteenth. 16  The sixteenth day of the month, it will come to pass after a long time. 17  The seventeenth day of the month, it will come about after eleven days. 18  The eighteenth day of the month, it will take place within twenty days. 19  The nineteenth day of the month, it will come about within four days. 20  The twentieth day of the month—do not speak of your dream for seven days, but stay resolute. 21  The twenty-first day of the month is like the twentieth. 22  The twenty-second day of the month, whatever you see is certain, and leads to joy.

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T3. Dream Lunarium

sacful

geflit

binnon dagum þrim gelimpð

23  Luna .xxiii. a rixalis contentio inter dies .iii. eueniet

swa hwæt swa þu gesihst be hele þine hit bið

24  Luna .xxiiii. a quicquid uideris de salute tua erit



æge

towyrd binnon dagum ehta.

25  Luna .xx. ma.v. ta metus futurus inter dies .viii. binnon dagum twentigum hit gelimpð.

26  Luna .xxvi. inter dies uiginti eueniet.

eallswa

27  Luna .xx. ma.vii. ma sicut & xxvi.

ealle

blisse

tacn∧að∨

⁊

ealle

28  Luna .xx. .viii. & .xxix. omne gaudium significat. & omnem ma

angsumnysse

ua

bliþe

aflemð

angusti∧a∨m hilaris aufert. binnon þrim dagum gewyrð swefn

29  Luna .xxx.

ma

þin butan frece∧d∨nysse

infra triduum fiet. Somnium tuum sine periculo

Amen

28  tacnað (gl.)]  MS tacn   angustiam]  MS angustium 29  frecednysse]  MS frecendnysse

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T3. Dream Lunarium

23  The twenty-third day of the month—struggling strife will happen within three days. 24  The twenty-fourth day of the month, whatever you see will be for your health. 25  The twenty-fifth day of the month, terror will come within eight days. 26  The twenty-sixth day of the month, it will come about within twenty days. 27  The twenty-seventh day of the month, just like the twenty-sixth. 28  The twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth, signifies all joy, and mirth will take away all pain. 30  The thirtieth day of the month, your dream will come to pass within three days, without danger. Amen.

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T4. Yearly Weather Forecast for the Kalends of January (Revelatio Esdrae), Latin Fol. 36r14–36v7. Variants to the Latin text from Æ32, Æ67, Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Barlow 35 (B), and the continental texts Munich, BSB, clm 21557, 25v (M4a), Munich, BSB, clm 6382, 42v (M3a), Munich, BSB, clm 14456, 75r (M1a), and Vatican City, BAV, Pal. lat. 235, 39r (v). Only significant variants are noted; these are cited according to the spelling of the first manuscript noted in the variant.   Gif   bið               on dæg  drihtenlicum  winter   god   bið  ⁊  wynsum  ⁊

1  Si fuerit kł ianuarius die dominico. hiems bona erit & suauis. ac wearm      

windhladen   ⁊   drige        wingeard   god    s∧c∨eap  weaxað

calida. uer uentuosus. & sicca estas. uindemia bona. oues crescent. hunig  genihtsumað   ealde    swealteð    ⁊    sib  gewyrð. 

mel habundabit senes morientur. & pax fiet.

   Gif   bið              on dæg  monan  winter  gemencged  lænten  god  sumor

2  Si fuerit kł ianuarius die lunae. hiems mixta. uer bonus. estas windhladen  ⁊   c∧w∨ældbære     wingeard   god    strengð    manna     beon

uentuosa. & tempestuosa. uindemia bona. ualitudo hominum. apes    sweltað. 

morientur.    gif   bið           

dæg  martes  winter     æþelust   lænten  windhladen  ⁊

3  Si fuerit kł ianuarius die martis hiems nobilissima. uer uentuosus. &    renlic   sumor  god     wif      sweltað    scypu  beoð gedyrfed  on  widsæ

pluuialis. estas bona. mulieres morientur. naues perclitantur in pelago.   wingeard  geswincful 

uindemia laboriosa. Title]  Incipit Subputatio quam supputavit hesdras \propheta in templo Salomon in Hierusalem/ add. lengthwise in the right margin B, Subputatio quam subputauit Esdras in templo hierusalem v, Incipit Supputatio Esdrae M3a, Incipiunt signa de temporibus Æ67 1  Si fuerit kł ianuarius die dominico]  Si prima die fuerint Kł. Ian. B, Si in prima feria fuerint kl. Ian. v, Si die .i. feria fueri\n/t kł ian. Æ67, KŁ IAN. Si fuerit in prima feria Æ32, KŁ. Ian. si fuerint domenico die M3a, Si fer. i. fuerit kl. ian M1a (opening formulae similar throughout)   & suauis. ac calida]  only in M4a; bona & uentosa erit Æ67; om. other MSS   uer uertuosus]  & uentus uentuosus Æ32, om. Æ67   sicca estas]  estas sicca MSS   oues]  boues Æ67 v   sceap (gl.)]  MS sweap   crescunt]  multiplicabuntur Æ32, multiplicantur M3a   mel habundabit]  mel abundanter erit Æ67, om. B M3a   senes morientur]  et uetuli moriuntur v, om. B Æ32 M3a M1a   & pax fiet]  & abuntantia & pax (pacis M1a Æ32) erit (fiet B, om. Æ32) Æ32 B Æ67 v M3a M1a 2  mixta]  iuxta erit B, \iusta &/ maxima v, imbrosus M1a   bonus]  iocundum Æ67   uentuosa]  sicca & uentuosa Æ67 v, bona M3a   & tempestuosa]  & tempestas B v M1a, & tempestas erit Æ67, om.

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T4. Yearly Weather Forecast for the Kalends of January (Revelatio Esdrae), Latin

1  If the Kalends of January is on a Sunday, there will be a good and mild winter, but warm, a windy spring and dry summer; a good grape harvest, sheep will increase, honey will abound, old men will die and there will be peace. 2  If the Kalends of January is on a Monday, there will be a mixed winter, good spring, windy and stormy summer; a good grape harvest, health among men, bees will die. 3  If the Kalends of January is on a Tuesday, there will be a most noble winter, a windy and rainy spring, a good summer; women will die, ships will be in peril on the sea; a toilsome harvest. Æ32   cwældbære (gl.)]  MS cyældbære   uindemia bona]  uindemia non bona Æ67, uindemia ipsa non erit bona v, uindemia nociua M3a, uindimia uisa B   ualitudo hominum]  om. M3a   apes morientur]  & aues moriuntur v, om. B Æ32 M3a M1a; haec sunt prodigia que dat dominus hominibus add. B, hæc \sunt/ prodigia quæ dat hominum deus add. v 3  nobilissima]  imbrosus erit v B M3a M1a, imbrosa B, imbrosus erit uel impediosus v, ymbriosus & uentosus Æ32, pluuiosa erit & uentosa Æ67   uer uentuosus]  om. Æ67 Æ32 v; et mulieres moriuntur v   & pluuialis. estas bona]  & aestas pluuialis B M1a, & aestas pluuialis & tempestas Æ32, pluuia et tempestas M3a, & estas uentuosa erit v, aestas sicca uindemia laborabit Æ67; [. . .. . .. . .]  frumentum add. M4a (two words cancelled)   mulieres morientur]  & mulieres plurime moriuntur Æ32 M3a, & mulieres grauide moriuntur M1a, om. B, placed elsewhere v   naues periclitantur in pelago]  naues periclitabuntur Æ32 v M1a M3a, om. B Æ67   uindemia laboriosa]  uindemia mala M4a, & reges peribunt & uindemia bona v, & reges peribunt Æ32 Æ67 M3a, & reges peribunt siue principes M1a, om. B

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T4. Weather Forecast for Kalends of January   Gif   bið              dæg    wodnes    winter  heard  ⁊   stið    lænten

4  Si fuerit kł ianuarius die mercuri∧i∨ hiems dura & aspera uer   yfel  

⁊  sumor  god    wingerd    god      hwæte      god     geonge

malus. & estas bona. uindemia bona. frumentum bonum. iuuenes    sweltað    hunig  na    bið     cypmen      swin∧c∨að 

moriuntur. mel non erit. mercatores laborabunt.   Gif   bið              dæg  þures    winter       

god   bið  lenten

5  Si fuerit kł ianuarius die iouis. hiems |  [fol. 36v] bona erit. uer    windig    sumor  god    ⁊   genihtsumnys   bið  cyn∧i∨gas ⁊    rædwitan

uentuosus. estas bona. & habundantia erit. reges & principes forwyrþan    sib  gewyrð 

peribunt. pax fiet.

  gif   bið             dæg  friggan  winter  stedfæst  ⁊  s∧n∨aw  bið  lænten  god  ⁊

6  Si fuerit kł ianuarius die ueneris hiems stabilis. & nix erit. uer bonus & sumor   sar     eagena     wingerd   god    s∧c∨ap  ⁊  beon  forwyrðaþ  bileofa  leof

estas. dolor oculorum. uindemia bona. oues & apes peribunt. annona cara gewyrð 

fiet.

  gif   bið              dæg  sæternes   winter   genipfu∧l∨   snaw  bið

7  Si fuerit kł ianuarius die saturni. hiems caliginosa. nix erit   bigleofa  leof  bið    wæstm    genihtsumað      e\a/lle    adliað     ⁊

annona cara erit. fructus habundabit. homines egrotabunt. &    ealde     sweltað     wingeard   god.   

ueterani moriuntur. uindemia bona

4  mercurii]  MS mercuririi   dura & aspera]  dura & aspera erit Æ67 v, dura erit & aspera B, dura erit M3a, durus erit M1a   uer malus]  uernus malus Æ32 M3a, uer uentuosus malus M4a, uer malus & uentuosus v Æ67, & uernus B   & estas bona]  & estas boni erunt B, & estas sicca et bona v, & estas mala M1a   uindemia bona]  uindemia laboriosa Æ32 v M3a, uindemia laborant M1a, mel non erit. & uindimia laboriosa erit B   frumentum bonum. iuuenes moriuntur]  om. Æ32 B M3a M1a   mel non erit]  om. Æ67 M3a, add. in margin v, placed elsewhere B   Mercatores laborabunt]  & negotiatores laborabunt M4a, & nagociantibus laboriosum erit & male [for mel?]  minus erit M3a, & qui nauigant satis laborant v, om. Æ32 Æ67 B M1a   swincað (gl.)]  MS swingað 5  hiems bona erit]  hiemps bona & uentosa erit Æ67   uer uentuosus]  om. Æ32 B Æ67   estas bona]  & estas & uindemia. similiter bona M1a, om. B   habundantia erit]  habundantia bona erit M3a, habundantia erit illo anno M1a, uindemia bona & abundantia erit Æ67, \pax erit/ & uindemia erit & habundantia erit v, om. Æ32 B   reges & principes peribunt]  principes siue reges peribunt v, & in illo anno principes siue reges peribunt Æ67, om. Æ32 B M3a M1a   pax fiet]  in ipso anno pax erit B, om. Æ67 Æ32 v M3a M1a 6  stabilis & nix erit]  mutabilis erit B Æ67, motabilis erit M3a, mutabilis v Æ32, mollis erit M1a   snaw (gl.)]  MS swaw   uer bonus]  uer uentuosus bonus M4a   & estas]  & aestas bona & copiosa magna Æ32, & aestas bona & copiosa erit magna M1a, & estas bona & copia magna M3a, & aestas similiter

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T4. Weather Forecast for Kalends of January

4  If the Kalends of January is on a Wednesday, there will be a hard and sharp winter, an evil spring, and a good summer; a good grape harvest, good grain; young men will die, there will be no honey, merchants will toil. 5  If the Kalends of January is on a Thursday, winter will be good, spring windy, summer good, and there will be plenty. Kings and princes will perish; there will be peace. 6  If the Kalends of January is on a Friday, winter will be steady, and there will be snow; a good spring and summer; pain in the eyes; a good grape harvest; sheep and bees will perish; provisions will be expensive. 7  If the Kalends of January is on a Saturday, winter will be foggy, there will be snow; provisions will be expensive; fruits will abound, men will sicken and old people will die; a good grape harvest. bona & copia multa B, aestas sicca & bona Æ67, & estas sicca similiter bona erit v   dolor oculorum]  & oculorum dolor Æ67, & dolor erit v, om. Æ32 B M3a M1a   uindemia bona]  & uindemia bona & copiosa v, om. Æ32 B M3a M1a   oues & apes peribunt]  & oues peribunt Æ67 v, om. Æ32 B M3a M1a   scap (gl.)]  MS sfap (for sceap)   annona cara fiet]  M4a only; om. other MSS 7  hiems caliginosa. nix erit]  M4a; hiems turbinosus (Æ32 M1a v; turbosa B, turbolenta Æ67, turbida M3a) & uernus (Æ32 B M3a; uer M1a Æ67, \uer/ v) uentosus (Æ32 Æ67; uentuosus B v M3a M1a) MSS   genipful (gl.)]  MS genipfuþ   annona cara erit. fructus habundabit]  annano cara erit. fructus habundabit M4a, & laborant fructus M1a, & fructus laborauit B, & fructus laboriusus Æ67, & omnes fructus laboriusus M3a, & fructus \omnes/ labororiusus v, & laboriusus Æ32   homines egrotabunt]  M4a; (&) oues peribunt Æ32 B Æ67 M3a M1a, & aues (corr. to oues in margin) peribunt v   & ueterani moriuntur]  sed ueterani moriuntur M4a, & senes morientur Æ67, & homines ueterani moriuntur plures M3a, & ueteres moriuntur Æ32 M1a, & homines ueteres moriuntur B, & omnes uetuli moriuntur v   uindemia bona]  om. MSS; & casa cremabuntur add. Æ32 B, & cessa cremabuntur add. M1a, case cremabunt add. M4a, & mansiones cremabuntur id est ardebunt v, & auguria ad domum ignis pacientur M3a   Hęc sunt mirabilia quę dat hominum deus. add. v, Haec sunt praedigia quae dedit deus hominibus ut possit uiuere. & requiescere sicut sofonias praetulit M1a

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T5. Birth Lunarium, Latin Fol. 36v8–22. Variants to the Latin text from T21, Æ63, J5 and the continental texts London, BL, Harley 3017, 58v–59r (f), Vatican City, BAV, Pal. lat. 235, 39v (v), Paris, BNF, lat. 2113, 256r (p). Only substantive variants are noted.

se þe acenned bið

liflic he bið

 1  Luna .i. qui natus fuerit. uitalis erit.



medeme

he bið

 2  Luna secunda. mediocris erit.



untrum he bið

 3  Luna tertia. infirmus erit.

trahtnere

cyninga he bið

 4  Luna iiii. ta tractat∧or∨ re∧g∨um erit

geo∧n∨g he bið genumen

 5  Luna .v. ta iuuenis tolletur.



liflic he bið



liflic



geo∧n∨g he afealleð

 6  Luna sexta. uitalis erit. ⁊ n∧y∨twurðe he bið

 7  Luna .vii. ma uitalis & utilis erit.  8  Luna .viii. ua iuuenis decidet.



ealra

strinend

he bið

 9  Luna .ix. na omnium adquisitor erit.



he abuten færð fela

rica

10  Luna .x. circuibit multa∧s∨ regiones.

ealra

strinend

he bið

11  Luna .xi. ma omnium adquisitor erit

No title]  no title J5, Incipit Lunaris sancti danielis de natitutate (infantium f, \infantium/ T21) T21 Æ63 f, De nascentibus hominibus v 1  natus fuerit]  fuerit natus f 2  secunda]  ii. MSS 3  tertia]  iii. MSS   infirmus erit]  morosus erit v, non est uitalis p 4  tractator regum]  tractatus regnum MS; tractator regum T21 Æ63 f, tractator regni J5 v, tractator p 5  geong (gl.)]  MS geog   tolletur]  moritur v

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T5. Birth Lunarium, Latin

 1  Whoever is born on the first day of the month will be full of life.  2  The second day of the month, he will be mediocre.  3  The third day of the month, he will be sickly.  4  The fourth day of the month, he will be a manager of kings [regnum = a kingdom].  5  The fifth day of the month, he will be taken young.  6  The sixth day of the month, he will be full of life.  7  The seventh day of the month, he will be full of life and useful.  8  The eighth day of the month, he will pass away young.  9  The ninth day of the month, he will be greedy for all things. 10  The tenth day of the month, he will travel through many lands. 11  The eleventh day of the month, he will be greedy for all things. 6  vi.]  vi. & vii. p 7  om. p    utilis]  inutilis T21    nytwurðe (gl.)]  MS notwurðe   erit]  om. J5 8  viii]  viii. vel viiii. p   geong (gl.)]  MS geog   decidet]  tolletur f p 9  omnium adquisitor erit]  omnibus atquisitor erit f, in omnibus acquisitor p, acquisitor erit v 10  circuibit multas]  MS circuibit multa; circuibat multas T21 Æ63, circumibat multas J5, circabit multas f, circuit multas v, circuibit p 11  omnium adquisitor erit]  omnibus atquisitus erit f, in omnibus acquisitor p, acquisitor erit v

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T5. Birth Lunarium

æwfæst

he bið



wiðerweard

12  Luna .xii. reli∧gi∨osus erit. 13  Luna .xiii.

ma

lette∧n∨d he bið

aduersus impeditor erit.



ealra

trahtnere he bið

14  Luna .x. ma.iiii. ta omnium tractator erit.

geo∧n∨g

swylt

15  Luna .x. .v. iuuenis morietur. ma

ta



liflic

⁊

þearfa he bið

16  Luna .x. ma.vi. ta uitalis & pauper erit. ∧17 Luna .xuii. infelix erit.∨

na lange he ne leofað

18  Luna .xviii. non diu uiuet. on wyrðscipe he bið

19  Luna .xix. in honore erit. feohtere he bið

20  Luna .xx. bellator erit. sceaþa

þancful

he bið

21  Luna .xxi. latro ingeniosus erit. geswincful he bið

22  Luna .xxii. laboriosus erit.

widcuð he bið



genihtsum he bið

23  Luna .xxiii. uulgarus erit

24  Luna .xxiiii. copios∧us∨ erit. fræcnyssa

feala

he þolað

25  Luna .xxv. pericula multa patietur. na welig na

wædla

bið

26  Luna .xxvi. nec diues nec pauper erit. 12  religiosus]  reliosus; religiosus MSS 13  aduersus impeditor erit]  adversis imperator erit f v (corr. to impeditor in margin), non erit uitalis p    lettend (gl.)]  MS letted 14  omnium tractator erit]  Æ63 J5, tractator erit T21, in omnibus tractator erit f v, in omnibus aduersatur p 15  geong (gl.)]  MS geog 16  uitalis & pauper erit]  uitalis & pauper p, uitalis & par erit f 17  om. T5; infelix erit T21 Æ63 J5, felix erit f v p

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T5. Birth Lunarium

12  The twelfth day of the month, he will be pious. 13  The thirteenth day of the month, misfortune will be a hindrance. 14  The fourteenth day of the month, he will be a manager of all things. 15  The fifteenth day of the month, he will die young. 16  The sixteenth day of the month, he will be lively and poor. 17  The seventeenth day of the month, he will be unlucky. 18  The eighteenth day of the month, he will not live long. 19  The nineteenth day of the month, he will be honored. 20  The twentieth day of the month, he will be a warrior. 21  The twenty-first day of the month, he will be a very clever thief. 22  The twenty-second day of the month, he will be industrious. 23  The twenty-third day of the month, he will be widely known. 24  The twenty-fourth day of the month, he will be richly provided. 25  The twenty-fifth day of the month, he will suffer many perils. 26  The twenty-sixth day of the month, he will be neither rich nor poor. 18  non diu uiuet]  non diu vixurus uiuet v, in onore erit p 19  om. p (but cf. 18)   in honore]  honorabilis J5 21  latro ingeniosus]  latro & ingeniosus J5, latro ingentissimus f, latro ingeniosissimus v, latro p 23  uulgarus]  uitalis p 24  copiosus erit]  copios erit MS; copiosus erit T21 Æ63 J5, compendias facit f v, peccata facit multa p 25  pericula]  percula T21   multa patietur]  patiuntur p 26  nec diues nec pauper erit]  nec diues erit nec pauper p

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T5. Birth Lunarium

freond he bið

27  Luna .xxvii. amicus erit.

gimeleas he bið

28  Luna .xxviii. neglegens erit.

god

⁊ forsceawere he bið

29  Luna .xxviiii. bonus & prouisor erit.

ceapa

feala he asmeað

30  Luna .xxx. negotia multa tractabit.

27  amicus]  amicosus T21 f v, amicos Æ63, amabilis J5 p 28  neglegens]  negliens f

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T5. Birth Lunarium

27  The twenty-seventh day of the month, he will be a friend. 28  The twenty-eighth day of the month, he will be careless. 29  The twenty-ninth day of the month, he will be good and a provider. 30  The thirtieth day of the month, he will deal with much business.

29  bonus & prouisor]  bonus & proui Æ63, bonus prouisor v, bonum uirum p 30  om. p   negotia multa]  negotias multas f

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T6. Medical Lunarium, Latin Fols. 36v23–37r11. Variants to the Latin text from T22 (1–7 only), Æ64, C2, J6 and BL, Harley 3017, 58v (f), Vatican City, BAV, Pal. lat. 235, 39v (v); variants to the English gloss from C2.

se þe afeallað

earfoðlice he ætwint

 1  Luna .i. qui inciderit. difficile euadet.



raþe

he arist



he na ætwint

 2  Luna .ii. a cito consurget.  3  Luna .iii. a non euadet.

he swincð ⁊

arist

 4  Luna .iiii. laboret & surget.

he sipað

⁊

arist

 5  Luna v. tricabit | [fol. 37r] & surget.



he na ætwint



mid læcedome he bið gehele∧d∨

 6  Luna .vi. non euadet.  7  Luna .vii. medicina sanabitur.



lange he adlað ⁊

arist

 8  Luna .viii. diu languet & surget.

he adlað

 9  Luna .ix. languet.



lange he siclað



on fræcnysse he dyrfð

10  Luna .x. diu egrotet. 11  Luna xi: periculo periclitat he arist

12  Luna .xii. surget. No title Incipit lunares de aegris Æ64, Incipit eiusdem lunarem de egris f, De egrotantibus v 1  inciderit]  ceciderit J6 v   afeallað (gl.)]  afealð C2   earfoðlice (gl.)]  ae\r/foð\lice/ C2   euadet]  euadit f v 2  consurget]  surget v, surgit f    arist (gl.)]  arisþ C2 (similarly throughout) 3  non euadet]  non euadit f, euadet Æ64   na (gl.)]  ne C2 4  laboret]  laborat f, laborabit J6 v    surget]  surgit T22 f 5  tricabit & surget]  non euadit f, non euadet v, similiter J6 6  non euadet]  laborat & surgit f, laborabit & surgit v    na (gl.)]  ne C2

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T6. Medical Lunarium, Latin

 1  Whoever falls sick on the first day of the month will escape with difficulty.  2  The second day of the month, he will quickly rise again.  3  The third day of the month, he will not escape.  4  The fourth day of the month, he will struggle and arise.  5  The fifth day of the month, he will sink and arise.  6  The sixth day of the month, he will not escape.  7  The seventh day of the month, he will be healed with medicine.  8  The eighth day of the month, he will suffer long, then arise.  9  The ninth day of the month, he will languish. 10  The tenth day of the month, he will be sick for a long time. 11  The eleventh day of the month, he will be threatened by danger. 12  The twelfth day of the month, he will arise. 7  sanabitur]  saluabitur J6   geheled (gl.)]  gehelend MS, gehæled C2 8  surget]  surgit f 9  languet]  libenter languet v 10  egrotet]  egrotat C2 f v, egrotabit J6 11  periculo periclitat]  periclina periclitat Æ64, periclitatur f, periclitabitur v, similiter J6   fræcnysse (gl.)]  frecednesse C2 12  surget]  tricabit & surget v

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T6. Medical Lunarium sumne

timan

he siclað

13  Luna .xiii. aliquod tempus egrotat he swincð ⁊

arist

14  Luna .xiiii. laborat & surget. he dyrfð

15  Luna .xv. periclitat. stowe

⁊ he arist

awent

16  Luna .xvi. locum mutabit & surget. he sipað ⁊

arist

17  Luna .xvii. tricabit & surget.

he swincð ⁊

arist

18  Luna .xviii. laborabit & surget. ealswa

19  Luna .xix: Similiter. ealswa

20  Luna .xx. similiter.

þinc he fultumað

21  Luna .xxi. rem adiuuabit. he adlað ⁊

arist

22  Luna .xxii: languet & surget

ealswa

23  Luna .xxiii: Similiter.

lange he adlað

24  Luna .xxiiii. diu languet. he adlað ⁊

he swelt

25  Luna .xxv. languet & morietur

he adlað

26  Luna .xxvi. languet.

he sipað ⁊

ariste

27  Luna .xxvii: tricabit & surget.

13  aliquod]  aliquid J6   tempus]  om. v   egrotat]  egrotauit f, egrotabit J6 14  laborat & surget]  laborat & surgit f, laborabit & surget J6, periclitabitur & cito surget v 15  periclitat]  periclitabitur Æ64 J6 f v 16  locum mutabit &]  locum mitabit & C2, lucum mutauit & f, om. J6   awent ⁊ he arist (gl.)]  he awent ⁊ arisþ C2 17  tricabit]  tribulat f, tribulatur v

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T6. Medical Lunarium

13  The thirteenth day of the month, he will be sick for a certain time. 14  The fourteenth day of the month, he will struggle and arise. 15  The fifteenth day of the month, he will be in danger. 16  The sixteenth day of the month, he will change his place, and arise. 17  The seventeenth day of the month, he will sink and arise. 18  The eighteenth day of the month, he will struggle and arise. 19  The nineteenth day of the month, likewise. 20  The twentieth day of the month, likewise. 21  The twenty-first day of the month, he will help the thing [?]. 22  The twenty-second day of the month, he will languish and arise. 23  The twenty-third day of the month, likewise. 24  The twenty-fourth day of the month, he will languish for a long time. 25  The twenty-fifth day of the month, he will languish and die. 26  The twenty-sixth day of the month, he will languish. 27  The twenty-seventh day of the month, he will sink and arise.

18  laborabit]  laborat f, laboret v 21  rem adiuuabit]  re adiuuabit Æ64, Bene adiuuabitur J6, recediuiuit f, diu egrotabit v   þinc (gl.)]  þingc C2 25  he adlað (gl.)]  adlað C2 26  languet]  Diu languet J6, libenter languet v 27  tricabit]  tracabit f   ariste (gl.)]  arisþ C2

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T6. Medical Lunarium

seoc

swiðe

he lið

⁊

swelt

28  Luna .xxviii: eger multum iacebit & morietur



seoc



seoc

ætwint

29  Luna .xxix. Aeger euadet. swincð

⁊

∧a∨rist

30  ∧L∨una .xxx. eger laborabit & surget.

28  eger multum iacebit]  multum iacebit v, Diu languet J6   swelt (gl.)]  swylt C2 29  aeger euadet]  euadit eger J6

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T6. Medical Lunarium

28  The twenty-eighth day of the month, a sick man will lie for a long time, then die. 29  The twenty-ninth day of the month, a sick man will escape. 30  The thirtieth day of the month, a sick man will struggle, and arise.

30  Luna]  initial cap. om.    laborabit]  laborat f v   swincð ⁊ arist (gl.)]  swincð ⁊ rist MS; he swincð ⁊ arisð C2

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T7. Prognostic for Thunder by Hours of the Day, Latin Fol. 37r12–37v4. Variants to the Latin text from Æ66

gif

hit þunrað

on tide



gif on forman nihte tide



gif on tide þriddan nihte

æfen

hit getacnað acennednysse

sumes

miceles

1  Si tonitruauerit hora uespertina. significat natiuitatem cuiusdam magni. hit getacna∧ð∨

cwealm

2  Si prima noctis hora; significat mortalitatem. g.

yrre

nihte

hit g.

drihten oððe

dom

his on

3  Si hora tertia noctis. significat iram domini uel iudicium eius in middanearde

mundo.

gif on tide þriddan midre

sumne

sweg

4  Si hora quinta medię noctis; significat aliquem sonum utgangende

of wurulde oððe

wrace

on middangearde

egredientem de seculo uel u∧i∨ndictam in mundo. gefeoht ⁊



gif on angræde

hit g.



gif on tide dægræd



gif on tide upganges sunnan ge.

gete

blodes

5  Si gallicantu significat bellum & effusionem sanguinis hit g.

gebyrdtide cynin∧g∨es

6  Si hora matutina significat natiuitatem regis. þeode

sume

togædere cumenne to

7  Si hora ortus solis significat gentem aliquam conuenientem ad geleafan cristes

fidem Christi.

gif on tide þære syxtan

g.

g∧e∨dwildu arisende

cristenra

fram gode geþafod

on middanerde ⁊

8  Si hora .ui. diei significat hereses surgentes in mundo &

ehtnysse

persecutionem Christianorum a deo permissam Initial caps. in red No title]  De tonitruis dierum uel trium (sic: for noctium) Æ66 1  tonitruauerit]  notauerit Æ66 2  Si]  initial cap. om. Æ66   getacnað (gl.)]  MS getacnad 3  tertia]  .iii. Æ66 4  quinta]  .v. Æ66   sonum]  sonus Æ66   uindictam]  MS undictam; uindictam Æ66 6  cyninges (gl.)]  MS cyniniges 7  ortus]  ortu Æ66 8  gedwildu (gl.)]  MS gydwildu

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T7. Prognostic for Thunder by Hours of the Day, Latin

1  If it thunders at twilight, it signifies the birth of someone great. 2  If in the first hour of the night, it signifies death. 3  If in the third hour of the night, it signifies the wrath of God or His judgment on the earth. 4  If in the fifth hour in the middle of the night, it signifies some sound going forth from the world or judgment upon the earth. 5  If at cock-crow it signifies war and the shedding of blood. 6  If in the early morning it signifies the birth of a king. 7  If at the hour of sunrise it signifies some people coming together in the faith of Christ. 8  If at the sixth hour of the day it signifies heresies arising on earth and persecution of Christians allowed by God.

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T7. Prognostic for Thunder

gif on tide seofoðan þunrað

gewylcum dæle heofonas wæstm ⁊

of

 9  Si hora .uii. tonitruauerit de quacumque parte cęli fructum &

genihtsumnysse micele towerde

g.

ubertatem magnam futuram significat

gif on tide þære ehtoþa þunrað fram dæle middæges

g.

genihtsumnysse

10  Si hora .uiii. tonitruauerit a parte meridiane significat habundantiam laf ⁊ eles ⁊ cwyld on heordum ⁊

fyþerfetum

panis & olei & cladem in armentis & quadrupedibus.



gif on tide non

þunrað

fram norðdæle awendu∧n∨cge þeoda

⁊

wæpna



gif on tide



gif on tide æftemystan dæges



g



gif on midre nihte þunorrad

11  Si hora .ix. tonitruauerit ab aquilone mutationes gentium | [fol. 37v] geruxlu

⁊

niwe

torynas

folca

g.

& armorum strepidus & nouos concursus populorum significat þunrað

fram eastdæle

ryras

burhga

g.

12  Si hora .x. tonitruauerit ab orie∧n∨te rui∧n∨as urbium. significat. reohnysse

on

se

⁊ bodung gefeohtes

13  Si hora nouissima diei. tempestatem in mari. & nuntium belli significat. gedon

bið

ungor

micelne

getacnað.

14  Si media nocte tonitruum factum fuerit famem magnam significat

11  awenduncge (gl.)]  MS awenducge 12  oriente]  MS orietate; oriente Æ66   ruinas]  MS ruias; ruinas Æ66

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T7. Prognostic for Thunder

 9  If it thunders at the seventh hour from any part of the sky, it signifies fruitfulness and great abundance in the future. 10  If it thunders at the eighth hour from the southern quarter, it signifies abundance of bread and oil and destruction among herds and four-footed animals. 11  If it thunders in the ninth hour from the north, it signifies changes in nations and clashing of arms and new unions among people. 12  If it thunders in the tenth hour from the east, it signifies the fall of cities. 13  If it thunders in the last hour of the day, it signifies tempests in the sea and the news of war. 14  If thunder is made at midnight, it signifies great hunger.

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T8. Dream Lunarium, English Fols. 37v6–38r2. Variants from C7 and W8. Note: numbers follow the lunar days, not the lines of the text.

 1  On anre nihte ealdne monan swa hwæt swa þe mæteð þæt cymð to gefean.  2  ∧O∨n tweigra nihte monan. ⁊ on þreora. næfþ þæt swefen nænige fremednesse godes ne yfeles.  4  On feower nihtne. ⁊ on fifa. þæt byð god swefen. wite þu þæt georne on þinre heortan.  6  On syx nihta. þæt þe þonne þince þæt þu geseo. þæt beo fæst on þinum breostum. wite þæt þin geþanc ne leose.  7  On .uii. nihta. swa hwæt swa þe on eage byreþ æfter tide cymð seo endung.  8  On .uiii. nihte ⁊ on .ix. sona þæt ypeð swa hwæt swa þe geswefnaþ. gif þu unrotnesse gesawe. wend þin heafod east. bide þe god are. 10  On .x. nihta. þin swefen agæþ butan frecnesse. 11  On .xi. nihta þæt swefen agæþ mid gefean. 12  On .xii. ⁊ on .xiii. nihta. binnan þrim nihton þu gesyhst þæt þe ær on swefne ætywede. 14  On .xiiii. nihta. næfð þæt nænige fremednesse. godes ne yfeles. 15  On .xu. nihta. sceortwyrplic þæt bið. 16  On .xui. nihta æfter langre tide hit agæð. 17  On .xuii. ⁊ on .xuiii. ⁊ on .xix. nihta. þæt swefen byþ god. ⁊ on manegum dagum geendað.

1  On anre nihte ealdne monan]  þonne se mone bið anre nihte eald W8   ealdne]  eald C7   þe mæteð]  þu gesihst W8   gefean]  gesean W8 2  tweigra nihte monan. ⁊ on þreora]  twam nihtum ⁊ on .iii. W8   nihte]  nihte eald C7   næfþ þæt swefen nænige fremednesse godes ne yfeles]  ne bið on þam swefne ne god ne yfel W8   næfþ þæt]  næf þæt C7 4  On feower nihtne]  On .iiii. W8   nihtne]  nihta C7   swefen]  om. W8   georne]  om. W8 6  nihta]  nihte monan W8   þince]  om. C7   þæt beo]  sy þæt W8   wite þæt þin]  heald þe georne þæt þu þone W8   geþanc ne leose]  þanc ne losige C7, geþanc ne forleose W8 7  nihta]  nihte monan W8 on eage byreþ]  þonne on eage gebyreð W8   tide]  langre tide W8   endunge]  geendung W8

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T8. Dream Lunarium, English

 1  On a moon of one night old, whatever you dream will lead to joy.  2  On a moon of two nights, and of three, that dream has no effect for good or evil.  4  On four nights and five, that is a good dream—guard it well in your heart.  6  On six nights, let that which you seem to see be fast in your breast; take care that your thought does not vanish.  7  On seven nights, whatsoever comes before your eye will after some time come to fulfillment.  8  On eight nights and on nine, whatsoever you dream, it will appear at once; if you have seen some unhappiness, turn your head to the east and ask God for mercy. 10  On ten nights, your dream will come about without danger 11  On eleven nights, that dream will come about with joy. 12  On twelve and on thirteen nights, within three nights you will see what had earlier appeared to you in the dream. 14  On fourteen nights, it has no effect, for good or evil. 15  On fifteen nights, it will shortly be. 16  On sixteen nights, it will come about after a long time. 17  On seventeen and eighteen and nineteen nights, that dream will be good, and fulfilled in many days.

8  .uiii. nihte ⁊ on .ix.]  On .viii. ⁊ on .ix. nihte W8   ypeð]  ætewð W8   gesawe]  geseo W8   bide þe]  bide W8 10  frecnesse]  frecednysse C7, frecednesse W8 11  agæþ mid gefean]  kymð to geafean W8 12  .xii. ⁊ on .xiii. nihta.]  .xii. nihta ⁊ on .xiii. C7, twelf nihte ⁊ on .xiii. W8   ær]  om. W8 14  nænige fremednesse. godes]  nane fremminge ne godes W8 15  nihta]  nihte monan W8   sceortwyrplic þæt bið]  scorte fulfremmednesse hafað þæt swefen W8 16  nihta]  nihte monan W8   hit]  þæt swefen W8 17  nihta]  om. W8

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T8. Dream Lunarium

20  On .xx. nihta ⁊ on .xxi. þæt tacnaþ. ceapunga ⁊ hwearfunga. 22  On .xxii. ⁊ on .xxiii. nihta. seo mæting byþ gecornes ⁊ geflitnes. ⁊ eall costnunge full. ne biþ þæt na god swefen. 24  On .xx.iiii. nihta þæt tacnaþ ∧gesynto ⁊ hælo∨ 25  ∧On .xxv. ⁊ on .xxvi. nihta þæt tacnað∨ toweardlice firhto. ⁊ brogan. ⁊ on nigon dagum oððe on .x. þæt byþ geypped. ac wend þin heafod east bide þe are. 27  On .xxuii. ⁊ on .xxviii. nihta. þæt swefen tacnaþ ealne ge∧fe∨an. ⁊ ealle angsumnesse. ⁊ uneaðnesse smyltnesse. ⁊ glædnysse gehataþ. | [fol. 38r] 29  On .xxix. nihta eallswa þæt ærre. 30  On .xxx. nihta. ær tweigra nihta fyrste þæt swefen agæð butan frecnum þingum.

20  .xx. nihta ⁊ on .xxi.]  .xx. ⁊ on .xxi. nihta C7, xx. ⁊ on xxi nihte W8   þæt tacnaþ ceapunga ⁊ hwearfunga]  þæt tacnað ceapunge ⁊ hwearsunge C7, ceapunge and hweafunge ⁊ getacnað W8 22  ⁊ on .xxiii. nihta]  ⁊ .xxiii. nihta C7, ⁊ .xiii. W8   gecornes ⁊ geflitnes]  geteres ful ⁊ geflites W8   eall costnunge full]  eall costunge full C7, costunge W8   na]  om. W8 24  .xx.iiii.]  xxiii W8   tacnaþ]  getacnað W8   gesynto. . . (25) tacnað]  om. MS (see note); reading supplied from C7   gesynto]  gefean W8 25  on .xxvi. nihta þæt tacnað]  xxvi. W8   brogan]  brogan þæt getacnað W8   geypped]  æteowed W8 þin heafod]  om. W8   bide þe]  bide god W8

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T8. Dream Lunarium

20  On twenty nights and twenty-one, it signifies commerce and exchange. 22  On twenty-two and twenty-three nights, the dream is full of choice and contention and all temptation; that is no good dream. 24  On twenty-four nights that signifies soundness and health. 25  On twenty-five and twenty-six nights, it signifies fear and terror to come, and in nine days or ten it will be fulfilled, but turn your head to the east and ask for mercy. 27  On twenty-seven and twenty-eight nights, the dream signifies all joy, and the calming of all worry and difficulty, and promises gladness. 29  On twenty-nine nights, just like the previous one. 30  On thirty nights, before the span of two nights that dream will come about without danger.

27  ⁊ on .xxviii. nihta.]  þe bið ⁊ on xxvii. ⁊ on xxix. W8   swefen]  om. C7   ealne gefean]  ealne gean MS; ealne gefean W8, ealdne gefean C7   ealle angsumnesse]  ealle angnysse C7, eghwylcere agnesse W8 29  om. W8 30  nihta]  nihte aldne monan W8   ær tweigra nihta]  efter twegra daga W8   frecnum þingum]  srecednesse W8

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T9. Alphabetical Dreambook, English Fols. 38r2–39v23. Variants from H10; only substantive variants are recorded.

 1  Gif mann mæte þæt he geseo earn on his heafad ufan. þæt tacnað wurþmynt.  2  gif him þince þæt he feala earna ætsomne geseo. þæt byþ yfel nið ⁊ manna sætunga ⁊ seara.  3  Gif him þince þæt he geseo beon hunig beran. þæt biþ þæt he on eadigum hadum feoh gestrynþ.  4  Gif him þince. þæt hine beon stikian þæt byþ. þæt his mod byþ astyred fram eltheodigum mannum.  5  Gif him þince þæt he geseo beon into his huse fleon þæt byþ þæs huses ælednyss.  6  Gif him þince þæt he geseo feala fugela ætsomne þæt byþ æfest ⁊ geflit ⁊ cyd.  7  Gif he fugelas geseo betweonan heom winnan þæt biþ þæt rice hadas heom betweonan winnan.  8  Gif him þince þæt hine næddre tere. beorge him georne wið yfele wimmen.  9  Gif him þince þæt hine earn swyþe e∧h∨te. þæt byþ deaþ. 10  Gif him þince þæt he hine on hatum wætere baþige. oððe þwea. þæt biþ þæs lichaman tiddernys. 11  Gif him þince þæt he on cealdum wætre baþige. þæt byþ hys lichaman hælo ⁊ gesynto. 12  Gif him þince þæt he hine on sæ baþige oþþe ðwea. þæt biþ bliss. 13  Gif him þince þæt he fæger wæter geseo oððe oferfare. þæt byþ orsorhnyss. 14  Gif him þince þæt he drof wæter geseo ne deah þæt.

1  mæte]  meteð H10   ufan]  unfan gesettan H10   wurþmynt]  micel weorðmynd H10 2  him þince]  þe þince H10   he feala earna ætsomne geseo]  þu geseo feola earna ætsamne H10   ⁊ manna . . . seara]  om. H10 3  him]  þe H10   he geseo]  þu geseo H10 4  him þince þæt]  om. H10   stikian]  stingen H10   astyred]  swiðe onstired H10 5  fleon]  fleogan H10   ælednes]  awestmas (for awestnes) H10 6  geflit ⁊ cyd]  gecid H10 7  betweonan heom]  betwenan H10   heom betweonan winnan]  winnað heom beotweonan H10

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 1  If one dreams that he sees an eagle above his head, that signifies honor.  2  If it seems to him that he sees many eagles together, that means evil hostility, and plots and treacheries among men.  3  If it seems to him that he sees bees bearing honey, that means that he will get money from prosperous people.  4  If it seems to him that bees sting him, that means that his mind will be troubled by foreign men.  5  If it seems to him that he sees bees fly into his house, that means the burning of that house.  6  If it seems to him to he sees many birds together, that means envy and contention and strife.  7  If he sees birds fighting among themselves, that means powerful people will fight among themselves.  8  If it seems to him that serpents tear into him, let him guard himself well against evil women.  9  If it seems to him that an eagle fiercely attacks him, that means death. 10  If it seems to him that he bathes or washes in hot water, that means weakness in the body. 11  If it seems to him that he bathes in cold water, that means health and soundness for his body. 12  If it seems to him that he bathes or washes in the sea, that means joy. 13  If it seems to him that he sees or travels over fair water, that means security. 14  If it seems to him that he sees muddy water, that will have no effect.

