Ancient Mediterranean Art: The William D. and Jane Walsh Collection at Fordham University 9780823290864

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Ancient Mediterranean Art The William D. and Jane Walsh Collection at Fordham University

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Ancient Mediterranean Art The William D. and Jane Walsh Collection at Fordham University

Edited by Barbara Cavaliere and Jennifer Udell With contributions by Amanda Anderson, Sarah E. Cox, Richard Daniel De Puma, Jason W. Earle, Sarah B. Graff, Anne C. Hrychuk Kontakosta, Patricia S. Lulof, Anthony F. Mangieri, Maya B. Muratov, Lisa C. Pieraccini, Amy A. Sowder, Rosemarie Trentinella, Jennifer Udell

Fordham University Press New York 2012 3

Barbara Cavaliere and Jennifer Udell, Editors Stacy Lautzenheiser, Designer Jayne Kuchna, Bibliographer John Deane, Photographer Printed by Finlay Printing, Bloomfield, CT Jacket illustration: Hydria (water jar). Greek, Attic, Late Archaic, ca. 520−510 B.C.E., attributed to The Leagros Group. Terracotta, h. 19 in. (48.3 cm). (See No. 12) Frontispiece: Askos (flask), see Appendix 3.044 Copyright © 2012 Fordham University Press All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means—electronic, mechanical, photocopy, recording, or any other—except for brief quotations in printed reviews, without the prior permission of the publisher. Fordham University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party Internet websites referred to in this publication and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. Fordham University Press also publishes its books in a variety of electronic formats. Some content that appears in print may not be available in electronic books. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Fordham University. Ancient Mediterranean art : the William D. and Jane Walsh collection at Fordham University / edited by Barbara Cavaliere and Jennifer Udell ; with contributions by Amanda Anderson, Sarah E. Cox, Richard Daniel De Puma, Jason W. Earle, Sarah B. Graff, Anne C. Hrychuk Kontakosta, Patricia S. Lulof, Anthony F. Mangieri, Maya B. Muratov, Lisa C. Pieraccini, Amy A. Sowder, Rosemarie Trentinella, Jennifer Udell. — First edition. pages cm Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-0-8232-4452-2 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Art, Ancient—Mediterranean Region—Catalogs. 2. Walsh, William D., 1930–—Art collections—Catalogs. 3. Walsh, Jane, 1929-2008—Art collections—Catalogs. 4. Art—New York (State) —New York—Catalogs. 5. Fordham University— Catalogs. I. Cavaliere, Barbara, editor. II. Udell, Jennifer, editor. III. Title. N5335.N4F674 2012 709.38’0747471—dc23 2012007882 Printed in the United States of America 14 13 12 5 4 3 2 1 First edition 4

Contents

7 8 9 11 14 22 24 76 118 132 134 138 204 218 238 242 244 276 288 290 292 294 295 308 310 312 326

Foreword by William D. Walsh Contributors Acknowledgments Introduction by Jennifer Udell Cypriot Art (Nos. 1−3) Greek Art Mycenaean, Attic, and Corinthian vases (Nos. 4−19) South Italian Vases (Nos. 20−32) Greek and South Italian Terracottas (Nos. 33−36) Villanovan, Etruscan, and Italic Art Villanovan Objects (Nos. 37−38) Etruscan Vases (Nos. 39−62) Etruscan Terracottas (Nos. 63−67) Italic Votives (Nos. 68−73) Etruscan Mirror (No. 74) Roman Art Sculpture (Nos. 75−82) Glass (Nos. 83−90) Askos (No. 91) Figurine (No. 92) Coins Greek (No. 93) Roman (Nos. 94−103) Ancient Near Eastern Art Cuneiform Tablet (No. 104) Bibliography Appendix: Illustrated List of Works in the Collection 5

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Foreword

My original interest in ancient art goes back many years to my pre-Fordham days when I was in the eighth grade and taking Latin at Susan T. Sheridan High School in New Haven, Connecticut. I believe I was eleven at the time. Then I was off to Fairfield Prep, a Jesuit institution, which reinforced my interest in ancient history and Latin studies. In 1949, I graduated from Fairfield, and I attended Fordham University through 1954, where I majored in classics, an academic focus that stayed with me during my years as a lawyer and beyond, when I entered the business world. Studying the ancient past at Fordham led to my interest in collecting Greek, Etruscan, and Roman antiquities. My collection began modestly, after I had made a little money; gradually, however, I became more knowledgeable, and my collection became my passion. My appreciation of Latin and Greek culture and history only increased through collecting and my continuing exposure to the ancient objects of Greece, Etruria, and Rome. In 2006, I thought it time to give my collection to Fordham, to provide something tangible to help motivate and inspire young scholars in the classics at the institution where my own lifelong interest in the field was cultivated and encouraged to grow. William D. Walsh

Patera (shallow bowl) attributed to the Maplewood Painter, see Appendix 4.003 7

Contributors

AA

Amanda Anderson, independent scholar

SEC

Sarah E. Cox, independent scholar

RDDP

Richard Daniel De Puma, F. Wendell Miller Distinguished Professor Emeritus in Classical Art and Archaeology, University of Iowa

JE

Jason W. Earle, Research Associate, The Institute for Aegean Prehistory, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

SBG

Sarah B. Graff, Assistant Curator, Department of Ancient Near Eastern Art, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York

ACHK

Anne C. Hrychuk Kontakosta, Visiting Instructor, Architecture and Urban History, Pratt Institute, Brooklyn, New York

PL

Patricia S. Lulof, Associate Professor Pre-Roman Archaeology, Amsterdam Archaeological Centre, Faculty of Humanities, University of Amsterdam, Netherlands

AM

Anthony F. Mangieri, Assistant Professor of Art History, Salve Regina University, Newport, Rhode Island

MBM

Maya B. Muratov, Assistant Professor of Art History, Adelphi University, New York

LP

Lisa C. Pieraccini, Visiting Faculty History of Art, University of California, Berkeley

AS

Amy A. Sowder, Assistant Professor of Art History, Towson University, Towson, Maryland

RT

Rosemarie Trentinella, PhD Candidate, New York University

JU

Jennifer Udell, Curator of University Art, Fordham University

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Acknowledgments

This volume is a great example of successful collaboration. Acknowledgment is due first of all to William D. Walsh. His gift of his antiquities collection to Fordham University and his energetic support of its comprehensive publication have made this book possible. The goal of producing a copiously illustrated and thoroughly documented volume would not have been realized without the generous financial support of the office of University Affairs at Fordham. Also at Fordham, I thank University Librarian Dr. James McCabe for recognizing the educational value of Mr. Walsh’s collection and for happily agreeing to house it within the library, thereby increasing its visibility. Thanks go to the library staff, in particular Charlotte Labbé of interlibrary loans, for getting research materials to me at record speed. For her advice and encouragement, I am grateful to Larissa Bonfante, who put me in contact with scholars of Etruscan art and supported the decision to publish the collection. I also thank my co-editor, Barbara Cavaliere. Not only can she turn the most unwieldy text into easily readable prose, but she is also an invaluable source of information regarding the process of book publishing. Jayne Kuchna’s contribution as a meticulous and experienced bibliographer is greatly appreciated. The complex material treated in this book has been beautifully photographed by John Deane and expertly translated into an elegant and accessible layout by our intrepid designer, Stacy Lautzenheiser. I am also extremely indebted to Christopher Lightfoot for his proofreading of the text and perceptive criticism of its content. Finally and most of all, my deepest gratitude is owed to the scholars, listed on the facing page, who generously contributed their time and valuable insights to help bring the Fordham collection of antiquities to the attention of the art historical community. Jennifer Udell Curator of University Art, Fordham University 9

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Introduction

In 2006, Fordham University received a gift of approximately 270 ancient works of art acquired over about thirty years by William and Jane Walsh. Their generous donation to Fordham has given the University’s students an extraordinary opportunity to learn about the ancient world through artifacts in addition to texts. The objects in the collection date from the fourth millennium B.C.E. to the fourth century C.E. and come from locations across the Mediterranean basin: Greece, Italy, Turkey, the Near East, and Egypt. The value of the collection as a teaching tool lies not only in its impressive chronological and regional scope but also in the range of subjects, artistic styles, types of objects, and mediums represented. Included are fine examples of Roman imperial portraiture, painted Greek vases, and mass-produced yet highly expressive terracotta votive sculpture and utilitarian pottery. These objects reflect the elite and the humble aspects of life in antiquity and thereby provide a cultural view of the Classical world that complements the University’s strong tradition of teaching Classical languages and civilization. Accepting the objects and creating a museum of Greek, Etruscan, and Roman art has not been without controversy for the University. It is an unfortunate reality about the state of the antiquities trade that many ancient works in public and private hands today lack a secure provenance, and such is the case with some of the objects at Fordham. Nevertheless, object entries in this publication include as much information as possible about the archaeological contexts in which they were found.

Male torso (Hercules), see No. 77 11

Enmeshed in the important debate about whether or not private and public institutions should collect ancient art with uncertain background information is the underlying issue of what to do about existing private collections acquired in good faith. Archaeological and academic communities, whose collective goal is a better understanding of such material, are not best served by forgoing the opportunity to make a private collection public because its objects lack a secure provenance. The University recognizes that there are significant benefits to be gained from exhibiting, publishing, and using the collection as an educational tool. The objects retain their intrinsic artistic value and historical interest, regardless of the loss of information about their findspots and contexts. That position has been articulated concisely by John Henry Merryman, an influential legal scholar in art and cultural property law. Merryman argues for an object-oriented approach to ancient artifacts, which unequivocally supports the preservation and protection of the object and its context. His argument also recognizes that in the absence of detailed excavation and ownership records, a thorough study of the historical and artistic significance of an artifact along with its exposition to students, scholars, and the general public can mitigate the ethical quandary of displaying unprovenanced material (see J. H. Merryman, “The Nation and the Object,” International Journal of Cultural Property 4 [1996]: 61–76). To that end, publishing artifacts whose original location or provenance is unknown or in question is the preferable alternative. By exhibiting the collection to the Fordham University community and to the general public, we have invited scrutiny that has led to productive results. For example, it has been revealed that one piece (No. 37), a ninth-century B.C.E. Villanovan hut urn from Italy, was illegally excavated, exported, and sold at auction. With representatives from the Italian Ministry of Culture, the University came to an agreement 12

that allows the object to remain on view in our museum on longterm loan. The arrangement not only resulted in the repatriation of a stolen artifact but also initiated a relationship between Fordham and the Italian Ministry of Culture, which paves the way for future loans of artworks. Other types of critical information about certain works in the collection also have come to light during the preparation of this volume. One contributor, for example, reconstructed the original architectural context of a group of Etruscan terracotta antefixes (Nos. 63–67); another scholar reassessed the subject of an important Roman portrait (No. 81). Still another contributor identified the original place of manufacture of a pair of monumental Etruscan pyxides (Nos. 43, 44). It is unlikely that these discoveries or others detailed in this volume, and especially the restitution of the hut urn to Italy, would have occurred without the University’s decision to accept these objects and its commitment to their scholarly publication. In addition to the objects in the Walsh collection, this publication includes a number of Roman coins given to Fordham University in 1949 by Thomas Marrone, eight Roman glass vessels acquired at auction in 2008 from a collection assembled during the 1970s, and an Attic red-figure fragment attributed to the Greek vase-painter Makron, also acquired in 2008 and previously published in 1988. Although this volume cannot resolve all questions about the original archaeological context of the artifacts in Fordham’s possession, by publishing the material, Fordham University has made its collection accessible to the academic community and to all those with an interest in the ancient Classical world. Jennifer Udell 13

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Cypriot Art

Detail of a jug with spout in the form of a female figure. No. 3 15

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Milk bowl

Cypriot, Late Cypriot I–II, White Slip I–II ca. 1600–1200 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 2 1/2 in. (6.4 cm) Fordham University Collection, 3.032

White Slip wares were produced on Cyprus during the Late Bronze Age. They are usually handmade of hard gritty clay and covered with a thick white slip. Painted decoration, ranging from reddish-orange to brownish-black, was applied over the slip. The decoration on this example is typical of White Slip bowls. Certain elements suggest that this piece belongs to the transition between the White Slip I and II styles that occurred around 1450 B.C.E.: the split frieze is typical of White Slip I; shallower milk bowls like this one became established during the White Slip I–II transition; the decoration of the handle and the downward bent angle of the handle terminal reflect the White Slip II style; and the dotted rim is a White Slip II feature.1

Condition: Complete Shape and Ornament: Hemispherical bowl with thin walls, incurving rim, and wishbone handle; on rim, black dots, below which is a frieze of crosshatched lozenges framed by two lines at top and two lines at bottom; dots, lines, and ladder patterns hang from the frieze, terminating near bottom of bowl, which is undecorated; on wishbone handle, lines on top, dots on bottom; opposite handle, lozenge frieze broken by two vertical ladders; between these, three columns of dots capped by inverted triangle; interior of bowl undecorated

The most popular White Slip shape is the hemispherical bowl with single wishboneshaped handle. These vessels are commonly called milk bowls, although their intended use remains unknown. Their hard-fired fabric and thick, durable, and smooth slip has suggested to some scholars their practicality for holding hot liquids. Others have proposed that these bowls were used in the preparation and consumption of yogurt. Whatever the case, the introduction of White Slip bowls about 1600 B.C.E. suggests a change in diet or eating habits. These new food habits may have persisted until White Slip ware production ceased in the twelfth century B.C.E., since the essential characteristics of White Slip bowls never changed over those four centuries.2 A special culinary or dining function may explain the wide distribution of Cypriot milk bowls in the Mediterranean (Egypt, the Levant, the Aegean, and Italy).3 The lack of known archaeological context for this bowl prevents a better understanding of its particular history. JE 1. See Popham 1972, fig. 50.2. 2. Karageorghis 2001b, pp. 9–10. 3. On White Slip wares, see the papers in Karageorghis 2001a.

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02.

Jug with geometric designs

Cypriot, Cypro-Archaic I, Bichrome IV ware, ca. 750–600 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 9 in. (22.8 cm) Fordham University Collection, 3.039

The coarse terracotta of this vessel contrasts with the meticulous bichrome decoration.1 Excavated jugs of similar shape and decoration indicate a date in the Cypro-Archaic I period.2 The concentric circles were executed using a special tool consisting of multiple brushes affixed to a compass; a depression is visible at the center of each circle where the compass needle was placed. This technology and motif appeared in the eastern Mediterranean at the beginning of the Early Iron Age, although the location of its development and the manner of its diffusion are unclear. On Cyprus, the concentric circle ornament remained popular for centuries, from the Cypro-Geometric to the Cypro-Classical period.3 It is not surprising that technical and artistic innovation traveled widely and quickly in the eastern Mediterranean since evidence for contacts between parts of Greece and the Near East during the Early Iron Age is strong.4 JE

Condition: Complete Shape and Ornament: Globular body with narrow neck and trefoil spout; handle attached at rim and shoulder; ring base supports body; rim and handle back painted black; black lines on neck; five black concentric circles on shoulder; black and red bands on body

1. Cf. Vassos Karageorghis in Karageorghis, Mertens, and Rose 2000, p. 92, nos. 145–49, esp. no. 147. 2. Cf. Karageorghis 1978, pl. i, no. 10, pl. vi, no. 5. 3. Papadopoulos, Vedder, and Schreiber 1998. 4. Lemos 2001.

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03.

Jug with spout in the form of a female figure

Cypriot, Cypro-Archaic II, Bichrome Red II (V) ware, ca. 600–480 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 13 in. (33 cm) Fordham University Collection, 3.016

Cypriot potters began producing anthropomorphic vessels in the Early Bronze Age. By the Cypro-Archaic I–II periods, anthropomorphic features were confined mainly to the spouts and shoulders of jugs. A type common in Cypro-Archaic II consists of a female figure holding a miniature jug that served as a spout.1 Most jugs of this type come from Marion in northwestern Cyprus, where it is believed that they were manufactured.2

Condition: Mended from fragments, with restorations Shape and Ornament: Ovoid body with narrow neck and mouth and trumpet-shaped foot; handle attached to neck just below rim and at shoulder; partially mold-made terracotta female figure on shoulder serves as spout; pendant rays decorate rim; wavy lines and foliate bands adorn neck and shoulder; linear decoration on neck, body, and foot Added Color: White for some foliate bands, some lines, and the pendant rays

The significance of these jugs is unclear. However, since their small spouts enabled liquid contents to be poured at a controlled rate, and since most examples come from tombs, it is likely these jugs were used to pour libations as part of funerary rituals. Moreover, the choice of the female figure may indicate a relationship to a Cypriot fertility goddess—a plausible, if tenuous, connection in light of the deceased’s transition to the afterlife. That some vases were found in non-funerary contexts, however, obscures our understanding of their possible uses.3 Because there is no recorded provenance for this particular jug, its use remains unknown. What can be said is that this vase creates a whimsical tableau for the viewer; when liquid is poured from the jug, the miniature scene in clay is duplicated in real life. JE 1. Cf. Vandenabeele 1998, p. 116, no. 1a, p. 118, 9a. A similar but larger Bichrome Red II (V) Ware example in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 74.51.563 (Vassos Karageorghis in Karageorghis, Mertens, and Rose 2000, p. 105, no. 168) is dated to the late sixth–early fifth century B.C.E. 2. Vandenabeele 1998, pp. 33–34; Karageorghis in Karageorghis, Mertens, and Rose 2000, p. 105. 3. Vandenabeele 1998, pp. 35–37.

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Greek Art

Detail of a lebes gamikos attributed to the Darius Painter. Appendix 7.035 23

04.

Shallow cup with side loop handle

Mycenaean, Late Helladic IIIA2–B1, ca. 1390/75–1250 B.C.E. Terracotta, d. 6 1/2 in. (16.5 cm) Fordham University Collection, 6.028

Shallow cups like this one were produced mainly during the Late Helladic IIIA2 period, although rare examples are known from earlier (Late Helladic IIIA1) and later (Late Helladic IIIB1) periods.1 While this cup has minimal painted decoration—thick banding at the lip, a reserved zone on the upper body, a series of fine bands on the lower body, a solidly painted foot and handle back—other examples are more richly decorated. Motifs commonly found on these cups include the multiple stem, quirk, U-pattern, curve-stemmed spiral, and curve-stemmed running spiral;2 they generally occupy the zone reserved on this cup.3 Some examples were left unpainted.4

Condition: Complete Shape and Ornament: Shallow bowl with foot and side loop handle (Furumark Shape 220); thick red band around rim, fine red bands around lower body, and red-painted foot

Such cups were widely used in the Aegean, with examples known from southern and central Greece and the islands of Melos, Kos, Rhodes, and Crete.5 Some were exported to the eastern Mediterranean; examples have been found at Tell el-Amarna in Egypt,6 among other places. The findspot of this vessel, however, is unknown. Shallow cups seem to have been produced for daily use, whereas stemmed drinking vessels called kylikes were used during formal feasts and ceremonies.7 JE 1. Furumark 1972, pp. 46–52; Mountjoy 1986, pp. 84, 111; Mountjoy 1999, passim. A related shape, FS 219, is known from LH IIIA1. 2. Mountjoy 1999, p. 125. For these motifs, see Furumark 1972, motifs 19, 48, 45, 49, respectively. 3. For example, a cup from Prosymna decorated with multiple stems now in Athens, National Archaeological Museum, NM 6838 (Mountjoy 1999, p. 125, no. 198). 4. Borgna 2004, p. 140. 5. Mountjoy 1999: Melos no. 85, Kos no. 29, Rhodes no. 48; Borgna 2004, p. 140 (Crete). 6. Hankey 1997, pp. 210–11. 7. On feasting in Mycenaean Greece, see Wright 2004.

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05.

Amphoriskos (small perfume vase) with bands and dots

Greek, Middle Corinthian, Linear Style, ca. 600–575 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 4 7/8 in. (12.3 cm) Fordham University Collection, 6.016

This small vessel for perfumed oil is of a type known from Corinth in the Middle Corinthian period.1 During the seventh and early sixth centuries B.C.E., Corinth was a leading Greek center of pottery production and export.2 The export market for Corinthian fineware diminished after about 575 B.C.E., when Attic pottery surpassed it in popularity. During the century of its prominence, Corinthian pottery was exported mainly to the West, where it dominated the import market in Italy.3 Among the chief vessels for export were small containers for oil, such as this amphoriskos.

Condition: Complete Shape and Ornament: Ovoid body with narrow neck and flared foot; two handles attached at neck and shoulder; at rim, red band; on shoulder just below neck, black dots; on shoulder, alternating red and black bands; just below shoulder, zone of black dots; on body and foot, more black and red bands and lines Added color: Red for some lines

Corinthians were among the earliest Greeks to produce and bottle luxury and perfumed oils. Plutarch noted that the exiled tyrant of Syracuse Dionysios II spent many hours in the perfume shops of Corinth, and Pliny recorded that Corinthian iris-scented perfume had long been popular.4 Other known scents include rose, myrtle, and cinnamon.5 In addition to perfume, scented oil could be used in cooking or to flavor wine; when so employed, it was emblematic of culinary refinement.6 Oil was also used in funerary rituals, as ancient texts and the presence of oil containers in Greek graves indicate.7 The best known use of oil, however, was in the gymnasium. Upper-class boys and men applied oil to their bodies before exercising in the nude. The possible reasons for this have been debated. It has been suggested that oil warmed the body and loosened the muscles; that it protected against the sun; that it was aesthetically pleasing; that it prevented dirt from entering the body’s pores; and that it facilitated cleaning after exercise, when a strigil was used to scrape the mixture of oil, dirt, and sweat from the skin.8 JE 1. Cf. Stillwell and Benson 1984, p. 293, no. 1601, and pl. 64. 2. Zimmerman Munn 2003, p. 196. 3. Salmon 1984, pp. 101–16. 4. Plut. Tim. 14.2; Plin. HN 13.5; Zimmerman Munn 2003, p. 196. 5. Foxhall 2007, pp. 88–89. 6. Ibid. 7. Boardman 1998, p. 85. 8. This mixture was collected and sold as a medicine (S.G. Miller 2006, pp. 14–16).

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06.

Alabastron (perfume flask) with boars and rosettes

Greek, Corinthian, Archaic, black-figure, ca. 650 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 5 3/4 in. (14.6 cm) Fordham University Collection, 7.057

Alabastra first appeared around the middle of the seventh century B.C.E., in the Middle Protocorinthian II/Late Protocorinthian period. Earlier (Middle Protocorinthian II) examples are small (ca. 6 cm) and have a fat body, very narrow neck, beveled mouth, angular handle, and elaborate palmette-lotus decoration. By contrast, later examples (Late Protocorinthian) tend to be larger (ca. 9 cm) and have a flat mouth with vertical exterior face, a handle rounded in profile, and simple tongue decoration.1 This alabastron identifies more closely with the later type.

Condition: Restored from fragments Shape and Ornament: Baggy body with narrow neck and flaring rim; diminutive handle joins at rim and shoulder; terracotta buff colored; at top of rim, alternating black and red tongues; at side of rim, black and red dots; on neck, tongues, alternating black and red; on handle, black and red dots; two red lines cap main register, which is occupied by two boars; red and black diamonds and rosettes fill the empty spaces; details of boars, triangles, and rosettes incised; two red lines form lower border; below are two additional red lines; black tongues ascend from base Added Color: Red for lines, rosettes, diamonds, tongues, dots, and boars

The figural decoration consists of two facing boars, which meet opposite the handle. The head of the boar on the left is thrust upward and that of the boar on the right is lowered. Two rosettes beneath the handle separate the animals. This decoration betrays the influence of a Near Eastern iconography of power but also would have resonated with a Greek audience: boar hunting is immortalized in Greek myths (for example, the Calydonian boar hunted by Meleager and other heroes and the Erymanthian boar captured by Herakles as one of his twelve labors).2 Imagery connoting bravery and adeptness at hunting is consistent with the function of this vessel. Alabastra, which contained (perfumed) oil, were among the gear brought by upper-class men and youths to the gymnasium.3 Both hunting and athletics were essential military training for the youths who would some day be called upon to serve as soldiers for their city-state.4 An aristocratic ethos, therefore, seems to inform the decoration of this small vase.5 JE 1. Amyx 1988, p. 438. 2. The boar was already a powerful symbol in Bronze Age Greece, when helmets crafted of boars’ tusks were worn by warrior-elites. Schofield and Parkinson (1994, pp. 164–65) synopsize boars’ tusk helmets in the Aegean, noting that the earliest known examples date to the Middle Bronze Age. See also Morris 1990; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1997; Akrivaki 2003. 3. On the use of alabastra and similar aryballoi, see S.G. Miller 2006, pp. 14–15. An Archaic grave stele from Attica in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (11.185a–d, f, g, x) bears a relief depicting a youth with an alabastron suspended from his wrist. 4. Barringer 2001, pp. 10–69. 5. Cf. Plato (Resp. 549a), who ascribed both hunting and gymnastics to the lover of honor.

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07.

Amphoriskos (small perfume vase) with panthers, goats, geese, and rosettes

Greek, Middle Corinthian, Archaic, black-figure, ca. 575 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 6 1/4 in. (15.9 cm) Fordham University Collection, 2008.2

The earliest Corinthian amphoriskoi—small vessels for (scented) oil—date to the Middle Corinthian period.1 Vases of this period are decorated in the so-called animal style, characterized by processions of various animals, often arranged in registers. This vase, typical of the early sixth century B.C.E., displays a more limited repertory of creatures than its seventh-century predecessors. In addition, the rendering of animals has become somewhat clumsier, animals are larger and longer, and the filling ornament has been restricted to rosettes and little dots.2 These changes seem to reflect a move away from the delicate miniaturism of the seventh century B.C.E. and toward efficient mass production by Corinthian painters.

Condition: Complete Shape and Ornament: Ovoid body with narrow neck and flared foot; two handles attached at neck and shoulder; on shoulder, a panther, goat, rosettes, and dots; on shoulder, five red and black lines; on body, frieze containing two panthers, a goat and two geese, dots and rosettes; near base of body, traces of rays visible Added Color: Red for lines and details

General consensus holds that the animal motifs typical of Corinthian vase-painting resulted from contact with Near Eastern objects. Often overlooked, however, is the fact that some of the animals depicted were also native to Greece. Lions, for example, were present on the Balkan peninsula during the Bronze Age and Early Iron Age, and therefore would have been somewhat familiar to Greek viewers.3 Here, however, it is unclear if the felines depicted were observed firsthand, or even what species they may be: although traditionally called panthers, they may represent lionesses, leopards, or another kind of cat entirely.4 JE 1. Amyx 1988, p. 496. 2. Cook 1996, pp. 54–56; Boardman 1998, pp. 178–85. 3. Thomas 2004, pp. 162, 189–93. 4. See the discussions in Brown 1960, pp. 165–69 (lions), 170–76 (leopards and panthers); von Hofsten 2007.

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08.

Amphora (jar with two handles)

Greek, Attic, Archaic, black-figure, ca. 540-530 B.C.E. Attributed to the Swing Painter1 Terracotta, h. 16 in. (40.6 cm) Obverse: Four dancing revelers (komasts) Reverse: Winged male figure between two draped youths Fordham University Collection, 4.022

The artist who painted this vase is named after the scene on an amphora in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston,2 that depicts a woman on a swing between men and a youth. However, it is the reverse side of the Boston amphora that connects the socalled Swing Painter with the vase in the Fordham Collection. Both amphorae show an enigmatic winged figure between onlookers. Although the figure is a female on the Boston vase and a male on the Fordham one, the treatment of the wings is nearly identical; on both vases, outstretched wings in the form of an M shape confront the viewer. The top is black, offset by a white line from a narrower stripe of black or red. The bottom edge is rendered with vertical incised lines, which indicate feathering.3

Condition: Complete. Surface abrasion on reverse Shape and Ornament: Type B panel amphora with offset flaring mouth, round glazed handles, and echinus foot; flat rim and underside of foot in reserve; inside of neck glazed to depth of 1 3/4 inches; above picture panel on obverse and reverse, hanging lotus bud chain bounded by two glaze lines; below picture panel on both sides, two thin glaze lines; above foot, rays Added color: Red lines on neck, framing picture panel and above rays on foot; on reverse, red on wings of figure and cloaks of youths, a white stripe runs through center of wings; on obverse, red for hair and beards; white for necklace worn by a komast on obverse and on wings of figure on reverse

The painter’s style is most pronounced on the obverse of the Fordham amphora, which depicts four nude revelers (komasts). This scene and three other examples of the same subject by the same artist, which are located in Paris, Munich, and a private collection in Beverly Hills,4 demonstrate that energetic dances characterized by a variety of poses are prominent features in revels by the Swing Painter. Anatomical hallmarks include rounded buttocks and thick, powerful thighs contrasted with slim, underdeveloped calves. Other stylistic traits are the wispy, attenuated hands and fingers, and flimsy, delicate feet. Ribs are indicated by three short incised horizontal lines, and hair and beards are neatly trimmed. The beardless youth on the vase at Fordham wears a necklace composed of white dots, a corresponding example of which is worn by a komast on the vase in Paris. However, the appendage, be it a phallos or animal skin paw hanging from the largest man on the center of the Fordham amphora, is unparalleled among the Swing Painter’s extant works. The substantial size of the figure combined with what is suspended from his body recall so-called “padded dancers,” which first appeared on Corinthian pottery starting about 625, and then on Athenian ware between 575 and 540 B.C.E.5 The name derives from chitons stuffed to accentuate the stomach and buttocks of performers in comic choruses. The figures on the obverse of the Fordham amphora, however, are best identified as drunken komasts, even while the exaggerated girth and dangling appendage of the largest reveler might allude to the earlier iconographic tradition of entertainers in comic clothing. JU

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The artist who painted this vase is named after the scene on an amphora in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston,2 that depicts a woman on a swing between men and a youth. However, it is the reverse side of the Boston amphora that connects the socalled Swing Painter with the vase in the Fordham Collection. Both amphorae show an enigmatic winged figure between onlookers. Although the figure is a female on the Boston vase and a male on the Fordham one, the treatment of the wings is nearly identical; on both vases, outstretched wings in the form of an M shape confront the viewer. The top is black, offset by a white line from a narrower stripe of black or red. The bottom edge is rendered with vertical incised lines, which indicate feathering.3 The painter’s style is most pronounced on the obverse of the Fordham amphora, which depicts four nude revelers (komasts). This scene and at least three other examples of the same subject by the same artist, located in Paris, Munich, and a private collection in Beverly Hills,4 demonstrate that energetic dances characterized by a variety of poses are prominent features in revels by the Swing Painter. Anatomical hallmarks include rounded buttocks and thick, powerful thighs contrasted with slim, underdeveloped calves. Other stylistic traits are the wispy, attenuated hands and fingers, and flimsy, delicate feet. Ribs are indicated by three short incised horizontal lines, and hair and beards are neatly trimmed. The beardless youth on the vase at Fordham wears a necklace comprised of white dots, a corresponding example of which is worn by a komast on the vase in Paris. However, the comically elongated phallos of the largest man on the center of the Fordham amphora is unparalleled among the Swing Painter’s extant works. That figure wears a costume, and it may be the case that the abnormal size and the peculiar distended abdomens of the other dancers, with the exception of the youth, are also the result of distortions created by the padding in theatrical garb. Vases decorated with so-called “padded dancers” appeared first on Corinthian pottery starting about 625, and then on Athenian ware between 575 and 540 B.C.E.5 The name derives from chitons stuffed to accentuate the stomach and buttocks of the performer. On rare occasions, as on the Fordham amphora, padded dancers are outfitted with a phallos. Whether these figures represent a comic chorus, men costumed in padded clothing, creatures such as satyrs, or some form of symposium entertainment or cult ritual is an unresolved question. However, it is thought that depictions of padded dancers offer evidence for dramatic performances

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1. For the Swing Painter, see ABV, pp. 304–10, 693; Para, pp. 132–35. 2. Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, 98.918 (ABV, p. 306, no. 41). 3. An amphora by the Swing Painter in the Museo Gregoriano Etrusco Vatican City, G37 (ABV, p. 305, no. 13; Add 2, p. 80), depicts two female winged figures in profile, but the treatment of their wings nonetheless corresponds to the examples at Fordham and in Boston. 4. Paris, Musée du Louvre, CP 10606 (ABV, p. 309, no. 96, p. 693; Para, p. 519; Add 2, p. 83); Munich, Antikensammlungen, 1387 (J 590) (ABV, p. 304, no. 7; Add 2, p. 79); Private Collection, Beverly Hills, Calif. (Para, p. 134, no. 22; Add 2, p. 80). The same anatomical traits are also seen on an amphora by the Swing Painter in Basel, Antikenmuseum und Sammlung Ludwig, Z 364 (Para, p. 134, no. 21; Add 2, p. 80; CVA, Basel, vol. 1, pl. 30, nos. 2, 4). The vase depicts three men being swarmed by bees. The energetic poses characteristic of his revelers are comically applied to two of the figures on this vase, who struggle to evade the stinging insects. The third man is preoccupied with drinking the last of the wine from an amphora, but his pose is equally animated. 5. For padded dancers, see Pickard-Cambridge 1988, pp. 222–23; Hedreen 1992, pp. 130–36; Green 2007; Rothwell 2007, pp. 21–25. The differences between Corinthian and Attic padded-dancers and a survey of padded dancers from other regions of Greece are provided by T. J. Smith 2007; Steiner 2009.

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09.

Kylix (drinking cup)

Greek, Attic, Late Archaic, red-figure, ca. 520 B.C.E. Attributed to the Painter of Berlin 22681 Terracotta, d. 10 1/2 in. (26.7 cm), not including handles Tondo: Dionysos with grape vines and kantharos (drinking cup with vertical handles) running to right Exterior obverse: Sleeping maenad between two satyrs Exterior reverse: Maenad with thyrsos (wand) between two satyrs Inscribed: “Ho Pais Kalos” and “Kalos” in added red on tondo and exterior obverse and reverse Fordham University Collection, 7.060

The inside of the kylix depicts Dionysos dressed in a voluminous chiton (tunic) and himation (cloak), carrying grape vines and a kantharos (drinking cup with high handles). He is bearded and wreathed and has long corkscrew curls. The inscriptions above him and beneath his right arm read “the boy is beautiful.” Maenads and satyrs appear on the outside of the cup. The obverse shows a maenad asleep against a rock. She wears a transparent chiton and a sakkos (bonnet), from which a few tendrils of hair have come loose. Behind her, a large tree establishes the woodland setting of the scene. Ithyphallic satyrs with outstretched arms approach her from both sides. As on the inside of the cup, an inscription praising the beauty of an anonymous youth appears in added red in the background. The reverse side is the active complement to the obverse scene. Here, a maenad with a thyrsos, a distinctive ivy-topped wand, runs to the right, away from one satyr and into the clutches of another. She too, wears a diaphanous chiton and himation, but unlike her sleeping counterpart, her head is uncovered and her hair flies out freely behind her. The “kalos” inscription is repeated on this side of the cup.

Condition: Complete. Repaired from large fragments; glaze slightly pitted and abraded on top of handles Shape and Ornament: Kylix with horizontal handles and continuous curve from rim to foot; edge of lip, outer edge of foot, underside of foot, inside of handles, area under handles, and inside of stem in reserve; groundline on exterior in reserve; on top of foot, groove in reserve; around tondo, continuous rightward meander frame

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While the images decorating the exterior of the cup may be approached as separate self-contained vignettes, the use of repetitive motifs encourages the viewer to ask if and how the scenes are connected. Should they, for example, be “read” sequentially, in a particular order? Each side includes two running satyrs wearing wreaths, a maenad, and the same set of inscriptions.2 Are the same satyrs depicted on both sides? Or, does each scene show a different pair? Does the same maenad appear on the obverse and reverse, first, when she is asleep, and then after she has been awakened? Or, are two different maenads portrayed? One may also question whether the sleeping woman is actually a maenad. Apart from the presence of satyrs, there is no iconographical clue that solidifies this identification. Moreover, her reclining pose seems closely modeled on the “sleeping Ariadne” type.3 That there is ample room to interpret these images suggests a degree of narrative flexibility, which was perhaps intentional. In fact, that aspect of the cup’s decoration makes it all the more suitable for a banquet. Solving riddles and playing word games were popular activities at symposia.4 The pictorial ambiguity of the sleeping maenad/Ariadne figure can be seen as a deliberate visual pun, and deciphering it as analogous to solving the meaning behind a verbal double-entendre.5

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Ultimately, it is perhaps less important to establish who the figure is than to recognize that guessing her identity was a game played by the guests at a drinking party. Playful speculation may also have been the point of honoring an unnamed youth three times on the same cup. Given the placement of the inscriptions, it is certain that the boy in question is not represented on the kylix. The phrase therefore could refer either to a young man attending the symposium, or it could conjure up any number of well-known aristocratic youths in Athens during the sixth century B.C.E.6 Thus, identifying the object of the kalos inscription, with each man arguing for his own favorite, could have been yet another game played by the symposium participants. The painter of this kylix has been attributed as the Painter of Berlin 2268, based on close parallels with cups by the artist in Orvieto7 and Philadelphia.8 Termed a member of “the Coarser Wing” by Beazley, aspects of his style show that he worked in close proximity to Epiktetos, a more well-known red-figure cup painter. For instance, the corkscrew curls of hair, the long yet neatly trimmed beards worn by the satyrs, as well as their small square noses and full mouths are all characteristic of Epiktetos. JU 1. On the Painter of Berlin 2268, see ARV 2, pp. 153–58, 1629, 1700. 2. The meaning of repetition in vase painting is discussed most recently by A. Steiner 2007, who argues that repeated inscriptions encouraged the viewer in antiquity to “read” the vase as a cohesive, unified text. 3. For the sleeping Ariadne type, see LIMC, vol. 3, pls. 730, 731. 4. For the topic of riddles at symposia, see the discussion by Ath. Deipnosophistae 10.448–59. On specific riddles posed at banquets, see ibid., 2.63 and 3.117. On word games at symposia, see also Lissarrague 1990, p. 47. 5. On the connection between deliberate iconographical ambiguity in vase painting and the word games played at symposia, see Neer 2002. 6. Lissarrague 1990, p. 134; Lissarrague 1999, p. 365. The kalos-inscriptions praising specific young men are catalogued in ARV 2, pp. 1559–1613. 7. Orvieto, Museo Civico, Faina 46 (ARV 2, p. 155, no. 43). 8. Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Museum, 5695 (ARV 2, p. 156, no. 47). I thank Dr. Michael Padgett, curator of ancient art at Princeton University, for the attribution and the comparanda.

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10.

Lekythos (oil flask)

Greek, Attic, Late Archaic, black-figure, ca. 520 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 8 in. (20.3 cm) Possibly by the Class of Athens 5811 Herakles and Triton flanked by a Nereid and Nereus Fordham University Collection, 2008.14

Herakles is said to have encountered a shape-changing sea deity during one of the two labors that brought him to the so-called “Ends of the Earth.”2 The version by the mid-sixth-century lyric poet Stesichorus preserved by Apollodorus, a Greek scholar and grammarian from the second century B.C.E. (Bibl. 2.115), states that Herakles wrestled the half-man, half serpent/fish-tailed creature identified as Nereus, to obtain information essential to the eleventh labor, the location of the garden of the Hesperides and the golden apples. The fifth-century poet Panyasis, whose account appears in Athenaios’ Deipnosophistae (11.469), makes Herakles’ battle with Nereus an obstacle to stealing the cattle of Geryon, his tenth labor. Evidently, Nereus possessed Helios’ golden bowl, the only vessel suitable for sailing beyond Okeanus, where the cattle grazed. Both authors stress that in a futile attempt to escape Herakles’ steadfast grip, Nereus changed his shape. This is the moment of the encounter favored by black-figure vase painters.3 The archaic period convention for illustrating the complicated maneuver is shown on the Fordham lekythos.4 Herakles straddles the sea creature from behind while grabbing him over his left shoulder and under his right arm. Unable to link his hands, Herakles instead grasps both ends of a section of rope to reinforce his grip on the sea-monster, who raises a small dolphin above his head in his right hand. Flanking them are a Nereid, who runs to the left away from the brawl, and an old man standing quietly with a staff and observing at the right.5

Condition: Complete Shape and Ornament: Lekythos with echinus mouth, pronounced shoulder, and flanged handle; body tapers to disk foot; lip, inside of mouth, outside of handle, lower portion of the body, and top of foot glazed black; rim, underside of handle, outer edge and underside of foot in reserve; around the base of the neck, tongues; on shoulder, dotted lotus bud chain; on body below figures, one-quarterinch black band above one-eighth-inch line in reserve Added color: Probably white for skin of Nereid and Nereus’ beard, none preserved

Although ancient writers uniformly name Nereus as Herakles’ opponent, it is Triton, Poseidon’s son,6 who appears in this scene and whose name is inscribed in other vasepaintings of the subject after 560 B.C.E.7 Prior to that, Herakles wrestles Nereus (otherwise known as the Old Man of the Sea, according to Hesiod8), distinguished from Triton by his white beard and balding pate. Triton replaces Nereus in vasepaintings around the same time that the Athenian tyrant Peisistratus first came to power in 560/61, suggesting to some scholars that the iconographical shift ought to be interpreted against this background. 9 In the language of mythological symbolism that dominated the visual arts in the mid-sixth century, Herakles came to stand for Peisistratus, who boldly identified himself with the hero, while the sea-monster Triton symbolized the vanquished foes of two naval battles led by Peisistratus, which were instrumental to the rise of Athenian power throughout the Mediterranean

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basin: Megara, defeated by Athens in 565 B.C.E., in a conflict over possession of the island of Salamis, and Mytilene, whose loss in battle gave Athens control of the Hellespont. Triton, therefore, who is depicted as young and strong, naturally made for a more compelling and challenging opponent for Herakles than the older, kindly, and more sympathetic Nereus.10 This in turn cast Peisistratus’ victories in a more heroic light. Nereus does not disappear from these scenes, however. On our lekythos, as on many other vases with Herakles and Triton, he is identified as the old man standing to the right. The provisional attribution of this vase to the Class of Athens 581 is based on its close similarity to a lekythos decorated with the same subject by a painter from this group in Morgantina, Sicily.11 The lekythoi at Fordham and Morgantina have flanged handles, echinus-shaped mouths and disk feet, as well as the same subsidiary ornament on the shoulder. Other parallels between the two vases include the treatment of Triton’s scales as small comma-shaped incisions, the way Triton’s head and shoulder obscure Herakles’ face, and the manner in which Herakles wears the head of the lion’s skin as a hood. This final detail brought Herakles’ most recognizable attribute to the fore and enabled the viewer to identify the individual characters from a potentially confusing tangle of limbs and pattern. JU Published Reference: Christie’s, New York, sale cat., June 4, 2008, lot 174 1. For the workshop, see Haspels 1936, pp. 93–94, 224–25; ABV, pp. 489–503, 700–702. 2. Ahlberg-Cornell 1984, pp. 101–2; Gantz 1996, vol. 1, pp. 402–10. 3. Ahlberg-Cornell 1984 catalogues around 137 examples of the subject in black-figure. See also Luce 1922, pp. 174–92; Glynn 1981. 4. See LIMC, vol. 8, pls. 42, 43, nos. 1–12. 5. The accessory figures have been grouped into four categories: women (Nereids), the old man (Nereus), other men (Iolaos), and deities. See Ahlberg-Cornell 1984, pp. 83–84. 6. Hes. Theog. 930–33. 7. Ahlberg-Cornell 1984, p. 101. 8. Hes. Theog. 234. 9. Boardman 1972; Glynn 1981, pp. 130–32. 10. For this characterization of Nereus, see Hes. Theog. 233. 11. Morgantina Museum, 69.585 (Lyons 1996, p. 185, no. 17.4, pl. 46).