8  him þince þæt hine næddre tere]  his nædre ehte H10   georne]  om. H10 9  Gif him þince]  Þonne him wynce H10   swyþe]  om. H10   ehte]  ete MS; ehte H10   deaþ]  eað H10 10  baþige. oððe þwea]  þwea H10   þæs lichaman]  his lices H10 11  he on]  he hine on H10   wætre baþige]  weterum þwea H10   his lichaman]  his lices H10 13  him þince þæt]  om. H10   oferfare]  oferfæreþ H10 14  him þince]  hine meteð H10

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15  Gif him þince þæt he go\l/d finde. þæt biþ god. ⁊ yfel þam þe hit gecynde ne biþ. 16  Gif him þince þæt he feala penegas finde. ∧þæt bið æfst∨. 17  ∧Gyf him þince þæt he penigas gesio.∨ ⁊ ne oþhrine. god þæt byþ. gif he nymeþ ne deah þæt. 18  Gif him þince þæt he hæbbe ar oððe isen. þæt byþ god swefen. 19  Gif him þince þæt he lead hæbbe sum unwyrd him byþ toweard. 20  Gif him þince þæt he æt forþgewitenum menn anlices onfo. of unwenum him cymð gestreon. 21  Gif him þince þæt he æt ricum menn feos onfo. þæt byþ alysednys hys br∧o∨ca. 22  Gif him þince þæt his hus byrnð. micel blæd him biþ toweard. 23  Gif him þince þæt h∧e∨ oft byrnan | [fol. 38v] þæt byþ mycel gestreon. 24  Gif him þince þæt he his hus timbrie þæt byþ þæt hys god byþ weaxende. 25  Gif him þince þæt his hus toworpen sy. sum ∧a∨lætnes him byþ toweard. 26  Gif him þince þæt he hwit hrægel geseo. þæt byþ micel wurþmynt. 27  Gif him þince þæt he his beard scere. þonne biþ his brocc lytliende. 28  Gif him þince þæt his earm sy ofaslegen þæt byþ his goda alætnes. 29  Gif him þince þæt he miceles hrægeles geweald age. þæt biþ þæt he ofercymþ ealle his find. 30  Gif him þince þæt he aht beran geseo. þæt biþ ungeradnys. 31  Gif him þince þæt he mid gerenedan gyrdle begyrd sy. ∧þæt∨ biþ anmodnys. 32  Gif him þince þæt he hæbbe gyldene beah. þæt byþ þæt he geþyhþ healicne ealdordom.

15  him þince þæt]  om. H10   finde]  findeð H10   þæt biþ god]  god swefn þæt bið H10 gecynde]  cynde H10 16  Gif him þince þæt he]  gif he H10   feala penegas]  mancas oððe penigas H10   þæt bið æfst]  not in T 17  Gyf him þince þæt he penigas gesio]  not in T   gif he nymeþ]  Gyf he hie nimeð H10   ne deah þæt]  ne deahg þæt him H10 18  Gif him þince þæt he hæbbe ar oððe isen]  Ðonne him þince ar oððe isen þæt he habbe H10 swefen]  om. H10 20  anlices onfo]  ahtes onfo H10 21  ricum menn]  ricu men H10   þæt byþ alysednys hys]  alysse ðæt byð H10   broca]  brca MS, broca H10

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15  If it seems to him the he finds gold, that will be good, and bad for some­one for whom it is not natural. 16  If it seems to him that he finds many pennies, that means envy. 17  If it seems to him that he sees pennies and does not touch them, that is good; if he takes them it will have no effect. 18  If it seems to him that he has brass or iron, that is a good dream. 19  If it seems to him that he has lead, some unfortunate thing will happen to him. 20  If it seems to him that he receives [something] from the image of a departed person, wealth will come to him unexpectedly. 21  If it seems to him that he receives money from a rich man, that means deliverance from troubles. 22  If it seems to him that his house burns, great prosperity lies ahead for him. 23  If it seems to him that he often burns, that means great wealth. 24  If it seems to him that he is building his house, that means his property will increase. 25  If it seems to him that his house is knocked down, some loss lies ahead for him. 26  If it seems to him that he sees white garments, that means great honor. 27  If it seems to him that he cuts his beard, that means his troubles will decrease. 28  If it seems to him that is arm is struck off, that means the loss of his goods. 29  If it seems to him that he has control over a great garment, that means he will overcome all his enemies. 30  If it seems to him that he sees anything being carried, that means disagreement. 31  If it seems to him that he is girded with an ornamented belt, that means resolution. 32  If it seems to him that he has a golden ring, that means that he will achieve high lordship.

22  blæd]  bled ond torhtnes H10 23  him þince þæt]  om. H10   he]  hæ MS, he H10   oft]  ost H10   mycel]  micellicu H10 24  him þince]  man meteg H10   þæt hys god byþ weaxende]  his weaxnes H10 25  toworpen sy]  si toworpen H10   alætnes]  ætlætnes MS, æfwela H10 27  beard]  bearn H10 28  om. H10 29  Gif]  Þonne H10   hrægeles]  heres H10   þæt biþ þæt he ofercymþ]  þanne ofercymeð he H10 30  him þince]  hine meteg H10   aht]  awiht H10 31  mid gerenedan gyrdle begyrd sy]  seo mid gerenode gyrdel sio gyrded H10   þæt biþ]  biþ MS, ðæt byð H10 32  him þince]  hine mæte H10   gyldene beah]  beag H10   heahlicne]  healic H10

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33  Gif him þince þæt he hæbbe ruh lic. þæt biþ hys goda wanung. 34  Gif him þin∧c∨e þæt he ne mæge yrnan. mycel broc him byþ towerd. 35  Gif him þince þæt he blindne man geseo. geborenne. þæt byþ forlætnys his goda. 36  Gif him þince þæt he spiwe. þæt byþ swa hwæt swa he ana wat þæt wyrþ geypped. 37  ∧G∨if him þince þæt he wiþ cyng sprece. him cymþ gefealic gifu to ⁊ god. 38  ∧Gyf hine mete þæt he gebunden si. lære ic hine. þæt he him beorge wyð frecno þing.∨ 39  Gif him þince þæt he stige on heanne munt. þæt tacnaþ god. 40  Gif him þince þæt he ofdune astige. he onfehþ broces dæl. 41  Gif him þince þæt he mid his freondes wife hæme. þæt bið adl. 42  Gif him þince þæt he mid his agenum wife hæme. þæt bið god swefen. 43  Gif him þince þæt he hine georne to gode gebidde. micel gefea him biþ toweard. 44  Gif him þince þæt he sy ungyrd. broc þæt biþ. 45  Gif him þince þæt he dracan geseo. god þæt biþ. 46  Gif him þince þæt he deme dom. þæt bið god. 47  Gif him þince þæt his heafod sy bescoren þæt byþ broc. 48  Gif him þince þæt he hæbbe micel feah. tiddernes him biþ towerd. 49  Gif him þince þæt he hæbbe niwe sceos. mid broce him cymþ gestreon. 50  Gif him þince þæt he bec hæbbe þæt biþ uncuð hlaford oððe ealdorman. 51  Gif him þince þæt he huntige | [fol. 39r] beorge him georne wið his fynd. 52  Gif him þince þæt he hundas geseo. ⁊ hi hine gretan beorge him eac wið his fynd. 33  þæt biþ]  þonne byð H10   wanung]  waniend H10 34  him þince]  him þinge MS, hine mete H10 35  (placed after 35 in H10) him þince]  hine mete H10   blindne man geseo]  geseo blindne man H10 36  Gif]  Þonne H10   wat]  wiste H10   þæt wyrþ geypped]  þæt hit weorðæð yppe H10 37  Gif]  initial cap. om. MS    wiþ cyng]  mid cyninge H10   cymð]  cumeð H10   gefealic gifu to]  gefealucu tide H10 38  not in T

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33  If it seems to him that he has a rough face, that means the loss of his goods. 34  If it seems to him that he cannot run, great loss lies ahead for him. 35  If it seems to him that he sees a blind man being carried, that means the loss of his goods. 36  If it seems to him that he vomits, that means that something he alone knows will be made public. 37  If it seems to him that he speaks with a king, a delightful and good gift will come to him. 38  If he dreams that he is bound, I would instruct him that he should guard himself against danger. 39  If it seems to him that he climbs a high mountain, that signifies good. 40  If it seems to him that he comes down from one, he will receive his share of trouble. 41  If it seems to him that he lies with his friend’s wife, that means sickness. 42  If it seems to him that he lies with his own wife, that is a good dream. 43  If it seems to him that he prays fervently to God, great joy lies ahead for him. 44  If it seems to him that he is unclothed, that means trouble. 45  If it seems to him that he sees a dragon, that is good. 46  If it seems to him that he passes judgment, that is good. 47  If it seems to him that his head is shaved, that means misery. 48  If it seems to him that he has a lot of money, weakness lies ahead for him. 49  If it seems to him that he has new shoes, wealth will come to him with trouble. 50  If it seems to him that he has books, that means an unknown lord or nobleman. 51  If it seems to him that he is hunting, let him guard himself well against him enemy. 52  If it seems to him that he sees dogs and they greet him, let him also guard against his enemy.

39  on heahne munt]  on heah clif H10 40  he onfehþ broces dæl]  broces del he onfehþ H10 41  him þince]  hine mete H10 42  agenum]  agene H10 43  him þince]  hine mete H10   georne]  om. H10   micel gefea]  micel gyfe H10 44–53 om. H10

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53  Gif him þince þæt he geseo hundas yrnan þæt byþ micel god toweard. 54  Gif him þince þæt he fixas geseo. þæt biþ ren. 55  Gif him þince þæt he bradne monan geseo. þæt biþ god swefen. 56  Gif him þince þæt he hwit hors geseo oððe on ride. þæt biþ weorðmynt. 57  Gif him þince þæt he on blacan horse ride. þæt biþ his modes angnes. 58  Gif him þince þæt he on readum horse ride. þæt biþ his goda wanung. 59  Gif him þince þæt he on fealewum horse oððe on grægium ride. þæt biþ god swefen. 60  Gif him þince þæt he wer slea. þæt bið gecyd wið his freond. 61  Gif him þince þæt he his feond slea. beorge him georne wiþ frecne þing. 62  Gif him þince þæt he þeofas geseo. him byþ god towerd. 63  Gif him þince þæt he deadne mann cysse. þæt biþ lang lif. ⁊ god. 64  Gif him þince þæt he geseo scyp yrnan god ærende. him biþ towerd. 65  Gif him þince þæt he hnyte somnige. god þæt bið gif he hi ne ytt ⁊ yfel gyf he hy ytt. 66  Gif him þince þæt he oþerne cysse. god þæt bið. 67  Gif him þince þæt he hunig ete. oððe geseo. þæt bid angnys. 68  Gif him þince þæt he bellan geseo oððe gehyre. weorðmynt him byþ towerd. 69  Gif him þince þæt he on circean singan gehyre mycel god þæt tacnað. 70  Gif him þince þæt he mann geseo mid wæpne gewundod. ymbhydig sorh þæt biþ. 54  Gif]  Þonne H10 56  him þince]  mon mete H10   geseo]  hæbbe H10 57  blacan]  blacum H10   modes angnes]  goda modes eagnes H10 58  wanung]  wanigend H10 59  fealewum]  fealawan H10   oððe on grægium ride]  ride. þæt byð god. oððe grægan. H10 60  him þince]  man meteð H10 61  his feond slea]  he oððerne slea H10   beorge]  beorge he H10   wiþ]  wyf H10 62  god towerd]  toward H10

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53  If it seems to him that he sees dogs running, that means much good lies ahead for him. 54  If it seems to him that he sees fish, that means rain. 55  If it seems to him that he sees a full moon, that is a good dream. 56  If it seems to him that he sees or rides on a white horse, that means honor. 57  If it seems to him that he rides on a black horse, that means distress in his mind. 58  If it seems to him that he rides on a red horse, that means the loss of his goods. 59  If it seems to him that he rides on a fallow or grey horse, that is a good dream. 60  If it seems to him that he strikes a man, that means an argument with a friend. 61  If it seems to him that he strikes his enemy, let him guard himself well against dangerous things. 62  If it seems to him that he sees thieves, good lies ahead for him. 63  If it seems to him that he kisses a dead man, that means a long and good life. 64  If it seems to him that he sees a ship running, good news lies ahead for him. 65  If it seems to him that he gathers nuts, that is good if he does not eat them, and bad if he eats them. 66  If it seems to him that he kisses another, that means good. 67  If it seems to him that he eats honey, or sees it, that means distress. 68  If it seems to him he sees or hears a bell, honor lies ahead for him. 69  If it seems to him that he hears singing in church, that signifies much good. 70  If it seems to him that he sees a man wounded by a weapon, that means urgent sorrow. 63  him þince þæt he]  hine mete H10    deadne manan cysse.]  deadne man ancysse H10    ⁊ god]  om. H10 64  Gif]  Þonne H10 65  him þince þæt he]  hine mete H10    gif he . . . he hy ytt]  om. H10 67  him þince]  hine mete H10 68  þince]  þinceð H10 69  him þince]  hine mete H10    on circean singan gehyre]  cirican geseo oððe singan gehire H10 70  mann geseo]  iseo man H10    mid wæpne gewundod]  mid wæpnan gewundodne H10    sorh]  forg H10

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71  Gif him þince þæt he wæpen wege. orsorhnys þæt byþ. 72  Gif him þince þæt he wiþ his scrift sprece. þæt tacnað his synna forgyfennysse. 73  Gif him þince þæt his wif si mid bearne. þæt bið god swefen. 74  Gif him þince þæt he næddran geseo þæt bið yfeles wifes niþ. 75  Gif him þince þæt he geseo lic beran. ∧ne biþ.∨ þæt nan laþ. 76  Gif him þince þæt he æt woruldgeflitum si. þæt | [fol. 39v] tacnað him adl towerd. 77  Gif him þince þæt he hæbbe hwit sceap. þæt tacnað god. 78  Gif him þince þæt he hæbbe ferrhryðer. ne byþ þæt naþor ne god ne yfel. 79  Gif him þince þæt he erige oððe sauwe. gestreon him biþ towerd. 80  Gif him þince þæt he awiht on godcundum bocum ræde. oððe leornige. micel wurðmynt him byþ towerd æt gode. 81  Gif him þince þæt he on hwylcere fægerre stowe si nið his modes him cymeð. 82  Gif him þince þæt he geseon ne mæge. lære ic hine. þæt he him beorge wið his ehtend. 83  Gif men þince þæt he seoluc oððe godewebb hæbbe. þæt bið god hwilum. ⁊ hwilum leasung. 84  Gif him þince þæt he befyled si. god þæt bið. 85  ∧G∨if him þince þæt he wurðlic ref geseo. þæt biþ god. 86  Gif him þince þæt he feala swyna ætsomne geseo. þonne mæig he wenan broces. 87  Gif him þince þæt he feala henna geseo oððe hæbbe. þæt bið god. 88  Gif him þince þæt he henna æiru hæbbe oððe þicge. ne deah him þæt. 89  Gif him þince þæt he gæt geseo. þonne mæg he wenan þæs laðwendan. feondes him on neawyste. 90  Gif him þince þæt he feala stodhorsa hæbbe oððe geseo awestnys hys goda þæt bið. 71  orsorhnys þæt byþ]  þæt byð orsorh H10 72–81 om. H10 75  ne biþ]  ne biþ. ne biþ. MS 82  him þince]  man mæte H10   geseon]  seon H10   lære ic]  læric H10   beorge wið his ehtend]  his eahtent beorge H10 83  men þince]  man mæte H10   þæt bið god hwilum]  god hit byð H10 84  him þince]  mon meæ H10   befyled]  filed H10

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71  If it seems to him that he carries a weapon, that means security. 72  If it seems to him that he speaks with his confessor, that signifies forgiveness of his sins. 73  If it seems to him that his wife is with child, that is a good dream. 74  If it seems to him that he sees a serpent, that means the malice of an evil woman. 75  If it seems to him that he sees a body being carried, that is no harm. 76  If it seems to him that he is in a dispute, that signifies that illness lies ahead for him. 77  If it seems to him that he has white sheep, that signifies good. 78  If it seems to him that he has a bull, that means neither good nor evil. 79  If it seems to him that he is plowing or sowing, wealth lies ahead for him. 80  If it seems to him that he reads or learns anything from sacred books, great honor from God lies ahead for him. 81  If it seems to him that he is in some fair place, strife will come to him in his mind. 82  If it seems to him that he cannot see, I would advise him to guard himself against his persecutor. 83  If it seems to one that he has silk or fine cloth, that is sometimes good, and sometimes false. 84  If it seems to him that he is soiled, that is good. 85  If it seems to him that he sees honorable garments, that is good. 86  If it seems to him that he sees many swine together, then he can expect misery. 87  If it seems to him that he sees or has many hens, that is good. 88  If it seems to him he has or eats hen’s eggs, that will have no effect. 89  If it seems to him that he sees a goat, the he can expect a hostile enemy in his neighborhood. 90  If it seems to him that he has or sees many stallions, that means the destruction of his goods. 85  Gif]  initial cap. om. MS   him þince]  man mete H10   ref geseo]  gerestod sio H10   þæt biþ god]  god þæt byð H10 86  him þince]  man mæte H10   swyna]  swysa H10   wenan]  hine wenen H10 87  om. H10 88  him þince]  man mæte H10 89  him þince]  mon mete H10   neahwyste]  æweste H10 90  him þince]  mon mæte H10   þæt bið]  ðæt tacneð H10

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T9. Alphabetical Dreambook

91  Gif him þince þæt he feala gosa hæbbe. god þæt byð. 92  Gif him þince þæt he sceap pullige. ne bið þæt god. 93  Gif him þince þæt he piper ete. ne deah þæt. 94  Gif him þince þæt he feala spera ætsomne geseo. þonne tacnað þæt þu ofercymst ealle þine fynd. 95  Gif hine mæte þæt he win drince. þæt tacnað his lichaman hæle. 96  Gif him þince þæt he byrnende candele geseo oððe on handa hæbbe. þæt bið god. 97  Gif him þince þæt he ele hæbbe oþþe mid smyrige. micelne gefean þæt tacnað ægþer ge her on worulde ge æfter.

91  him þince]  mon mete H10 92  om. H10 93  him þince]  man mæte H10

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T9. Alphabetical Dreambook

91  If it seems to him that he has many geese, that is good. 92  If it seems to him that he shears a sheep, that is not good. 93  If it seems to him that he eats pepper, that has no effect. 94  If it seems to him that he sees many spears together, then that signifies that you will overcome all your enemies. 95  If he dreams that he drinks wine, that signifies bodily health. 96  If it seems to him that he sees a burning candle, or holds it in his hand, that is good. 97  If it seems to him that he has oil, or is anointed with it, that signifies great joy both in this world and the next.

94  him þince]  mon mete H10   feala spera ætsomne geseo]  fyled spæren geseo ætsamne H10    þonne tacnað þæt þu ofercymst ealle þine fynd]  þonno byð þæt þæt he on his feondum his willan gewryhð H10 95  hine mæte]  mon mete H10   þæt tacnað his lichaman hæle]  hele hym byð toweard H10 96  him þince]  man mæte H10   geseo oððe]  om. H10   þæt bið god]  god þæt byð H10 97  om. H10

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T10. Agenda Lunarium, English Fols. 39v24–40r4. Imperfect (ends at day 3). Variants and continuation from H11.

1  On anre nihte ealdne monan. far þu to cinge. bide þæs þu wille | [fol. 40r] he þe þæt gifð. gang in to him on þa þriddan tide þæs dæges. oððe þænne þu wene þæt sæ sy full. 2  On twa nihtne monan far to ⁊ bige land þæt þine yldran ahton. þonne miht þu hit alysan. 3  On .iii. nihtne monan. far þonne on þin land ⁊ þu his wel gewealtst. ⁊ sec þine frynd ⁊ hi þe beoð bliþe. ∧⁊ .iii. nihta mona byð god an to fixanne.∨ 4  ∧On .iiii. nyhta monan sibba þa cidenda men. ⁊ þu hie gesibbast. ⁊ on þone dæg sec þine fiend. ⁊ þu hie gemetest. ⁊ hi ge beoð gewaldne. Se .iiii. nihta mona se byð god þæm ergendan hys sul ut to done. ⁊ þem grindere his cweorn. ⁊ þem cipemen hys cipinge to anginnane. 5  On .v. nihte monan gang to þinum þeahtere ⁊ he þonne þe in eallum þingum wel geþengeð. ⁊ sec on þone dæg þine frend. ⁊ se þeo stelað on þone dæg. | [fol. 153r] ne geahsað hit manna. 6  On .vi. nihtne monan do þonne hig on þin be∧d∨. ðonne hafast þu þæron nenige wunelic sar. ac þu þer byst gefeonde. he is eac god circan on to timbrane ⁊ eac scipes timber on to anginnanne. 7  On .vii. nihtne monan bidde þine laford he þe seleð. ⁊ gyf þu wille fedan cynigas bearn oððe æðeles monnes geleod hine in þin hus ⁊ in þines hiredes ⁊ fed hine þonne byð þe þæt god; Se .vii. nihta mona is god on to fixiane ond æðeles monnes wergild an to manianne. 8  Se .viii. nihta monan geuntrumað ne leofað he lange. ac he ys god on oðer land to feranne. ⁊ wyf to bri∧n∨gane. 9  On .ix. nihtte monan. fer to cyniges bene gang in to him æt fulre seo. þonne byst þu gesundful wyð hine. 1  anre nihte ealdne]  annihte H11   far þu]  fær H11   bide]  ond bidde H11   he þe þæt gifð]  ge þæt gefeð H11   wene]  wyte H11 2  far to]  gang. þonno H11   æhton]  ær æhton H11   alysan]  Ond on .ii. nihte mona he byð god to færanne on oðer land. ond wyf to onfonne to riht life add. H11 3  þu his wel]  þu hys þonne wel H11   frynd]  freonde H11   hi þe beoð]  he beoð H11   bliþe]  T10 ends here

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T10. Agenda Lunarium, English

1  On a moon of one night old, go to the king and ask what you will; he will give it to you. Go in to him at the third hour of the day, or when you think that the tide is full. 2  On the second night of the month, go and buy land that your ancestors possessed, then you can redeem it. 3  On the third night of the month, go to your land and you will manage it well, and seek your friends and they will be joyful for you. And the third night of the moon is good for fishing. 4  On the fourth night of the month, make peace among disputing men, and you will reconcile them; and on that day seek out your enemies, and you will find them, and they will be ruled by you. The fourth night of the month is god for the plowman to take out his plow, and the miller his grindstone, and for the merchant to begin his commerce. 5  On the fifth night of the month, go to your counselor and he will advise you well in all things. And seek your friend on that day, and whoever steals on that day, no one will find it out. 6  On the sixth night of the month put hay in your bed, and you will have none of your usual pains, but will be rejoicing there. It is also good for building churches, and to begin building ships. 7  On the seventh night of the month, ask your lord and he will give it to you, and if you will feed a king’s son or nobleman’s, lead him into your house and among your household and feed him; that will be good for you. The seventh night of the month is good for fishing and for demanding a nobleman’s compensation. 8  The eighth night of the month—[whoever] falls sick will not live long; but it is good to travel to another land, and to bring home a wife. 9  On the ninth night of the month, travel to the king’s petitioner, go in to him when the sea is full, then you will succeed with him.

5  þonne]  þionne H11 with i dotted for deletion 6  bed]  beð H11 8  bringane]  brigane H11

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T10. Agenda Lunarium

10  On .x. nihtne monan bidde swa hwas swa þu wylle. hyt þe byoð gere. Se .x. nihta mona he ys god to standanne mid æðelum monnum. ⁊ to sprecanne ∧y∨mb heora weorc. ⁊ eac byscop an to cesane ⁊ ealdormen. ⁊ cynigas. 11  On .xi. nihta eald mona fær on swa hwelce healfe middangeardes swa þu wylle. ne sceð þe nænig wiht ne man ∧ne∨ dior. ⁊ he byð god an to cwellanne | [fol. 153v] micle fixas on sæ. 12  On .xii. nihte monan byð god to feranne ofer sæ. ⁊ on hird to ferenne. ⁊ æac to gewyfianne. 13  On .xiii.a nihte mone æld fær in niwe hus. ⁊ nim eal mid þeo þrio fata ful æles ⁊ meolce. ⁊ hyt byð æac god ceap to milciane. 14  On .xiiii. nihte monan is god ælc telge to anginnanne ærest. ⁊ on niwne hired to færenne. ⁊ preost to halgiene. ⁊ nunnan halig ref to anfone. 15  On .xv. nihte monan. hys god to fixianne. ⁊ huntum heortas to secanne. ⁊ wildeswin. 16  On .xvi. nihte monan far offer sæ. ⁊ site on þes scipes forðstefna. ðonne geseces þu þæt land swa þeo leof\e/st beoð. ⁊ freond findest begeondan þæm sæ. ⁊ he is god hordern on to scæwiene. ⁊ minster to gereranne. ⁊ to sættenne. 17  On .xvii. nihte mone gyf þu wylle hus timbran. ber þæt timber ∨

10  ymb]  hymb H11 11  ne dior]  dior H11 16  ofer]  offer H11

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T10. Agenda Lunarium

10  On the tenth night of the month, ask whatever you wish, and it will be ready for you. The tenth night of the month is good for standing with noble men and speaking about their work, and also for selecting bishops and noblemen and kings. 11  On the eleventh night of the month go to whatever part of the world you wish, and no creature will harm you, neither man nor beast. And it is good for killing great fish in the sea. 12  On the twelfth night of the month, it is good for traveling over the sea, and traveling to a household, and also for taking a wife. 13  On a moon of thirteen nights old, go to a new house, and take with you three vessels full of oil and milk, and there is also good profit in milking. 14  On the fourteenth night of the month, it is good for beginning any labor, and for traveling to a new household, and for consecrating priests, and for nuns to take up their holy habit. 15  On the fifteenth night of the month is it good for fishing, and for hunters to seek harts and wild boars. 16  On the sixteenth night of the month go over the sea, and sit in the prow of the ship; then seek the land that is dearest to you, and you will find friends beyond the sea. And it is good for examining a storeroom, and raising and establishing a minster. 17  On the seventeenth night of the month, if you want to build a house, bear the timber . . .

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T11. Medical Lunarium, English Fol. 40r5–21. Note: numbers follow the days of the lunar month, not the lines of the text.

 1  On anre nihte ealdne monan se þe hine adl gestandeð. se bið frecenlice gestanden.  2  Gif hine on .ii. nihta ealdne monan adl gestandeþ. sona he ariseþ.  3  Gif hine on .iii. nihte gestandeð. se liþ fæste ⁊ s∧w∨ylt.  4  Gif hine on .iiii. nihta gestandeþ. se biþ geswenced. ⁊ þeah arist.  5  Gif se mona biþ .v. nihta eald. þone man mæg gelacnian.  6  Gif he bið .vi. nihta ea∧ld∨. ⁊ hine adl gestandeð. se biþ lifes.  7  Gif he bið .vii. nihta eald se swinceað lange.   8  Gif he bið eahta nihta eald. ⁊ hine adl gestande. se bið hraþe sweltende.  9  Gif he bið .ix. nihta eald. se swinceað lange. ⁊ þeahhwæðere ariseþ. ⁊ ealswa .x. ⁊ .xi. 12  Gif he bið .xii. nihta. sona \he/ ariseþ. 14  Gif he bið .xiiii. nihta eald ɬ .xv. ɬ .xvi. ɬ .xvii. ɬ .xviii. ɬ .xix. þæt bið swiþe frecenlic on þam nihtum. 20  Gif he bið .xx. nihta eald. se liþ lange ⁊ arist. 21  Gif he bið .xxi. oððe .xxii. oððe .xxiii. se liþ lange ⁊ swinceað. ⁊ arist. 24  Gif he bið .xxiiii. nihta se ligð fæste. 25  Gif he biþ on .xxv. nihta. frecenlice se bið gestanden. 26  Gif he biþ gestanden þonne se mona byþ .xxvi. oððe .xxvii. oððe .xxviii. oððe .xx\i/x. nihta eald. se ariseþ. 30  Gif he biþ on .xxx. nihta ealdne monan. gestanden. uneaðe he gewyrpð ⁊ þeah ariseþ.

Initial caps. in red. In the margin a blunt later hand has written Hic est infirmorum 3  swylt]  MS smylt 6  eald]  MS ea 14  The MS omits an entry for 13

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T11. Medical Lunarium, English

 1  On a moon of one night old he who is attacked by disease will be dreadfully attacked.  2  If disease attacks him on a moon of two nights old, he will soon arise.  3  If it attacks him on the third night, he will lie fast and die.  4  If it attacks him on the fourth night, he will be assailed, but will still arise.  5  If the moon is five nights old, he may be cured.  6  If it is six nights old, and disease attacks him, he will live.  7  If it is seven nights old, he will suffer for a long time.  8  If it is eight nights old and disease should attack him, he will die quickly.  9  If it is nine nights old, he will suffer for a long time, and nevertheless arise; and also ten and eleven. 12  If it is twelve nights, he will soon arise. 14  If it is fourteen nights old, or fifteen, or sixteen, or seventeen, or eighteen, or nineteen, it will be very dangerous on those days. 20  If it is twenty nights old, he will lie for a long time and arise. 21  If it is twenty-one or twenty-two or twenty-three, he will lie for a long time, and suffer, and arise. 24  If it is twenty-four nights, he will lie fast. 25  If it is twenty-five nights, he will be perilously attacked. 26  If he is attacked when the moon is twenty-six or twenty-seven or twentyeight or twenty-nine nights old, he will arise. 30  If he is attacked on a moon of thirty nights old, he will recover with difficulty, but arise.

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T12. Thunder Prognostic for Days of the Week, English Fol. 40r22–40v5. Variants from H9 and W2.

1  On anweardan geare. Gif se forma þunor cymð on sunnandæge þonne tacnað þæt cy∧n∨ebearna cwealm. 2  Gif hit on monandæige þunrige þonne tacnað þæt micelne blodgyte on sumre þe∧o∨de. | [fol. 40v] 3  Gif hit on tiwesdæig þunrige. þæt tacnað wæstma geswefrunge. 4  Gif hit on wodnesdæig þunrige þæt tacnað landbigencgena cwealm. ⁊ cræftigra. 5  Gif hit on þunresdæig þunrige. þæt tacnað wifmanna cwealm. 6  Gif hit on frigedæig þunrige. þæt tacnað sædeora cwealm. 7  Gif hit on sæternesdæig þunrige. þæt tacnað demena ⁊ gerefena cwealm.

Initial caps in red 1  se forma þunor cymð]  hit þunreð ærest W2, hyt þunrie H9   þonne tacnað þæt]  se becnað W2 cynebearna cwealm]  cyme bearna cwealm MS, micelne blodes gyte in sumere þeode H9, kyninges oððe biscopes deað oððe mænige ealdermen on þam geare sweltað W2 2  Gif hit on monandæige þunrige]  Gif þunor bið gehered on monandæg W2, ⁊ on oðerne H9   þonne tacnað þæt]  se becnað W2   micelne blodgyte on sumre þeode]  blodes gyte on sume þeade W2, weder cynebearn acwealð byð H9   þeode]  þeade MS 3  hit]  om. W2 H9   þunrige]  þunrieð H9, hyered hered W2  þæt tacnað]  þonne tacneð þæt H9, om. W2   wæstma geswefrunge]  westmas geswidunge H9, wæstmas beoð gewanode W2 4  hit]  om. W2 H9   þunrige]  geþunrie H9, biþ gehy[e]red W2   þæt tacnað]  þonne tacneð þæt H9, se bec W2   landbigencgena]  land begena W2   ⁊ cræftigra]  om. W2 H9 5  hit]  om. W2 H9   þunrige]  þunrað H9, bið gehyred W2   þæt tacnað]  becnað W2   wifmanna cwealm]  wifa hryre W2 6  hit]  om. W2 H9   þunrige]  þunrað H9, geþunrað W2   þæt tacnað]  þonne tacnað þæt W2 H9 sædeora]  seodeora H9, nytena W2 7  hit]  om. W2 H9   þunrige]  þunrað H9, geðunrað W2   þæt tacnað]  þonne tacnað þæt H9 gerefena]  gerestena H9

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T12. Thunder Prognostic for Days of the Week, English

1  In the present year if the first thunder comes on Sunday, that signifies the death of a royal child. 2  If it thunders on Monday that signifies great bloodshed in some nation. 3  If it thunders on Tuesday, that signifies the failure of crops. 4  If it thunders on Wednesday, that signifies the death of tillers of the land and craftsmen. 5  If it thunders on Thursday, that signifies the death of women. 6  If it thunders on Friday, that signifies the death of sea creatures. 7  If it thunders on Saturday, that signifies the death of judges and officers.

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T13. General Prognostic for Weekdays of the New Moon, English Fol. 40v6–17.

1  Ðonne se mona bið acenned on sunnandæig. þæt tacnað .iii. þing on þam monþe. þæt is ren. ⁊ wind. ⁊ smyltnys. ⁊ hit tacnað. nytena wædla. ⁊ manna gesynto ⁊ hælo. 2  Gif he bið o∧n∨ monandæig acenned. þonne tacnað þæt þam þe akennede beoð sare ⁊ geongra manna heafod ece on þam monþe. 3  Gif he biþ on tiwesdæig akenned. þæt tacnað eallum mannum gefean. ⁊ geongum geomrunge. 4  Gif he bið on wodnesdæig akænned. þæt tacnað þæt gesybsume weras wuniað betwyh holdum freondum. 5  Gif he on þunresdæig bið acenned þæt. tacnað cynega hælo þurh læcecræfte. 6  Gif he bið on frigedæig akenned. þæt bið god huntoð on þam monþe. 7  Gif he bið on sæternesdæig akenned. þonne tacnað þæt gewinn. ⁊ blodgytas. ⁊ se þe hit mid suðan winde onginne þonne hæfð he sige.

2  on]  MS o

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T13. General Prognostic for Weekdays of the New Moon, English

1  When the moon is new on a Sunday, that signifies three things in that month, that is, rain, and wind, and calm, and it signifies barrenness of cattle and health and fitness among men. 2  If it is new on a Monday, that signifies sorrow for those who are born, and young men’s heads will ache in that month. 3  If it is new on a Tuesday, that signifies joy for all men, and grief for the young. 4  If it is new on a Wednesday, that signifies that peaceful men will dwell among loyal friends. 5  If it is new on a Thursday, that signifies the health of kings through medicine. 6  If it is new on a Friday, there will be good hunting that month. 7  If it is new on a Saturday, then that signifies strife, and bloodshed, and whoever begins it with the south wind will have the victory.

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T14. Note on the Growth of the Fetus, English Fols. 40v18–41r11.

 1  Her onginð secgan ymbe mannes gecynde hu he on his modor innoþe to men gewyrðeð.  2  ærest þæs mannes brægen bið geworden on his moder innoþe þonne biþ þæt brægen utan mid reaman bewefen on þære syxtan wucan.  3  On oðrum monðe þa ædran beoð geworden. on lxv. ⁊ þreo hundræd. scy∧r∨tran ⁊ lengran ∧hi∨ beoð todælede ⁊ þæt blod þonne floweð on þa fet ⁊ uppan þa handa. ⁊ he þonne byþ on limum todæled. ⁊ tosomne geawað.  4  On þam þriddan monþe | [fol. 41r] he biþ man butan sawle.  5  On þam feorþan monþe he bið on limum staþolfæst.  6  On þam fiftan monþe he biþ cwicu. ⁊ weaxeð. ⁊ seo modur liþ witleas. ⁊ þonne þa ribb beoð geworden. þonne gelimpð þæræ manigfeald sar þonne þæs byrþres lic on hire innoþe styrigende bið.  7  ∧On þam∨ syxtan monþe he byþ gehyd. ⁊ ban beoð weaxende.  8  On þam seofoþan monþe þa tan. ⁊ þa fingras. beoð weaxende.  9  On þam eahtoþan monþe him beoð þa breostþing wexende. ⁊ heorte ⁊ blod. ⁊ he bið eall staþolfæstlice. geseted. 10  On þam nigoþan monþe witodlice wifum bið cuð hwæder hi cennan magon. 11  On þam teoþa∧n∨ monþe þæt wif hit ne gedigð hyre feore. gif þæt bearn accenned ne biþ. forþam þe hit in þam magan wyrð hire to feorhadle oftost on tiwesniht.

3  scyrtran]  MS scytran   hi]  MS in 7  On þam syxtan]  On þam | n þam syxtan (line end) 11  teoþan]  MS teoþam

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T14. Note on the Growth of the Fetus, English

 1  Here begins to tell about man’s origins, how he becomes a man in his mother’s womb.  2  First the man’s brain is formed in his mother’s womb; then the brain is covered outside with a membrane in the sixth week.  3  In the second month the veins are formed; they are divided into three hundred and sixty-five shorter and longer ones, and the blood then flows into the feet and hands, and he is then divided into limbs, and grows together.  4  In the third month he is a man without a soul.  5  In the fourth month he is firm in his limbs.  6  In the fifth month he is alive, and grows, and the mother lies witless; and then the ribs are formed. Then many a pain befalls her when the body of the fetus is stirring in her womb.  7  In the sixth month he gets a skin, and the bones are growing.  8  In the seventh month the toes and fingers are growing.  9  In the eighth month the organs in his chest are growing, and his heart and blood, and he is all firmly compacted. 10  In the ninth month it becomes known to women whether they can give birth. 11  In the tenth month the woman will not escape with her life if the child is not born, because it turns into a deadly disease in her belly, most often on a Tuesday night.

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T15. Birth Lunarium, English Fol. 41r12–41v8. Variants from C8, H2 (1–14 only) and W4. Only substantive variants are recorded. Note: numbers follow the lunar month, not the lines of the text.

 1  Gif man biþ acenned on ane nihtne ealdne monan. se lang lifes. ⁊ welig bið.  2  Gif he bið on tweigra nihta acenned. se bið a seoc ⁊ unhal.  3  Gif he bið on þreora nihta. se lyfað lange.  4  Gif he bið on iiii.or nihta accenned. se bið a in wordum leas.  5  Gif he bið .v. nihta adl him on geoguþ gewiteþ.  6  Gif he bið .vi. nihta. adli adli se bið. lang lifes ⁊ gesælig.  7  Gif he bið .vii. nihta. se bið a weorð. ⁊ lifeþ lange.  8  Gif he biþ .viii. nihta eald se swelteð sona.  9  Gif he bið ix. nihta se byð frecenlice accenned. 10  Gif he biþ .x. nihta se biþ þrowere. 11  Gif he byþ .xi. nihta se bið landes ofergenga. 12  Gif he byþ .xii. nihta eald. se biþ on eallum þingum wurðfull. 13  Gif he bið .xiii. oððe. xiiii. nihta eald. se biþ æwfæst ⁊ rihtwis.

Initial caps. in red 1  Gif man biþ acenned]  Se ðe bið acenned H2, Onre .i. nihte ealdne monan þæt cild þæt swa bið acenned W4   ane nihtne ealdne]  anre nihtne ealdne C8, annihtne H2   se lang lifes. ⁊ welig bið]  se bið lang lifes ⁊ welig C8, se bið lange lifes. ond weleði H2, þæt bið liflic W4 2  Gif he bið on tweigra nihta acenned]  Se þe bið on .ii. nihta ealdne monan H2, On .ii. nihte aldne monan W4 (similarly for all)   se bið]  þæt bið W4   a seoc ⁊ unhal]  seoc H2, seoc and sicle W4 3  Gif he bið on þreora nihta]  Gifhe bið acenned on .iii. nihtne monan H2, On .iii nihte aldne monan W4 lange]  lange ond hydig H2 4  Gif he bið on iiii.or nihta accenned]  Gif he bið feower nihta eald H2, On .iv. W4   se bið]  bið C2, he bið H2, þæt bið W4   a inwordum leas]  rice H2, on wurðunge geond feola ðeode W4 5  Gif he bið .v. nihta]  Gif he bið on .v. nihta C8, Se on .v. nihnte bið geboren H2, on .v. nihte W4 adl]  sic MS C8, aldne monan W4, om. H2   him on geoguþ]  on geoguðe C8, þæt geong W4, gung \he/ (above line) H2   gewiteþ]  sweltað W4 6  Gif he bið .vi. nihta adli]  Gif he bið on .vi. nihta adlig C8, Se þe bið acenned on .vi. nihtne H2, On .vi. nihte W4   se bið]  þæt bið W4 7  gesælig]  gesælig W4   ⁊ Gif he bið .vii. nihta]  Gif he bið on .vii. nihta C8, Se þe acenned on .vii. nihta ealdne mona H2, On .vii nihte ealdne mona W4   se bið a weorð. ⁊ lifeþ lange]  se leofaþ lange on wurþunge H2 W4

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T15. Birth Lunarium, English

 1  If a man is born on a moon of one night old, he will be long-lived and prosperous.  2  If he is born on the second night, he will always be sick and unhealthy.  3  If he is on the third night, he will live a long time.  4  If he is born on the fourth night, he will always be false in his words.  5  If he is on the fifth night, sickness will take him in his youth.  6  If he is on the sixth night, he will be long-lived and fortunate.  7  If he is on the seventh night, he will be always honored and live long.  8  If he is on the eighth night, he will die soon.  9  If he is on the ninth night, he will be born perilously. 10  If he is on the tenth night, he will be a martyr. 11  If he is on the eleventh night, he will be one who travels the land. 12  If he is on the twelfth night, he will be honorable in all things. 13  If he is on the thirteenth or fourteenth night, he will be pious and righteous.