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11.

Neck-amphora (jar with two handles)

Greek, Attic, Late Archaic, black-figure, ca. 520-510 B.C.E. Attributed to the Circle of the Antimenes Painter1 Terracotta, h. 11 3/4 in. (29.8 cm) Obverse: Herakles, Deianeira, and Nessos Reverse: Achilles and Memnon between Thetis and Eos Fordham University Collection, 7.031

Greek mythology is populated with heroic demigods, beings with one divine and one mortal parent. This amphora features three such heroes in the context of two popular subjects in black-figure vase painting. On the obverse is Herakles, offspring of Zeus and a mortal mother, saving his wife, Deianeira, from the centaur Nessos.2 The reverse shows Achilles and Memnon, dueling in the presence of their mothers, the goddesses Thetis and Eos.3 Approximately ninety-eight black-figured examples depicting the former myth and about sixty showing the latter are attested. Our vase is one of eight extant pieces that show Herakles on one side and Achilles and Memnon on the other. Neither scene carries inscriptions, but the paintings adhere so closely to the pictorial convention for each story that they are recognizable.

Condition: Complete; repaired from two or three large fragments; mend visible below handles running around circumference of vase; some glaze loss on palmette quatrefoil below left handle Shape and Ornament: Neck-amphora with echinus mouth, triple handles, and disk foot; fillets at juncture of neck and body, and body to foot; top surface of mouth in reserve; outside of mouth, glazed black; inside of neck, glazed black; on obverse and reverse of neck, palmette-lotus chain; on shoulder, tongues; handles glazed black on outside, left in reserve on underside; below each handle, quatrefoil of palmettes with a downward lotus bud and two small lotus blossoms rendered in silhouette; beneath figures on obverse and reverse, rightward facing meander framed by double black lines above an upright lotus bud chain also banded by double black lines; above foot, rays; top of foot glazed; lower edge and underside of foot in reserve Added color: White for women’s skin, shield device, and helmet crests, above and below the fillet on stem of foot; red on neck and shoulder ornament, hair fillets, women’s pupils, pupil of rooster on shield, shield rim, Herakles’ lion skin, bottom edge of helmets, warriors’ greaves and dots on cuirass, folds of all garments, and fillets at neck and foot

The episode of Herakles, Deianeira, and Nessos is recounted by Sophocles and Diodorus Siculus.4 While crossing the Euenos River just north of the Gulf of Corinth, Herakles asked the centaur Nessos to ferry Deianeira to the other side. While in midstream, with Herakles some distance behind, the centaur attacked Deianeira and was subsequently slain by Herakles, who shot him with an arrow. On our vase, Deianeira sits astride Nessos as Herakles stands at the left. Preparing to face off, Herakles wields his club while Nessos uses a rock as his weapon. An unidentified figure stands to the right of Nessos. Because Herakles grappled with centaurs on more than one occasion,5 the myth of Nessos and Herakles must always include Deianeira to avoid confusion with the other episodes. Similarly, the story of Nessos and Deianeira must include Herakles, for the lone image of a centaur and a woman could also represent a moment from the Centauromachy at the wedding of the Lapith prince Peirithoos to Hippodameia. Sophocles and Diodorus state that Herakles’ weapon of choice against Nessos was the bow and arrow, a weapon only effective when combatants are positioned some distance apart. However, because the battle between Herakles and the centaur on this and other vases is one of close combat, the hero is normally portrayed brandishing his sword or club, more appropriate weapons for fighting in close proximity. On the reverse is the story of Achilles and Memnon, told in the Aethiopis, a part of the Epic Cycle, a collection of fragmentary Greek poems related to the Trojan War saga. Memnon, a foreign ally of Troy, kills a Greek named Antilichos, after which he is slain by Achilles. As he prepares to take Troy, Achilles is then killed by Paris with the help of Apollo. The mothers of both heroes figure prominently in the text.

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Memnon’s mother is Eos, goddess of the dawn, who appeals to Zeus and gains immortality for her son. Although Thetis, mother of Achilles, is a powerful sea deity, she is unable to alter Achilles’ destiny as a mortal yet greatly revered hero.6 Instead, she spirits him away from the funeral pyre at Troy to the White Island, a place reserved for the burial of mortals who are special to the gods.7 The important roles of Eos and Thetis in the afterlives of Achilles and Memnon explain their presence in scenes of the battle, which began to appear on vases about 640 B.C.E.8 Moreover, inscribed vases naming the figures allow us to identify the characters on our vase, because the pictures with inscriptions follow the same Archaic compositional format as the scene on our amphora: Achilles, the victor, strides from left to right with Thetis standing behind him; Memnon, who will perish, fights from right to left, as Eos watches. The episode of Achilles, Memnon, and their mothers also appeared (with inscriptions) on the Chest of Kypselos, a long lost work described in detail by Pausanias in his account of the treasures found at Olympia (5.19.1).9 JU Published References: “Treasures of the Month,” Mosaic (Museum of Fine Arts, Saint Petersburg, Florida), July–September 1992, p. 4; “Connections,” Art Muse (Tampa Museum of Art, Tampa, Florida), December– January 1992–93, p. 11; “Greek Antiquities from the Houston Collection,” Gallery Guide (Museum of Arts and Sciences, Daytona Beach, Florida), 1996; Christie’s, New York, sale cat., June 4, 1999, lot 11 Exhibition History: Museum of Fine Arts, Saint Petersburg, Florida, 1992–93; Tampa Museum of Art, Tampa, Florida, 1993–95, Museum of Arts and Sciences, Daytona Beach, Florida, 1996–97 Previous Collections: Charles Ede; William and Linda Houston, London, 1992–99 1. For the Antimenes Painter and his group, see ABV, pp. 266–91, 691, 692, 715; Para, pp. 117–21. 2. Gantz 1996, vol. 1, pp. 431–34; LIMC, vol. 6, Nessos, pls. 534–54, nos. 2–124. 3. LIMC, vol. 1, Achilles, pls. 136–39, nos. 804–40; LIMC, vol. 6, Memnon, pls. 233–36, nos. 16–58; Gantz 1996, vol. 2, pp. 622–24. 4. Soph. Trach. 555–77; Diod. Sic. 4.36.3–4. 5. Herakles battled centaurs in Pholos’s cave, and he fought Eurytion, a centaur who misbehaved at a wedding by attempting to abduct the bride-to-be. See Gantz 1996, vol. 1, pp. 390–92, 423–24. 6. Il. 1.412–18, 9.410–16, 18.93–97. However, see Quint. Smyrn. 3.770, whose version of Achilles’ death suggests he will gain immortality on the White Island. 7. Pausanias (3.19.11) writes that on the island, which is in the Black Sea at the mouth of the Danube, is a temple to Achilles containing a cult image. A list of mortals favored by the gods, who were taken to the island after death, is provided in 3.19.13. 8. See, for example, Athens, National Archaeological Museum, 3961 (Gantz 1996, vol. 2, pp. 622–23). 9. The chest dates to about 580–560 B.C.E. and was fashioned out of cedar, gold, and ivory. It was a veritable visual encyclopedia of Archaic mythology. See Hurwit 1985, pp. 229–30.

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12.

Hydria (water jar)

Greek, Attic, Late Archaic, ca. 520-510 B.C.E. Attributed to The Leagros Group1 Terracotta, h. 19 in. (48.3 cm) Obverse: Herakles in Olympos; on shoulder: Herakles and the Nemean Lion Fordham University Collection, 11.006

After Herakles captured Kerberos, the three-headed dog belonging to Hades, thus completing his final labor, he was granted immortality and went to live among the gods on Mount Olympos.3 The scene on this hydria depicts the hero in the guise of a symposiast ensconced in his new surroundings, reclining on a kline (banquet couch) behind a table laden with food.4 He wears a wreath around his head and is draped in a himation (cloak) decorated with clusters of white dots and broad red stripes. Herakles faces Hermes, who sits on a diphros (stool) at the far right of the picture. The god is portrayed with all of his attributes: traveler’s hat; winged boots; and kerykeion (messenger’s staff) that rests on his right shoulder. Hermes is wrapped from knees to shoulders in a cloak patterned with small white dot clusters and larger red dots. Athena is also present; as Herakles’ divine guardian, she often accompanied him while he performed his labors.

Condition: Repaired from fragments; on middle left side of body, slight indent; on top of vertical handle and underside of horizontal handles, streaky glaze; on rotellae on either side of vertical handle and along the back of vertical handle, minor glaze loss; some areas of white restored Shape and Ornament: Hydria with pronounced shoulder, flaring neck, and overhanging lip; high vertical handle, glazed black, with central rib; rotellae at either side where handle joins rim; round horizontal handles, glazed black outside, reserved on underside; disk foot, upper surface glazed black, side of foot in reserve; shoulder panel framed by upper border of tongues and black ground line; main panel framed on both sides by vertical rows of ivy and frieze of sideways palmettes interspersed with two dots below picture; above foot, black rays; at juncture of body and foot, fillet; trademark incised on bottom of foot.2 Added Color: White and red throughout

In this scene, Athena stands in front of the banquet couch gesturing toward Hermes with her left hand, while her right holds a long spear. She wears a high-crested Corinthian helmet that breaks into the scene on the shoulder panel above, and a himation over a peplos (robe) decorated with the same pattern of large and small dots as that on the mantle worn by Hermes. Over her left shoulder appears part of her snaky aegis. In addition to Athena, Herakles was frequently joined by his nephew and faithful companion Iolaos during his quest to complete the twelve labors. Here, Iolaos is at the far left. He is shown in profile exiting the scene while looking back over his shoulder. He is wreathed, and a chlamys (short cloak) is draped over his right arm and shoulder. Iolaos also holds a long spear in his left hand, and a sword in its scabbard is suspended by a baldric over his left shoulder. Herakles’ weapons are scattered throughout the painting. His sword and bow, arrow, and quiver hang in the background, while his club is propped up against the foot of the banquet couch. The lion skin hangs limply staring out at the viewer in a deliberate allusion to the archaic pictorial convention of depicting figures who were dead or dying in frontal view.5 An episode from Herakles’ mortal past is on the shoulder of the vase. It depicts his first labor, the battle against the Nemean lion.6 The composition of the shoulder image is symmetrical and heraldic. Herakles and the lion occupy the center. They are flanked by two seated women, each with a shield and spear, who hold Herakles’ bow, arrows, and quiver between them while

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suspending the weapons above the hero and lion as they fight. The scene is framed by Hermes at the left and a man, probably Iolaos, at the right. The choice of subjects on the shoulder frieze and the body of the vase combine to evoke the entirety of Herakles’ extensive mythological cycle. Because his first labor and his subsequent arrival at Olympos after he completed all twelve are depicted together on the same vessel, the viewer is inclined to visualize the other significant moments in the hero’s life that are not illustrated on this work.7 The vase painter’s skillful narrative touch is also revealed by the subtle visual clues that designate Herakles as divine. His special status is clearly indicated by the fact that he is the only reclining figure in the scene, but it is further underscored in the following ways. First, while Athena, Hermes, and Iolaos are all in active possession of their weapons and attributes, Herakles is unarmed; his weapons and lion skin are unnecessary at Olympos. Second, the artist has implied Herakles’ divinity by grouping him with the gods, while separating him from Iolaos. Athena has turned her back to Iolaos and acts as a barrier between him and Herakles. This arrangement of figures succeeds in conveying the idea that Athena, Herakles, and Hermes are a self-contained compositional unit, while Iolaos is the unmistakable outsider. This vase exemplifies the work of the Leagros group, a workshop of painters closely related in style. Not only is the hydria their favorite shape but Herakles is a favorite subject, with forty-three such vessels featuring scenes from the hero’s life. The group takes its name from six “kalos” inscriptions praising the beauty of a youth named Leagros, five of which appear on hydriai. JU 1. On the Leagros Group, see ABV, pp. 354–91; Beazley 1986, pp. 74–80. 2. The trademark is consistent with one of the types used by painters of the Leagros Group. See Johnston 1979, type 5E. 3. For the pictorial treatment of Herakles’ apotheosis, see Gantz 1996, vol. 1, pp. 460–63. 4. On this specific subject, see Wolf 1993, pp. 12–21; LIMC, vol. 4, pls. 1483–1523. 5. Beazley 1986, pp. 26, 97, n. 4. 6. See Gantz 1996, vol. 1, pp. 383–84; LIMC, vol. 5, pls. 1762–1895. 7. This combination of subjects on the same vase is rare. Another example is a hydria in the British Museum by the Alkmene Painter that also features the battle with the Nemean lion on the shoulder and Herakles reclining at a banquet among the gods at Olympos. London, British Museum, B 301 (ABV, p. 282, no. 2; Wolf 1993, p. 197, no. sf 6, pl. 21).

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13.

Lekythos (oil flask)

Greek, Attic, Archaic, black-figure, ca. 510 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 7 5/8 in. (19.4 cm) Herakles and the Nemean Lion Fordham University Collection, 7.048

The anonymous painter of this lekythos was not the most accomplished draftsman, yet the image exhibits narrative complexity. The scene is one of the most common in black-figure: Herakles battling the Nemean lion, the first of the demigod’s twelve labors.1 Over eight hundred examples of this subject appear on black-figure vases, and around one hundred forty decorate lekythoi. In certain respects, the portrayal on the Fordham lekythos follows the standard pictorial formula for the story: Herakles and the lion grapple in the center, while two figures observe from the side. The onlookers are normally Iolaos, Herakles’ nephew and faithful companion during his travails, and Athena, his protector. Our vase shows Iolaos at the left holding a club and a short cloak, both of which probably belong to Herakles, who fights nude. Because the skin of the Nemean lion made the animal invulnerable to weapons, it could only be slain with brute force. Thus, in this vase-painting, Herakles has the lion in a chokehold, the conventional way painters depicted the struggle. It was also customary to show the hero nude, as it was the completion of this labor that provided Herakles with his most famous attribute, the lion skin. Many painted versions of this myth also include a tree on which Herakles hangs his bow and arrow.

Condition: Complete; repaired from fragments; surface chipped and abraded in areas Shape and Ornament: Lekythos with calyx mouth, vertical, ovate handle, and foot in two degrees; inside and outside of mouth glazed black, lip in reserve; outside of handle black, underside in reserve; on shoulder, a row of tongues above lotus buds in silhouette; thin glaze line at juncture of shoulder to body; on body only above the figures, dots above two glaze lines; below the figures encircling the vase, 1/4 inch wide glaze strip framed by two thin glaze lines; bottom of lekythos, black; top of foot and lower edge, black; side and underside of foot in reserve Added color: White for fruit (apples) in tree, Iolaos’ club, tail and tongue of lion, Perseus’ hat and garment; red for beards, hair fillet, and wings on Perseus’ boots

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On our lekythos, the tree functions not as a place to hang ineffectual weapons but also perhaps as an allusion to Herakles’ penultimate labor, the retrieval of the Golden Apples from the Hesperides, here rendered as white dots among the branches. At the right, where one expects to find Athena, divine guardian of Herakles, we see instead a male figure, who looks over his shoulder at Herakles and the lion. He wears a cap, a short mantle over his shoulders, a tunic, and winged boots. He also carries a sword. Were it not for the sword, he could be mistaken for Hermes.2 Another possible identification for this figure is Perseus, the Gorgon slayer, but with slight alterations to his standard iconography.3 Perseus is usually armed with a harpe, a weapon with a curved blade with which he decapitated Medusa, but vase-paintings showing him with a straight sword (as in the Fordham lekythos) are known from the late sixth to early fifth century in black-figure.4 Another of his attributes, the kibesis (pouch) in which he carries Medusa’s head, is missing from the scene, an omission perhaps explained by the fact that Perseus’ slaying of the gorgon is not the subject of

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the image. Finally, Perseus commonly wears a hat with wings to match those on his boots. It is possible that such a cap was actually depicted; however, the glaze is flaked and worn in this area, making it difficult to discern. It is unexpected to find Perseus observing Herakles battling the Nemean lion in a position normally held by Athena, or even Hermes. His inclusion in the scene is perhaps explained by two overlooked aspects of Greek mythology. The first is that Perseus is both Herakles’ great-grandfather and half-brother, since they are both descended from Zeus. The genealogical connections extend as well to Ioloas, who is the nephew of Herakles and a descendent of both Perseus and Zeus. Certain mythological traditions, moreover, posit that Herakles and Perseus each traveled to the distant land of the Hyperboreans—Herakles to fetch the Golden Apples,5 which are indicated in the background of the vase-painting, and Perseus to find Medusa and slay her.6 More than a simple portrayal of Herakles and the Nemean lion, the image on the lekythos combines obscure mythological pedigree and less known versions of famous heroic sagas. The integration of these ingredients serves to link every component of the vase painting and to create an intricate narrative that alludes to the complex ancestry of the Greek gods and heroes and to their often intersecting deeds and labors. JU 1. LIMC, vol. 5, pls. 1702–1815. 2. Hermes accompanies Herakles to the underworld during his final labor, capturing Kerberos, the multiheaded dog who guards the gates of Hades. The episode is famously depicted on one of the metopes from the Temple of Zeus at Olympia. 3. LIMC, vol. 7, pls. 272–309. 4. See for instance, Heidelberg, Ruprecht-Karls-Universität, S184 (ABV, p. 394, no. 5, p. 696; LIMC, vol. 7, pl. 276, no. 29b); Wurzburg, Martin von Wagner Museum, 213 (ABV, p. 395, no. 6; Add 2, p. 103; LIMC, vol. 7, pl. 276, no. 29a). 5. Pind. Pyth. 10.29–36. 6. Apollod. Bibl. 2.113.

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Neck-amphora (jar with two handles)

Greek, Attic, Late Archaic, black-figure, ca. 510-500 B.C.E. Attributed to the Group of Brussels R-3091 Terracotta, h. 8 1/2 in. (21.6 cm) Obverse: Herakles fighting an Amazon flanked by onlookers Reverse: Dionysos with satyrs and maenads Fordham University Collection, 7.051

Herakles fought against the Amazons in the context of his ninth labor, when he was sent to retrieve the belt of their queen, Hippolyte.2 The belt was a gift to Hippolyte from Ares in recognition of her great prowess in battle. Corinthian vase painters had depicted Herakles and various comrades fighting Amazons since the late seventh century B.C.E., but a Laconian (Spartan) cup from about 560 B.C.E. is perhaps the earliest known portrayal of Herakles’ quest for the belt in particular.3 The iconography of this cup may have been informed by the same source that influenced the sixth-century B.C.E. poet Ibykos, who alluded to the labor and the belt but gave the Amazon a different name.4 The scene on the Fordham amphora is characteristic of Attic black-figure vase-paintings of Herakles battling Amazons, which appear in the second quarter of the sixth-century B.C.E. These images lack a specific visual reference to the belt. Herakles fights with his club raised in his right hand and his left extended out toward the Amazon’s helmet, in other words, nowhere near her waist.

Condition: Complete; surface abraded and chipped; glaze streaky; areas of added white have flaked off; evidence of misfiring Shape and Ornament: Neck-amphora with echinus mouth; strap handles with a slight indentation down center, and disk foot; fillet at juncture of neck and shoulder; outside of mouth black; top surface in reserve; inside of mouth glazed to a depth of 1/4 inch; outside of handles black; underside in reserve; top of foot black; lower edge and underside in reserve; all accessory ornament in silhouette; on obverse of neck, palmette and lotus chain; on reverse of neck, grape cluster and lotus chain; on shoulder, tongues; below figures on obverse and reverse, lotus bud chain framed by double glaze lines; above foot, rays Added color: White (now lost) for women’s skin, hair fillets, and shield device; red for hair, beards, and Amazon’s cuirass

The generalized nature of these battles corresponds with much of what is preserved of the subject in ancient literature. For example, Euripides (HF 4099-418), Plutarch (Thes. 26.1–2), and Pausanias (1.2.1) each mention a conflict between Herakles and Amazons but provide no details with respect to the reason for the hostilities. In the third-century B.C.E., however, Apollonius (Argon. 2.966–69), who was then followed by Apollodorus (Bibl. 2.98–102) and Diodorus Siculus (4.16), named Hippolyte as the Amazon in his narration of the ninth labor and the retrieval of the belt. However, there is evidence that a version of the labor involving an Amazon named Hippolyte was known before Apollonius linked them in the third century. A red-figure cup in London from about 490 B.C.E. depicting the story is inscribed with the names Hippolyte and Herakles, and he is clearly grabbing her waist.5 There are six extant vases inscribed with Hippolyte’s name, but the cup in London is the only one on which she is identified in the context of the story of the belt’s retrieval.6 Returning to our vase, the question that remains is whether to identify this scene as a generic Amazonomachy with Herakles or as a portrayal of the quest for the belt of Hippolyte. Since the labor is, to the modern viewer, the most famous occasion on which the hero battles Amazons, the inclination is to default to the latter

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interpretation. Nevertheless, the more prudent approach, which takes into account the flexibility of the story in art and literature during the Archaic period when this amphora was painted, is to choose the former reading.7 Whatever the subject of the amphora at Fordham, the painter was evidently fond enough of it to produce a near duplicate, which is now in the Reiss Museum in Mannheim.8 JU 1. ABV, p. 588, nos. 1–4; Para, p. 294; Add 2, p. 139. 2. Gantz 1996, vol. 1, pp. 397–400. The many variations of the theme of Herakles battling Amazons in Greek art are catalogued in von Bothmer 1957, pp. 6–69, nos. 1–313, pp. 131–43, nos. 1–20; see also LIMC, vol. 1, Amazones, pls. 442–51, nos. 16b–89. 3. Rome, Villa Giulia, the “Stefani Cup”; see von Bothmer 1957, p. 113, no. 12. There is some disagreement as to whether the scene is really intended to portray the ninth labor. On the cup, Herakles is shown reaching out toward the Amazon’s waist, as if to grab her belt. But some have interpreted the gesture as the simplest way to seize the nearest Amazon, and others have noted that the other Amazons on the vase wear similar belts. See Gantz 1996, vol. 1, p. 397, n. 29. 4. Gantz 1996, vol. 1, p. 397. 5. Red-figured cup by a painter of the Proto-Panaetian Group, London, British Museum, E 45 (von Bothmer 1957, p. 132, no. 8, pl. lxix, 4; ARV 2, p. 316, no. 8, p. 1645; Add 2, p. 214). 6. See von Bothmer 1957, p. 234, for a list of the vases with Hippolyte inscriptions. 7. This approach to the subject was taken by H. Alan Shapiro in Shapiro, Picón, and Scott 1995, p. 113. 8. Mannheim, Reiss Museum, 41 (ABV, p. 588, no. 4; von Bothmer 1957, p. 46, no. 86; Para, p. 294).

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15.

Skyphos (cup with horizontal handles)

Greek, Attic, Late Archaic, black-figure, ca. 490 B.C.E. Possibly by the Lańcut Group1 Terracotta, h. 5 3/8 in. (13.65 cm) Obverse and Reverse: Satyr chasing a maenad among ivy tendrils between palmettes Fordham University Collection, 7.059

On each side of this skyphos, a satyr pursues a maenad through a thicket of ivy tendrils. In one of the scenes, the satyr holds a drinking horn. The images do not illustrate a specific myth or story; they are generalized Dionysian vignettes, which suit the function of a cup used in ritual or sympotic contexts. The painter of this vase was perhaps a member of the Lańcut Group, a subdivision of the large and prolific Haimon Group, a workshop of late-Archaic Attic vase painters who specialized in lekythoi (oil flasks).2 The skyphos, however, was the only shape decorated by the Lańcut Group, while the subject of satyrs and maenads appears to be a favored theme.3 Three skyphoi by Lańcut Group painters, for instance, have the same decorative program as our cup, including the slight variation of the satyr with the drinking horn.4 An additional one is so close in appearance to ours that perhaps it also should be attributed to the Lańcut Group. But it is in fact attributed to the Haimon Group,5 possibly as a result of the subtle difference in the shape of the skyphos and the higher level of draftsmanship.

Condition: Complete; repaired from several fragments Shape and Ornament: Shallow skyphos with wide mouth, horizontal handles and ring base; interior of cup, lip, exterior of the handles, handles roots, and outer edge of base black; underside of handles in reserve; below figures on obverse and reverse, reserve line banded by black glaze lines; underside of cup in reserve with four concentric circles in dilute glaze around a bull’s eye Added Color: Red for women’s fillets and for alternate folds of women’s clothing and hair and beard of satyrs

Stylistic connections to the Haimon workshop are evident in our skyphos in the use of added red for alternate folds in drapery, scant indication of facial features, dotted branches in the background, and minimal use of incised details.6 The lack of incision in favor of designs rendered in silhouette came to characterize the small mugs and skyphoi made by the Haimon group in the fifth century B.C.E., which is where our cup belongs. JU 1. For the Lańcut Group, see ABV, pp. 576–81. 2. For the Haimon Painter and the Haimon Group, see Haspels 1936, pp. 130–41, pl. 41, nos. 1–5; ABV, pp. 538–83, 705–8, 716. 3. For instance, Beazley noted about twenty-four skyphoi, not including that at Fordham, on which satyrs chasing maenads appear on both sides; see ABV, p. 576, nos. 1–9, p. 577, nos. 20–33. These are in addition to cups on which one side is decorated with satyrs and maenads. 4. They are: Corinth, Archaeological Museum, 331030 and 331031 (ABV, p. 576, nos. 1, 2); Athens, Agora Museum, P6517 (ABV, p. 576, no. 3). 5. Thessaloniki, Archaeological Museum, 9410 (CVA, Thessaloniki, Archaeological Museum, vol. 1, pl. 63, nos. 1, 2). 6. Haspels 1936, pp. 130, 135.

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16.

Fragment of a kylix (cup)

Greek, Attic, Early Classical, red-figure, 490-480 B.C.E. Attributed to Makron1 Terracotta, h. 4 in. (10.16 cm) Thracian warrior and horse Fordham University Collection, 2008.15

The Thracians lived on the Balkan Peninsula in an area that roughly corresponds to modern-day Bulgaria.2 Hellenic contact with the region began when the Greeks established a colony on the Thracian island of Thasos in 650 B.C.E.3 It was not until after 550 B.C.E., however, that aspects of Thracian culture permeated Athenian life and became a popular subject for Attic vase-painters.4 Examples include the cult of Dionysos, which was imported to Athens from Thrace, and the story of Orpheus, a myth with a Thracian pedigree, which was depicted on around seventy Athenian vases.5 Thracians themselves were especially interesting to artists, appearing on over 160 vases. It is likely that their inherent exoticism contributed to their considerable appeal. For instance, the Thracians were famous for their elaborate clothing, described in detail by Herodotus and Xenophon as consisting of fox-skin caps, colorfully embroidered cloaks, and doe-skin boots.6 Herodotus also added that they fought with spears and protected themselves with crescent-shaped wicker shields. However, Thracians were best known as accomplished equestrians, an achievement recognized since the time of Homer, who gave them the epithet “horse-tending” in the Iliad. Although small, this fragment preserves all the visual ingredients essential for denoting a Thracian warrior and displays the artistic sensitivity of its painter, Makron, whose skill as a draftsman allowed him to capture the intricate pattern of the wicker shield and ornate designs on the warrior’s garment. JU

Condition: Tondo image comprising three joining fragments; one inch of stem preserved Shape and Ornament: Kylix; tondo framed by leftward running meander banded by reserve lines Added Color: Red for bridle of horse

Published References: Greek and Etruscan Art 1988, fig. 54; Christie’s, New York, sale cat., June 4, 2008, lot 181 Exhibition History: Atlantis Antiquities, New York, June–July, 1988 1. For Makron, see ARV 2, pp. 458–82, 1654, 1701, 1706; Para, pp. 377–79; von Bothmer 1982; Add 2, pp. 243–47; Kunisch 1997. 2. Casson 1977. 3. See Cambridge Ancient History 1982, pp. 113–18. 4. The assimilation of Thracian culture into Athenian life is said to have occurred during the reign of the tyrant Peisistratos. See Tsiafakis 2000. 5. See the indices to ABV, p. 727, ARV 2, p. 1729, s.v. “Orpheus.” 6. Hdt. 7.75; Xen. An. 7.4.

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17.

Column-krater (bowl for mixing wine and water)

Greek, Attic, Early Classical, red-figure, ca. 470 B.C.E. Attributed to the Agrigento Painter1 Terracotta, h. 18 in. (45.7 cm) Obverse: Departure scene Reverse: Three youths Fordham University Collection, 11.008

The painting attributed to the Agrigento Painter on the obverse of this columnkrater is composed of four figures, which likely depicts a departure scene. At the far left is a woman dressed in a peplos (robe) with an overfold. In her right hand, looped between thumb and index finger, is either a ribbon or a necklace. To her right is an old man dressed in a himation (mantle). He leans on a knobby stick in his left hand and holds up his right hand, palm out, toward a youth, who faces him. The young man wears a chlamys (short cloak) and shoes and pours a libation with a phiale (libation bowl) that he holds in his right hand. The long spear in his left hand breaks into the border of tongues above the scene. At the far right is a bearded man in a himation who carries a staff in his left hand. The object in his right hand is difficult to identify. It is vaguely drawn, and the painter did not indicate the fingers closing around it as they would if the object were firmly in the man’s grasp. Based on its similarity to the sheathed swords that appear on other vases by the Agrigento painter, the object may be a sword in its scabbard.2

Condition: Complete. Repaired from large fragments; misfiring evident on reverse Shape and Ornament: Column-krater with flaring lip, broad rim, concave neck, and foot in two degrees; all accessory ornament in silhouette; on mouth and obverse of neck, hanging dotted lotus-bud chain; on top of handle attachments, palmette framed by scrolls; on lip and either side of figural scene, rows of dot-ivy; on shoulder, tongues; below figures, reserve line; above foot, rays; on top of foot, 1/4 inch strip of reserve Added Color: White for old man’s hair and woman’s fillet or necklace

Libations were poured during many types of ancient Greek rituals, especially those pertaining to significant moments of departure or rites of passage. The events commemorated with the offering of libations include a young man’s departure for war, embarkation on his first hunt, or completion of the training necessary to become a hoplite or member of the cavalry. The short cape, shoes, spear, and wreath worn by the youth in this scene were appropriate dress for battle, hunting, or ceremonial occasions.3 Thus, the scene could portray any of these significant events in the young man’s life, but the subject is most likely that of a hoplite leaving for war.4 Moreover, this painting typifies the treatment of the warrior’s departure in Early Classical red-figure vases, as it is simply composed and structured around the familial intimacy between the characters. While the interaction between the old man and hoplite is the focus of the composition, the woman at the left plays an important narrative role in the scene. In fact, the identification of the hero and therefore the subject of this painting partially depend on recognizing the object in her hand. Since, in a raking light, we see that

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each figure is already crowned with a wreath, it would be visually extraneous for the woman to hold another one. The object, therefore, is more likely a necklace, and if so, she could be Eriphyle. In Greek mythology, Eriphyle accepted a golden necklace from Polyneikes as a bribe to compel her husband, the prophet Amphiaraos, to join the disastrous expedition of the Seven against Thebes, from which he knew he would not return.5 If she is Eriphyle, the central pair could be Amphiaraos and his father, Oikles, while the actual subject shown could be the young warrior’s departure for Thebes. Pindar incidentally names father and son in his compendium treatment of the expedition of the Seven (Nem. 9.25–67). Pictorial tradition offers some support for Oikles’s presence in the context of this episode; he appears, named by inscription, in at least one other portrayal of the Departure of Amphiaraos.6 Counterarguments to the interpretation of this scene as Eriphyle and Amphiaraos take into account the absence on our vase of Amphiaraos’s chariot. The chariot was a proleptic narrative symbol foreshadowing Amphiaraos’ death, which occurred when he rode into a chasm in the earth near Thebes (Pindar Nem. 9.60–65; Apollod. Bibl. 3.77). Chariots, therefore, which were already prominent features of black-figured departure scenes, were especially important in departure scenes with Amphiaraos.7 The column krater at Fordham, however, conforms to the red-figure treatment of departure scenes that omits the chariot.8 Four examples of Amphiaraos’s departure on foot are known, one of which features him as youthful and unbearded, as does the present painting by the Agrigento Painter.9 Over one hundred vases are attributed to the Agrigento Painter, about fifty of which are column-kraters. The shape was evidently favored by the workshop associated with the painter. The Agrigento Painter depicted a variety of subjects. Some, such as Theseus and the Minotaur, were portrayed on more than one occasion. If, however, the subject of this krater is the Departure of Amphiaraos, it would prove to be the only known example of the myth in the painter’s extant repertoire. JU

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1. On the Agrigento Painter, see ARV 2, pp. 574–78, 1659–60; Para, pp. 390–91, 513, 521; Add 2, p. 262. 2. Cf. Charlecote, Fairfax-Lucy, 6670; see also ARV 2, p. 578, no. 68, a pelike (jar) with a youth carrying a sheathed sword and pursuing a woman. 3. Matheson 1995, p. 271. 4. The nearly constant state of war that plagued fifth-century B.C.E. Greece has been offered as a plausible reason for interpreting these ambiguous scenes as young men departing for battle. See Pemberton 1977, p. 65. 5. Although the story of The Seven against Thebes received full treatment in ancient literature (e.g., Aischylos, The Seven against Thebes, and Statius, Thebais) our knowledge of Polyneikes’ bribery of Eriphyle with the golden necklace of Harmonia is the result of inference (Od. 11.326–27, 15.246–47) or brief mentions in the surviving texts. The most complete account of the anecdote is from Apollod. Bibl. 3.60–62. 6. Attic black-figure fragment of a neck amphora. Basel, H. Cahn, HC 921 (LIMC, vol. 1, pl. 556, no. 10). 7. Examples include a Corinthian column krater formerly Berlin 1655, ca. 570 B.C.E. (see LIMC, vol. 1, pl. 555, no. 7); a black-figure amphora by Psiax in Copenhagen, Nationalmuseet, 112 (ABV, p. 292, no. 5); and the eighth-century B.C.E. chest of Kypselos described by Pausanias (5.17.8). See also a bronze sheet from Olympia (ca. 575 B.C.E.) with the Departure of Amphiaraos in a chariot (Yalouris 1971). 8. Matheson 1995, p. 270. 9. E.g., a fragment of a hydria by the Dwarf Painter, Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, 03.798 (ARV 2, p. 1011, no. 16; Para, p. 440; Add 2, p. 314); bell krater by the Danae Painter, Syracuse, Museo Nazionale, 18421 (ARV 2, p. 1075, no. 7; Para, p. 449; Add 2, p. 326); a fragment of a hydria by the Niobid Painter, Saint Petersburg, 1650 (ARV 2, p. 605, no. 64; Para, p. 513; Add 2, p. 267; stamnos (jar) by a “late mannerist,” formerly Spadaro Collection, Scicli.

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18.

Bell-krater (bowl for mixing wine and water)

Greek, Attic, Late Classical, red-figure, ca. 400-375 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 13 1/2 in. (34.3 cm) Obverse: Procession of four youths with a bull Reverse: Three draped youths, one with a strigil (skin scraper) Fordham University Collection, 7.037

Four youths dressed only in mantles and floral wreaths are pictured in a lively procession with a white bull, festooned with ribbons terminating in tridents. Three of the young men carry garlands, and one lights the way with a torch. A garland hangs above the bull in the background, perhaps denoting a sacred space or an altar. The subject is a bull being led to sacrifice.1 The most complete ancient description of the ritual slaughter of cattle was provided by Homer in the Odyssey (3.430–63). The passage accounts for certain pictorial details on the bell-krater. It describes the gesture of the youth with the bull, who guides it by its horns, and it relates the custom of gilding the horns of an animal to be sacrificed, which was perhaps the intention of the painter who rendered the horns in a warm yellowish-brown dilute glaze. The four youths crowned with garlands also evoke a ritual sacrifice and public procession that usually formed part of a religious festival.2

Condition: Complete. Extensive overpainting in areas of white; small chip on reverse, located on the himation worn by the youth at left Shape and Ornament: Bell-krater with rolled rim, upturned handles, and foot in two degrees; bottom degree of foot flares slightly; on outside of rim, laurel wreath framed by bands in reserve; egg pattern around lower handle roots; inside handles, and handle panels in reserve; under handles, lotus and palmette; below the figural decoration and handle zones, continuous frieze of three or four leftward meanders alternating with saltire squares; thin grooves in reserve at juncture of body and foot, and at point where foot flares; reserve band at top outer edge of foot; underside of foot in reserve Added color: White for groundline, bull, wreaths, and flames of torch; yellow or dilute glaze for horns and tail of bull

However, there remains the question of which, if any, specific festival is illustrated on the krater. In the passage from the Odyssey described above, the bull is being offered to Athena. One of the most famous depictions of bulls being led to sacrifice appears on the north frieze of the Parthenon, the subject of which is the great procession in honor of the goddess during the Panathenaic festival.3 A surviving block of the frieze (N II,5) shows a restive bull with its head back and forelegs off the ground. This was probably the model for the pose of the bull on the Fordham vase.4 But bulls were also offered during many other ritual contexts, such as the Dipoleia, a civic festival for Zeus that took place in high summer on the Athenian Akropolis,5 at a ceremony before the Pan-Hellenic games at Olympia,6 and at the celebration of the Great Mysteries at Eleusis.7 Homer also connected the sacrifice of bulls to Poseidon in the Odyssey (3.175–78), when Nestor described the burning of the animal’s thighs on an altar to that god in thanks for safe passage across the sea. Moreover, Zeus, Dionysos, and Poseidon all have been associated iconographically with the bull.8 In addition to being considered among the noblest animals for sacrifice,9 bulls symbolize virility and strength, a connection manifest, for example, when Zeus transforms himself into a bull to abduct Europa10 and when Hesiod and Homer call Poseidon the “bull-like earth shaker.”11 With this in mind, perhaps the trident-shaped ornaments adorning the bull are intended to recall Poseidon by

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means of his most recognizable attribute. Epigraphic evidence from throughout Greece attests to festivals honoring the god. In particular, the inscriptions document the custom of offering up a bull to Poseidon as part of a series of rites that occur during the Posidea, a winter festival in the month Poseideon (December/January).12 In addition, the festival of Haloa, which also took place in Poseideon and was primarily in honor of Demeter, was said to have begun with a bull procession for Poseidon and end with an all-night bonfire,13 which may explain the presence of the torch on the bell krater. There is a clearly ritualistic and celebratory aspect to this vase painting, and evidence exists that links bull sacrifices to cults of Poseidon. But, unless the ornaments worn by the bull can be securely identified as tridents, the subject of this image remains a matter of debate. The painter of this bell-krater is anonymous. Certain features, such as the added white for prominent pictorial details and lively compositions with several figures in a variety of poses are hallmarks of artists of the so-called “Plainer Group.”14 JU 1. For the stages of animal sacrifice performed during religious rituals, see Bremmer 2007, pp. 132–38. 2. Burkert 1985, p. 56; Bremmer 2007, p. 135. 3. For the festival, see Deubner 1956, pp. 22–34; Parker 2005, pp. 253–69. 4. The fragment is in the Acropolis Museum, Athens. A good reproduction of it appears in Jenkins 1994, p. 84. 5. Deubner 1956, pp. 158–74; Burkert 1985, pp. 230–31; Parker 2005, p. 187. 6. Burkert 1985, p. 106. 7. Ibid., p. 288. 8. Ibid., pp. 65, 124. 9. The perception that bulls were especially noble and therefore favored for sacrifices was probably connected to their value as status symbols. Raising large herds of oxen and bulls was an expensive undertaking that required extensive swaths of open pasture for grazing. See Howe 2008, pp. 118–23. 10. Apollod. Bibl. 3.2; Schol. Hom. Il. 12.292. 11. Hes. Shield of Herakles SC. 104; Hom. Od. 3.6. 12. Deubner 1956, pp. 214–15; Nilsson 1957, pp. 64–84; Robertson 1984, pp. 1–16. The festival was probably agricultural, as it honored Poseidon’s dominion over fresh water rather than his more famous role as god of the sea. The rites were enacted to bring on the winter rains, which were necessary for the crop seed that had been planted in November. 13. Brumfield 1981, pp. 104–16; Robertson 1984, pp. 2–6; Parker 2005, pp. 199–200. 14. ARV 2, pp. 1418–24.

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19.

Bell-krater (bowl for mixing wine and water)

Greek, Attic, Classical, red-figure, ca. 400 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 13 5/8 in. (34.6 cm) Obverse: Apollo and Dionysos with Marsyas, a satyr and a woman Reverse: Three draped youths Fordham University Collection, 4.001

Only two figures on this vase can be identified with certainty. The first is Apollo, who stands in the center wreathed and nude except for a himation (mantle) over his left arm. He holds a lyre while supporting an extremely long branch of laurel against his right shoulder. The second is Dionysos. He appears at the far right of the scene, with his right knee bent, as if on a step. He too is wreathed and is dressed in a dotted mantle, which drapes over his bent leg and the crook of his left elbow. A very tall thyrsos is in his left hand. Seated on a rock facing left between the gods is a satyr playing the double aulos. He is taken to be Marsyas,1 who entered into a musical competition against Apollo. All versions of the myth preserved by ancient authors state that Marsyas disputed the decision of the judges, who thought the god to be the more gifted musician. This behavior greatly offended Apollo, who flayed Marsyas and left him hanging from a tree.2 Allusions to the grim outcome, however, are lacking in this image.

Condition: Complete. Mouth, rim, and sections of the body repaired from large fragments; areas of abrasion on rim, mouth, and top of right handle; small chip on foot Shape and Ornament: Bell-krater with rolled, overhanging rim, upturned handles, and disk foot; below rim, laurel leaf wreath; reserve bands on top inner edge of rim, and on inside of mouth, approximately two inches below first; dotted egg pattern around contour of each handle root; handle panels in reserve; beneath both handles, vertical, acroterion-type palmettes; below obverse and reverse and figural decoration, band of meander interspersed with checkered squares; reserve lines where body joins foot and along top outer edge of foot Added color: None preserved

At the far left of the scene looking over his shoulder is a satyr standing on a platform with his right knee bent in a pose matching that of Dionysos. To the right of the satyr is a seated woman dressed in a richly decorated chiton (tunic) with a double band in her hair. She supports a tall staff in her right hand and, in an unusual gesture, cups her right breast in her left hand. Her bent left arm rests on a shield decorated with a single laurel branch and the tip of a kerykeion (messenger’s staff) at the lower right edge. The visual formula of a woman with a shield usually indicates Athena, but this figure lacks the goddess’ crested helmet and aegis. Another interpretation is that she is the armed Aphrodite or perhaps a pyrrhic dancer.3 These entertainers wore pieces of armor while performing dances inspired by the physicality and agility of hand-to-hand combat. The dancers were accompanied by the aulos and were often fixtures at symposia. The painter of this vase is unknown, but the image appears to connect him to a specific group of late Classical artists, who decorated bell-kraters, the most prominent of whom were the Kadmos Painter and the Pothos Painter.4 The vases by those artists often depict Dionysian themes on the obverse composed of several figures occupying more than one ground-line, featuring satyrs, maenads, Marsyas, and Apollo. Importantly, these painters chose to highlight a sense of Bacchic

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conviviality while subverting any reference to the tragic repercussion of Marsyas’ hubris. The subject, composition, and mood of the scene on the krater in the Fordham collection compare particularly well to the works attributed to the Pothos Painter, who has left around forty-eight extant vases. Thirty-six of them are bell kraters, six show Apollo and Marsyas, and eight of them depict Dionysos and his retinue. One vase also portrays a female pyrrhic dancer.5 JU Published Reference: Christie’s, New York, sale cat., December 12, 2002, lot 132 Previous Collection: European Private Collection 1. LIMC, vol. 6, pls. 183–92. 2. Hdt. 7.26; Xen. An. 1.28; Apollod. Bibl. 1.24; Diod. Sic. 3.59. 3. On the armed Aphrodite, see LIMC, vol. 2, pl. 28, nos 243, 244, 245. For pyrrhic dancers, see Delavaud-Roux 1993; Ceccarelli 1998. 4. For the Kadmos Painter, see ARV 2, pp. 1184–88, 1685–56. For the Pothos Painter, ARV 2, pp. 1188–91; Para, p. 342. 5. Vienna, Kunsthistoriches Museum, 732 (ARV 2, p. 1190, no. 30).

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20.

Column-krater (bowl for mixing wine and water)

Greek, South Italian, Apulian, Late Classical, red-figure, ca. 370 B.C.E. Attributed to the Painter of Boston 00.3481 Terracotta, h. 16 3/8 in. (41.6 cm) Obverse: Combat scene Reverse: Satyr, Dionysos, and dancing woman Fordham Collection, 5.007

On the front of this vase, a man on horseback fights against two men on foot. The rider holds a javelin in his right hand and the horse’s reins in his left. He wears the short-sleeved patterned tunic of an Oscan warrior, an Italic tribe native to Campania. The horse’s front legs rear off the ground, adding to the action of the scene. In front of the horse stands a partially clothed man armed with a labros (double axe) in his right hand and a shield on his left. Behind him crouches a nude man with a shield on his left arm and holding a white stone in his right hand. He is shown in three-quarter view from behind, a difficult pose to depict. On the reverse, three figures move to the right. In the middle is an unbearded youthful Dionysos, holding a round object in his left hand and his thyrsos (fennel stalk) in his right. He is naked except for a laurel wreath and a mantle that drapes over his arms, passing behind his back. Lunging to the right, he turns his head to look over his shoulder at the satyr who approaches him. The bearded satyr, naked except for a fillet around his head, holds a situla (bucket) in his right hand. In front of Dionysos is a maenad in the middle of a dance step. Maenads are the female followers of Dionysos known for their wild ecstatic states in worship of the god of wine. On our vase, the maenad’s left arm is extended out in front of her as if for balance, and she turns her head to look at the figures behind her.

Condition: Complete Shape and ornament: Column-krater; top surface of lip, reserved with black-figure ivy; vertical surface of lip, obverse, right-turned laurel wreath with dots sprays; reverse, double row of dots and line; top surface of handle attachments, reserved with black-figure enclosed palmette; neck, blackfigure ivy in reserved panel; figural scenes on body framed by borders, band of tongues (shoulder), band of meanders interrupted by checkered squares (below), double row of dots (left and right); foot, reserved bands Added color: White for stone, egg, earrings, fillet, wreath, and detail of belt

This vase is an example of the “Plain” style of Apulian vase painting. Whereas the “Ornate” style is characterized by the monumental size of vases, lavish use of added color, many-figured compositions, and elaborate decoration, the Plain style is just the opposite—smaller vases, more restrained use of added color, fewer figures in compositions, and simpler decoration. Likewise, all the figures on our column-krater appear on a single ground line, in contrast to the multiple ground lines on which figures are arranged on Ornate style vases. These differences can be seen when you compare this column-krater to the Baltimore Painter’s Ornate style vases in the Fordham collection (cf. Nos. 30 and 31). The Painter of Boston 00.348 is named after a bell-krater in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, that includes on the obverse Athena playing a flute and looking at her reflection in a mirror, and papposilenos or a grandfather satyr, chasing a Maltese dog.

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The Dionysos on the reverse of the Fordham column-krater resembles closely that represented on the reverse of our painter’s name-vase.2 On both, Dionysos, with a mantle draped around his arm, lunges in one direction but turns his head to look behind him. Trendall and Cambitoglou connect the Painter of Boston 00.348 with the work of the Ariadne Painter and the Judgment Painter; the Berkeley Painter also imitated stylistically our painter. In addition to vases attributed to the Painter of Boston 00.348, Trendall and Cambitoglou also assign vases to the Group of Boston 00.348. The word “Group” is used rather than “Painter” to refer to vases that were painted in the same workshop but are so close stylistically that individual painters cannot be discerned.3 Column-kraters would have been used for mixing wine and water at a symposium or drinking party. The Greeks always mixed their wine with water; it was considered barbaric to drink wine undiluted. The wide mouth and broad belly of this shape are well suited for its use. We call it a column-krater after the handles that support the lip, which resemble columns. An oinochoe or pitcher would then have been used to serve the wine from the krater into drinking cups. The heroic and Dionysiac subjects found on our column-krater would have been especially appropriate for a drinking party. AM Published References: RVAp Supp. II, p. 63, no. 10/50a; Sotheby’s, London, sale cat., December 13–14, 1990, lot 288 1. On this painter, see RVAp, vol. 1, pp. 266–68; RVAp Supp. II, p. 63. 2. Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, 00.348 (RVAp, vol. 1, p. 267, no. 10/48, pl. 89.2). 3. Ibid., p. 225.

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21.

Bell-krater (bowl for mixing wine and water)

Greek, South Italian, Paestan, Late Classical, red-figure, ca. 340 B.C.E. Attributed to Python Terracotta, h. 14 in. (35.5 cm) Obverse: Dionysos and a papposilenos (old satyr) Reverse: two draped youths Fordham University Collection, 4.005

This bell-krater, with a two-figure composition on the obverse and two traditional draped youths on the reverse, is typical of Python, painter and maybe potter working in Paestum from the middle of the fourth century B.C.E. onward.1 Bell-kraters were Python’s preferred shape;2 he favored scenes with Dionysos above all others.3

Condition: Complete Shape and Ornament: Bell krater with almost cylindrical body and flaring rim; conic foot; accessory ornament in reserve consists of laurel leaves under lip, running wave pattern encircling vase below the scenes, band above and below running wave, palmettes underneath handles and side-palmettes (tendrils), strips on top and bottom of foot Added color: White for ivy leaves, corymboi (berries), wreaths, face of the mask, thyrsos, bracelet, strap across the chest and decoration of a seat of Dionysos, hair, beard, kithara and fur of papposilenos, dots on the fawn-skin, “eggs” on the altar and on the offering table, “skewer of fruit” with fillets held by a youth, staffs, dots on and ends of the fillets; red for ribbons, decorative ornament on the altar; orange for the fawn-skin on papposilenos

The obverse features a scene between Dionysos and a papposilenos (old satyr). Dionysos is represented seated on the right upon an object, perhaps a rock, draped with a cloth decorated with clusters of white dots. He wears a mantle with dotted border that covers his legs from hips down, a pair of shoes, a beaded strap across his chest, and a fillet (band) with ivy leaves. With his left arm he holds a thyrsos (fennel stalk topped with ivy) decorated with a red fillet. His right arm, with a wrist bracelet, is outstretched. In his right hand is a small wreath that he offers to the papposilenos standing before him. The elderly satyr holds a kithara (lyre), also with a red fillet; he seems to be playing, but not singing, since his mouth is closed. A closer inspection reveals that this is in fact an actor wearing a costume of a papposilenos: a snub-nosed mask with white hair and beard and a “nude” bodysuit covered with fur (white dots, for the most part, are now gone). The lines on the actor’s ankles indicate the edge of the leggings. He also wears a spotted fawn-skin (nebris) across his chest, and shoes. To the left of Dionysos stands a small threelegged table (an offering table?) with white round objects. Similar objects are also found on an altar placed behind the papposilenos. Above the scene runs an ivy trail, one of the favorite decorative elements of Python4; a comic female mask of a hetaira (courtesan),5 a red ribbon, and a smaller branch with another red ribbon are suspended from it. The protagonists–Dionysos and the actor dressed as a papposilenos, as well as the comic mask–all point to a theatrical setting.6 The scene’s interpretation, however, depends on whether the figure of Dionysos is to be recognized as a depiction of the god of theater himself or simply as an actor posing as a deity. It therefore remains unclear if an episode from a play inspired by an Attic comedy is represented or if we are witnessing a sacred communication between an actor and the deity he serves. On the reverse of the bell-krater, two standing youths are depicted. Both are enveloped in their himatia (cloaks); the figure on the right has one hand exposed.

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They wear shoes and ivy wreaths and lean on staffs (walking sticks?); a youth on the right holds in his right hand an enigmatic object composed of six white dots in a row with two white ribbons hanging down.7 The composition of two or three standing youths is common on almost all Paestan vases, but its exact meaning has not been explained so far. In the case of this particular vase, the fact that both youths wear ivy wreaths indicates that they belong to the realm of Dionysos. This assumption is reinforced by the object, traditionally associated with Dionysos, and held by a youth on the right. The youths could be participants in the Dionysian festivals; on the other hand, they could be used simply as a decorative motif without a deeper meaning. It is usually assumed that most of the South Italian vases, including those from Paestum, were intended for funerary use.8 Why would theatrical subjects be consistently represented on vases, most of which were destined to become grave goods from the very beginning? The explanation is perhaps twofold. First and foremost, the widespread popularity of Greek theater (mostly Attic plays) in South Italy cannot be underestimated. On the other hand, Dionysos was not just a patron deity of wine and theater; the more complex aspects of his cult, the mysteries, promised afterlife to the numerous initiates. Therefore, images of Dionysos, a deity closely connected with the theater, were considered appropriate on vases destined for the grave.9 This trend should perhaps be compared to a phenomenon that occurred in the necropolis of Lipari. Practically every excavated grave dating from the fourth century B.C.E. onward contained at least one terracotta figurine depicting an actor or a mask, in other words directly associated with theater.10 Unfortunately, this extraordinary tradition has not been satisfactorily explained so far. MBM

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1. The closest analogy is a bell-krater from Montesarchio, now in Salerno (Soprintendenza), T. 1713 (Trendall 1987, no. 230, pl. 85c, d). Paestan had been recognized as an independent fabric in the late nineteenth century; see Trendall 1982, p. 15. For a concise report on excavations of Paestum, see Trendall 1987, pp. 2–8. Python is one of the two Paestan painters whose signatures are preserved; we have eleven signatures of Asteas and two of Python, his pupil (no other signatures have survived from South Italian workshops). About their relationship and a possibility of them being potters as well as painters, see Trendall 1936, p. 65; RFVS, p. 196; and Schmidt 1996, p. 444. 2. The bell-krater is also one of the most common shapes among the South Italian vases; see RFVS, p. 9. 3. Dionysiac scenes are more common on the Paestan vases than on other South Italian ones; see Trendall 1936, pp. 17–18. Dionysos, equipped with a wreath and a thyrsos, appears either by himself or accompanied by one of his followers—a satyr or a papposilenos. See RFVS, pp. 197–98. 4. Trendall 1936, pp. 63, 65. 5. There seems to be a slight confusion regarding the types of female masks represented on the Paestan vases. Trendall often does not identify them by type, simply referring to them as a “female mask” or “comic female mask”; see, for example, Trendall 1987, p. 158, no. 267. The mask suspended above the Dionysos scene on the Fordham bell-krater belongs to a type XC hetaira with a “lampadion” coiffure, according to Webster’s classification; see Webster 1978, p. 25. Identical mask appears on another bellkrater by Python, currently in The Hague, in the Schneider-Herrmann collection; see Trendall 1967, pp. 31–32, no. 27, pl. iiia; Trendall 1987, pl. 104a, b, no. 2/284. Female masks are often found on the vases by Python where Dionysos is present: it could be suspended above the scene, or it could be attached to a staff (a thyrsos?) of Dionysos; see Trendall 1989, figs. 352, 356, 372, 339. 6. On comic scenes on South Italian vases erroneously interpreted as depictions of the phlyax plays— the rustic forms of local theater, see, for example, Taplin 1993; Schmidt 1996, p. 448. 7. Commonly referred to as a “skewer of fruit,” such objects usually appear on vases with images associated with Dionysos. The exact identification of these objects still eludes scholars. They probably are not eggs, but they could be cakes or fruit. Interestingly, when represented in a row, a way typical of Paestan vases, it is unclear how are they held together, as no skewer is ever depicted. See RFVS, p. 198. For a more in-depth discussion of these objects, see Trendall 1987, p. 14 (with bibliography). 8. This might be true for most of them, but probably not for all them, as some examples testify; see Schmidt 1982, p. 23. See also H. R. W. Smith 1976; Schmidt 1996, p. 448: “We should always remember that the majority of these vessels—and this is also true for the output of other workshops in southern Italy—were destined, from their conception, for tombs.” 9. RFVS, p. 12. 10. See, for example, Bernabò Brea 2001. Unfortunately, most of these figurines remain largely unpublished.

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22.

Patera (shallow bowl) with knob handles

Greek, South Italian, Apulian, Late Classical, red-figure, ca. 340 B.C.E. Attributed to the Perrone-Phrixos Group1 Terracotta, d. 18 in. (45.7 cm) Interior: Eros holding a garland in an elaborate floral setting Obverse: Woman between satyr and Eros, all running to left Reverse: Seated youth between two women Fordham University Collection, 4.006

In the tondo of this patera, Eros stands facing left on a central bud, surrounded by an elaborate composition of spiral tendrils, volutes, leaves, and flowers.2 His body is in three-quarter view, but his head is in profile. He is nude except for kekryphalos (headband) and jewelry, which includes a necklace of white beads, bracelets, and anklets. His wings spread out behind him, wing bow up, with the longer flight feathers differentiated from the cover feathers. The use of reserve and added white, yellow, and red-brown for the wings gives them a decorative effect that frames Eros’ face. In his right hand, he holds a flower garland consisting of rosettes and white dots, from which trails a ribbon; with his left, he touches a tendril of the flower beside him. A white and yellow vine leaf wreath with tendrils surrounds the tondo.

Condition: Complete Shape and ornament: Patera with loop handles, vertically attached with ridge; pyramid shaped knobs, with rosettes in white and yellow radiating from a central dot; outer edge of rim, black egg and dot pattern on reserved band; beneath handles, palmettes (some enclosed) flanked by floral motifs; groundline on exterior, meander interrupted by squares with four small reserved squares and black dots in them Added color: In tondo: white, yellow, and red-brown for wings of Eros and for the foliage and flowers; on exterior, white for jewelry, the mirror, cista, alabastron, phiale, rocks, thyrsos, rosettes; white-yellow for ivy garland, tambourine, flames of torch; some red for details

There are two scenes on the exterior. On the obverse, three figures run to left. In the middle, a woman holds a tambourine in her left hand and a thyrsos (fennel stalk topped with ivy), from which hangs a fillet, in her right. She looks behind her at Eros, who holds a wreath in his right hand and an alabastron (perfume vase) in the other. Eros looks similar to his counterpart in the tondo, except that on the outside, both wings extend behind him and are wing bow down. In front of the woman, a young satyr holds a flaming torch out in front of him in his right hand, and a phiale (libation bowl) in his other hand. In the background are two six-petaled rosettes, and a flower grows from the ground in front of the satyr. On the other side, a youth sits on drapery between two women. He is nude except for a fillet (band). Beneath him, a plant grows from the ground. In his right hand, he holds up a wreath. In his left, he holds out a phiale with offerings to the woman behind him. He turns his head to look at her, as she stands bending forward, her foot raised on a pile of rocks. She holds an alabastron in her right hand and a phiale in her left. A fillet hangs in the background behind her. Facing these two figures on the far left is a woman holding a mirror in her right hand and a cista from which hangs a fillet in the other. In front of her is a rosette. This patera is stylistically close to another one in the Fordham collection (No. 23), which depicts Eros and a seated woman in the tondo. AM Published Reference: RVAp Supp. II, p. 160, no. 18/267a, pl. xl, 5 1. On this group, see RVAp, vol. 2, pp. 522–29; RVAp Supp. I, pp. 81–82; Cambitoglou, Aellen, and Chamay 1986; RVAp Supp. II, pp. 157–65, 509. 2. On paterae, see Schneider-Herrmann 1976.

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23.

Patera (shallow bowl) with knob handles

Greek, South Italian, Apulian, Late Classical, red-figure, ca. 340 B.C.E. Attributed to the Perrone-Phrixos Group / Circle of the Darius Painter1 Terracotta, d. 17 in. (43.1 cm) Interior: Eros holding a wreath and fillet facing a seated woman holding a cista (cylindrical box) Obverse: Woman seated between Eros and a young satyr Reverse: Woman and youth running to left Fordham University Collection, 11.010

A woman and Eros face one another at the center. She sits to left on a hollow rock, holding a cista (jewelry box) in her right hand. A fillet hangs in front of her, and there is a six-petaled rosette over her head. She looks over her shoulder at Eros, who stands bending forward with his right foot raised on a pile of rocks. He holds a wreath in his right hand and a fillet in the other. His wings extend behind him and echo the curve of the tondo. Behind him, a flower grows from an acanthus base.

Condition: Complete Shape and ornament: Patera with handles vertically attached, flat with one ridge on back; three knobbed: slightly pyramid shaped,with eight-petaled rosettes and center dot; encircling the tondo, band of black wave patterns to right on reserve, surrounded by white and yellow vine-leaf wreath with tendrils on black glaze; picture ground line in tondo, band of egg and dots; in exergue, three six-petaled rosettes in center flanked by a lotus in each corner; rim, reserved; outer edge of rim, band of black egg and dots on reserved band; beneath handles, three large palmettes with scrolls, end palmettes enclosed; picture base-line on exterior encircling bowl, meander interrupted by squares with four small reserved squares and black dots in them Added color: white for accessories and details, jewelry, fan, rocks, wings, flowers, and subsidiary decoration (ivy, rosettes, accents on palmettes and scrolls); red for details, wings; yellow for shading, details, jewelry, rocks, shoes, wings, decoration of cistae

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On the outside are two scenes. A woman sits to left between Eros and a young satyr on the obverse. In her right hand, she holds a cista (cylindrical box) above which is a rosette. In front of the woman is Eros, who bends forward with one foot raised, recalling the composition in the tondo. This Eros, however, holds a flaming torch in his right hand and carries a situla (bucket) in the other. Beneath Eros’ wings hangs a fillet in the background. Behind the woman, a satyr crowns her with a wreath. He holds a thyrsos in his left hand, and his tail is painted white. The scene on the reverse has only two figures—a woman and youth running to left. She leads, holding a fan in her right hand and a cista in the other. A fillet hangs in front of her. In his right hand, the youth holds a wreath from which hangs a fillet; in the other is a thyrsos and a mantle draped over his arm. Three rosettes fill in the background of the field. A woman holding a cista is the element that visually links all three scenes on the vase. In each, the box appears similar—decorated with patterned bands. An Apulian specialty, the knob-handled patera is a shallow basin or dish that is used for ritual purposes. Consequently, we often see paterae represented in funerary scenes on South Italian vases, where their role as water basins would be appropriate for ritual cleansing.2 This patera has been attributed to the Perrone-Phrixos Groups, which form part of the Circle of the Darius Painter. The Perrone and Phrixos Painters are described by Trendall and Cambitoglou as “two important artists who stand very near to the Darius Painter,” and the Darius Painter is described by them as “one of the truly great Apulian vase-painters.”3 These dishes are a popular shape for the Perrone-Phrixos Group, and their size afforded large areas for decoration both inside and on the exterior.

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Eros, or “Love,” appears frequently in Apulian vase-painting, and he is seen both with Aphrodite and by himself.4 In Athenian and Apulian vase-painting, he is often the son or attendant of Aphrodite, and he thus belongs to the realm of love, desire, and passion. In South Italy, Eros also takes on another aspect, belonging to a tradition that associates him with ideas of continuous growth, rebirth, and immortality.5 In this way, he is linked intimately with the exuberant floral decoration on our vases, with their seemingly endless blossoming of flowers and spiraling tendrils. The symbolism of floral and vegetal imagery in death again brings to mind the flowering plants that grow in naiskoi (shrines) on Apulian vases, like on the reverse of the Baltimore Painter’s amphora in the Fordham collection (No. 31). This life-giving aspect of Eros evokes his role in the Theogony of Hesiod, who was an eighth-century B.C.E. epic poet. The Theogony gives a genealogy of the gods beginning with three primal beings: Chaos, Earth, and Eros. Hesiod described Eros as the “fairest among the deathless gods, who unnerves the limbs and overcomes the mind and wise counsels of all gods and all men within them.”6 Eros is more than just a personification of Love in Hesiod. He is a cosmogonic life force, that is, a power bound up in the creation of the universe. In the tondo of our patera, Eros is the force responsible for the lush world we see.7 Another interpretation of the significance of Eros in South Italian vase-painting is one scholar’s suggestion that some representations preserve evidence of a lost cult of Eros for women in South Italy and Sicily.8 According to this argument, when Eros does not appear in a clear mythic-narrative framework, which is the case for our two paterae, he should be interpreted in a cultic context. While this idea is interesting, it has not been widely accepted because no other evidence seems to point to such a widespread official worship of Eros as would be indicated if the imagery were interpreted in this way.9 New research or archaeological finds, however, could change our view. Elaborate floral decoration like that we see in the tondo of our vase may also have been influenced by the work of a Greek wall painter named Pausias, who was active about 375–350 B.C.E. In his Natural History, Pliny (C.E. 23–79) tells us that when Pausias was a young man, “he fell in love with a fellow-townswoman named Glycera,

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who invented chaplets of flowers; and by imitating her in rivalry, he advanced the art of encaustic painting so as to reproduce an extremely numerous variety of flowers.”10 If Pausias’ large-scale paintings influenced Apulian vase-painters, then the images on our vases may provide insight into these lost paintings. The floral decoration on our two paterae, as well as on other vases in the Fordham collection, reflects how vase-painters may have adapted and developed a motif to suit their needs. The art of flower painting is widely recognized as one of the hallmarks of South Italian vase-painting. AM Published Reference: RVAp Supp. II, p. 160, no. 18/273a, pl. xl, 6 1. See bibliography for Fordham No. 22, note 1. 2. RFVS, pp. 10–11. 3. RVAp, vol. 2, p. 522; RVAp Supp. II, p. 145. 4. On Eros, see LIMC, vol. 3, pp. 850–952 (with bibliography). 5. In RFVS (p. 255), Trendall comments on the different treatment of mythological subjects in Athenian and South Italian vase-painting. On further differences between these and the cultural nuances to which they lead, see Carpenter 2009 (with bibliography). 6. Hes. Theog. 120–22 (English trans., Hesiod 2002). 7. Margot Schmidt has characterized Eros amid floral settings, like that on the Fordham patera, as “the center and source of everything blossoming around him, a giver of life and consequently a victor over death.” Schmidt 1982, p. 31. 8. Schneider-Herrmann 1970; Schneider-Herrmann 1976, pp. 29–31. 9. Against Schneider-Herrmann, see, for instance, Schmidt 1982, p. 31; Breitenberger 2007, pp. 137–94; LIMC, vol. 3, p. 939. 10. Plin. HN 35.40.125 (English trans., Pliny the Elder 2003).

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24.

Patera (shallow bowl) with knob handles

Greek, South Italian, Apulian, Late Classical, red-figure, ca. 340 B.C.E. Terracotta, d. 18 in. (45.7 cm) Obverse: Woman facing a youth and satyr Reverse: Youth and satyr Interior: Eros with a flowering branch and tambourine facing a woman with a patera and wreath Fordham University Collection, 4.008

In the tondo, a woman and an androgynous Eros stand facing each other. Both are seen in three-quarter view with profile faces. The woman holds a patera in her left hand and in the other a wreath from which hangs a fillet (band). A piece of drapery hangs over her left forearm in front of her. She wears a belted peplos (robe) decorated with double stripes bordered by dots down the center. Her hair is bound in a kekryphalos (headband), and she wears a fillet with upright leaves, as well as a double bead necklace, earrings, bracelets, and sandals. Eros holds out toward the woman a flowering branch consisting of the calyxes of flowers, dots, and tendrils. In his left hand, he holds a tambourine behind him. He wears a band of white dots in his hair, across his chest from his right shoulder to his left side, around his left thigh, and a double strand around his neck. In addition, he wears earrings and bracelets—two on each wrist and four on his right ankle. White dots beneath Eros denote a ground line, and behind him is a small plant. A taenia (ribbon) hangs in the space between the two figures. Also in the field are some flowers and rosettes. In the exergue, the space below the groundline in the tondo, is a female head in profile to left flanked by palmettes. She wears a headpiece with upright rays, double bead necklace, and earrings.

Condition: One knob missing Shape and ornament: Patera; handles, vertically attached, flat; three knobbed: with rosettes and center dot (three have eight petals and two have nine); encircling the tondo, a reserved band, surrounded by a white and yellow vine leaf wreath with tendrils on black glaze; picture ground line in tondo, three meanders interrupted by squares with four small reserved squares and black dots in them; rim, reserved; outer edge of rim, band of black egg, and dots on reserved band; beneath handles; large palmettes with scrolls, end palmettes enclosed, rosettes flank central palmette; picture base-line on exterior encircling bowl, three stopped meanders alternating with squares with four small reserved squares and black dots in them Added color: white and yellow-ocher for accessories and details, shading, jewelry, wings of Eros, flowers, objects held by the figures, decorative devices in the field, subsidiary decoration, and on the knobs; red for dots of branch, and below outer rim on exterior

The exterior is divided into two scenes by the palmette and scroll decoration beneath the handles. On the obverse, a seated youth is flanked by a woman in front and a satyr behind him. The youth sits on a piece of cloth holding a patera in his right hand and a branch with red and white dots in his left. He is nude except for a headband. The woman stands facing the youth with her left foot raised on a higher ground line, which is denoted by white dots. She holds a flaming torch in her right hand and a wreath in the other. A satyr stands behind the youth, holding a situla (bucket) in his right hand and a thyrsos in his left. Like the youth, he too is nude except for a headband. In the field is a boucranium (ceremonial ox or bull skull), tambourine, and a small rectangular object that may be a window. On the other side, a youth and a satyr move to the left. Both are nude except for headbands. They are depicted in three-quarter view with their heads in profile. The white dots they stand on denote the ground line. The youth holds a thyrsos in one hand and a patera with offerings in the other. A mantle is draped over his left arm

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and fills the space behind him. He moves to left but looks over his shoulder at the satyr behind him. The satyr holds in his right hand a thyrsos from which hangs a taenia and in his left a situla. A bunch of grapes hangs behind the satyr. Also in the field is a six-petalled rosette above the youth’s patera. In shape and function, as well as decoration and iconography, this patera is similar to others in the Fordham Collection. Its large size and use as a lustral basin, a vessel for ritual cleansing, connects it with the university’s other paterae, Nos. 22, 23, and 25. Likewise, the vase’s iconography is related to other Apulian vases at Fordham, with its emphasis on women, Eros, and satyrs, and the use of floral motifs, female heads, and added color for decoration. A comparison of the woman and Eros in the tondo of our vase with the same subject in the tondo of another Apulian patera at Fordham, No. 25, shows how artists could create variations on popular imagery. AM

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25.

Patera (shallow bowl) with knob handles

Greek, South Italian, Apulian, Late Classical, red-figure, ca. 340 B.C.E. Attributed to the Baltimore Painter1 Terracotta, d. 22 in. (55.9 cm) Interior: Amazonomachy around a central medallion with the frontal head of an Amazon Exterior: Undecorated Fordham University Collection, 11.003

The frontal head of an Amazon painted in white decorates the center of the tondo and is encircled by a band of waves.2 The Amazon wears a Phrygian cap, earrings, and necklace. Surrounding the central medallion are four pairings of Greeks fighting Amazons. All the Greeks, on the left side of each pair, are on foot; all but one of the Amazons are on horseback. The youths are nude except for a pilos (hat) and a chlamys (short cloak) that billows behind each of them. Three fight with spears and carry sheathed swords; two also have shields. The Amazons wear Phrygian caps and short, sleeveless belted chitons (tunics). Two of them wear baldrics (belts for swords) across the chest. All but one wear the close-fitting garment beneath their chitons decorated with bands of zigzags that cover their arms and in two instances their legs, and two wear boots.

Condition: Complete, with some flaking of glaze and paint on handles, knobs, and rim; partial repainting of Amazon’s head in medallion Shape and ornament: Patera with ridged handles vertically attached, on either side of handles, knobs with rosettes; one ridge on back; two knobbed, with many petaled rosette; rim, red; outer edge of rim, black above red band, band of egg and dots; beneath rim, left turned laurel wreath with fruit bordered by reserved band; encircling central medallion, black wave pattern to right on reserved band around thin black line Added color: White for dots indicating different ground lines, flesh, cap, and earrings of Amazon in medallion, details and accents (as for piloi, Phrygian caps, zigzag pattern on garments, belts, boots, animal skin, horses’ reins), decoration of peltae, details on rosettes; red-ocher for anatomical details and necklace of Amazon in medallion, animal skin, details (shields, headgear); yellow for shading and accessories, piloi, shields, animal skin, and berries on laurel wreath

In the Iliad, Homer refers to the Amazons as antianeiras, or the “equals of man,” and the duels on our vase are evenly matched, except for the pair above the central Amazon’s head.3 This Amazon has already dropped her sagaris (axe), which appears on the ground below, and she is about to be dragged off her horse by the Greek. The group to their right includes the only Amazon fighting on foot, standing beside her horse. She wields a sagaris in her right hand and holds a pelta (half-shield) decorated with a rosette in her left, which clashes against her opponent’s shield. The Amazon in the next pair fights with a spear in her right hand and reins in her horse with her left. Below her foot is a pelta. The combatants in the final pair fight at closer range than those in the last one, and the Greek’s spear is close to his opponent’s body. She closely resembles the Amazon in the previous pair except that she also wears an animal skin. The individual duels are woven together into a cohesive composition through the overlapping of limbs, the billowing of garments, and the strong use of line created with the spears that draw the eye around the tondo. The Baltimore Painter is described by Trendall and Cambitoglou as “one of the most significant and important Apulian vase-painters of the later fourth century.”4 He favors mythological subjects, a wide range of which survive on his vases, and he shares this preference with both the Darius and Underworld Painters. The Amazonomachy is the mythical battle between Greeks and Amazons, an Eastern race of warrior women whom Herodotus called “killers of men.”5 While this subject is well known in the work of the Baltimore Painter, it is unusual that it appears on a patera, the interiors of which our painter decorated more frequently with genre

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scenes and nuptial imagery in which Eros abounds.6 In the interior of a patera in a private collection, however, the Baltimore Painter depicted an Amazon with an axe and pelta driving a two-horse chariot.7 The overall effect is different from the tableaux on the Fordham vase. The imagery of Amazons fighting Greeks occurs often in the Baltimore Painter’s work. The artist’s similar treatment of this subject on different vases led Trendall and Cambitoglou to suggest the influence of lost monumental wall painting.8 The two mounted Amazons fighting with spears and the Amazon on foot wielding a sagaris on our vase, in particular, resemble those on other vases by the Baltimore Painter, again hinting at a possible shared source of inspiration.9 The subject of this vase and the circular format of its composition around a central head bring to mind another Amazonomachy, famed in ancient Greece—that found on the exterior of the shield of Pheidias’ cult statue of Athena Parthenos from the fifth century B.C.E.10 Although removed in both time and place, and admittedly different in many ways from what we know of Pheidias’ composition, it is tempting to think that the Baltimore Painter’s vase preserves an echo of that lost work and the tradition to which it belonged. The battle between Greeks and Amazons was a popular subject in Greek art, appearing on everything from vases to architectural sculpture. As women and foreigners, Amazons in art and myth represented “Otherness,” articulating Greek ideas and anxieties about cultural identity and issues of gender and sexuality.11 For the Greeks, the Amazonomachy embodied epic ideals of the civilized versus barbarian world and symbolized cosmic ideas about order versus chaos. AM

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Published References: Sotheby’s, London, sale cats., December 12–13, 1983, lot 403, July 13, 1987, lot 298, and December 11, 1989, lot 167; RVAp Supp. II, p. 284, no. 27/63a 1. A selected bibliography on the Baltimore Painter is given for Fordham 4.007. 2. On the composition of tondos, see Schauenburg 1986. 3. Hom. Il. 3.189, 6.186. 4. RVAp, vol. 2, p. 856. 5. Hdt. 4.110. On Amazons in art, see von Bothmer 1957; LIMC, vol. 1, Amazones, pp. 586–653. 6. Amazonomachies appear on the following vases by the Baltimore Painter: RVAp, vol. 2, p. 863, no. 27/18, p. 864, no. 27/20, p. 865, no. 27/24, p. 866, no. 27/28; RVAp Supp. I, pp. 150–51, no. 27/14a, b, d, pp. 152–53, nos. 27/23a, c, d, p. 154, no. 27/40b, p. 158, no. 27/81b; RVAp Supp. II, p. 272, no. 27/13c, pp. 272–73, no. 27/14e–f, p. 274, no. 27/22a2, p. 275, no. 27/23f, p. 276, no. 31a. 7. Naples, Private Collection (1), 581 (RVAp Supp. II, p. 284, no. 27/72b). 8. RVAp Supp. I, p. 147. 9. Compare our standing Amazon wielding an axe over her head to her counterpart on the neck of a volute-krater once on the Brussels market (RVAp Supp. I, p. 152, no. 27/23c, pl. xxvii, 1). Compare also our spear fighting Amazons on horseback with one on the neck of a volute-krater once on the New York market, Royal-Athena Galleries, HNH 46 (RVAp Supp. II, p. 275, no. 27/23f, pl. lxxi, 3). 10. On the shield, see Harrison 1966; Leipen 1971; Harrison 1981; Berger 1984; and Nick 2002. In terms of composition, our vase should be compared with a patera attributed to the Lycurgus Painter, which also depicts an Amazonomachy in the tondo around a central medallion (RVAp Supp. II, p. 110, no. 16/23b). 11. Blok 1995; Stewart 1995; Goldberg 1998; Cohen 2000.

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26–28.

Three oinochoai (oil flasks) with mold-made heads on either side of spout

26. (shown at right and below) Greek, South Italian, Apulian, Late Classical, red-figure, ca. 340-320 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 7 in. (17.8 cm) Obverse: Seated woman with wreath and patera (shallow bowl with handle) Fordham University Collection, 7.005

These three vases are examples of oinochoai, small jugs used to hold special oils and perfumes. Our vases exemplify the luxurious decorativeness of these types of vessels, with their fine potting, careful painting, and mold-made heads on either side of the spout. This elegantly shaped vase is principally from South Italy, where it was popular and would have been used in both domestic and funerary contexts.

Condition: Complete Ornament: On neck, wave pattern below a reserved band; below figural scene, thin reserved band. Mold-made heads on either side of spout Added color: White for jewelry, kekryphalos, shoes, rocks, flowers, fillet, offerings in patera, details on wreath, patera, rosettes, and scrollwork flanking scene

Our first vase (No. 26) depicts a seated woman facing left and holding a patera in her right hand and a wreath with a fillet draped through it in the other. Another fillet hangs in front of her legs, and she sits in a floral setting. The woman is elegantly dressed, wearing chiton, earrings, necklace, and bracelets. She wears her hair up in a kekryphalos. Above the figural scene is a band of waves. A thin reserved band appears above the band of waves and below the figural scene. Beneath the handle is a palmette flanked by scrollwork. While our first vase is in red-figure, the other two are Gnathian.1 In Gnathian ware, figures and decoration are not reserved in the natural red-orange color of the clay but rather are painted with added color—usually white, red, and yellow—on a black-glaze surface. This technique often is thought to have developed out of the extensive use of added color on Apulian red-figure vases of the Ornate style. Beneath the spout on the body of No. 27, a variety of oinochoe called an epichysis, a bird faces left in a floral setting with a rosette on either side. On the shoulder is a frieze of grape vines, with clusters of grapes, above which is a band of white dots. A band of white rays are on the neck. An egg pattern with dots is on top of the flat upper flange. The reel-shaped body of this vase, in contrast to the more rounded body of our other two examples, is particularly typical of epichyseis. The second Gnathian oinochoe (No. 28) is decorated with patterned bands on the body and neck. These do not encircle the whole vase but stop before the handle on either side. The widest band on the body consists of a laurel wreath with dot sprays and a central fruit. The laurel band has alternating white and red leaves and between them are white dot sprays. Beneath the wreath is an egg pattern with dots between

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bands of white dots. Above the wreath and continuing onto the neck are bands of ivy, blocks of color, and an egg pattern with dots between bands of white dots. Throughout, double incised lines are used to further articulate and set off the bands of decoration. Unlike most fourth-century B.C.E. South Italian vases, Gnathian pottery has been found in Greece, Egypt, North Africa, and around the Black Sea. Once copiously produced and surviving in large quantities, Gnathian ware continued to be made into the beginning of the third century B.C.E., even after the end of Apulian redfigure vases in the final years of the fourth century. The use of white, yellow, and red in Gnathian, as for the bird and grape vine on our epichysis (No. 27), lends a colorful and decorative quality to these charming vases, and one can imagine their appeal for the export market. AM

27. (shown at far left) Greek, South Italian, Apulian, Early Hellenistic, Gnathian ware, ca. 330-320 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 6 3/4 in. (17.1 cm) Obverse: Frieze of grape vines on shoulder; bird between rosettes on body Fordham University Collection, 7.013 Condition: Complete Shape and ornament: Body, reel-shaped; neck, rays; shoulder, band of dots above grape vine; horizontal flange, egg and dots; above and below scene on body, reserved band; mold-made heads on either side of spout Added color: White for rays, dots, grape bunches and part of vines, eggs, part of bird, floral ornament; yellow on grape bunches, rosettes, part of bird; red for main vine of grapes, bird’s beak, eye, and wing

1. On Gnathian pottery, see Bernardini 1961; Forti 1965; Green 1976. 28. (shown at left) Greek, South Italian, Apulian, Early Hellenistic, Gnathian ware, ca. 330-320 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 7 3/4 in. (19.7 cm) Obverse: Laurel wreath with dot sprays and central fruit between patterned bands Fordham University Collection, 7.015 Condition: Complete Shape and ornament: Covered with decorative bands (described in entry); mold-made heads on either side of spout Added color: White for alternating leaves of laurel wreath, dot sprays, central fruit, and decorative bands (including bands of dots, egg and dots, ivy); red for alternating leaves of laurel wreath and decorative band; yellow for central fruit

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29.

Lekythos (oil flask)

Greek, South Italian, Paestan, Late Classical, red-figure, ca. 340-330 B.C.E. Attributed to the Aphrodite Painter1 Terracotta, h. 22 in. (55.9 cm) Obverse: Bridal scene Below the handle: Profile of female head to left Fordham University Collection, 5.009

This vase depicts a bridal scene, and such nuptial imagery is common in Paestan painting. The activity, probably bridal preparations, centers on the woman seated to the left on a klismos (a chair with a seat back), who is presumably the bride. She is exquisitely dressed in a chiton (robe) decorated with a white vertical stripe down the center and double dot-stripe. The drapery over her lower half is adorned with stars and a checker pattern. She holds a mirror in her left hand and a skewer of fruit in her right. The three white objects on her lap may be eggs, and there is a xylophone beneath her chair. A small Eros holding a fillet flies above her.

Condition: Complete Shape and ornament: Lekythos of unusual shape, with body tapering upward, unparalleled at Paestum but has been linked to the Apulian acorn lekythos;2 mouth, wreath of laurel leaves alternating with dot sprays flanking a central flower; neck, band of tongues above bead-and-reel design on astragal (narrow molding), below which is band off rays; base of neck, band of eggs between reserved bands; shoulder, fanpalmettes with scrolls; below figural scene, band of left facing meanders; on handle, double wave pattern; beneath handle, female head in profile to left rising from an enclosed palmette and scrollwork and flanked by framing palmette-scrolls Added color: White for laurel wreath, band of tongues, rays, scrollwork, and details of subsidiary decoration, head under handle, details of dress, jewelry, Eros, wings, ends of fillet, parasol, wreath, details of xylophone; red for fillets, Nike’s drapery, sphendone (headgear) worn by profile head, details; yellow for jewelry, klismos, wings, and details and shading

In front of the seated woman is a partially draped youth who leans forward with one foot up on a tendril; he holds a spray in his right hand and two white objects in the other. A Nike holding a wreath sits above and behind him. An attendant stands behind the seated woman, holding a wreath in her right hand and a fillet in her left. Her garment is also decorated with a white vertical stripe and dot-stripe border. To the right of the attendant, a partially draped youth sits on a tendril holding an open parasol. The drapery over his legs is decorated with a checkered border. While parasols are not common in fifth-century B.C.E. Attic red-figure vase-painting, they appear relatively more frequently on fourth-century South Italian vases, the reasons for which are still debated.3 It seems fair to say that the parasol was likely introduced into the Greek world from the Near East, and that at one time it was considered a luxury object tinged with exoticism. “A painter of the highest significance,” is how C.E. Trendall described the Aphrodite Painter because of the important role he plays in our understanding of Paestan vase-painting.4 He was the first artist at Paestum to work in an Apulianizing style, meaning that his work reflects stylistic characteristics of Apulian vase-painting. For that reason, it is thought that the Aphrodite Painter was trained in Apulia and then migrated to Paestum around 340-330 B.C.E., when he joined the workshop of the famous Paestan painters Asteas and Python. Our vase is an important example of how the Aphrodite Painter combined Apulian and Paestan styles in his work. The elaborate floral motifs, use of added color, and crossed square in the pattern beneath the figured scene are more characteristic of

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Apulian than of Paestan painting. Likewise, a distinctive feature that reveals the artist’s Apulian background is the so-called xylophone beneath the woman’s klismos, which only appears in the Apulianizing phase of Paestan painting.5 On the other hand, the framing palmettes or side scrolls that flank the main scene are salient decorative motifs of Paestan pottery and are only rarely found in other fabrics. The painter’s interest in drapery patterns and certain iconographic elements also reveal local influence; the vertical stripes, dot-stripe borders, and checkered patterns on garments as well as the “skewer of fruit” and eggs are good examples. Once in Paestum, and working in the Asteas-Python workshop, the painter must have adapted his style to the tastes and demands of the local market, and our vase reflects that influence. Trendall commented that the attribution of vases to the hand of the Aphrodite Painter “opened a new chapter in the history of Paestan pottery,”6 and this Fordham lekythos helps tell the story of the development of that fabric and of a painter working in two traditions. AM Published Reference: Trendall 1987, p. 245, no. 972, pls. 151a–d Previous Collection: Turin, Private Collection 1. On the Aphrodite Painter, see Greco 1970; Trendall 1987, pp. 237–52. 2. Ibid., p. 247. 3. On parasols, see M. C. Miller 1992; M. C. Miller 1997, pp. 193–98. 4. Trendall 1987, p. 237. 5. On xylophones, Ibid., n. 1. 6. Ibid., p. 237.

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30.