8  Gif he biþ .vii. nihta eald]  Gif he bið on .viii. nihta eald C8, Gif se mona bið eahta nihta ealð H2, On .viii. nihte W4   se swelteð sona]  se gewiteþ sona H2, þæt iung sweltað W4 9  Gif he bið .ix. nihta]  Gif he bið on .ix nihta C8, Gif he bið acenned on nigan nihtne ealdne monan H2, On ix. nihtne aldne W4   frecenlice]  fræcendlice H2 10  Gif he biþ .x. nihta]  Gif he bið on .x. nihta C8, Se ðe bið acenned on .x. nihtne ealne monan H2, On .x. W4 11  Gif he byþ .xi. nihta]  Fid hw bi on .xi. nihr X8, Gif man biþ acenned on .xi. nihta ealdne monan H2, On .xi. nihte aldne monan W4 12  Gif he byþ .xii. nihta eald]  Gif he bið on .xii. nihtae ald C8, Se biþ acenned on .xii. nihta ealne monan H2, On .xii. nihte aldne monan W4   on eallum þingum wurðfull]  lifes. ond on eallum his þingum weorþ mannum mid gode H2 13  Gif he bið .xiii. oððe. xiiii. nihta eald]  Gif he bið on .xiii. oþþe on .xiiii. nihta C8, Gif man bið acenned on .xiii. nihta ealdne monan H2, On .xiii. nihte W4   æwfæst ⁊ rihtwis]  rices waldend. ond godcunde. H2   [H2 and W4 add a separate entry for 14: Gif man biþ acenned on xiiii. nihta ealne mone he bið ælces godes wyrþe H2, On .xiiii. nihte in allum þingum he bið welgetyd. W4]  H2 ends here.

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T15. Birth Lunarium

15  Gif he bið .xv. nihta se bið sona gefaren. 16  Gif he byð .xvi. nihta. se byþ on eallum þingum nytwyrþe. 17  Gif he byð .xvii. nihta. se bið sona gewiten. 18  Gif he bið .xviii. oððe .xviiii. nihta. se bið gesælig. 20  Gif he bið .xx. nihta. | [fol. 41v] se byþ sona gefaren. 21  Gif he bið xxi. nihta se bið on goddre weorþunge. 22  Gif he bið xxii. nihta. se biþ unerh fihtling. 23  Gif he bið .xxiii. nihta se byð þeafsceaþa. 24  Gif he byþ .xxiiii. nihta. se bið geswincfull on his life. 25  Gif he byð .xxv. nihta. se biþ gehealtsum his lifes. 26  Gif he biþ xxvi. nihta. se byð weorces gælsa. 27  Gif he bið .xxvii. nihta. se bið to frecnum þingum acenned. 28  Gif he biþ .xxviii. nihta. se ne biþ naþor ne earm ne welig. 29  Gif he bið .xxix. nihta oððe .xxx. se bið god ⁊ freondliþe.

15  Gif he bið .xv. nihta]  Gif he bið on .xv. nihta C8, On .xv. W4   se bið sona gefaren]  se geong sweltað W4 16  Gif he bið.xvi. nihta]  Gif he bið on .xvi. nihta C8, n .xvi. W4 (initial cap. om.)   on eallum]  in allum W4 17  Gif he bið .xvii. nihta]  Gif he bið on .xvii. nihta C8, On .xvii. W4 18  Gif he bið .xviii. oððe .xviiii. nihta]  Gif hif he on .xviii. nihta oððe on .xviiii. C8, On .xviii. nihte W4   se bið gesælig]  se bið earm and geswingful on his life. W4   [W4 adds an entry for day 19, On xix on weorðunge W4] 20  Gif he bið .xx. nihta.]  Gif he bið on .xx. nihta C8, On .xx. W4   se byþ]  þæt bið W4 21  Gif he bið .xxi. nihta.]  Gif he bið on .xx. nihta C8, n .xx. W4 (initial cap. om.) 22  Gif he bið .xxii. nihta]  Gif he bið on .xxii. nihta C8, On .xxii. W4   enerh]  unheore W4

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T15. Birth Lunarium

15  If he is on the fifteenth night, he will soon be gone. 16  If he is on the sixteenth night, he will be useful in all things. 17  If he is on the seventeenth night, he will soon be departed. 18  If he is on the eighteenth or nineteenth night, he will be fortunate. 20  If he is on the twentieth night, he will soon be gone. 21  If he is on the twenty-first night he will be held in good esteem. 22  If he is on the twenty-second night he will be a brave warrior. 23  If he is on the twenty-third night he will be a thief. 24  If he is on the twenty-fourth night, he will be full of toil all his life. 25  If he is on the twenty-fifth night he will be frugal all his life. 26  If he is on the twenty-sixth night he will be wasteful in work. 27  If he is on the twenty-seventh night, he will be born to perilous things. 28  If he is on the twenty-eighth night, he will be neither poor nor rich. 29  If he is on the twenty-ninth or thirtieth night, he will be good and friendly.

23  Gif he bið .xxiii. nihta]  Gif he bið on .xxiiii. C8, On .xxiii. W4   þeafsceaþe]  þeof sceaðe C8, þeof ⁊ sceaðe W4 24  Gif he byþ .xxiiii. nihta]  Gif he bið on .xxiiii. C8, On .x\x/iiii W4   geswincfull]  geswingful W4 25  Gif he byð .xxv. nihta]  Gif he bið on .xxv. nihta C8, On xxv. W4   gehealtsum]  halsum in W4 26  Gif he biþ .xxvi. nihta.]  Gif he bið on .xxvi. nihta C8, n xxvi. W4 (initial cap. om.) W4   se byð]  þæt bið W4 27  Gif he bið .xxvii. nihta]  Gif he bið on .xxvii. nihta C8, On xxvii. W4   to frecnum]  on frecnum W4 28  Gif he biþ.xxviii. nihta]  Gif he bið on .xxviii. nihta W8, On xxviii W4   se ne biþ]  ne bið se W4 earm ne welig]  welig ne arm W4 29  Gif he bið .xxix. nihta oððe .xxx.]  Gif he bið on .xxix. oþþe on .xxx. nihta eald monan akenned C8, On .xxix. W4   god ⁊ freondliþe]  forsæwen W4 [W4 adds an entry for 30: On .xxx. se bið freondliðe W4]

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T16. Yearly forecast for the Kalends of January (Reuelatio Esdrae), English Fols. 41v8–42r5.

1  KŁ ianuarius gif he byþ on monandæg. þonne biþ grimm ⁊ gemenged winter. ⁊ god lencten. ⁊ windig sumor. ⁊ hreohfull gear biþ. ⁊ adlseoce menn beoð on þam geare. 2  KŁ ianuarius. gif he bið on tiwesdæg. þonne byð dreorig winter. ⁊ grimm. ⁊ windig lencten. ⁊ renig sumor. ⁊ mænig wif swylt. ⁊ scipu frecedlice geyrnað. ⁊ cynincgas. ⁊ ealdormenn sweltað. 3  KŁ ianuarius gif he biþ on wodnesdæg. þonne bið heard winter. ⁊ yfel lencten. ⁊ god sumor. ⁊ eorþan. wæstmas swiþe geswencte. ⁊ hunig ne genihtsumað. ⁊ gunge menn sweltað. 4  KŁ ianuarius gif he bið on þunresdæg. þonne biþ god winter. ⁊ windig. lencten. ⁊ god sumor. ⁊ genihtsumnes on eorþan. wæstmum. ⁊ sib biþ ofer eorðan. ⁊ swa þeah sceap. ⁊ cild sweltað. 5  KŁ ianuarius gif he biþ on frigedæg. þonne bið missenlic winter. ⁊ god lencten. ⁊ god sumor. ⁊ micel genihtsumnes. ⁊ sceapa eagan tedriað on þam geare. 6  KŁ ianuarius gif he biþ on sæternesdæg. þonne biþ snawig. winter ⁊ blawende lencten. ⁊ renig sumor. ⁊ eorþan wæstmas geswencte beoþ. ⁊ sceap forwirðaþ. ⁊ ealde menn sweltaþ. ⁊ oðre | [fol. 42r] menn adlseoce bioð. ⁊ mænigra eagan tedru bioð. ⁊ fyr ricsaþ on þam geare gærgerimes. 7  K∧Ł∨ ianuarius gif he biþ on sunnandæg. þonne bið god winter ⁊ windig lencten. ⁊ dryge sumor. ⁊ swyþe god gear biþ þy geare. ⁊ sceap weaxað. ⁊ micel hunig biþ. ⁊ genihtsumnes ⁊ sib byð on eorþan.

7  KŁ]  K MS

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T16. Yearly forecast for the Kalends of January (Reuelatio Esdrae), English

1  If the Kalends of January is on a Monday, then there will be a grim and mixed winter, and a good spring, and windy summer, and it will be a stormy year, and there will be sick men that year. 2  If the Kalends of January is on a Tuesday, then there will be a dreary winter and grim, and a windy spring and rainy summer, and many women will die, and ships will travel with peril, and kings and noblemen will die. 3  If the Kalends of January is on a Wednesday, then it will be a hard winter and evil spring, and a good summer, and the fruits of the earth will be greatly afflicted, and honey will not be plentiful, and young men will die. 4  If the Kalends of January is on a Thursday, then it will be a good winter and windy spring, and a good summer, and abundance in the fruits of the earth, and peace will be on earth, and yet sheep and children will die. 5  If the Kalends of January is on a Friday, then it will be a changeable winter and good spring, and a good summer, and great abundance, and sheep’s eyes will be weak in that year. 6  If the Kalends of January is on a Saturday, then it will be a snowy winter and gusty spring, and a rainy summer, and the fruits of the earth will be afflicted, and sheep will perish, and old men will die, and other men will be ill, and there will be weakness in the eyes of many, and fire will rule in the course of that year. 7  If the Kalends of January is on a Sunday, then it will be a good winter and windy spring, and a dry summer, and in that year it will be a very good year, and sheep will grow and there will be much honey, and abundance and peace will be on the earth.

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T17. Alphabetical Dreambook, English Fol. 42r5–42v8.

 1  Gif man mæte þæt his mon ehte. yfel þæt bið.  2  Gif him mæte þæt his onsyne fæger si god þæt bið. ⁊ him bið wurðmynt toweard. ⁊ gif him þince unfæger. yfel þæt bið.  3  Gif him mæte þæt he se mid æniges cynnes irene slægen. ymbhydu þæt beoð. ⁊ sorge þæt tacnað.  4  Gif him mæte þæt he sweord wege. orsorhnesse yfela þæt bioþ.  5  ∧G∨if him þince þæt he gimmas sceawige. þæt bioð mænigfeald ⁊ uncuðlic þing.  6  Gif man mæte þæt he micel rice hæbbe. þæt byð wurðmynt.  7  Gif man mæte þæt he on wyllan þwe∧a∨ þæt byð gestreon.  8  Gif man mæte þæt he fela hunda ætsomne geseo. þonne scilde he hine wið his fynd ful georne.  9  Gif man mæte þæt he deadne mann cysse. langsum lif ⁊ gesæliglic him biþ towerd. 10  Gif man mæte þæt he penegas ɬ mancsas finde. þæt tacnað æfæste. 11  Gif man mæte þæt he finde ⁊ ne grete. þæt tacnað bliðes mannes onsion. gif he nimþ. ne deah him þæt. 12  Gif him þince. þæt hi∧ne∨ earn swyþe eahte. þæt byþ mycel gefea. 13  Gif he geseo twegen monan. þæt byþ mycel gefea. 14  Gif he geseo þæt man oþerne man slea beorge him wiþ broc. 15  Gif him mæte þæt he geso hwitne ocsan oððe on ufan sitte. þæt bið wurðmynt. 16  Gif him þince blæc ɬ red. yfel þæt byþ ⁊ broc. 17  Gif man mæte þæt he geseo hwitne oxan ⁊ micelne. þæt biþ gefea. 18  Gif he hornleasne oxan geseo. þonne ofercymð he his find. 19  Gif him mæte þæt his earmas beon fægere | [fol. 42v] gegerede. þæt bið freodscype. Initial caps. in red 5  initial cap. om. 7  þwea]  MS þwean 12  hine]  MS his

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T17. Alphabetical Dreambook, English

 1  If a man dreams that someone pursues him, that is evil.  2  If he dreams that his face is fair, that is good, and honor lies ahead for him, and if it seems unfair to him, that is evil.  3  If he dreams that he is struck by any kind of iron, that means anxiety, and signifies sorrow.  4  If he dreams that he carries a sword, that means security from evils.  5  If it seems to him that he looks at jewels, that means various and unknown things.  6  If a man dreams that he has a great kingdom, that means honor.  7  If a man dreams that he washes in a well, that means wealth.  8  If a man dreams that he see many hounds together, then let him guard himself very well against his enemies.  9  If a man dreams that he kisses a dead man, a long and prosperous life lies ahead for him. 10  If a man dreams that he finds pennies or mancuses, that signifies envy. 11  If a man dreams that he finds [them] and does not approach, that signifies the appearance of a happy man; if he takes them, it will not profit him. 12  If it seems to him that an eagle fiercely attacks him, that means great joy. 13  If he see two moons, that means great joy. 14  If he sees that someone kills another man, he should protect himself against misery. 15  If he dream that he sees a white ox, or sits upon one, that means honor. 16  If it seems to him black or red, that means evil and misery. 17  If a man dreams that he sees a white and great ox, that means joy. 18  If he sees a hornless ox, then he will overcome his enemies. 19  If he dreams that his arms are beautifully adorned, that means friendship.

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T17. Alphabetical Dreambook

20  Gi man mæte þæt he micles þinges geweald age. þæt bið þæt he him his fynd to gewealde getihð. 21  Gif him þince þæt he yrne swyþe. þonne byð him broc towerd. 22  Gif him þince þæt he micel god hæbbe. þæt bið his goda wanung. 23  Gif him mæte þæt he stele ∧þæt∨ wurð underne ⁊ cuð. þæt he ær ana witan sceolde. 24  Gif man mæte þæt him si his swura gebunden. beorge him þonne georne wið ealle frecne þing. 25  Gif man mæte þæt he of heahre dune fealle. god þæt bið þearfan. ⁊ þam weligan yfel. 26  Gif man mæte þæt he si upp ahafen. god þæt tacnað.

23  þæt wurð]  MS þæt þe wurð

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T17. Alphabetical Dreambook

20  If a man dreams that he has control over a great thing, that means that his enemy will have him in his power. 21  If it seems to him that he runs quickly, then trouble lies ahead for him. 22  If it seems to him that he has a great good, that means the loss of his goods. 23  If he dreams that he steals, something will be made known and manifest which he alone should have known. 24  If a man dreams that his neck is bound, let him protect himself well against every dangerous thing. 25  If a man dreams that he falls off a high mountain, that is good for a poor man and evil for a rich man. 26  If a man dreams that he is raised up, that signifies good.

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T18. Omens in Pregnancy, English Fols. 42v9–43r2.

1  Eft is oðer wise be þissum þingum þæt þu meht witan on bearneacenum wife hwæþeres cynnes bearn heo cennan sceal. gif heo gæð late ⁊ hæfþ hole eagan heo cenneð cniht. gif heo hraðe gæþ ⁊ hafað aþundene eagan heo cenneð mæden cild. 2  Eft oþer wise genim þa twa wyrta on hand þæt is lilie. ⁊ rose. ber to bearneacenum wife hat niman þæra wyrta swa hwæþeræ swa heo wille gif heo nimð lilian he∧o∨ cenð cnyht gif heo nimð rosan heo cænð mæden. 3  Eft is oþer cræft be þon gif þæt wif mid þam helum stæpeð swiðor on þa eorðan heo cenneð cnyht gif heo mid þam tan stæpeð swiðor on þa eorþan heo cænneð mæden. 4  Eft is oþer wise. gif þam wife bið þæt hrif up astigen heo cenneð cnyht. gif hit byþ nyþer as∧t∨igen heo cenneþ mæden. 5  Eft oþer wise gif wif biþ bearneacen feower monoð oþþe fife ⁊ heo þonne gelome eteð hnyte oþþe æceran oþþe ænige niwe bleda þonne gelimpeð hit hwilum þurh þæt þæt þæt cild biþ disig. 6  Eft is oþer wise be þon gef ∧heo∨ eteð fearres flæsc oððe rammes oþþe buccan oþþe bæres oþþe hanan oþþe ganran oþþe æniges þara | [fol. 43r] neata. þe strynan mæg þonne gelimpeð hit hwilum þurh þæt þæt þæt cild bið hoforode ⁊ healede.

2  heo]  MS he 4  nyþer astigen]  MS nyþer asigen 6  gef heo eteð]  MS gef eteð

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T18. Omens in Pregnancy, English

1  Again there is another way concerning these matters that you might know about a pregnant woman, which kind of child she will bear. If she goes slowly and has hollow eyes, she will bear a boy; if she goes quickly and has swollen eyes, she will bear a girl child. 2  Again another way, take two plants in hand, that is, a lily and a rose; carry them to a pregnant woman, and ask her to take whichever of the plants she wants. If she takes a lily, she will bear a boy; if she takes a rose, she will bear a girl. 3  Again there is another method for it: if the woman steps more with her heels upon the earth, she will bear a boy; if she steps more with the toes upon the earth she will bear a girl. 4  Again there is another way: if the woman’s belly is high up she will bear a boy; if it is hanging down she will bear a girl. 5  Again there is another way: if the woman is four or five months pregnant and frequently eats nuts or acorns or fresh fruits, then it sometimes turns out that because of that the child will be foolish. 6  Again there is another way for that: if she eats the flesh of bulls or rams, or bucks or boars, or cocks or ganders, or of any animal that can engender, then it sometimes happens that because of that, the child will be hunchbacked and deformed.

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T19. Bloodletting Lunarium, Latin Fol. 65r1–11. Variants from Æ61, J3, Æ1 and London, BL, Arundel 60, 1r (A), London, BL, Harley 3271 , 102v (G), and London, Lambeth Palace 427, 3r (La).

Luna .i. tota die bonum est. Luna .ii.a non est bonum Luna tertia. bona est. Luna .iiii. in matutina bonum est. Luna .v. non est bonum. Luna .vi. non est bonum. Luna septima. tota die bonum est. Luna .viii. de nona usque ad sero bonum est. Luna .ix. non est bonum. Luna .x. bonum est. Luna .xi. non est bonum. Luna .xii. bonum est. Luna .xiii. bonum est usque ad hora nona. Luna .xiiii. bonum est. Luna .xv. non est bonum. Luna .xvi. inutilis est. Luna .xvii. tota die bonum est. Luna .xviii. non est bonum. Luna ∧.xix.∨ melior est. Luna .xx. tota die bonum est.

Title De sanguine minuere G, Ad sanguinem menuendum Æ1 A, De Flebotomatione uel de minuendo sanguine add. Æ61 1  bonum]  bona Æ1 A G J3 (similarly throughout) 2  non est bonum]  \bona est/ add. J3 3  bona est]  Ad hora .iii. bona est Æ1, Ab hora .iii. bona est A G, \non est bona/ add. J3 4  bonum]  bona Æ61 J3   in matutina bonum est]  \ab hora .vi. usque ad .x. bona est/ add. J3 7  tota die]  omni die Æ1 A G 8  sero]  uesperum J3, noctem Æ1 A G 9  non est bonum]  bona est Æ1, [. . .]  est bonum erasure of three letters Æ61; \uitalis est/ add. J3 10  bonum est]  non est bona Æ1 A G, om. Æ61; \A .vi. usque seram bona est/ add. J3

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T19. Bloodletting Lunarium, Latin

1  The first day of the month is good all day. 2  The second day of the month is not good. 3  The third day of the month is good. 4  The fourth day of the month is good in the morning. 5  The fifth day of the month is not good. 6  The sixth day of the month is not good 7  The seventh day of the month is good all day. 8  The eighth day of the month is good from the ninth hour until evening. 9  The ninth day of the month is not good. 10  The tenth day of the month is good. 11  The eleventh day of the month is not good. 12  The twelfth day of the month is good. 13  The thirteenth day of the month is good until the ninth hour. 14  The fourteenth day of the month is good. 15  The fifteenth day of the month is not good. 16  The sixteenth day of the month is useless. 17  The seventeenth day of the month is good all day. 18  The eighteenth day of the month is not good. 19  The nineteenth day of the month is better. 20  The twentieth day of the month is good all day.

11  non est bonum]  \similiter/ add. J3 12  bonum est]  non est bona Æ1 A G 13  bonum est usqe ad hora nona]  bonum est ad horam nonam J3 La, Ad hora .v.a bona Æ1, Ab hora .v. bona est A G 14  bonum est]  \A .vi. hora usque ad seram/ add. J3 15  non est bonum]  \Vitalis est/ add. J3 17  tota die bonum est]  bona est Æ1 A G J3 19  xix]  ixx MS; xix A G Æ61 J3 La, xviiii Æ1   melior est]  [melior]  marked for deletion J3, \Non est bona/ add. J3 20  tota die bonum est]  bona est A, non est bona G, non est Æ1

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T19. Bloodletting Lunarium

Luna .xxi. in matutina bonum. Luna .xxii. tota die bonum est. Luna .xx.iii. ab hora .viii. bonum est. Luna .xx.iiii. bonum est. Luna .xx.v. non est bonum. Luna .xx.vi. melior est. Luna .xxvii. tota die bonum est. Luna .xxviii. similiter. Luna .xxix. non est bonum. nec. xxx.

21  bonum]  bona est Æ1 A G Æ61 J3, \usque ad .iii./ add. J3 22  tota die bonum est]  Tota die bonum La, Ad hora .iii. & .vi. bona est Æ1, Ab hora .iii. & .vi. bona est A G 23  ab hora .viii.]  Ad hora .v. Æ1, Ab hora .v. A G; marked for deletion J3, \Vsque .vi. bona/ add. J3 24  Bonum est]  \matutina hora/ add. J3 25  non est bonum]  malum est Æ1 A 26  melior est]  non est bonum Æ61 La, non est bona Æ1 A G J3

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T19. Bloodletting Lunarium

21  The twenty-first day of the month is good in the morning. 22  The twenty-second day of the month is good all day. 23  The twenty-third day of the month is good from the eighth hour. 24  The twenty-fourth day of the month is good. 25  The twenty-fifth day of the month is not good. 26  The twenty-sixth day of the month is better. 27  The twenty-seventh day of the month is good all day. 28  The twenty-eighth day of the month is similar. 29  The twenty-ninth day of the month is not good. 30  Nor is the thirtieth.

27  tota die]  Omni die G   bonum est]  bonum La 28  similiter]  bona est Æ1, malum est A, non est bonum Æ63 La, non est bona G, [non est bona]  marked for deletion J3, \Ab .vi. usque seram bona/ add. J3 29  non est bonum]  bona est A G, malum est Æ1, marked for deletion J3, \Similiter/ add. J3 30  nec xxx]  Luna .xxx. non est bona Æ1 A G, [L]una .xxx. similiter Æ61 La J3 (marked for deletion J3), \Non est bona/ add. J3

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T20. Birth Prognostic for Weekdays, Latin Fol. 65r11–22. Variants from Æ62, J4 and the continental text Vatican City, BAV, Pal. lat. 235, 40r (v).

De Nativitate Infant∧i∨um 1  Die dominico hora diuturna siue nocturna ut∧i∨llimus erit qui nascetur. magnusque & sp∧l∨endidus. 2  Dei .ii. hora diuturna siue nocturna qui nascetur fortis erit omnibus rebus incipiendum bonum est. 3  Die .iii. feria hora diuturna siue nocturna qui nascentur fort∧e∨s er∧u∨nt & cupidi. & ferro peribunt & uix ad ultimam peruenient ętatem omnibus rebus incipendum bonum est. 4  Die .iiii. feria hora diuturna siue nocturna qui nascentur ad uerba dicenda plurimum faciles erunt. 5  Die .v. feria hora diuturna siue nocturna qui nascentur. affabiles & honorifici erunt. omnibus rebus incipiendum. optimum est. 6  Die .vi. feria hora diuturna siue nocturna nascentes uitales erunt. & luxuriosi omnibus rebus. incipiendum bonum est. 7  Die sabbato. hora diuturna siue nocturna qui nascentur rare utiles erunt nisi cursus lune contulerit.

Title not in J   Infantium]  Infantum MS v; Infantium Æ62 1  Die dominico . . . qui nascetur]  Qui nati fuerint in die dominico v   duiturna]  duirna v (similarly throughout)   utillisimus . . . splendidus]  qui nascentur utillimi erunt & magni J4, magni & splendidi erunt v   utillisimus]  uti illimus MS; uit [il]li Æ62   splendidus]  spendidus MS, splendidus Æ62 2  Die .ii. hora]  Die .ii. feria hora Æ62, Die .ii. feria J4, Feria .ii. hora v (similarly for all following days) diuturna siue nocturna]  om. J4 (simililarly for all following days)    nocturna]  no[. . .]  Æ62 nascetur]  nascentur J4, nascuntur v   fortis erit]  fortes erunt J4 v   omnibus . . . est]  om. v (similarly for all following days)   incipiendum]  incipiendis J4

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T20. Birth Prognostic for Weekdays, Latin

1  On Sunday, in day or nighttime hours, whoever is born will be most useful, and great and splendid. 2  The second day, in day or nighttime hours, whoever is born will be strong; it is good for beginning all things. 3  The third day, in day or nighttime hours, those who are born will be brave and ambitious, and will die by iron, and scarcely come to their old age; it is good for beginning all things. 4  The fourth day, in day or nighttime hours, those who are born will be talented at speaking many words. 5  The fifth day, in day or nighttime hours, those who are born will be friendly and honorable; it is best for beginning all things. 6  The sixth day, in day or nighttime hours, newborns will be healthy and dissolute; it is good for beginning all things. 7  The seventh day, in day or nighttime hours, those who are born will rarely be useful unless the course of the moon pulls them to it.

3  qui nascentur]  om. v   fortes erunt]  fortis erint MS; fortis erunt Æ62, fortes erunt v, erunt fortes J4 ferro peribunt]  de ferro morientur v   & uix . . . bonum est]  om. v   ultimam peruenient ętatem] senilem ętatem peruenient J4   incipiendum]  incipiendis J4 4  siue nocturna]  siue nocturna siue Æ62   ad uerba . . . erunt]  tractores regni erunt v   plurimum]  multum J4 5  affabiles & honorifici erunt]  affabiles erunt & honorifici J4 v   rebus incipiendum]  incipiendum rebus Æ62, rebus incipiendis J4   optimum]  bonum J4 6  nascentes]  qui nascentur Æ62 J4   uitales erunt & luxuriosi omnibus rebus]  uitales & multum luxuriosi erunt v   luxuriosi]  luxu[..]osi Æ62   omnibus . . . est]  om. J4 7  Die sabbato]  Feria .vii. v   rare]  raro J4   nisi . . . contulerit]  om. v

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Commentary

T1. Alphabetical Dreambook (Somniale Danielis), Latin with English gloss The gloss, in a different hand from the Latin text, is closely related to T1 but not original to it: while it sometimes follows the Latin in erroneous readings not found in other versions of the text (see 1/101, 1/163, 1/217, 1/228), it occasionally preserves a correct reading where the Latin text is in error (see 1/151, 1/204, 1/230, 1/245).1 The simplest explanation for this inconsistency is that the exemplar of T1 was itself a glossed text, with some readings different from other versions such as that which survives in Æ68, to which the scribe of T contributed a few additional errors of his own. Since the gloss is continuous for all 302 items, and shows no differences in style or language from one section to another, it is likely that the conflation of texts evident in T1 was already found in its exemplar. Title  Æ68 originally had no title; a later hand has added Alphabetum somniale excerptum ex Danielis libro. 1/1  uiderit] uidere Æ68/1 S11/1. T1 frequently uses the future perfect indicative where Æ68 uses the infinitive; other instances include 1/9, 1/22, 1/29, 1/31, 1/38, 1/42, 1/45, 1/52, 1/53, 1/58, 1/77, 1/86, 1/93, 1/94, 1/107, 1/118, 1/142, 1/146, 1/151, 1/154, 1/165, 1/168, 1/171, 1/172, 1/173, 1/174, 1/177, 1/183, 1/186, 1/190, 1/195, 1/197, 1/199, 1/200, 1/209, 1/210, 1/218, 1/220, 1/225, 1/226, 1/227, 1/228, 1/234, 1/235, 1/238, and 1/240. In fact Æ68 is almost entirely consistent in using the infinitive (only five items, Æ68/133–6 and Æ68/158 use the expression qui se uidit; in all cases T1 has uiderit), and while T1 does occasionally use an infinitive (e.g., 1/2, 1/5, 1/6, etc.), the infinitive uidere is found only in 1/57 and 1/233; the former is not in Æ68 and the latter has a different reading (1/233 audire uel uidere vs. Æ68/149 audire). The consistency of this difference between the two texts strongly suggests that T1 did not use Æ68 itself as an exemplar for items 1/1–1/249 (but see the note to 1/250). 1/3  damnum gl. ‘hearpan’ the gloss is evidently an error for ‘hearm’. 1/4  Æ68/6 has laborem, while S11/3 reads crementis. T1’s reading is closer to that of S11. 1/5  Æ68/4 has fortitudinem; S11/4 agrees with T in predicting tutamentum. 1/6  Not in Æ68, but = S11/6. Perhaps a corruption of Æ68/6 Asinum uidere to 1

These were noted by Förster, ‘Beiträge IV’, 45–7.

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Commentary edere. Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Digby 86 (s. xiii) has sedere, either another possible original reading or a further corruption. For the same misunderstanding (in the opposite direction), see 1/35. 1/7  Not in Æ68 or S11. 1/8  aues bullientes, gl. ‘fugeles sceottende’. The gloss follows the Latin, and Æ68/3 also reads aues ebullientes, but the original reading is almost certainly S11/7 aquas bullientes, found also in Vatican, BAV, Reg. lat. 567.2 1/13  significat gl. ‘ge’. Here and elsewhere, scribal ‘ge’ is frequently written for ‘getacnað’. 1/14–16  anullum for standard Latin anulum. 1/17  expeditionem gl. ‘forðunge’. The word ‘forðung’ appears nowhere else in OE; the gloss is almost certainly an error for ‘ferðrunge’ or ‘fyrðrunge’ (which glosses expeditio in 1/11 and elsewhere). 1/25  burdone [MS bordore] gl. ‘on folan’. Not in Æ68; S11/22 and BAV, reg. lat. 567 read correctly burdone(m). 1/33  birrum coloreum habere etc. Not found in other Insular versions, this item appears elsewhere in versions of the ‘a’ text only in Vienna, ÖNB 2723 (s. x), where it reads coloratum.3 1/35  butirum edere. The reading agrees with S11/27; Æ68/22’s reading uidere is probably a corruption. 1/56  Salsum. Preceding Caseum (as in 1/55) is either omitted or understood. 1/59  cancellos gl. ‘eahþyrlu’. The gloss is inaccurate, even if Latin cancelli is taken as ‘lattice, grating’ (cf. Dictionary of Old English, s.v. eag-þyrel). 1/62  Ceroma uomere. The Latin word ceroma ‘an ointment of oil and wax used by wrestlers’ is not glossed and perhaps not understood; the verb may be an unintentional repetition from the previous entry for an original *uidere or some other verb. The only other manuscript of the ‘a’-version coll. Martin containing this item reads ceroma exercere, which is equally meaningless. 1/65  gl. ‘getacnat’. For ‘getacnað’; cf. 1/267 ‘gesiht’ for ‘gesihð’ 1/66  MS mortico. This item is similar to 1/76; the latter has, correctly, mortuo. 1/67  for concumbere, Æ68/42 has the less explicit recumbere, and omits the verb entirely in the following three dreams, all on a similar theme. 1/68  The verb concumbere is omitted. The gl. ‘agsumnesse’ for ‘angsumnesse’ shows a loss of ∧n∨ found elsewhere in the text (cf. 1/30 ‘axietatem’ for ‘anxietatem’, 1/114, 1/115, 1/246 ‘drican’ for ‘drincan’, etc.) 1/72  cum plures se uiderit gl. ‘þonne man hine gesihð’. The entry is not found in Æ68 or in other copies of the ‘a’ version. Emending the gloss ‘man’ to ‘manege’ offers a more reasonable translation. 1/77  lucrum gl. ‘orsorhnesse’. The gloss is inaccurate: lucrum is regularly glossed ‘gestreon’; ‘orsorhnesse’ always glosses securitatem. No other version 2 3

This manuscript is cited from Epe’s collation in Wissenliteratur im angelsächsischen England, where it is identified as GR; see p. 113. Cited from Epe’s collation in Wissenliteratur im angelsächsischen England, where it is identified as AW; see p. 118.

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Commentary of the Somniale offers securitatem as the significance of this item; the gloss may be misplaced from 1/75. 1/79  cui gl. ‘þana’. Probably for ‘þam’. 1/80  incrementum letitię gl. ‘wexincge oððe blisse’. The glossator has apparently mistaken the Latin, which means ‘increase of joy’, for two accusative nouns. Æ68/51 reads only letitia est, while S11/17 has letitiam signus; Vienna, ÖNB 2723 reads crimento. The reading in T1 may have arisen as a conflation of these two meanings. 1/82  destruere. The passive destrui would be correct here, but the text elsewhere uses an infinitive where a passive is expected (cf. 1/92, 1/124 infestare for infestari, 1/158 lauare for lauari, etc.). 1/87–97  significo. T1 has significo rather than significat in these entries for dreams beginning with the letter e (except for 1/92, 1/95, and 1/97). The reason for this is not clear. Æ68 has only four items with this letter (Æ68/58–61), all of which have the abbreviation s., presumably for significat. The fragmentary S11 often has signus where other copies have significat; it may be that an exemplar used the abbreviation s., like Æ68, or sigñ, and different copyists interpreted it differently. 1/101  faciam suam in quacumque re uiderit. Not in Æ68. v5 reads faciem suam in aqua uidere. uitam longam significat, which makes better sense; Martin reports the same reading in Digby 86 and in the ‘b’-version of the text.4 The gloss, however, follows the reading of T1, and Grub, Das lateinische Traumbuch, p. 21, reports readings similar to T1 in some early manuscripts: Vienna, ÖNB 2723 in quacumque uidit; BAV, reg. lat. 567 quacum uidit. 1/103  criminibus is not glossed. MS ‘ofþryccend’ is undoubtedly for p. ptc. ‘ofþrycced’. 1/110  periculum gl. ‘fræcendnysse’ for the more usual ‘fræcednysse’ (1/53, 1/83). 1/116  disiungi gl. ‘twysehtan’ (for ‘twysehten’). The word appears only here in OE; analogous forms are found only in the gloss to the Liber Scintillarum (1.65 dissensionis gl. ‘twysehtnysse’, 63.15 sint discordes gl. ‘syn twysehte’). 1/117  incrementum gl. ‘eacum’. The gloss is an error for ‘eacan’ (cf. 1/108). 1/126 and 1/127 repeat the same item with different significance. 1/130  Herculem uiderit The proper name ‘Hercules’ is not glossed. 1/135  Although the Latin notare for natare is wrong (see also malestias for molestias 1/180, scola for scala 1/230), the gloss ‘swymman’ is correct. 1/146  uiderit gl. ‘gemetne’. The gloss is unusual (‘gesihð’ is the regular gloss for uiderit) and may arise from a misreading of uiderit as inuenit or some difficulty with the whole phrase In tabula se pingi uiderit ‘to have seen oneself depicted on a tablet’. 1/147–50  These four dreams of the moon (Luna cingi, Luna perdere, Luna aurea cingere, Luna pertica cingi) are in fact errors for Zona cingi etc. (they 4

Martin, Somniale Danielis, p. 126.

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Commentary appear correctly in Digby 86).5 They are misunderstood here, but alphabetized correctly, so the error is presumably not original to T or its exemplar. None of these items is in Æ68, and the fact that the word Luna is not glossed in any of them may suggest that the glossator was either aware of the error or baffled by the text at this point and unable to offer a correction. 1/148  salutationem. The gloss ‘tolysinge’ suggests that the Latin should read solutionem. 1/150  luna pertica. Martin reports (p. 168) the ‘b’-text reading as zona partita (though with a different significance). The absence of a gloss suggests the glossator may have been puzzled by this word. 1/151  inuidiam gl. ‘blisse’. Æ68/87 has gaudium here, which is surely the original reading. Again the gloss reflects the correct reading rather than T1’s error. 1/163  legatum gl. ‘ærendræcan’. Perhaps originally an error for ligatum (cf. 1/262), which is the reading of Vienna, ÖNB, Lat. 2723; Martin (p. 142) reports the ‘b’-version reading as Ligatum se uidere: impedimentum significat; Grub, Das lateinische Traumbuch, p. 70, reports that Uppsala C 664 reads Legatus se uidere inpedimentum significat, against the evidence of every other copy of the text—the similarity may be no more than a coincidence of common error. The gloss follows the reading of T1. 1/168  Lectum gl. ‘bet’, for ‘bed’. 1/173  maiorem se uiderit gaudium minus est. Æ68/99 reads maiorare \&/ minorare se uidere, which makes better sense. 1/174  mulierem sparsis crinibus se uiderit. Æ68/100 and other parallel versions omit se for a better reading. 1/190  organa gl. ‘pipdram’. Presumably for ‘pipdream’, a word not otherwise recorded but parallel to ‘organdreame’, which glosses organo in the Arundel Psalter Ps. 150.4. 1/204  Panem candidum accipere accusationem gl. ‘laf wexenne niman freodscipas’. The gloss is misplaced from the following item, which reads panem cerarium accipere. amicitias nouas gl. ‘hlaf wexenne niman freodscipas niwe’. 1/217  ridere aut stridentes gl. ‘hlihhan oððe gnyrende’ (for ‘gnyrnende’). Æ68/137 reads simply ridere qui se uidit. Digby 86 reads ridere aut subridere, and Vatican, BAV, reg. lat. 567 reads Ridere uidere stridentis (Epe, p. 161). The gloss follows T1 here. 1/219  resinas gl. ‘ryselas’. OE ‘rysel’ means ‘fat’ or ‘lard’; the gloss is undoubtedly supposed to be ‘hryselas’, a word found elsewhere only in glosses to Aldhelm’s prose De laude uirginitatis 4029 ‘resinæ, .i. bituminis hryseles, tyrewan, storsæpes’. 1/228  stellas cum plures gl. ‘sterran oððe feala’. Æ68/145 and Digby 86 read simply stella plures; Grub, Das lateinische Traumbuch, p. 120, reports that Vienna, ÖNB, Lat. 2723 reads stellas cum plures uidit. The gloss follows the reading in T1. 1/230  scola gl. ‘on læddran’. Both Æ68/147 and Digby 86 read scalam; in this 5

See Martin, Somniale Danielis, p. 140.

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Commentary case the gloss follows the original reading rather than the Latin of T1. 1/231  serpente infesto pati, gl. ‘fram næddran laðre þolian’. Æ68/148 has simply serpentem uidere; Digby 86 and the ‘b’-text preserve what appears to be the original reading serpentem infestare. 1/236  tela [for telam] quicumque texerit & letitiam siue tristitiam uiderit. The intended meaning is unclear; the item is not in Æ68, and Digby 86 omits the phrase & letitiam siue tristitiam uiderit. Uppsala 664 reads simply Telam uidere, leticiam significat; Vienna, ÖNB, Lat. 2723 (Grub, Das lateinische Traumbuch, p. 110) reads telas uidit quicumque iacere laetitiam a bono nuntio significat. 1/245  Ursum (MS Urbum) gl. ‘beran’. Not in Æ68; in Digby 86 and ÖNB 2723 the item appears as Qui ursum se infestare uiderit. The gloss follows the original reading. 1/250  begins a new alphabetical sequence of items, which continues to 1/270; all 21 items are found in Æ68. Not only do they include all the entries in Æ68 not in the first 249 entries of T1, but they are much closer textually to Æ68 than the earlier shared entries are. While earlier entries often use uiderit where Æ68 has the infinitive uidere, for example, uidere is regular in T1/250–70. This suggests that the compiler of T1’s version of the Somiale either went back through his exemplar to make good the earlier omissions in his work—an unlikely explanation given the clear difference in copying fidelity between this and earlier sections—or drew on two different sources, the latter perhaps Æ68 itself or its exemplar, to create the fullest possible text. Whatever its origin, this addition of a second series of entries suggests that at some point in its transmission a careful collation of two different versions of the work took place. 1/250  (= Æ68/27) incrementum gl. ‘corcið’. The OE word, probably meant to be corn-cið ‘increase of grain’, is otherwise unattested. 1/252  = Æ68/46 1/253  ( = Æ68/47). Both the manuscript and Æ68/47 read altio (Förster and Martin both read aliio, but altio seems clear in the manuscript), which makes no sense; the glossator was apparently at a loss to translate the erroneous Latin and left it blank. Epe (p. 172) reports that ÖNB 2723 reads altiore. 1/254  = Æ68/48 1/255  = Æ68/49 1/256  = Æ68/50 1/257  = Æ68/71 1/258  = Æ68/72, which reads calumniam for dampnum 1/259  = Æ68/82 1/260  = Æ68/83 1/261  = Æ68/84 1/262  = Æ68/92 1/263  = Æ68/109 1/264  = Æ68/115 1/265  = Æ68/121 1/266  = Æ68/132 1/267  = Æ68/134

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Commentary 1/268  (= Æ68/135) qui in exill\i/o se uiderit gl. ‘se þe on wræcsit (for wræcsið) gesihð’. This was Cockayne’s reading; Förster and Martin read in excillio sit, perhaps misled by the sudden darkening of the ink here. But the letters -sit are clearly part of the gloss, not the text; Æ68/135 reads qui \se/ in exilium uidit, with se added in red by a different hand. 1/269  = Æ68/155 1/270  = Æ68/156 1/271  begins a third set of items, distinguished by their different wording: Si somniaueris in 1/271 and Si uideris thereafter. The opening formula and the meaning of many of the dreams reported are similar to the English dreambook found in T9–H10. A number of these repeat items in earlier lists, though often with different significance, e.g., 1/271 indicates that dreaming of two moons means gaudium & lætitiam while 1/152 warns that it signifies inuidiam; 1/292 indicates that a burning house signifies iuenire te pecuniam while 1/83 warns of periculum uitæ. 1/275–6  Two identical dreams of aqua pulcra appear with different interpretations: securitatem in 1/275, nullum bonum in 1/276. A parallel entry in T9/13 follows 1/275: ‘Gif him þince þæt he fæger wæter geseo oððe oferfare. þæt byþ orsorhnyss.’ In the second dream, the word pulcra is probably an error for sordido; the gloss follows the manuscript reading. 1/293  truncata gl. ‘bemancude’. The OE word survives only here. T2. General Lunarium, Latin with English gloss6 Other general lunaria are found in S8 and Æ35; the former is structurally similar to T2, though many of its readings are closer to those in Æ35, which is from a different textual type altogether.7 Early continental versions closest to T2 are v (Vatican City, BAV, Pal. lat. 235, 40v–41r) and Vatican City, BAV, Vat. lat. 3101, 26r–28r (cited here as v3).8 Förster tentatively suggested that the gloss in T2 ‘die Abschrift einer bereits vorhandenen ae. Version ist’,9 but this is highly unlikely. As in T1, the gloss 6

7

8

9

Any commentary on this text cannot help but reproduce many of the observations already made by Förster, ‘Vom Fortleben antiker Sammellunare’, pp. 79–129. Not all these are individually attributed, but what follows owes an obvious debt to Förster’s work. It is closely similar to Göteburg X (s. x/xi), pr. as G in Svenberg, De latinska lunaria. In Weisser’s notation, its structure consists of items a e f d (days 1–16), sometimes with (b) following (a), then devolves to a simple pattern of f e d (dreams, illness, childbirth). The former is collated as Vp2L by Weisser, Krankheitslunar 380–92, the latter printed as V1 by Svenberg, De latinska lunaria, pp. 25–83. Both collations are accurate, but in both cases readings reported here are based on my own transcriptions. Weisser also collates T2 with Berncastel-Hues, Nikolaus-Hospital, 203, 86vb–88rb (s. xiii), and Berlin, Staatsbibl., Lat. oct. 93, 54r–56r (s. xii; also coll. Svenberg, De latinska lunaria, pp. 24–83); these are cited from Weisser’s collation. Although all these texts are similar, only v is close enough to allow collation with T2. Förster, ‘Vom Fortleben antiker Sammellunare’, p. 54. He did not insist on this point; cf. p. 56 of the same work.