Loutrophoros (ceremonial vase for water)

Greek, South Italian, Apulian, Early Hellenistic, red-figure, ca. 330-310 B.C.E. Attributed to the Baltimore Painter Terracotta, h. 35 1/2 in. (90.2 cm) Obverse: Two women in a naiskos (shrine) flanked by four females with offerings Reverse: Four women flanking a grave stele Fordham University Collection, 4.009

On the obverse, a standing woman attends to a seated woman in a naiskos (shrine). The woman sits facing her attendant on an elegant stool decorated with a white meander on a red background. A piece of red drapery wraps around her body, which she touches with her right hand. The attendant wears a garment with a red vertical stripe down the center, and she holds a wreath in her right hand and a fan or mirror in her left. In the background between the women hangs a quartered ball. Four women bearing offerings flank the shrine. On the left side, a seated woman above holds a fan in her right hand and a patera with offerings in her left, from which hangs a fillet. Below her stands a woman holding a cista (toiletries box) in her left hand and a bunch of grapes in her right. A situla sits on the base of the shrine in front of her. On the right side of the shrine, the seated woman on top holds a handled cista in her left hand and a patera with a fillet hanging from it in the other. The woman standing below her holds a mirror in her right hand and a situla in her left. Another mirror sits on the base of shrine in front of her.

Condition: Complete Shape and ornament: Loutrophoros, without handles, type III (barrel-amphora); edge of lip, band of black egg-anddot on reserve; sloping portion of mouth below lip, band of black rays; neck, obverse, lozenge pattern with black and white diamonds on reserve; reverse, reserved palmette between lotus buds; base of neck, astragal; zone at top of the shoulder, obverse, band of white rays on black; reverse, band of black rays on reserve; both bordered above by a band of egg-and-dot encircling vase; shoulder, obverse, white female head in three-quarter view facing left rising from a flower set amid elaborate florals and spiral tendrils; reverse, reserved female head in profile to left flanked by reserved palmettes and tendrils; shoulder bordered above by a frieze of rosettes in between reserved bands encircling vase (dotted triplets between rosettes on obverse, single dots on reverse); molding beneath shoulder, obverse, rosettes with dotted triplets in between; reverse, laurel wreath with berries flanking a central rosette, beneath which is black filet between reserved bands encircling vase; flanking figural scenes, reserved complex palmettes; base of naiskos, white tendrils and dots; base of stele, white ivy wreath; molding beneath figural scene, stopped meanders alternating with reserved saltire squares Added color: Red for vertical stripe on attendant’s garment, drapery around seated woman in naiskos, band on stool, details; yellow for details and shading on white, subsidiary decoration, like details of rosettes

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On the reverse of the vase, four mourning women bring offerings to a grave stele, around which a black sash is wrapped. Two fillets also hang from the shaft, one black and the other white. The monument, which is decorated with a meander on top and an ivy wreath on its plinth, is surmounted by a large patera with offerings flanked by clusters of dots. At the left of the stele above is a seated woman with a tambourine in one hand and a phiale and ribbon in the other. Another phiale hangs in the background in front of her. Below her is a woman holding a fan in her left hand and a bunch of grapes in her right. At the right of the stele sits a woman holding a mirror, ribbon, and tambourine. Below her stands a woman holding a fan in one hand and a bunch of grapes in the other, just like the woman standing in front of the stele on the other side. The loutrophoros was a ceremonial vase for water, the name coming from the Greek words for bath and to bring or carry. The second-century C.E. Greek grammarian Harpokration recorded: “It was the custom at marriage to send for a bath on the wedding day; for this purpose they sent the boy who was the nearest relative and these boys brought the bath. And it was also the custom to put a loutrophoros on the tomb of those who died unwed.”1 The Greeks conflated ideas about marriage and death, and this finds a long tradition in ancient art, myth, and literature.2 Young

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women who died before marriage were thought of as brides in death—Antigone, Iphigeneia, and Polyxena are well-known examples of such women in myth. Water was an important part of the ritual activities involved in weddings and funerals, both of which entailed rites of purification. In contrast to the nuptial imagery on the Paestan lekythos attributed to the Aphrodite Painter (No. 29), with its flurry of activity around the bride, the scenes on this loutrophoros are more solemn and funereal. The Baltimore Painter followed the convention of a naiskos scene on the obverse and offering bearers around a stele on the reverse, which we see often on other vases by this painter. On another vase in Fordham’s collection (No. 31), we see a variation of this type with a naiskos scene on both sides. Also characteristic of the Baltimore Painter’s style is the elaborate floral decoration on the shoulder of his loutrophoroi, which on our example includes two birds amid the foliage, both to the left of the woman’s head. What we today refer to as “subsidiary decoration”—all of the decorative patterns, motifs, and florals on vases—certainly seems to have been a major concern for our artist, who lavished much attention on this type of ornamentation. The elaborate diamond pattern on the neck and the spiraling tendrils and florals on the shoulder reveal this interest. The more complex decoration of the vase’s obverse signals that this was the front of the vase. The two figures in the naiskos on the front give way to the simpler stele on the reverse. Likewise, the subsidiary ornament also becomes simpler on the reverse. The complicated lozenge pattern on the neck becomes a simpler palmette and lotus on the reverse, and the lush foliage with its spiraling tendrils and extensive use of added color on the shoulder’s obverse becomes a more basic palmette design on the other side. Therefore, the obverse was arguably the side intended to be the principal view as the vase marked a tomb. The painter further adds a sculptural quality to his work by rendering the women in the naiskos in white to recall stone monuments. AM 1. Cited in Richter and Milne 1935, p. 5. On the loutrophoros, see also Karydi 1963; Moore 1997, pp. 14–16. 2. On the relation between marriages and funerals, see Seaford 1987; Dowden 1989; Oakley and Sinos 1993, esp. p. 131, n. 8; Rehm 1994.

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31.

Amphora (jar with two handles)

Greek, South Italian, Apulian, Early Hellenistic, red-figure, ca. 330-320 B.C.E. Attributed to the Baltimore Painter1 Terracotta, h. 40 in. (101.6 cm) Obverse: A bearded man seated between two warriors within a naiskos (shrine) surrounded by four figures Reverse: A flowering plant within a naiskos surrounded by four figures Fordham University Collection, 4.007

On the obverse of this amphora attributed to the Baltimore Painter are three figures within a naiskos (shrine) surrounded by four offering bearers. In the shrine, two standing youthful warriors flank an older draped man who sits on a cushioned stool facing toward the right. The bearded man turns his head in three-quarter view to the left to speak to the young man behind him, to whom he gestures with his right hand. He holds a stick in his left hand. Both youths are nude except for a red chlamys (short cloak). Each holds a spear in his right hand. The youth on the left holds a pilos (hat) in his left hand; the other wears a helmet. A shield and a pair of greaves hang from the ceiling beam of the shrine. The Ionic naiskos has white columns and cornice, reserved back pillars, and red ceiling beams. The pediment, outlined in white, has floriform akroteria.

Condition: Complete Shape and ornament: Amphora; on sloping offset mouth, wreath of white and yellow ivy with tendrils on black glaze; on neck, black palmettes on reserve above astragal; at top of shoulder on obverse, band of white eggs between reserved bands above white rays on black; on shoulder on obverse, white female head in three-quarter view to right in floral setting bordered above and below by reserved bands with eggs and dots, white eggs above and black eggs below; top of shoulder on reverse, egg and dots between reserve bands; on shoulder on reverse, band of black tongues on reserve; at edge of shoulder on reverse, black wave pattern to right above thin reserved band; at base of handles, black tongues on reserved band; beneath handles, separating obverse and reverse scenes, reserved double palmettes flanked by scrolls, with white details; below figured scene and encircling vase, reserved band with black meander and saltire squares Added color: White for flesh of figures, shrine (part of pediment, akroteria, Ionic columns, parts of podium, ivy band, spiral pattern), jewelry, accessories and details, foliage and flowers, ivy wreaths, band of rays on neck, white dots at the bases of the palmettes and in centers of tendrils beneath each handle; yellow for hair, anatomical details, shading, foliage and flowers; red for chlamys, ceiling beam of naiskos, stool’s cushion; red wash on stem

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The shrine sits on a reserved podium decorated with a foliate band of leaves and tendrils, as on the mouth, bordered by white bands. To the left of the naiskos, a woman sits on top, holding a fan in her right hand and a phiale with leaves rising from it in her left; on the bottom, a woman approaches carrying a mirror in her right hand. On the other side of the shrine, a youth sits on his garment on top; he is nude except for a fillet and petasos (traveler’s hat) worn around his neck. He holds a garland of flowers in his right hand, and a spear leans against his left arm. Below him, a standing woman holds a fan in her right hand. A fillet hangs in the background in front of her. On the other side of the vase is a naiskos scene similar to that on the obverse but with floral decoration rather than figures. A flower grows from an acanthus base. The naiskos resembles that on the other side, except that the ceiling beam is reserved rather than red, and the podium is decorated with a white spiral pattern on reserve that consists of opposingly coiled tendrils. On the left side of the shrine, a seated youth holds a fillet and a phiale with leaves rising from it, and a spear leans against his right arm. Below him, a woman approaches with a fan in her left hand and a bunch of grapes in the other. On the right side of the shrine, a youth sits on top holding in his left hand a dish of cake, from which hangs a fillet; another fillet hangs behind him. A woman standing below him holds a cista in her right hand and a bunch of grapes in her left. A ball hangs in the background in front of her.

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The naiskoi scenes on this large vase, intended for the grave, epitomize the tradition of funerary iconography ubiquitous in Apulian vase-painting.2 The shrine and the three figures in it on the obverse are painted in white as if to emulate marble or stuccoed limestone funerary monuments. The figures surrounding the shrine, in reserve, may have been thought of as making offerings and bringing gifts to the tomb of a lost friend or family member. We might imagine that the deceased here is the older man, especially since he is seated, a convention that often signals the tomb’s owner. The objects held by the offering bearers, like fillets, garlands, phialai, and cakes, reflect historical practices. The flowering plant in the shrine on the reverse may have brought to mind ideas about life triumphing over death.3 The large scale of this vase and its ornate style convey a sense of the monumentality and heroicizing that are important elements of commemorative art. In this, the vase recalls the tradition of marble funerary monuments in fifth-century B.C.E. Athens, but here, in a distinctively South Italian context. The Baltimore Painter—to whom more than 1,500 vases have been attributed— is named after a volute-krater he painted that is now in the Walters Art Museum, Baltimore.4 Notable about our amphora are the three men represented in the naiskos. While one and two figures are common within a shrine, three are more unusual, and it is more rare still for them all to be men.5 When three figures appear, they are more frequently all female or a combination of women and men. One wonders if this scene was intended to represent a father and his two sons. While the Baltimore Painter seems to prefer mythological subjects for large vases, as in his Amazonomachy patera in this volume (No. 25), this amphora reflects the influence of the Ganymede and Patera Painters. Flowering plants in naiskoi on the reverse of vases are common for the Baltimore Painter, and he learned this from the Ganymede Painter, along with his interest in representing armor inside shrines.6 Likewise, the female head in three quarter view and the floral decoration on the shoulder of this amphora are stylistically related to the work of the Patera Painter.7 While drawing on diverse influences as he formulated his own style, the Baltimore Painter in turn exerted a strong influence on contemporary and subsequent vasepainters, as can be seen in the volute-krater attributed to the Virginia Exhibition Painter in the Fordham collection (No. 32). AM

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1. On the Baltimore Painter, see RVAp, vol. 2, pp. 856–905; RVAp Supp. I, pp. 146–68; RVAp Supp. II, pp. 262–322, 521–27. For additional references on this painter and discussions of specific vases, see bibliography in RVAp Supp. II, pp. xxiii–xxiv. 2. Generally, see H. R. W. Smith 1976; in reference to the Baltimore Painter, see Schauenburg 1990. 3. RFVS, p. 267. 4. RVAp, vol. 2, p. 864, no. 27/21. 5. Comparanda in the Baltimore Painter’s work for our vase include RVAp Supp. I, p. 150, no. 27/12c; RVAp Supp. II, p. 521, no. 27/13d. 6. RVAp, vol. 2, p. 856; RVAp Supp. I, p. 147. On the Ganymede Painter, see RVAp, vol. 2, pp. 793– 803; RVAp Supp. I, pp. 137–39; RVAp Supp. II, pp. 243–48, 519. Flowering plants appear in naiskoi, for example, on the following vases by the Baltimore Painter: RVAp, vol. 2, p. 860, no. 27/2, p. 861, no. 27/6, p. 863, no. 27/14, p. 868, no. 27/41; RVAp Supp. I, p. 149, no. 27/12a, p. 150, nos. 27/14b, c, p. 154, no. 27/40b; RVAp Supp. II, p. 276, no. 27/39b, c. 7. On the Patera Painter, see RVAp, vol. 2, pp. 721–64; RVAp Supp. I, pp. 128–33; RVAp Supp. II, pp. 227-37, 518.

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32.

Volute-krater (bowl for mixing wine and water)

Greek, South Italian, Apulian, Early Hellenistic, red-figure, ca. 330-300 B.C.E. Attributed to the Virginia Exhibition Painter1 Terracotta, h. 44 in. (111.8 cm) Obverse: Youth and horse in naiskos (shrine) surrounded by four figures Reverse: Two figures approach a stele Fordham University Collection, 8.001

The obverse of this volute-krater attributed to the Virginia Exhibition Painter depicts a youth standing beside his horse in an Ionic naiskos (shrine) surrounded by four figures with offerings. The youth, horse, and most of the shrine are painted in added white. Standing in a contrapposto, the youth faces left, holding a spear in his left hand and the horse’s rein in his right. He wears a muscled cuirass, red chlamys (short cloak), greaves, and shoes, marking him as a warrior. The naiskos stands on a plinth decorated with a running key pattern to left between black bands with white dots. At the apex and corners of the pediment are floriform akroteria. A garland and helmet hang from the ceiling beams. Two seated women above and two seated youths below flank the naiskos, with white dots indicating different ground lines. The woman on the left sits on a hydria and in her left hand holds a phiale (libation bowl) and a wreath. A bird flies in front of her face. The woman on the right holds a phiale in her right hand, from which hangs a fillet. The youth on the left sits on his shield, cradling a spear in his left arm. A sheathed sword hangs to left above him. The youth on the other side holds two spears in his right hand and a helmet in his left.

Condition: Complete Shape and ornament: Volute-krater; on volute handles, relief mascaroons of diademed female heads, with white faces and golden hair on the obverse, and red faces and black hair on reverse, white scrollwork on obverse only; vertical edge of lip, egg and dot pattern; on moldings on upper neck (upper to lower) on obverse, wave pattern to left, bead-and-reel, band of alternating rosettes, and discs with dots in between; on reverse, meander; on neck obverse, white female head in three-quarter view to left rises from a flower, amid a floral setting; neck reverse, three large enclosed palmettes with lotuses in between; shoulder, black tongues on reserve; below band of tongues, obverse, egg and dots; on reverse, reserved line; below figured scenes and encircling vase, black stopped meanders on reserve; on either side of handle attachments, black swan’s heads; beneath handles, complex palmettes flanked by scrolls Added color: White for horse and warrior in naiskos, naiskos (including architectural details), female heads on neck and obverse mascaroons, jewelry, kekryphalos, detail of fillets, shoes, helmets, spears, rocks, offerings, bird, other accessories and details, dots for ground lines, floral decoration, subsidiary ornament (scrollwork on handles, details on rosettes and discs, details on palmettes and scrolls beneath handles); yellow flowers, shading, anatomical details, subsidiary decoration; red for chlamys, horse’s bridle and rein, scabbard, details of shield, pedimental decoration, accessories and details; red-brown for cuirass and anatomical details

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On the reverse are two figures approaching a stele surmounted by a large kylix (drinking cup). A key pattern running left adorns the top of the stele and its plinth, and a black fillet with white dots is tied around its middle. On the left, a woman holds a phiale with offerings and fillet in her left hand and an oinochoe (jug) in her right. The nude youth on the other side holds his mantle and a thyrsos in his left hand and carries a situla (bucket) in his right. The Virginia Exhibition Painter is named after an exhibition held at the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, Richmond, in 1982, which first showed five (later known to be ten) vases by the hand of the same painter found together in a single tomb. He seems to have preferred volute-kraters, amphorae, oinochoai, and kantharoi. Arthur Trendall and Alexander Cambitoglou have connected this painter with work by the White Sakkos Painter and the Painter of Berlin F 3383, among others, all of whom are followers of the Baltimore Painter. A youth and horse within a naiskos is a subject found on vases by the Baltimore Painter and the Underworld Painter, the iconography of which is close to that found on our vase.2 The Baltimore Painter is also known for his representations of armor, which he likes to include especially in

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naiskos scenes. The pilos hanging from the ceiling beams and the modeling of the musculature on the cuirass in our painting thus finds parallels in the work of the Baltimore Painter.3 The large size of the vase, its lavish decoration, extensive use of added color, and funerary subject epitomize the so-called “Ornate Style” of Apulian vase-painting of the second half of the fourth century B.C.E. Vases like this would have been used as grave markers. The funereal iconography of the main scenes, with a naiskos on the obverse and a stele on the reverse, was a widely practiced convention introduced by the Iliupersis Painter.4 On a barrel amphora in Basel, the Virginia Exhibition Painter gives us a rare inscription in a naiskos scene, suggesting that this painter not only followed the conventions of the time but also was an innovator interested in making his own contribution.5 AM Published Reference: RVAp Supp. II, p. 332, no. 28/86-1, pl. lxxxvi, 3, 4 1. On the Virginia Exhibition Painter, see Mayo 1982, pp. 178–87 nos. 73–77; RVAp Supp. I, pp. 173–75; Schauenburg 1985; RFVS, pp. 101–2; RVAp Supp. II, pp. 332–35. 2. RVAp, vol. 2, p. 858. Compare to the naiskos scenes on the obverses of two volute-kraters attributed to the Baltimore Painter, one in London, British Museum, F284 (RVAp, vol. 2, p. 860, no. 27/1, pl. 319, 1), and one once on the London art market (RVAp Supp. II, p. 269, no. 27/3a, pl. lxix, 1). See also the reverse of a volute-krater attributed to the Underworld Painter in Munich, Antikensammlungen, 3296 (J 810) (RVAp, vol. 2, p. 533, no. 18/283, pl. 195). A youth and horse in a naiskos appear on another volute-krater attributed to the Virginia Exhibition Painter in a private collection, but on that vase, the horse is rearing, and the youth, facing right, wears a helmet and holds a shield (New York, Private Collection; Mayo 1982, pp. 178–79, no. 73; RVAp Supp. I, p. 174, no. 28/86b, pl. xxxiii, 2; RFVS, fig. 268). 3. See, for example, the Baltimore Painter’s rendering of the cuirasses and armor on the obverses of Vienna 94 (RVAp, vol. 2, p. 861, no. 27/5, pl. 320, 2) and Bari, Macinagrossa Collection, 239 (RVAp, vol. 2, p. 862, no. 27/8, pl. 321, 3). Trendall and Cambitoglou (see RVAp, vol. 2, p. 858) note that a pilos hangs from the ceiling of naiskoi on the following vases by the Baltimore Painter: Louvre CA 485 (no. 27/4), Malibu 77 AE 113 (no. 27/11), Saint Petersburg inv. 1716 = St. 426 (no. 27/19), Foggia 132728 (no. 27/35), Okayama, Kurashiki Museum (no. 27/38); to these we can add once Brussels art market (RVAp Supp. I, p. 152, no. 27/23c), once London art market, McAlpine (RVAp Supp. II, p. 269, no. 27/9b), once New York art market (RVAp Supp. II, p. 271, no. 27/13a), once Zurich art market, Fortuna (RVAp Supp. II, p. 277, no. 27/39j). 4. RFVS, p. 79. On the Iliupersis Painter, see RVAp, vol. 1, pp. 185–224, 440–42, 1050–52, 1073; RVAp Supp. I, pp. 25–27; RVAp Supp. II, pp. 43–52. 5. Basel, BS 484 (Schmidt 1984; RVAp Supp. I, pp. 174–75, no. 28/86f; RFVS, pp. 101–2, fig. 269).

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33.

Situla (wine bucket)

Greek, South Italian, Early Hellenistic, Gnathian ware, ca. 320-310 B.C.E. Attributed to (or near to) the Laurel Spray Group Terracotta, h. 11 3/4 in. (29.8 cm) Obverse: Lion-head spout Reverse: Herakles mask Fordham University Collection, 7.036

This Gnathian-ware situla is polychromatic, with added colors used to create bands of floral and geometric adornments across the surface of the vessel. In this example, a plain, black-glazed body is ornamented around the upper shoulder with a row of outlined ovules of varying thickness in added white bordered by two pairs of fine lines in added yellow.1 Below, a striped band with scalloped edges is divided into short, horizontal sections by alternating added red and yellow (now faded nearly to white). Fine yellow lines mark the upper and lower limits of this register, as above. A row of yellow and white tongues hangs from unevenly applied yellow (and white?) dots around the fullest part of the shoulder. A thicker, somewhat unsteady red line appears just as the shoulder begins to taper inward, serving as the vine for the schematically rendered grape clusters and tendrils in the lowest register. A similar grapevine arranged vertically hangs below the lion’s head spout on the obverse. Finally, a vine rendered with short horizontal dashes on either side of a long uneven yellow line appears below the row of grape clusters and beneath the Herakles mask on the reverse.

Condition: Complete. Some restoration evident on foot; added yellow faded throughout Shape and ornament: Stationary bail handle with moldmade heads on either side; rounded shoulder; tapered body; wide, flattened foot with cyma reversa profile; below base of handle on each side, black-glazed body with applied molded masks; horizontal bands of floral and geometric ornaments including ovules, stripes, beads, tongues, and vines with stylized grape clusters and tendrils in added colors across shoulder and extending vertically below each mask; just above foot, reserved band of reddish clay Added Color: White for ovules, upper parts of the tongues, and half of the stylized grapes and tendrils in the horizontal, patterned bands across shoulder; yellow on the two masks, pairs of narrow lines framing uppermost decorative registers, alternating stripes, beads and tongues, half of schematic clusters and tendrils, and vertical vines extending from Herakles mask on reverse; red for alternating stripes and vines from which the grape clusters and tendrils dangle in lowermost horizontal band and central vertical band beneath lion’s head spout on obverse

Both the horizontal and vertical versions of the grape motif feature a half-yellow, half-white color scheme in the fruit, which seems to have been a characteristic feature of the painters related to the Laurel Spray Group.2 The profile of the vessel, use of plastic, mold-made masks (especially the Herakles relief ), reserved band of reddish clay just above the foot, and style of the tendrils and grape clusters are not far from the situla attributed to the Konnakis Group in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (MFA 01.8098), although the Fordham vase has a much more schematic quality throughout its various patterns than its counterpart in Boston. There is some question about exactly where and when vessels of this shape originated, but without doubt they flourished in Macedonia in the later fourth century B.C.E.3 Metal examples of the situla have been found in relatively large numbers across northern Greece and Macedonia, but also in Etruria.4 As the thriving Macedonian culture spread throughout the Mediterranean and beyond under the leadership of Philip II, Alexander the Great, and their Hellenistic successors, production of ceramic imitations of the metal prototypes began in various centers

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across Greece and Southern Italy in the late fourth and early third centuries B.C.E. The broad-shouldered, tapered profile, shape of the bail handles (although stationary rather than movable), and use of applied relief decorations in the form of masks at the ends of the handles betray the imitative nature of the shape. The situla was used as a wine pail or bucket. Its function as a wine vessel is evident in the addition of a strainer behind the lion’s head spout on the obverse of the vase. The small size of this vessel and its counterparts in both ceramic and metal, along with the presence of the strainer and spouted mouth, suggest that it may have been used in ceremonies for a population who preferred to drink undiluted wine. Traditionally, the Greeks mixed wine with water and served the libation from a krater; the Macedonians, on the other hand, seem to have foregone this measure of temperance.5 The Gnathian-ware technique used on this situla was employed primarily in Apulia, but vessels decorated in this polychromatic style have been found across southern Italy as well as farther afield in mainland Greece, Egypt, North Africa, and even in the region of the Black Sea. The close relationship between the shape of the ceramic versions and their metallic cousins favored by the Macedonian elites, along with the vivacious, colorful patterns, must have contributed to the widespread demand for these vessels across the Mediterranean. AS Published References: “Greek Antiquities from the Houston Collection,” Gallery Guide, Museum of Arts and Sciences, Daytona Beach, Florida, 1996; Christie’s New York, sale cat., June 4, 1999, lot 52. Previous Collection: William R. and Linda C. Houston, Daytona Beach, Florida. 1. Throughout the decorated areas, the yellows have faded considerably, making it somewhat difficult to discern the yellow from the white, but it is clear that both colors were used in the original color scheme. 2. See, for instance, the grape clusters on an Apulian bell-krater in London (British Museum, F 547), attributed to the same workshop (but clearly a different hand) or the neck-ornament on an Apulian volute krater in London (British Museum, GR1985.10-9.1), which has been attributed variously to (or near to) the Laurel Spray Group and the Deri Group. 3. See Andrew Oliver Jr. in Collection of Christos G. Bastis 1987, p. 223, no. 129. 4. Barr-Sharrar 1982, pp. 127–31. 5. On Macedonian drinking customs, see Borza 1990, p. 270.

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34.

Figurine of a standing woman

Greek, Attic or Boeotian, Classical, 2nd half of the 5th century B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 11 3/8 in. (28.9 cm) Fordham University Collection, 7.022

The statuette represents a standing woman facing forward; the weight is on her left leg, and her right leg is slightly bent at the knee. She wears a sleeveless peplos (robe) with apoptygma (overfold), pinned at the shoulders and open on the right. Both arms are extended along the sides of the body and the hands seem to grasp the edges of the garment. Her wavy hair is parted in the middle and pulled backward; on the head she wears a relatively low polos (headdress).

Condition: Complete. Head reattached, minor abrasions and chips on surface, especially on upper part of polos

The figurine, of beige-brown clay, was made in a single frontal mold, including the base. An elongated rectangular vent occupies most of the back, except for the head and plinth; the figurine is also open underneath. Edges and surface on the sides and back are smoothed over with a modeling stick. No traces of paint remain on the statuette except for the white slip all over the surface.1 This figurine belongs to an iconographic type of a peplophoros (young woman in a peplos), popular in Attica and Boeotia. Although this type is well known because of the so-called karyatid porch of the Athenian Erechtheion (420-415 B.C.E.), it already existed in coroplastics by the mid-fifth century B.C.E.2 It is reasonable to assume that Attic and Boeotian variants of the type as well as the Erechtheion karyatids were successors to the individual kore-votives of the archaic period.3 Such figurines were mass-produced and economical. Their function is best determined by the contexts in which the figurines are found. For example, many were discovered in deposits in temples and sanctuaries and thus are rightly considered votive offerings to different deities.4 Clearly meant to be looked at from the front, figurines such as the Fordham peplophoros may have been temporarily placed on the benches along the walls of a sanctuary or even plastered to the walls.5 They also were considered appropriate gifts to the deceased, as many such figurines are found in tombs.6 Their role in houses is somewhat more problematic; they could have been household decorations, but most probably, they were used as votives in small house shrines and altars.7 The Fordham figurine does not possess any particular attribute that could help in further identifying the character represented. One would like to know whether the

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statuette depicts a deity or a mortal. If she is divine, her identity remains uncertain; similarly, if mortal, she may be a priestess or a votary. It has been suggested that “similarities of costume and pose among deities, votaries, and cult attendants confuse the issue, suggesting a purposeful blurring of the boundaries between them, perhaps to establish a measure of identity between deities and their worshipers.”8 Although the precise identification often remains an open question, lack of specific attributes widens the possibilities. It was undoubtedly the versatility of these inexpensive figurines that justifies their popularity and the longevity of the type. MBM 1. On the back of the figurine, on the upper right, there are remains of an old paper label that contains printed text in Greek, unfortunately, now illegible. This is undoubtedly a label from a Greek antiquities gallery. 2. The so-called Attic type both with and without polos (in sculpture) is discussed by Poulsen (Second Attic Standing Type); see Poulsen 1937, pp. 53ff., figs. 32, 33. For the Attic terracotta figurines, see Mollard-Besques 1954, p. 82, no. c2 (dated to 460–450 B.C.E.). Local versions of this type occur in Boeotia as well; see Breitenstein 1941, p. 28, no. 262, p. 31, no. 286, and also Higgins 1954, pp. 179–80, no. 673, p. 217, no. 813. 3. Stewart 1990, p. 168. 4. Rouse 1908, pp. 342–47; Alroth 1988; Ammerman 1990; Van Straten 1992, pp. 248–54; Lindenlauf 2006. 5. Ammerman 1990, esp. pp. 42–43, fig. 31. 6. For the best treatment of complex issues of terracotta figurines as grave goods, see Graepler 1997. On a Boeotian grave stele of the later fifth century B.C.E., a young woman is holding a figurine of this type, perhaps an offering to the dead; see Blümel 1963, pl. 36, k 26. 7. See, for example, Robinson 1931. 8. Merker 2000, p. 24, and notes 4, 5, with relevant literature.

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35.

Figurine of Eros holding a thymiaterion (incense burner)

Greek, Early Hellenistic, ca. 330 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 6 in. (15.2 cm) Fordham University Collection, 7.026

A winged figure, likely Eros, stands on the ground next to a rocky outcrop. His muscular body gently curves to his proper right. He is nude but for a cloak draped over his lower arms, descending to the ground. His long wavy hair is parted in the center and falls to the shoulders; he wears a low polos-like headdress with semicircles in relief. His wings are tall and upright, with clearly marked feathers. In his right hand, Eros holds a tall incense burner with a base with palmettes in relief.

Condition: Complete. Left wing reattached. Minor abrasions and chips on surface; figurine made of light-brown clay in a single mold, including the base, which is open underneath; traces of white slip visible on frontal part; polychromy preserved; pink on body, blue on wings, brownish-red on hair, and gray on rocks and base; figurine lacks all trace of pigment on back, and was therefore probably left unpainted

The iconographic motif of a winged Eros with a thymiaterion was popular in Greece and South Italy from the second half of the fourth century B.C.E. In addition to coroplastics, it is also to be found in jewelry and vase-painting.1 The closest analogy to this Eros is a figurine in the British Museum, allegedly from Salamis.2 Other versions of similar standing Erotes—holding a mirror or without any attributes—are also known from Campania, Canosa, and Cyrenaica.3 The origins of the type remain uncertain. However, its frequent occurrence on South Italian vases from the fourth century B.C.E. onward4 might suggest that as an iconographic type, it initially developed in Magna Graecia in vase-painting and then was carried over into other media, including the coroplastic production. The Fordham figurine may have been a votive offering or a tomb gift, comprising part of the grave furniture. Relatively well-preserved traces of polychromy on the figurine’s surface might support the latter assumption. The motif of Eros holding a thymiaterion would have been appropriate in either situation as the burning of incense is well attested in both cultic and funerary circumstances.5 After the fourth century B.C.E., this subject spread throughout the Mediterranean, continuing into the late Hellenistic period. Its popularity is exemplified by a late second-century B.C.E. marble relief featuring a procession of ten winged Erotes who carry thymiateria and phialai, presumably from a sanctuary of Aphrodite on the Athenian Acropolis.6 MBM Published Reference: Christie’s, New York, sale cat., June 4, 1999, lot 26 1. See, for example, LIMC, vol. 3, Eros, pl. 640, no. 535 (askos), no. 537 (silver ring). 2. Burn and Higgins 2001, p. 281, no. 2942, pl. 152: in this figurine, the rocky outcrop is missing, and a thymiaterion is held over an altar-like object. 3. Mollard-Besques 1986, pl. 8, D 3370 (Campania), pl. 155, D 4108–D 4110 (Canosa); MollardBesques 1992, pl. 5, D 4186 (Cyrenaica). 4. LIMC, vol. 3, Eros, pl. 632, no. 443, p. 636, no. 492, p. 655, no. 817c. 5. Rouse 1908, p. 22; Parke 1977, pp. 21–22; Burkert 1985, pp. 62, 73. 6. LIMC, vol. 3, Eros, pl. 632, no. 447.

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Thymiaterion (incense burner) in the shape of woman’s head

Greek, South Italian, Canosan, Early Hellenistic, ca. 3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 8 in. (20.3 cm) Fordham University Collection, 3.041

This thymiaterion represents the frontal head of a woman on a longish slightly flaring neck.1 The flat area on the top with coarse surface around the hole testifies to the fact that the head once supported a receptacle for incense. This small bowl was probably decorated with acanthus leaves.2

Condition: Almost complete, except for incense receptacle on top of the head and rectangular base; minor chips and abrasions above mouth, on tip of nose, and on neck; head made of two parts, hollow and open at bottom; front part mold made; back perhaps modeled by hand; uneven circular opening on back, undoubtedly a vent; parts of wreath and its ribbon, ivy leaves, corymboi, earrings, and locks of hair added by hand and retouched with modeling stick Added color: Traces of white slip all over surface; red on lips and on wreath; yellow on wreath

The woman’s head has an elongated slightly asymmetrical face with heavy features. The centrally parted hair is pulled backward framing the high forehead, except for two short hair tendrils. Small triple clusters of grapes are placed above each tendril; grape leaves are attached slightly beneath them. Two locks are arranged along the sides of the neck. An elaborate wreath consists of several parts: on the top of the head, it is smooth with a ribbon weaved around it; on the sides, the wreath symmetrically consists of three ivy leaves with a corymbos (berry cluster) in the center; a larger corymbos protrudes underneath both ears from behind; a twisted fillet from a wreath comes down on both sides of the neck. Earrings are formed by smaller corymboi. The back of the head is summarily rendered. Terracotta thymiateria shaped as busts and heads are known from various sites around the Mediterranean and range in date from the fifth to the second century B.C.E.3 However, unless new and copious material comes to light elsewhere, Southern Italy and Sicily should be considered the main areas of production of incense burners in the shape of the human figure.4 The Fordham thymiaterion belongs to a group of incense burners and plastic vases in the form of female heads that represent typical categories of the Canosan pottery, a well-known group of vessels that displays decoration in colors put on after firing. The name comes from Canosa (or Canosium), a town in northern Apulia that became an important economic center after the Romans settled in the area after 318-317 B.C.E.; its privileged geographical position on the future Via Traiana added significantly to its economic growth. Canosan ceramic production began at the very end of the fourth century B.C.E.5 It is difficult to establish the exact origin of the thymiateria shaped as female busts and/or heads. Based on archaeological evidence, however, it is possible to venture a hypothesis. Terracotta busts, ranging in size from large to miniature, usually identified as those representing either Persephone or Demeter, are known to have

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been produced in eastern Sicily from the fifth century B.C.E. onward.6 A consistent feature of these busts is a frontal head supporting either a polos (headdress) or a kalathos (bowl) of varying heights. This headdress, often made on a wheel, could have acted as a natural receptacle for incense and might have been transformed subsequently into a flower-shaped or decorated bowl. Thus, objects (busts), which were originally votive, may have been transformed into a functional item such as a thymiaterion to be used in various funerary and cultic rituals. Generally, bust- or head-shaped incense burners are believed to represent Persephone or Demeter and are thought to be strongly associated with their cult.7 Let us take a closer look at the incense burner in question. Two triple clusters of grapes symmetrically positioned above the forehead, a wreath made with the ivy or grape leaves, and corymboi prominently used to decorate the wreath as well as earrings all point to the realm of Dionysos. Although it is impossible to identify this female character with certainty (it is perhaps either Ariadne or a generic maenad), the Dionysian connotations are quite obvious.8 Although a thorough study of the role of Dionysos in South Italy is still to appear, the importance of that deity for the regions of Sicily and South Italy cannot be underestimated. The popularity of Dionysos is attested by numerous images on South Italian vases and by the production of local coroplasts.9 Many of the bust- and head-shaped thymiateria show traces of burning.10 Therefore, it can be assumed that they were functional objects and were actually used to hold the burning incense during various rites.11 In the case of the Fordham thymiaterion, it is impossible to determine if it was ever used as such, since the receptacle for the incense is missing. A Baltimore incense burner, also from Canosa, with the bowl decorated with acanthus leaves still preserved, does not exhibit any traces of burning. Because of its state of preservation, it has been assumed that it comes from a burial and thus was used as a grave offering.12 It is worth noting here that Canosan ceramics are considered to be exclusively funerary, and the application of the paint after firing would certainly support that assumption.13 Thus, even if the Fordham thymiaterion was not actually used to hold burning incense, it probably had a symbolic meaning as part of the grave goods. MBM

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Published Reference: Christie’s, New York, sale cat., June 4, 1999, lot 32 1. The closest analogies to the Fordham head with the base and the receptacle for the incense still preserved can be found in Reeder 1988, no. 87; Sotheby’s, London, sale cat., July 11–12, 1983, lots 296, 297. 2. For the incense burners decorated with acanthus leaves, see Reeder 1988, no. 87; for smaller flowershaped incense burners, see Stoop 1960, p. 4. 3. The bust-flower thymiateria are found in mainland Greece (Olynthos and Corinth), in Asia Minor (Amisos, Troy, Gordion, Balikesir, Halicarnassos), in Failaka Island (Ikaros) in Kuwait, and in the Northern Black Sea (Olbia, Myrmekion). For bibliography, see Romano 1995, p. 18. 4. Stoop 1960, p. 21; Romano 1995, p. 18. For example, terracotta female busts with a large longstemmed flower on the head, dating from the fourth and third centuries B.C.E. have been discovered in a deposit at the sanctuary of Hera near the mouth of the river Sela, about ten kilometers north of Paestum. They were also discovered in the temenos of Paestum, in the sanctuary of an anonymous divinity near Capua, and in a deposit near an altar presumably sacred to Demeter, on Lipari, all places on or near the west coast of Sicily. Stoop 1960, p. 3; see also Zaccagnino 1998, pp. 80–81. 5. Rinuy et al. 1978, pp. 142, 146. 6. For a general description of the types, see Bell 1981, pp. 27-33. 7. Ibid.; Reeder 1988, no. 87 (“The maiden is surely to be identified as Persephone, following the long tradition in South Italian and Sicilian painting and terracotta of female heads and busts associated with this deity and her mother, Demeter”); Pena 2000. However, there are several exceptions: a group of thymiateria from South Italy found in a deposit at the sanctuary of Hera. Stoop treats these busts and heads as abbreviated versions of a kneeling figure with a flower-shaped incense burner on the head identified as Hera in her capacity of Eileithyia, patron of childbirth, but does not present an extremely convincing case (Stoop 1960, pp. 3, 77); a bust-shaped incense burner from Gordion identified as Artemis because of a tubular object, perhaps a quiver, hanging diagonally across the back and visible above the right shoulder (Romano 1995, p. 20, no. 42); several fragmentary incense burners believed to represent Isis, Tyche, Ariadne, and Athena, all from Amisos (Summerer 1999, pp. 57-65). 8. Several thymiateria from Olbia in the Northern Black Sea depict a female personage wearing a wreath structurally similar to the one on the Fordham head. In addition, there is also a simple band above the brow (most probably Dionysian mitra) with two horn-like corymboi above the forehead. In all publications and in the museum wall-labels, this character is erroneously identified as Demeter. For a discussion of this group of incense burners, for the arguments against this designation and for the proposed identification as Ariadne, see Bilde 2007. 9. See, for example, RFVS; Bernabò Brea 2001. 10. Romano 1995, p. 18; Bilde 2007, p. 121. 11. For the use of thymiateria in various funerary and cultic rituals, see Romano 1995, p. 18 (with bibliography). 12. Reeder 1988, no. 87. 13. Rinuy et al. 1978, pp. 141, 146.

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Villanovan, Etruscan, and Italic Art

Interior of a kylix. Appendix 7.050 133

37.

Cinerary hut urn

Villanovan, ca. 9th century B.C.E. Impasto, h. 9 1/2 in. (24.1 cm) Lent by the Republic of Italy, 2010 (Previously, Fordham University Collection, 4.021)

This cinerary urn is made from impasto, impure clay traditionally used by Villanovan artists, whose culture dates from 900 to 720 B.C.E.1 The Villanovans were the likely precursors to the Etruscans.2 The use of hut urns in Villanovan burial practice is probably a result of their contact with a culture that predated them in Latium, modern day Lazio. And it is likely that this culture both practiced cremation and observed funerary rituals involving protection and the provision of food and utensils for the spirit of the dead, which justified the use of a house for the deceased.3

Condition: Complete, with minor chipping Shape and Ornament: Rounded walls with roughly square insert for door; around door, holes at three points so it could be held in place with string-like material; around entire roof, small lip with (like majority of hut urns) ridges that indicate roof beams; eight ridges across top with their peaks lined up in central axis behind door, and all but last topped with curved V shape; last ridge set appears to lean forward to join next to last ridge and its decorative protrusion; above door, anthropomorphic figure whose arms echo shape of decorative protrusion above it but reversed so that faces downward; legs spread so that they echo roof ridges; divot (piece of turf ) in chest of figure, unknown whether deliberate or result of wearing of time

Hut urns from Latium tend to have less decoration and to be smaller than Villanovan examples. This suggests that the hut urn under discussion is from a Villanovan as opposed to a settlement in Latium. However, round or rectangular hut urns have been excavated from both Latium and Villanovan contexts and this preference does not reflect the nearest settlement to the necropolis in which the urns were found.4 Because they were handmade, no two hut urns are identical. In addition, all have varied details of accent and decoration,5 enough so that they might be referencing specific individual houses. The most distinctive aspect of the Fordham example is the roof decoration, which implies a particular construction method using raised ridges. The “roof beams” are V-shaped and curved at the ends, recalling a stylized bird. At the site of Acquarossa, which has yielded numerous roof tiles, akroteria seem to point to a similar design on actual houses.6 The suggestion of birds in roof decoration appears on other Villanovan hut urns. This symbolism perhaps results from the seemingly widespread association of birds with the idea of transition. Finally, above the door and under the front crossbeams, the present hut urn also features a human figure, a rare motif which might be a representation of the deceased.7 Perhaps the figure offers a clue as to the gender of the dead: Villanovan sites that include hut urns have revealed that most of the human remains, with some exceptions, are male, and where identifiable, the ages of the interred range from the late teens to the early forties.8 AA 1. Haynes 2000, p. 4. 2. Torelli 1986, p. 49. 3. Bryan 1925, pp. 162–63. 4. Bartoloni, Beijer, and De Santis 1985, p. 188. 5. Bartoloni et al. 1987, figs 1–186. 6. Phillips 1992, p. 39. 7. Boëthius 1970/1994, p. 26. 8. Bartoloni et al. 1987, pp. 245-46.

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38.

Armlet

Greek or Villanovan, Geometric or Archaic, 8th–6th century B.C.E. Bronze, h. 2 in. (5.8 cm); d. 3 1/2 in. (8.9 cm) Fordham University Collection, 2008.16

This bronze armlet is made of a single long narrow strip of bronze, round in cross section, curled into fourteen tightly spiraling coils. At each end, the metal curves into a hook shape, from which small circular rings are suspended, perhaps forming part of a toggle clasp in its original state. In its present condition, five of these circular rings hang from one hooked end of the armlet; those from the opposite end are missing. The surface of the coiled armlet is treated simply with short vertical hatch marks incised at regular intervals.

Condition: Excellent, with relatively minor surface incrustation, more severe on outermost spirals on each end

Bronze, silver, and gold jewelry was manufactured throughout the ancient Mediterranean world from an early date, occurring in significant numbers at least by the Mycenaean period, ca. 1450 B.C.E. Bracelets or jewelry intended to be worn on the arm were commonly fastened into either a single simple band, often with animal heads at the ends, or a more complex spiraling rod, also frequently terminating in animal heads, most often snakes.1 Either type might be worn at the wrist, the elbow, or the upper arm. Spiraling armbands of varying types are found throughout Italy, Greece, and Asia Minor and were manufactured by craftsmen of diverse cultural traditions, including artisans of Celtic, Villanovan, Etruscan, Greek, and East Greek heritage. The Fordham armlet is somewhat unusual in the narrow diameter of the bronze rod itself, the large number of spiraled coils and the tightness of the curled bands, the geometric surface decoration, and the absence of zoomorphic elements at the terminals. It is not possible to determine its origins based on form alone, but a pair of similar armlets, with narrow diameters, tightly coiled bands, short incised hatch marks at regular intervals, and plain ends has been found in the Archaic cemetery of Kastri, on the Chalkidike peninsula, in northeast Greece.

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Ancient jewelry served several functions, ranging from the more obvious aim of adorning the human (usually female) body to the subtler announcement of luxury and wealth of the individual who commissioned or purchased the object.2 Bronze jewelry, along with its silver and gold counterparts, were given as gifts, passed down as heirlooms, offered as votive dedications, and consigned to the grave as rich offerings to protect and honor the body of the deceased. The fine condition of the metal suggests that the armlet was protected from environmental damage and probably was part of a funerary assemblage. The tight coil of the spiraling rings, which is somewhat rare amongst ancient Greek and Italian objects of similar type, may further suggest that the armlet was made primarily for use in a burial context, rather than to be worn in life. Bronze jewelry often was placed in the graves of deceased females, a feminine counterpart of the weapons associated with male burials. AS 1. See Dyfri Williams in Williams and Ogden 1994, pp. 35–36. 2. Dyfri Williams (ibid., pp. 31–33) has discussed the functions of ancient jewelry, focusing especially on gold objects. He wrote about the different forms of jewelry, noting which types were appropriate for males and females in different geographic areas and historical periods (pp. 33–37). See also pp. 35–36 in the same volume for different forms of bracelets and specifically for armlets.

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Ribbed dinos (bowl) on white-on-red holmos (stand)

Etruscan, perhaps Cerveteri, ca. 675–650 B.C.E. Terracotta, total h. 31 1/8 in. (79 cm) Fordham University Collection, 6.035

Instead of painted decoration, the shoulder and belly of this dinos are enlivened with ribs produced by laying small coils of wet clay vertically and then pressing them into parallel ridges, a common form of decoration. However, the potter made his ribs less than perfectly vertical so that, as he proceeded around the vase, he eventually ended with an asymmetrical arrangement.

Condition: Complete. Painted decoration on holmos unevenly preserved Shape and Ornament: Dinos of typical shape: wide, flaring rim with grooves on interior; neck separated from shoulder by horizontal groove; ribbing below on shoulder and belly, another horizontal groove, and then, smooth base terminating in very low ring foot. No painted decoration. Holmos of three joined shapes: conical form, spherical element, and bulbous base with short foot

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The holmos consists of three shapes joined together. A flaring conical form at the top supports the dinos. Below this is a smaller spherical element and then a large bulbous base with short flaring foot. Separating the three elements and marking the carinations are small protruding horizontal bands of clay. In addition, note that there are six evenly spaced small perforations (each ca. 3 mm in diameter) above the lower carination and another six in the upper part of the bulbous element. There are also two rows of arrowhead-like perforations on this lower element. Although the upper row consists of smaller arrowheads, both rows have twenty perforations, and they alternate direction, pointing up and down as they move around the base. These perforations are set between double rows of painted horizontal lines. The inner rim of the topmost flaring conical form is grooved. The inner surface of the conical form is painted with four concentric circles, hidden when the dinos is in place. The major frieze on the exterior of this top element shows a series of horses alternating with crouching felines, all moving to the right. Sometimes the alternation is irregular: horse, feline, horse, feline, feline, horse, feline, horse. The frieze is framed by a double horizontal line and, at the base, a wavy line plus two more horizontals before the carination. The spherical central element shows a frieze of fourteen humans moving to the right. They seem to wear stylized rectangular garments each decorated by four rows of dots. These are highly abstracted stick figures, but their feet are indicated, and in some cases, they seem to turn their heads in profile. The same arrangement of double parallel lines and wavy line frames this figural frieze. The large bulbous base has the most complicated painted decoration. The upper frieze shows four quadrupeds, moving to the right, and alternating with elaborate lozenge designs. The taller lower frieze depicts ten horsemen moving to the right. All the figures are conceived as silhouettes in white overpaint, although in a few cases, horse heads are shown in outline with the eyes indicated. Both friezes are framed by double parallel horizontal lines above and below. In addition, there are the vestiges of a wavy line, like that below the horse and feline frieze, all but obscured by heavy encrustations.

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A recent study by M. G. Benedettini attempts to classify the holmos shape. The Fordham example belongs to her “Type VII C” and can be associated with others excavated at Narce or in Faliscan territory.1 Of the 350 holmoi studied, only about 134 were originally painted. Most of these were decorated in the Red-on-White style, but 21 are painted in White-on-Red.2 The Fordham vase was not known to Benedettini, so it becomes a new member of this small group. A close parallel for this dinos and holmos comes from Narce, Monte Lo Greco necropolis, tomb 2F, now in the University Museum in Philadelphia.3 In fact, they share so many characteristics that it is quite likely both were made in the same workshop, if not by the same potter. Even obscure details (e.g., the painted concentric circles on the interior of the flaring element, the arrow-head perforations in two rows, the syntax of ornament) are identical. On the Philadelphia holmos, the stylized human figures hold hands and seem to be dancing, but on the Fordham holmos, no arms or hands are indicated and the heads are not as clearly painted. An important difference is the subject of the top frieze: typical waterbirds on the Philadelphia holmos but horses and felines on our holmos. Thus, the Fordham holmos joins a select group of only two other holmoi with human figures depicted in the White-on-Red style.4 Given that these two, and two others with human figures in Red-on-White,5 all come from cemeteries at Narce, it is quite likely that the Fordham holmos was also made at a workshop in Narce. An additional related holmos and dinos were excavated at Laurentina Acqua Acetosa in 1978 but only published recently.6 That example, from Tomb 133, shows several animal friezes but no human figures. RDDP 1. Benedettini 1997, p. 18. 2. Ibid., p. 13. 3. Dohan 1942, pp. 63–66, no. 1, pl. xxxiii and fig. 38; Micozzi 1994, pp. 55, 104–6, n. 225, pl. lxxi b; items from tomb 2F were not included in Turfa 2005a. 4. Both examples are in Philadelphia (Dohan 1942, pp. 63–66, no. 1, pl. xxxiii and fig. 38) and Narce Tomb 7F (Dohan 1942, pp. 68–69, no. 3, pls. xxxv, xxxvi, and figs. 41, 42; Micozzi 1994, p. 286, no. f36, pls. lxxiii, lxxiv c; Turfa 2005a, pp. 98–99, pl. 6). 5. Narce Pizzo Piede necropolis, Tomb 4 (XLVIII) and Tomb 15 (XLIX) (Benedettini 1997, p. 29). 6. Bedini 2007a; Bedini 2007b; Angela Cassotta in Tomei 2007, p. 470, no. ii893.

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40.

White-on-red biconical pithos with lid

Etruscan, said to be from Southern Etruria, ca. 650 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 32 1/2 in. (82.5 cm) Fordham University Collection, 7.039

On this large and elegantly decorated storage vessel, the cursory cable pattern appears four times as the horizontal border separating the three major friezes. The two upper friezes, above the handle zone, show an elaborate series of interlocking Phoenician palmettes. The bottom frieze consists of alternating solid white diamonds and crosshatched triangular shapes with rounded tops. Below the carination is a simple band of short vertical lines followed by three horizontals. The handles are decorated with parallel transverse bands like the handle on the lid. An interesting detail is the superfluous horizontal line at the base of the lower frieze of palmettes. If compared to the upper frieze, this would seem to indicate an error in spacing the various motifs (i.e., the cable pattern is interrupted by the palmettes above but is continuous below).

Condition: Complete and in excellent condition; lid has been repaired, but no fragments are missing Shape and Ornament: Biconical pithos decorated with a variety of geometric and Orientalizing motifs arranged in horizontal friezes. Lid has two rows of crosshatched triangles (eleven and fifteen triangles, respectively) framed by double horizontal bands that enclose a cursory cable pattern or guilloche; at center, under handle, two more crosshatched rays; handle simply decorated with parallel transverse bands

Most White-on-Red pithoi associated with Cerveteri are ovoid in shape. The biconical form of the Fordham pithos is unusual. The shape of the lid is also unexpected. Most pithos lids are carinated and have more complicated handles. This example resembles the convex types normally found on pyxides. It is, of course, quite possible that this lid belongs to another vessel, although the fabric, color, and decoration are similar to those of the pithos.1 RDDP 1. For related examples, see CVA, USA, vol. 34, J. Paul Getty Museum, Malibu, vol. 9, pp. 5–10, pls. 468–71. A pithos formerly on the London antiquities market, now in a private New York collection, has similar proportions but is not biconical. The domed lid is also close to the Fordham example, but with a more complex handle.

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41.

White-on-red house-shaped cinerary urn

Etruscan, probably from Southern Etruria, ca. 650–600 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 16 in. (40.6 cm) Fordham University Collection, 6.002

Each side of the lid is painted with an elaborate scene of a large oared ship manned by ten oarsmen and five armed warriors on the deck. These warriors wear crested helmets, carry large round shields, and brandish spears. The central group of three are depicted in larger scale than the two others.

Condition: Complete and in good condition; some surface pitting and likely overpainting Shape and Ornament: Rectangular-shaped box with four small feet at corners and pitched roof to imitate an archaic house; white lines outline the shape and mark off the feet; six scenes corresponding to the four sides of the box and the two sides of the sloping roof

The large rectangular panel below the one of the ships depicts a lion moving to the left towards a shrub or small tree. On the opposite rectangular panel are two winged horses also striding to the left. Both large panels are decorated with an elaborate wave-crest border painted in solid white along the top edge. The small end panels show another winged horse moving left and a striding warrior wearing a large crested helmet, carrying a shield, and using his spear as a walking stick. He too moves to the left. At the corners of this panel are two volutes. Among the few house-shaped terracotta cinerary urns that are known, most are associated with Cerveteri, the likely origin of the Fordham example. Three examples are of similar shape without any added roof ornaments.1 The painting on some of these parallels is virtually illegible, but with the exception of the urn in New York, none has such elaborate figural decoration as ours. Of course, ships do appear on other shapes, notably the Louvre White-on-Red pyxis.2 There is also the famous Aristonothos krater, from about 650 B.C.E., which shows a similar arrangement of three large warriors standing on the deck above a group of smaller rowers.3 RDDP 1. Micozzi 1994, p. 243, nos. c1, c5, pls. i, a, iii, a, plus an unpublished example on the New York antiquities market since 1994. 2. Louvre D 150 (Martelli 1987, pp. 267–68, no. 44, ill. p. 95; Micozzi 1994, p. 245, no. 13, pls. xi, xii, esp. pl. xii, a). 3. Rome, Musei Capitolini, 172, from Cerveteri (Martelli 1987, pp. 263–65, no. 40, ill. p. 93).

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42.

Small white-on-red urn with four attached bowls

Etruscan, probably from Southern Etruria, ca. 650–625 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 12 5/8 in. (32 cm) Fordham University Collection, 5.010

Water birds (perhaps herons) like the ones seen in the major frieze on this Etruscan urn, were a favorite subject for artists of White-on-Red vessels, but birds decorated with dots as they are here, are unusual (see No. 44). One area that seems to have employed this decorative feature is Capena, north of Faliscan territory.1 Above and below the birds are simple linear designs, which may represent reeds in a marshy landscape or simply water. RDDP

Condition: Complete and in good condition Shape and Ornament: Shape similar to Fordham urns Nos. 45 and 46 but much smaller and omits vertical grooves and lower ridge. On shoulder, water birds moving to the right; double horizontal bands with vertical bars frame the frieze; on area between struts, vertical and wavy lines; on fronts of struts, crosshatched patterns and on their sides, horizontal strokes, giving them a net-like appearance; area just below rim of each bowl set off with a wide solid band of white, and on tops and inner surfaces of some bowls, traces of white; on lower belly, two more friezes, upper one, consisting of a series of double arcs and apparently attempting to look like a cable-pattern or guilloche, separated from lower one of ray patterns by two horizontal lines; on foot, more parallel horizontal lines

1. Micozzi 1994, pls. lxxxiii, a, b, lxxxiv, lxxxv.

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43.

White-on-red pyxis (box) with lid

Etruscan, perhaps made in northern Latium, ca. 620–600 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 20 7/8 in. (53 cm) Fordham University Collection, 7.038

The upper frieze on the body of this pyxis shows two fish flanked by waterbirds, all moving to the right. Both scales and feathers on these creatures are depicted in the same stylized manner, by small circles enclosed in irregular semicircular compartments. Wavy lines indicate the markings on the birds’ necks. Both eyes of each fish are visible as if seen from above. The bird at right pecks at a small potted plant. The birds’ feet extend into the horizontal lines of the lower frame; a much smaller fish, indicated simply by two arcs enclosing a series of dots, swims below the first fish. The remainder of the frieze is taken up with an irregular row of white zigzag triangles and, behind the tail of the last bird, a cursory white zigzag.

Condition: Complete. Reconstructed from several large fragments; there is a small square-shaped patch of clay incised with a triangle on the upper rim Shape and Ornament: Large pyxis with high, gently tapering walls with two horizontal handles near the base; very short foot in one degree; lid a shallow dome without carination but topped by a squat knob supported by four flaring feet; body decorated with two wide friezes

The lower frieze shows a similar arrangement of white triangles between the handles followed by an undulating two-headed snake. The eyes and tongues of both snake heads are carefully indicated; the body is patterned with irregular speckles. Areas above and below the snake’s body are filled with triangles that enclose diamond patterns. Both friezes are framed by five horizontal bands. Handles are undecorated. The lid shows a series of six patterned concentric friezes. Moving from the center to the rim, these are: short, radiating lines enclosed by single bands; twenty-two dotted triangles framed on the outside by a second band of short, radiating lines; a wide frieze of simplified, arched palmettes; a cursory cable pattern or guilloche; a final band of short, radiating lines. The four legs supporting the central knob have concentric rings with spirals at their bases. The area under this handle has four short rectangular boxes of white parallel lines. The friezes of arched palmettes and cursory guilloche are very similar to those on No. 40. The shape of this pyxis is close to Micozzi’s “Type A2,”1 but its foot is much shorter than the usual trumpet-shaped foot found on this type. The lids for many of the Caeretan pyxides have not survived, but our example is similar in shape and knobtype to examples in Paris, Saint Petersburg, and Basel2 Many of the great pyxides are painted with elaborate figural subjects or animal friezes. The double-headed snake on the Fordham pyxis is unique in White-on-Red. There is a triple-headed snake painted on an amphora in Amsterdam and another on a fresco in the Tomb of the Infernal Quadriga at Sarteano.3 It is also rare to see birds and fish together.4 RDDP

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1. Micozzi 1994, pp. 25–26. 2. Ibid., pp. 244–45, nos. c8, c10, c12, pls. vi, vii, ix, a, x. 3. Amsterdam, Allard Pierson Museum, 10188, ca. 660–40 B.C.E. (Martelli 1987, p. 265, no. 41, ill. p. 94; de Grummond 2006, pp. 4–5, fig. i.5); Sarteano fresco, ca. 330–300 B.C.E. (Steingräber 2006, p. 218, ill. p. 228). See Minetti 2006, pp. 33–35, figs. 39, 40, and pp. 42–43, for other examples of related snakes. Such creatures are associated with the Underworld, at least in later times. 4. For this combination, see an olla once on the Swiss art market (Micozzi 1994, p. 269, no. c160, pl. l, a). Compare an amphora in Copenhagen (Micozzi 1994, p. 259, no. c99, pl. xxxiii, b). Also see an amphora in Stockholm, where they occupy separate friezes (Martelli 1987, pp. 257–58, no. 31, ill. p. 85). The combination occurs on incised bucchero: Louvre C 553 (Gran Aymerich 1973, fig. 18).

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44.

White-on-red pyxis (box) with lid

Etruscan, perhaps made in northern Latium, ca. 620-600 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 16 in. (40.6 cm) Fordham University Collection, 7.040

All the birds move to the right, and their bodies are filled with small white dots. In addition, some have horizontal neck bands. The area above each handle has three dotted triangles, and the attachment points for each handle are marked by white circles.

Condition: Complete. Reconstructed from several large fragments Shape and Ornament: Pyxis with shape similar to No. 43 but with lower walls, a larger diameter, and no foot; lid also similar to No. 43 but less convex and with only a large knobbed handle; overall, proportions squatter than those of No. 43; body decorated with two large friezes framed by white horizontal bands: diamond pattern punctuated by dots and procession of large waterbirds, five on one side and six on the other

The lid has a large knob supported by four legs, very much like that on No. 43 but here completely undecorated. The lid’s surface is painted with two wide friezes. The smaller, enclosing the handle, consists of eleven cross-hatched triangles. The outer frieze shows dotted birds alternating with diamond patterns. There are five birds moving to the right. These friezes are outlined by plain white concentric bands, but the outermost bands enclose a row of white dots. The shape is a variant of Micozzi’s “Type A2” with a flat, footless base. The repeated waterbirds (often called aironi or herons by Italian scholars) that dominate the large friezes on both lid and body are a familiar type found on many vessel shapes of both White-on-Red and Red-on-White techniques (cf. Nos. 42, 47).1 Birds with dots punctuating their bodies seem to be most common on White-on-Red pottery associated with Capena.2 Versions of this motif appear on other types of vessels, including incised bucchero vases, and in fresco painting.3 RDDP 1. For a concise analysis of this motif, see Leach 1987, pp. 116–19. 2. Micozzi 1994, pp. 76–77, 293–94, pls. lxxxiii–lxxxv. 3. Gran Aymerich 1973, fig. 6; Steingräber 2006, pp. 33–38. 0

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45.

Large urn with four attached bowls

Etruscan, ca. 620–600 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 20 1/8 in. (51 cm) Fordham University Collection, 2.002

The deep vertical grooves on the body of this large vessel extend from the base of the neck to the lower belly. Marking the beginning and end of this area are pronounced horizontal ridges. The mouth is short and flaring; the foot is small with a deep base. Four small semicircular bowls are each supported by three struts. Two of these struts are long and one is short to accommodate the rising curve of the vessel’s shoulder. All the struts are rectangular in section and support each bowl so that its rim is parallel to the urn’s rim. RDDP

Condition: Complete Shape and Ornament: Bulbous body patterned with deep vertical grooves; no painted or stamped decoration

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46.

Large white-on-red urn with four attached bowls

Etruscan, perhaps northern Latium, ca. 620-600 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 20 1/8 in. (51 cm) Fordham University Collection, 2.003

Fordham urns Nos. 45 and 46 do indeed seem to be a pair, despite their slight differences in shape. The major difference, that No. 46 is painted extensively while No. 45 is devoid of ornament, might be the result of an interruption in process. In any case, details of fabric, style, and technique shared by Nos. 45 and 46 suggest that the place of manufacture may have been Crustumerium, from which several good examples of similar vessels in the White-on-Red style have been excavated.1 Moreover, it is thought that Crustumerium might have been an independent center with its own workshops producing this kind of pottery.2

Condition: Complete. Ample traces of a dark stain, probably from wine, appear on the urn’s interior; position of stain suggests that the urn lay on its side for an extended period until the liquid eventually evaporated Shape and Ornament: Shape almost identical to Fordham urn (No. 45). Differences include the more spherical body with less pronounced transition from shoulder to neck; lower horizontal ridge positioned closer to bottom of vessel, making the vertical grooves longer; foot larger in diameter than No. 45 and higher but with a similar profile; white dots, set in roughly vertical rows, mark each strut, and several struts are outlined with white; double lines mark out, in roughly square shapes, the attachment points of longer struts; on area just below rim of each bowl, a horizontal band with dots (although the dots are omitted above the struts); suspended from a horizontal line that marks the upper ridge at base of neck, series of semicircles, each with a central dot; lower ridge set off by horizontal lines with a series of parallel diagonal strokes; on smooth area between this ridge and the foot, large curving rays filled with crosshatched design; on foot, series of short vertical lines radiating from horizontal band

Other examples of this shape, with either three or four attached bowls, come from several different Latin sites. Both Crustumerium and Lavinium have produced a smaller variety with stamped Phoenician palmettes decorating the struts.3 It has been suggested that these smaller stamped but unpainted vessels might derive from workshops in Rome. RDDP 1. Di Gennaro 2007; Barbara Belelli Marchesini in Tomei 2007, pp. 228–229, nos. ii.225, ii.226. Note the similar strut decoration on the second example. 2. Colonna 1988, p. 305. 3. Somella 1971–72, pp. 62–63, fig. 15; di Gennaro 1990, p. 70, no. 31.

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47.

Red-on-white amphora (jar with two handles)

Etruscan, probably from Southern Etruria, ca. 630–600 B.C.E. Terracotta, 19 1/2 in. (49.5 cm) Fordham University Collection, 3.008

The shape of this amphora was also produced in the White-on-Red technique and belongs to Micozzi’s “Type A3” amphora. Examples, many with triangle friezes, are frequent at Cerveteri, but the shape appears also at Veii and in Faliscan territory. The silhouette birds on this amphora are very typical of numerous examples, especially on plates, associated with Cerveteri. RDDP

Condition: Complete and in good condition Shape and Ornament: Amphora; rim painted with a wide red horizontal band, followed by narrow band that frames first frieze of eleven solid triangles (often called denti di lupo or “wolf ’s teeth”) on upper neck; at bottom of neck, three narrow red bands above similar frieze of twelve crosshatched triangles, all pointing down; handles painted solid red; on shoulder, lattice frieze; on body, frieze of twenty-two solid triangles above four narrow bands and major frieze of a procession of waterbirds (perhaps herons) shown in silhouette and moving to right; below, four narrow red bands, followed by series of ten wide horizontal bands to base

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48.

White-on-red amphora (jar with two handles)

Etruscan, probably from Southern Etruria, ca. 630–600 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 17 in. (43.1 cm) Fordham University Collection, 3.030

Like Fordham amphora No. 49, this vessel also belongs to Micozzi’s “Type B1.”1 In addition to the parallels cited for No. 49, both pieces share similarities with a vase on the Swiss art market in 1981: wide white bands alternating with a meticulously drawn frieze combining Orientalizing motifs and fine parallel lines. RDDP

Condition: Complete and in good condition Shape and Ornament: Amphora; differences in the syntax on each side of vase. From top to bottom and including handles, series of white horizontal bands, most narrower than the red bands with which they alternate; in area between bases of each handle, two or three thin horizontal bands; on shoulder, two bands with added short vertical lines; main frieze includes series of white spirals separated from each other by patterns of short vertical and horizontal lines

1. Micozzi 1994, p. 264, no. c127, pl. xlv, b, perhaps from Cerveteri. See also L’Aquila, Museo Nazionale, 525 (Micozzi 1994, p. 263, no. c121, pl. xliii, a).

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49.

White-on-red amphora (jar with two handles)

Etruscan, probably from Southern Etruria, ca. 650–625 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 15 in. (38 cm) Fordham University Collection, 3.019

The shape of this vessel belongs to Micozzi’s “Type B1” amphoras, which appear to be an Etruscan version of the Attic “SOS” transport amphoras. This trend developed at Cerveteri in the third quarter of the seventh century B.C.E.1 RDDP

Condition: Large fragment of rim missing, but otherwise in good condition; traces of white transverse bands on handles; considerable flaking of paint, although repeated designs on body are easily discernible Shape and Ornament: On neck and shoulder, two bands of white triangles or rays, six on Side A and seven on Side B, the side with missing rim fragment; on vessel’s belly, main frieze shows elegant series of five and six palmettes, each enclosed by a circular volute; number of fronds varies from thirteen to sixteen; this band framed by single horizontal lines; on lower belly above flaring foot, two more friezes of decoration: checkerboard motif in three rows and six rays (on each side), this time pointing up; foot undecorated

1. Micozzi 1994, pp. 35–38. Close parallels for the shape are from Cerveteri (Micozzi 1994, p. 264, nos. c124, c125), although the feet on these examples are higher.

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Impasto Ware

Impasto is a term used to describe clay common to central Italy from the Bronze Age onward. Impasto clay is coarse, full of mica and sand, and often of tiny stones. Because of these characteristics, impasto was used for utilitarian vases from Italy’s earliest beginnings, as the clay offered an adhesive quality that allowed for the production of large vessels strong enough to hold liquids and grains.1 The clay was often coated with a light terracotta (slip) and stamped with decoration, as is the case with Caeretan cylinder-stamped ware in this collection. Impasto vase shapes chronicle the rich talent of early Etruscan potters and provide evidence for contact with the east via trade by adopting imported vase shapes. The colors of impasto range from browns and grays to brick red; the various clay beds and the firing process were ultimately responsible for the final color. Like bucchero, much of impasto ware from the Orientalizing through the Archaic periods was burnished. Burnishing rendered the surface smooth and elegant, allowing for incised decoration that was offset by a shiny luster. The spirally grooved amphorae in this collection (see Nos. 50, 51) exemplify the widely produced impasto vases of the Villanovan to Early Etruscan periods, the shape having been carried over into the Archaic period in bucchero fabric. In general, the most distinctive characteristic of impasto ware is the lack of painted decor or specific narrative imagery. Contact with the Greeks sparked the production of painted vases in Etruria, but much of impasto utilitarian ware continued to be made without painted ornamentation. Many tomb robbers of the last century and earlier left impasto ware behind; it was regarded as valueless because of its lack of decoration. What survived was often destroyed by excavators who deemed it unworthy even for display in museums. However, the corpus of impasto ware demonstrates the longevity of vase shapes, the adoption and adaptation of popular new shapes, and the significant place of utilitarian wares in the daily life of the Etruscans. LP 1. On impasto ware, see, for example, Moscati and Rendeli 1993; Brendel 1995; Camporeale 2001.

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50.

Amphora (jar with two handles) with spirals and fish

Etruscan, Cerveteri, Early Archaic, ca. 625 B.C.E. Terracotta (impasto), h. 11 in. (27.9 cm) Fordham University Collection, 7.063

This amphora was burnished before the decoration was executed. Most notable is the incised fish that floats above the spirals. The artist’s attention to detail can be appreciated best in his rendering of scales by dotting the torso of the fish. Spirals, characteristic of early Etruscan ceramics, decorate the belly of the amphora. The spiral decor later became a common motif on bucchero of the Archaic period.1 LP

Condition: Complete Shape and Ornament: Dark gray squat wheel-made globular amphora on low disc base; strap handles attach at rim and shoulder; at base of neck, row of spotted triangles facing upward; above spirals, incised fish; starting at lower neck and ending at bottom of belly, spirals flanked by curved vertical lines

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1. Rasmussen 1979, pl. 1, no. 2, type 1a amphora.

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51.

Amphora (jar with two handles) with spirals and bird

Etruscan, Cerveteri, Early Archaic, ca. 625 B.C.E. Terracotta (impasto), h. 7 in. (17.8 cm) Fordham University Collection, 7.064

This amphora can be appreciated best for its black color, typical of bucchero of the period. The vessel was burnished before the incised decoration was applied. The stylized heron in the main scene has a long tail consisting of horizontal lines. The bird’s chest features curved lines. Herons were popular birds on Etruscan geometric painted pottery made during the same period as the present amphora.1 LP

Condition: Complete Shape and Ornament: Squat wheel-made amphora on flat disk base; attached to rim and upper shoulder, two strap handles; below handles, vertical incised lines frame the main scene depicting a heron above two conjoined spirals; below neck, four incised lines define neck from belly

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1. Rasmussen 1979, pl. 1, no. 2, type 1a amphora.

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52.

Amphora (jar with two handles) with incised fish and rosettes

Etruscan, Cerveteri, Early Archaic, ca. 625 B.C.E. Terracotta (impasto), h. 18 in. (45.7 cm) Fordham University Collection, 7.067

The dark gray veneer on this amphora is characterized by a busy incised decor applied after the vessel was burnished. The unique element of the decoration is the two fish floating beneath the rosettes, tails down, looking to the top of the vessel. The artist displays his knowledge of fish with the delicately fashioned fish scales. Fish appear randomly on incised impasto of this period. Five incised lines drawn from the tip to the bottom act as a frame for the rosettes and fish. LP

Condition: Complete Shape and Ornament: Wheel-made amphora with flat band handles on low disc base; from lower neck to middle of belly, incised band with diamond pattern ending in large six-petaled rosette; on left and right, two identical rosettes with two fish beneath

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53.

Amphora (jug with two handles) with a horse and rider

Etruscan, Early Archaic, ca. 625 B.C.E. Terracotta (impasto), h. 20 1/2 in. (52.1 cm) Fordham University Collection, 7.066

After burnishing, this rather large vessel was incised with a horse and rider (warrior) holding a stick. The bold composition fills most of the surface of the vase. The horse, with a long tail (typical of the Orientalizing and Early Archaic periods), strides to the right with a nude warrior on its back. The artisan of this vessel knew well the anatomy of the horse, as evidenced by the rendering of the position of the hind legs, thrusting chest, and bridled head. Notably, the horse was most certainly drawn first and the warrior later, since the incision denoting the horse’s back crosses the torso and ankle of the rider. In addition, the artist added two horizontal lines under the horse’s hoofs in order to denote a ground line. Vertical lines running from the bottom of the strap handles to the bottom of the vessel frame the horse. LP

Condition: Complete Shape and Ornament: Wheel-made amphora on flat base; dark gray impasto with orange and beige blotches left by firing process; incised horse and rider

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54.

Amphora (jar with two handles) with incised spirals, palmettes, and herons

Etruscan, Early Archaic, ca. 625 B.C.E. Terracotta (impasto), h. 23 in. (58.4 cm) Fordham University Collection, 2.004

The orange and gray blotches on this amphora are typical discoloration resulting from the firing process. The impasto was burnished before the incised herons, palmettes, and spirals were applied. The decoration is unique, with its busy pattern of spirals, stylized lotus, and ribbon decor. Below the neck of the amphora, two stylized herons prance with their heads thrown back. Stylized Phoenician-like palmettes with lotuses float in a crooked row above a large pattern of two finely executed spirals with a lotus in between. Herons are typical icons on the Etruscan geometric painted vases from the late Orientalizing to the Early Archaic periods. The palmettes shown here mimic those seen on contemporary painted pottery of the Red-on-White style (see No 47). LP

Condition: Complete Shape and Ornament: Wheel-made amphora with flat band handles on a low disc base; incised herons, palmettes, and spirals

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55.

Amphora (jar with two handles) with incised tree and palmettes

Etruscan, Cerveteri, Early Archaic, ca. 625 B.C.E. Terracotta (impasto), h. 16 1/2 in. (41.9 cm) Fordham University Collection, 7.065

The uneven firing of this grayish-orange and brown impasto vessel can best be seen on the belly, where dark gray blotches appear. After burnishing, incised decoration was applied to the upper shoulder and belly. The upper shoulder features Phoenician-like palmettes with stylized lotuses reminiscent of the Red-on-White painted vases of the same period. At the center of the belly of the vase is a hastily applied tree. To the left of the tree, a hatched group of markings show the careless hand of this artisan, most likely not the same one who applied the palmettes above. An inverted V made up of seven lines spans downward from the bottom of the handles on both sides. LP

Condition: Complete Shape and Ornament: Wheel-made amphora with globular body on very low disc base; at rim and upper shoulder, flat band handles

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Etruscan Bucchero

Bucchero, the signature pottery of the Etruscans, was produced for several hundred years at numerous Etruscan centers.1 Famous for its shiny black appearance, bucchero was exported from Etruria to the eastern and western shores of the Mediterranean. The lustrous black surface was achieved not by a glazing process but rather by firing the purified clay at a very high temperature, then cutting off the oxygen, thereby forcing the iron oxides in the clay to turn black. Before firing, the clay was burnished, a technique frequently used by the earliest Etruscans to produce a smooth and glossy surface. Examples of burnishing instruments included smooth spatulas and flat stones. It has been suggested that these early Etruscan artisans were attempting to produce pottery that imitated shiny metal vessels, thus increasing their value. Whatever their purpose was, the end result was a distinctive and handsome product. The earliest bucchero appeared in southern Etruria—namely Cerveteri— in the mid-seventh century B.C.E. and then spread quickly to Tarquinia and Veii. Bucchero sottile (Italian for thin), the first bucchero produced, best exemplifies the achievements of these early potters. The most elegant vase shapes were created at this time and consisted of vessels for drinking and pouring wine, an important ingredient in aristocratic banquet practice. Most decoration consisted of incised geometric patterns, spirals, fans, animals figures applied before firing. Vase shapes include kyathoi, kylikes, chalices, and kantharoi. A good example from this period can be seen in a kantharos in the Fordham Collection (No. 57), which was most likely made in southern Etruria and features a series of fans turned on their sides, decorating the body of the cup. The base of the cup is marked by notching. The base and cup were made separately on the potter’s wheel, joined together, burnished and then fired. One of the most noteworthy shapes of bucchero vessels is the caryatid chalice, featured in this catalogue. The shape was most likely inspired by Near Eastern prototypes (one need only think of the ivory caryatid chalice from the well-known Barberini Tomb), but the shape of the chalice bowl is uniquely Etruscan. Most bucchero caryatids are in the form of a clothed female who often hold braids in her

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hands. Other females appear with their hands raised above their heads and with wings that reach their feet, as is the case with the caryatids in this collection (see in Appendix Nos. 10.03; 10.031; 10.025). The caryatids chalices in the Fordham collection form a handsome group of almost identical works and certainly came from the same workshop, perhaps at Cerveteri. Caryatid supports were commonly produced in groups of four or six, and were typical vessels of the late Orientalizing period. Demand for bucchero pottery was high, as evidenced by the quantity of such vases found in Etruscan tombs between the seventh and fifth centuries B.C.E. In the fifth century B.C.E., Chiusi, Tarquinia, and Orvieto took the lead in producing bucchero vases decorated by rolling a cylinder stamp. The decorative repertoire consists of mythical creatures, rows of animals, and narrative scenes. Other thick– walled vessels, known as bucchero pesante (Italian for heavy), were often adorned with mold-pressed ornamentation in low relief and were largely produced at centers like Chiusi and Volterra; Chiusi even manufactured the unique tray-like braziers filled with small bucchero vessels that appear to be made exclusively for the tomb. By the fourth century B.C.E., bucchero production tapered off and was replaced by painted pottery, but left its mark on later generations of Etruscan artists. LP 1. Rasmussen 1979: Camporeale 2001.

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56.

Caryatid chalice (drinking cup with female caryatid)

Etruscan, Southern Etruria, ca. 600 B.C.E. Terracotta, bucchero, h. 7 3/4 in. (19.7 cm) Fordham University Collection, 10.030

This caryatid chalice is one of seven in the collection of Fordham University. As a group they form a remarkable set of upperclass drinking vessels commonly found in wealthy Etruscan tombs (especially in southern Etruria, namely, Cerveteri). These wheel-made chalices are marked by two horizontal bands of incised double lines on the outer part of the vessel. Before incised decoration was applied, the vessel was burnished. The upper band features horizontally oriented closed fans facing the right. Notches on the carination connect the four female caryatid supports to the bottom of the vessel. A tall-stemmed foot ends at a round point just under the bottom of the chalice and is marked by two horizontal relief lines on the bottom, two relief ridges in the center, and several tiny ridges at the top of the stem. The caryatids are mold-made and are often further embellished with stamped decor and/ or incised decor, which is the case here.1 Openwork cutouts can be seen between the raised arms and the heads of the females. The long garment is defined by a deep ridge cut into the clay. These female figures, with arms raised and wings pointing downward, must be goddesses. Incised dots in horizontal rows make up decorative lines above the heads and below the feet. LP

Condition: Complete

1. Rasmussen 1979, pl. 26, no. 129, type 1a chalice.

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57.

Kantharos (drinking cup with two handles)

Etruscan, Cerveteri (?), Archaic, ca. 600-575 B.C.E. Terracotta, bucchero, h. 8 in. (20.3 cm) Fordham University Collection, 7.021

This remarkably well–preserved kantharos is marked not by vertically incised closed fans but rather by horizontal closed fans applied before firing. Horizontal fans are almost always oriented to the right, as is the case with this kantharos. Typical of most bucchero, the vessel was burnished before firing. The hand-formed handles attach at two points, the rim of the cup and the base, a distinct characteristic of the kantharos. The shape of this vessel is very common (Rasmussen Type 3e) and one of the most widely produced kantharos types in southern Etruria.1 LP

Condition: Complete Shape and Ornament: Wheel-made Rasmussen Type 3e kantharos with horizontal closed fans; hand-formed handles attach at rim of cup and at base; on rim, three incised lines; on base, notches on the carination; cup rests on flared stem base

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1. Rasmussen 1979, pp. 104–6.

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Stamped Caeretan Ware

Cylinder-stamped, or metope-stamped dolii, were produced in the Archaic city known as Caere (modern Cerveteri) at a time when the city was experiencing its zenith.1 Workshops dedicated to cylinder—and metope—stamped impasto ware produced braziers and pithoi simultaneously for over a century, from the late seventh to the end of the sixth centuries B.C.E. The tombs from Caere (and its surrounding territory) have provided abundant examples of both braziers and dolii, sure proof of the funerary use of these vessels. Recent archaeological data has confirmed that both braziers and dolii were first used in urban areas (sanctuaries) and in the home before they followed the deceased to the tomb for use in the afterlife. Often described as Etruscan red ware (or in Italian as impasto ceretano stampigliato), these dolii were handsome vessels used by the aristocracy to store goods such as wine, oil and grain. They are consistent in form, having an egg-shaped body with a wide upper portion and a narrow base; typically, they stand seventy to ninety centimeters high. There are no handles on the Caeretan dolii, a characteristic that sets them apart from other storage vases in the ancient Mediterranean. Caeretan dolii were made on the potter’s wheel, most likely in several parts. The egg-shaped body of the vessel was usually marked by ribbing with molding applied to the shoulder and base in graceful designs resembling drapery or zigzag patterns. But the most distinguished aspect is the stamped reliefs, achieved by using either a metope stamp or a cylinder seal. These decorative bands adorned the widest part of the vessel and must have served several purposes: to hide the seam, accentuate the shape of the vessel, and decorate the finished product. The earliest type of stamp, the metope, dates to the last quarter of the seventh century B.C.E. It was pressed or punched into the damp clay, often repeated side by side (the same stamp or alternating stamps). By the beginning of the sixth century B.C.E., the cylinder stamp took the lead in stamped impasto ware at Caere. The design was impressed by rolling a cylinder seal repeatedly around the vessel, thus rendering an uninterrupted frieze that could accommodate a narrative. The cylinders, perhaps made of stone, were carved in the negative (intaglio) and were used multiple times. The majority of metope and cylinder stamps face the right. Many of the decorative motifs indirectly reflect the Near Eastern artistic influences arriving on trading ships carrying goods from Greece and elsewhere during the seventh and sixth centuries B.C.E. LP 1. On these wares, see Pieraccini 1996; Pieraccini 2003; and Ridgway 2010. 184

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58.

Dolio (storage vessel) with metope stamp of a centaur

Etruscan, Caeretan, Cerveteri, Archaic, ca. 575-550 B.C.E. Impasto, h. 38 in. (96.5 cm) Fordham University Collection, 6.036

The centaur was one of the most popular motifs on metope stamps used at ancient Caere. The half man, half horse figure is depicted with human front legs, similar to the centaurs featured in Protocorinthian, Corinthian, and Rhodian vases. The long tail recalls early Greek Geometric art. Here, the centaur holds his formidable attributes, namely, a rock in one hand and a branch in the other (centaur dendrophoros). The careful rendering of the leaves on the branches (two straight leaves at the base, two curling leaves in the middle, and a semi lotus motif at the end of the branch) illustrates the fine craftsmanship of the Caeretan workshops. Like many Caeretan metope stamps, this metope was used many times and often mixed with other motifs such as gorgons and griffins.1 LP

Condition: Complete. Repaired upper shoulder Shape and Ornament: Dolio with vertical grooves on body of vessel; on upper (widest) part, continuous row of individually stamped centaurs in relief facing right (achieved by using the same metope stamp repeatedly around the dolio); on shoulder and base, plastic cord that forms continuous triangles and tooled clay in graceful designs resembling looped drapery

1. Pieraccini 1996, 100, fig. 9; Serra Ridgway 2010, pp. 43–44, bj2, fig. 29.

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59.

Olpe (jug) with panthers and geese

Etrusco-Corinthian, Vulci or Tarquinia, Archaic, black-figure, ca. 590–570 B.C.E. Attributed to the Vitelleschi Painter Terracotta, h. 10 in. (25.4 cm) Fordham University Collection, 3.006

Although the figural decoration on this vase is repetitive, the artist did attempt to create visual interest by varying the poses and organization of the animals depicted. The top register contains alternating panthers and geese with outspread wings, all facing right. The second register also includes alternating panthers and geese, but here, the two confront each other, and the geese have folded wings. In the third register, panthers face each other, with a single goose, wings folded, occupying the space between them. This scheme is repeated in the fourth register, and there, as in the top register, the geese have outspread wings. Characteristic of the EtruscoCorinthian style are the roughly proportioned felines with patterned heads.1

Condition: Complete Shape and Ornament: Baggy body with narrow neck and flaring rim; handle attaches at rim and shoulder; two rotellae affixed to rim where handle joins; body rests on ring base; rim, neck, rotellae, and handle painted brownish red; red dots adorn raised collar at junction of neck and shoulder; on body, four registers of panthers and geese; rosettes fill voids surrounding animals; rays emanate from brownish-red base

The Etrusco-Corinthian style represents the Etruscan response to contemporary Orientalizing Greek arts and to Near Eastern prototypes. Etruscan contacts with the East began in the ninth century B.C.E., when Phoenicians founded their first colonies in the western Mediterranean; Greeks began settling in Italy during the eighth century. Contacts intensified over the following centuries. The acquisition and display of exotic Greek and Near Eastern objects enabled Etruscan elites to distinguish themselves from the lower classes.2 The prestige of Orientalizing Corinthian pottery sparked local imitation on a large scale, which lasted from the mid-seventh to mid-sixth century B.C.E.3 However, it may be that not all EtruscoCorinthian pottery was produced by Etruscans. A mid-seventh century B.C.E. Etruscan vase from Cerveteri is signed by one Aristonothos—a Greek name— suggesting an intermingling of Greek and Etruscan artists and aesthetic sensibilities.4 Major production centers emerged at Vulci and Caere.5 JE 1. See Brown 1960, p. 54. 2. Spivey 1997, pp. 41–42. For example, the Regolini-Galassi Tomb at Cerveteri, dated to around 650 B.C.E., contained a number of precious Oriental imports and local Orientalizing objects (Spivey 1997, pp. 50–51). 3. Over 3,000 Etrusco-Corinthian vases are known (Gaultier 2001, p. 426; cataloged in Szilágyi 1992 and Szilágyi 1998). 4. Meaning something like “best-bastard” (Spivey 1997, p. 56). 5. Barker and Rasmussen 2000, p. 134.

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60.