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Commentary avoids some errors in the Latin (see 2/3, 2/10, 2/21 below) but follows the Latin text in a number of odd or erroneous readings (see, e.g., 2/5, 2/9, 2/14, 2/18, 2/25). This pattern suggests that the gloss was in the exemplar of T; as in T1, errors in the Latin not found in the gloss were presumably introduced in the act of copying T2 and its gloss from its exemplar. 2/1  agendis gl. ‘dondum’. Elsewhere (2/2, 2/9, 2/10, 2/14, 2/19, 2/23) Latin agendis is glossed ‘to dondum’, which may have been the original reading of the gloss here.   periclitatus gl. ‘gedyrfed’. This relatively rare OE word is used three times in this gloss (also 2/3, 2/8, and elsewhere in the glosses to T6) each time glossing a form of Latin periclitari; it appears elsewhere (also glossing periclitari) in the gloss to the Liber Scintillarum 33.3.   Intemerata gl. ‘ungewemmed’. S8/1, v, and the other manuscripts cited by Weisser, Krankheitslunar, have litterata (v3 omits this word), which may have been the original reading, but the gloss follows T2 here.   qui recumbit. S8/1 here, and in some other cases, follows the reading in Æ35, In lecto qui inciderit diu languescit & longa infirmitate patietur, suggesting that, while similar to T2 in many respects, its medical predictions are drawn eclectically from different sources. 2/2  puella similiter. S8, v, and other related versions add uiros respuit de uno non erit contenta.   conualescit gl. ‘acofrað’. This word appears only twice in the surviving corpus of OE; in the gloss to the Liber Scintillarum 8.36 it glosses exhalare ‘to breathe’, in reference to the healing of wounds. The Latin conualescere occurs several other times in T2, usually glossed by ‘gewyrpan’. 2/3  opera incipere non congruit. nisi quod renascitur exstirpare. T2 shares this reading with v; v3 is briefer (Opera incipere non congruit), and S8, though more prolix, is not clearer (hunc diem quicquid potuerit te abstinere expedit; Etiam si uolueris in ciuitatem ingredere & emere non erit congruum. neque in agrum operari nisi solum quod renascatur; Utile est stirpare). The gloss follows T2, but the original reading was probably something like Æ35: De omnibus quæ agenda sunt abstinere oportet, nisi solum quod uis ut non renascatur utile est extirpare, ‘one ought to refrain from all that one has to do, except only that it is good for rooting out what you wish should not should grow back’. Such a maleficent day is good for work that diminishes things: clearing land, breaking in animals, castrating hogs.   exstirpare (MS stirpare) gl. ‘astifician’ (MS ‘stifician’). Forms of a noun ‘styficung’ appear in charters (Sawyer 1314, 1542, 1598) with the meaning ‘clearing’, but the usual verb form has the prefix a-. Cf. the spelling ‘fyran’ for ‘afyran’ (glossing castrare) in the same entry.   uanę herbę gl. ‘ydele wyrta’. T’s reading uarię herbę is not found in other manuscripts, and the gloss clearly reflects the original correct reading.   conualescit gl. ‘hamacgað’. The OE word appears only here; it is presumably a form of *amagian, ‘grow strong’. Cf. 2/2, 2/13 ‘hadlað’ for ‘adlað’.   uacuum gl. ‘ydel’. v3 has the more probable reading uana, for which the gloss

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Commentary ‘ydel’ is the usual translation, but v and Berlin, Lat. oct. 93 also read uacuum here. 2/5  non dabis sacramentum quia periuriam (periurium erit in v) gl. ‘þu na selle offrunga for þi aðsware’. The meaning of sacramentum is certainly ‘oath’, as the following words make clear (cf. the advice non dabis sacramentum alicui quia periurauerit in Berlin 93); the glossator has understood the word in the Christian, not the legal, sense. Nor is the gloss ‘aðsware’ accurate for the Latin periuriam. The glossator may have construed the whole phrase with what follows, reading something like ‘for the one who swears an oath and flees will quickly be found dead’. The original reading of the following phrase in T, qui fuit cito nuntiatur mortuus (with fuit corrected to fugit) may have encouraged such a reading, but the correction seems to be in the main hand of the Latin text, and the gloss ‘se þe flyhð raðe he bið gecydd dead’, as well as the readings in other manuscripts, supports fugit. Perhaps, as Förster suggested (‘Vom Fortleben antiker Sammellunare’, p. 93), the most likely explanation is that ‘aðsware’ is an error for ‘mansware’.   Puella pessima moritur gl. ‘mæden wyrst swelt’. The original reading is probably that of v, puella pessima morte morietur; it is also found in the other manuscripts coll. Weisser (S8 is confused here). The gloss, however, follows the reading in T.   herbaria gl. ‘wyrtgælstre’. The OE word, which appears only here, may be a nonce-compound of ‘wyrt’ and a feminine noun of agency formed from ‘galan’; it may be translated ‘a woman who works spells with plants’.   Somnia sunt. gl. ‘swefnu sint’. v, Æ35, and other manuscripts coll. Weisser have somnia suspensa sunt; S8 reads somnia suspenserunt, possibly a corruption of somnia suspensa erit. Again, however, the gloss follows T. 2/6  T2 and related manuscripts omit a prediction for general conditions; S8 and Æ35 include different indications for general activities on this day.    furtum inuenitur. S8, Æ35, v3, and the manuscripts coll. Weisser all read non inuenitur.   uiris accepta. grata in omnibus bonis gl. ‘werum gecweme andfæncge \ɬ þancful/ on eallum godum’. The gloss may be confused here. Latin accepta is glossed ‘ændfæncge’ in T2/7, though ‘gecweme’ is an equally good translation. Likewise grata, which may mean either ‘pleasing’ or ‘grateful’ is glossed ‘gecweme’ in the Liber Scintillarum, though glossed ‘þancful’ in T2/9. The glossator may have faced a series of words that potentially meant the same thing, and the two words could have been placed in either order. The added gloss ‘þancful’ only adds to the polysemy. 2/7  castrare gl. ‘hælan’. The gloss makes no sense here. Förster (‘Vom Fortleben antiker Sammellunare’, p. 98) proposes that it is an error for *tohælan ‘weaken’, a word otherwise found only in Vercelli Homily 7 (ed. Scragg 1992, 7:67–71) ‘For ðon ic halsie þæt we urne lichoman ⁊ sawle mid geswincum gestrangien, nalæs mid idelnessum tohælen’.   Furtum conualescit gl. ‘þyfð gestrangað’. The reading makes little sense, though it is supported by S8 furtum factum conuolescet. Presumably eyeskip has resulted in the conflation of the indication for catching a thief and for the recovery from illness. The original reading was probably something like that of Berlin 93: qui fugit, inuenitur et furtum. Eger conualescit, or the Munich manuscript printed

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Commentary by Weisser (Krankheitslunar, p. 335) Qui fugit, inuenietur; similiter et furtum. Debilis conualescet. The gloss, however, follows the reading of T2. 2/9  granosus gl. ‘corngesælig’. Most other manuscripts coll. Weisser (Krankheitslunar, p. 385) have some form of ‘gratiosus’, but v and S8 read granosus (v3 reads gnarus), and the gloss follows the reading here. The OE word is apparently a nonce-translation of the Latin.   grata gl. ‘þancful’. The original reading was perhaps grata uiris ‘pleasing to men’ (as in Berlin 93); S8 and v agree with T2; v3 omits the word. 2/10  lanifica (MS lętifica) gl. ‘wultewestre’. The gloss indicates that the exemplar had the correct reading lanifica (found in v and in other manuscripts coll. Weisser). In T2/25 the Latin text has the correct reading. 2/11  callidus gl. ‘abered’. The OE word ‘abered’ is used for Latin callidus elsewhere in the Liber Scintillarum glosses (23.11, 78.18) and glosses to Prudentius (ed. Merrit, line 136). In the prognostics it also glosses astutus (2/17, 2/19).   in postera ętate gl. ‘on langfære ylde’. The gloss misses the sense of the Latin; ‘on æfteweardan ylde’ (which glosses the same phrase in 2/1) is better.   esto gl. ‘beo ðu’. A word is missing here; v, S8, and other manuscripts cited by Weisser read cautus esto.   Similiter bona luna non est gl. ‘ealswa god mona nys blod lætan’. It is not clear what the word similiter is doing here (it appears also in 2/29). It suggests that indications for bloodletting were copied from a separate lunarium; these sometimes avoid repeating bona est or non est bona on consecutive days by using the word similiter. The indication for bloodletting in 2/11, however, is not the same as in 2/10. 2/13  superba animosa. temeraria in corpore cum multis uiris gl. ‘ofermodig þancfull þriste on lichaman mid manegum werum’. The same reading is found in Berlin 93, but the original may have been that of v3, superba animosa, temeraria in corpore, cum multis uiris commixta, or S8 superba in animo & tenera in corpore, multos uiros habens, either of which makes better sense. 2/14  bonis gl. ‘god’. ‘godum’ is the expected form here; the glossator may have been expecting some formula like that in 2/10, omnibus rebus agendis bona. Other manuscripts cited by Weisser omit bonis, to read simply omnibus rebus bona.   cito moritur gl. ‘swilt’. The glossator omits cito; the word appears two other times on the last two lines of fol. 34r, glossed ‘raðe’ in both instances.   eger si non cito conualescit gl. ‘seoc gif raðe gewerpð’. Something is missing from the Latin text here. v3 reads eger si cito non resurgit. moritur, and other manuscripts cited by Weisser read si non cito moritur, cito conualescit (S8 omits this entry). The glossator neglects non, perhaps aware that the reading does not make sense as it stands, but otherwise follows T2.   uitalis gl. ‘liflice’. The original reading was presumably utilis (cf. 2/22) but the gloss follows the manuscript. 2/15  benignus. hospitalis gl. ‘cumliðe’. Benignus (which appears in all versions of the text) is unglossed here; elsewhere the word is glossed ‘milde’.   eger si post triduum non resurgit gl. ‘seoc gif heo æfter þrim dagum non arist’. The glossator uses the feminine pronoun ‘heo’ here, probably under the influence

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Commentary of puella earlier in the entry, though this prediction has to do with illness and not the birth or character of a female child. 2/16  nisi furtus gl. ‘stalum’. The glossator ignores nisi.   qui recedit. mortus nuntiatur gl. ‘se þe aweg gewit dead he bið gecyd’. Other manuscripts cited by Weisser have similar readings (and S8 qui recessit mortuus adnuntiabitur), while v3 qui recumbit mortuus nuntiatur as if the item had to do with illness, but the reading of the Berncastel manuscript qui fugit, mortuus annunciabitur (Weisser, Krankheitslunar, p. 388; also found in ÖNB 2245 (s. xii), according to Förster, ‘Vom Fortleben antiker Sammellunare’) makes better sense and fits the pattern of the text better. The gloss, however, follows T2.   eger ut supra gl. ‘seoc herbeforan’. This may refer back to the item noted earlier in the entry, or to the origin of the illness predictions in a separate lunarium where the notation ut supra would be more readily comprehensible. S8 reads Eger sustinebit sicut superius diximus. 2/17  amicabilis (MS amicabiles) gl. ‘freondheald’. The word and gloss are divided by a line end, i.e. amica | biles gl. ‘freond | heald’. The word appears only here in OE (but cf. ‘freondhealdlic’ in the Cleopatra Glossary, 217, 29), and the sense of -heald in a compound is unusual. 2/18  coniugem in domum ducere. pueros in domum uel in scolam. The reading is unusual and not found in other copies of the text; v has coniugem in domum, pueros in scolam ducere; v3 has coniugem accipere, pueros in scolam mittere. It is likely that T2’s reading was originally like that of v, but was corrupted by duplication and omission. The gloss follows the text.   inuictus gl. ‘ofercumen’. The gloss is entirely incorrect; a more freely translating scribe could have written something like ‘na ofercumen’ or ‘ne bið ofercumen’.   ut puer gl. ‘oððe cild’. The glossator presumably read aut for ut. 2/21  gladiatoribus gl. ‘swurdwyrhtan’. The gloss is not quite right; T1/118 translates gladiator more accurately as ‘swurdboran’.   & si dederis gl. ‘⁊ þu sylst’. The word si is not glossed. S8 (but no other manuscript coll. Weisser) reads pecuniam si dederis, which makes better sense.   furtum (MS futurum), gl. ‘stalu’. The gloss follows the correct reading, not the text of T2.   somnia gl. ‘swefen’. The plural somnia (as in 2/7, 2/10, etc.) should have the gloss ‘swefnu’ or ‘swefne’ (as in 2/25). 2/22  medicus gl. ‘læce’. This is also the reading of the Berlin manuscript coll. Weisser (Krankheitslunar, p. 391); other manuscripts differ: v reads mendicus, S8 mundicus (for mendicus), v3 mendicans. The following prediction that puella similiter. paupercula suggests that the original reading was mendicus, but the gloss ‘læce’ follows the text here.   utilis est luna sanguinem minuere. The advice on bloodletting is out of place in this entry; on all other days it appears as the last item. 2/24  luna .xx.ma .vta. gl. gl. ‘mona se feower ⁊ twenti’. The expected form, found in 2/21–2/23, is ‘twentigoþa’. The change from ordinal to cardinal numbers, without any clear motivation, continues through the remaining days; the form ‘þritti’ appears in 2/30 where one would expect ‘þrittigoða’.

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Commentary 2/25  eger infra triduum manifestus erit dies gl. ‘seoc binnan þrim dagum cuð bið se dæg’. The word dies is redundant, and is not found in other versions of the text. The gloss, however, follows the text. 2/26  mementuosus gl. ‘gemindig’. Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, p. 413, following Svenberg, De latinska lunaria, p. 74, suggests that the intended reading is momentosus ‘rapid’. S8 reads momentosus and v3 mendosus; v, however, reads memoriosus, and the gloss ‘gemindig’ suggests that this was the original reading in T2 (cf. 2/7, where memoriosus is glossed ‘gemendful’). 2/28  credulus gl. ‘geleafful’. The gloss avoids the original sense ‘gullible’ in favor of the Christian sense ‘faithful, believing’ (see also 2/29). v and S8 read credendus, which suits the gloss somewhat better.   ualet gl. ‘geeþrað’. The Berncastel manuscript coll. Weisser has conualescat, and Æ35 reads euadet, either of which makes better sense here. The gloss follows the text.   hora nona gl. ‘non tidi’. Förster, ‘Vom Fortleben antiker Sammellunare’, pp. 55–6, considered the unusual dative form ‘tidi’ evidence for the very early date of origin for the examplar of the gloss, but it is far more likely to be a simple error for nontide. 2/29  credulus gl. ‘geleafful’. Other manuscripts read eruditus, but the gloss follows the text here. 2/30  interdum cauendum est. Non est bona luna gl. ‘hwilan to warnienne nys na god mona’. The second est is marked for deletion, possibly by the glossator; the gloss places ‘nys’ over the first est and leaves the second blank. The glossator’s apparent confusion (cf. 2/20 and 2/23, where the Latin does not use est in this construction) results in a disjunction between the text and gloss; the latter should read ‘hwilan to warnienne ys. Nys na god mona’.   Finiunt somnia danielis prophetæ gl. ‘endiað swefnu witigan’. This closing formula is the natural companion to the title of T1, De somniurum diuersitate secundum ordinem abcharii danielis prophete. It suggests that T1 and T2 were considered a pair, or found as such in the source from which they were copied into T. T3. Dream Lunarium, Latin with English gloss In addition to the manuscripts described in the introduction, manuscripts cited here include London, Lambeth Palace Library 427, 3rb (La),10 Paris, BNF, lat. 2113, 255v (p),11 Paris, BNF, lat. 2825, 125r (p2),12 Vatican City, BAV, Vat. lat. 642, 91r (v2),13 Vatican City, BAV, Vat. lat. 3101, 26r–28r (v3, noted with T2 above). Pr. Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, p. 457. Wickersheimer XLII; coll. Weisser, Krankheitslunar, pp. 419–21. 12 Wickersheimer XLVIII. 13 Collated as R by Förster, ‘Die altenglischen Traumlunare’, pp. 67–75. 10 11

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Commentary 3/1  quicquid uideris in gaudium erit. & si uideris te uinci tu tamen uinces omnes inimicos tuos annuente deo. While the text is closest to that in the general lunarium Æ35, Et quidquid uideris in gaudium conuertetur. & si uideris te uinci. tu tamen uinces omnes inimicos tuos, the concluding phrase annuente deo is not found in any early version. 3/2  si uideris somnium. nullum effectum habet. nec in animo ponas siue bonum siue malum. The text resembles both the general lunarium Æ35 (si uideris somnium siue bonum siue malum non ponas in animo quia nullum effectum habet) and the dream lunarium in p, Luna ii & iii nullum affectum habet. nec in animo ponas. siue bonu siue malum. 3/6  secundum quod uideris ita tibi fiet. Secretum consilium. extraneis noli proferre. The warning to keep the dream secret is found in v uide ne secretum tuum ignotum probes, Æ35 caue ne dicas alteri. cautus esto. consilium detergere noli, and S8 cautus esto utere conxilio tuo & alio eum ne prodas. 3/7  quicquid uideris. post multum tempus fiet. The Latin is identical to that of Æ65–J7–La. 3/8  certa sunt omnia. A similar recommendation appears only in v: certissimum est ut uides; nearly all other early texts agree that cito fiet or cito uidebis. 3/9  The indication that inter duos dies euenit appears to be unique to this version. 3/10  quicquid somniaueris. nullum effectum malum habet. The reading is identical to that of p2; Æ65–J7-La agree that quicquid uideris nullum malem est [erit]. 3/11  Most versions specify some number of days within which a dream will come to pass (iii, iiii, or uii); T3 joins p in suggesting that falsa sunt omnia. 3/14  effectum habet breuis temporis. The reading is close to that in the collective lunaria T2 and v3, Somnia in breui tempore effectum habent. 3/17  T3 is alone in suggesting that post dies xi.cim eueniet; other versions indicate that cito fiet (S8, T2, v2) or that the dream will have the same value as the previous day. 3/18  inter .xx.ti dies continget. The indication that the dream will come to pass within dies xx is found in Æ65–J7–La; the general lunaria agree on dies x (S8, T2, v3; also found in v2 and W8), or some other number of days. 3/20  ne tu dixeris somnium tuum intra dies .uii.tem sed obserua certitudinem. The directive to keep the dream to oneself is found in Æ35 (Somnium ne dicas ullo homini), but other lunaria disagree on whether the dream is to be trusted or not. 3/22  quicquid uideris certum est ad gaudium pertinere. The reading combines elements from the general lunaria (T2 Somnia certa erunt) and p2 (ad omnium gaudium pertinet). 3/23  rixalis contentio inter dies .iii. eueniet. The reading resembles that of Æ65–J7–La rixam habebit & contentiones but the addition of a specific number of days is unique to T3. 3/24  quicquid uideris de salute tua erit. The reading is closest to the general lunarium Æ35 Omne quod uideris de tua salute promittit; J7–La read ad salutem pertinet. 3/25  metus futurus inter dies .uiii. Two other lunaria have roughly the same

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Commentary reading, with a different number of days: p2 indicates metus futuras signat. Infra dies .uiiii. aut .x. pete oriente caput; the general lunarium Æ35 warns precaue metus futuros. solet enim euenire infra dies .xii. 3/26  inter dies uiginti eueniet. T3’s reading is unique among early versions of the text. 3/28  omne gaudium significat. & omnem angustiam hilaris aufert. The reading combines elements of p2 (day 27) Omne gaudium significat & ilaritate and Æ35 (day 29) Hylaritatem & gaudium significat. T4. Yearly Forecast for the Kalends of January (Revelatio Esdrae), Latin with English gloss 4/0  T4 has no title; Æ67 introduces the text with the rubric signa de temporibus. B v M3a, and most copies of the longer redaction of the text ascribe it to Esdras in their rubrics or titles. 4/1  Si fuerit kł ianuarius die dominico gl. ‘Gif bið on dæg drihtenlicum’. The words kł ianuarius are not glossed in any entry in T4. The opening formula for each day varies considerably from one copy to another, but is generally (though not always) consistent within each copy. The most salient distinction may be between those versions that call the days by their Latin names—dies dominico, dies luna, dies martis, and so on—and those that use the ecclesiastical feria i, feria ii, feria iii, etc. The latter is more common, though die dominici (never the classical Latin dies solis) is used for Sunday in 15 of the 25 early copies coll. Cesario.   hiems bona erit & suauis. ac calida gl. ‘winter god bið ⁊ wynsum ⁊ wearm’. This is an unusual reading which the gloss follows precisely. Some versions of the longer redaction predict hiemps calida (among them f 8, BAV, Pal. lat. 1449, Uppsala C 664, and Montpellier 301) but the additional suauis is found only in T4, M4a, and the twelfth-century Vienna, ÖNB, Lat. 2245.14   uer uentuosus. & sicca estas. uindemia bona. gl. ‘windhladen ⁊ drige wingeard’. The names of the seasons uer and estas are not glossed (elsewhere they are regularly ‘lænten’ and ‘sumor’); ‘wind hladen’ is written over the words uer uentuosus, and ‘wingeard’ over the word estas (with a space left over uindemia). Förster, ‘Beiträge II’, p. 296, takes this as an indication that the gloss is taken from a different version of the text, but given the very close agreement between text and gloss, this is unlikely; it is more likely that the gloss was already in T’s exemplar, 14

A composite codex of s. xii containing 83 fols. of penitential texts, homilies, a dietary calendar with Old High German verses (52v–54), and a lapidary (79r–81v). Prognostics include a general lunarium similar to T2 (60r–64v; ed. F. Wilhelm, Denkmäler deutscher Prosa des 11. und 12. Jahrhunderts, Münchener Texte 8 (Munich, 1914 and 1916–18; repr. 1960), 217–22), a version of the Somniale Danielis (69v–75r), and an alphabetic divination (83v) mentioned in E. Steinmeyer, ‘Bedeutung der Buchstaben’, Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum 17 (1874), 84. The Revelatio Esdrae on fol. 66 is coll. Cesario as VI1a; I have not seen this and rely on Cesario’s transcription.

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Commentary and the scribe copying the gloss either omitted some words here, or incorrectly reproduced the placement of these glosses over their text. 4/2  hiems mixta. B’s hiems iuxta appears to be a simple error for the correct mixta; v’s reading hiemps \iusta/ & maxima appears to be a bad attempt to correct it.   tempestuosa gl. ‘cwældbære’. The gloss is a rare word, occurring elsewhere only in the gloss to the Liber Scintillarum (spelled ‘cwyldbære’), where it glosses perniciosus (10.50, 53.3, 63.17) and pestiferæ (23.11).   uindemia bona. Æ67 v agree that uindemia non bona. M3a’s reading nociua is unique, but B’s reading uisa may be a corruption of an original nociua. 4/3  die martis gl. ‘dæg martes’. The gloss follows the Latin precisely, not using the expected form ‘dæg tiwes’ or the normal OE word ‘tiwesdæg’.   hiems nobilissima. Only M4a and ÖNB 2245 agree; other versions predict a rainy (and, by omission of the word uer or uernus, windy) winter.   ­uindemia laboriosa. This prediction, which appears in early texts like Vatican, BAV, Pal. lat. 1449 (and as uindemia laborabit in Uppsala C 664) is found elsewhere in Anglo-Saxon texts only in Æ67, though in a different position in the entry. M4a (and ÖNB 2245) predict uindemia mala; v is apparently unique in predicting uindemia bona. Other copies (except M4a B) add that reges peribunt. 4/4  mercatores laborabunt gl. ‘cypmen swincað’. This reading is unique to T4, but analogous to M4a negotiatores laborabunt (also in ÖNB 2245) and M3a nagociantibus laboriosum erit. Longer versions such as f 8, BAV, Pal. lat. 1449, and Montpellier 301 predict elsewhere that bonum negotia habundabunt; this reading may derive from some displacement of that prediction, or from an original misreading of something like B’s qui nauigabunt satis laborabunt. 4/5  The entries of B Æ32 are peculiarly terse here. 4/6  hiems stabilis & nix erit gl. ‘winter stedfæst ⁊ snaw bið’. An uncommon reading, found only in T4 and M4a (ÖNB 2245 reads hieme nix erit maxima). Most versions predict that winter will be mutabilis or (in some versions of the longer redaction) temperatus. Stabilis may have arisen as an error for the more common mutabilis, but M4a and the gloss ‘stedfæst’ confirm T4’s reading.   annona cara fiet. Most versions collated here predict the opposite, as in copia multa B or copiosa magna Æ32. An eleventh-century version in Montpellier, BEM, H 384,15 reads Aues moriuntur. & frumenta carum erit. & oues peribunt; apart from this, only T4 M4a and ÖNB 2245 predict that annona cara erit [fiet T4]. 4/7  hiems caliginosa. nix erat. Only T4, M4a, and Vienna ÖNB 2245 share this reading, and the Vienna manuscript omits nix erit.   annona cara erit. fructus habundabit. Most other copies predict that fructus laboriosus erit (Æ67); other early copies such as f 8 and Uppsala C 664 predict that annona commoda. Only T4 and M4a have this particular reading, which 15

A computistical manuscript of French origins, s. x or xi, containing Igino’s Astronomicon and Arato’s Astrologia, as well as abstracts from Martianus Capella, Macrobius, and Isidore. The Revelatio Esdrae appears on fols. 109–10; it is coll. Cesario as MO1a. I have not seen this manuscript and rely upon her transcription for this information.

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Commentary seems like a harmonization of the readings of two different versions.   homines egrotabunt & ueterani moriuntur gl. ‘e\a/lle adliað ⁊ ealde sweltað’. Nearly all versions predict the death of old men (senes or ueteres in most manuscripts); T4 predicts illness for men as well, where most related copies (except M4a and ÖNB 2245, which read homines egrotabunt) have oues peribunt. The original gloss ‘elle’ makes no sense; the correction (in the same hand) to ‘e\a/lle’—the only instance in this text in which the gloss does not agree with the Latin—suggests that the exemplar may have had omnes for homines. This dire prediction is found among early versions of the text only in v, and there only in part—it reads et aues [corr. to oues] peribunt & omnes uetuli moriuntur. As v and T4 are otherwise not close textually, its appearance here may be a coincidence; the glossator of T’s exemplar may simply have misread the Latin homines (or a non-standard spelling such as omines) in an earlier copy of the text. But a similar prediction does appear in at least one later version: London, BL, Sloane 122 (s. xv), fol. 125r reads omnes egrotabuntur, senes & apes morientur.16   uindimia bona. This is an unusual reading, not appearing in the closely related M4a but found in some form in ÖNB 2245 (apes moriuntur. uindemia erit) and the early manuscript Munich, BSB, clm 2205317 (uindemia bona. oues & apis peribunt in hoc anno). Many versions, including M4a, predict instead that houses will be consumed by fire, a prediction that also appears in the longer version of the text (e.g., f 8 incendia multa erunt).   M1a ends with the statement Haec sunt praedigia quae dedit deus hominibus ut possit uiuere. & requiescere sicut sofonias praetulit. The first part is similar to v, but it is not at all clear why the minor prophet Zephaniah should be cited in the second part As far as I know no work attributed to Zephaniah is connected to the Ezra/Esdras apocrypha, and the general tenor of the biblical Book of Zephaniah promises neither life nor rest, but rather visions of terrifying retribution.18 T5. Birth Lunarium, Latin with English gloss Title.  The text has no title in T5; T21 Æ63 f ascribe it, like the alphabetical dreambook, to the prophet Daniel. 16

Pr. Spunar, ‘Ceské zpracování Esdrásova prorictví’, p. 106. A composite manuscript of 99 fols., s. ix, whose origins are unknown. The Revelatio Esdrae appears added in a different hand on 21v. It is collated as M2a in Cesario. 18 A fairly typical passage is Zeph. I:15–18, the inspiration for the requiem sequence Dies Irae: Dies irae dies illa, dies tribulationis et angustiae, dies calamitatis et miseriae, dies tenebrarum et caliginis, dies nebulae et turbinis, dies tubae et clangoris super ciuitates munitas et super angulos excelsos. Et tribulabo homines et ambulabunt ut caeci, quia Domino peccauerunt; et effundetur sanguis eorum sicut humus et corpora eorum sicut stercora. ‘That day shall be a day of wrath, a day of tribulation and distress, a day of calamity and misery, a day of darkness and obscurity, a day of clouds and whirlwinds, a day of trumpets and alarms against the armed cities and against their high bulwarks. And I will distress men, and they shall walk like blind men, because they have sinned against the Lord; and their blood shall be poured out like dirt, and their bodies like dung.’ 17

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Commentary 5/4  tractator regum (MS tractatus regnum), gl. ‘trahtnere cyninga’. The gloss confirms that the original reading was tractator regum, as in T21 Æ63 f; J5 v both read tractator regni. The gloss takes the word tractator in its clerical sense of ‘commentator’. 5/7  utilis gl. ‘nytwurðe’. The manuscript spelling ‘notwurðe’ is not otherwise attested; elsewhere in T the word is spelled nyt- (nytwyrþe 2/9, nytlic 2/11, 2/12, etc.). 5/8  decidet. Two of the continental manuscripts, f and p, while otherwise close to the Insular versions, have tolletur here (as in 5/5). This is one indication that the Insular texts share a textual tradition distinct from that of continental copies, and may perhaps even descend from a common exemplar. 5/9  adquisitor gl. ‘strinend’ (also 5/11). The reading omnium adquisitor, found in all Insular copies, differs from continental versions, which read omnibus f (in omnibus p, om. v) acquisitor—another indication that Insular copies may descend from a common exemplar. In the collective lunarium Æ35, the prediction is displaced to day 8 and reads in omnibus erit adquisitor & iuuenis decidet). 5/11  omnium adquisitor erit. The same distribution of readings found in 5/9 is found here, separating Insular from continental versions. Again the collective lunarium Æ35 follows the continental reading: adquisitor erit in omnibus. 5/14  omnium tractator erit gl. ‘ealra trahtnere he bið’. Again the continental manuscripts have omnibus for omnium. 5/17  infelix erit. T5 omits this entry; all Insular manuscripts agree that a child born on this day will be infelix, while continental manuscripts (and the general lunarium in Æ35) agree that he or she will be felix. 5/21  ingeniosus gl. ‘þancful’. As in T2/13, where it glosses Latin animosus/-a, the OE word here means ‘thoughtful’, not ‘grateful’. 5/24  copiosus (MS copios). The correct reading copiosus is found in T21 Æ63 J5. Continental versions differ: f and v predict that compendias facit, while p warns that peccata facit multa. 5/27  amicus gl. ‘freond’. The reading of T21 f v, amicosus, is more likely to be original (J5 and p read amabilis), but the gloss confirms the reading, and Æ63’s amicos supports it.

T6. Medical Lunarium, Latin with English gloss 6/1  euadet gl. ‘ætwint’. Continental manuscripts f and v (as well as Paris, BNF, 6882A and Vatican City, BAV, Pal. lat. 485) have the present euadit instead of the future euadet here and elsewhere; the pattern is also found, though not with complete consistency, in the use of pres. surgit for fut. surget (6/2, 6/4, 6/8, 6/14), indicative egrotat for subjunctive egrotet (6/10, 6/13), even pres. laborat for fut. laborabit (6/18, 6/30). v is not as consistent as f in this regard, but Insular copies clearly derive from a version that regularly used -et (generally abbreviated &) rather than -it.

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Commentary 6/5  tricabit & surget gl. ‘he sipað ⁊ arist’. The OE gloss ‘sipað’ (also 6/17, 6/27) is found elsewhere only in a gloss to Prudentius, Cathemerinon, Peristephanon, and Epilogus,19 where ‘sypigende’ glosses senescens, frigescens. Another distinction between Insular and continental versions is seen in this entry; continental versions f and v, as well as the related copies noted above, agree that on this day a patient non euadit (J6’s similiter refers to its reading for day 4, laborabit & surget). 6/7  sanabitur gl. ‘gehelend’ T6, ‘gehæled’ C2. C’s improvement to the English text (see also 6/30 ‘arisð’ for T6 ‘rist’, and perhaps 6/11 ‘frecednesse’ for T6 ‘fræcnysse’, though this is more properly a variant than a correction) might argue that the scribe of C had access to a better copy of the text—presumably the exemplar of T6—but the improvements are not so dramatic that a good copyist could not have arrived at them spontaneously, considering that the Latin text was there at hand. 6/15  periclitat gl. ‘he dyrfð’. Other manuscripts (including related continental copies) have periclitabitur, but the gloss ‘dyrfð’ and the reading periclitat in C2 support T6 here. 6/21  rem adiuuabit gl. ‘þinc he fultumað’. The meaning of this entry is not clear—Latin adiuuo generally takes the dative—but the gloss and C2 follow T6 here. The common ancestor of the text may also have been unclear; other Insular copies seem to have had trouble with this entry, as seen by their diverse readings: readiuuabit Æ64, Bene adiuuabit J6. Continental manuscripts also disagree here: diu egrotabit v, recediuiuit f, diu egrotat & periclitatur Paris, BNF, 6882A (for the previous day Vatican City, BAV, Pal. lat. 485 has aegrotabit & uiuet). T7. Thunder Prognostic for the Hours of the Day, Latin with English gloss 7/4  quinta gl. ‘þriddan’. The gloss is apparently a repetition from the line above. 7/5  gallicantu gl. ‘angræde’. For ‘hancrede’. See also 7/14 ‘ungor’ for ‘hungor’. 7/10  a parte meridiane gl. ‘fram dæle middæges’. The gloss misses the point that the Latin is a direction, not a time of day—‘from the part of mid-day’ makes little sense. T8. Dream Lunarium, English A line is left blank between the end of the Latin prognostics in T7 and the English texts that follow; these English texts are written in a different hand, but this hand is found elsewhere in the manuscript (cf. Ker items 13–19f) and it seems clear that the Latin and English items form a single series. Like the set of Latin texts, the 19

Ed. H. D. Meritt, The Old English Prudentius Glosses at Boulogne-sur-Mer (Stanford, 1959), line 623.

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Commentary English prognostics begins with a dreambook, a dream lunarium, and a general lunar calendar, though these appear in a slightly different order and are not direct translations of their Latin counterparts. 8/1  ‘þe mæteð’. The variant in W8 ‘þe gesihst’ is an exact translation of the phrase quicquid uideris found in many Latin versions of the text; ‘þe mæteð’ in T8 C7 more closely translates Latin quicquid somniauerit (T2/1).   ‘þæt cymð to gefean’. While the prediction is substantially the same in all Latin versions, the wording here is closest to that in the Latin section of W8, in gaudium conuertitur. 8/2  ‘næfþ þæt swefen nænige fremednesse godes ne yfeles’. The wording corresponds to T3/2, nullum effectum habet, nec in animo ponas, siue bonum siue malum, but omits a translation of the middle phrase. H1 reads ‘ne byoð þæt naðer ne god ne yfel’. 8/4  ‘þæt byð god swefen. wite þu þæt georne on þinre heortan’. The first phrase corresponds to T3/4 bonum effectum habet or Æ65 bonus & affectus erit; the second phrase is not paralleled in surviving Insular Latin versions. 8/6  ‘þæt þe þonne þince þæt þu geseo. þæt beo fæst on þinum breostum. wite þæt þin geþanc ne leose’. The advice seems closest to that of T3/6: secundum quod uideris ita, tibi fiet secretum. consilium extraneis noli proferre. The last phrase also corresponds to the advice in the Latin portion of W8, cautus es consilio tuo utere. 8/7  ‘æfter tide cymð seo endung’. W8 reads ‘langre tide’; this is probably the original reading (cf. H1 ‘æfter mycelre tyde agæð’), corresponding to T3 Æ65 post multum tempus fiet. 8/8  Cf. the general lunarium Æ35: cito fiet secundum id quod uideris. Et si aduersa uideris, ad orietem te uerte. The word ‘ypeð’ corresponds to W8’s ‘ætewð’, and may have been ‘yweð’ (i.e., ‘appears’), but the word is also found in T8/25. 8/10  ‘þin swefen agæþ butan frecnesse’. This is essentially equivalent to the Latin in T3, nullum effectum malum habet, but more closely similar to the entry in J7/11 (a variant of Æ65), somnus tuus sine periculo fiet. 8/11  ‘þæt swefen agæþ mid gefean’. This corresponds to Æ65/12, cum omni gaudio fiet somnus tuus. 8/12  ‘binnan þrim nihton þu gesyhst þæt þe ær on swefne ætywede’. Equivalent to H1 ‘Þeore .xii. niht. ⁊ þeore .xiii. niht. ine þrim dagum þu gesihst þin swefn’. This does not correspond to any surviving Insular Latin version; the original presumably was something like the entry found in Paris, BNF, lat. 2825 for day 13: infra dies .iiii. fiet secundum quod uideris. 8/14  ‘næfð þæt nænige fremednesse. godes ne yfeles’ (cf. H1 ‘ne hafað þat nane gefremednesse’). This does not agree with surviving Latin versions, which generally predict effectum habet breue temporis (T3/14). J7/15 reads nullum bonum effectum habet, which might have given rise to the English version. If so, a systematic displacement of one day seems to have taken place between the source of the English versions and the surviving Latin texts (see T8/10 above), not an unlikely occurrence given the way different lunaria group different days into pairs with a single prediction.