Olpe (jug) with six registers of animal and monster friezes

Etrusco-Corinthian, Archaic, black-figure, ca. 590–570 B.C.E. Attributed to the Vitelleschi Painter Terracotta, h. 15 3/4 in. (40 cm) Fordham University Collection, 3.043

Few vases have been attributed to the Vitelleschi Painter.1 Characteristic of this artist’s work are panthers with short and slender bodies, vertical S-shaped tails, noses rendered by a U-shaped stroke descending from the two round eyes, and a semicircle under each eye. His birds typically have necks that curve sharply at their midpoint.2 The presence of these features on this vase allow for its attribution.

Condition: Complete Shape and Ornament: Baggy body with narrow neck and flaring rim; handle stretches from rim to shoulder; two rotellae affixed to rim where handle joins; body rests on ring base; rim, handle, rotellae, and neck painted black, with reserved rosettes on rotellae and neck; red band rings inner rim; white dots on collar where neck meets shoulder; body divided into six registers of figural decoration; on top register, two panthers and a goat; on second, procession of two panthers, a goose, a sphinx, and a goat; on third, four panthers, a sphinx, and a goat; on fourth, a panther and six boars; on fifth, six panthers and a goat; on sixth, eleven geese; dots and rosettes fill voids between animals; rays emanate from base Added Color: White dots on collar, red for lines and animal forequarters

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Representations of animal processions have their origins in the art of the Near East. While Near Eastern objects—mainly small, decorated ivory or gold objects— did reach Etruria, the primary inspiration for Orientalizing decoration arrived via Corinthian pottery. Yet Etrusco-Corinthian potters and painters did not follow Corinthian prototypes exactly, sometimes retaining archaic elements and misunderstanding others. Figures tend to be ill-proportioned and stylized without regard for nature.3 The animals depicted here do indeed appear elongated, but they exhibit an assured draftsmanship and a degree of decorative restraint that sets this vase apart from lesser examples of the Etrusco-Corinthian style. JE 1. Only four olpai were cataloged by Szilágyi (1992, p. 428). For vases assigned to the Vitelleschi Group, see Szilágyi 1992, pp. 428–35. 2. Ibid., p. 427. 3. Cook 1997, p. 142.

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61.

Olpe (jug) with animals and sphinxes

Etrusco-Corinthian, Archaic, black-figure, ca. 580 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 14 3/4 in. (37.4 cm) Fordham University Collection, 3.021

This vase exhibits traits resembling those in the work of the Painter of the Bearded Sphinx,1 the founder of the Etrusco-Corinthian black-figure style and the dominant personality in Etrusco-Corinthian vase-painting during the decades around 600 B.C.E. 2 One notable characteristic of the Painter of the Bearded Sphinx’s style present in this olpe are the sphinxes with beards, although the polos headdress typical of his work has been omitted.3 During his early career, the Painter of the Bearded Sphinx seems to have been based in Vulci but may have moved to Caere around 600 B.C.E. Our painter may have been active in one of these centers.4

Condition: Complete Shape and Ornament: Baggy body with narrow neck and flaring rim; handle stretches from rim to shoulder; two rotellae affixed to rim where handle joins; body rests on ring base; rim and handle reserved; rotellae painted black with incised decoration, and neck painted black; decoration on body divided into three registers, each separated by red bands within black lines; top register contains two heraldic sphinxes flanking a rampant goat; second has four panthers, a goat, and a hare; third includes procession of panthers; rays emanate from black base Added Color: White dots on collar; red for details

In Greece, sphinxes appeared in Minoan and Mycenaean art, but they disappeared at the end of the Bronze Age and did not reappear until centuries later, in the Geometric period.5 Although of Egyptian origin, the sphinx arrived in Greece— and in turn, Etruria—by way of the Near East, where wings and polos were added and active poses were preferred over the recumbent position of Egyptian prototypes.6 The role of the sphinx in the Greek myth of Oedipus, recorded in writing as early as Hesiod about 700 B.C.E., is neglected in early processional representations.7 In addition to the sphinx’s place in Greek mythology, these creatures also served as guardians (often carved on grave markers), a function possibly adopted from the Near East or Egypt.8 So while the depiction of sphinxes in animal processions stems from Near Eastern iconography, the creature surely had symbolic and mythological associations for Greek, and perhaps Etruscan, viewers. JE 1. For other vases close to those of the Painter of the Bearded Sphinx, see Szilágyi 1992, pp. 122–28. 2. Cook 1981, p. 460. He evoked a Corinthian effect without directly copying Corinthian details (Spivey 1997, pp. 67–68). Over one hundred vases—more than 30 of which are olpai—have been assigned to his oeuvre (Szilágyi 1992, pp. 96–122). 3. See Cook 1981, fig. 1, a–c. 4. Szilágyi 1992, pp. 96–122. 5. LIMC, vol. 8, p. 1163, s.v. “Sphinx.” 6. Tsiafakis 2003, pp. 78–79. 7. Hes. Theog. 326. Depictions of the Oedipus myth became popular in the sixth century B.C.E. (Tsiafakis 2003). 8. Childs 2003.

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62.

Olpe (jug) with animals

Etrusco-Corinthian, Archaic, black-figure, ca. 580 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 15 in. (38.1 cm) Fordham University Collection, 3.029

This olpe and its companion piece (No. 61) are fine examples of Etrusco-Corinthian vase-painting. The style developed in Etruria during the later seventh century B.C.E., when Corinthian pottery was being exported to Italy in appreciable quantities. Etrusco-Corinthian pottery retains the Corinthian repertoire of shapes,1 Orientalizing motifs of animals and mythological creatures, compositions of friezes, and use of added colors.2

Condition: Complete Shape and Ornament: Baggy body with narrow neck and flaring rim; handle stretches from the rim to the shoulder; two rotellae affixed to rim where handle joins; body rests on ring base; rim and handle reserved, rotellae painted black and incised, and neck painted black; white dots adorn collar where neck joins body; three decorative registers on body: top register contains a hare, two panthers, and a goose; second, four panthers and a goat; third includes five panthers Added Color: White dots on collar, red for details

The designation of No. 61 as a companion piece to this jug is based on similarities of shape, scale, decoration, and style alone, as the archaeological contexts of these vessels is unknown. It is therefore impossible to say with certainty that the two were created, acquired, used, and/or deposited together in antiquity. JE 1. The olpe was introduced into the Corinthian repertoire during the seventh century B.C.E., in Middle Proto-Corinthian. The baggy shape may derive from animal-skin vessels, while the round flaring neck may derive from a horn (Boardman 1998, p. 87). Etrusco-Corinthian examples derive directly from Corinth (Brown 1960, p. 54). 2. See Boardman 1998, pp. 178–85, and, for examples, figs. 380, 381.

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Etruscan Roofs and their Decoration

Etruscans and their neighbors in Latium and Campania used wood and mudbrick for their private houses, public buildings, and temples. In ancient times, the coroplasts from Central Italy must have been famous as both Pliny and Plutarch spoke of these achievements.1 To protect the wooden substructure from weathering, architects adopted the Greek invention of terracotta roof tiles and antefixes to cover and embellish the sloping roofs, revetment plaques to cover horizontal beams, and simas for the raking pedimental and lateral elements. The end of the gables remained open, thus creating space for small pedimental roofs with additional tiles and antefixes. Indeed, the roofs of Etruscan buildings were among the most complex and decorative in the ancient world. Private houses too were regularly adorned with decorative terracotta roofs, although from the middle of the sixth century B.C.E. onward, only temples or public buildings were given decorated roofs. One of the many particular features of Central Italic architectural decoration that distinguishes it from that in mainland Greece is the presence of figural decoration in the pediments and on the roofs themselves, in the shape of acroteria and ridgepole statues.2 Unfortunately, hardly anything survives of the buildings and temples, except for the stone foundations and many architectural terracottas. Easily broken and damaged, the decoration had to be replaced frequently, showing a rapid change in styles, which varied throughout the different regions of Central Italy. Each area had important centers for the production of architectural terracottas and even entire roofs, and exported these to different sites by sea.3 The earliest roofs known to us today had only painted decoration with mold-made elements such as small antefixes with female heads. This early phenomenon appeared primarily in Etruria, mainly at Murlo, Acquarossa, and Tarquinia. In the early Archaic period up to the end of the sixth century B.C.E., Southern Etruria, with Caere and Veii, seems to have been predominant in producing roofs and roof decoration, Caere being the first center working in a specific Ionian style.4 This style coincided with the so-called First Phase roofs with mold-made decoration using figural scenes and antefixes with gorgon masks or female heads. Military scenes of departing warriors or armed riders were popular especially during the second quarter of the sixth century B.C.E., but later, scenes more commonly included banquets, processions of chariots, and, for the pedimental slopes, chariot and horse races. The open pediments were given reliefs, protecting and covering the ends of the columns and rafters. The lateral corners of the roof, as well as the apex, were usually given decoration in the shape of acroteria.

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In Etruria especially, the ridgepoles were decorated with abundant terracotta statuary. Certainly by the end of the sixth century, Campania, with centers like Cumae and Capua, seems to have taken over the market with an especially popular but short-lived roof system, with antefixes set in tongue frames and revetments with floral elements like hanging palmettes and chains of lotuses. The first columen and mutulus plaques derive from the Campanian system.5 Modest acroteria in the shape of sphinxes, discs, or single winged figures were placed up on the roof. This style was adopted all over Central Italy, only to be copied and in the end replaced by the local styles and techniques of traveling workshops in Latium; there, local styles and techniques dominated the area until 480 B.C.E. It is called the Second or Late Archaic Phase, beginning in the last quarter of the sixth century B.C.E. and showing a marked change in the style of the decorative system. This was influenced by the Campanian system, with floral elements replacing figural scenes, and large antefixes with female heads or gorgon masks surrounded by tongue frames slowly developing into entire figures or pairs of figures up to a height of half a meter. The format of the revetment plaques for the pediments and the lateral sides of the buildings was also enlarged with tall tongues above a flat painted frieze with meander or guilloche, under which there was a molded frieze with palmettes and lotus flowers, or anthemion chains linked by volute bands. The pediments were filled with large columen and mutulus plaques showing handmade reliefs with figural and mythological scenes. On top of the roofs were large statues of gods and warriors, set in pairs or in complex scenes. This completely new style of revetment was introduced in conjunction with the development of larger temple architecture and continued well into the fifth century B.C.E. By then, only temples were given these rich decorative roofs.6

Antefixes Rainwater was led along the sloping roofs of Central Italic houses and temples so that it would fall from the lateral sides. The last cover tile of each row was provided with a horseshoe-shaped plaque, or antefix, at the lower end to prevent the cover tiles from slipping off the roof. Antefixes were first made in Greece and came to Italy at the end of the seventh century B.C.E. The earliest examples were simple plaques attached to the end of the lowest cover tile on the sloping roof, overhanging the roof

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edge. The decoration of these plaques most commonly showed a molded gorgon mask, a female head in relief, or a flat palmette in relief. The category of antefixes with simple female heads has been the subject of extensive studies, which are still the basis for their classification. New types have been studied in the context of complete roofs. 7 During the sixth century B.C.E., the simple female head was by far the most common type used, with several different types datable to the second half of the century, mostly coming from Caere. The heads were well modeled, half in the round, and had a sheet of clay attached to the back of the head that ended smoothly in a cover tile. The antefixes were all made to overhang the end of the eaves tile. The female-head antefixes were very popular, their molds being much used, varied and altered. This was not only because of their attractiveness, but also undoubtedly because of the power of the image as such. Their significance surely must be connected to the goddesses venerated in the temples they decorated, who were represented by images of priestesses, or perhaps even by an image of the goddess herself. Recent publications have focused on their representation of nymphs in combination with Acheloos antefixes, whether priestesses or goddesses, as opposed to maenads; the latter should be placed in a Dionysiac context, preferably with satyr-head or silen-head antefixes.8 The center of production of the early types was Caere, where most of such variants are attested. The style of Caeretan antefixes from this period is predominantly Ionian as regards the modeling of facial features, thus pointing to the presence of Ionian immigrants who are known to have worked in Caere.9 Another strong characteristic of Caeretan architectural terracottas is the so-called pictorial style, which is best explained as the addition of painted details where no modeled details are apparent. It has been suggested that this pictorial style is a strong argument for the presence of Ionian vase painters in the terracotta workshops of Caere.10 In Campania, a category of antefixes evolved in the third quarter of the sixth century B.C.E. in which the center of the antefix, displaying a palmette, a gorgon mask, or a female head, was encircled by a frame of tongues with relief edges and closed off below with a drip edge. The piece was set on top of the eaves tile. The origins of the tongues surrounding the center of antefixes may be found in Laconian vase painting.11 The type of antefix with a frame of tongues became immensely popular

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in a relatively short time and spread throughout Campania, Latium, Sicily, and Etruria as far as Caere, Pyrgi, and sites even farther away along the coast. In the Hinterland, the antefix was copied extensively. The export of original Campanian antefixes (and roofs) ended abruptly in the first quarter of the fifth century B.C.E., no doubt because of reduced Etruscan connections with Campania. However, the influence of this type of antefix was so strong that it had set a trend that was to continue everywhere in Central Italy until Hellenistic times.12 In the same period, a new style with full-figure antefixes became popular and the most common decoration was a group of dancing silens and maenads. Other full-figure antefixes portray instead mixed creatures, like Typhons and Harpies.13 Among the numerous examples from different excavation sites and in museum collections throughout the world, Caeretan terracottas may be identified as such easily and not only by their style. The material itself, the clays and the temper used for the Caeretan roof members, is exclusive to the area. The fired clay is without exception of a pinkish-red fabric with a reddish-yellow core (Munsell 7.5 YR 7/4-5 YR 7/6), evenly fired and tempered with angular bits of augite, sand and chamotte. Petrographical analysis has given proof that the clay and temper came from the Tolfa region, close to Caere.14 Many private collections and museums have acquired Caeretan female-head antefixes as art objects from disputed origins. Several famous sites have been excavated illegally since the nineteenth century: Vigna Parrochiale, Vigna MariniVitalini, and Sant’Antonio once had large rock-hewn pits that contained many architectural terracottas left there after clearing the sanctuary and temples they formerly decorated. Hundreds of antefixes and (fragments of ) other architectural terracottas were then dispersed all over the world. Recent excavations and investigations have now given the architectural terracottas a context.15 No updated general study is available that deals with all the roof decoration in Central Italy after the Villa Giulia catalogue of Della Seta in 1918 and the Opus Magnum of Andrén, which appeared in 1940.16 Important exhibitions in the 1980s inspired new studies of architectural terracottas in Central Italy.17 Since 1990, an ongoing series of conferences and proceedings on the topic has been published under the name Deliciae Fictiles.18 Museum collections with considerable

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quantities of roof decoration are regularly being published. The largest collection of architectural terracottas outside Italy will be published in a separate catalogue of the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen.19 In addition, a new synthesis of Etruscan architectural terracottas has been prepared by Nancy Winter, which gives a definitive appraisal of the early and First Phase roof systems and regional styles within a chronological framework, and includes a vast amount of material discovered in recent excavations.20 In most of the above-mentioned studies, the roofs from Latium are included, although there is a definite distinction between the Latial and Etruscan material. La grande Rome dei Tarquini, the Rome exhibition catalogue from 1990, gives an important overview of the materials from Rome and Latium Vetus. The architectural terracottas from Campania also received abundant attention after the first major publication by Koch in 1912. Relatively recent publications make it possible to understand Campanian roofs and their contexts, despite the fragmentary and dispersed character of the architectural terracottas and their buildings.21 The Fordham Collection provides us with a set of two types of antefixes from the period of transition between the First and Second phase, at the very beginning of the Late Archaic period (Nos. 63–67). One is an exemplary and rare antefix with an entire figure, and four other antefixes represent an early type of antefix with female heads surrounded by tongue frames. It is beyond doubt that they originally came from Caere. Moreover, it is highly probable that they once belonged to a specific roof that has been recently reconstructed and published (see illustration on following page).22 This roof is dated around 510 B.C.E., and is one of the first examples of the so-called Second-Phase decoration system. The front was decorated with a central acroterion with a striding warrior, flanked by a series of rare sima-acroteria in the shape of mounted amazons and warriors. The column and rafter plaques were decorated with battle-scenes in high relief. The fragments of the acroteria and reliefs are currently in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen, the Museo Etrusco di Villa Giulia in Rome, and the Antikensammlung in Berlin, and, in part, they come from nineteenthcentury contexts. Many other fragments of these elements come from the art market or from recent excavations carried out by Italian scholars. Until recently, only the antefixes were absent from this roof, or rather, remained unknown to us. Fortunately, the Fordham antefixes now complete this magnificent roof from Caere. PL

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1. Plin. HN 35.152–57; Plut. Convivalia 2.3.2. 2. Welt der Etrusker 1988, pp. 154–55; Winter 2005; Winter 2006. 3. Lulof 2006. 4. Lulof 2005; Maggiani and Bellelli 2006. 5. Lulof 1999; Winter 2006. 6. Della Seta 1918; Andrén 1940, pp. cxvi–ccxlii; Lulof 1996; Knoop 1997; Cifarelli 2003; Carlucci 2006; Christiansen and Winter 2010. 7. Winter 1978; Rystedt 1980; Mertens-Horn (1994, pp. 244–50) supplied an overview of the development of antefixes from Central Italy; Kars, Moltzer, and Knoop 1987; Winter 2009; Christiansen and Winter 2010. 8. Mertens-Horn 1991; Mertens-Horn 1994, p. 247. 9. Lulof 2005; Maggiani and Bellelli 2006. 10. Hemelrijk 1984; Knoop 1987; Bellelli 2004. 11. The forerunners of the Campanian system with the antefixes in frames of tongues have to be sought in the Greek colonies of Pithekoussai and Cumae, where at the beginning of the sixth century B.C.E., the Greek colonists developed this system on the basis of Western Greek and Laconian examples; see Welt der Etrusker 1988, pp. 229–30. 12. Knoop 1987, pp. 72–168; Rescigno 1998, pp. 19–25, 377–89. 13. Christiansen and Winter 2010. 14. Kars, Moltzer, and Knoop 1987. 15. Cristofani 1989–90, Cristofani 1990; Cristofani 1992; Veio, Cerveteri, Vulci 2001, pp. 121–55; Cristofani 2003; Romizzi 2003; Maggiani and Bellelli 2006; Lulof 2008; Lulof 2010a; Lulof 2010b; Lulof 2010c. 16. Della Seta 1918; Andrén 1940. 17. Santuari d’Etruria in Arezzo (see Colonna 1985) and Welt der Etrusker in Berlin (1988). In 1997, an overview of architectural terracottas and roofs in general was provided by Strazzulla (1997, pp. 711–14), while Mertens-Horn (1994, pp. 244–50) supplied an overview of the development of antefixes from Central Italy. 18. Deliciae Fictiles 1993; Deliciae Fictiles 1997; Deliciae Fictiles 2006. 19. Scavo nello scavo 2004; Turfa 2005a; Lulof 2007; Christiansen and Winter 2010. 20. Winter 1997; Winter 2009. 21. Koch 1912. See also the dissertations of Kästner (1982), Knoop (1987), and Rescigno (1998). 22. Lulof 2008, based on fragmentary roof elements from the site of Vigna Marini Vitalini in Caere, excavated in the end of the nineteenth century and dispersed in various institutional collections in Berlin, Copenhagen, and Rome, and also in private collections.

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Reconstruction of a roof pediment from a temple in the area of Vigna Marini-Vitalini, Caere 6th century B.C.E.

0 Drawing: P. Lulof and L. Opgenhaffen

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1m

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63.

Antefix with kneeling female figure

Southern Etruria (Caere), mold-made, ca. 510 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 20 2/5 in. (52 cm); max. preserved w. 7 1/5 in. (18.4 cm); max. preserved l. 7 1/2 in. (19 cm); base h. 1 1/5 in. (3 cm), w. 4 4/5 in. (12.4 cm) Fordham University Collection, 3.045

This antefix portrays an exquisitely dressed full-figured female figure kneeling in a position of worship, with her head slightly bent. Both her arms were probably pulled aside, with the elbows out, her left hand pulling the undergarment to the left. The position of the arms and drapery can be deduced from the breaks and from a very similar votive statuette, probably drawn from the same mold.1

Condition: Fired, reddish-brown, course terracotta antefix almost entirely complete; throughout clay, medium black inclusions, with sporadic glassy black and gold flecks; entirely covered with slip and then painted; white remains on areas on the back and underside of the antefix; clay reddishbrown (5YR 6/6) with many inclusions; left arm and hand holding slip of dress and right lower arm partially covered by himation (cloak) missing; right shoulder and lower base chipped; surface otherwise well preserved; large part of cover tile and strut preserved at back; slip and paint well preserved; paint well preserved: orange-red (7.5R 4/6-2.5YR 5/8), white (10YR 8/3), dark red (2.5YR 4/4), black-brown (5YR 2.5/1, 10 YR 3/1)

The figure’s head is slightly elongated and oval, and her skull is egg-shaped. Her large eyes with light red (worn) irises are almond-shaped, set wide apart and slightly obliquely, her nose is very broad and straight, her closed, thin-lipped red mouth curves slightly upward at the corners, her cheeks are flat, and her chin fleshy. The small ears are placed anatomically correctly. High on the hair is a light red to orange diadem, with thin roll in red and decorated with black vertical stripes; it curves backward behind the ears, pushing them outward. It is set on a thin roll, following the shape of the head. The hair is rendered as a plain mass with a row of a series of small scallops over the forehead and two long curving locks falling down at the side to each shoulder. The figure’s skull seems to be covered by a veil coming from the back of the diadem and covering her head and shoulders at back. She wears richly decorated garments and is veiled. Her painted necklace consists of a string with squares and small discs for pendants. Her flesh is slipped white, over which black paint was used for hair, brows, eyelids, and pupils. She has sturdy, well-shaped shoulders and body, with articulated breasts and firm thighs that show through the thin garments. Her sleeved red undergarment (chiton) tightly covers her body, pronouncing the left breast and falling down covering the thighs in chainshaped folds. It is obvious the garment is pulled aside toward her left, with her left hand. A short angular diagonally draped white mantle (himation) decorated with black dots grouped as flowers is drawn tightly over her right side, covering her shoulder and right breast and falling downward in a thick bundle to her right side. The upper hem is double-folded and broad, while the lower border is thin. The figure is positioned on a short oblong base, decorated with a reserved white battlement meander between solid red and black blocks. It is square in section, and both sides are covered with the garments, falling downward. The antefix was created from partial molds, one for the head and one for the body, and the details were added with great care. The figure is molded in high relief, the

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head completely in the round. At the back, a strut was added by hand, formed as an arched flying buttress, running in a curve from the back of the neck and shoulders to the cover tile; it is squarish in section. The small cover tile is semicircular in section and added to the antefix at the back of the knees and lower base. Four other pieces that come from antefixes from the same mold are known from the art market and anonymous private collections. They show different parts of the antefix, which makes it possible to reconstruct and supplement the full figure (see illustrations at left and right). They also demonstrate that every antefix, albeit from the same mold, had different painted decorations on the garments.2 The Fordham piece, however, is by far the most complete example of this extraordinary type of antefix that is otherwise completely unknown from other collections or excavations. Its style and type refer to the so-called Second or Late Archaic phase of the decorative roof-systems that was introduced shortly after 510 B.C.E. From that date onward, large full-figured antefixes and heads surrounded by tongue frames were used for the first time to decorate temple roofs.3 At over half a meter in height, this antefix is indeed of considerable dimensions. Its date may be set around 510 B.C.E., in accordance with the facial features and the slight Archaic smile and also with the drapery and type of dress. It may well be the first of its kind in the series of full-figured antefixes from this period.4

Drawing: P. Lulof and L. Opgenhaffen

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The technique and clay of this mold-made solid piece surely indicate the provenance as Southern Etruria or more specifically, Caere. Its clay, inclusions, and paints are the same as in many antefixes excavated at the site.5 Other antefixes, known to be from Caere, now in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen, have the same technique and clays.6 Female-head antefixes in tongue frames, now in the Fordham University Collection (Nos. 64–67) and with many exact parallels in various collections, show the same technique, clay and the exactly the same style in the facial features, with the typical thick nose, eyes, and mouth. Their faces originate from the same mold as the one used for the face of this kneeling figure.7 The sturdy anatomy and full breasts of the female figure are only to be compared with that of the famous Amazonacroteria from the site of Vigna Marini-Vitalini in Caere, excavated in the nineteenth century and now in various collections.8 They all must have been made by the same workshop. Data presented in the discussion of No. 64, the female-head antefixes in tongue frame, argues strongly in favor of an attribution of this special antefix—and her sisters—to the site of Vigna Marini-Vitalini in Caere, and in that case, to a

specific roof that was published recently.9 Their position on the roof may be deduced from their format and the width of the cover tile, which is much less wide than those of Nos. 64–67 belonging to the same roof, probably along the long sides.10 Also the rarity of the type, and the extraordinary posture of the figures as kneeling dedicants or priestesses performing ritual acts, may add to an attribution of these antefixes to a special position on the roof. Their significance surely must be connected to the goddess venerated in the temple they decorated. If they represent maenads— although the kneeling position points against this—one has to look for a Dionysiac context. These female figures could also represent an image of the goddess herself.11 In this period, pedimental roofs were introduced in the decorative systems for the first time. These small roofs also needed antefixes.12 The kneeling female figures are perfectly fit to be placed in this special position, at the front of the temple, looking down on anybody that entered the temple (see illustration on pages 202-203). PL 1. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, H.I.N. 100, purchased in 1896, through W. Helbig. Its provenance is from Caere (Christiansen 2008, p. 21c, no. 13). It certainly is a votive statuette; it has a smooth backside without traces of a strut or a cover tile, and it is hollow. See, for examples, Gorny & Mosch, Munich, sale cat., December 15 2004, lots 515, 519, 520, for additional examples relating to this antefix. 2. For instance, Gorny & Mosch, Munich, sale cat., December 15 2004, lot 515, and unpublished photographs of pieces from private collections that have been shown to the author. 3. See Introduction to the architectural terracottas, note 5. 4. Antefixes known of this type are mostly known to have come from Rome or Latium; see, for instance, Cristofani 1990, pl. xxvi, and p. 244, ill. no. 9.6.72. 5. Excavations in the ancient city center of Caere have been conducted since 1980, and they have yielded many architectural terracottas. See Cristofani 1992b; Cristofani 2003; Romizzi 2003; Bellelli 2008; Rizzo 2008. 6. For instance, H.I.N. 482, H.I.N. 47, H.I.N. 46; clay is reddish-brown (5YR 6/6) with many inclusions. The paint is well preserved: red (7.5R 4/6), white (10YR 8/3), dark red (2.5YR 4/4), blackbrown (5YR 5/4). 7. See Nos. 64–67 8. Lulof 2008, pp. 204–60. 9. In 2008, at the conference in memoriam of Mauro Cristofani, the author suggested that these antefixes belonged to this particular roof: Lulof 2008, p. 212, fig. 26 (with bibliography). 10. The width of the cover tile is only 11 cm; that of the female heads in tongue frame (Nos. 64–67) almost 21 cm. 11. On the specific meaning of female figures in roof decoration (nymphs or maenads), see Mertens-Horn 1991; Mertens-Horn 1994, p. 247; and Introduction to the architectural terracottas, pp. 196-203, note 7. 12. Winter 2006.

Drawing: P. Lulof and L. Opgenhaffen

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64.

Antefix with female head in frame of tongues

Etruscan, Southern Etruria (Caere), mold-made, ca. 510 B.C.E. Terracotta, h.11 in. (27.9 cm); max. preserved w. 10 in. (25.4 cm); max. preserved l. 10 1/5 in. (25.9 cm); base h. 1 1/5 in. (3 cm), w. 8 1/5 in. (21 cm) Fordham University Collection, 3.012

This previously unpublished antefix in the shape of a female bust in a frame of tongues rests on a low and oblong base. The figure’s flesh is painted white, over which black was used for hair, brows, eyelids, and pupils. The ovoid head has broad and fleshy features and a shapely bone structure. Under the low forehead, small almondshaped eyes are set obliquely. Eyebrows, indicated in paint, curve upward. The nose is large and very broad, and the thin-lipped bright red mouth is smiling slightly.

Condition: Fired, reddish-brown, course terracotta antefix intact except for upper part of tongue frame and right upper part of roll; right part of tongue frame chipped; incrustation over entire antefix; surface, slip, and paint (red, black and white) very well preserved; large part of cover tile preserved with high arching strut intact; imbrex and strut attached to back by hand; throughout clay, medium black inclusions, with sporadic glassy black and gold flecks; entirely covered with slip and then painted; on areas of back and underside, white remains; clay reddish-brown (5YR 6/6) with many inclusions; paint well preserved: orange-red (7.5R 4/6-2.5YR 5/8), white (10YR 8/3), dark red (2.5YR 4/4), black-brown (5YR 2.5/1, 10 YR 3/1)

Many examples of this type of antefix are known, which may be dated to the end of a particular development of female-head antefixes that started in the early sixth century B.C.E. with plain female heads without a tongue frame. Its style and type refer to the so-called Second or Late Archaic phase of the decorative roof systems that was introduced shortly after 510 B.C.E. From that date onward, heads surrounded by tongue frames were used for the first time to decorate temple roofs. The female head set in a frame of tongues originated in Campania and was taken over as a type at the end of the sixth century B.C.E. in Southern Etruria, where they remained popular until far into the fifth century B.C.E.1 The similarity in the adaptation of the female face recalls that of other examples in Central Italy. These show elegant, well executed, somewhat plump faces that betray the Late Archaic Campanian and Sicilian influence apparent in many female heads in Roman and Latial terracotta statues and antefixes.2 The facial features and the slight Archaic smile of this work justify a date shortly after 510 B.C.E., which means it must have been one of the first examples of this very popular type of antefix. An antefix in the Villa Giulia Museum in Rome comes from the same mold. Its provenance is Caere.3 From the art market and anonymous private collections, four other pieces are known that belong to the same series. They show different parts of the antefix, which makes it possible to reconstruct and complete the antefix (see No. 63).4 They also show that every antefix, albeit from the same mold, had different painted decorations on the diadems, jewelry, and garments. In addition, the frames of tongues show a great variation in painting.5 The technique and clay of the present piece surely indicate its provenance from Caere, like Nos. 65–67, all belonging to one roof. The fact that the same mold was used to make the faces of the full-figure antefix in the Fordham University

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Collection (No. 63) and that of this antefix makes it very probable that these two types decorated the same roof. It may be possible to link this antefix and her sisters from the same mold, now in the Fordham Collection (Nos. 63–67), to a specific site in Caere, the Vigna Marini-Vitalini, where already in the 1880s, excavations yielded many architectural terracottas belonging to one and the same roof (see illustration on pp. 202-203).6 Recently, the site has been re-excavated by the University of Perugia, and many small fragments of the tongue frames of antefixes came to light, all very similar to the frame of this antefix.7 The attribution of this antefix and the counterparts to the same roof as No. 63 makes it obvious that they originally decorated the long sides of the temple. The cover tiles are much wider than that of No. 63.8 Female heads in temple decoration usually point toward an identification as maenads. In that case, they should have been alternated with satyr-head or silen-head antefixes, with the same tongue frames. Unfortunately, we have no information on such antefixes, either from the early excavations or from recent investigations. A suitable candidate for a silen-head antefix in tongue frame was, however, on the art market in 1980, present location unknown.9 It also has been suggested that these female-head antefixes represented nymphs or priestesses, or even the venerated goddess herself.10 PL

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1. See Introduction to the architectural terracottas pp. 196-203, note 5. 2. Lulof 1996, pp. 188–89. 3. Winter 1978, p. 43, pl. 22.2. 4. Especially the antefix in the Ludwig collection in Basel; Blome 1990, no. e110, shows a completely preserved example. 5. Classical Antiquity 1975, no. 28; Sotheby’s, London, sale cat., December 14, 1995, lot 275. 6. Lulof 2008. 7. Romizzi 2003, pp. 74–75, unfortunately without pictures, but the descriptions are clear enough to suggest this provenance. 8. Circa 20 cm against 11 cm. 9. Sotheby’s, London, sale cat., July 15, 1980, lot 39. 10. Mertens-Horn 1991; Mertens-Horn 1994, p. 247.

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65.

Antefix with female head in frame of tongues

Etruscan, Southern Etruria (Caere), mold-made, ca. 510 B.C.E. Terracotta, h.11 in. (27.9 cm); max. preserved w. 10 in. (25.4 cm); max. preserved l. 8 3/4 in. (22.2 cm); base h. 1 1/5 in. (3 cm), w. 8 1/5 in. (21 cm) Fordham University Collection, 3.009

This previously unpublished antefix was made from the same mold as Nos. 64, 66, 67.1 Variations in painting are: diadem white and decorated with open leave-shaped pattern with red lines (as on No. 66). The hem of the garment is painted dark red with a netshaped pattern in black. Otherwise, the present work is very similar in painting to No. 66. For additional information, including on technique and paint, see No. 64. PL

Condition: Female head intact; tongue frame almost entirely missing, except for small pieces at the left and the right; heavy incrustation; slip and paint (red, black, and white) very well preserved; large part of cover tile and strut preserved

1. For related examples, see No. 64, notes 4, 5, 9.

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213

66.

Antefix with female head in frame of tongues

Etruscan, Southern Etruria (Caere), mold-made, ca. 510 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 11 in. (27.9 cm); max. preserved w. 8 9/10 in. (22.7 cm); max. preserved l. 6 in. (15.2 cm); base h. 1 1/5 in. (3 cm), w. 8 1/5 in. (21 cm) Fordham University Collection, 3.026

This previously unpublished antefix was made from the same mold as Nos. 64, 65, 67.1 The reconstruction drawing below shows variations in the painting. The diadem is white and decorated with open leave-shaped pattern with red lines as in No. 65. The necklace consists of a wavy horizontal line in black. Otherwise, the present work is very similar in painting to No. 64. For more information, including technique and paint, see No. 64. PL

Condition: Female head intact, tongue frame almost entirely missing; right volute partly missing; base damaged at left side; slip and paint (red, black, and white) very well preserved; small part of cover tile preserved; strut missing

1. For related examples, see No. 64, notes 4, 5, 9.

Drawings: P. Lulof and L. Opgenhaffen

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215

67.

Antefix with female head in frame of tongues

Etruscan, Southern Etruria (Caere), mold-made, ca. 510 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 8 in. (20.3 cm); max. preserved w. 10 in. (25.9 cm); max. preserved l. 4 2/5 in. (11.4 cm) Fordham University Collection, 3.037

This previously unpublished antefix was made from the same mold as Nos. 64–66.1 Variations in painting make it a unique specimen, different from Nos. 64–66. The diadem is orange-red and decorated with a open-worked net-shaped pattern in dark red and black, interspersed with black dots; the same net pattern appears on the red hem of the garment, but is executed in white. Irises are painted bright red with black pupils. The necklace consists of a straight band filled strokes of red and black alternately. For more information, including technique and paint, see No. 64. PL

Condition: Large part of tongue frame at the right side and the top missing; base completely broken off; incrustation and worn surface; slip and paint (red, black, and white) very well preserved; small part of cover tile preserved; strut missing

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1. For related examples, see No. 64, notes 4, 5, 9.

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Italic Votives

The Fordham University Collection of ancient art includes an interesting group of votive heads and feet, usually associated with Central Italy. Traditionally made of clay, these objects belong to a well-known category of votive offerings generally dated from the fourth to the beginning of the first century B.C.E. They are commonly found in considerable numbers in deposits at large and small sanctuaries in Etruria, Latium, and Campania, in both the countryside and cities, including Rome.1 Because such votives were so popular, they are rightly considered part of a cultural koine of central Italy in the middle and late republican periods.2 Although in scholarly literature, these works are often linked with the Etruscans, it is rather difficult to connect them with people of a particular ethnic origin. It has been suggested that they were utilized by the Etruscans, Romans, Umbrians, Faliscans, and Samnites.3 Therefore, Italic seems a more appropriate term to refer to these votives.4 Votive offerings constitute a very important part of the religion of ancient Greeks, Romans, and Italic peoples, which was based on the do ut des principle (I give, so that you may give). It demonstrates the custom and the principle of reciprocity in religion. Dedicated in vast quantities to various deities as part of a ritual act and then displayed in temples and shrines, they were considered divine property and therefore were ritually buried subsequently in sanctuaries, only to be discovered centuries later as part of votive deposits.5 Among these votive offerings, the so-called anatomical examples in the form of various body parts such as hands, arms, feet, legs, torsos, female breasts, phalli, and various internal organs, as well heads, busts, and statues, occupy a noteworthy place. These are usually regarded either as a plea for a cure or as a thank you offering for a cure already received. It is commonly believed that the majority of anatomical votives come from the sanctuaries where a cult of a healing deity or deities was practiced.6 However, it has been noted recently that not every sanctuary with anatomical votive deposits could be considered as a healing one per se.7 Fay Glinister has demonstrated that such votives were extremely popular in most of the Italic sanctuaries during the Hellenistic period and that “the simplest and most logical explanation is that they represent the generic power of deities over the major aspects of human life,” including health.8 We should perhaps imagine that these votives were mass produced at the coroplastic

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workshops located in the vicinity of sanctuaries and thus could have been purchased easily by the votaries/pilgrims. According to statistics, the depiction of feet was one of the most numerous types of offerings. Feet were represented in various configurations: sometimes both feet were placed on one plaque; sometimes single legs were shown to above a knee.9 Among the Fordham votives, single adult feet up to the ankle are represented—two right ones and one left (Appendix: 10.019, 10.021, 10.033.) They show no sign of disease or injury, such as misshapen toes or bunions. However, it is unclear whether a pronounced vein rendered on two of the feet (Appendix: 10.019, 10.021) indicates any particular medical condition or is a mere anatomical detail.10 The feet are placed on thick plaques that are probably meant to represent the soles of sandals. The straps once might have been rendered in paint.11 The heads and half-heads, of which the Fordham Collection possesses quite a few examples, are not always considered, strictly speaking, anatomical votives. However, they occur for the most part in connection with the anatomical votives proper and thus are often also associated with health concerns.12 Heads (of men, women, and children) are thought to make up almost a third of the total preserved votive offerings in Italy.13 Their exact significance is not entirely clear. Although there are theories that they could have been votives connected with headaches (associated with various diseases), the majority should probably be considered an abbreviated version of full statues.14 For the most part, votive heads seem to be generic representations of votaries, most likely brought by worshippers wishing to place themselves under divine protection.15 Most of the terracotta votives, including heads, were mold-made. The use of molds led to their mass production, insured certain consistency in types of votives, and also simplified the creative process; only minimal artistic skill was required when using them.16 As molds could have been transported without difficulty, the same types were disseminated easily throughout the peninsula. It is also believed that itinerant craftsmen carried some with them while traveling from project to project.17 The molds (usually the frontal and the back one) were taken from a prototype that could have been sculpted either particularly for this purpose or from an already existing object.18 The molded votives were left to dry until they reached the so-called leatherhard stage. At that point, all the necessary additions were made by hand—some

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elements added or taken away, details incised. Next, they were left in the sun until most of the water evaporated, and then, they were fired. Thickness of clay varied greatly from a few millimeters to two to three centimeters, depending on the size and purpose of an object. Shortly afterward, covered with white slip and painted, these objects were ready to be purchased by the votaries. Although molds ensured certain homogeneity in the predominant stylistic characteristics of the heads, the coroplasts used their tricks of the trade to make the molded votive heads rather versatile. For example, the same molds could have been used for males and females.19 Additional elements, such as lines, moustache, and beard, or removal of some of the hair, would prove a handy trick in using the same mold for producing heads of youths and older men.20 Accordingly, the very same molds were used for statues, busts, heads, and half-heads, and also to produce heads for sarcophagi/ossuaries lids with reclining figures.21 Therefore, some heads that lack bases actually could have been part of complete statues22 or sarcophagi. Let us examine the general types of the votive heads in the Fordham University Collection and then address six individual heads in more detail. There are several examples of male votive heads (Appendix: 10.006 10.011, 10.002, 10.029). Although not identical, they all are related to a common prototype, the head of the Doryphoros by Polykleitos, with its symmetrical facial features and hair arrangement. Some, however, have a rim around them, a feature that has been interpreted commonly as velum, the edge of the toga. Traditionally, this capite velato (covered head) type has been associated with the Roman rite of sacrificing with one’s head covered, whereas the capite aperto (uncovered head) type is usually linked with the Greek and Etruscan traditions of performing sacrifice. Although this explanation of the veiled versus unveiled head is still quite common in scholarship, it has been challenged recently, and the discussion about the nature of and reasons for depicting the Italic heads with velum continues.23 Two heads of young women, derived from a common prototype, although probably not from the same mold (Appendix: 10.003, 10.008), have a rather distinct hairdo. An oval elongated face with straight nose, heavy eyelids, and full lips is framed on either side by wavy locks of hair in front of the ears, adorned with identical threelobed earrings. The rest of the hair is arranged into several (probably six) long braids

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that are bound around the back of the head. This particular hairstyle, seni crines, whose existence is dated from the fourth through the second century B.C.E., is sometimes associated with brides.24 It is therefore tempting to suppose that this type was perhaps produced with a particular consumer in sight; being a bride was a vulnerable position, and young brides were probably seeking all the divine protection they could get. Another type of female votive head (Appendix: 10.005) is represented at Fordham by a variety that has an elongated face with classical features, hair parted in the center and arranged in symmetrical curls on the sides, and a floral diadem topped by a veil that falls to the shoulders.25 This kind finds parallels in antefixes from Cerveteri, Perugia, and Chiusi.26 The types of votive female heads with stephane (crowns),27 either veiled or not, as well as those used in the antefixes, undoubtedly go back to the same prototype, most probably a Greek or South Italian statue, perhaps of Demeter or Hera.28 The Fordham Collection also includes a half-head of this variety with a diadem (Appendix: 10.017) and a male half-head of the capite velato type (Appendix: 10.029) that is typologically very similar to a fully unveiled head (Appendix: 10.006). Two techniques of manufacture of profile heads have been suggested— either a set of molds for a head was cut in half to create two sets for profile heads or an entire head was cut in half, possibly with a string, thus creating two profiles. The latter certainly seems more economical and less time-consuming.29 In addition, no molds for making profile heads have yet come to light, although their existence has been suggested.30 Since the edge of the Fordham half-heads is closed off by a flat clay partition, nothing could be said with certainty about how they were made (i.e., in half-molds or in complete ones and then cut in half ), as no traces of the instrument used for cutting can be seen because of the partition. There has been some discussion about the raison d’être of the half-heads, but it seems that they were meant to fulfill the same functions as the shoulder busts and heads, all of which were abbreviated versions of complete statues. In other words, it seems that the main reason for the use of half-heads was economical.31 The majority of Italic votive heads most often depict generic types of little individuality, with conventional features, such as an old man, a youth, a young girl,