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Commentary 8/15  ‘sceortwyrplic þæt bið’. The unusual word ‘sceortwyrplic’ appears only here. W8 reads ‘scorte fulfremmednesse hafað’ (cf. T3/14 effectum habet breuis temporis, gl. ‘gefremminge hæfð scortes timan’); if the two entries mean the same thing, the word must mean something like ‘coming to pass quickly’, but as Förster points out (‘Die altenglischen Traumlunare’, p. 82), OE ‘wyrpan’ and ‘gewyrpan’ cannot really bear this sense. Some underlying corruption must be suspected; the original reading probably corresponded to the Latin portion of W8 for days 14 and 15, effectum habent & in breui tempore fiet, or T3/14 effectum habet breuis temporis. 8/16  ‘æfter langre tide hit agæð’ (cf. H1 ‘æster mycelre tide agæð þin sweofen’). Equivalent to the reading in most Latin versions, e.g., T3/16 post multum tempus fiet, gl. ‘æfter langum timan hit gewyrð’. 8/17  ‘þæt swefen byþ god. ⁊ on manegum dagum geendað’. Most Insular Latin versions agree with T2/17 Somnium cito fiet; this reading (and cf. H1 ‘in .iii. ⁊ .c.um daga bið goð swefn’) may translate something like the text of Paris, BNF, lat. 2825, post multum tempus erit somnium tuum, or T2/18 inter dies .x.cem completur. 8/20  ‘ceapunga ⁊ hwearfunga’ (cf. H1 ‘Ðonne se mona bið xx. niht. ⁊ i. ⁊ xx. niht. þæt bið scir oðþe ceap in þem swefne toweard’). The reading does not correspond to any surviving Insular Latin version, but may arise from something like the reading in Paris, BNF, lat. 2825, In negotio negotiantis bonum sumnium illi. qui intuitem est. 8/22  ‘seo mæting byþ gecornes ⁊ geflitnes ⁊ eall costnunge full’ (cf. H1 ‘Þonne heo byð .iii. ⁊ xx. nihta eald. þæt bid cid ⁊ geflit’). The word ‘gecornes’, which appears only here, is unexplained; the reading of W8, ‘geteres ful ⁊ geflites ⁊ costunge’ is more likely, and corresponds to J7/23 rixam habebit et contentiones. Presumably ‘gecornes ⁊ geflitnes’ is a translation of the single Latin word rixam; the word ‘costnunge’, which ought to translate some form of Latin temptatio, is unexplained, and may arise from a misreading (or an otherwise-unattested variant) of contentiones. 8/24  The omission in T8 seems to be a simple eyeskip from ‘tacnað’ in 8/24 to the same word in 8/25. W8 also varies rather more widely than usual at this point, however, which may indicate a problem in the underlying common text: ‘On xxiii. [sic] nihte þæt getacnað gefean and hælo. On xxv. ⁊ xxvi. towardlice fyrhtu and brogan þæt getacnað’. H1 is similar: ‘Ðonne heo bið .iiii. ond xx. nihta eald. ond v. ond xx. ond vi. ond xx. nihta eald. þæt bið weorðlic ege on nigon dagum. oðþe on .x. þin swefn agæð’. The reading is essentially that of J7/24 Luna .xxiiii. Ad salutem pertinet; C7’s reading ‘gesynto ⁊ gehæle’ (using two words for one Latin word as in T8/22) is closer to the Latin that W8’s ‘gefean ⁊ hælo’. 8/25  ‘toweardlice firhto. ⁊ brogan. ⁊ on nigon dagum oððe on .x. þæt byþ geypped. ac wend þin heafod east bide þe are’. The word ‘geypped’ is ‘æteowed’ in W8, for which see T8/8 above. The prediction is fairly common; see, e.g., T3/25 metus futurus inter dies .uiii., and Æ65 infra dies .x. fiet somnus tuus. The reading is close to that found in Paris, BNF, lat. 2825: metus futuras signat. Infra dies .uiiii. aut .x. pete oriente caput. A later general lunarium in St Gallen 756 (s. xiv or xv; pr. Svenberg, De latinska lunaria) also reads sompnus tuus metum

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Commentary futurorum significat. infra dies VIItem uel nouem uel decem fiet. pone caput tuum ad orientem. The English again apparently uses two words (‘firhto ⁊ brogan’) for one Latin word (metus). 8/27  ‘þæt swefen tacnaþ ealne gefean. ⁊ ealle angsumnesse. ⁊ uneaðnesse smyltnesse. ⁊ glædnysse gehataþ’ (cf. H1 ‘ealne gefean þæt bicneð’). The reading is similar to that of T3/28 omne gaudium significat. & omnem angustiam hilaris aufert but is closer to the text of a later general lunarium in Erlangen, MS 674, 7r–18r (s. xiii–xiv, pr. Svenberg, De latinska lunaria), a text which is otherwise for the most part closely similar to Æ35: omne gaudium significat et omnes angustias hylares promittit. Again the translation uses two words for one Latin word: ‘angsumnesse ⁊ uneaðnesse’ = Latin angustiam, and ‘symltnesse ⁊ glædnysse’ = Latin hilaris. 8/30  ‘ær tweigra nihta fyrste þæt swefen agæð butan frecnum þingum’ (cf. H1 ‘þæt bið æfre buton fræcnesse’). W8’s ‘srecednesse’ (i.e., ‘frecednesse’) is probably the original reading; the entry is similar to T3/30, infra triduum fiet somnium tuum sine periculo, which is also the reading of many other versions, including Æ65, J7, and BNF, lat. 2825. T9. Dreambook, English There is no gap between this and previous text, and no indication that a new text begins here. Another copy of this text is found in H10, though the latter has two items (16–17) where T9 has only one, adds one item (38),20 and omits nos. 28, 44–53, 72–81, 87, 92, and 97. Most items have parallels in a later version of the Somniale Danielis found in Cambridge, Trinity College, O.1.57 (s. xv, collated as EY in Epe),21 though entries in this text do not begin with the Si uideris formula that seems to have been characteristic of the Latin antecedent of T9. 9/1 = TCC O.1.57, no. 21: Aquilam qui super caput proprium uiderit, honorem significat. 9/2  TCC O.1.57, no. 22: Aquilas plures qui uiderit, inuidiam significat. The variation between 3rd person ‘him þince’ T9 and 2nd person ‘þe þince’ H10 is also found in 9/3 (T9 uses 2nd person in 9/92 ‘þu ofercymst’ where H10 has ‘he . . . his willan gewryhð’). If the underlying Latin text read Si somniaueris . . ., then H presumably reflects the original reading, but both versions continue in the 3rd person after these entries. 9/3 = TCC O.1.57, no. 23: Apes mel portantes, pecuniam diuitem accipere significat. Following the practice of Förster, ‘Beiträge IX’, Epe, Wissenliteratur im angelsächsischen England, and Chardonnens, Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, I have preferred the numbering of H10 to that of T9 in these two instances; see the comments below for details. 21 Described in Martin, Somniale Danielis 47–8. I have relied on Epe’s collation of this manuscript, and on Epe’s excellent notes to his edition of T9 (Wissenliteratur im angelsächsischen England, pp. 191–211), in the notes that follow. 20

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Commentary 9/4  = 1/284 Si uideris apes te illudere uel nocere uitam tuam moueri de hominibus. significat. As in 9/2 and 9/3, H10 changes the opening formula here, but in a different way, reading ‘Gif hine beon stingen’ where T9 reads ‘Gif him þince þæt hine beon stikian’. Similar omissions occur in 9/8, 9/13, 9/15 and 9/22 (both manuscripts omit ‘þince’ in 9/7); at that point H10 seems to settle into the opening formula ‘Gif hine mete / Gif mon mete’, which is used in T9 only in 9/1 and 9/93. It is impossible to say on textual evidence alone whether T’s consistency represents the original reading or a later revision of the kind of irregularity represented in H. 9/5  = 1/285 Si uideris apes uolare in domo tua. desertionem significat.22 For ‘ælednyss’ H10 reads ‘awestmas’, presumably for ‘awestnes’, which is a closer translation of desertionem. 9/7  = TCC O.1.57, no. 309: Volucres pugnantes uidere, inter diuites discordiam significant. The place of this item early in the sequence of entries suggests that the original may have been closer to 1/1: Aues in somnis qui uiderit & cum ipsis pugnauerit lites aliquas significat. 9/8  = 1/286 Si uideris colubrem contra te uenire contra malas feminas te defendere ammonet. 9/9  = TCC O.1.57, no. 26: aquilem se persequentem uidere, mortem significat. This is not quite the same as 1/287: Si uideris aquilam uolantem. uxorem tuam rapere mortem significat. 9/10  = 1/288 Si uideris te in calida aqua lauare. dampnum corporis. significat. Here and occasionally elsewhere (e.g., 9/11, 9/12), the translation uses two words ‘baþige oððe þwea’ to translate one Latin word lauare. 9/11  = 1/289 Si uideris te in aqua frigida lauare, sanitatem corporis significat. 9/12  = 1/137 In mare se lauare. letitiam significat. 9/13  = 1/275 Si uideris quod in aqua pulcra intres aut ultra ambulaueris. securitatem significat. 9/14  = London, BL, Add. 15236 (s. xii–xiv, collated as FB in Epe),23 no. 15: Aquam profundam uidere, inutile significat. 9/15  = TCC O.1.57, no. 27: Aurum bonum uidere, decens est, et malum, non est decens. 9/16–17  T writes ‘Gif him þince þæt he feala penegas finde. ⁊ ne oþhrine. god þæt byþ. gif he nymeþ ne deah þæt.’ H10 divides this into two dreams, and most editors have agreed: ‘Gyf he mancas oððe penigas findæg. þæt bið æfst’ and ‘Gyf him þince þæt he penigas gesio. ond ne oðrine. god þæt big. Gyf he hie nimeð. ne deahg þæt him.’ This may be the original reading, and T9’s version a result of eyeskip, but the text as presented in T9 is roughly equivalent to the reading in TCC O.1.57, no. 119: denarius uidere et non tangere, bonum est, et attingere, malum significat. 9/18  = TCC O.1.57, no. 285: Es uel ferrum inuenire, bonum. 9/19  = TCC O.1.57, no. 261: plumbum habere, dedecus significat. Cf. 1/212 22 23

Cf. the variant in Vatican, BAV, Reg. lat. 567: Apes in domum introire, destructionem significat. Noted in Martin, Somniale Danielis, pp. 15–16.

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Commentary Plumbum trectare. infirmitatem significat. 9/20  = 1/291 Si uideris de manu mortui aliquid accipere. de aliqua parte tibi uenire pecuniam significat. For ‘anlices onfo’ H10 reads ‘ahtes onfo’, which is likely the better reading. 9/21  = Vatican, BAV, reg. lat. 567, no. 18: Ad imperatore aliquid accipere, sollicitudinem aut liberationem significat. 9/22  = 1/292 Si uideris domum tuam ardentem. inuenire te pecuniam significat 9/24  = 1/302 Si uideris fabricare domum tuam. pecuniam tuam crescere significat 9/25  = TCC O.1.57, no. 115: Donum destruere uel cadere, desolacionem significat. Compare 1/81 Domum suam cecidisse. dampnum cum pluribus significat. 9/26  = TCC O.1.57, no. 18: albam uel splendidam uestem indui, honorem significat. 9/27  = TCC O.1.57, no. 57: Barbam radere, ad infirmitatibus laxari significat. Compare 1/23 Barba sibi tondi dampnum. significat. 9/28  The image is the same as 1/293 Si uideris brachia tua truncata; bonum significat, but the meaning is different. Epe cites Bern, Burgerbibliothek 556 (s. xv), no. 70: Brachia prescisa habere, bonorum diminucionem significat. 9/29  = 1/294 Si uideris multa uestimenta habere. inimicum tuum in potestate tua habere significat. Compare TCC O.1.57, no. 217: Magnas telas habere, inimicum superare significat. 9/30  = Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Digby 86 (s. xiii, cited as DN by Epe),24 no. 76: baiulare aliqued uidere, discordiam significat. 9/31  = Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Digby 86, no. 77: balteo se cinctum uidere, constanciam significat. 9/32  = 1/295 Si uideris anulum aureum habere. honorem. significat 9/33  = TCC O.1.57, no. 97: corpus pilosum habere, minoracionem boni significat. 9/34  = TCC O.1.57, no. 229: non posse currere, infirmitatem significat. 9/35  = TCC O.1.57, no. 91: cecum natum uidere, admissionem pecunie significat. This is somewhat similar to 1/41, Cecum qui se uiderit inpeditionem significat. 9/36  = 1/296 Si uideris te uomicum facere. cogitationes & consilia tua dispersa & adnichilata esse significat. 9/37  = TCC O.1.57, no. 92: cum rege loqui, cito bonum aduenire significat. 9/38  T omits this item, which appears in H. The error is probably on T’s part, since the wording, though not the dream itself, is similar to 9/82, and the dream is similar to the Latin text of TCC O.1.57, no. 201: Ligatum se uidere, caueat se a malis impedimentis significat. 9/40  = 1/298 Si uideris de alto loco subtus in obscuro te cadere anguistias. uel iniurias significat. 9/41  = 1/299 Si uideris quod concupiscas uxorem proximi tui. malum dolorem in corpus significat. 24

Martin, Somniale Danielis, pp. 32–4.

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Commentary 9/42  = 1/300 Si uideris cum uxore tua accumbere, bonum significat (contrast 1/70 Cum coniuge sua concumbere anxietatem significat). 9/43  = 1/301 Si uideris te orare ad dominum, grande gaudium tibi aduenisse significat; see also 1/86 Dracones uiderit. aliquam dignitatem significat. 9/44  = Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Digby 86, no. 191: discingi se uidere, dampnum significat. 9/45  = 1/273 Si uideris draconem super te uolantem thesaurum significat 9/46  = 1/280 Si uideris quod iudicas populum bonum uel honorem significat. 9/47  = 1/48 Caput sibi tondi. dampnum. significat 9/48  = Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Digby 86, no. 150: capillosum se fieri, infirmitatem significat. 9/49  = 1/49 Calciamento nouo calciari. lucrum ex insperato. significat. 9/50  = Cambridge, CCC, 301 (s. xiv), pp. 198–202, no. 224: libros portare, dominum nouem habere significat. 9/51  = TCC O.1.57, no. 308: uenatores exsequi, caueat sit ab inimicis significat. Contrast 1/243 Venationem facere. lucrum significat. 9/52  = 1/281 Si uideris multos canes de inimicis tuis te cauere significat. 9/53  = TCC O.1.57, no. 40: Audire uel uidere canes, bonum significat. 9/54  = TCC O.1.57, no. 263: pisces uidere, pluuiam significat. 9/55  = TCC O.1.57, no. 203: lunam plenam se uidere, bonum significat. 9/56  = 1/87 Equo albo sedere. euentum bonum significo. Epe cites Cambridge, CCC, 481 (s. xiii), no. 160: Equum album uidere uel supra sedere, honorem significat. 9/57  = 1/88 Equo nigro sedere anxietatem significo. 9/58  = 1/89 Equo flauo sedere. detrimentum significo. Epe cites the variant equo rubeo from Erfurt, Wissenschaftliche Bibliothek, Sammlung Amploniana CA 4° 21 (s. xiv). 9/59  = TCC O.1.57, no. 128: equum fuluum ascendere uel sedere, grossum bonum significat. Cf. 1/90 Equo baio sedere expeditionem significo. 9/60  = TCC O.1.57, no. 159: hominem occidere, litem cum amico significat. Contrast 1/131 Hominem occidere tutamentum significa. 9/61  = TCC O.1.57, no. 179: inimicum occidere, cauere a malo significat. 9/62  = CCC 301, no. 225: latrones uidere, bonum futurum significat. 9/63  = TCC O.1.57, no. 214: Mortuum osculare, bonum et longam uitam significat. Compare 1/178 Mortuum osculari. uitam uiuendi. Significat. 9/64  = 1/183 Naues uiderit. bonum nuntium. Significat. 9/65  = TCC O.1.57, no. 109: auelanas coligere, bonum est, et comedere, malum est. 9/66  = 1/282 Si uideris osculum te dare proximo bonum significat. 9/67  = Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Digby 86, no. 96: campanam sonare et sonitum eius audire, aliquam famam significat. 9/68  = TCC O.1.57, no. 31: audire in ecclesia canticum, bonum significat. 9/69  = TCC O.1.57, no. 161: hominem uulneratum uidere cum armis, malum euenire significat. 9/70  = TCC O.1.57, no. 242: Gladium portare, securitatem significat. Compare 1/277 Si uideris quod gladio eris cinctus securitatem significat.

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Commentary 9/72  = TCC O.1.57, no. 93: cum confessore suo louqi, relaxari a peccatis significat. 9/73  = TCC O.1.57, no. 305: uidere uxorem suam pregnantem, bonum significat. 9/74  = TCC O.1.57, no. 291: Sagittas (an error for serpentes?) uidere, male mulieris inuidiam significat. Compare 9/8 and 1/286 Si uideris colubrem contra te uenire contra malas feminas te defendere ammonet. The place of this entry in alphabetical sequence makes it likely that the original began with serpentes rather than colubres. 9/75  = TCC O.1.57, no. 216: mortuum uidere, nullum malum significat. 9/77  = TCC O.1.57, no. 32: albas oues habere, bonum significat. 9/78  = TCC O.1.57, no. 59: boues plures habere, nullum bonum nec malum significat. 9/79  = TCC O.1.57, no. 30: arare uel messes colligere, bonum significat. 9/80  = TCC O.1.57: Legentem se in diuersis libris et discentem, edicionem significat. 9/82  = TCC O.1.57, no. 303: Videre non posse, cauere ab inimicis significat. 9/84  = TCC O.1.57, no. 300: Videre se inquinatum, bonum significat. 9/85  = 1/247 Vestem formosam habere. letitiam significat. 9/86  = 1/210 Porcos uiderit. infirmitatem significat. 9/88  = TCC O.1.57, no. 244: oua gallinarum habere uel uidere, nullum bonum significat. 9/89  = TCC O.1.57, no. 96: capras habere uel uidere, inimicum proximum significat. 9/92  = TCC O.1.57, no. 198: Lanam ab ouibus colligere, malum significat. Compare 1/195 Oues uiderit tonsas dampnum significat. 9/95  = TCC O.1.57, no. 297: Vinum bibere, corporis sanitatem et hillaritatem significat. Contrast 1/246 Vinum bibere. infirmitatem significat. 9/96  = TCC O.1.57, no. 95: candelas habere ardentes in manibus, bonum significat. T10. Agenda Lunarium, English 10/1  Vatican, BAV, Vat. lat. 642 begins Luna ia. mari pleno. uade ad regem & pete ab eo quod uis, hora tercia, et dabitur tibi. 10/2  Vatican, BAV, Vat. lat. 642: Luna ii mare plena arborem deponere, uiam ambulare, pugnam facere, equum domare, mulierum seducere, agrum redimere, quem uendiderunt patres tui antiqui. 10/4  ‘sibba þa cidenda men. ond þu hie gesibbast’. cf. Vatican, BAV, Vat. lat. 642: pacifice inter discordantes pacem facere, & nunquam separabuntur ab inuicem post hanc pacem. 10/5  Vatican, BAV, Vat. lat. 642: sequere amicum tuum diu a te sepraratum, et reperies illum gaudentem et uolentem uidere te. 10/6  Vatican, BAV, Vat. lat. 642: et da stramen sub latere tuo: et non habebis frequenter dolorem, et gaudens eris. ad materiam ecclesie succidendam et nauis.

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Commentary 10/7  Vatican, BAV, Vat. lat. 642: si alere uis filium regis, deduc eum in domum tuam, et bene erit tibi et illi . . . pisces a piscatoribus petere. 10/8  Vatican, BAV, Vat. lat. 642: domum nouam ingredere et sponsam introducere. 10/12  Vatican, BAV, Vat. lat. 642: bona est ad ambulandum et ad tenenda arma et ad aratrum faciendum, ad molam faciendam, ad nauigandum ultra mare. 10/16  Vatican, BAV, Vat. lat. 642: Iter age ad orientem. nauigare bonum est in ea, quia uere obtinebitur optatus portus. T11. Medical Lunarium, English This English version of a medical lunarium follows the incomplete T10 without any indication that any text is missing, or that a new text is beginning. The language and formulae of the two texts are identical, and it is possible that the fragmentary T10 was attached to the beginning of T11 in an earlier exemplar. 11/1  ‘On anre nihte ealdne monan’. The opening formula is identical to that of T10.   ‘adl gestandeð’. This phrase is used frequently in the first half of the text but not thereafter: it is repeated verbatim in 11/2, 11/6, 11/8 (where subj. sg. ‘gestande’ is probably an error for pres. 3s ‘gestandeð’), while the verb ‘gestandeð’ alone is used in 11/3 and 11/4.  The construction ‘he/se bið gestanden’ appears in 11/1, 11/25, 11/26, 11/30. The verb ‘gestandan’ is not used in any other prognostic text in T.   ‘frecenlice gestanden’. Cf. 6/1 difficile euadet. 11/2  ‘sona he ariseþ’. Cf. W5 ‘hraðe æfter sare he ariseð’, and 6/2 cito consurget. 11/3  ‘se liþ fæste ⁊ swylt’. See 6/3 non euadet. 11/4  ‘se biþ geswenced. ⁊ þeah arist’. See W5 ‘he winneð ⁊ eft ariseð’ and 6/4 laboret et surget. 11/5  ‘þone man mæg gelacnian’. 6/5 and other Latin versions read tricabit et surget; this item is closer to 6/7 medicina sanabitur. 11/6  ‘se biþ lifes’. Cf. 6/6 non euadet. 11/7  ‘se swinceað lange’. Similar to 6/8 diu languet et surget. 11/8  ‘se bið hraþe sweltende’. Cf. W5 ‘ne leofeð he na lange’. The Latin version preserved in Vatican, BAV, Pal. lat. 485 reads non diu uiuet. 11/9  ‘se swinceað lange. ⁊ þeahhwæðere ariseþ’. Similar to 6/8 diu languet et surget; Vatican, BAV, Pal. lat. 485 reads diu egrotabit et resurget for this day. 11/12  ‘sona he ariseþ’. 6/12 and other Latin versions say simply surget. 11/14  ‘þæt bið swiþe frecenlic on þam nihtum’. Cf. W5/15 ‘fræclice bið his þing’. Both presumably derive from a Latin version like 6/15 periclitat. 11/20  ‘se liþ lange ⁊ arist’. W5/20 reads ‘he ariseð’. The reading may derive from something similar to 6/17 tricabit et surget or 6/18 laborabit et surget. 11/21  ‘se liþ lange ⁊ swinceað. ⁊ arist’. Cf. W5 ‘he bið lange seoc’. Both are similar to 6/17 and 6/18 cited for 11/20 above, or 6/22 languet et surget, or Vati-

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Commentary can, BAV, Pal. lat. 485, no. 18 diu laborabit et resurget. 11/24  ‘se ligð fæste’. W5 reads ‘he bið langa lama ⁊ swelteð’. 6/24 has diu languet; Vatican, BAV, Pal. lat. 485 reads diu languit et moritur. 11/25  ‘frecenlice se bið gestanden’. Contrast to W5 ‘he hraþe ariseð’ and 6/25 languet et morietur. 11/30  ‘uneaðe he gewyrpð ⁊ þeah ariseþ’. Cf. W5 ‘he bið lange seoc þæhweðere ariseð’, both presumably based on something like 6/30 eger laborabit et surget. T12. Thunder Prognostic for Days of the Week, English 12/1  ‘cynebearna cwealm’. The Latin text of Paris, BNF, lat. 7299a is closest to the reading of W2: Si tonauerit in die domenico. mors principis magni illi episcopi erit. uel multi peribunt cum principe. H9 reverses entries for Sunday and Monday, but its entry for Monday, ‘cynebearn acweað byð’, is similar to that of T12. 12/2  ‘micelne blodgyte on sumre þeode’. All three versions have the same reading (though W9 places it on Sunday rather than Monday); W2 and T12 share the peculiar misspelling ‘þeade’ for ‘þeode’. 12/3  ‘wæstma geswefrunge’. Though they use different words, all versions convey the same meaning as that found in Paris, BNF, lat. 7299a, periclitabunt fructus terrae. 12/4  ‘landbigencgena cwealm ⁊ cræftigra’. The three English versions use identical words, though T12 adds ‘⁊ cræftigra’. 12/5  ‘wifmanna cwealm’. T12 and H9 are identical; W2 offers the same prediction in different words, ‘wifa hryre’. 12/6  ‘sædeora cwealm’. H9’s ‘seodeora’ is similar, but W2’s ‘nytena’ is more general. Both later Latin analogues cited by Förster note the death of pecora;25 Chardonnens suggests that the original reading was an otherwise unattested (and presumably unusual, since none of the three scribes recognized it) word *seamdeora ‘beasts of burden’, a fairly loose translation of Latin pecus. 12/7  ‘demena ⁊ gerefena cwealm’. All three versions have identical readings (though H9 erroneously writes ‘gerestena’ for ‘gerefena’). T14. Notes on the Growth of the Fetus 14/2  ‘ærest þæs mannes brægen . . . on þære syxtan wucan’. Leiden, Vossianus lat. Q.69 reads Cerebrum prius conpingitur in homine. Fit ilium erga cerebrum tridium in .ui. ebdomade. 14/3  ‘On oðrum monðe þa ædran beoð geworden. . . .⁊ tosomne geawað’. Vos25

Förster, ‘Beiträge I’, p. 47.

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Commentary sianus lat. Q.69 reads Idem in altero mense it in uenas ccclxu. Longas et breues in quibus fluit sanguis (sanciendo uim dictus) usque ad angul[o]s [MS angulas] pedum et manuum. 14/4–5  ‘On þam þriddan monþe he biþ man butan sawle. On þam feorþan monþe he bið on limum staþolfæst’. Vossianus lat. Q.69 reads In .iii. mense diuidendo ramescit. In iiii. mense [a]gendum [MS ogendum] idem, homo sine anima. 14/6  ‘On þam fiftan monþe he biþ cwicu . . . on hire innoþe styrigende bið’. Vossianus lat. Q.69 reads In .u. mense animatur in anima in calore materno et tunc fiunt coste (custodiendo dicte). Tunc ueniunt dolores matri quod mouetur corpus. Idem pastus in utero. 14/7  ‘On þam syxtan monþe he byþ gehyd. ⁊ ban beoð weaxende’. Vossianus lat. Q.69 reads In .ui. mense cutis nascitur erga ossa. 14/8  ‘On þam seofoþan monþe þa tan. ⁊ þa fingras. beoð weaxende’. Vossianus lat. Q.69 reads In uii mense nascuntur ungole quas proiciunt extra digitos. 14/9  ‘On þam eahtoþan monþe . . . eall staþolfæstlice. geseted’. Vossianus lat. Q.69 reads In uiii mense cor pingitur et concretiones sanguineȩ et interna. 14/10  ‘On þam nigoþan monþe witodlice wifum bið cuð hwæder hi cennan magon’. Vossianus lat. Q.69 reads In uiiii mense n[au]sia [MS nesia] nascitur siue uenit. 14/11  ‘On þam teoþan monþe . . . oftost on tiwesniht’. Vossianus lat. Q.69 here does not agree with T; it reads In x. feltacus [sic] hoc est stomachus qui conpellit hominem nasci. T15. Birth Lunarium, English 15/1  ‘lang lifes. ⁊ welig bið’. T5 reads uitalis erit gl. ‘liflic he bið’. T15 C8 H2 all include ‘⁊ welig’ (‘ond weleði’ H2); only W4 reads simply ‘liflic’. 15/2  ‘se bið a seoc ⁊ unhal’. T5 reads mediocris erit gl. ‘medeme he bið’. The birth prediction in the general lunarium Æ35 reads cito crescit & non erit uitalis, but the reading here might derive from 5/3, infirmus erit gl. ‘untrum he bið’. 15/3  ‘se lyfað lange’. All copies agree on this reading (H2 adds ‘ond hydig’), which reflects a Latin uitalis rather than the more common infirmus; uitalis is the reading of Vatican, BAV, Vat. lat. 642. 15/4  ‘se bið a in wordum leas’. This reading, found in T15 C8, corresponds to no Latin version. H2 reads simply ‘he bið rice’, while W4 has a more elaborate ‘þæt bið on worðunge geonde feola ðeode’, neither of which reflects the usual Latin reading, tractator regum erit. 15/5  T15 and C8 both read ‘.v. nihta adl’ for a presumed original ‘.v. nihta eald’; the error is repeated in 15/6 with ‘adli’ (‘adlig’ C8) for *eald. The scribe seems to have momentarily forgotten that he was copying a birth lunarium and started thinking about illness. The prediction ‘him on geoguþ gewiteþ’ is slightly different in H2 W4; both translate T5 iuuenis tolletur gl. ‘geong he bið genumen’. 15/6  ‘se bið. lang lifes ond gesælig’. this translates Æ35/6 uitalis et felix erit

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Commentary rather than the simpler reading of T5 uitalis erit. 15/7  ‘se bið a weorð ⁊ lifeþ lange’. The general reading in Latin manuscripts is uitalis & utilis erit; the word order of H2 W4 follows this reading, while the word order of T15 C8 seems to follow the variant utilis & uitalis in Æ35/7. 15/8  ‘se sweltað sona’ = T5 iuuenis decidet gl. ‘geong he afealleð’. 15/9  ‘se byð frecenlice accenned’. The reading does not reflect T5 Omnium adquisitor erit; it may derive from an entry like that in the general lunar calendar T2/15 puer natus periculosus. 15/10  ‘se biþ þrowere’. This does not correspond to T5 Circuibit multa regiones or to other Latin versions. 15/11  ‘se bið landes ofergenga’ = T5/10 Circuibit multa regiones. 15/12  ‘se biþ on eallum þingum wurðfull’. Does not correspond to T5 religiosus erit. It may reflect some corruption of a reading like T5/11 omnium adquisitor erit. 15/13  ‘se biþ æwfæst ond rihtwis’ = T5/12 religiosus erit gl. ‘æwfæst he bið’. T15 C8 combine days 13 and 14; H2 offers different predictions for 13 (‘se bið rices waldend. ond godcunde.’) and 14 (‘se bið ælces godes wyrþe’), as does W4 (13 ‘se bið æwfest and rihtwis’, 14 ‘in allum þingum he bið welgetyd’). In each case the first roughly = T5/12, the second T5/14 omnium tractator erit or Vatican, BAV, Vat. lat. 642, no. 12 in omnibus adtractator erit. (tractator read as tractatus?) 15/15  ‘se bið sona gefaren’. Most Latin manuscripts read iuuenis morietur; W4’s reading ‘se geong sweltað’ is closest to the Latin. 15/16  ‘se byþ on eallum þingum nytwyrþe’. This may be a misreading of 5/16 uitalis (& pauper erit) as utilis. 15/17  ‘se bið sona gewiten’. = T5/18 non diu uiuet; Æ35/18 has a closer reading iuuenis morietur. 15/18  ‘se bið gesælig’ (T15 C8) may be a misreading or a variant of the common Latin entry for day 17 infelix erit, reading *felix for infelix (this is in fact the reading of Vatican, BAV, Vat. lat. 642 and a few other manuscripts). T15 C8 combine days 18 and 19; W4 has different readings for 18 (‘se bið earm and geswingful on his life’, = T5/17 infelix) and 19 (‘on weorðunge’, = T5/19 in honore erit). 15/20  ‘se byþ sona gefaren’ = T5/18 non diu uiuet. These entries (15/20–15/24) correspond to T5/18–22. 15/21  ‘se bið on goddre weorþunge’ = T5/19 in honore erit gl. ‘on wyrðscipe he bið’. Æ35 reads in magno honore erit. 15/22  ‘se biþ unerh fihtling’ = T5/20 bellator erit gl. ‘feohtere he bið’. Æ35 reads fortissimus bellator. 15/23  ‘se byð þeaf sceaða’ = T5/21 latro ingeniosus erit gl. ‘sceaþa þancful he bið’. 15/24  ‘se bið geswincfull on his life’ = T5/22 laboriosus erit gl. ‘geswincful he bið’. 15/25  ‘se biþ gehealtsum his lifes’ = the general lunarium T2/25 puer natus. cupidus. 15/26  ‘se byð weorces gælsa’. This may reflect T5/24 copiosus erit, or Æ35/23, luxuriosus erit nimis.

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Commentary 15/27  ‘se bið to frecnum þingum acenned’ = T5/25 pericula multa patietur gl. ‘fræcnyssa feala he þolað’. 15/28  ‘se ne biþ naþor ne earm ne welig’ = T5/26 nec diues nec pauper erit gl. ‘na welig na wædla bið’. 15/29  ‘se bið god ond freondliþe’ = T5/29 Bonus & prouisor erit gl. ‘god ⁊ foresceawere he bið’. T5/27 reads amicus erit (related manuscripts read amicosus or amabilis), which may account for the characterization ‘freondliþe’. T15 C8 combine days 29 and 30; W4 has separate entries for 29 (‘se bið forsæwen’ = T5/28 neglegens erit) and 30 (‘se bið freondliðe’ = T21/27 amicosus). T16. Yearly Forecast for the Kalends of January (Revelatio Esdrae), English This text, an English counterpart to T4, begins in the middle of a line directly after preceding text, a counterpart to T5. The initial KŁ is in red; each entry (except for 6 and 7) begins on a new line.26 16/1  ‘grimm ⁊ gemenged winter’. An expansion of the common Latin reading ­hiems mixta (gl. ‘winter gemenged’ T4/2).   ‘⁊ windig sumor. ⁊ hreohfull gear biþ’. T4/2 reads estas uentuosa & tempestuosa gl. ‘sumor windhladen ⁊ cwældbære’; T16’s reading may derive from a version more like Æ67 aestas sicca & uentosa fiet. & tempestas erit.   ‘⁊ adlseoce menn beoð on þam geare’. Æ67/2 and other manuscripts read & ualitudo hominum erit. 16/2  ‘dreorig winter’. This is quite different from T4/3 hiems nobilissima gl. ‘winter æþelust’. A more common Latin reading is that of Æ32/3, hiemps ymbrosus & uentosus erit.   ‘renig sumor’. T4/3 predicts estas bona; the reading here is more like that of B (Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Barlow 35), aestas pluuialis.   ‘mænig wif swylt’. A few versions of the Latin text, including Æ32 and M3a, predict that mulieres plurime moriunt on day 3; other Latin versions that do include this prediction do not specify how many women.   ‘scipu frecedlice geyrnað’. T4/3 and other versions read naues periclitantur in pelago.   ‘⁊ cyningas. ⁊ ealdormenn sweltað’. The reading & reges peribunt siue principes is found in M1a day 3 (Æ32 Æ67 read only & reges peribunt). 16/3  ‘heard winter. ⁊ yfel lencten. ⁊ god sumor’. Closely similar to T4/4 hiems dura & aspera uer malus. & estas bona gl. ‘winter heard ⁊ stið lænten yfel ⁊ sumor god’.   ‘eorþan wæstmas swiþe geswencte’. This reflects the reading of B1 Æ32 (and v M3a M1a) uindemia laboriosa rather than T4 Æ67 uindemia bona.   ‘hunig ne genihtsumað. ⁊ gunge menn sweltað’. Similar to T4/4 iuuenes moriuntur. mel non erit gl. ‘geonge sweltað hunig na bið’. 26

As in the commentary for T4 above, I am indebted to the careful collations of M. C. Cesario for many of the readings here. For descriptions of manuscripts and sigla, see the discussion of T4 above.

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Commentary 16/4  ‘god winter. ⁊ windig. lencten. ⁊ god sumor. ⁊ genihtsumnes on eorþan. wæstmum’. Similar to T4/5 hiems bona erit. uer uentuosus. estas bona. & habundantia erit. gl. ‘winter god bið lenten windig sumor god ⁊ genihtsumnys bið’.   ‘swa þeah sceap ⁊ cild sweltað’. This prediction is not found in any of the nearest Latin texts; T4/5 predicts that reges & principes peribunt (principes siue reges Æ67). Montpellier 301 predicts that juuenes morientur. 16/5  ‘missenlic winter’. The English version reflects the variant mutabilis (found in B Æ67 Æ32 etc. on day 6) rather than T4/6 stabilis.   ‘god lencten. ⁊ god sumor’. These are similar to T4/6 uer bonus & estas gl. ‘lænten god ⁊ sumor’.   ‘micel genihtsumnes’. B and Æ32 (along with v M3a) predict copiosa magna for day 6.   ‘sceapa eagan tedriað on þam geare’. T4, Æ67, and other versions predict both oculum dolorum and oues peribunt, but no other Latin version specifies that it is in fact the sheep’s eyes that will suffer. 16/6  ‘snawig. winter ⁊ blawende lencten. ⁊ renig sumor’. The first two predictions correspond closely enough to Æ67/7 hiemps turbolenta. uer uentosum; the third is not mentioned in the Latin versions (though readings aestas sicca and aestas bona are found).   ‘eorþan wæstmas geswencte beoþ’. This may reflect a Latin text such as Æ67 v fructus laboriosus or B fructus laborauit (vs. T4/7 fructus habundabit).   ‘sceap forwirðaþ’. Many Latin versions (though not T4/7) mention that oues peribunt.   ‘ealde menn sweltaþ. ⁊ oðre menn adlseoce bioð’. This corresponds to T4/7 homines egrotabunt. & ueterani moriuntur (gl., misleadingly, ‘ealle adliað ⁊ ealde sweltað’.   ‘⁊ mænigra eagan tedru bioð’. This prediction seems to repeat the forecast dolor oculorum from the previous day in Æ67 and T4.   ‘fyr ricsaþ on þam geare gær gerimes’. The reading reflects B Æ32 M1a casa cremabuntur. 16/7  ‘god winter ⁊ windig lencten. ⁊ dryge sumor’. This is closely similar to B day 1, which in turn is similar to other Insular Latin versions. hiems bona erit et uernus uentuosus & estas sicca.   ‘swyþe god gear biþ þy geare. ⁊ sceap weaxað. ⁊ micel hunig biþ’. Again the English is similar to the reading of T4/1 and other Insular manuscripts: uindemia bona. oues crescent. mel habundabit. T16 version does not mention that senes morientur, an omission also made in B Æ32 M3a.   ‘⁊ genihtsumnes ⁊ sib byð on eorþan’. The English reflects most clearly the reading of B Æ67 day 1: & abundantia & pax erit. T17. Dreambook, English 17/2  ‘Gif him mæte þæt his onsyne fæger si god þæt bið’ = T1/274 Si uideris faciem tuam pulchram gaudium significat.

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Commentary 17/3  ‘Gif him mæte þæt he se mid æniges cynnes irene slægen. ymbhydu þæt beoð’ = T1/99 Ferro percussum uiderit. sollicitudinem significat. 17/4  ‘Gif him mæte þæt he sweord wege. orsorhnesse yfela þæt bioþ’. = T1/277 Si uideris quod gladio eris cinctus securitatem significat. 17/5  ‘Gif him þince þæt he gimmas sceawige. þæt bioð mænigfeald ⁊ uncuðlic þing’ = Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Digby 86, no. 245: gemmas uidere, uarietatem significat. 17/7  ‘Gif man mæte þæt he on wyllan þwean þæt byð gestreon’ = T1/136 In fonte se lauare. lucrum significat. 17/8  ‘Gif man mæte þæt he fela hunda ætsomne geseo. þonne scilde he hine wið his fynd ful georne’ = T9/52 (ultimately T1/281) ‘Gif him þince þæt he hundas geseo. ⁊ hi hine gretan beorge him eac wið his fynd’. 17/9  ‘Gif man mæte þæt he deadne mann cysse. langsum lif ⁊ gesæliglic him biþ towerd’ = T9/63 ‘Gif him þince þæt he deadne mann cysse. þæt biþ lang lif. ⁊ god’. 17/10  ‘Gif man mæte þæt he penegas ɬ mancsas finde. þæt tacnað æfæste. = CCC 301, no. 33: aurum uel argentum inuenire, inuidiam significat. 17/11  ‘Gif man mæte þæt he finde ⁊ ne grete. þæt tacnað bliðes mannes onsion. gif he nimþ. ne deah him þæt’ = T9/16–17 ‘Gif him þince þæt he feala penegas finde. [þæt bið æfst]. [Gyf him þince þæt he penigas gesio.] ⁊ ne oþhrine. god þæt byþ. gif he nymeþ ne deah þæt’. 17/12  ‘Gif him þince. þæt hine earn swyþe eahte. þæt byþ mycel gefea’. T9/9 gives the opposite meaning: ‘Gif him þince þæt hine earn swyþe ehte. þæt byþ deaþ’ 17/13  ‘Gif he geseo twegen monan. þæt byþ mycel gefea’ = T1/271 Si somniaueris te duas lunas uidere. gaudium & lętitiam significat. 17/14  ‘Gif he geseo þæt man oþerne man slea beorge him wiþ broc’ = T9/60 ‘Gif him þince þæt he his feond slea. beorge him georne wiþ frecne þing’. 17/15  ‘Gif him mæte þæt he geso hwitne ocsan oððe on ufan sitte. þæt bið wurð­­mynt’ = Oxford, Bodl. Lib., Digby 86, no. 70: bouum album uidere aut supra sedere, honorem significat. 17/16  ‘Gif him þince blæc ɬ red. yfel þæt byþ ⁊ broc’ = Digby 86, no. 71: bouem nigrum uidere, periculum significat. 17/17  ‘Gif man mæte þæt he geseo hwitne oxan ⁊ micelne. þæt biþ gefea’ = CCC 301, no. 63: bouum nigrum uidere, gaudium significat. 17/19  ‘Gif him mæte þæt his earmas beon fægere gegerede. þæt bið freodscype’ = Digby 86, no. 74: brachia decorata habere, amiciciam significat. 17/20  ‘Gif man mæte þæt he micles þinges geweald age. þæt bið he him his fynd to gewealde getihð’ = T9/29 ‘Gif him þince þæt he miceles hrægeles geweald age. þæt biþ þæt he ofercymþ ealle his find’. 17/23  ‘Gif him mæte þæt he stele þæt wurð underne ⁊ cuð. þæt he ær ana witan sceolde’ = CCC 301, no. 371, with ‘stele’ presumably an error for ‘spiwe’: uomere se uidere, quod secreto peccauit reuelare significat. 17/24  ‘Gif man mæte þæt him si his swura gebunden. beorge him þonne georne wið ealle fræcne þing’ = T1/297 Si uideris collum tuum ligatum. cautum te esse ne quid iniquum facias. significat.

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Commentary 17/26  ‘Gif man mæte þæt he si upp ahafen. god þæt tacnað’ = T9/39 ‘Gif him þince þæt he stige on heanne munt. þæt tacnaþ god’.