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or a matron. Stylistically, however, all the Italic votive heads could be divided into two large groups going back to either Greek (South Italian, Hellenizing) or Italian (Etruscan, Italic, indigenous) artistic tradition. The latter is characterized by an emphasis on linear qualities, especially the use of ridges to outline eyes, lips, and hair strands.32 A closer examination yields yet more specific artistic sources that must have served as prototypes. South Italian (Greek) sculptures of deities, Hellenistic royal portraits, and numerous images of Alexander the Great in particular, provided another rich source of artistic inspiration for the Italic coroplasts. Some of the votive heads are essentially copies of those works.33 Italic/Etruscan architectural terracottas, antefixes decorated with various heads, female and male alike, are another source of the prototypes that largely draws on local tradition.34 Both votive and architectural terracottas made in identical or related molds are known from various places in Italy.35 It is therefore quite possible that the coroplasts who traveled between temple construction sites and the votives-producing workshops simply carried with them either the prototypes or the molds. In addition to the antefixes, another South Italian tradition of votive protomes, shoulder-busts, and half-figures should not be forgotten.36 Perhaps other distant precursors of the votive heads were the Etruscan/Italic anthropomorphic ossuaries with head-shaped lids, dating from the eighth through the sixth century B.C.E.37 However, it is unclear to what degree they influenced the production of the votive heads. An artistic influence of utmost importance that definitely affected the production of the votive head types is the local Etruscan/Italic and Roman Republican tradition of veristic portraits, some of which evidently served as prototypes.38 Two possible examples are male heads, one from l’Are della Regina39 and another from the votive deposit of Manganello, Cerveteri,40 both undoubtedly possessing rather individualistic features. It has been claimed that the heads are hand modeled and therefore could either be copies of the once existing Republican portraits or (more unlikely) actual portraits of individuals, ordered from a coroplast. In fact, whether or not some of the votive heads can be considered actual portraits made to order is a complicated issue that cannot be resolved at this time. Certain heads seem very individualized, as they display various emotional states, despite the fact that they

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were made in molds (and thus mass produced) and were not actual portraits.41 It is also unclear what to make of a male votive head, currently in the British Museum42 and of a votive bust of a man, now in the Villa Giulia Museum, Rome.43 Despite being mold-made, both seem rather individualistic and exhibit personal features—a wart or a mole on the upper lip and possibly a scar, respectively. The pending question is if they are portraits commissioned by particular individuals or if they represent the types of votive heads/busts with some of the individual features added, again, on demand from the customer. Admittedly, virtually nothing is known about how the customers communicated with the artisans. Individual orders must have been more costly than buying the readymade specimens. Perhaps we should allow for the possibility that some mold-made heads were individualized on order, whereas some of the rare hand-modeled variety could have been actual portraits. MBM 1. This increase in the production of votive terracottas during Hellenistic period is often explained by the general economic growth of central Italy; see Comella 1981; Turfa 1986, p. 207; Söderlind 2002, p. 39. In addition, suitable stone quarries were quite scarce in central Italy, and terracotta mold-made sculptures became rather widespread in these areas; see Söderlind 2002, p. 35. 2. It has been assumed that it was largely people of smaller economic means and lower social status who used the votive terracottas in Central Italy; see Bianchi Bandinelli and Torelli 1976, p. 106; Pensabene et al. 1980, p. 47; Turfa 1994, p. 224; Söderlind 2002, p. 346. For the most recent re-evaluation of this view, see Glinister 2006, esp. pp. 27–30. 3. Söderlind 2002, p. 39. On issues of distribution and typology of the clay votives from Central Italy, see Comella 1981. 4. See Turfa 1986, pp. 206–7. 5. On the various aspects of the votive offerings among the Italic peoples and the Etruscans, see Smithers 1993; Turfa 1994; Turfa 2006; Becker 2009; Edlund-Berry 2009. 6. For the sanctuaries, see Ginge 1993; see also Turfa 1986, pp. 205, 207; Turfa 2005a, pp. 49, 244–45. 7. Turfa 1994, p. 224. 8. Glinister 2006, p. 13. 9. Comella 1982, p. 111, pl. 76, b, c. For distribution patterns and quantities, see Fenelli 1975. 10. Generally, pathological representations are infrequent; see Turfa 1986, pp. 205–6 (with bibliography). A miniature right foot with a bunion is kept at the British Museum, GR1842.7-28.1095. Another example of a foot with a bunion and in-turned little toe is at the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, L-64-551 (Turfa 2005a, pp. 246–47, no. 274). For a suggestion that votive feet should not necessarily be understood as sick parts of the body but that they could also symbolize pilgrims, pilgrimages, or secular journeys, see Glinister 2006, p. 12. 11. For an example of preserved straps painted in black, see Pensabene et al. 1980, pl. b; Turfa 2005a, p. 247, no. 275. 12. Comella 1981. 223

13. Söderlind 2002, p. 40. For the distribution charts of heads and half-heads throughout Italy, see Fenelli 1975, pp. 232–45; Comella 1981, pp. 720–58. 14. For a theory that votive heads could be related to a variety of diseases through headaches and migraines, see Wells 1985; Girardon 1993, p. 35. It is worth noting that Italic votive heads that show actual signs of any disease are very rare. For references to such examples, see Comella 1982, pp. 50–51, n. 176 bis, pl. 10b. 15. Fenelli 1975, pp. 210–11; Steingräber 1980; Comella 1981, pp. 772–73; Nagy 1988, p. 19; Girardon 1994, p. 35; Turfa 1994, p. 224; Söderlind 2002, p. 372. 16. For a detailed discussion of all the technical aspects of the terracotta votive production, see Nagy 1988, pp. 3–11. 17. The issues of itinerant craftsmen and local workshops are discussed in Vagnetti 1966, p. 113; Vagnetti 1971, pp. 164–65; Gatti Lo Guzzo 1978, p. 150; Nagy 1988, pp. 9–10. 18. Although most of the objects have a predominantly frontal emphasis, double molds were used for most of the Fordham votives. Exceptions with the hand-modeled backs are the male and female heads and the half-heads of the capite velato type (Appendix: 10.005, 10.017, 10.002, 10.029). 19. For an example of the same matrix used for both male and female heads, see Marinucci 1976, p. 3. 20. For example, see Kilmer 1977, figs. 177, 178, and 179, 180. 21. Gentili 1994, pl. iv, a13, pl. v, a22; Söderlind 2002, pp. 354, 358–61. 22. For examples of complete votive statues, see Colonna 1985, p. 41, no. 1.27, 1 and 2; Art of the Italic Peoples 1993, pp. 265–67, nos. 165, 166. 23. For the most recent discussions of the issue, see Söderlind 2002, pp. 369–80; Glinister 2006; Fantham 2008; Glinister 2009. 24. Bonfante 1973, p. 612; La Follette 1994. A veiled variety of the type is also known; see Turfa 2005a, pp. 245–46, no. 272. 25. For an identical head, see British Museum, GR1928.1-17.9 (Turfa 1986, p. 208, no. 6). 26. Hafner 1965, pl. 16.4 (Cerveteri); Turfa 2005a, pp. 257–58, nos. 288, 289 (Cerveteri); Andrén 1940, pl. 88.315 (Perugia); Cristofani 1975, pl. 43.1, 2 (Chiusi). 27. See also another head in the Fordham University collection, Appendix: 10.012. 28. Colonna 1992, pl. vii: “busto di Giunone del tempio dello Scasato II” from Falerii; Cristofani 1992a, pl. vi: “busto pertinente a statua di Hera” from the sanctuary of Fondo Belloni in Cività Castellana. 29. Potter 1985, p. 31; Nagy 1988, p. 7; Söderlind 2002, p. 372; Turfa 2005b. 30. See Pensabene et al. 1980, p. 207; Albertocchi 1994, pp. 55–128. Söderlind (2002, p. 252) has observed that at least some of the profile heads comprise slightly more than half a head, which would leave the other half incomplete. 31. Interesting observations: equal amounts of the right and left profiles of half-heads have been found. Also, the same votive deposit often yields full and profile heads derived from the same prototype. Bartoloni (1970, p. 262) gives statistics for a votive deposit from Veii: 29 complete heads, 22 half-heads (left profile), and 25 half-heads (right profile); see also Söderlind 2002, p. 251; Turfa 2005b. 32. Nagy 1988, p. 3.

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33. Ibid., pp. 17–18; Turfa 1994, p. 225. 34. Central Italy and Etruria in particular was rich in timber; therefore, Etruscan temples were largely built out of timber and unbaked mudbrick. To protect the roof from the elements, they adopted (perhaps via the Greek colonies in South Italy) the Corinthian invention of terracotta roof tiles with antefixes — that protected the ends of tile rows; see Turfa 2005a, p. 49. 35. Comella 1981, p. 773; Turfa 1986, pp. 206–7 (with bibliography); Söderlind 2002, p. 309. 36. Kilmer 1977, figs. 58–122. 37. Cristofani 1984, respectively, pls. 85, 86, 89–92. 38. Some examples of the Italic/Etruscan veristic portraits: a bronze head from San Giovanni Lipioni, the so-called Capitoline Brutus, a bronze head from Fiesole (Louvre), and the so-called L’Arringatore (ibid., respectively, pls. 167–69, 176, 180). Perhaps one should also consider a late-fifth-century B.C.E. bronze votive head of a bearded man from a votive deposit at Faltertona, now in the British Museum (Turfa 2006, p. 100, fig. vi.11). 39. Comella 1982, pp. 48–49, pl. 8b. 40. Colonna 1985, p. 39, no. 1.26, a6. 41. Nagy 1988, p. 26. 42. British Museum, Campanari Collection, GR1839.2-14.9 (ca. 300–200 B.C.E.; find-spot unknown). 43. Rome, Villa Giulia, 7311, from Falerii Veteres, the Tempio Maggiore di Vignale (Kilmer 1977, pp. 230–31, no. 113, with bibliography).

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68.

Votive head of a young man

Italic, 4th–3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, h. 9 1/2 in. (24 cm) Fordham University Collection 10.016

This votive head of a youth is hollow and was made in a two-piece mold (front and back); additional details were incised with a modeling stick. The youth has a very symmetrical face, large eyes with sharply defined eyelids and brows, a straight thin nose, and full mouth with curved lips. Above the forehead, the hair is carefully brushed forward; the longer strands on the sides are arranged into long sideburns. On top of the head, the hair is parted in the middle and brushed to the sides. Both the symmetrical facial features and the hair arrangement recall the head of the Doryphoros by Polykleitos, the ultimate prototype for this head.1 The Fordham work has a striking appearance because of the abundantly preserved color, an effect easily understood in comparison with an identical (but with no traces of paint) votive head kept in the Vatican’s Museo Gregoriano Etrusco.2 MBM

Condition: Face, right side, and top of head preserved; light beige clay with small black inclusions; colors preserved: reddish on face, lips, and eyelids and black or dark brown for irises, pupils, and tear ducts

1. Another head in the Fordham Collection (Appendix: 10.006) clearly derives from the same prototype as well as a half-head (Appendix: 10.029), this one is of the veiled variety. For examples of votive heads based on the Doryphoros, see Hafner 1966–67, pl. 7, 1, 2, pl. 8, 1-3, pl. 9, 1-4, pl. 10, 1-4. 2. Ibid., p. 39, pl. 9, 3, 4.

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69.

Votive head of a youth with tousled hair

Italic, ca. 200 B.C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, h. 9 1/2 in. (24 cm) Fordham University Collection 10.013

Like the other votives discussed herein, this hollow terracotta was made in a twopiece mold (front and back); the hair in the back was partially sculpted by hand. It portrays a youth who has an oval face with a high forehead, large eyes, straight nose with somewhat heavy tip, and slightly open mouth with an elaborately curved upper lip. The face is framed by short straight locks of hair that cover the ears. The rest of thick irregular curls of hair fall down to the base of the neck; they are rendered out of clay added after the molding, which is partially sculpted by hand and is finished with deeply incised lines.1

Condition: Complete except broken off at base of neck; minor chips and abrasions on surface; tan clay with fine black inclusions; colors preserved: brown-pink on face; black for eyebrows, on upper eyelids, and for pupils; reddish-brown on lips, lower eyelids, and hair; white for whites of eyes

The most striking feature of this head is the preserved polychromy, which gives it a distinctive character. Both this head and the one of a youth with two earrings (No. 70) seem to be highly individualized but probably are not portraits per se. In the words of Helen Nagy, although they “have something of the spontaneous about them” (a feature often found among the Italic votive heads), their almost portraitlike qualities “provide a believable reality without actually representing a specific individual.”2 MBM 1. For a similar technique in rendering hair by hand-sculpting with a help of a modeling stick, see a male half-head in Potter 1985, pl. ix, c. 2. Nagy 1988, p. 19.

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70.

Votive head of a youth with two earrings

Italic, ca. 3rd–2nd century B.C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, h. 8.5 in. (21.6 cm) Fordham University Collection 10.014

Like Fordham work No. 71 and others, this terracotta head was made in a twopiece mold (front and back) and is hollow. It tilts slightly to the left and portrays an adolescent boy. His narrow elongated face has a high forehead continuing into a rather large nose that points straight upward, small downward eyes with heavy eyelids (giving the face a somewhat sleepy expression), very full slightly parted lips, and a rounded chin.1 In both ears, partially obscured by hair, he wears medium-sized hoop earrings. The rather thick locks of longish hair fall loosely on the forehead and all the way down the neck in the back and are tucked behind the ears on the sides. Some of the locks are rendered with loose grooves made by a modeling stick before firing. MBM

Condition: Complete; minor chips and abrasions on surface; tan clay with fine black inclusions; few faint traces of dark brown on the hair

1. It is possible that this head shares the same prototype with a votive head of a youth from Cerveteri; see Colonna 1985, p. 39, no. 1.26, a5.

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71.

Votive head of a boy

Italic, ca. 3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, h. 10 in. (25.4 cm) Fordham University Collection 10.018

This votive head is hollow and was made in a two-piece mold (front and back). Details—the corners of the mouth, teeth, indentation on the chin, coils of hair— were rendered by hand with a modeling stick. The boy has a round face, dimpled chin, high cheekbones, and a straight nose that broadens at the base. His almond shaped eyes, with prominently undercut eyelids and irises and pupils incised on the surface, are set widely apart, and his full slightly parted lips expose the front upper teeth. Short tight curls provide a square frame for the boy’s face. The hair above the forehead and on both sides of the face is rendered plastically with added clay; the rest of the head is covered with incised spiral lines to indicate curly hair.

Condition: Complete; minor chips and abrasions on surface; light beige clay with black inclusions; few faint traces of black on hair

It is possible that the head is intended to portray an individual of African-European descent. John Boardman once noted that “art historians have perhaps been slow to recognize mixed black-white Nilotic types in Greek art.”1 In his meticulous study of images of Africans in antiquity, Frank Snowden demonstrated that “Blacks were physically assimilated into the predominantly white population of the ancient world” and that the depiction of mixed race types that begins toward the mid-fifth century B.C.E. in Greek and Italic art “reflected anthropological reality.” Such occurrences, he laments, are often ignored in scholarship.2 This is definitely not a portrait since it is mold-made, suggesting that a number of such heads were mass-produced. It is tempting to consider the possibility that a particular group—perhaps of African-European descent—were the clients for whom such heads were produced. MBM 1. Boardman 1980, p. 308. This point is well demonstrated by a shoulder bust of a boy from a votive deposit at Falerii: his high cheekbones, shape of the eyes, full lips, and very broad nose are sufficiently different from standard votive facial types to suggest a non-Italic heritage, a fact that seemed to have been overlooked by scholars; see Comella 1986, pp. 39–40, pl. 20, a (A3I). 2. Snowden 2001, pp. 267, 253; Snowden 1976, pp. 160, 167–83, figs. 211, 216, 217. See also Snowden 1970.

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72.

Votive bust (?) of a boy with an earring (fragment of a statue?)

Italic, mold-made, ca. 3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 10 in. (25.4 cm) Fordham University Collection, 10.015

This preserved hollow fragment was made in a two-piece mold (front and back). It depicts a frontal head of a young boy with a short neck, face with large eyes, full, slightly parted lips, pointed chin with a dimple, and short pointed nose. The carefully sculpted ears are somewhat protruding. The boy wears a small hoop earring in his right ear. The hair was rendered with shallow parallel grooves incised with a modeling stick before firing.

Condition: Single fragment; head, neck, upper shoulders and part of the back are preserved; abrasions and chips on the surface; missing a large chip on left on back of head; pinkish tan clay with reddish, black, and white inclusions; no traces of color

The original context of this fragment is not altogether clear. On account of the rather long part of the back that is still preserved, it was obviously not just a head.1 The piece also could not have belonged to either a statue of a swaddled baby2 or to that of a standing boy in tunic, as there is no indication of any clothing on the head, back, or shoulders. One possibility is that it could have been a long bust. Alternatively, the thickness of the clay visible at the breaks might support an assumption that this fragment once was part of a larger statue.3 MBM 1. For an identical (save for the earring) head in the Vatican, see Steingräber 1980, pl. 71, 1. 2. For an example of a so-called swaddled baby with the similar facial type, see Comella 1982, pp. 18–19, pl. 4, a. 3. For examples of heads of the boys that probably belonged to statues, see D’Ercole 1990, p. 81, pl. 24, b, pl. 25, a.

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73.

Votive (?) head of a young man

Italic, 3rd–2nd century B.C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, h. 8 in. (20.3 cm) Fordham University Collection 10.027

Like the other votives discussed herein, this work is hollow and was made in a twopiece mold (front and back); additional details (the hair) were added by hand. It depicts a youth with an oval face, high forehead, deeply set small and closely placed eyes, straight somewhat fleshy nose, and slightly parted lips with front upper teeth visible. Thick lush slightly wavy strands of hair frame the face. The hair above the forehead forms a distinct cowlick. That hair arrangement and the rendering of the eyes recall likenesses of Alexander the Great as well as numerous votive heads based on his portraits.1 Though only a fragment of the head survives, it is possible that it originally belonged to a full-sized votive statue.2 MBM

Condition: Frontal, top, and left parts of head preserved; light tan clay with small black inclusions; no traces of color

1. For heads and half-heads with similar facial features and arrangement of hair, see Hafner 1966–67, pl. 12, 1, 2, pl. 13, 1, 2, pl. 14, 1, 2. 2. Votive statues from Cales: Colonna 1985, p. 41, no. 1.27, 1 and 2. A similar head from a votive statue from the Etrusco-Latin context in Calvi, Campania, is in the British Museum (1856.12-26.447).

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74.

Engraved mirror

Etruscan, probably made in southern Etruria, ca. 300 B.C.E. Bronze, h. 11.3 in. (28.7 cm), diam. 5.6 in. (14.1 cm) Fordham University Collection, 7.016

For more than half a millennium, the Etruscans produced hand mirrors made of polished bronze and silver. Many, especially those made after about 500 B.C.E., were engraved on their non-reflecting sides with elaborate scenes depicting characters from Etruscan legend, myth, or more rarely, everyday life. Hundreds of mirrors are engraved with the names of these characters, and some also have dedicatory inscriptions or record the name of the owner. It appears that mirrors were primarily used by women, and almost all have been recovered from female burials rather than temple deposits, as is usually the case in the Greek world. Because more than four thousand Etruscan mirrors have survived, they help us document many aspects of Etruscan religious beliefs, customs, language, and even hairstyles and clothing. They form an invaluable corpus of aesthetically interesting and culturally significant artifacts from this ancient society.

Condition: Complete except for a repair where handle was apparently separated from base of extension; details of engraving well preserved, especially on non-reflecting side; central ornament at top of obverse extension slightly obscured by corrosion products; details of handle modeling, especially at terminal, also marred by corrosion

The reverse (non-reflecting) side of this mirror shows an intricately engraved, crowded scene with five female figures. At the center is a heavily draped seated goddess facing right. She sits on a bench (no back is visible) with ornate architectural legs consisting of volutes and palmettes, perhaps indicating wooden or inlaid ivory carvings. Flanking her are standing females. They are nude except for diadems or fillets, earrings, necklaces, bracelets (on both wrists), slippers, and heavily pleated drapery capes. These figures reach out either to adjust the diadem of the seated goddess or to primp her hair. A third nude female, on the extreme right, is similarly presented but not actively engaged in the toilette of the seated figure. Her left arm and hand, shown disproportionately large, hang at her side. The fifth female is the only one not shown in profile. Most of her body is hidden, but we can see that she wears a veil, a necklace and a long garment whose neckline is visible. A kind of architectural setting is suggested behind the heads of these five figures. It consists of three horizontal bands: a frieze with inscriptions, flanked by a double row of dots below and a wavy pattern above. The entire medallion-shaped scene is framed by a magnificent vegetal border. This consists of various stylized flowers, leaves and spiral tendrils and is reminiscent of ornaments familiar from fourthcentury B.C.E. South Italian vase painting. In the extension, the area that forms a transition between the mirror disc and the handle, there is an engraved head of uncertain gender but with long hair. A few lines remain to show that the figure wore a garment with horizontal neckline. The figure also wears a Phrygian cap with

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large wings. Similar figures appear on a number of other mirrors and are sometimes associated with Hermes. Like the elaborate decorative border, this head appears on South Italian pottery.1 The three inscriptions, like many on Etruscan mirrors, are retrograde and separated by two-point word dividers: turan : uni : mea[n]. The first two names are familiar ones that frequently appear on Etruscan mirrors and are well documented. Turan is the Etruscan goddess usually identified with the Greek Aphrodite or Roman Venus, the goddess of love. Uni is the Etruscan equivalent of Greek Hera or Roman Juno. Mean is far less familiar. She has no known equivalent in Greek or Roman myth but appears, with accompanying inscriptions, on at least six other Etruscan mirrors. From these other contexts, we can obtain some idea of her functions, but it must be pointed out that the number of definite appearances is too small to make a definitive judgment on her overall meaning to the Etruscans.2

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Drawing: E. Wahle

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Because Mean often appears crowning a victor with a wreath, scholars have connected her with the Greek and Roman personifications of victory, Nike and Victoria. Sometimes, like the Etruscan Lasa, she holds an alabastron and perfume dipper. There seems to be some conflation with the character Munthuch, as on one of the Epiur mirrors, where this figure crowns Hercle.3 There, she is nude, wingless, wears only slippers and jewelry, but carries an alabastron and has a large fillet wrapped around her left arm. On other mirrors,4 Munthuch dances like a maenad with the satyr Chelphun. All three figures—Mean, Munthuch, and Lasa—play a role in divine or mortal female adornment and are possibly different manifestations of the same character. The obverse or original reflecting surface is only engraved on the extension where we see an elegant volute from which spring a series of twelve fronds flanked by small blossoms. A similar design appears on the obverse of another mirror in Brussels.5 This example is also similar in size to the Fordham example. RDDP

1. For mirrors with related heads in the extension, see Paris, Louvre, 1734 (ES, vol. 5, pl. 100; CSE, France, vol. 1, no. 4); Brussels, Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire, R 1258 (Lambrechts 1978, no. 8); Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Fr. 137 (ES, vol. 2, pl. 161); Copenhagen, Thorvaldsens Museum, H 2170 (ES, vol. 4, pl. 228); Vatican City, Museo Gregoriano Etrusco 12663 (ES, vol. 4, pl. 323). In several ways (e.g., the engraving style, the size and profile, the elaborate border, the extension head), the closest parallel for the Fordham mirror is the first example cited here, which is in the Louvre. 2. Mirrors with inscribed depictions of MEAN include: Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Cabinet des Médailles, 1287 (ES, vol. 2, pl. 181), ca. 325 B.C.E.; Naples, Museo Archeologico, 5568 (ES, vol. 1, pl. 82), fourth century B.C.E.; Berlin, Staatliche Museen, 7769 (ES, vol. 5, pl. 59), ca. 400– 350 B.C.E.; Perugia, Museo Archeologico, 987 (ES, vol. 1, pl. 141; CSE, Italia, vol. 2, pt. 1, no. 1), ca. 400–350 B.C.E.; Berlin, Staatliche Museen, 7379 (CSE, DDR, vol. 1, no. 31), ca. 300 B.C.E.; Vatican City, Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, 12639 (ES, vol. 1, pl. 142). 3. Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Fr. 136 (ES, vol. 2, pl. 165). 4. See, for example, Brussels, Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire, R 1270 (Lambrechts 1978, no. 20). 5. Brussels, Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire, R 1253 (Lambrechts 1978, no. 3).

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Drawing: E. Wahle

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Roman Art

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75.

Statue of a Roman man

Roman, Early Imperial Period, ca. mid 1st century B.C.E.–1st century C.E. Marble, h. 84 in. (213.4 cm) Fordham University Collection, 1.001

This previously unpublished life-sized marble statue was made of one large piece of marble, with the missing feet and protruding right forearm carved separately. The head has a wide muscular neck with a small Adam’s apple and tilts slightly to the left. The carving of the back is shallow and schematic, and the tops of the shoulders are finished with a claw chisel, indicating that the statue was designed to be seen from the front and below.

Condition: Face missing nose and left ear; chips on chin and right eye; right fingertips broken; feet rest on soles of shoes with no other details preserved; entire surface weathered, especially the upper sections of torso; tool marks (claw chisel) visible on plinth and support

The Roman man depicted wears a tunic and late republican toga, a traditional and important symbol of Roman citizenship.1 The largest number of extant Roman togate statues date from between the first century B.C.E. and the first century C.E.2 Since toga fashions varied throughout the Roman period, the style of the garment worn in the Fordham work permits a date from that time. An important characteristic is the fold over the figure’s bent right arm in a so-called arm-sling. Although the togate arm-sling appears in Roman art as early as the fourth century B.C.E.,3 it became particularly characteristic in the second and first centuries B.C.E., when, as a result of Roman military and political involvement in the Greek East, toga styles may have been influenced by the similar draping of Greek himatia (cloaks).4 Only small details, such as the curved hem of the toga on the Fordham statue, differentiate the two garments. The best surviving ancient discussion of the Roman toga comes from the late first century C.E. Institutio Oratoria of the Roman rhetorician Quintilian, who acknowledged the arm-sling as a significant element of the republican toga and discussed how the feature precluded expansive gestures while speaking in public.5 Also recorded in the Institutio Oratoria is the recommendation of two mid-first century B.C.E. Roman rhetoricians, Plotius Gallus and Nigidius Figulus, that the toga’s lower edge should hang to the ankles “like the Greek pallium.”6 While most republican togas extended to the mid-shins,7 the present one falls to the ankles. This long togate style appeared in the mid-first century B.C.E. and, along with the armsling, was worn until the end of the first century B.C.E. It represents the beginning of a trend toward more voluminous Roman togas in the early imperial period.8 It is reasonable to speculate that the Fordham figure originally wore calcei, shoes entirely encasing the foot that traditionally were worn outdoors with the toga. The missing distinguishing straps may have been added when the statue was painted.9

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The late republican/early imperial chronology suggested by the details of the Fordham statue’s toga is further confirmed by the figure’s portrait style and coiffure. The heightened realism of this middle-aged roman man, expressed by the creased brow, sunken cheeks, severe and down-turned mouth, and nasolabial lines is characteristic of portraiture of the republican period. Such features emphasized individuality and expressed the important Roman virtues of experience, wisdom, and severity.10 In contrast to the portrait style, the statue’s short hair with comma-shaped locks is inspired by a new and youthful portrait mode introduced by Rome’s first emperor, Augustus.11 While Augustus and his Julio-Claudian heirs each utilized a fixed arrangement of locks, their hairstyles influenced the representation of Romans throughout the empire and across social strata. Although the youthful coiffure of the Fordham statue appears to contrast with the veristic features of the portrait, such combinations were not uncommon in Roman art and are particularly associated with the funerary portraiture commissioned by freedmen during the late first century B.C.E. and first century C.E.12 While the lack of an inscription makes it impossible to determine precisely whom the Fordham statue represented, the quality of workmanship, costume, and portrait type suggests that this man was of the middle-class.13 Since non-elite members of Roman society were rarely honored with public honorific statues, it is likely that the Fordham statue was erected in a funerary context, a popular format for middle-class Romans. As Roman religion did not guarantee an afterlife, a funerary monument was one of the best ways to be remembered. They were frequently incorporated in tomb complexes with statuary and were conventionally erected on the roads leading into and out of Roman cities, where they could be viewed continually, and consequently, the deceased could be remembered perpetually. Since funerary sculpture was often the only form of public self-expression available to middle-class Romans, the loss of the Fordham statue’s outstretched left hand, which likely held an object related to his life, is particularly unfortunate. Today, Roman streets lined with first-century tomb complexes and funerary monuments are preserved in Italy, in Rome (the Via Appia) and Pompeii (outside the Porta Ercolano).14 In this light, perhaps a funerary context can help explain the unusual tall and narrow proportions of the Fordham statue, which might have been mitigated if the statue was originally designed for display on a tomb facade. ACHK 246

1. On early toga styles, see D. D. E. Kleiner and F. S. Kleiner 1980–81; Goette 1989. 2. Stone 1994, p. 17. 3. Hafner 1969, pp. 40–41. 4. Stone 1994, p. 16. 5. Quint. Inst.11.2.138. 6. Quint. Inst. 11.3.143. 7. A famous example is the toga of the Arringatore, now in the Florence Archaeological Museum. See Dohrn 1968. 8. Stone 1994, p. 17. 9. On calcei, see Goldman 1994, pp. 116–20. On the painting of ancient statues, see Brinkmann and Wünsche 2004. 10. There is a vast bibliography on republican portraiture. See, most recently, Rose 2008. 11. On Augustan portraiture, see Fittschen and Zanker 1985; Boschung 1993. 12. See D. E. E. Kleiner 1977; D. E. E. Kleiner 1985. 13. Although it is a possibility, it cannot be confirmed that this statue represents a freedman. However, if the individual represented in the Fordham statue did belong to the freedman class, the toga would aptly illustrate his newly acquired romanitas. 14. See Kockel 1983; Hesberg 1992.

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76.

Portrait of the emperor Augustus

Roman, Julio-Claudian, ca. 27 B.C.E.–68 C.E. Marble, h. 13 1/4 in. (33.7 cm) Fordham University Collection, 11.004

Augustus was Rome’s first emperor, reigning from 31 B.C.E. to 14 C.E. He was the great-nephew, heir, and adopted son of Julius Caesar. Taking the title Divi Filius (son of a god), Augustus defeated his last rivals, M. Antonius and Cleopatra, in a naval battle at Actium in 31 B.C.E., securing his position as the most powerful man in Rome. Augustus was known by the title Princeps (first among equals) and Augustus (an adjective with a broad range of meanings including stately, dignified, and revered). He claimed to have restored the Republic, while transferring political and administrative powers traditionally held by the Senate and magistrates to a newly formed imperial court, thereby consolidating his political and military power.1

Condition: Neck, originally worked for insertion into a statue or bust, has been cut flat for mounting on a nineteenth-century marble base; chin, lips, nose, and sharp brow heavily restored according to Augustus’ conventional portrait characteristics; breaks on lower lip, chin, and ears; the preservation of claw chisel marks on back of neck and head suggests that this area was not intended to be seen; portrait finished to a rasp; no evidence of polish; marble covered in light brown patina

Augustus utilized three standardized portrait types during his reign. The most popular and widespread, exemplified by the Fordham Augustus, is the so-called Primaporta Type. Named after a famous statue of Augustus that was found at an imperial villa in Primaporta in 1863, this type was first introduced between 27 and 20 B.C.E. It subtly combined influences from Classical Greek sculpture with some of Augustus’ actual physiognomic traits, such as his large ears (seen here) and pointed chin. The Primaporta type is characterized by a broad cranium, narrow chin, large almond-shaped eyes, a sharp brow, straight nose, and small rounded mouth. The face is smooth, calm and idealized. The Primaporta hairstyle has a caplike arrangement of comma-shaped locks that fall over the forehead. At the center of the forehead two locks part and a third curls to the emperor’s left.2 Portraiture of Augustus broke sharply with the traditions of verism employed during the Republic. Although Augustus ruled until the age of seventy-six, depictions of him continued to use the youthful Primaporta type. His court artists created a calculated imperial image (rather than an actual likeness) that was distributed throughout the Roman world. Since most Romans never saw the emperor in person, the Primaporta type had widespread influence, representing Augustus in a youthful, dignified, and Greek-inspired mode all over the Roman world. Although the Fordham portrait of Augustus is of medium quality and workmanship, it still represents a faithful copy of the Primaporta Type. All over the head, the hair is carved in large sections, and individual strands are detailed with a chisel. While the

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back and sides of the head are only roughly finished, the characteristic three locks are carefully arranged over the forehead. In addition, the original facial features of the Fordham portrait are faithfully modeled on the standard features of the Primaporta type; the wide brow, narrow chin, almond-shaped eyes, and protruding ears identify this figure as Augustus. The only slight deviation is the figure’s brow, which is slightly creased, suggesting age. The Fordham portrait is an excellent example of the type of statues made in workshops throughout the empire based on imperial models carefully produced in the capital. Although it is impossible to know for sure, this head likely originally belonged to a statue erected in an urban public context during the reign of Augustus or one of his heirs (the Julio-Claudian Period, 14–68 C.E.). ACHK 1. On Augustus, see Cass. Dio; and Millar and Segal 1984; Hofter 1988; Zanker 1988; Raaflaub and Toher 1990; Galinsky 1996; Galinsky 2005; Eck 2007. 2. On the Primaporta Type, see Kähler 1959; Simon 1959; Fittschen and Zanker 1985; Boschung 1993.

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77.

Male torso (Hercules)

Roman, Imperial Marble, h. 15 1/4 in. (38.7 cm) Fordham University Collection, 9.001

This previously unpublished work is a small-scale fine-grained marble statue of a heroic male figure preserving only a muscled torso in a contrapposto stance with his right leg free. With his left hand, the figure holds the end of a club against his left hip. The mantle that covers the shoulders and encircles the right arm is textured to suggest animal hide. Multiple dowel holes were used to attach the mantle, broken right arm, and an object, possibly a bow and quiver of arrows, across the back. The identification of the subject as the great Greek hero Herakles (Roman Hercules) is suggested by the presence of his three most characteristic signifiers: the lion-skin cape flayed from the Nemean lion, a club, and possibly a bow and quiver of arrows.1 The small size of the figure and mythological subject matter indicate that the original statue might have come from a Roman domestic context.

Condition: Both legs missing below hips; mantle missing below attachment; right arm missing below shoulder; head worked separately and missing; genitals broken; carefully worked (smooth) surface; two old accession numbers: on mantle N1452 and on left shoulder 1420 1198

The worship of Hercules constituted the earliest introduction of a foreign cult into Rome,2 where a monumental altar (the Ara Maxima) in the Forum Boarium3 (now associated with a large anio tufa and travertine podium under Santa Maria in Cosmedin) was erected in his honor.4 Ancient historians attributed the foundation of the cult in Rome to Evander, king of the Arcadians, and held that Hercules himself had performed initial rites at the altar when he passed through the area during one of his labors.5 The cult of Hercules at the Ara Maxima became so important to Roman religion that in 312 B.C.E., control of the cult was transferred from the gens Potitia (one of the most ancient patrician families in Rome) to the state.6 During the Middle Republic, the Ara Maxima would become the focal point of a number of nearby sanctuaries erected to Hercules, including the famous Round Temple on the Tiber7 and the Temple of Hercules Musarum in the Circus Flaminius.8 The popularity of Hercules in Rome and the god’s association with famous middle republican triumphators (military victors) who patronized his temples (such as M. Fulvius Nobilior, victor over the Aetolian League in 189 B.C.E., and L. Mummius, sacker of Corinth in 146 B.C.E.) influenced the incorporation of statues of Hercules into domestic collections. During the third and second centuries B.C.E., large numbers of Greek statuary and paintings were brought as war booty to Rome, where they were publicly displayed in manubial temples (temples built from the proceeds of war) and porticoes throughout the city. Although many of the Greek

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statues originally had been commissioned for public spaces such as temples, literary evidence suggests that during the second century B.C.E., plundered Greek art was also being set up as trophies to decorate semiprivate urban houses in Rome.9 By the middle of the second century B.C.E., the incorporation of the Greek East into the Roman Empire resulted in a decline in the supply of Greek statuary available in Rome. Around the same time, elite Romans began to build large extra-urban villa complexes with porticoes and gardens filled with statuary.10 The concurrent decrease in supply of and increase in the demand for Greek sculpture encouraged the development of a “copying” industry (or “Roman sculpture industry”).11 Since the Romans now controlled the Greek marble quarries, statues became both more affordable and available to a wider group of clients. Literary12 and archaeological evidence13 suggests that no single theme prevailed in Roman sculpture collections, and representations of historical and mythological subjects were often mixed. It has been argued that eclectic collections may have been sought intentionally, as they were associated with the “wealth, power and tradition” evoked by the displays of plundered war booty set up in middle republican Rome.14 The widespread popularity of Hercules continued into the imperial period. There is, in fact, owing to the poor preservation of Republican material, exponentially more extant sculptural evidence from the imperial era. While statues of Hercules remained popular in private domestic statuary collections, public images—most famously, the image of Commodus in the guise of Hercules—were also adopted for representations of the Roman emperors.15 In addition, Hercules’ associations with both divine protection and life after death, which was integral to the god’s mythology, increased the popularity of the cult during the second and third centuries C.E., when more personal cults, such as Christianity, began to grow in popularity.16 At that time, the statues of Hercules produced for the Roman art market included copies of famous original statues, variants of Greek originals, and also new creations based on Greek themes. The Fordham Hercules torso corresponds to the last category, integrating the signifiers of Hercules without adopting the exact body type of a famous Greek original.17 ACHK

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1. LIMC, vol. 4, pt. 1, p. 729, vol. 5, pt. 1, pp. 183–86. 2. Bayet 1926. 3. Ov. Fast. 1.579–82; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1.40.6; Strabo 5.3.3. See also Coarelli 1988, pp. 439–42; Coarelli 1996a. 4. Cressedi 1984, p. 257, fig. 3, pp. 262–63. 5. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1.40.6. 6. Livy 9.29.9–11. 7. See Rakob and Heilmeyer 1973; Coarelli 1988; Ziolkowski 1988; Coarelli 1996b; Coarelli 1996c. 8. See Richardson 1977; Castagnoli 1983; Coarelli 1997, pp. 452–84; Viscogliosi 1999. 9. Cato, in ORF, nos. 94, 98, 203, 224; Cic. Rep. 1.21. See also Pape 1975; Gruen 1992, pp. 110–12; Welch 2006, pp. 102–24. 10. On the development of the Roman villa, see D’Arms 1970; Frazer 1998. 11. On the copying industry, see Zanker 1974; Bieber 1977; Bartman 1992, pp. 31–48; Gazda 2002. 12. Cic. Att. 1.6.2, 1.8.2, 1.9.2, 1.10.3, 9.9; Cic. Off. 1.138; Cic. Fam. 7.1–3. In a series of letters written to his friends Atticus and M. Fadius Gallus, Cicero requests Greek statuary to decorate his suburban villa. Specifically, he expresses interest in statues of Athena and Hermes, and also anything “suitable” for a gymnasium or colonnade, but he was not concerned with the artist, style, scale, or material. Instead, by acquiring copies of prestigious Greek masterpieces, or statues treating Greek themes, Cicero strove to establish himself as a person of refinement. See Bartman 1992, p. 78. 13. For example the Villa of the Papyri, see Neudecker 1988; for Houses at Pompeii, Dwyer 1982. 14. Bartman 1991, p. 73. 15. Fittschen and Zanker 1985. 16. Uhlenbrock 1986, p. 15. 17. LIMC, vol. 4, pt. 1, pp. 745–72, vol. 5, pt. 1, pp. 187–91.

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78.

Portrait of the emperor Hadrian

Roman, Hadrianic or Antonine, 2nd century C.E. Marble, h. 16 1/2 in. (41.9 cm) Fordham University Collection, 2.001

Under Hadrian (117–138 C.E.), the Roman Empire encompassed an area from Britain to North Africa and from Spain to the Euphrates. The emperor was involved in the governance of the provinces, spending years away from Rome and visiting eastern cities such as Jerusalem and Antioch. Similarly, his predecessor Trajan had gone to great effort to campaign throughout the eastern fringes of the empire, reaching as far as the Roman-allied kingdom of Charakene in southern Mesopotamia.1 Given Rome’s intense involvement in the crucial eastern borderlands at this time—the frontier with the Parthian Empire—it is surprising that Roman imperial portraiture sculpture is rather scarce in the Roman East.2 Stylistic features of this head of Hadrian suggest it may be a rare surviving example from Syria.

Condition: Head broken at the neck; part of nose missing

The over life-sized scale and blocky solid shape create an imposing image, with a curve at the temple that lends a square outline to the face and gives the impression of a flat facial surface in spite of the deeply modeled features. A deeply creased brow and two vertical furrows between the eyebrows, above deep-set eyes with lids strongly outlined, add a powerful stern gaze. The eyes lack the characteristic incised pupils of Hadrianic and later portraiture. That rather surprising deviation could indicate that the pupils were painted instead, a convention seen, for example, in some well-preserved funerary portraits from the Syrian caravan city of Palmyra.3 The inner corners of the eyes are cavernous, and folds at the outer corners convey a sense of fleshy upper lids. Below, the cheeks are creased at the corner of the eye, with cheekbones set off from the heavy, slightly sagging lower cheeks, which bulge above the nasolabial fold. The remaining nostril of the damaged nose and the bulge above the bridge of the nose, where the eyebrows come together, suggest that the nose was strongly but naturalistically modeled like the other facial features. The bow-shaped lips are deeply cut, with the upper heavier than the lower, a feature reminiscent of the emperor’s youthful portraits. The protruding ears bend at the tops under the weight of the curled locks of hair. The head turns slightly to the figure’s left, and creases at the left side of the neck indicate motion. The back and top of the head are only roughed out, strongly suggesting it originally belonged to a relief sculpture or niche. At the right temple, where more of the face is exposed by the turn of head, a row of short hair locks curl against the face, similar in texture to the distinctive coiffure of Augustus’ portraits. Above this and covering the entire top of the head from ear to ear are thick heavy locks, in which sharply curving waves of hair form heavy

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ringlets ending in tight snail curls. In other portraits of Hadrian, the hair is arranged in smaller, less uniform curls arrayed at the edge of a caplike hairstyle, such as on the recently discovered monumental head from Sagelassos in southwest Turkey. Although there seems to have been interest in depicting a naturalistic disarray, with some locks curving up and away from the face and others resting against the forehead and temples, the spacing of the curls and their globular shape give an overall impression akin to the orderly rows of round curls popular on Palmyrene male funerary portraits. Even more atypical is the beard, in which short locks arranged in parallel rows, resembling tiles in their shape and uniformity, cover the cheeks and chin. The mustache, framed by symmetrical raised comma-shaped tufts at the corners of the mouth, takes on a similar form, although the hair locks are smaller and finer. This type of beard, unparalleled in Hadrian’s portraiture, recalls the luxuriant, neatly groomed beards that were essential features of kings and divine figures in Assyrian and Achaemenid reliefs—the latter of which were claimed as ancestors by the Parthians, in order to bolster their legitimacy as rulers of Mesopotamia and Iran. Although the Assyrians and Achaemenids reigned centuries earlier, their public monuments such as rock-cut reliefs were still visible and remain so today. In fact, the reliefs cut into the rock face at the mouth of the river called the Nahr el-Kalb in present-day Lebanon, where Ramesses II of Egypt, Esarhaddon of Assyria, and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon all commemorated successful campaigns, are joined by an inscription of Marcus Aurelius, who must have been conscious of following in their footsteps when he added his relatively modest contribution to the carved rock face.4 In a similar vein, Hadrian may have drawn on traditions of Near Eastern royal representations in this image, as such patterned facial hair also appears frequently in portraits from Palmyra. This portrait combines naturalistic modeling with stylized decorative details in a seamless amalgam of Roman and Near Eastern portraiture conventions current in the second century C.E. Hadrian, appointed governor of Syria by Trajan just before his death, soon gained firsthand familiarity with the eastern fringes of the

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Empire, particularly Palmyra, whose trade flourished under the privileges and tax reforms granted during his reign.5 His shrewd use of portraits depicting him in the idiom of Classical Greek culture to gain the support of the elites in the eastern Mediterranean is well documented, and it is not implausible that similar portraits incorporating aspects of Syrian style also could have been set up. The large size and bold carving of the head suggest it would have been displayed high above the viewer, while the choice of relief sculpture—the most characteristic Near Eastern artistic medium—again brings to mind the commemorative portraits in high relief that were dramatically on view in the grand temples and tombs of second-century Palmyra. SBG 1. Nodelman 1959–60, pp. 109–10. 2. One of the few surviving examples is a bronze cuirassed statue of Hadrian from the area of Beth Shean (Scythopolis), in a very different style from the present example; see Foerster 1980. 3. Sadurska and Bounni 1994, p. 125. 4. The inscription is transcribed and translated in Ghosu-el-Howie 1903, p. 198. 5. Nodelman 1959–60, p. 111.