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Glossary The glossary is intended to be complete, though only the first few occurrences of common words are noted. Entries are arranged alphabetically, except that words beginning with the prefix ge- are listed according to their unprefixed forms. The digraph æ is treated as a separate letter between a and b; þ and ð are treated as equivalent and appear as a separate letter following t. Words are generally alphabetized under the most common spelling in the text; variant spellings are cross-referenced. Latin lemmata of words appearing as glosses in texts 1–7 are cited in brackets. An asterisk indicates that a word is discussed in the notes to the text. Weak verb classes are indicated by Arabic numerals, and strong verb classes by Roman numerals. Verbs are described by person, number, tense and, where necessary, mood; adjectives and nouns are described by case, number, and gender, e.g., ns. = ‘nominative singular’, ‘nsn.’ = ‘nominative singular neuter’. The following common abbreviations are used: a adj adv anom art comp conj d def dem f g imp infl

accusative adjective adverb anomalous article comparative conjunction dative definite demonstrative feminine genitive imperative inflected

m n num p or pl p ptc pres prep pron pret ptc rel s or sg subj superl

a adv always, ever 15/2, 15/4, 15/7 abecede m or n ABC, the alphabet gs abecedes 1/0 [abcharii (for abcedarii)] abered adj cunning, shrewd nsm 2/11 [callidus], 2/6, 2/17, 2/19, nsn 2/16 [astutus] abutan adv about, around 1/133 [~ gan: deambulare], 5/10 [abuten færð: circuibit]; prep about, around 2/14, 2/18, abuta 2/13 [circa] ac conj but, however 2/12, 2/30, 3/20 [sed], 8/25, 10/6, 10/8 acennan 1 give birth (to), bear p ptc acenned born, be new (of the moon) 2/7, 2/8, 2/9, 2/10, 2/11, 2/12, 2/13, 2/14, 2/15, 2/16, 2/17, 2/18, 2/19, 2/20, 2/21, 2/22, 2/23,

masculine neuter or nominative number plural past participle present preposition pronoun preterite participle relative singular subjunctive superlative

2/24, 2/25, 2/27, 2/29, 2/30, 5/1 [natus], 13/1, 13/2, 13/5, 15/1, 15/2, 15/27, accenned 2/26, 2/28, 14/11, 15/4, 15/9, akenned 13/3, 13/6, 13/7, akænned 13/4; pl acennede 1/117 [nasci], accennede 2/3 [nascuntur], akennede 13/2 acennednes f birth as acennednysse 7/1 [natiuitatem] acofrian 2 regain health, recover pres 3s acofrað 2/2 [conualescit] adl f illness, disease ns 9/39, 9/74, 11/1, 11/2, 11/6, 11/8, 15/5 (cf feorh-adl) adlian 2 be sick, become ill, languish pres 3s adlað 2/6, 2/11, 2/12, 2/20, 2/23, 6/8, 6/9, 6/22, 6/24, 6/25, 6/26, 2/17, hadlað

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Glossary 2/1, 2/13, 3p adliað 4/7 [languere, egrotare] adlig adj sick nsm adli 15/6 adlseoc adj sick np adlseoce 16/1, 16/6 adreogan II carry out, endure pres 3s adrycð 2/12 [agere] adrycð see adreogan afeallan VII fall, fall sick, fall dead pres 3s afealleð 5/8 [decidet], 3p afeallað 1/79 [ceciderint], 6/1 [inciderit] aflyman 1 put to flight, drive away pres 3s aflemð 3/28 [auferre] afyran 1 castrate inf 2/3 [castrare]. MS fyran agan pret pres possess, have pres subj s age 9/28, 17/20, pret pl ahton 10/2 agan anom come to pass, happen pres 3s agæþ 8/10, 8/11, 8/16, 8/30 agen adj own dp agenum 9/40 ahafen see ahebban ahebban VI raise up p ptc ahafen 17/26 aht pron anything as 9/25 akenned see acennan alætnes f loss ns 9/27 alysan 1 rescue, release, free inf 10/2; p ptc alesed 1/54 [bið ~ : liberabitur] alysednes f deliverance, release ns alysednys 9/20 amagian 2 recover pres 3s hamacgað 2/3 [conualescere] * an adj, num one 2/21, asm ane 15/1, dsm anum 2/8, 2/19, 2/21 [uno], dsf anre 8/1, 10/1, 11/1 ana adj alone nsm 9/35, 17/23 anbidian 2 await, wait for inf 1/120 [expectare] ancsumnysse see angsumnes and conj and (freq. abbrev. 7) 2/1, 2/3, 2/5, 2/6, etc. [et], ond 10/3, 10/4, 10/5, etc. anda m envy, spite as andan 1/129, 1/149, 1/152 [inuidiam] andfenge adj acceptable, proper, fitting nsn andfæncge 2/6 [grata], 2/7 [accepta] andweard adj present, current dsf anweardan 12/1 andwlita m face ds andwlitan 2/7, anwlitan 2/11 [fronte] anfone see onfon angennene, anginnane see onginnan angnes f pain, distress ns 9/55, angnys 9/65 angræde see hancred angsumnes f distress, affliction, anxiety as angsumnesse 8/27, angsumnysse 1/13 [anxietatem], 3/28 [angustiam], ancsumnysse 1/70, anxsumnese 1/239, anx-

sumnesse 1/30, 1/88, 1/135, 1/224, 1/257, anxsumnysse 1/145, 1/170, 1/211, 1/270 [anxietatem], ap anxsumnyssa 1/298 [angustias] anlicnes f form, likeness ns 9/19 anmodnes f resolution, concord ns anmodnys 9/30 anre see an ansyn f face ns onsyne 17/2, as ansine 1/101, 1/102, 1/103, 1/274, as onsion 17/11, ds ansine 2/16 [facies] anweald m power ds andwealde 1/294 [potestate] anweardan see andweard anwlitan see anwlita anxsumnesse see angsumnes ar n brass, bronze as 9/17 ar f mercy ds are 8/8, 8/25 areccan 1 tell, recount inf 3/6 [proferre] arisan I rise up pres 3s ariseð 2/10, 11/2, 11/9, 11/12, 11/26, 11/30, arisað 2/20, arist 2/11, 2/15, 2/18, 6/2, 6/5, 6/8, 6/12, 6/14, 6/16, 6/17, 6/18, 6/22, 11/4, 11/20, 11/21, ariste 6/27 [surgit, consurget]; pres ptc pl arisende 7/8 [surgentes] asendan 1 send, send forth inf 1/13, 1/166 [mittere] asettan 1 set, place, put imp s asete 3/2 [ponas] asmeagan 2 manage, contrive, deal with pres 3s asmeað 5/30 [tractabit] assa m ass, donkey ap assan 1/4, 1/6, 1/7 [asinos] astifician 2 root up, extirpate inf 2/3 [exstirpare]. MS stifician astigan I go up, ascend inf 1/10, 1/154, 1/222 [ascendere], pres subj s astige 9/38; p ptc astigen 18/4 astyrian 1, 2 stir up, trouble p ptc astyred 9/4, astyrud 1/284 [mouere] aðindan III swell p ptc asf aþundene 18/1 aðswaru f oath, perjury (?) ds aðsware 2/5 [sic: for periurium] * aþundene see aðindan aweg adv away 2/16 [~ gewit: recedit] awendan 1 move, change inf 1/267, 2/8, pres 3s awent 6/16 [mutare] awendung f movement, change ap awenduncge 7/11 [mutationes] awiht pron anything as 9/78 awreon I, II uncover inf 2/6 [reuelare] awyrged adj (p ptc of awyrgan) cursed, evil asm awyrgedne 1/161 [malignum] geaxian 2 ask, find out pres 3s geahsað 10/5

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Glossary æbylgð f offense ap æbyliigða 1/104 [offensiones] æceren n acorn, mast ap æceran 18/5 ædre f vein, artery np ædran 14/3 æfæst see æfest æfæst adj pious, devout nsm æwfæst 5/12 [religiosus], 15/13 æfen m evening as 2/7, 2/10, 2/28 [sero], 7/1 [tide ~: hora uespertina] æfest m, f envy, jealousy ns 9/6, as æfæste 17/10 æftemest adj last; as noun gsm æftemystan 7/13 [tide ~: hora nouissima] æfter prep after 2/5, 2/15, 2/16, 3/7, 3/16, 3/17, 8/7, 8/16 [post], according to 1/0, 3/6, 3/6 æfter þam þe 3/6 [secundum]; adv afterwards 9/94 æfterfylgan 1 follow behind pres 3s æfterfiligð 1/242 [prosequitur] æfterra adj subsequent dsf eftran 2/18 [posteriori] æfteweard adj later, the end (of) ds æfteweardan 2/1 [postera] æg n egg np ægru 1/122, ap æru 9/86 [oua] ægþer conj with ge . . . ge both . . . and 9/94 ælc adj each, every asm 10/14, dsm ælcum 1/54, dsf ælcere 1/54 [omni] ælednes f burning ns ælednyss 9/5 * æmette f ant np æmyttan 1/109 [formicas] ænig adj any dsn æniges 17/3, 18/6, ap ænige 18/5; with negative: nsn nænig 10/11, asn nenige 10/6, asf nænige 8/2, 8/14 æppel m apple ap æppla 1/266 [poma] æppeltun m orchard ds æppeltune 1/145 [pomerio] ær prep 8/30; adv before 8/12, 17/23 ærende m message, news as 1/20, 1/33, 1/60, 1/183, 1/233, 1/236, 9/62, hærende 1/35 [nuntiam] ærendraca m messenger, legate as 1/163 [legatum] ærra adj previous, former nsm ærre 8/29; superl ærest first 10/14, 14/2 æt prep by, at 9/19, 9/20, 9/74, 9/78, 10/9 æþele adj noble gsm æðeles 10/7, dp æðelum 10/10; superl æþelust 4/3 [nobilissima] ætlætnes f loss ns 9/24 * æthrinan I touch inf ætrinan 1/74 [tangere] ætsomne adv together 9/2, 9/6, 9/84, 9/91, 17/8 ætwindan III escape pres 3s ætwint 2/1, 2/4, 2/5, 2/6, 2/13, 2/21, 6/1, 6/3, 6/6, 6/29 [euaserit, euadit] ætywan 1 appear p ptc as ætywede 8/12 æwfæst see æfæst

ban n bone np 14/7, ap banu 1/192 [ossa] bar m boar gs bæres 18/6, ap baras 2/3 [uerres] baþian 2 bathe pres subj s baþige 9/10, 9/11, 9/12 bær adj bare, naked dp barum 1/189 [nudis] bæþ n bath ds beþe 1/30, 1/257 [balneo] be prep about, concerning, by 1/0, 1/58, 1/119, 1/291, 2/3, 3/244, etc.; be þon conj by which 18/3, 18/6 [de] beag m ring as beah 9/31 beard m beard ns 1/23, as 9/26 [barba] bearn n child, offspring ns 14/11, as 10/7, 18/1, ds bearne 9/71 bearneacen adj pregnant nsn 18/5, dsn bearneacenum 18/1, 18/2 beceapian 2 sell inf beceapan 1/97 [uendere] becuman IV become, turn to inf 3/22 [pertinere] bed see bet gebed n prayer as 1/191 [orationem] bedd n bed as bet 1/168, beð 10/6, ds bedde 2/1 [lectum] bediglian 2 hide, conceal imp sg bedigla 2/9 [cela] befeallan VII fall pres 3s befealð 1/107, 1/200 [ceciderit] befylan 1 defile, befoul p ptc befyled 9/82, pl befylde 1/171 [inquinatas] began anom try, test inf 2/25 [exercere] begeondan adv beyond 10/16 begyman 1 take heed, pay attention imp sg begim 3/20 [obserua] begyrdan 1 gird, encircle inf bygyrdan 1/149; p ptc sg begyrd 1/277, 9/30 [cingere] begytan V obtain pres 3s begyt 1/10 [optinebit] beheafdian 2 behead inf 1/256 [decollare] belimp n event, occurrence as 1/87 [euentum] belisnod m (p ptc of belisnian) eunuch ap belysnode 1/94 [eunuchos] belle f bell as bellan 9/66 belucan II close, shut p ptc asm belocene 1/59 [reclusum] bemancod adj maimed ap bemancude 1/293 [truncata] * bena m petitioner ds bene 10/9 bendan 1 bend (a bow) inf 1/13 [tendere] beo f bee np beon 4/2, 4/6, ap 1/284, 1/285, 2/8, 2/11, 9/3, 9/4, 9/5 [apes] beon anom be inf 1/23, 1/39, 1/48, 1/49, 1/50, etc., pres 2s bist 1/277, byst 10/6, 10/9, 3s bið 1/54, 1/56, 1/59, 1/79, 1/84, etc.,

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Glossary bid 9/65, byð 1/12, 8/4, 8/17, 8/22, 8/25, 9/2, 9/4, etc., byoð 10/10, is 10/6, 10/7, 10/14, etc., ys 2/1, 2/3, 2/7, etc., 3p beoð 2/3, 2/18, 2/22, 2/25, 2/30, etc., bioð 16/6, 17/4, 17/5, sint 2/5, 2/10, 3/8, 3/11, 3/12, pres 3p synt 2/6, 2/7, 2/21; pres subj sg beo 8/6, si 9/71, 9/74, 9/79, 9/82, 17/2, 17/24, 17/26, sy 9/24, 9/27, 9/30, 9/42, etc., imp sg beo 2/11, 2/12; with negative: pres 3s nis 2/3, 2/5, 2/15, nys 2/2, 2/6, 2/11, 2/19, 2/20, 2/26, etc. [esse] beorcan III bark pres ptc beorcynde 1/52 [latrantes] beorgan III protect pres subj sg beorge 9/8, 9/49, 9/50, 9/59, 9/80, 17/14, 17/24 beorht adj bright asm beorhtne 1/151 [claram], asn beorhte 1/21, 1/226 [splendidum] beorhtnes f brightness as beorhtnysse 1/168 [claritatem] bera m bear as beran 1/245 [ursum] beran IV bear, carry inf 1/5, 1/119, 9/3, 9/29, 9/73 [portare, ferre], imp sg ber 10/17, 18/2 geberan IV carry, bear p ptc asm geborenne 9/34 beren adj of barley asm berenne 1/206 [ordeacium] besciran IV shave p ptc bescoren 1/23, 9/45 [tondi] beswican I mock, ridicule, seduce inf 1/284 [illudere], p ptc beswicen 1/182 [seducatur] bet see bedde bet, betere adj better (comp of god) ns bed 2/10, 2/11 [melius], betere 2/16, 2/18, 2/19 [melior] betæcan 1 hand over, give, offer inf 2/14, 2/17, betæcen 2/4, betacen 2/10 [mittere], imp sg betæc 2/8 [commenda] beþe see bæþ betweoh prep within, among betwuh 2/11 [inter], betwyh 13/4 betweonan prep between, among 9/7 bewefan V cover p ptc bewefen 14/2 bewerian 2 defend, protect inf 1/286 [defendere] bewerung f protection, defense as bewerunge 1/5, 1/131 [tutamentum] bicgan 1 buy inf 2/14, becgan 1/97, biicgan 2/22, imp sg bige 10/2 [emere] biddan V ask inf 2/11 [petere], imp sg bidde 10/1, 10/7, 10/10, bide 8/8, 8/25 gebiddan V ask, pray inf 1/301, pres subj sg gebidde 9/41 [orare]

bidian 2 (for anbidian?) await, watch inf 1/144 [expectare] bigleofa m food, nourishment ns 4/7, bileofa 4/6 [annona] bigspell n parable, comparison ap bigspellu 1/290 [parabolas] bigswic n deceit as bigswicæ 1/176 [deceptionem] bileofa see bigleofa gebindan III bind, tie p ptc gebunden 17/24, asm gebundenne 1/262 [ligatum] binnan prep within 2/13, 2/18, 2/19, 2/25, 3/9, 8/12, binnon 2/30, 3/18, 3/19, 3/20, 3/23, 3/25, 3/26, 3/30 [infra, inter, intra] bioð see beon bisceop m bishop as byscop 10/10 biscoprocc m dalmatic, bishops vestment ds biscoprocce 1/85 [dalmatica] * blæc adj dark nsn 17/16, dsn blacan 9/55 blæd f fruits, crops, harvets ns 9/21, ap bledu 18/5 blawan VII blow pres ptc blawende windy 16/6 bleo n color ap bleoh 1/156 [colores] bleofah adj varied in color asn 1/33 [coloreum] blind adj blind asm blindne 9/34; m blind person as blindne 1/41 [cecum] bliss f bliss, joy ns 9/12, as blisse 1/32, 1/34, 1/40, 1/65, 1/108, 1/140, etc., gs 1/80, ap 1/190 [letitiam, gaudium] geblissian 2 rejoice inf 1/125 [gaudere] bliþe adj joyful, happy nsm 3/28, gsm bliðes 17/11, np bliþe 10/3; adv joyfully 3/28 bliðnes f cheerfulness as bliðnysse 1/241 [hilaritatem] blod n blood ns 14/3, 14/9, as 1/229, 2/1, 2/2, 2/3, 2/4, etc., gs blodes 7/5, ds blode 1/79 [sanguis] blodgyte m bloodshed as blodgyte 12/2, ap blodgytas 13/7 blodig adj bloody asm blodigne 1/153 [sanguinem] boc f book ap bec 1/71 [codicellos], 9/48, dp bocum 9/78 boda m messenger as bodan 1/221 [nuntium] bodung f announcement, message as 7/13 [nuntium] boga m bow as bogan 1/13 [arcum] geborenne see geberan brad adj broad asm bradne 9/53 bræcce m breeches ap braccas 1/24 [bracas] brægen n brain ns 14/2 bred n panel, board ds brede 1/146 [tabula]

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Glossary breost n breast ds breoste 2/7, 2/11, 2/12, 2/21 [mamilla], dp breostum 8/6 breostþing n parts of the chest np 14/9 bricg f bridge as bricge 1/209 [pontem] bringan III bring, lead infl inf to bringane 10/8 briw m paste, pottage ap briwas 1/208 [pultes] broc n affliction, misery ns brocc 9/26, as broc 9/33, 9/42, 9/45, 17/14, 17/16, 17/21, gs broces 9/38, 9/84, ds broce 9/20, ap broca 9/20 broga m horror, danger as brogan 8/25 broþor m brother as broðer 1/106 [fratrem] bru f eyebrow ds bruwe 2/8, dp bruan 2/1 [supercilio] brun adj dun-colored dsm brunum 1/91 [castaneo] bryne m fire ap brynas 1/134 [incendia] bucca m buck, male goat gs buccan 18/6, ap 1/128 [hircos] gebunden see gebindan burh f city, citadel gp burhga 7/12 [urbium] butan prep without 1/79, 3/30, 8/10, 8/30, 14/4 [sine] butan conj unless 2/3, buton 2/21 [nisi] butere f butter as buteran 1/35 buton see butan bygyrdan see begyrdan byran 1 happen (to) pres 3s byreþ 8/7 gebyrd adj bearded asm gebyrdne 1/31 [barbatum] gebyrdtid f time of birth as gebyrdtide 7/6 [natiuitatem] byrnan III burn inf 1/83, 9/22, pres 3s byrnð 9/21; pres ptc byrnende 1/292, 9/93 [ardere] byrþere f thing being borne, unborn child gs byrþres 14/6 byscop see bisceop byst, byð see beon candel f candle as candele 9/93 carfull adj full of care, anxious nsn carful 2/9 [studiosa] carfulnes f care, anxiety as carfulnesse 1/46, carfulnysse 1/99, 1/143, ds 1/122, 1/208 [sollicitudo] carleast f freedom from care as carleaste 1/15, 1/24, 1/209 [securitatem] carte f leaf of writing material as cartan 1/60 [cartam] casere m emperor as casere 1/132 [imperatorem]

ceald adj cold dsn cealdan 1/289 [frigida], cealdum 9/11 ceap m/n sale, business transaction; cattle as 1/91, cep 1/161 [negotium], 10/13, gs ceapes 1/4, 1/11, 1/17, 1/25, 1/37, 1/75, 1/167, ceapas 1/36, 1/96, 1/123, 1/160, 1/169, 1/185, 1/213, ap ceapa 5/30 ceapman m merchant ns 2/14 [mercator], ds cipemen 10/4, np cypmen 4/4 [mercatores] ceapung f purchase as cipinge 10/4, ap ceapunga 8/20 cennan 1 give birth to, produce inf 14/10, 18/1, pres 3s cenð 18/2, cænð 18/2, cenneð 18/1, 18/3, 18/4, cænneð 18/3 ceorfan III cut down inf 2/11 [abscidere] ceosan II choose infl inf to cesane 10/10 cicen n chick dp cicenum 1/123 [pulcinis] cidan 1 argue, dispute inf 1/124 [infestare], 1/167 [litigare], pres ptc gp cidenda 10/4 cild n child ns 2/1, 2/2, 2/3, 2/5, 2/7, etc. [puer], 16/4, 18/5, 18/6, as 18/1, ap cildru 1/142 [infantes], 2/4, 2/10, 2/14, 2/17, 2/18 [pueros] cimbal m cymbal ap cimbalan 1/74 [cimbala] cipemen see ceapman cipinge see ceapung cirice f church ds circean 9/67, ap circan 10/6 clað m garment, clothes gp claða 1/294 [uestimenta] clæne adj clean, pure nsn 2/1, 2/6, 2/9, 2/11, 2/15, 2/17, 2/18, 2/21 [casta] clipian 2 call, cry out pres ptc clipiende 1/7 [clamantes] cnapa m boy ns 2/9, 2/19 [puer] cneow n knee as 2/18 [geniculum], ds 2/12 [genu] cniht m male, young man, soldier as 18/1, cnyht 18/2, 18/3, 18/4, ap cnihtas 1/179 [milites] gecorennes f choice ns gecornes 8/22 corncið m increase of grain as 1/250 [incrementum] * corngesælig adj with an abundance of grain nsm 2/9 [granosus] * coss m kiss as 1/282, ap cossas 1/196 [osculum] costnung f temptation ds costnunge 8/22 cræft m skill, ability, method ns 18/3 cræftig adj skillful as noun gp cræftigra 12/4 cræt n chariot ds cræte 1/64 [curru], ap crætu 1/213, 1/215 [quadrigas]

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Glossary crist m Christ gs cristes 7/7 [Christi] cucu see cwicu culfre f dove, pigeon ap culfran 1/45 [columbas] cuma m guest, visitor ap cuman 1/129 [hospites] cuman IV come inf 1/286, 1/291 [uenire], infl inf to cumon 1/301 [aduenisse], pres 3s cymð 8/1, 8/7, 9/19, 9/36, 9/47, 12/1, cymeð 9/79, pres 3p cumað 1/22, 1/42 [obueniunt], p ptc asm cumenne 7/7 [conuenientem] cumliðe adj hospitable nsm 2/15, 2/16 [hospitales] cuð adj known nsm 2/25 [manifesta], 14/10, 17/23 cwældbære adj destructive nsf 4/2 [tempestuosa] cwealm m death as 7/2 [mortalitatem], 12/1, 12/3, 12/5, 12/6, 12/7 cweartern n prison ds cwearterne 1/46, 1/258 [carcere] cwellan 1 kill infl inf to cwellanne 10/11 gecweme adj pleasant, agreeable nsn 2/6 [accepta] cweorn f mill as 10/4 cwicu adj alive nsm 14/6, asf cucu 1/172 [uiuam] cwyde m utterance, testimony ap cwydas 1/237 [testamentum] cwyld m pestilence as 7/10 [cladem] cyd f strife ns 9/6 gecyd m strife ns 9/58 gecynd f nature, origin ds gecynde 14/1 gecynde adj natural nsn 9/15 cynebearn n royal child gp cynebearna 12/1 cynehelm m crown as 1/40, ds 1/251 [corona] cyning m king as cyng 9/36, gs cyninges 1/221, cyniniges 7/6, cyniges 10/9, cincgas 1/216, cynigas 10/7, ds cinge 10/1, np cynigas 4/5, cyningas 16/2, ap 10/10, cyningas 1/220, gp cyninga 5/4 cynega 13/5 [rex] cynn n ancestry, stock, lineage; kind, sort ds cynne 1/85 [semine], gs cynnes 17/3, 18/1 cypmen see ceapman cyrfæt f gourd ap cyrfet 1/43 [cucurbitas] gecyrran 1 turn p ptc gecyrred 2/5 [reuertitur] cyse m cheese as 1/55 [caseum] cyssan 1 kiss inf 1/178 [osculari], pres subj sg cysse 9/61, 17/9 gecyðan 1 announce, make known p ptc gecyd 2/16, gecydd 2/5 [nuntiatur]

gedafenian 2 be fitting, befit pres 3s gedafanaþ 2/3 [congruit] daniel m Daniel gs danielis 1/0 [danielis] dæd f evil deed, wickedness gp dæda 2/5 [yfel ~: malefica] dæg m day ns 2/25, as 2/1, 2/8, 2/12, 2/18, 2/27, etc., gs dæges 7/13, 10/1, ap dagas 2/11, dp dagum 2/13, 2/15, 2/18, 2/19, 2/25, 2/30, etc. [dies] dægred n dawn, daybreak as dægræd 7/6 [matutina] dæl m part as 9/38, ds dæle 1/291, 7/9, 7/10 [parte] dead adj dead nsm 2/5, 2/16, asm deadne 1/178, 9/61, 17/9, asn deade 1/177, asf 1/172, dsm deades 1/291, dp deadum 1/66, 1/76 [mortuus] deah see dugan deað m death as 1/251, 1/287, 9/9, ds deaðe 2/3, 2/11 [mors] dema m judge gp demena 12/7 deman 1 judge, assess pres 2s demst 1/280, pres subj sg deme 9/44 [iudicare] deor n animal, beast ns dior 10/11, ap deor 1/28, 1/29, 1/38 [bestia] deorwyrð adj precious ap deorwyrða 1/278 [pretiosas] derian 1 harm inf 1/284, pres 3s derað 2/15, 3/4, 3p deriað 2/27 [nocere] gedigan 1 survive pres 3s gedigð 14/11 digol adj hidden, secret asn digle 3/6 [secretum] dior see deor disig see dysig dohtor f daughter np dohtra 1/117 [filias] dom m judgment ns 7/3, as 9/44, gs domes 1/227 [iudicii] don anom do inf 1/188, 1/191, 1/237, 1/243, 1/296, 2/9, infl inf to done 10/4, pres ptc donde 2/21, gp dondum 2/9, 2/10, 2/18, 2/19, 2/23, pres 3s deð 2/10, 2/11, imp sg do 1/298, 10/6 [facere, agere] gedon anom do, occur p ptc gedon 7/14 draca m dragon as dracan 1/273, 9/43, ap 1/86 [draconem] gedrefednes f disturbance, confusion as gedræfednysse 1/29 [turbationem] dreorig adj dreary nsm 16/2 drige see dryge drihten m lord as drihtne 1/301, gs drihten 7/3 [dominus] drihtenlic adj of the Lords day, Sunday ds drihtenlicum 4/1 [domenico] drincan III drink inf 1/18, 1/19, 1/114,

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Glossary 1/115, 1/246, pres subj sg drince 9/92 [bibere] drof adj muddy, turbid asm 1/104, 9/14 [turbulentum] dropian 2 drip inf 1/229 [distillare] druncen adj (p ptc of drincan) drunk asm druncenne 1/93 [ebriosum] dryge adj dry nsm 16/7, drige 4/1 [sicca], asn drige 1/44 [aridam] dugan pret pres avail, be effective pres 3s deah 9/14, 9/16, 9/86, 9/90, 17/11 dun f hill, mountain ds dune 17/25 dunn adj dark, dusky dsn dunnan 1/90 [baio] gedwild n error, heresy np gedwildu 7/8 [hereses] dyrfan 1 be troubled, be busy pres 3s dyrfð 6/11 [periclitat] gedyrfan 1 torment, afflict, emperil p ptc gedyrfed 2/1, 2/8, p ptc gedyrfed 4/3 [periclitatus] dyrstig adj bold, daring nsn 2/14 [temeraria] dysig adj foolish nsn disig 18/5 eac adv also, even 9/50, 10/6, 10/10, æac 10/12, 10/13 eaca m increase as 1/98, 1/108, 1/123, 1/167, 1/199, eacum 1/117 [incrementum] eadig adj fortunate, blessed dp eadigum 9/3 eage n eye ds 8/7, np eagan 16/5, 16/6, ap 2/13, 2/14, 18/1, gp eagena 1/255, 4/6 [oculos] eagþyrel n window ap eahþyrlu 1/59 [cancellos] eahta num eight ns 2/28, 11/8, dp ehta 3/25 eahteoða adj eighteenth nsm ehteoða 2/18 eahtoþa adj eighth nsm ehtoða 2/8, dsm 7/10, eahtoþan 14/9 eald adj old nsm 2/3, 10/11, 11/5, 11/6, 11/7, 11/8, etc., asm ealdne 8/1, 10/1, 11/1, 11/2, 11/30, 15/1, np ealde 4/1, 4/7, 16/6, dp ealdum 1/50 [senex, uetula] ealdordom m authority, power as 9/31 ealdorman m person in authority as 9/48, np ealdormenn 16/2, ap ealdormen 10/10 eall adj all asn asm ealne 2/1, 2/8, 2/12, 2/18, 2/27, 8/27, eal 10/13, asf ealle 8/27, dsm eallum 1/42, np ealle 3/8, 3/11, 4/7, ap ealle 3/1, 3/28, 9/28, 9/91, 17/24, gp ealra 5/9, 5/11, 5/14, dp eallum 2/6, 2/9, 2/10, 2/12, 2/14, etc., ellum 2/19 [omnes] eall adv completely 8/22, 14/9 eallswa adv also, likewise 2/2, 3/21, 3/27, 8/29, ealswa 2/3, 2/9, 2/11, 2/19, 2/20, 2/22, etc. [similiter]

eallswilc adj just such nsm 3/13, 3/15, ealswilc swilce 3/3 [qualis] earfoðlice adv with difficulty 2/5, 2/21, 6/1 [difficile] earm m arm ns 9/27, np earmas 17/19, ap eormas 1/27, hearmas 1/293 [brachia] earm adj wretched, poor nsm 9/27 earn m eagle as 1/287, 9/1, 9/9, 17/12, ap earna 9/2 [aquila] east adv eastwards 8/8, 8/25 eastdæl m eastern part of the sky ds eastdæle 7/12 [oriente] eaxl f shoulder ds eaxle 2/15 [humero] ece m ache, pain as 13/2 eced n vinegar as 1/19 [acetum] geedcennan 1 be reborn p ptc geedcenned 2/3 [renascitur] eft adv again, after, likewise 2/21 [iterum], 18/1, 18/2, 18/3, 18/4, 18/5, 18/6 eftran see æfterra efe m fear ns æge 3/25, ds ege 1/54 [metus] ehta see eahta ehtan 1 pursue inf 1/12 [infestare], pres ptc (as noun) ehtend 9/80, pres subj sg ehte 17/12, eahte 17/1 ehtnes f persecution as ehtnysse 7/8 [persecutionem] ele m oil as 1/264, 9/94, gs eles 7/10, æles 10/13 [oleum] elebeam m olive tree ap elebeamas 1/194 [oliuas] elþeodig adj foreign dp eltheodigum 9/4 embehwyrfte see ymbehwyrft endebyrdnes f order, arrangment as endebyrdnessæ 1/0 [ordinem] endian 2 end pres 3p endiað 2/30 [finiunt] geendian 2 bring to an end pres 3s geendað 8/17 endleofan num eleven ds endlufon 3/17 endung f end ns 8/7 endlyfta adj eleventh nsm ændlefta 2/11 eorðe f earth as eorðan 1/187, 2/8, 18/3, gs 1/238, 16/3, 16/6, ds 16/4, 16/7, 18/3 [terra] eormas see earm erian 2 plow inf 1/22, pres ptc dsm ergendan 10/4, pres subj sg erige 9/77 [arare] etan V eat inf 1/6, 1/20, 1/35, 1/44, 1/58, 1/84, pres 3s eteð 18/5, 18/6, ytt 9/63, pres subj sg ete 9/9, 9/65, 9/90 [edere] eðhylde adj contented, satisfied nsn 2/8, eðhelde 2/21, heðhylde 2/19 [contenta] geeðrian 2 become easier, be better pres 3s geeþrað 2/28 [ualet]

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Glossary facen n deceit, guile ns facn 2/16 [dolus] faran VI go, travel inf 1/176, 2/12, infl inf to færenne 10/14, pres 3s færð 5/10, imp sg far 10/1, 10/2, 10/3, 10/16, fær 10/11, 10/13, fer 10/9 (from feran?) [migrare, pergere] gefaren adj (p ptc of gefaran) departed nsm 15/15, 15/20 fæger adj fair, beautiful nsf 17/2, asn 9/13, asn fægere 1/275, asf 1/274, dsn fægrum 1/276, dsf fægerre 9/79, np fægere 17/19 [pulchra] fæst adj firmly fixed nsn 8/6 fæste adv firmly, steadily 11/3, 11/24 fæt n vessel, vat ap fata 10/13 gefea m joy, gladness ns 9/41, 17/12, 17/13, 17/17, as gefean 1/271, 8/27, 9/94, 13/3, ds 8/1, 8/11 [gaudium] feala see fela gefealic adj joyful, delightful nsn 9/36 feallan VII fall inf 1/78, 1/81, 1/82, 1/139, 1/140, 1/141, 1/154, 1/261, 1/298, pres 2s fealst 1/272, pres subj sg fealle 17/25 [cadere] fealo adj tawny, yellow(ish) dsn fealewum 9/57 fearh m young pig gs fearres 18/6 fedan 1 feed inf 10/7, imp sg fed 10/7 fegan 1 join, unite pres 3s fegð 1/130 [iungere] fela adv, indeclinable noun many 1/281, 5/10, 17/8, feala 1/228, 1/294, 2/3, 5/25, 5/30, 9/2, 9/6, etc., fæla 1/290 [multi, plures] felasprecol adj talkative, loquacious nsm 2/18, nsn felaspecol 2/7 [uerbosus] fennig adj muddy dsm fennigum 1/248 [lutosus] feoh n money ns 1/302, as 1/201, 1/291, 1/292, 9/3, feah 9/46, ap feos 9/20 [pecunia] gefeoht n fighting as 7/5, gs gefeohtes 7/13, ap gefeohtu 1/34 [bellum] feohtan III fight pres ptc pl feohtende 1/124 [pugnantes] feohtere m fighter ns 5/20 [bellator] * feond m enemy, adversary as 1/294, 9/59, fiend 10/4, gs feondes 1/162, 1/231, 1/245, 9/87, np fynd 1/52, 1/58, 17/20, ap fynd 9/49, 9/50, 9/91, 17/8, feond 3/1, find 9/28, 17/18, gp feonda 1/8, dp feondum 1/12, 1/281 [inimicum] gefeond m enemy np gefeonde 10/6 feondscipe m enmity, hostility ap feondscipas 1/216 [inimicitia] feorh n life as feore 14/11

feorhadl f mortal illness ds feorhadle 14/11 feorða adj fourth nsm 2/4, 3/5, dsm feorþan 14/5 feower num four 2/11, 2/24, 3/19, 8/4, 18/5 feowerteoða adj fourteenth nsm feowerteoðe 2/14 feran 1 go, travel infl inf to feranne 10/8, 10/12, to ferenne 10/12 ferðrunge see fyrðrung ferrhryðer n bull as 9/76 fet see fot fictreow n fig-tree as 1/112, 1/113 [ficus] fif num five 2/5, 2/19, 2/25, fifa 8/4, fife 18/5 fifta adj fifth nsm 2/5, dsm fiftan 14/6 fifteoða adj fifteenth nsm 2/15 fihtling m warrior ns 15/22 filigð see fylgan find see feond findan III find inf 1/278, pres 2s findast 1/290, findest 10/16, pres subj sg finde 9/15, 9/16, 17/10, 17/11, p ptc funden 2/4, 2/5, 2/6, 2/8, 2/9, 2/13, 2/21, fundon 2/3 [inuenire] finger m finger np fingras 14/8 firhto see fyrhtu fisc m fish ap fixas 1/170, 9/52, 10/11 [pisces] fiscpol m fish-pool ds fiscpole 1/259 [piscario] fixian 2 fish infl inf to fixanne 10/3, to fixiane 10/7, to fixianne 10/15 flan m arrow as 1/13 [sagittas] flæsc n flesh, meat as 18/6 flema m fugitive ns 2/7 [fugitiuus] fleogan II fly pres ptc fleogende 1/273 [uolantem] fleon II flee, run away inf 1/267, 1/285, 1/287, 9/5, pres 3s flyhð 2/5, 2/9, flehð 2/13, flæhð 2/4 [uolare, fugit] geflit n strife, contention ns 3/23, 9/6 [contentio] flitan I argue, contend imp sg flit 2/13 [contendare] geflitnes f contention, strife ns 8/22 flod m tide, flow, river as 1/104, 1/110, 1/135, ds flode 1/260 [flumen] flowan VII flow pres 3s floweð 14/3 fola m young animal, foal ds folan 1/25 [bordore] folc n folk, people as 1/280, gp folca 7/11 [populum] folclic adj public, popular nsn 2/23 [popularis] gefon VII seize, take hold of inf 1/2, pres 3s gefegð 1/205 [iungit] for prep/conj for, before, because for þam þe 14/11, for þi 2/1, 2/3, 2/5 [quia]

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Glossary forgyfnes f forgiveness, remission as forgyfennysse 9/70 forhogian II scorn, despise pres 3s forhogað 2/20 [spernit] forlætan VII abandon, permit, allow pres 3s forlæt 1/121, 1/238 [perdidisse, admittit] forlætnes f abandonment ns forlætnys 9/34 forlæting f leaving, abandonment as forlætincge 1/285 [desertionem] forleosan II lose inf 1/121, 1/148 [perdere] forlicgan V fornicate pres ptc forligende 2/4 [fornicator] forma adj first nsm 2/1, 12/1, ds forman 2/10, 7/2 [prima] forsceawere m provider ns forsceawere 5/29 [prouisor] forstelan IV steal p ptc forstolen 2/3 [furatur] forðgewitan I depart, go forth p ptc ds forþgewitenum 9/19 forðstefn m prow of a ship ds forðstefna 10/16 * forðunge see fyrðrung forweorðan III die pres 3p forwyrðaþ 4/6, forwirðaþ 16/6, forwyrþan 4/5 [peribunt] fot m foot ap fet 1/211, 14/3, dp fotum 1/189 [pedes] fram prep/adv from, away from, by 1/3, 1/12, 1/54, 1/57, etc. fræcnyssa see frecednes frecedlice adv dangerously 16/2 frecednes f danger as fræcednisse 2/15, fræcednysse 1/134, 2/3, 2/4, fræcenysse 1/83, fræcendnysse 1/110, gs fræcednysse 1/199, fræcennysse 1/54, ds frecnesse 8/10, frecednysse 3/30, fræcednysse 1/124, fræcnysse 6/11, ap fræcnyssa 5/25 [periculum] frecenful adj dangerous nsm fræcenful 2/12, 2/13, 2/17, nsn 2/15, [periculosus] frecenlic adj dangerous nsn 11/14 frecenlice adv dangerously 11/1, 11/25, 15/9 frecne adj dangerous asn frecne 9/59, fræcne 17/24, dp frecnum 8/30, 15/27 fremde adj foreign, alien nsm fræmde 1/79, dp fremedum 2/3 [alienus] fremednes f fulfillment as fremednesse 8/2, 8/14 gefremming f effect as gefremminge 2/4, 2/14, 3/2, 3/4, 3/14, gefremmige 2/5, 3/10, gefremincge 2/2, ap gefremmincge 2/27 [effectum] freodscipe see freondscipe freond m friend ns 5/27, as 9/58, 10/16, frend 10/5, gs freondes 9/39, ap frynd 10/3, dp

freondum 2/13, 13/4 [amicus] freondheald adj friendly, amicable nsn 2/17 [amicabilis] * freondliþe adj gracious, friendly nsm 15/29 * freondscipe m friendship as freodscipe 1/130, freodscype 17/19, ap freodscipas 1/204, 1/205 [amicitias] frigedæg m Friday as 16/5, frigedæig 12/6, 13/6, dæg friggan 4/6 [die ueneris] frosc m frog ap froxas 1/224 [ranas] fugel m bird ap fugelas 1/1, 1/2, 1/3, 9/7, fugeles 1/8, gp fugela 1/185, 9/6 [auis] ful adj foul asm fulne 1/91, dsm fulan 1/141, fulum 1/138 [sordidus, foedus] full n measure as ful 10/13 full adj full nsf full 8/22, 10/1, dsf fulre, ap fulle 1/240 [plenus] full adv fully, completely 17/8 fullic adj foul, loathsome asm 1/20, 1/33, 1/60, 1/118, asf fullice [foedus, turpus] fultum m help, support as 1/102 [auxilium] fultumian 2 help, support pres 3s fultumað 6/21 [adiuuabit] funden see findan fylgan 1 follow pres 3s filigð 1/242 [prosequitur] gefylled adj (p ptc of gefyllan) full nsn gefylled 2/13, 2/16, 2/18, gefyld 2/8 fynd see feond fyr n fire ns 16/6 fyrhtu f fear, dread as firhto 8/25 fyrst m space of time ds fyrste 8/30 fyþerfete adj four-footed, quadruped fyþerfete asm fyþerfete 1/214, 1/216, dp fyþerfetum 7/10 [quadrupedem] fyrðrung f expediting, promotion as 1/169, 1/254, ferðrunge 1/11, 1/90, 1/128, 1/160, forðunge 1/17 [expeditionem] gaderian 2 gather, collect inf 1/181, 1/184, 1/266, gadirian 1/51 [colligere] gan anom go inf 1/133, 1/145, 1/189, 1/248, 1/254, pres 3s gæð 18/1 [ambulare] gandra m gander gs ganran 18/6 gangan VII go imp sg gang 10/1, 10/5, 10/9 garclife f agrimony as garclifan 1/20 [agrimoniam] gat f goat ap gæt 9/87, get 1/128, 1/279 [capras] gælsa adj extravagant nsn 15/26 geap adj clever, shrewd nsn 2/2, 2/9, gep 2/20 [astutus] gear m year ns 16/1, 16/7, ds geare 12/1, 16/1, 16/5, 16/6, 16/7, ap gear 2/4, 2/5, 2/6, 2/9, gp geara 2/9 [annus]

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Glossary geargerim n number by years gs gærgerimes 16/6 gearwian 2 prepare, equip inf gerwigan 1/207 [parare] gearo adj ready nsn gere 10/10 genunge adv quickly, immediately 2/10 geoguþ f youth as 15/5 geolu adj yellow dsn gelewum 1/89 [flauo] geomrung f moaning, grief as geomrunge 13/3 geong adj young nsm 5/5, 5/8, 5/15, asm geongne 1/55, np gunge 16/3, gp geongra 13/2, dp geongum 13/3; as noun np geonge 4/4 [iuuenis, recentem] georne adv eagerly, surely 8/4, 9/8, 9/41, 9/49, 9/59, 17/8, 17/24 gep see geap gere see gearo gerwigan see gearwian gif conj if 1/56, 1/79, 1/272, 1/272, 1/273, etc., gyf 2/9, 9/63, 10/7, 10/17, gef 1/286, 18/6, gi 17/20 [si] gift f nuptuals ap gifta 1/188 [nuptias] gimeleas see gymeleas gimm m gem, jewel as gimm 1/121, ap gimmas 1/278, 17/5 [gemma] glædnes f gladness as glædnysse 8/27 gleng f ornament as glæncge 1/31 [ornamentum] gleaw adj clever nsn glæw 2/1 [astutus] gled f glowing coal, ember ap gleda 1/58 [carbones] gnyrran 1 grind the teeth pres ptc gnyrende [stridentes] god adj good, (noun) good thing, goods nsm 2/1, 2/2, 2/3, 2/4, 2/5, etc., nsn 2/9, 2/10, 2/12, 2/14, etc., asm godne 1/198, 1/233, asn god 1/35, 1/87, 1/183, 1/187, 1/233, etc., gsn godes 8/2, 8/14, asf gode 3/4, dsf goddre 15/21, np godan 1/272, gp goda 9/27, 9/32, 9/34, 9/56, 17/22 [bonus] god m God ds gode 2/8, 3/1, 7/8, 9/41, 9/78 [deo] godcund adj divine, spiritual dp godcundum 9/78 godweb n fine cloth as godewebb 9/81 gold n gold as 1/17, 9/15 [aurum] goldhord m treasure as 1/273 [thesaurum] gos f goose gp gosa 9/88 grædig adj greedy nsn 2/3, 2/25 [cupidus] græg adj gray dsn grægium 9/57 grama m trouble as graman 1/266 [molestiam] gram adj angry, fierce asm gramne 1/95 [infestum]

grasian 2 graze pres ptc grasiende 1/36 [pascentes] gretan 1 greet inf 9/50, pres subj sg grete 17/11 grimm adj harsh, grim nsm 16/1, 16/2 grindere m grinder ds 10/4 gegripan I seize p ptc gegripan 1/3, 1/287 [rapere] gunge see geong gyf see gif gyfan V give pres 3s gifð 10/1 gyfu f gift ns gifu 9/36, ds gyfe 1/28 [gratiam] gylden adj golden asm gyldenne 1/149, 1/295, gyldene 9/31 [aurea] gylt m sin, crime as 1/4, dp gyltum 1/268 [crimen] gymeleas adj careless nsn gimeleas 2/10, 5/28 [neglegens] gyrdel m belt ds gyrdle 9/30 gegyrwan 1 prepare; dress p ptc gegyrd 1/147, pl gegerede 17/19 [cingi] gyte m flow, shedding as gete 7/5 [effusionem] gywitan see gewitan habban anom have inf 1/27, 1/33, 1/47, 1/102, 1/103, etc., haban 1/32, pres ptc hæbbende 2/13, hæbende 2/11, pres 2s hafast 10/6, pres 3s hæfð 2/4, 2/8, 2/9, 2/12, 2/13, etc., hefð 2/1, 2/6, 2/18, 3/2, hafað 18/1, pres 3p habbað 2/5, 2/27, pres subj sg hæbbe 9/17, 9/18, 9/31, 9/32, 9/47, etc.; with negative: pres 3s næfð 2/2, 8/2, 8/14 [habere] had m race, group, tribe np hadas 9/7, dp hadum 9/3 hadlað see adlian hagol m hail as 1/126, 1/127 [grandinem] halgian 2 bless, sanctify infl inf to halgiene 10/14 halig adj holy asn 10/14 hamacgað see amagian hana m cock gs hanan 18/6 hancred m cock-crow ds angræde 7/5 [gallicantu] hand f hand as 2/9, 18/2, ds handu 2/6, ap handa 1/171, 1/180, 2/12, 9/93, 14/3, ap handu 1/291 [manus] handlian 2 handle, deal with inf 1/17, 1/96, 1/98, 1/100, 1/157, 1/164, 1/192, 1/193, 1/194, 1/212, andlian 1/105 [trectare] hat adj hot dsn hatum 9/10 hatan pret pres direct, command imp sg hat 18/2 gehatan VII promise pres 3s gehataþ 8/27

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Glossary hatung f hatred as hatunge 1/192 [odium] gehæftan 1 bind, imprison p ptc gehæfd 1/59 [detinetur] hæftnoð m captivity ds hæftnoðe 1/59 [custodia] hælan 1 castrate inf 2/7 [castrare] gehælan 1 heal p ptc geheled 2/7, 6/7 [sanabitur] hælð f health as hælðe 1/289 [sanitas] hælu f health ns hælo 8/24, 9/11, 13/1, 13/5, as hæle 9/92, ds hele 3/24 hæman 1 have intercourse with pres subj sg hæme 9/39 hærende see ærend hæðen m heathen, gentile np hæþene 1/124, ap heþene 1/34 [gentiles, barbaros] he, heo, hit pron he, she, it nsm he 1/10, 1/12, 1/54, 1/56, etc., nsf heo 2/1, 2/3, 2/8, 2/10, etc., nsn hit 1/1, 1/2, 1/3, 1/4, etc., hyt 10/10, 10/13, asm hine 1/12, 1/21, 1/22, 1/26, 1/28, etc., asn hit 10/2, 10/5, 13/7, etc., gsm his 1/67, 1/68, 1/70, 1/78, etc., hys 9/11, 9/20, 9/23, 9/32, etc., dsm him 1/1, 1/3, 1/22, 1/23, 1/48, etc., heom 1/268, gsf hire 14/6, hyre 14/11, dsf hire 14/11, np hi 2/22, 9/50, 9/63, 10/4, 14/10, ap hie 10/4, hy 9/63, gp heora 10/10, dp heom 9/7 heafod n head ns 1/48, 1/54, 9/45, 13/2, as 8/8, 8/25, heafad 9/1, heofod 1/47 [caput] heah adj high asm heanne 9/37, dsf heahre 17/25, hehre 1/298; superl dsn hehstum 1/272 [altus] healdan VII hold, keep infl inf to healdenne 2/23 [retinendum] gehealdan VII hold p ptc gehealdene 2/22 [rententa] gehealdend m protector, ruler ns 2/18 [seruatrix] gehealdsum adj frugal nsm gehealtsum 15/25 healede adj ruptured, deformed nsn 18/6 healf f side ds healfe 10/11 healic adj noble, lofty asm healicne 9/31 heard adj difficult, hard nsm 4/4, 16/3 hearm m damage, harm, injury as 1/16, 1/48, 1/61, 1/67, 1/81, etc., heorm 1/23, hearpan 1/3 [dampnum] hearmas see earm hearmian 2 injure, harm inf 1/92 [infestare] hearpe f harp as hearpan 1/75 [cithara] hecen n kid ap hecenu 1/4 [edos] hefig adj heavy heðhylde see eðhylde

hefð see habban hefig adj heavy, severe asm hefine 1/72, asf hefige 1/18, 1/145, 1/170, hefyge 1/64, ap hefige 1/38, 1/180, 1/219, 1/248 [grauem] hehre, hehstum see heah hela m heel dp helum 18/3 hele see hælu geheled see gehælan gehende adj near, at hand as 1/120, 1/190 [uicinas] henn f hen as henne 1/122, 1/123, gp henna 9/85 [gallina] henðe see hynðu heo see he heofod see heafod heofon m heaven, the heavens, the sky as heofen 1/42, gs heofonas 7/9, ds heofene 1/154 [cælum] heom, heora see he heord f herd, flock dp heordum 7/10 [armentis] heordræden f custody, care ap heordredena 1/73 [custodias] heorm see hearm heort m stag ap heortas 10/15 heorte f heart ns 14/9, ds heortan 8/4 her adv here 9/94, 14/1 herbeforan adv before, above 2/16, 2/26, 2/28 [supra] heþene see hæðen hi see he hig n hay as 10/6 hire see he hired m household, retinue as 10/14, hird 10/12, gs hiredes 10/7 hit see he hiwlic adj beautiful asn 1/247, asf hiwlice 1/102 [formosam] hlaf m loaf, bread as 1/205, laf 1/204, 1/206, gs laf 7/10, ap hlafas 1/283 [panem] hlaford m lord ns 9/48, as laford 10/7 hlihhan VI laugh inf 1/217 [ridere] hluttor adj clear asn hlutter 1/11 [limpidem] hlystan 1 listen inf lestan 1/71 [audire] hnecca m neck ds neccan 2/13, 2/14, 2/21 [cervix] hnutu f nut ap hnyte 1/184, 9/63, 18/5 [nux] hoforode adj hump-backed nsn 18/6 hold adj loyal, faithful dp holdum 13/4 hol adj hollow asn hole 18/1 hordern n treasury as 10/16 hornleas adj without horns asn hornleasne 17/18 hors n horse as 9/54, ds horse 1/87, 1/88,

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Glossary 1/89, 1/90, 1/91, 9/55, 9/56, 9/57, ap hors 1/92 [equus] hraðe adv quickly 11/8, 18/1, raðe 2/2, 2/3, 2/4, 2/5, 2/8, etc. [cito] hrædlice adv quickly rædlice 2/11 [celeriter] hrægl n dress, clothing as hrægel 9/25, gs hrægeles 9/28 hreohful adj stormy ns hreohfull 16/1 hreohnes f storm, turbulence as reohnysse 7/13 [tempestas] hrif n womb ns 18/4 hring m ring as 1/295, ring 1/14, 1/15, 1/16, ds ringe 1/121 [anulus] gehruxl n noise as geruxlu 7/11 [strepidus] hryre m fall, ruin ap ryras 7/12 [ruinas] hu adv how 14/1 hund m dog, hound ap hundas 1/52, 1/53, 9/50, 9/51, gp hunda 1/281, 17/8 [canis] hundred n hundred ap hundræd 14/3 hungor m hunger as ungor 7/14 [fames] hunig n honey ns 4/1, 4/4, 16/3, 16/7, as 1/182, 9/3, 9/65 [mel] hunta m huntsman dp huntum 10/15 huntian 2 hunt pres subj sg huntige 9/49 huntoð m hunting ns 13/6, as huntað 1/243, ap huntoþas 2/25 [uenationem] hus n house as 1/81, 1/82, 1/83, 1/207, 1/292, etc., gs huses 9/5, ds huse 1/80, 1/108, 1/110, 1/285, 2/18, 9/5 [domus] hwæder conj whether 14/10 hwa, hwæt pron who ns hwæt 3/7, 3/10, 8/1, 8/7, 8/8, etc., wæt 2/1, 3/1, gs hwas 10/10, swa ~ swa whatsoever 2/1, 3/1, 3/7, 3/10, 3/22, etc. hwæte m wheat as 4/4, gs hwætas 1/105 [frumenti] hwæðere adj which gs hwæþeres 18/1; conj swa hwæþeræ swa whichever 18/2, swa wæðer swa 2/4 [quacumque] hwearfung f revolution, change ap hwearfunga 8/20 hwerhwette f cucumber ap hwerhwettan 1/43 [cucurbitas] hwilc adj, pron which, whichever ds hwelce 10/11, dsf hwylcere 9/79, swa ~ (swa) whoever, whatever 1/101, 1/109, 1/214, 1/236, 10/11, etc., swa wilc swa 1/214, 1/236, swa wilce 1/109, swa wilcum 1/101 [quicumque] gehwilc pron each, any gsn gewilces 1/40, 1/71, gewylces 1/100, dsm gewylcum 7/9, dsf gewilcre 1/134 [cuius] hwilum adv sometimes 9/81, 18/5, 18/6, hwilan 2/30 [interdum]

hwit adj white asm hwitne 17/15, 17/17, wittne 1/155, asn hwit 1/32, 9/25, 9/54, 9/75, wit 1/47, dsm hwite 1/21, dsn hwitum 1/87, ap hwite 1/213, wite 1/215 [album] gehwyrfan 1 turn p ptc gewyrfed 2/1 [conuertetur] hy see he gehyd adj covered with skin nsm 14/7 hyfele see yfel hynðu f damage, loss as hynðe 1/89, 1/156, 1/173, 1/195, 1/288, henðe 1/116 [detrimentum, dampnum] gehyran 1 hear inf 1/233, pres subj sg gehyre 9/66, 9/67, pres 3s gehyreð 1/190 [audire] hyre, hys, hyt see he gehyrsum adj obedient nsn 2/28 ianuarius m January ns 16/1, 16/2, 16/3, 16/4, 16/5, 16/6, 16/7 ic pron I ns 9/80 in prep in, into 10/1, 10/5, 10/7, etc. infaran VI enter inf 1/110, 2/10, 2/11 [intrare, introire] ingan anom enter pres subj sg inga 1/275, 1/276 [intrare] innoð f inside, womb ds innoðe 14/1, 14/2, 14/6 intinga m matter, business dp intingum 2/9 [causis] into prep into 9/5 irene see isen is see beon isen n iron as isen 1/100, 9/7, ysen 2/15, ds isene 1/99, irene 17/3 [ferrum] lac f offering, gift, medicine as 2/7 [~ niman: medicare] gelacnian 2 treat with medicine inf 11/5 laf see hlaf laford see hlaford land n land, earth as 10/2, 10/3, 10/8, 10/16, gs landes 15/11 landbigenga m inhabitants gp landbigencgena 12/4 lang adj long nsm 15/1, 15/6, nsn 1/101, 1/146, 9/61, asn 2/12, dsm langum 2/16, 3/7, 3/16, dsf langre 8/16; comp np lengran 14/3 [longus] lange adv long 2/1, 2/3, 2/6, 2/12, lang 2/11 [diu] langfære adj long-lasting dsn 2/11 [postera] langlife adj long-lived nsm 2/1 [longeuus] langsum adj long nsn 17/9

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Glossary late adv late 18/1, 2/7 [tarda] lað adj hated, hostile nsn 9/73, asm laðne 1/95, dsf laðre 1/231 [infestum] laðettan 1 hate, loathe inf laðhetan 1/52 [infestare] laðwende adj hostile gsm laðwendan 9/87 læce m physician ns 2/22 [medicus] læcecræft m medicine as 2/19, ds læcecræfte 13/5 [medicinam] læcedom m medicine, healing ds læcedome 6/7, dp læcedomum 2/7 [medicina] lædan 1 lead inf 1/248, 1/249, 2/12, 2/14 [ducere] gelædan 1 lead inf 2/18 [ducere] læddre f ladder ds læddran 1/230 [scala] lænten see lencten læran 1 teach, advise pres 1s lære 9/80 gelæred adj (p ptc of gelæran) wise, learned nsn 2/7, 2/17 [doctus] læssa adj less asf læsse 1/173 [minus] lætan VII let inf 2/1, 2/3, 2/4, 2/5, 2/7, etc., latan 2/25, 2/27 lætting see letting lead n lead as 1/212, 9/18 [plumbum] leaf n leaf as 1/115, leof 1/114, [folia] geleafa m belief, faith as geleafan 1/148, ds 7/7 [fides] geleafful adj believing, trusting nsn 2/28, 2/29 [credulus] leahtor m sin, crime dp leahtrum 1/84 [criminibus] leas adj false nsm 15/4, np lease 3/11 [falsa] leasung f lie, falsehood ns 9/81 lecgan 1 lay inf 1/122 [parere] gelefenne see gelyfan lencten m spring ns 16/1, 16/2, 16/3, etc., lenten 4/5, lænten 4/2, 4/3, 4/4, 4/6 [uer] lengran see lang leo m lion as leon 1/160, 1/161, 1/162 [leo] geleod m compatriot as 10/7 leof see leaf leof adj dear, expensive nsm 4/6, 4/7; superl nsn leofest 10/16 [cara] leofað see libban leohtfæt n lantern, torch ap leohtfatu 1/164, 1/165 [luminaria] leornian 2 learn pres subj sg leornige 9/78 leosan II lose pres subj sg leose 8/6 lestan see hlystan lettend m hinderer ns 5/13 [impeditor] letting f hindrance as lettinge 1/63, lættinge 1/193, lettincge 1/41, 1/96, 1/213, lettige 1/163 [inpeditionem] libban 3 live infl inf to libbenne 1/178, pres

3s leofað 2/13, 2/27, 2/30, 5/18, 10/8, leofoð 2/9, lifeþ 15/7, lyfað 15/3 [uiuere] lic n body ns 14/6, as 9/32, 9/73 licgan V lie inf 1/300, pres ptc licgende 2/1, pres 3s lið 2/1, 2/2, 6/28, 11/3, etc., ligð 11/24 [accumbere, recumbere] gelicgan V lie inf 1/67, 1/69, pres subj sg gelicge 1/70, pres 3s gelið 2/3, 2/5, 2/6, 2/8, 2/10, gelyð 2/4 [concumbere, recumbere] lichama m body, corpse gs lichaman 1/288, 1/289, 9/10, 9/11, 9/92, ds 1/299, 2/13 [corpus] lician 2 please pres ptc licigende 2/14 [placens] gelician 2 please pres ptc gelicgende 2/1, 2/15, gelicigende 2/13 [placens] lif n life ns 1/101, 1/284, 2/12, 9/61, 17/9, as 1/146, 1/178, 1/241, gs lifes 1/83, 11/6, 15/1, 15/6, 15/25, ds life 15/24 [uita] lifeþ see libban liflic adj lively, vital nsm 5/1, 5/6, 5/7, 5/16, nsn 2/14 [uitalis] ligen adj flaming, fiery asm ligenne 1/42 [flamineum] ligræsc m lightning ap ligræsceas 1/77 [coruscationes] lilie f lily ns 18/2, as lilian 18/2 lim n limb, member dp limum 14/3, 14/5 gelimpan III happen, occur, come to pass pres 3s gelimpð 3/9, 3/17, 3/19, 3/23, 3/26, 14/6, gelimpeð 18/5, 18/6 [euenire] linen adj of linen asn 1/159, ap linene 1/158 [linea] lið see licgan liðelice adv gently 2/6 [leniter] locc m lock of hair as loc 1/250, dp loccum [capillum, crinibus] gelome adv frequently 18/5 gelufian 2 love p ptc gelufad 2/16, gelufod 2/21 [amata] luflic adj lovable, amiable nsn 2/12 [amabilis] lufwende adj lovable, pleasant nsn 2/7 [amabilis] gelyfan 1 believe infl inf to gelefenne 2/20, to gelyfenne 2/23 [credendum] lyfað see libban lytlian 2 diminish pres ptc lytliende 9/26 gemaca m mate, spouse ds gemacan 1/70, ap 2/18 [coniunx] maga m stomach, insides ds magan 14/11 magan pret pres be able to, have permission to pres subj sg mæge 9/33, pres 3s mæg

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Glossary 1/63, 9/87, 11/5, 18/6, mæig 9/84, pres 3p magon 14/10, pret 2s miht 10/2, meht 18/1 [potest] magum see mæg mancus m mancus, coin ap mancsas 17/10 manian 2 claim, demand infl inf to manianne 10/7 manig adj many np mænig 16/2, ap manega 1/72, 1/279, 1/283, 2/14, gp mænigra 16/6, dp manegum 1/81, 1/84, 1/103, 2/13, 8/17 [plures, multus] manigfeald adj manifold, various nsn 14/6, mænigfeald 17/5 mann m man, person, one ns 9/1, man 10/11, 11/5, 14/4, 15/1, 17/1, etc., mon 17/1, men 9/81, as mann 1/131, 9/61, 9/68, 17/9, man 9/34, 17/14, gs mannes 14/1, 14/2, 17/11, monnes 10/7, ds men 14/1, menn 9/19, 9/20, np menn 16/1, 16/3, 16/6, ap men 10/4, gp manna 4/2, 9/2, 10/5, 13/1, 13/2, dp mannum 1/284, 9/4, 13/3, monnum 10/10 [homo] mara m more as maran 1/173 [maior] mæden n maiden, young girl ns 2/1, 2/2, 2/4, 2/5, 2/6, etc., meden 2/3, as mæden 18/1, 18/2, 18/3, 18/4, ds medene 1/69, ap mædenu 1/198 [puella, uirgo] mæg see magan mæg m kinsman, parent dp magum 1/78, 1/79, 1/157 [parens] mænig see manig mære adj famous, excellent nsn 2/1, 2/6, 2/8 [illustris, magnus] mæst adj, n most, greatest ap mæste 1/22, 1/97, 1/120, mæstan 1/109 [maximas] mætan 1 dream pres subj sg mæte 9/1, 9/92, 17/1, 17/2, etc., pres 3s mæteð 8/1 mæting f dream ns 8/22 mearcian 2 mark, mark out inf 1/239 [tricare] medeme adj average nsm 5/2 [mediocris] meden see mæden meder see modor meht see magan melu n meal, flour as 1/98 [farina] men see mann gemendful see gemyndful gemengan 1 mix, unite p ptc gemencged 4/2, gemenged 16/1 [mixta] meolc f milk gs meolce 10/13 mere m lake, pool, cistern ds 1/140 [piscina] gemet adj (p ptc of gemetan) painted asm gemetne 1/146 [pingi] gemetan 1 meet, find pres 2s gemetest 10/4, p ptc gemet 2/7 [inuenitur]

mete m meat, food as 1/61 [cibum] micel adj great, large nsm 9/21, 9/25, 9/41, etc., mycel 17/12, 17/13, nsn micel 1/221, mycel 9/22, 9/33, nsf micel 1/301, asm micelne 7/14, 9/94, 12/1, 17/17, asn micel 1/76, mycel 9/67, asf micele 7/9, gsm miceles 7/1, 9/28, gsn micles 17/20, ap micle 10/11, dp micelum 1/268 [magnus, grande] mid adj mid, middle dsf midre 7/4, 7/14 [medius] mid prep with 1/1, 1/9, 1/39, 1/44, etc. middæg m mid-day gs middæges 7/10 [meridiane] middangeard m earth, the world gs middangeardes 10/11, ds middangearde 7/4, middanearde 7/3, middanerde 7/8 [mundus] miht see magan milcian 2 milk infl inf to milciane 10/13 milde adj mild, kind, gentle nsn 2/1, 2/2, 2/10, 2/19, 2/30 [benignus] mildheort adj merciful, compassionate nsn 2/21 [misericors] gemindig see gemyndig minster n church, monastery as 10/16 mislicnes f diversity ds mistlicnesse 1/0 [diuersitate] missenlic adj various, manifold nsm 16/5 mist m mist as 1/187 [nebula] mod n heart, mind, spirit ns 9/4, gs modes 9/55, 9/79, ds mode 2/23, 3/2 [animus] modful adj proud, haughty nsn 2/11 [animosus] modig adj proud nsn 2/14 [superbus] modor f mother ns modur 14/6, as moder 1/172, gs modor 14/1, moder 14/2, ds meder 1/68 [mater] mona m moon ns 2/2, 2/3, 2/4, 2/5, etc., mone 2/15, as monan 1/151, 1/153, 1/154, 1/155, etc., ds mone 10/13, 10/17, ap 1/152, 1/271, 17/13 [luna] monandæg m Monday as 16/1, monandæig 13/2, ds monandæige 12/2 monað m month ds monoð 18/5, monðe 13/1, 13/2, 13/6, 14/3, 14/4, etc. monnes see mann munt m mountain as 9/37 muð m mouth ds muðe 2/1 [os] mycel see micel gemynd f memory ds gemynde 2/22 [memoria] gemyndig adj mindful nsn gemindig 2/26 [mementuosus] gemyndful adj mindful, remembering nsn gemendful 2/7 [memoriosus]

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Glossary mynegian 2 be mindful of pres 3s mynegað 1/286 [admonere] na adv, conj no, not at all 1/182, 2/2, 2/3, 2/5, etc. [ne] naht n nothing ns 2/24, 2/27, 3/4, as 1/297, ds nahte 1/296 [nihil] nan adj, pron no, none ns 2/17, as 1/187, 1/276, 9/73, asf nane 3/2, 3/10, dp nanum 2/16 [nullus] naðor pron neither ns 9/76, 15/28 næddre f serpent ns næddre 9/8, ds næddran 1/231, ap næddran 9/72 [serpente] næfð see habban nægl m nail ap nægelas 1/270 [ungulas] nænig see ænig ne adv, conj no, not, nor 1/63, 1/297, 2/1, 2/3, 2/13, etc. neat n animal, beast gp neata 18/6 neawist f neighborhood, vicinity ds neawyste 9/87 neccan see hnecca nehsta m neighbor gs nexstan 1/299, ds nehstan 1/282 [proximus] nelle see willan nenige see ænig neoðera adj lower np neoðeran 1/79 [inferiores] nest n nest as 1/185 [nidus] nexstan see nehsta nigon num nine as 2/13, 2/25, 2/29, 8/25 nigonteoða adj nineteenth nsm nigonteða 2/19 nigontyne num nineteen as 2/6 nigoða adj ninth nsm 2/9, asf nigoðan 2/19, dsm nigoþan 14/10 [nonam] niht m night as 14/11, nihtne 8/4, 10/2, 10/3, 10/6, etc., ds nihte 7/2, 7/3, 7/4, 7/14, etc., nihtte 10/9, gp nihta 8/6, 8/6, 8/10, 8/11, etc., nyhta 10/4, dp nihtum 10/13, nihton 8/12 [nox] genihtsum adj abundant nsm 5/24 [copiosus] genihtsumian 2 abound, be plentiful pres 3s genihtsumað 4/1, 4/7, genihtsumeð 16/3 [abundare] genihtsumnes f abundance ns 16/4, 16/5, 16/7, genihtsumnys 4/5, as genihtsumnysse 7/9, 7/10 [abundantia] niman IV take, receive inf 1/115, 1/182, 1/198, 1/204, etc., imp sg 10/13, pres 3s nimð 17/11, 18/2, nymeþ 9/16 [accipere] geniman IV take imp sg genim 18/2, p ptc genumen 5/5 [tolletur] genipful adj dark, gloomy nsm 4/7 [caliginosa]

nis see beon nið m strife, hostility ns 9/2, 9/72, 9/79 niðer adv below, beneath 1/223, 1/272, nyþer 1/298, 18/4 [subtus] niwe adj new asm niwne 101/4, asn niwe 1/205, 2/10, 10/13, dsn niwan 1/115, ap niwe 7/11, 9/47, 18/5, dp niwum 1/49 [nouus, recentus] non m the ninth hour as 2/4, 2/25, 2/26, 2/28 [nonam] norðdæl m the north, the northern part ds norðdæle 7/11 [aquilone] genumen see geniman nunne f nun np nunan 10/14 nyhta see niht nymeþ see niman nys see beon nyten n beast, cattle ap nytenu 2/3, gp nytena 13/1 [animalia] nytlic adj beneficial, useful nsn 2/11, 2/12, 2/17, 2/22, 2/23, 2/24, 2/25, nytlice 2/4, 2/8, 2/16, 2/18, 2/19, 2/22 [utilis] nytwyrðe adj useful, profitable nsm 15/16, nytwurðe 5/7, nsn nytwyrþe 2/9 [utilis] nyþer see niðer ocsan see oxa of prep of, from, out of 1/49, 1/78, 1/85, 1/111, etc. ofaslean VI strike off p ptc ofaslegen 9/27 ofdune adv down 9/38 ofer prep over 1/187, 1/273, 1/275, 1/276, 10/12, 16/4, offer 10/16 [super] oferbru f eyebrow ds oferbruwe 2/7, 2/8, 2/19 [supercilio] ofercuman IV overcome, subdue pres 2s ofercymst 3/1, 9/91, pres 3s ofercymð 9/28, 17/18, p ptc ofercumen 2/18, as ofercumene 3/1 [inuictus] oferfaran VI pass over, cross pres subj sg oferfare 9/13 ofergan anom cross over pres subj sg oferga 1/275, 1/276 [intres] ofergenga m traveler ns 15/11 ofermod m pride ns 2/13, as 2/18 [superbus] ofermodig adj proud nsn 2/13 [superbus] oferslop n surplice, stole as 1/32, 1/33 [byrrum] oferswiðan 1 overpower, conquer inf 1/52, p ptc oferswiðed 1/12 [superare] offrian 2 offer inf 1/80 [sacrificare] offrung f offering as offrunga 2/5 [sacramentum] ofsettan 1 beset, oppress p ptc ofsett 1/84, 1/268 [opprimitur]

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Glossary ofslean VI kill inf 1/131 [occidere] oft adv often 2/5, 2/7, 2/8, 9/22; superl oftost 14/11 [saepe] ofðryccan 1 press, squeeze, oppress p ptc ofþryccend 1/103 [subprimitur] olfend m camel ap olfendas 1/57 [camelos] on prep on, upon, in, into 1/1, 1/2, 1/5, 1/14, 1/15, etc., an 10/3, 10/7, 10/10, 10/11 (all before infl inf) onfon VII take, receive, accept inf 1/40, 1/55, 1/71, 1/113, 1/114, infl inf to anfone 10/14, pres subj sg onfo 9/19, 9/20, pres 3s onfehþ 9/38 ongean prep towards, against 1/22, 1/42, 1/286 onginnan III begin inf 2/3, 2/4, 2/17, infl inf to ongynnenne 2/24, to angennene 2/13, to anginnane 10/4, to anginnanne 10/6, 10/14, pres 3s onginð 14/1, pres subj sg onginne 13/7 [incipere] onsion, onsyne see ansyn ontrumnyssa see untrumnes onwreon II reveal p ptc pl onwrigene 2/30 [reuelare] open adj open dp openum 1/34 [publicus] openian 2 open pres 3s openað 1/34 [patet] geopenian 2 open p ptc geopenad 1/108, geopenud 2/19 [aperire, patefactus] orsorh adj without care, unconcerned nsm 2/12 [securis] orsorhnes security ns orsorhnys 9/69, orsorhnyss 9/13, as orsorhnesse 1/75, 1/77, 17/4, orsorhnysse 1/39, 1/68, 1/165, 1/175 [securitas] ortgeard m orchard, garden as orcyrd 1/265 [hortus] oð prep, conj until 2/4, 2/7, 2/9, 2/19, 2/21 oðer adj, pron other, second nsm oðer 2/2, 3/3, 18/1, etc., nsf 18/2, 18/4, 18/5, etc., asm oþerne 9/64, 17/14, asn oðer 10/8, dsm oðrum 14/3, np oðre 16/6, dp oðrum 1/182, 1/251 oðhrinan I touch pres subj sg oþhrine 9/16 oððe conj or 1/4, 1/7, 1/13, 1/21, 1/28, etc. [uel] oxa m ox as oxan 17/17, 17/18, ocsan 17/15, ap oxan 1/36, 1/37 [boues] pening m penny, coin ap penegas 9/16, 17/10, gp penega 1/290 [denarios] pipdream m pipe, musical instrument as pipdram 1/190 [organa] piper m pepper as 9/90 pitt see pytt

plegan 1 play, sport with inf 1/53, plegean 1/119, pres 3s plegað 1/142 [ludere] plegstow f theater ds plegstowe 1/144 [theatrum] preost m priest as 10/14 pullian 2 pull, shear pres subj sg pullige 9/89 pytt m pit, ditch as 1/200, pitt 1/107 [fossa, puteus] geradod adj intelligent, quick nsn 2/26 [citatus] ramm m ram gs rammes 18/6 raðe see hraðe rædan 1 read inf 1/60, 1/71, pres ptc rædende 1/71, pres subj sg 9/78 [legere] rædlice see hrædlice rædwita m counselor np rædwitan 4/5 [principes] geræran 1 raise, build infl inf to gereranne 10/16 read adj red nsn red 17/16, dsn readum 9/56 reaf n garment as 1/159, 1/247, ref 9/83, 10/14 [uestis] reafol adj rapacious nsn reaful 2/13 [rapax] reama m membrane ds reaman 14/2 ref see reaf gerefa m official, steward gp gerefena 12/7 regn m rain ns ren 9/52, 13/1, as ren 1/197 [pluuius] gerened adj adorned, ornamented dsm gerenedan 9/30 renig adj rainy nsm 16/2, 16/6 renlic adj rainy nsm 4/3 [pluuialis] reohnysse see hreohnes gereranne see geræran ribb n rib np 14/6 rice adj powerful nsn 2/29, np 9/7, dp ricum 9/20 [eminens] rice n kingdom as 17/6, ap rica 5/10 [regiones] ricsian 2 rule, predominate pres 3s ricsaþ 16/6 ridan I ride pres subj sg ride 9/54, 9/55, 9/56, 9/57 rihtlice adv rightly, justly 2/1 [æque] rihtwis adj righteous nsm 15/13 ring see hring rip n sheaf, harvest ap ripu 1/181 [messis] ripe adj ripe, mature ap 1/240 [maturas] risan I rise pres 3s rist 6/30 [surgere] rocc m over-garment ds rocce 1/39 [clamide] rose f rose ns 18/2, as rosan 1/218, 18/2 [rosam] ruh adj rough, shaggy asm ruhne 1/199, asn ruh 9/32 [pilosum]

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Glossary rum adj spacious comp asm rumran 1/102 [ampliorem] geruxlu see gehruxl ryras see hryre rysel m lard, fat ap ryselas 1/219 [resinas] sacful adj quarrelsome nsn 3/23 [rixalis] sacu f conflict, strife as saca 1/1, 1/44, 1/62, 1/74, 1/109, 1/112, 1/120, 1/124, 1/184, sace 1/7, 1/18, 1/56, 1/57, 1/64, 1/201, 1/269 [litis] sar n sore, pain ns 4/6, 14/6, as 1/255, 1/299, 10/6, ds sare 1/79, np sare 13/2 [dolor] sawan VII sow inf 2/12, 2/17, imp sg saw 2/3, pres subj sg sauwe 9/77 [serere, seminare] gesawe see geseon sawol f soul ds sawle 14/4 sæ m sea ns 10/1, as sæ 1/139, 1/169, gs sæ 1/170, ds sæ 9/12, 10/11, 10/12, 10/16, se 1/137 [mare] sæd n seed ap sædu 2/8 [semen] sædeor m sea creature gp sædeora 12/6 gesælig adj happy, fortunate nsm 2/6, 15/6, 15/18, nsn 2/2, 2/30; comp nsm geseligra 2/17, asf geseligran 1/191; superl nsn gesæligust nsn 2/30 [felix, fortunatus] gesæliclic adj happy, fortunate nsn 17/9 gesælð f happiness as gesælðe 1/142, geselðe 1/71, 1/115 [felicitatem] sæternesdæg m Saturday as 16/6, sæternesdæig 12/7, 13/7; ns dæg sæternes 4/7 sættenne see settan sætung f plot, sedition ap sætunga 9/2 scap see sceap sceal see sculan sceamfæst adj modest nsn 2/8 scamfæst 2/15 [uerecundus] sceap n sheep as sceap 9/75, 9/89, ap sceap 1/195, np 4/1, 16/4, 16/6, 16/7, scap 4/6, gp sceapa 16/5 [ouis] sceaþa m thief, criminal nsm 5/21 (cf þeofsceaða) sceawian 2 look, gaze infl inf to scæwiene 10/16, pres subj sg sceawige 17/5 sceo m shoe ap sceos 9/47 sceort adj short gsm scortes 3/14, dsm sceortum 2/14; comp np scyrtran 14/3 [breuis] sceortwyrplic adj imminent, shortly coming to pass nsn 8/15 sceotan II shoot pres ptc sceottende 1/8 [bullientes] scere see scyran sceððan VI injure pres 3s sceð 10/11 scilde see scyldan

scinlac n spectre, apparition ap scinlacu 1/111 [fantasmas] scip n ship as scyp 9/62, gs scipes 10/6, 10/16, np scipu 16/2, scypu 4/3, ap scipu 1/183 [nauis] gescod adj shod, with shoes nsm 1/49, 1/50 [calciari] scol f school ds scole 2/4, 2/10, 2/14, 2/17, 2/18 [scola] scortes see sceort scredan, scridan see scrydan scrift m confession as 9/70 scrydan 1 clothe, dress inf 1/85, scridan 1/244, scredan 1/159 [uestire] gescrydan 1 clothe, dress inf 1/21, p ptc gescrid 1/39 [uestire] sculan pret pres be obliged, have to pres 3s sceal 18/1, pret 3s sceolde 17/23 scyldan 1 protect, shield pres subj sg scilde 17/8 gescy n shoes dp 1/49, 1/50 [calciamento] scyp see scip scyran IV cut, shear pres subj sg scere 9/26 gescyran IV cut, shear p ptc gescoren 1/48, pl gescorene 1/195 [tondere] scyrtran see sceort se m, seo f, þæt n dem pron, def art the, that, he, she, it, who, which nsm se 2/3, 2/4, 2/5, 2/6, etc., se þe rel he who 1/1, 1/12, 1/22, 1/28, 1/41, etc., nsf seo 8/7, 8/22, 10/9, 14/6, nsn þæt 2/4, 8/1, 8/2, 8/4, etc., asm þone 10/4, 10/5, etc., þane 1/107, asf ða 1/109, 2/19, 2/21, 2/23, 10/1, etc., asn þæt 1/0, 8/12, etc., gsm þæs 9/10, 9/87, 10/1, 14/2, etc., gsn þæs 9/5, 10/1, þes 10/16, dsm ðæm 10/4, 10/16, þam 9/15, 13/1, 13/2, etc., þem 10/4, dsf þære 2/4, 2/10, 2/25, 7/8, etc., þæræ 14/6, þere 2/13, is þy 16/7, np ða 14/3, 14/6, 14/8, etc., ap ða 14/3, gp þæra 18/2, þara 18/6, dp þam 11/14, 18/3 sealt adj salty nsm 1/56 [salsum] searu n trick, treachery ap seara 9/2 secan 1 seek infl inf to secanne 10/15, imp sg sec 10/3, 10/4, 10/5, pres 3p secað 1/52 [quaerere] gesecan 1 seek pres 2s geseces 10/16 secgan 1 say, speak, tell inf 14/1, imp sg sege 3/20 [dicere] seldan adv seldom, rarely 2/1, 2/3 [raro] self pron, adj self, same asn selfe 2/4, dsm silfan 2/14, sylfum 2/13 [similiter] geseligra see gesælig sellan 1 give imp sg selle 2/5, pres 3s seleð 10/7 [dare]

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Glossary gesellan 1 give p ptc geseald 1/101, 1/146 [dare] geselðe see gesælðe sendan 1 send inf 2/8 [mittere] seo see se seoc adj sick, as noun a sick person nsm 15/2, 2/7, 2/9, 2/11, 2/12, etc. [eger] seocnes f sickness as seocnesse 1/166, seocnysse 1/159 [egritudo] seofon num seven ns 2/27, as seofone 2/9 [septem] seofonteoða adj seventeenth ns 2/17 seofoða adj seventh nsm syofoða 2/7, ds seofoðan 3/20, 7/9, 14/8 seoluc m silk as 9/81 geseon V see, look, behold inf 1/57, 1/233, 1/250, 1/255, etc., pres 2s gesihst 1/272, 1/273, 1/274, 1/275, etc., gesyhst 8/12, pres 3s gesihð 1/4, 1/8, 1/9, 1/11, 1/12, etc., gesiht 1/267, gesyhð 1/1, 1/83, pres subj sg geseo 1/59, 8/6, 9/1, 9/2, 9/3, etc., geso 17/15, pret subj sg gesawe 8/8 [uidere] settan 1 set, establish infl inf to sættenne 10/16 gesettan 1 set, place p ptc geseted 14/9 si see beon sibb f peace ns sib 4/1, 4/5, 16/4, 16/7 [pax] sibbian 2 reconcile imp sg sibba 10/4 gesibbian 2 reconcile pres 2s gesibbast 10/4 gesibsum adj peaceful np gesybsume 13/4 siclian 2 sicken pres 3s siclað 6/10 [egrotare] side f side ds sidan 1/229, 2/8, 2/16 [latus] sige m contest, triumph as 1/36, 1/185, 13/7 [agon] gesihð see geseon gesihð f vision as gesihðe 1/231 silfan see self singan III sing inf 1/190, 9/67 [cantare] sint see beon sipian 2 decline, sink pres 3s sipað 6/5, 6/17, 6/27 [tricabit] sittan V sit inf 1/25, 1/64, 1/87, 1/88, etc., imp sg site 10/16, pres subj sg sitte 17/15 [sedere] sixta see syxta slæpan VII sleep pres ptc slæpende 1/161, slapende 1/37 [dormientes] slean II strike pres subj sg slea 9/58, 9/59, 17/14, p ptc slægen 17/3 geslean VI strike, hit p ptc asm geslægene 1/99 [percussum] smylte adj mild, smooth nsn 2/9, asm 1/169 [serenus, placidus]

smyltnes f calm, smoothness ns smyltnys 13/1, as smyltnesse 8/27 smyrwan 1 smear, annoint pres subj sg smyrige 9/94 snaca m snake, serpent as snacan 1/286 [colubram] snaw m snow ns 4/6, 4/7, ap snawas 1/186 [nix] snawig adj snowy nsm 16/6 snotor adj wise, prudent nsn snoter 2/7, 2/27 [prudens] somnian 2 gather pres subj sg somnige 9/63 sona adv immediately 8/8, 11/2, 11/12, 15/8, 15/15, 15/17, 15/20 sorg f pain, sorrow ns sorh 9/68, as sorge 17/3 sorgleast f security as sorhleaste 1/275, 1/277 [securitas] soðfæst adj truthful, trustworthy nsn 2/7, 2/17 [uerax] spell n story, tale ap spellu 1/287 [parabolas] spellian 2 speak, tell a story inf 1/66 [fabulare] spere n spear gp spera 9/91 spic n fat, lard as 1/157 [lardum] spicing m nail ap spicyngas 1/51 [clauus] spiwan 1 vomit inf 1/61, 1/62, pres subj sg spiwe 9/35 [uomere] spiweða m vomiting as spiweþan 1/296 [uomicum] spræc f language, speech as sprece 1/8 [locutio] sprecan V speak, say inf 1/76, 1/216, 1/254, infl inf to sprecanne 10/10, pres ptc sprecende 1/38, pres 3p sprecað 1/58, pres subj sg sprece 9/36, 9/70 [loqui] staðolfæst adj steadfast, steady nsn 2/16 [stabilis] stæppan VI step pres 3s stæpeð 18/3 stalu f theft, stolen property ns stalu 2/6, 2/8, 2/21, stale 2/5, dp stalum 2/16 [furtum] stan m stone ap stanes 1/166 [lapides] standan VI stand infl inf to standanne 10/10 gestandan VI assail, attack pres 3s gestandeð 11/1, 11/2, 11/3, 11/4, 11/6, pres subj sg gestande 11/8, p ptc gestanden 11/1, 11/25, 11/26, 11/30 staþolfæst adj fixed, steadfast nsm 14/5 staþolfæstlice adv firmly, steadfastly 14/9 gestæflæred adj learned, lettered nsn 2/1, 2/17, 2/21 [litteratus] stæfwis adj learned nsn stefwis 2/7 [litteratus] stæð n shore, riverbank ds staþe 1/223, ap staþu 1/222 [ripa] stedefæst adj steadfast, firm nsm stedfæst 4/6 [stabilis]

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Glossary stelan IV steal, rob pres subj sg stele 17/23, pres 3s stelað 10/5 steorfan III die pres 3s styrfð 2/10 [morior] steorra m star ap sterran 1/228 [stellas] stician 2 stick, stab, sting infl stikian 9/4 stigan I rise inf 1/223, pres subj sg stige 9/37 [descendere] stikian see stician stið adj stiff, thick, hard nsm 4/4 [dura] stow f spot, site, place as stowe 1/14, 1/267, 6/16, ds stowe 1/134, 1/298, 2/8, 9/79 [locus] strang adj strong nsn 2/7, 2/8, 2/19, ap strange 1/27 [strenuus, ualida] strangenes f strangeness as strangnysse gestrangian 2 strengthen pres 3s gestrangað 2/7, p ptc gestrangod 2/22 [conualescit] stræt f street ds strete 1/133 [platea] gestreccan 1 straighten, extend p ptc gestreht 1/168 [stratum] streng m string, cord, rope ap strengas 1/74 [corda] strengð f strength ns 4/2, ap strengþa 1/218 [ualitudo] gestreon n treasure, gain, wealth ns 9/19, 922, 9/47, etc., as 1/2, 1/9, 1/47, 1/49, 1/55, etc., gestrion 1/66, 1/76, 1/234 [lucrum] strete see stræt gestric n strife as 1/162, gestricg 1/174 [seditio] gestrion see gestreon gestrynan 1 acquire pres 3s gestrynþ 9/3 strynan 1 acquire, beget inf 18/6, pres ptc strinend 5/9, 5/11 [adquisitor] styrian 2 stir, move pres ptc styrigende 14/6 styrfð see steorfan styrung f movement, disturbance as styrunge 1/144, 1/238, 1/245 [tumultum, motus, seditio] sul m furrow, ploughland as 10/4 sum pron, adj a certain one, some nsm 1/78, 1/157, nsn 9/18, nsf 9/24, asm sumne 1/10, 1/72, 1/86, 1/141, etc., asn sum 1/3, 1/121, 1/238, 1/291, asf sume 1/1, 1/7, 1/29, 1/42, etc., gsm sumes 7/1, dsm suman 1/291, sumum 1/59, dsf sumre 12/1, ap sume 1/100, 1/105, 1/143, etc. [aliquid] sumor m summer ns 4/2, 4/3, 4/4, 4/5, etc. [estas] gesundful adj prosperous, healthy nsm 10/9 sunnandæg m Sunday ds 16/7, sunnandæge 12/1, sunnandæig 13/1

sunne f sun as sunan 1/226, 1/227, gs sunnan 7/7, ap sunnan 1/225 [sol] sunu m son ap suna 1/117 [filios] sur adj sour, bitter ap sure 1/269 [acerbus] suð adj south ds suðan 13/7 swa adv thus, so 2/26, 2/28, 3/6, 8/29; conj as 10/16, swa swa just as 2/19; ~ hwæt see hwæt, ~ hwilc see hwilc sweart adj black, dark asn 1/113, dsn sweartan 1/88 [nigrum] swefel n sulpher as 1/219 [sulphur] swefn n dream ns swefen 2/2, 2/3, 2/8, 2/14, etc., swæfnen 2/9, swefn 2/13, 2/15, 3/20, 3/30, swefne 2/11, 2/12, 2/17, 2/19, etc. ds swefne 8/12, np swefenu 2/27, swæfnu 2/7, swefne 2/4, 2/6, swefnu 2/5, 2/10, 2/22, 2/28, etc., ap swefnu 3/2, gp swefena 1/0, dp swefenum 1/1, swæfnum 1/5, swefnum 1/2, 1/14, 1/15, 1/17, etc. [somnium] swefnian 2 dream pres 2s swefnast 1/271, 3/10, 3s swefnað 2/1 [somniauerit] geswefnian 2 dream pres 2s geswefnaþ 8/8 geswefrung f failure as geswefrunge 12/3 sweg m sound, music, noise as 7/4 [sonum] geswencan III afflict, trouble p ptc ge­swenced 11/4, geswenct 1/106, 2/9, 2/15, pl geswencte 16/3, 16/6 [fatigatur, periclitatur] sweltan III die, perish pres ptc sweltende 11/8, pres 3s swealteð 4/1, swelteð 15/8, swelt 2/5, 2/14, 6/25, 6/28, swilt 2/13, 2/14, swylt 1/78, 1/157, 2/3, 2/4, 2/8, etc., pres 3p sweltað 4/2, 4/3, 4/4, 4/7, etc. [morior] sweora m neck ns swura 17/24, as swiran 1/297 [collum] sweord n sword as 17/4, swurd 1/119, ds swurde 1/277 [gladius] sweordbora m sword-bearer as swurdboran 1/118 [gladiatorem] sweordwegende adj sword-bearing nsm 1/120 [gladiantes] sweordwyrhta m armorer, sword-maker np swurdwyrhtan 2/21 [gladiatoribus] swete n sweet as 1/84 [dulcia] swicung f fraud, deception as swicunge 1/25, 1/50, 1/73, swicuncge 1/230 [deceptio] swilce adv like, just as 3/3 swilt see sweltan swimman III swim inf 1/263, swymman 1/135 [natare] swin n pig ap 1/210, gp swyna 9/84 [porcos] swinc n toil, work np swincu 1/22 [labores]

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Glossary geswinc n toil, work as 1/6, 1/13, 1/51, 1/154, 1/222 swincan III work, struggle pres 3s swincð 2/30, 6/4, 6/14, 6/18, 6/30, swincað 4/4, swinceað 11/7, 11/9, 11/21 [laborare] geswincful adj laborious, toilsome nsn 2/3, 2/10, 2/15, 2/18, 2/21, 2/28, etc., geswincfull nsm 15/24 [laboriosus] swingan III beat, flog inf swingon 1/242 [vapulare] swira see sweora swiðe adv very, very much 2/6, 2/8, 2/19, 6/28, etc.; comp swiðor 18/3 [multum] swiðra adj right (hand) dsf swiðran 2/6, 2/7, 2/8, 2/9, etc. swura see sweora swurd see sweord swustor f sister as swuster 1/106, ds swuster 1/67 [soror] swutol adj clear, manifest np swutele 2/25 [manifesta] swylt see sweltan swyna see swin sy see beon gesybsume see gesibsum sylf see self gesyhð see geseon syllan 1 give, sell inf 1/16, 1/196, 1/282, 2/15, pres 2s sylst 2/21 [dare] synn f sin gp synna 9/70 synt see beon gesynto f health ns 9/11, as 8/24, 13/1 syofoða see seofoða syx num six ns 2/26, ds 8/6 syxta adj sixth nsm sixta 2/6, dsm syxtan 14/7, dsf 2/4, 2/10, 2/13, 2/23, 2/25, 7/8, 14/2 [sexta] syxteoða adj sixteenth nsm 2/16 ta f toe np tan 14/8, dp 18/3 tacn n token, sign ns tacn 2/6, 2/7, 2/8, 2/9, etc., tacan 1/221, tacen 21 [signum] tacnian 2 signify pres 3s tacnað 3/28, 8/20, 8/24, 8/25, 9/1, etc. [significare] getacnian 2 signify pres 3s getacnað (often abbreviated ge or g) 1/1, 1/2, 1/3, 1/4, 1/5, etc., getacnat 1/65 [significare] tapor m taper, candle ap taperas 1/65 [cereos] tæling f derision ap tælincga 1/290 [irrisiones] tedriað see tidrian tedre adj weak, feeble npn tedru 16/6 telga see tiliga

getellan 1 consider p ptc getealde 1/296 [to nahte ~: adnichilata] temian 2 tame, subdue inf 1/28, 2/7, tymian 2/3 [domare] geteon II draw to, make, subdue pres 3s getihð 17/20 teona m injury, hurt as 1/38, 1/46, 1/72, etc., ds 1/59 [molestia, calumpnia] geteorung f failure as 1/252 [defectio] teoða adj tenth nsm 2/10, dsm teoþan 14/11 teran IV tear pres subj sg tere 9/8 teð see toð tid f time, period, hour as tide 2/21, 2/23, 10/1, etc., ds tide 2/4, 2/10, 2/13, 2/19, etc., tidi 2/28 [hora] tiddernes f weakness, frailty ns 9/46, tiddernys 9/10 tidrian 2 decay, grow feeble pres 3p tedriað 16/5 tiliga m workman, laborer ns telga 10/14 tima m time, period of time as timan 1/191, 1/198, 1/223, 6/13, gs timan 1/115, 1/142, 3/14, timam 1/71, ds timan 2/14, 2/16, 3/7, 3/16 [tempus] getiman 1 produce, befall pres 3s getimað 3/18 [continget] timber n timber, lumber as 10/6, 10/17 timbrian 2 build, construct inf timbrian 1/302, timbran 10/17, infl inf to timbrane 10/6, pres subg sg timbrie 9/23 [fabricare] tiwesdæg m Tuesday ns 14/11, as tiwesdæig 12/3, 13/3 tiwesniht f Monday night as 14/11 to prep to, into, for, as 1/245, 1/272, 1/296, 1/301, etc. todælan 1 divide, separate p ptc todæled 14/3, pl todælede 14/3 togædere adv together 7/7 [~ cumenne: conuenientem] tolysing f release as tolysinge 1/148 [solutionem—MS salutationem] toryne m concourse ap torynas 7/11 [concursus] tosceadan VII separate, divide pres ptc toscedenne 2/1 [discernens] tosomne adv together 14/3 tosprædan 1 spread out p ptc dp tospræddum 1/174 [sparsis] tostregdan III scatter p ptc tostredde 1/296 [dispersa] toð m tooth np teð 1/78, 1/79 [dens] toweard adj, prep towards, facing nsm 9/18, 9/21, 9/24, 9/41, etc., towerd 9/33, 9/60,

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Glossary 9/62, 9/66, etc., towyrd 3/25, as towerde 7/9 [futuram] toweardlic adj in the future ap toweardlice 8/25 toweorpan III throw, fall down inf towyrpan 1/82, p ptc toworpen 9/24 [cadere] trahtnere m expositor ns 5/4, 5/14 [tractator] treow n tree as 1/9, 1/10, ap treowu 2/11 [arbor] getriwe adj faithful nsn 2/28 [fidelis] trum adj firm, strong nsn 2/15 [firmus] trymming f, confirmation, strengthening as trymmige 1/147, trimincge 1237 [tutamentum] tux m tooth, tusk ap tuxas 1/79 [maxillares] twa see twegen twegen num two npm twa 2/22, apm twa 1/225, 10/2, twege 1/271, twegen 1/152, 17/13, apf twa 18/2, dp twan, gpf tweigra 8/2, 8/30, 15/2 [duo] twelf num twelve ap twelfe 2/4 [duodecim] twelfta adj twelfth nsm 2/12 twentig num twenty ns twenti 2/24, 2/25, 2/26, 2/27, 2/28, 2/29, dp twentigum 3/18, 3/26 twentigoða adj twentieth nsm 2/20, 2/21, 2/23, twentigoðe 2/22 twysehtan 1 disagree, distinguish inf 1/116 [disiungi] tymian see temian tyn num ten dp 2/18 [decem] þa adv then, conj when 10/4, 18/2, þa pron see se geþafian 2 allow, permit p ptc geþafod 7/8 [permissam] þam, þæm see se þanc m thought as 1/28, 1/53 [gratiam] geþanc m thought as 8/6, ap geþancu 1/296 [cogitatio] geþancful adj thoughtful, spirited nsn geþancfull 2/3 [animosus] þancful adj thankful, thoughtful nsm 5/21, nsn 2/6, 2/9, 2/23, þancfull 2/13 [grata, ingeniosus, animosus] þancol adj prudent, wise nsn þancul 2/16 [efficax] þænne see þonne þær adv there þer 10/6 þæron adv therein 10/6 þæs see se þæt conj that, so that 1/182, 1/272, 1/275, 1/276, etc. þe pron see þu

þe rel particle which, who, that 1/1, 1/12, 1/22, 1/28, etc. þeaf see þeof þeah adv though, yet, however 11/3, 11/30, swa ~ 16/4 þeahhwæðere adv nevertheless, however 11/9 geþeaht m consideration, counsel as 3/6, ap geþeahtu 1/296 [consilium] þeahtere m counselor ds 10/5 þearfa m pauper ns 5/16, ds þearfan 1/272, 17/25 [pauper] þearfend 2/22 m poor person ns 2/22 [paupercula] þeaw m custom, habit, conduct ds þeawe 1/198 [more] geþengeð see geþingian þeod f people, nation, tribe as þeode 7/7, ds 12/2, gp þeoda 7/11 [gentes] þeof m thief ap þeofas 9/60 þeofsceaða m theif, robber ns þeafsceaða 15/23 þeoh n thigh ds þeo 2/13, 2/14 [femore] geþeon II receive pres 3s geþyhþ 9/31 þeow m slave ap þeawas 2/14, 2/22 [mancipia] þer see þær þes m, þeos f, þis n dem pron this dp þissum 18/1 þicgan V take, receive pres subj sg þicge 9/86 þin poss adj thy, thine nsn þin 1/284, 3/30, 8/10, etc., asn þin 1/287, 1/292, etc., gsm þines 1/299, 10/7, dsm þinum 1/294, 10/5, dsn 1/300, þiinum 1/285, dsf þinre 8/4, np þine 1/52, 1/58, etc., ap þine 1/274, 1/293, etc., dp þinum 1/281, 8/6 [tuus] þince see þyncan þing n thing ns 14/9, 17/5, as 1/238, 9/59, 13/1, etc., þinc 1/121, 2/13, 2/24, 6/21, þincg 1/3, 1/291, gs þinges 1/40, 1/71, 1/100, etc., ds þinge 1/101, dp þingum 2/1, 2/2, 2/3, etc. [res] geþingian 2 avise, propose pres 3s geþengeð 10/5 þissum see þes þolian 2 suffer inf 1/231, pres 3s þolað 1/110, 2/3, 5/25 [pati] þonne adv then, conj when 1/72, 8/6, 9/26, etc., þænne 10/1 þreoteoða adj thirteenth nsm þreotteoþa 2/13 þridda adj third nsm 2/3, as þriddan 2/21, ds þriddan 7/3, 7/4, 10/1, 14/4 þrie num three ns þri 2/23, ap þrio 10/13, np

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Glossary þreo 14/3, gp þreora 8/2, 15/3, dp þrim 2/15, 2/25, 2/30, etc. þriste adj daring, bold nsm 2/6, 2/13, 2/13, 2/14, etc. [audax] þritig num thirty ns þritti 2/30, as þritig 2/9 þrowere m sufferer, martyr nsm 15/10 þu pron thou, you ns 1/271, 1/272, 1/272, etc., as þe 1/52, 1/271, 1/281, etc., ds 1/58, 1/273, etc., ds þeo 10/5, 10/13, 10/16 þunor m thunder ns 12/1, as 1/233 [tonitruum] þunorrad f thunder ns 7/14 [tonitruum] þunresdæg m Thursday as 16/4, þunresdæig 12/5, 13/5, dæg þures 4/5 þunrian 2 thunder pres 3s þunrað 7/1, 7/9, 7/10, etc., pres subj sg þunrige 12/2, 12/3, 12/4, etc. þurh prep through 2/10, 2/19, 13/5, 18/5, etc. geþwære adj mild, gentle nsn 2/30 [mansueta] þwean VI wash inf 1/30, 1/54, 1/136, 1/137, etc., þweon 1/259, þwan 1/289, pres subj sg þwea 9/10, 9/12 [lauare] þy pron see se þyfð f theft ns 2/7 [furtum] geþyhþ see geþeon þyncan 1 seem pres subj sg þince 8/6, 9/2, 9/3, 9/4, etc. þystru f darkness ap 1/235, dp þystrum 1/298 [tenebras] ufan adv above 9/1, 17/15 uht m dawn, daybreak ds uhtan 2/24 [matutino] uncuð adj unknown nsn 2/8, 9/48 [ignotus] uncuðlic adj unfamiliar nsn 17/5 underfon VII accept, receive inf 1/15, 1/201, 1/203, 1/221, pres 2s underfehst 2/21 [accipere] underntid f tierce, the third hour as undertid 2/26 [hora .iii.] undyrne adj known, manifest nsn underne 17/23 unearh adj bold, brave nsm unerh 15/22 uneaðe adv with difficulty 2/4, 2/5, 11/30 [difficile] uneaðnes f difficulty, anxiety as uneaðnesse 8/27, uneaðnysse 1/133, 1/214, unheaðnysse 1/119 [anxietatem] unfæger adj unattractive nsf 17/2 ungecoplic adj unsuitable, troublesome dp ungecoplicum 1/44 [importunis] ungedafenlic adj improper, unseemly dp ungedafenlicum 1/112 [inportunis] ungedefe adj improper, disagreeable nsn 2/18 [inquietus]

ungeradnes f disagreement ns ungeradnys 9/29 ungewemmed adj unblemished nsn 2/1 [intemerata] ungewened adj unexpected dp ungewenedum 1/49, ungewendum 1/111 [insperato] ungewydere n bad weather ap ungewyderu 1/234 [tempestates] ungod adj evil dsm ungoda 2/3, ungodum 2/11 [non bona] ungor see hungor ungyrd adj unclothed nsm 9/42 unhal adj sick, weak nsm 15/2 unheaðnysse see uneaðnes geunnan pret pres wish, desire pres ptc dp geunnendum 3/1 [annuente] unnyt adj useless nsn unnytt 2/5 [inutilis] unnytlic adj useless, unprofitable nsm unnytlice 2/21 [non utilis] unriht adj wrong, wicked gs unrihtes 1/297, ap unrihte 1/171 [iniquus] unrihtwisnes f evil, unrighteousness ap unrihtwisnysse 1/42 [iniquitas] unrotnes f sadness as unrotnesse 8/8, unrotnysse 1/45, 1/125, 1/126, 1/236, ap unrotnyssa 1/97, 1/113, 1/217 [tristitia] untigan 1 untie p ptc pl untiede 1/7 [solutos] untrum adj weak nsm 5/3 [infirmus] geuntruman 1 weaken, fall sick pres 3s geuntrumað 10/8 untrumnes f weakness, sickness as untrumnesse 1/93, untrumnysse 1/19, 1/26, 1/43, 1/105, 1/114, etc., ap untrumnyssa 1/100, ontrumnyssa 1/143 [infirmitas] unwene adj unexpected dp unwenum 9/19 unwyrd f misfortune ns 9/18 up adv up 1/154, 18/4, upp 1/10, 17/26 upgang m rising gs upganges 7/7 [~ sunnan: ortus solis] uppan prep on, upon 14/3 ut adv out 10/4 utan adv outside, from without 14/2 utgan anom go forth pres ptc utgangende 7/4 [egredientem] utlendisc m stranger, foreigner dp utlendiscum 3/6 [extraneis] uðwita m philosopher ap uðwitan 1/116 [filosophos] wafungstow f theater ds wafungstowe 1/144 [amphitheatrum] wanian 2 decrease, diminish inf 2/1, 2/2 [minuere]

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Glossary wanung f decrease ns 9/32, 9/56, 17/22 warnian 2 be on guard inf 1/281, infl inf to warnienne 2/30, pres subg sg warnige 1/182 [cauere] wascan VI wash inf waxan 1/158 [lauare] wædl f barrenness as wædla 13/1 wædla adj poor nsm 5/26 [pauper] wæg see weg wæl m whirlpool ds wæle 1/138, 1/141 [gurges] wælhreow adj cruel asm welreowne 1/127 [crudelis] wæpen n weapon as 9/69, ds wæpne 9/68, ap wæpnu 1/5, gp wæpna 7/11 [arma] wær adj wary, cautious asm wærne 1/297 [cautum] wærginga see wyrgung wærum see wer wæstm m fruit, produce, growth ns 4/7, as wæstm 7/9, ds wæstme 1/9, np wæstmas 16/3, 16/6, gp wæstma 12/3, dp wæstmum 16/4 [fructus] wæt see hwæt wæter n water as 9/13, 9/14, ds wætere 1/275, 1/276, 1/289, 2/1, etc., wætre 9/11, watere 1/288 [aqua] geweald m control, possession as 9/28, 17/20, ds gewealde 17/20 gewealdan VII control, dominate pres 2s gewealtst 10/3, p ptc pl gewaldne 10/4 weallende adj fervent, ardent nsn 2/11 [feruidus] wearm adj warm nsm 4/1, dsm wearmum 1/288 [calidus] weaxan VII wax, grow inf wexan 1/302, pres ptc weaxende 9/23, 14/7, 14/8, wexende 2/19, 14/9, pres 3s weaxeð 14/6, 3p weaxað 4/1, 16/7 [crescere] webb n web, weaving ap webbu 1/236 [tela] wedan 1 rage, attack, rampage inf 1/162 [infestare] weder n weather, air as 1/11 [aer] wefan V weave pres 3s wyfð 1/236 [texere] weg m way, direction as wæg 2/12, ds wege 1/248 [iter, uia] wegan V carry, bear pres subj sg wege 9/69, 17/4 wel adv well 1/168, 2/21, 10/3, 10/5 [bene] welig adj prosporous, successful nsm 5/26, 15/1, 15/28, wælig 2/4, 2/9, nsn 2/17, 2/29, dsm weligan 1/272, 17/25 [diues] welreowne see wælhreow wenan 1 imagine, believe, expect inf 9/84, 9/87, pres subj sg 10/1

wendan 1 turn imp sg wend 8/8, 8/25 weorc n work, business as weorc 10/10, gs weorces 15/26, ap weorca 1/171, weorcu 1/193, 2/3, wercu 2/4, dp weorcum 2/12 [opus] weorð adj worthy, honorable nsm 15/7 weorðan III become pres 3s wurð 17/23, wyrð 14/11, 9/35 geweorðan III become, be made pres 3s gewyrð 2/8, 2/9, 2/11, 2/17, 3/6, etc., gewyrðeð 14/1, p ptc geworden 14/2, 14/3, 14/6, as gewordene 1/118, 1/132, gewordenne 1/199 [facere] weorðful adj honorable nsm wurðfull 15/12, nsn wyrðful 2/27 [honesta] weorðlic adj noble, honorable asn wurðlic 9/83 weorðmynt f honor, dignity ns weorðmynt 9/54, 9/66, wurðmynt 9/25, 9/78, 17/2, 17/15, as 9/1, wyrðment 1/203, 1/215, wyrðmynt 1/102 [honor] weorðscype m honor, dignity as wyrðscip 1/225, wyrðscipe 1/86, 1/280, 1/295, wyrðscype 1/10, 1/132, ds wyrðscipe 5/19 [honor] weorðung f honor, glory ds weorþunge 15/21 wepan VII weep inf 1/202 [plorare] wepman m male ds wepmen 1/252 [masculo] wer m man as wer 9/58, ds were 2/8, 2/19, wer 2/21, np weras 13/4, ap 2/14, 2/20, gp wera 2/3, dp werum 2/7, 2/13, wærum 2/15 [uir] wercu see weorc wergild n compensation as 10/7 wermod m wormwood, absinthe as 1/18 [absinthium] gewerpð see gewyrpan wex n wax as 1/44, 1/65 [cera] wexan see weaxan wexen adj made of wax asm wexenne 1/204, 1/205 [cerarium] wexing f growth, increase as wexinge 1/27, wexincge 1/80, 1/207 [incrementum] widcuð adj widely known nsm 5/23 [uulgarus] widsæ f open sea ds 4/3 [pelago] wif n woman, wife ns wif 9/71, 14/11, 18/3, etc., as wif 1/174, 1/249, 1/287, 1/299, etc., wyf 10/8, gs wifes 9/72, ds wife 1/207, 1/300, 9/39, etc., np wif 4/3, 16/2, dp wifum 14/10 [mulier, uxor] gewifian 2 marry, take a wife infl inf to gewyfianne 10/12

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Glossary wifmann m woman, female ap wimmen 9/8, wyfmen 1/286, gp wifmanna 12/5 [femina] wiht n being, creature ns 10/11 wilc see hwilc gewilc see gehwilc wilde adj untamed, uncontrolled asm wilde 1/26, 1/92, ap wilde 1/28, 1/29, 1/38 [brutum] wildeor n wild beast np wyldeorum 1/12 [bestia] wildeswin m wild boar as 10/15 willan anom wish, desire pres subj sg wille 10/1, 10/7, 18/2, wylle 10/10, 10/11, 10/17; with negative: imp sg nelle 3/6 wille f fountain, spring as wyll 1/261, ds 1/136, wyllan 1/7 [fons] gewilnian 2 wish, desire pres ptc gewilnigende 2/14, pres 3s gewilnað 2/3, pres subj sg gewilnige 1/299, pret 3s gewilnode 1/9, 1/14 [cupit, desidere] wimmen see wifmann win n wine as 1/246, 9/92, ds wine 1/114, 1/115 [uinum] winberige f grape ap winberian 1/269 [uuas] wind m wind ns wind 13/1, ds winde 13/7 windhladen adj windy nsm 4/1, 4/2, 4/3 [uentuosus] windig adj windy nsm 4/5, 16/1, 16/2, 16/4, 16/7 [uentuosus] wingeard m vineyard as wineard 1/241, gs wingeardes 1/240, np wingeard 4/1, 4/2, 4/3, 4/7, wingerd 4/4, 4/6 [uindemia] gewinn n strife, struggle as 13/7 winnan III struggle, fight inf 9/7, pres ptc winnende 2/24, pres 3s winneð 1/1 [pugnare] winstre adj left dsf winstran 2/15, wynstran 2/7 [sinistro] winsumnes f joy, pleasure as winsumnysse 1/244, winsumnyse 1/259 [iocunditas] winter m winter ns 4/1, 4/2, 4/3, etc. [hiems] wis adj wise nsn 2/1, 2/2, 2/11, etc. [sapiens] wise f way, fashion, method ns 18/1, 18/2, 18/4, etc. gewiss n certainty as 3/20 [certitudo] gewiss adj certain, sure nsn gewiss 2/29, 3/22, gewis 2/12, np gewisse 2/6, 2/7, 2/22, 3/8, 3/12 [certum] gewislice adv chiefly, especially 2/8 [praesertim] wit see hwit witan pret pres know inf 17/23, 18/1, pres 3s wat 9/35, pres subj sg wite 8/4, 8/6

gewitan I depart inf gywitan 1/220, pres 3s gewiteþ 15/5, pres subj sg gewit 2/16, p ptc gewiten 15/17 [migrare, recedere] witega m wise man, prophet gs witegan 1/0, witigan 2/30 [propheta] witleas adj witless, unconscious nsf 14/6 gewitnes f testimony as gewitnyssa 2/15 [testimonium] witodlice adv certainly, surely 14/10 wið prep against 9/8, 9/49, 9/50, etc., wyð 10/9 wiðerweard adj contrary, adverse nsm 5/13 [aduersus] wiðerweardnes f opposition as wyðerwyrdnysse 1/7 [litem aduersariae] wiðerwinna m opponent gp wiðerwinnena 1/28 [aduersarius] wlitig adj attractive, beautiful nsn 2/1, 2/12 [speciosa] wodnesdæg m Wednesday ns dæg wodnes 4/4, as wodnesdæg 16/3, wodnesdæig 12/4, 13/4 [dies mercurii] word n word dp wordum 2/17, 15/4 [uerba] geworden see geweorðan woruld f world ds worulde 9/94, wurulde 7/4, wurlde 1/220 [saeculum] woruldgeflit n dispute dp woruldgeflitum 9/74 wracu f vengeance as wrace 7/4 [uindictam] wræcsið m misery, exile ds wræcsit 1/268 [exilis] gewræþan 1 be enraged inf 1/245 [infestare] writan I write inf 1/60 [scribere] gewriðan I tie, fetter p ptc gewriðan 2/5, as gewriþene 1/297 [ligatus] wroht f blame, accusation as wrohte 1/95, 1/138, 1/261 [accusatio] wucu f week ds wucan 14/2 wulltewestre f wool carder nsn 2/25, wultewestre 2/10 [lanefica] wund f sore, wound dp wundum 1/106 [ulcus] gewundian 2 wound p ptc gewundod 9/68 wunelic adj usual, customary asn 10/6 wunian 2 dwell pres 3p wuniað 13/4 wurð see weorðan wurðful see weorðful wurðlic see weorðlic wurðmynt see weorðmynt wurulde see woruld wyf see wif gewyfianne see gewifian wyfð see wefan gewylces see gehwilc

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Glossary wyldæd f benefit, act of kindness ap wyldæda 2/11 [beneficium] wyldeorum see wildeor wyll see wille wylle see willan wylspring m fountain as 1/108 [fons] wynstran see winstre wynsum adj pleasant nsm 4/1 [suauis] wynsumnes f pleasure, joy as wynsumnysse 1/21 [iocunditas] wyrcan 1 work, prepare, make inf wyrcean 1/51, wyrcen 1/241, infl inf to wyrcenne 2/21 [facere] gewyrfed see gehwyrfan wyrgung f cursing ap wærginga 1/290 [maledictio] gewyrpan 1 recover pres 3s gewyrpð 2/9, 2/19, 11/30, gewerpð 2/14 [conualescit] wyrst adj [superl of yfel] worst nsn 2/5, dp wyrstum 1/106 [pessima] wyrt f plant np wyrta 2/3, ap 18/2, gp 18/2 [herba] wyrtgælstre f herbalist, witch who concocts plant potions ns 2/5 [herbaria] wyrtun m garden as 2/9, wyrttun 2/3 [hortus] wyrð see weorðan gewyrð see geweorðan wyrðscip see weorðscipe wyð see wið wyðerwyrdnysse see wiðerwearnes ydel n emptiness, vanity as ydel 1/279 [uanitas] ydel adj empty, vain nsn 2/3, np ydele 2/3, 2/10, 2/21; superl ydelust nsm 2/20 [uanus, uacuus]

yfel adj evil nsm 4/4, 9/2, nsn 2/1, 9/15, 9/63, etc., asn 1/299, 2/4, 3/2, yfelan 1/272, asf yfele 1/8, 3/10, gsn yfeles 8/2, 8/14, 9/72, ap yfela 1/58, 9/8, hyfele 1/286, gp yfela 17/4 [malus] yfeldæda m evildoer ns 2/5 [malefica] yfelnes f evildoing as yfelnysse 1/37 [malitia] yldo f age as ylde 2/10, æld 10/13, ds ylde 2/1, 2/10, 2/11, 2/16, 2/18 [aetate] yldra m parents, ancestors np yldran 10/2, dp yldran 1/254 ylp m elephant as 1/95 [elephantum] ylpesban n ivory as 1/96, 1/97 [ebur] ymb prep about, concerning 10/10, ymbe 14/1 ymbehwyrft f sphere, earth ds embhwyrfte 1/42 [orbe] ymbhydig adj anxious, needing attention asf 9/68 ymbhygd f anxiety as ymbhydu 17/3 ynneleac n onion ap enneleac 1/255 [cepas] yppan 1 reveal, be manifest pres 3s ypeð 8/8 geyppan 1 reveal, be manifest p ptc geypped 8/25, 9/35 yrnan III run inf 1/7, 1/63, 1/92, 9/33, 9/51, 9/62, pres ptc yrnende 1/29, 1/160, pres subj sg yrne 17/21 [currere] geyrnan III move to, travel pres 3p geyrnað 16/2 yrre n anger as 7/3 [ira] yrðling m farmer ns yrðlincg 2/20 [agricola] ys see beon ysen see isen ytt see etan geywan 1 reveal, show pres 3s geawað 14/3

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Index Abbo of Fleury 20, 72 Alcuin 48 n. 180, 71 n. 269 Aldhelm 23, 224 Alphabet prognostic 13 n. 54 Ambrose, Hexameron 26 Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury 11

Day, Hours of 52–4 Dee, John 9 dies caniculares 14, 15, 16, 31 n. 112 Divine Office 39, 52–4 Dunstan 6 n. 28, 7 Eadwig Basan 7 n. 29 Easter Tables 10, 15 Egyptian Days 1, 12, 13, 15, 16, 18, 21, 22, 37, 57 n. 214, 65, 76

Ælfheah, archbishop of Canterbury 7 n. 29 Ælfric Bata 7 n. 29 Ælfric De temporibus anni 5, 10, 12, 13, 26, 51, 53 Homilies 6, 25–6, 45–6, 47 Lives of Saints 40, 63 Ælfwine, abbot of Winchester 13 Æthelnoth, archbishop of Canterbury 7

Fleury 22, 58 n. 220, 73, 76

Bald, Leechbook 58–9, 61, 65 Bede 12, 16, 36, 47 n. 174, 49 n. 184, 57, 71 n. 269 De temporum ratione 20, 22, 23, 26, 31 n. 112, 47 n. 174, 49 n. 184, 53, 71, 74 Historia Ecclesiastica 27, 36, 62 Benedict, Rule 4, 39, 53 n. 203, 62 Bible Genesis 39 Jeremiah 39 Job 39 Matthew 39 Psalms 39, 52 n. 195, 54 n. 206 Zephaniah 235 Bloodletting 6, 13, 14, 16, 17, 18, 20, 22, 29, 36–7, 36 n. 129, 37, 65 Brontologies 1, 5, 8, 14, 20, 23, 51–7, 57 n. 214 Byrhtferth of Ramsey 12, 20, 70 n. 266, 73 Canterbury Christ Church 3, 6–7, 9, 19, 24, 73 St Augustine’s 15 Charlemagne 71 Childbirth 6, 18, 19, 57–9 Cleopatra Glossary 230 Computus 10, 11–12, 13, 15, 22, 49 n. 182, 49 n. 184, 60, 70–5

Galen 62 n. 237, 64 Gregory, Dialogues 39–40 Herbarium of Pseudo-Apuleius 61, 67 n. 259 Hermannus Contractus 11 Hesiod 25 Hrabanus Maurus 12, 72 Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae 27, 49 n. 181, 65 Lacnunga 65 Liber Scintillarum 223, 227, 228, 229, 234 Lunaria 5, 6, 8–9, 14, 17, 19, 21, 22, 23, 25–38, 41 n. 156, 67 n. 259 Lunarium, general 6, 11, 13, 18, 20, 23, 28–31 Lyfing, archbishop of Canterbury 7 Manuscripts Bamberg, Staatlichbibliothek, cod. med. 1 61 n. 235, 67 n. 259 Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Philipps 1479 41 n. 153 Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Philipps 1790 28 n. 97, 35, 67 n. 259 Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Philipps 1870 28 n. 97, 68 n. 262 Berlin, Staatsbibliothek 138 73 Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, lat. oct. 93 30 n. 106, 226 n. 8, 228, 229 Bern, Burgerbibliothek 250 73 Bonn, Universitätsbibliothek 218 68 n. 261

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Index Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 9 74 n. 287 Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 201 53 n. 204 Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 301 243 Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 391 8–9 Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 422 37 Cambridge, Pembroke College 103 42 Cambridge, St John’s College 221 73 Cambridge, Trinity College O.1.57 240–44 Cambridge, Trinity College R.15.32 74 Cambridge, University Library Gg.1.1 50, 56 Cambridge, University Library Gg.5.35 68 n. 261 Cambridge, University Library Kk.5.32 72 Cologne, Dombibliothek 83 II 71 n. 269 Copenhagen, Kgl. Bibliotek 1653 28 n. 97, 68 n. 261 Durham, Hunter 100 73 Erfurt, Wissenschaftliche Bibliothek, Sammlung Amploniana CA 4° 21 243 Hertin, Bibl. des Grafen NesselrodeReichenstein 192 28 n. 97, 68 n. 262 Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, Reichenau 120 67 n. 259 Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, Reichenau 172 28 n. 97, 67 n. 259 Laon, Bibl. Comm. 426 bis 66 n. 258 Leiden, Vossianus lat. O.92 67 n. 259 Leiden, Vossianus lat. Q.69 49, 58, 246–7 London, BL, Add. 8928 18, 68 n. 261 London, BL, Add. 15236 241 London, BL, Arundel 60 38, 74, 224 London, BL, Cotton Caligula A.xv 9–12, 36, 71 n. 267 London, BL, Cotton Domitian i 74 n. 286 London, BL, Cotton Faustina A.x 19 London, BL, Cotton Galba A.xiv 8, 36 n. 128 London, BL, Cotton Galba A.xviii 73 London, BL, Cotton Julius A.vi 73 London, BL, Cotton Nero A. ii 36 n. 128 London, BL, Cotton Tiberius A. iii passim London, BL, Cotton Tiberius B.v 73 London, BL, Cotton Tiberius C.i 73, 74 London, BL, Cotton Tiberius E.iv 73 London, BL, Cotton Titus D.xxvi/xxvii 13–14, London, BL, Cotton Vespasian D.xiv 49 n. 187, 56 n. 209 London, BL, Cotton Vitellius A.xii 10, 73

London, BL, Cotton Vitellius E.xviii 14–15, London, BL, Egerton 821 30 n. 105, 31 n. 115, 42 London, BL, Egerton 2852 56 n. 213 London, BL, Egerton 3314 9–12 London, BL, Harley 2506 73 London, BL, Harley 3017 22, 35, 36, 47, 48, 59, 72, 76 London, BL, Harley 3271 24, 38, 59–60, 68 n. 261 London, BL, Royal 2.B.v 56 n. 209 London, BL, Royal 12.C.xii 56 London, BL, Royal 13.A.xi 73 London, BL, Sloane 122 235 London, BL, Sloane 282 48 n. 179 London, BL, Sloane 475 16–18, 59, 68 n. 261, 68 n. 262 London, BL, Sloane 2839 68 n. 262 London, BL, Sloane 3281 43 London, BL, Sloane 3469 48 n. 178 London, Lambeth Palace 427 31, 37, 231 Lucca, Bibl. Governativa, 296 28 n. 97, 67 n. 259 Montpellier, Bibliothèque de l’École de Médecine 185 48, 68 n. 262 Montpellier, Bibliothèque de l’École de Médecine 301 233, 234, 250 Munich, BSB, clm 677 48 n. 178 Munich, BSB, clm 6382 31 n. 112, 49 Munich, BSB, clm 14377 42 n. 156 Munich, BSB, clm 14456 48 n. 177, 49 Munich, BSB, clm 14725 31 n. 112 Munich, BSB, clm 16521 29 n. 103, 30 n. 106 Munich, BSB, clm 21557 49 Munich, BSB, clm 22053 235 New York, Pierpont Morgan Library 775 51 n. 193 Oxford, Bodl. Lib. Ashmole 342 50 Oxford, Bodl. Lib. Ashmole 345 19, 54–5 Oxford, Bodl. Lib. Barlow 35 48, 249 Oxford, Bodl. Lib. Bodley 309 71 n. 267 Oxford, Bodl. Lib. Bodley 572 15 Oxford, Bodl. Lib. Bodley 579 37, 73 Oxford, Bodl. Lib. Digby 56 73 Oxford, Bodl. Lib. Digby 63 71 n. 267 Oxford, Bodl. Lib. Digby 81 73 Oxford, Bodl. Lib. Digby 86 19, 223, 224, 225, 242–4, 251 Oxford, Bodl. Lib. Hatton 113 74 n. 287 Oxford, Bodl. Lib. Hatton 115 19–20 Oxford, Bodl. Lib. Rawlinson C.814 19 Oxford, St John’s College 17 20–21, 17 73

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Index Paris, BNF, lat. 820 69 n. 265 Paris, BNF, lat. 1338 69 n. 265 Paris, BNF, lat. 2113 28 n. 97, 30 n. 105, 34 n. 122, 35, 69 n. 265, 231 Paris, BNF, lat. 2773 66 n. 258 Paris, BNF, lat. 2825 29 n. 97, 31 n. 112, 70 n. 265, 231, 239, 240 Paris, BNF, lat. 5239 70 n. 265 Paris, BNF, lat. 5600 70 n. 265 Paris, BNF, lat. 6882A 28 n. 97, 36 n. 129, 67 n. 259, 236, 237 Paris, BNF, lat. 7299a 57, 246 Paris, BNF, lat. 8663 70 n. 265 Paris, BNF, lat. 11218 28 n. 97, 66 Paris, BNF, lat. 11411 70 n. 265 Paris, BNF, lat. 14935 69 n. 263 Paris, BNF, lat. 17868 70 n. 265 Paris, BNF, nouv. acq. lat. 1073 70 n. 265 Paris, BNF, nouv. acq. lat. 1525 70 n. 265 Paris, BNF, nouv. acq. lat. 1616 19, 29 n. 97, 58, 70 n. 265 Poitiers, Bibliothèque municipale 184 68 n. 262 Rouen, Bibliothèque municipale 274 73 St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 44 28 n. 97, 67 n. 259 St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 751 35, 67 n. 259 St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 752 67 n. 259 St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 756 239 St Gallen Stiftsbibliothek 878 66 n. 258, 67 n. 259 Strasbourg, Bibliothèque Nationale ed Universitaire 326 70 n. 265 Trier, Stadtbibliothek 40 68 n. 260 Uppsala, Universitetsbiblioteket C 664 28 n. 97, 35, 40, 42, 47–8, 67 n. 259, 224, 225, 233, 234 Vatican City, BAV, Barb. lat. 160 68 n. 261 Vatican City, BAV, Pal. lat. 235 23, 31 n. 112, 36, 49, 50, 226 Vatican City, BAV, Pal. lat. 485 36 n. 129, 72, 236, 236, 245–6 Vatican City, BAV, Pal. lat. 1226 48 n. 178 Vatican City, BAV, Pal. lat. 1448 71 n. 269 Vatican City, BAV, Pal. lat. 1449 47–8, 71 n. 269, 233, 234 Vatican City, BAV, Reg. lat. 567 42 n. 156, 222, 223, 241 n. 22, 242 Vatican City, BAV, Ross. lat. 247 73 Vatican City, BAV, Urb. lat. 290 73 Vatican City, BAV, Vat. lat 4825 48 n. 178

Vatican City, BAV, Vat. lat. 248 48 n. 178 Vatican City, BAV, Vat. lat. 642 31, 35, 231, 244–5, 247–8 Vatican City, BAV, Vat. lat. 3101 29 n. 103, 32, 226, 231 Vatican City, BAV, Vat. lat. 4418 68 n. 261 Vercelli, Bibl. Capitolare LXII 42 n. 156 Vienna, ÖNB 271 40, 42 Vienna, ÖNB 2245 30 n. 106, 230, 233, 234, 235 Vienna, ÖNB 2723 42 n. 156, 223, 223, 224, 225 Zurich, Z.B. Car C. 176 48 n. 178 medical texts 17, 18, 20 n. 67, 41 n. 156, 59, 61–9 Paulinus of Nola 23 Penitentials 52 n. 197 Regularis Concordia 4 Revelatio Esdrae 5, 13, 14, 18, 19, 21, 22, 23, 31 n. 112, 43–50, 55, 71 n. 269 Richard of Dover, archbishop of Canterbury 11 Somniale Danielis 1, 5, 14, 18, 22, 23, 38–43 Sortes sanctorum 21 n. 71, 60 Sphere of Apuleius 1 n. 6, 10, 15, 18, 37 n. 136 Sphere of Petosiris 21, 57 n. 214 Sphere of Pythagoras 1 n. 6, 15, 21, 22, 47 n. 174, 60 Stigand, archbishop of Canterbury 7 Theodulf, Capitula 53 n. 204 Thorney 20 Three Critical Mondays 14, 16, 20, 22 Three Marvelous Days 12, 14, 15, 20 Twenty-four unlucky days 10, 15, 21, 22, Vercelli Homilies 228 Vindicianus, Gynaecia 57–8, 59 Walahfrid Strabo 72 Week, days of 50–1 Winchester 13, 14, 24, 38 n. 140, 74, 76 Worcester 19, 24 Wulfstan of York 6 Wulfstan of Worcester 8 Year, beginning of 45–7

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spine 28mm MW 27 Sep 10

Liuzza

Liuzza

is Professor of English at the University of Tennessee,

Knoxville.

Boydell & Brewer Ltd

PO Box 9, Woodbridge IP12 3DF (GB) and 668 Mt Hope Ave, Rochester NY14620-2731 (US) www.boydellandbrewer.com

ANGLO-SAXON PROGNOSTICS

R. M. Liuzza

British Library, MS Cotton Tiberius A.iii.

Medieval prognostic texts, a survival from the classical world, are the ancestors of modern almanacs. A means of predicting future events, they offer guidance on matters of everyday life, such as illness, childbirth, weather, agriculture, and the interpretation of dreams. They give fascinating insights into monastic life, medicine, pastoral care, the transformations of classical learning in the middle ages, and the complex interconnections between orthodox religion, popular belief, science and magic. This volume provides the first full critical edition, with a facingpage translation, of a diverse and peculiar group of prognostic guides and calendars, in Latin and Old English, found in an eleventh-century manuscript from Christ Church, Canterbury; they are collated with related versions in both Anglo-Saxon and continental manuscripts. An introduction and commentary examine the transmission and translation of these texts, and shed light on their origins and uses in late Anglo-Saxon monastic culture.