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79.

Portrait of the emperor Caracalla as a youth

Roman, Severan, 198-204 C.E. Marble, h. 12 3/4 in. (32.4 cm) Fordham University Collection, 3.001

This finely worked white medium-grained marble portrait head represents the emperor Caracalla (see also No. 80). The elder son of Septimius Severus, he was originally called Septimius Bassianus and was renamed in 195 Marcus Aurelius Antoninus after the popular Antonine emperor. The nickname Caracalla derived from a hooded Celtic military coat (caracallus) that he habitually wore despite a Roman law prohibiting military garb in the city of Rome.1 Caracalla was named Caesar in 195 and Augustus in 198. After Septimius Severus died in 211, Caracalla ruled jointly with his younger brother P. Septimius Geta for one year before having Geta murdered and becoming sole emperor.2 During his reign, he extended Roman citizenship to all free men in the empire (the Consititutio Antoniniana),3 constructed the monumental Baths of Caracalla in Rome, and planned to invade the Parthian Empire. He was assassinated near Carrhae by his praetorian prefect Opellius Macrinus in 217, before the Parthian invasion began.4

Condition: Broken at neck; left eyeball and brow, nose, and chin chipped; neck worked for insertion into a bust or statue; hair at top and back of head roughly finished with a flat chisel, suggesting that the portrait was originally part of a statue positioned on a high base

Portraits of Caracalla can be divided into five well-established types, although their precise chronological development and the specific events that influenced the commissioning of each new type is debated.5 The Fordham portrait belongs to Type I, which depicts Caracalla as a young prince in the mode established by the Antonine Emperors. Type I (also known as the “Arch of the Argentarii type” after the most famous example) was first used in 198, when Caracalla, at the age of ten, was raised to the rank of Augustus. The type corresponds with numismatic portraits created between 198 and 204. Its standard characteristics, most of which are seen in this example, include a full head of hair with deeply drilled locks and thick curls over the low forehead, a round face with fleshy cheeks, large eyes, a short upturned nose, and a prominent chin.6 The deeply drilled pupils, brows with individually delineated hairs, and the marble’s high polish are consistent with statues created in the Severan period. The Type I portrait of Caracalla is in striking contrast to the severe martial portrait style that was adopted for later representations of Caracalla.7 The curly locks were modeled on the portraits of the Antonine princes Marcus Aurelius and Commodus. Some of the same Antonine court artists may have been involved in fashioning this early statue type for Caracalla and it is likely that the hairstyle was intended to allude to the popular Antonine princes, visually

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representing the Severans as the successors of the Antonines while acting as a analogue for Caracalla’s newly adopted official name (Marcus Aurelius Antoninus).8 The curls falling onto the forehead of the Fordham portrait follow the standard Type I model established in the capital, with two locks that curl inward over each eye flanking a large heavy curl that opens to the left. Close parallels to the Caracalla that exhibit the same formulation of curls are found in the Vatican Museum, Rome (Inv. 19627) and the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen (Inv. 727 and Inv. 728).9 The locks of the Fordham Caracalla are undercut along the forehead with a drill. This stylistic feature is reminiscent of the Hellenistic sculpture tradition and was characteristically used for carving in imperial Asia Minor. Another Type I portrait of Caracalla displaying similar drilled locks comes from Kula in Lydia.10 ACHK Published References: Vigier 1999–2000; Christie’s New York, sale cat., June 11, 2003, lot 206 Exhibition History: “Cupidon: Aurige de l’âme antique,” Galerie Blondeel-Deroyan, Paris, November 19–December 18, 1999 1. Cass. Dio 78.9.3. 2. Cass. Dio 77.2.2–6. 3. This was designed to increase the revenue from the inheritance tax; see Cass. Dio 77.9.5. See also Sherwin-White 1973. 4. Cass. Dio 78.4–5; SHA Caracalla 6.6–7.1. 5. D. E. E. Kleiner 1992, p. 322. On the portrait types of Caracalla and Geta, see Budde 1951; Wiggers 1971. 6. Nodelman 1964, pp. 151–60. 7. A passage from the Life of Caracalla in Scriptores Historiae Augustae (2.4) comments on the emperor’s change in appearance between boy- and adulthood: “For when he passed beyond the age of a boy, either by his father’s advice or through a natural cunning, or because he thought that he must imitate Alexander of Macedonia, he became more reserved and stern and even somewhat savage in expression, and indeed so much so that many were unable to believe that he was the same person whom they had known as a boy.” 8. D. E. E. Kleiner 1992, p. 322. 9. See Wiggers 1971, pl. 4, a, b; Johansen 1995, pp. 30–31, nos. 7, 8. 10. Vermeule 1968, p. 401, n. 8. On the portrait from Kula, see Vermeule and von Bothmer 1956.

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80.

Portrait of the emperor Caracalla as a youth

Roman, Severan, probably from Southern Asia Minor, ca. 198–204 C.E. Bronze, h. 11 1/2 in. (27 cm) Fordham University Collection, 7.068

This hollow-cast head is a rare bronze portrait of the emperor Caracalla (Marcus Aurelius Antoninus 188–217 C.E.), who ruled the Roman Empire from 211 to 217 C.E. (on the reign of Caracalla, see No. 79). The style corresponds to Type I portraits of Caracalla, which were used to depict the young prince between the years 198 and 204 (on Type I Caracalla, see No. 79). Standard characteristics, most of which are seen in the Fordham example, include a full head of hair with deeply chased locks and thick curls over a low forehead, a round face with fleshy cheeks, large eyes with chased pupils, a short upturned nose, and a prominent chin.1 This portrait does not display the standard arrangement of locks utilized for Type I portraits of Caracalla from Rome, suggesting that the head was produced in the provinces.2 Although there is no extant evidence, considering the elite status of the subject, it is likely that this head was gilded.

Condition: Broken at front at top of neck; broken at back midway through the head; top of right ear missing; bronze is patched on checks and lips and beneath chin; no evidence of gilding preserved

Although relatively few Roman bronze statues survive today (owing to the value of their material), bronze portraits were a preferred, and expensive, mode of selfrepresentation in the Roman world. According to the first-century author Pliny the Elder, Romans began to set up bronze portraits as early as 439 B.C.E., when L. Minucius was honored in the Forum Romanum with a bronze statue.3 The earliest gilded bronze statue followed in 181 B.C.E.,4 and during the second century, so many bronze statues were erected in Rome that in 158 B.C.E., the censors removed all not set up by the senate.5 By the early imperial period, bronze portraits of the emperor and his family were being set up throughout the Roman world; in Rome gilded bronze statues were reserved exclusively for members of the imperial family.6 This Caracalla head was probably once part of a life-sized bronze statue. Details, such as the roughly finished hair on the top and back of the head and the awkward asymmetry of the eyes, suggest that the statue was originally placed on a high base. Cornelius Vermeule has speculated on the format, noting that the lack of a crown suggests either a statue portrayed in civic garb or a heroic nude. He identified a bronze statue, also from Asia Minor and now in the Houston Museum of Fine Arts, as a possible candidate for the Fordham head.7 Although this theory is not accepted universally,8 the Houston statue, which is based on images of Alexander with the lance, would have been appropriate for a statue of Caracalla, who modeled himself

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on Alexander the Great.9 Heroic nudes were particularly popular in the Greek East, and it has been suggested that the Fordham example may have belonged to a large statue group of Roman emperors from a Sebastaion in the city of Bubon in northern Lycia, Asia Minor.10 ACHK Published References: Sotheby’s, London, sale cat., June 12, 1967, lot 152; Vermeule 1968, pp. 300, 401, n. 9; Wiggers 1971, p. 66; Gjødesen 1972, pp. 43–44, figs. 58, 59; Elisabeth Alföldi-Rosenbaum in İnan and Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1979, vol. 1, p. 121, no. 68, vol. 2, pl. 60, 2, 3; İnan 1994, pp. 18–19, pl. xxiv, ill. nos. 41, 42; Oliver 1996, p. 150. 1. Nodelman 1964, pp. 151–60. 2. Vermeule 1968, p. 401, n. 9. 3. Plin. HN 18.15, 34.21. 4. Livy 40.34.5. 5. Plin. HN 34.30. 6. Oliver 1996, p. 145. 7. Vermeule 1968, p. 300, figs. 163, 164; see also Oliver-Smith 1975. 8. Contra Vermeule 1968: Wiggers 1971, p. 66; Oliver 1996, p. 150. 9. Cass. Dio 77.7.1–9; Hdn. 4.8.1–3. 10. See Jones 1977–78; İnan 1994, pp. 18–19, pl. xxiv, ill. nos. 41, 42; Oliver 1996, p. 150.

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81.

Bust of a Severan woman

Roman, Severan Period, probably ca. 222-235 C.E. Marble, h: 21 7/8 in. (55.6 cm) Fordham University Collection, 6.001

This small fine-grained marble portrait bust portrays an anonymous woman. Her hairstyle is modeled closely on the Empress Julia Mammaea, the mother of Alexander Severus who wielded considerable imperial power during her son’s reign from 222 to 235 C.E.1 The distinctive coiffure of Julia Mammaea is characterized by a central part with the hair brushed in gentle waves behind the ears and then tied into a low bun at the nape of the neck. In contrast to portraits of her predecessors, here, idealized features are rejected in favor of realism, including a low brow, broad eyebrows, a heavy jaw, and saggy cheeks.2 Likely because of her power and position during her son’s reign, over twenty-six portraits of Julia Mammaea have survived,3 despite the vandalism of many images after she was murdered in 235.4

Condition: Very good; slight weathering on right cheek; head and bust do not match; left arm has been reattached; back roughly finished, suggesting that it was designed to be placed against a wall or in a niche

As was typical of the third century C.E., the coiffures of imperial woman widely influenced non-imperial female portraits from the same period. The Severan woman in this collection is an example of a private portrait modeled on the official public images of Julia Mammaea. K. Fittschen and P. Zanker documented the increase in this “period face” phenomenon during the Antonine and Severan periods.5 The finegrained white marble and high quality carving suggest that the patron was a wealthy elite Roman aware of the stylistic trends of the imperial court. The face is smoothly finished, and like other Severan sculptures, it was probably once highly polished. A number of similar female portraits survive, and like the Fordham example, they combine the imperial hairstyle of Julia Mammaea with realistic portraits types. Close parallels can be found in Rome in the Capitoline Museum (Inv. 1805),6 the Forum of Augustus Magazine (Inv. 40),7 and the Vatican (Galleria dei Candelabri no. 22),8 and all reflect a tendency toward simplicity in the treatment of the coiffure. This is evident in the Fordham portrait, in which Julia Mammaea’s waves have been replaced by limp strands of hair. The slightly-asymmetric portrait has individualized features, including a sharp and narrow nose, saggy cheeks, and large ears. The large almond-shaped eyes have deeply drilled pupils and heavy eyelids, which together also help date the portrait to the Severan period. Also characteristic of female portraits from this period is the upturn of the lips to indicate a slight smile. The small size of the Fordham portrait head suggests that originally it was worked for insertion into bust (instead of a statue body). Although this particular bust was not made for the portrait, it is an appropriate match for the head because of its large

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size (typical of the third century) and garment type. The figure wears a stola and palla, the traditional garment of a Roman matron, which signified the highly valued virtues of modesty and chastity (both implied by the Latin term pudicitia).9 The stola is belted beneath the bust and attached with buttons over the right shoulder. The woolen palla, which was used to veil the head in public, is draped over the left shoulder. If the head originally belonged to a statue, it is likely that she also would have been depicted as a Roman matron. ACHK Published Reference: Christie’s, New York, sale cat., December 11, 2003, lot 233 1. SHA Alex. Sev. 14.7. 60.2; Hdn. 6.8.10, 61.1.7–10. 2. On the iconography of Julia Mammaea, see Wessel 1946–47; Felletti-Maj 1958; Wegner 1971; Bergmann 1977; Wood 1986. 3. These portraits have been divided into two types by Bergmann (1977, p. 30) and Wood (1986, pp. 125–27) based on subtle differences in physiognomy; however only a single type is recognized by Fittschen and Zanker (1983, nos. 31, 32). 4. On the destruction of images of Julia Mammaea, see Varner 2001. 5. Fittschen and Zanker 1983. 6. Ibid., no. 159, pl. 186. 7. Ibid., no. 160, p. 121, pl. 186. 8. Lippold 1956, no. 22, pl. 56. 9. On Roman female dress, see Sebesta 1994.

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82.

Child’s sarcophagus with lid and inscription

Roman, 2nd-3rd century C.E. Marble, 46 1/2 in. (118 cm) Fordham University Collection, 2.007

This previously unpublished strigilated sarcophagus was produced for a child’s inhumation. During the republican and early imperial periods, Romans practiced cremation and used small urns or ossuaries for ashes. Beginning in the second century C.E., inhumation became the norm, and sarcophagi were produced throughout the Roman Empire. This change in funerary practice was encouraged by the increasing popularity of Christianity (which relied on preservation of the body for resurrection) and the desire of Roman patrons for new types of self-advertisement.1

Condition: Mostly complete but restored from pieces; back left corner of lid missing; front right corner restored; back finished with point chisel; light brown patina; inscribed :

d. m. / p. livi maxim i / vixit. an. ii. m. x. / fecit p livius maximus / chort. xii. vrb

The Fordham sarcophagus is rectangular with a flat lid. This was the most common shape for sarcophagi, particularly those produced in Rome, which became a major production center for them beginning about 110 to 120 C.E. (other important production centers were Athens in Greece and Dokimeion in Phrygia).2 In this example, the preservation of the lid is significant, as sarcophagi lids are frequently found broken or separated from their original bases. Like most western Roman sarcophagi, the Fordham example is finished only on three sides (the front and two short ones). This design reflects the western Roman custom of placing sarcophagi against a wall or in a niche within a mausoleum. This piece has a strigil design. That abstract pattern, named after a curved metal tool used in ancient Greece and Rome to scrape dirt and sweat off the body, was frequently combined with either a carved clipeus (typically a representation of the deceased) or inscribed tabula at the center of the front panel. Strigilated sarcophagi were produced beginning in the midsecond century C.E. and became particularly common in the later third century, perhaps because of the relative economy of the design. Children’s’ sarcophagi generally follow the same decorative patterns as monuments produced for Roman adults, although the decorative schemes were sometime abbreviated to fit their smaller size.3 The strigilated design on the Fordham work was particularly popular for children’s sarcophagi, as it was easily applied to the small field of the monument. Similar examples, decorated with strigilations flanking a central inscription panel, are found in Florence at the Galleria degli Uffizi and in Rome in the Vatican Museum.4 The short sides of the Fordham sarcophagus are inscribed with overlapping shields. Considering the small scale of the monument (and its occupant), this design should not be associated with the deceased’s martial lifestyle or accomplishments. It might, however, corroborate that the original occupant of the sarcophagus was male.5

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Children’s sarcophagi provide unique evidence for the mass production of sarcophagi in Roman workshops in the second and third centuries C.E. Unlike that of an adult, it would have been unusual for a child’s monument to be specially commissioned by a patron. It is possible to speculate that children’s sarcophagi such as the present one were chosen from available stock. Although the sarcophagus was likely not specially designed for its patron, it was customized through the addition of an inscription. The inscribed tabula on the Fordham sarcophagus reads: To the Manes gods6 / Of P(ublius) Livius Maximus / Who lived for two years and ten months / Made by P(ublius) Livius Maximus / Of the 12th urban cohort. As was typical for children’s sarcophagi, this inscription included the name and age of the deceased as well as a reference to the parent or the patron of the monument.7 What is much more usual here is the allusion to the social standing of the deceased’s family and the occupation of one of its members. The patron of the Fordham sarcophagus was a member of the twelfth urban cohort. The cohortes urbanae functioned as a permanent police force for the city of Rome and, occasionally, as bodyguards to the Emperor. First established by Augustus, the cohorts acted under the command of the praefectus urbi (city prefect). The three original cohorts (increased to four under the Flavians) were numbered X-XII in continuation of the praetorian sequence and, between the reign of Tiberius and 270 C.E., were housed in the Castra Praetoria. Each cohort contained five hundred men who served for twenty years. A member of the cohortes urbanae was paid half of the salary of a member of the praetorian guard (equivalent to 1.5 times the pay of a Roman legionary).8 This middle-class social status corresponds with the production quality of the Fordham sarcophagus. ACHK 1. Toynbee 1971, pp. 33-42. 2. On Roman sarcophagi, see Koch and Sichtermann 1982. 3. Huskinson 1996, p. 59. 4. Mansuelli 1958, no. 241; Florence: Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, 1882, 13223; Rome: Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, 12259. 5. On problems with extrapolating information about the life of the deceased from the decoration of sarcophagi, see recently Zanker and Ewald 2004. 6. D.M. is a formulaic abbreviation commonly found on Roman tombstones and sarcophagi that stands for dis manibus (for the Manes gods). Manes were minor Roman gods who represented the souls of deceased loved ones. See King 2009. 7. Huskinson 1996, p. 83. 8. Freis 1967. 275

Roman Blown Glass

Core-formed and cast glass vessels were produced first in Egypt and Mesopotamia as early as the fifteenth century B.C.E., and production continued throughout the Mediterranean for nearly two millennia. Rome did not begin making glassware in significant quantities until the first century B.C.E., roughly coinciding with the invention of glassblowing technique. Glassblowing developed in the Syro-Palestinian region in the early first century B.C.E. and is thought to have come to Rome with craftsmen and slaves, after the area’s annexation to the Roman world in 64 B.C.E. The new technology revolutionized the ancient glass industry, stimulating an enormous increase in the range of shapes and designs that glassworkers could turn out. Their creativity was no longer bound by the technical restrictions of the laborious casting process, as blowing allowed for previously unparalleled versatility and speed of manufacture. These advantages spurred a rapid evolution of style and form, and experimentation with the new technique led craftsmen to create novel and unique shapes. That development, combined with the inherent attractiveness of glass--it is nonporous, translucent (if not transparent), and odorless—encouraged people to change their tastes and habits, so that, for example, glass drinking cups such as the indented beaker in the Fordham collection (No. 86) rapidly supplanted pottery equivalents. Further innovations and stylistic changes brought the continued use of casting and free-blowing, sometimes in conjunction, to create a variety of open and closed forms that could then be engraved or facet-cut in any number of patterns and designs. The simple act of pinching hot glass as it is being blown into shape can result in a wide range of decorative forms, as is seen in Fordham’s indented pointed bottle (No. 87). Alternately, the glass can be blown into much simpler shapes, in a variety of sizes and for distinct uses. At the height of its popularity and usefulness in the Roman Empire, glass was present in nearly every aspect of daily life, from a lady’s morning toilette, to a merchant’s afternoon business dealings, to the evening cena (dinner). Glass unguentaria, alabastra, jars, and other small bottles were designed to hold the various oils, perfumes, and cosmetics used by nearly every member of Roman society. The group of perfume flasks in the Fordham collection demonstrates a range of sizes and functions. Very small vessels with large rims most likely contained more

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precious oils, ointments, or perfumes, the large rims serving to control the amount of liquid poured and to catch any excess and ensure that none is wasted (Nos. 84, 85, 89). Added decoration such as handles and winding ribbons of colored glass could also increase the visual appeal of these functional objects, such as the tubular cosmetic jar in this collection, with its added trail of blue-green glass wound around the body (No. 83). Merchants and traders routinely packed, shipped, and sold all manner of foodstuffs and other goods across the Mediterranean in glass bottles and jars of all shapes and sizes, supplying Rome with a great variety of exotic materials from far-off parts of the empire. The shape of the small glass amphoriskos in this collection (No. 88) imitates that of large terracotta transport vessels used throughout the Mediterranean, perhaps mimicking in miniature their role of transporting oil.

Mold-blown Glass The invention of glassblowing in the first century B.C.E. led to an enormous increase in the range of shapes and designs that glassworkers could produce, and the mold-blowing process soon developed as an offshoot of free-blowing. A craftsman created a mold of a durable material, usually baked clay and sometimes wood or metal. The mold comprised at least two parts, so that it could be opened and the finished product inside removed safely. Although the mold could be a simple undecorated square or round form, many were in fact quite intricately shaped and decorated. The designs were usually carved into the mold in negative, so that on the glass, they appeared in relief. Next, the glassblower—who may not have been the same person as the mold maker—would blow a gob of hot glass into the mold and inflate it to adopt the shape and pattern carved therein. He would then remove the vessel from the mold and continue to work the glass while still hot and malleable, forming the rim and adding handles when necessary. Meanwhile, the mold could be reassembled for reuse. While a mold could be used multiple times, it had a finite life span and could be utilized only until the decoration deteriorated or it broke and was discarded.

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The glassmaker could obtain a new mold in two ways: either a completely new mold would be made or a copy of the first mold would be taken from one of the existing glass vessels. Therefore, multiple copies and variations of mold series were produced, as mold makers would often create second-, third-, and even fourthgeneration duplicates as the need arose, and these can be traced in surviving examples. Because clay and glass both shrink upon firing and annealing, vessels made in a later-generation mold tend to be smaller in size than their prototypes. Slight modifications in design caused by recasting or recarving can also be discerned, indicating the reuse and copying of molds. The following entries (Nos. 83–90) cover a group of Roman blown-glass vessels that are part of the Fordham University Collection. RT

278

Tubular cosmetic jar

83.

Roman, Palestine or Syria, ca. 4th–5th century C.E. Glass, free-blown with applied handles and blue trailing, h. 4 1/4 in. (10.8 cm) Fordham University Collection, 2008.13a Condition: Nearly half of blue glass trailing broken off Shape and Ornament: Body of clear glass with yellow hue; added handles in clear glass with green tint; applied trail of blue-green glass begins near base and winds in five turns around body toward base of neck; indented ring foot for added stability Published Reference: Christie’s, New York, sale cat., June 4, 2008, lot 146 Previous Collection: Edward Elliot Elson, acquired between the 1970s–early 1990s

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84.

Roman, possibly Egyptian ca. 1st century C.E. Glass, free-blown, h. 2 3/4 in. (7 cm) Fordham University Collection, 2008.13b Condition: Complete; iridescent patina concentrated on upper part of neck and rim Shape and Ornament: Pyramidal body with tall cylindrical neck; thicker clear glass with blue hue at base; interior maintains uniform cylindrical shape throughout total height of vessel; outer edge of rim raised Published Reference: Christie’s, New York, sale cat., June 4, 2008, lot 146 Previous Collection: Edward Elliot Elson, acquired between the 1970s–early 1990s

280

Miniature perfume or toilette bottle

Piriform flask

85.

Roman, Eastern Mediterranean, perhaps Cyprus, ca. 1st-2nd century C.E. Glass, free-blown, h. 3 3/4 in. (9.5 cm) Fordham University Collection, 2008.13c Condition: Complete; heavy iridescent patina on exterior Shape and Ornament: Clear glass; upper part of neck slightly deformed, likely from pinching/manipulation of glass during blowing process; pear shaped body with cylindrical neck and out-splayed rim1 Published Reference: Christie’s, New York, sale cat., June 4, 2008, lot 146 Previous Collection: Edward Elliot Elson, acquired between the 1970s–early 1990s 1. See Whitehouse 1997, p. 129, no. 204, for a comparable flask.

281

86.

Roman, Eastern Mediterranean, ca. 2nd-3rd century C.E. Glass, free-blown, h. 3 3/8 in. (8.6 cm) Fordham University Collection, 2008.13d Condition: Complete; heavy multicolored iridescence on one side of exterior Shape and Ornament: Out-splayed rim; flat base; four indentations and four ridges dispersed unevenly around body Indented beakers are attested in the first century C.E. but are more commonly attributed to the second to third centuries.1 Published References: Ancient Glass 1964, p. 10, no. 56; Christie’s, New York, sale cat., June 4, 2008, lot 146 Exhibition History: “Ancient Glass from the Alfred Wolkenberg Collection,” Brooks Memorial Art Gallery, Memphis, October 1964–January 1965 Previous Collections: Alfred Wolkenberg; Edward Elliot Elson, acquired between the 1970s–early 1990s 1. See Whitehouse 1997, pp. 109–18, nos. 163–83, for comparable examples of Roman beakers.

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Indented beaker

Indented pointed bottle

87.

Roman, Syria or Palestine, free-blown, ca. 3rd century C.E. Glass, h. 6 3/4 in. (17.1 cm) Fordham University Collection, 2008.13e Condition: Complete; clear glass with blue hue; iridescence coating on interior Shape and Ornament: Wide rim on narrow cylindrical neck; wide shoulder tapers to rounded pointed base; seven indentations and seven ridges dispersed evenly around upper part of body Published Reference: Christie’s, New York, sale cat., June 4, 2008, lot 146 Previous Collection: Edward Elliot Elson, acquired between the 1970s–early 1990s

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88.

Roman, Eastern Mediterranean, free-blown, ca. 1st century C.E. Glass, h. 4 in. (10.2 cm) Fordham University Collection, 2008.13f Condition: Complete; dark encrustation on exterior; interior full of dirt Shape and Ornament: Clear glass with slight yellow-green hue; ovoid body with tall cylindrical neck, outsplayed rim, and rounded base1 Published Reference: Christie’s, New York, sale cat., June 4, 2008, lot 146 Previous Collection: Edward Elliot Elson, acquired between the 1970s–early 1990s 1. See Whitehouse 1997, p. 169, no. 296, for a comparable flask.

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Amphoriskos (small, two-handled flask)

Candlestick unguentarium (perfume bottle)

89.

Roman, Jerusalem or Palestine, free-blown, ca. 2nd–3rd century C.E. Glass, h. 8 in. (20.3 cm) Fordham University Collection, 2008.13g Condition: Rim broken along one edge; interior coated in dull patina Shape and Ornament: Rounded lip; squat globular body and tall narrow cylindrical neck; neck leans slightly; rim tilts downward on one side1 Published Reference: Christie’s, New York, sale cat., June 4, 2008, lot 146 Previous Collection: Edward Elliot Elson, acquired between the 1970s–early 1990s 1. See Whitehouse 1997, p. 149, no. 251, for a comparable perfume bottle.

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90.

Janiform (two-headed) flask

Roman, Syria or Palestine, mold-blown (lower portion of neck and body), free-blown (upper portion of neck and rim), ca. 3rd century C.E. Glass, h. 3 3/16 in. (8.3 cm) Fordham University Collection, 2008.8

Head-shaped vessels probably originated in the Eastern Mediterranean, where they found particular favor and were made from the first through the fourth century C.E. The origins of the double-headed, or Janiform, type represented here are unclear, and although these vessels were created in Italian as well as Syro-Palestinian workshops, eastern Mediterranean production dominated in the second and third centuries C.E. The most common technique was mold-blowing, a process in which molten glass was blown into a clay mold, the seams of which were usually hidden in the joint of the two heads in the hair, thus privileging a frontal view of each face. Both sides on the Fordham flask show similar and youthful faces, with stylized hair comprising rounded knobs in two rows around the face.

Condition: Rim broken; heavy iridescence and encrustation on one side; crack through the face on other side Shape and Ornament: Body in form of two heads back to back with similar features: puffed cheeks, smiling mouth, and protruding brow; hair arranged in two rows of round knobs around face and joining at sides, hiding seams of mold

The type represented by the Fordham flask relates closely to a group of vessels in the Toledo Museum of Art that demonstrate the same puffy cheeks and knobby hair.1 These are dated to third-century production in Syria and Palestine.2 RT 1. See Stern 1995, pp. 232–38, nos. 149–56. 2. Ibid., pp. 210–11.

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287

91.

Askos in the form of a reclining Silenos

Roman (?), ca. 1st century C.E. Bronze, l. 5 1/4 in. (13.3 cm) Fordham University Collection, 7.030

It is likely that this object was used as an askos to contain oil for filling lamps; it also could have been used as a lamp with the addition of a wick. The loop handle in the back and the flattened lower surface make it ideal for balancing horizontally, without support, on a table. The container is transformed cleverly into a reclining figure of a drunken portly Silenos with a balding pate and locks of hair that frame his face, a curling mustache and long beard, and a pug nose. He is unclothed except for a pair of low boots, revealing a flabby body covered in fur, particularly on the arms, which is indicated by lightly incised lines. He lies back on a full wineskin, resting against the loop handle that merges into the stem of a floral element that ends in an open blooming petal. On the opposite side of the vessel, the figure’s arms are wrapped around the neck of the wineskin. The two openings, the neck of the wineskin and the blossoming petal, would have been used to pour oil, presumably, in and out of the vessel. The wineskin masks an interior chamber for the liquor that would need to be plugged on the lower side to prevent spillage.

Condition: Complete

The theme of a satyr on a wineskin has a long history in Greek and Roman art prior to the first century C.E. It appeared frequently on Attic painted vases, perhaps most famously on a red-figure cup by Onesimos from the early fifth century B.C.E., which is now in the Johns Hopkins University Museum, Baltimore.1 Like its predecessors, this container has an element of playfulness evidenced in the Silenos, known for his excessive drinking habit, lounging on a full wineskin. Here, there are additional conceits at work. The open neck of the skin between his legs, used for filling the container or pouring from it, resembles the lip of a cup for drinking when viewed from the front; the side view capitalizes on the characterization of the Silenos as a figure with a comically large, often erect, phallus. An oil container like this one would have been at home in an upper-class household and might have been used to light lamps for a dinner party, where guests would be able to appreciate the humor of the anthropomorphized object. The lighthearted element of the subject recalls the donkey-shaped dish to hold olives made of the famously popular bronze from Corinth described in the portrayal of Trimalchio’s feast found in the first century C.E. Satyricon by Petronius.2 AS 1. Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Museum, AIA B6 (ARV 2, p. 316, no. 7). 2. Petron. Sat. 31 (Petronius 1987, ed., pp. 54–55). Pliny remarks on the superiority of the Corinthian alloy in Natural History (34.7). 288

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92.

Figurine of a goddess

Roman, Egypt (?), mold-made, ca. 2nd–3rd century C.E. Terracotta, h. 3 in. (7.6 cm) Fordham University Collection, 6.009

This molded terracotta statuette of a goddess depicts a woman wearing a cloak with strongly modeled folds. Her undergarment, likely a Greek-style chiton (tunic), droops in a V shape at the neckline; the line of the cloak runs diagonally from the left shoulder across the body. The back of the garment clings to the body, revealing the line of the spine. The figure holds a torch in the form of a bundle that rests on her right shoulder. A thick bracelet visible on her left wrist, with latitudinal segments indicated, appears to be her only surviving jewelry.

Condition: Preserved from the waist up, revealing a hollow interior; white incrustations visible in the reddish-brown clay, perhaps traces of paint or glaze; surface has been smoothed along edges of mold; holes pierced through ears, a fairly common feature in Egyptian female terracotta figurines of this period1

The figure wears an elaborate hairstyle. Two rows of small snail curls sit just above the figure’s forehead, although the details of the curls are blurred, perhaps reflecting a somewhat careless unmolding process. Above these, an arc of deeper curls, some with white incrustation, forms a high narrow ridge from shoulder to shoulder. A pair of long sausage curls rests in front of each shoulder. In rear view, a smooth ridge that rises above the head has a different texture from the hair below, which is parted in the middle and separated into individually defined locks that form a uniform row across upper back, reaching just below the shoulder. A raised band runs across the back of the neck, over the individual hair locks. Since the figure does not wear a necklace, the function of this band remains unclear. The goddess has a round face, with full modeled cheeks and strongly arched, deeply undercut brows that meet in the middle. The features are somewhat flattened, like the hair curls, and neither seem to have been defined further after unmolding. A small full-lipped mouth appears above a dimpled chin. The nose is flattened, with the right side damaged; the eyes are large, with rims of eyes and pupils strongly defined. During the Hellenistic and Roman periods, small terracotta images of goddesses were mass-produced in Egypt using clay molds. Isis was the goddess most commonly depicted, but this figure lacks defining features such as the garment knotted between the breasts and a sistrum, a rattle used in ritual performances for Isis. Instead, her draped garment and the torch she carries suggest that she is Demeter, who like Isis was a goddess of the harvest.2 Since the statuette was not excavated, it is not known whether it was used as a votive gift to a sanctuary of the goddess for domestic worship or for another purpose. SBG 1. See Török 1995, pp. 202–3, nos. 551–53, p. 204, no. 558. 2. Dunand 1979, pp. 179–81, nos. 40–46, pls. xxvi–xxix.

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291

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Coins

Reverse of Athenian tetradrachm. No. 93 293

93.

Tetradrachm of Athens

Athens, ca. 450–430 B.C.E. Silver, diam. 21 mm, weight 17.2 g, axis 4 Obverse: Anepigraphic Head of Athena right in Attic helmet decorated with spiral palmette and olive leaves Reverse: ƈƏƌ Owl right, head turned frontal with eyes level; in field left, olive spray and crescent; all in incuse square Fordham University Collection, 6.006

In the course of five centuries, from the mid-sixth to the mid-first B.C.E., the Athens mint produced one of the most abundant and popular silver coinages in the ancient world. Between 520 and 510 B.C.E., the basic, static obverse and reverse types had been adopted, the former a helmeted head of Athena and the latter her owl with the abbreviation ƈƏƌ. In 483 B.C.E., an exceptionally rich vein in the silver mines at Laurion, near Sounion, was discovered, facilitating an increase in coin production. Probably within a decade, the designs on the coins were changed slightly, although the Archaic style was deliberately retained. An olive wreath was added to Athena’s helmet, and a crescent was introduced on the reverse, next to the owl’s head. Around 454 B.C.E., when the Delian League’s treasury was removed to Athens, a “standardized” type was developed for the prodigious output of tetradrachms, which on the reverse had large even lettering and a simplified rendering of the owl’s tail from three tufts of feathers to a single prong. Early on, the weight was usually 17.2 g, as exemplified by this piece; the die axis was variable until late in the fifth century, when it became more regular, at eight or nine o’clock.1 By this time, Athenian “owls” had become one of the dominant currencies of the eastern Mediterranean. Aristophanes, in his Birds (lines 1106–1108), dated 414 B.C.E., mentioned the owls of Laurion, which lay eggs in purses and hatch silver coins. In his Frogs (lines 720–726), dated 405 B.C.E., he declared the Athenian coinage the most popular of all currencies. By the end of the century, however, the silver deposits at Laurion had been depleted; Athens’ silver reserves were exhausted, and the production of silver coinage ceased. Athenian owls were now widely imitated, but it was only in the second half of the fourth century, after mining activity had increased dramatically, that Athenian silver was struck again in massive quantities, alongside issues of bronze. Early in the second century, the traditional design of the silver coins was abandoned in favor of one featuring thinner flans and the names of the mint officials. These “New Style” coins were struck until the mid-first century B.C.E.2 SEC 1. For the distinction in die positions on earlier and later standardized owls, see Robinson 1947, pp. 117–18. For the prestandardized owls, see Starr 1970. 2. For a succinct overview of fifth-century Greek coins, see Wartenberg 1995. Compare this coin with a tetradrachm with nearly identical dies in the Numismatic Museum, Athens, NMAE 708 (Svoronos 1923–26, pl. 13, no. 2; Kaltsas 2006, p. 253, no. 145, ill.).

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As of Divus Augustus

This as makes an oblique reference to the reigning emperor, Tiberius, emphasizing instead his adoptive father, Augustus. As was his habit, Tiberius deferred to the first princeps, retaining Augustus’ rearrangement of aes coinages minted at Rome. These low value coins had scarcely been struck after about 80 B.C.E., and Augustus addressed the acute need for them by establishing a bi-metallic system, with sestertii and dupondii fashioned from more valuable orichalcum (brass) and asses and fractions from copper. All were marked with the letters SC and, until about 4 B.C.E., with the names of the moneyers. At that point, there was a hiatus in the minting of bronzes in Rome. When new asses were struck again about 10–12 C.E., the obverses portrayed either the reigning emperor, Augustus, or his adopted son, Tiberius, while the reverses continued to display the letters SC but combined now with the titles for whichever man appeared on the obverse. Tiberius generally had his own portrait or that of a family member on the obverse and the letters SC on the reverse.

94.

Rome, 34–37 C.E. Bronze (copper), diam. 26 mm, weight 9.6 g, axis 12 Obverse: [DI]VVS AVGVSTVS PATE[R] Radiate head of Augustus left Reverse: SC Eagle standing on globe, head right, wings half-spread Fordham University Collection, 49.002

This as displays the deceased emperor’s new title DIVVS, conferred on September 17, 14 C.E.1 His name AVGVSTVS had been given to him decades earlier, on January 16, 27 B.C.E.2 and became hereditary, passing to Tiberius, Livia, and Caligula by adoption into the Julian family. The word PATER is an abbreviation of Pater Patriae, conferred on the first princeps on February 5, 2 B.C.E.3 This honorary title was consistently refused by Tiberius, but it came to be a permanent element in imperial nomenclature.4 The word PATER here is also a reminder that Augustus was Tiberius’s father by adoption, on June 26, 4 C.E.5 The radiate crown worn by the deified Augustus was an attribute of Apollo/Sol/ Helios, who had played an important role in Augustan political propaganda. This divine attribute was invented as a posthumous honor for Augustus, to indicate that he had qualities in common with that divinity and had earned the right to wear such a crown. While scholars disagree about if there really was such an object,6 its earliest appearance on Roman coins is on the large series of undated DIVVS AVGVSTVS PATER bronzes. These dupondii and asses, including the present specimen, were struck throughout Tiberius’s reign alongside dated bronzes, which were minted in three periods: 15–16, 22–23, and 34–37 C.E. Chemical analyses of both the dated and undated series have revealed that the minting periods are metallurgically distinct, making it possible to assign dates to the “DAP” coins. The eagle on globe reverse type of this as can thus be assigned to the third period, from 34 to 37.7

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The eagle was Jupiter’s bird and had a long association in mythology with semidivination or heroization, as with Ganymede and Hercules. On Roman coins from the Republican period, eagles were often depicted with thunderbolts. This Tiberian coin represents the bird’s first appearance with a globe, signifying sovereignty and world rule. Augustus had been associated with eagles and Jupiter Optimus Maximus during his lifetime, as various stories related by Suetonius attest.8 According to Cassius Dio, an eagle was released from Augustus’s funeral pyre and bore his spirit to heaven.9 Because Dio is our only source for this event, most scholars assume it is a retrojection, but Ittai Gradel believes it is historical, based on these Tiberian coins.10 In any event, the rite was not employed before Augustus. The letters SC on the reverse stand for senatus consultum, the Senate’s mandate for the issuance of the coins. The letters may have signified the original establishment of the moneyers’ bronze under Augustus,11 but even after the moneyers stopped placing their names on the reverses, this Senatorial imprimatur was retained as a mark of authority and the identifying feature of bronze coins. The letters signal a recognition of the political value of acknowledging Senatorial authority12 and perhaps here also allude to the various honors conferred posthumously on Augustus by the Senate, including the radiate crown he wears on the obverse. SEC 1. Sherk 1988, p. 4, doc. no. 1.l. 2. Ibid., p. 3, doc. no. 1.b. 3. Ibid. p. 3, doc. no.1.g. For use of this abbreviation in Augustus’s lifetime, see Hor. Carm. 1.12.49–52. 4. The title was generally accepted after short periods of refusal; see T. Stevenson 2007. 5. Sherk 1988, p. 4, doc. no. 1.j. 6. Bergmann (1998) thinks that, although real-looking, it was not an actual object; Smith (2000) concurs. On the other hand, Hijmans (2006) believes it was a real crown awarded at the Actian games. 7. Sutherland 1941; Klein and von Kaenel 2000, pp. 71–77. 8. Suet. Aug. 94, 96–97. For example, shortly after Augustus’s birth his father, Octavius, dreamed that his son was armed as Jupiter and crowned with a solar diadem. Later, at Bononia, where the army of Augustus, Antony, and Lepidus was camped, an eagle perched on Augustus’s tent and fended off the attack of two ravens. Both stories were taken as portents of Augustus’s destiny. 9. Dio Cass. 56.42.3. See also Tac. Ann. 1.8.5–10; Suet. Aug. 100. For an excellent commentary on Dio, see Swan 2004. 10. Gradel 2002, pp. 291–95. 11. Wallace-Hadrill 1986, pp. 81–82. 12. Ibid., pp. 83–85. See also Bay 1972. Compare the coin discussed here with RIC 2, vol. 1, p. 99, no. 82. 296

As of Claudius

Claudius became emperor suddenly and unexpectedly on January 25, 41 C.E., upon the assassination of his nephew Gaius (Caligula). Spontaneously handpicked by the Praetorians, Claudius owed his ascendancy not to being marked out as the designated heir, as for example, Tiberius had been, but to the naked use of military power. Born Tiberius Claudius Nero, he was the first from the Claudian side of the domus Augusta to obtain the purple. To create a sense of continuity with the founding Julians, he abandoned his family’s cognomen Nero and took instead the name Caesar, the cognomen of the Julians.1 The last to legitimately bear this name was Gaius, whose father Germanicus (Claudius’s brother) had been adopted by Tiberius as a precondition of his own adoption by Augustus in 4 C.E.2 Although not a Caesarian himself, Claudius was connected to the house through both his grandmothers: Livia, the wife of Augustus, on his father’s side, and Octavia, Augustus’s sister, on his mother’s. After Claudius, the name Caesar was taken by emperors as a title and was often bestowed by them on other individuals as an indication of a somewhat second rank honor.

95.

Tarraco, 41–42 C.E. Bronze, diam. 29 mm, weight 14.5 g, axis 12 Obverse: TI CLAVDIVS CAESAR AVG PM TRP IMP Bare head of Claudius left Reverse: SC Helmeted Minerva standing right, brandishing spear with right hand and holding shield on left arm Fordham University Collection, 49.004

Upon his elevation, Claudius assumed the name Augustus—which gradually came to signify the supreme authority vested in one individual—as well as the office of Pontifex Maximus.3 He was also the holder of tribunician power (TRP) and had been hailed imperator, initially by the Praetorians. Augustus had used this word as his praenomen, but Tiberius revived its conventional use as a record of military salutations, and Claudius followed suit. Scholarly and studious from his childhood, Claudius lacked experience in politics when he came to the throne. But his historical interests and shrewd observational skills led him to adopt Augustus as his primary model, although as Barbara Levick has elucidated, Julius Caesar was also an influence, particularly with regard to the conquest of Britain.4 The combination of Claudius’s scholarly inclination and the role of the military, specifically the Praetorians, in his accession may be behind the depiction of Minerva on the reverse of this coin.5 As the patroness of literature as well as the goddess of war, she was an apt choice for Claudius. Moreover, her appearance may signal the new emperor’s intention to conquer Britain, surpassing thereby both his predecessor and Caesar.6

297

This as is dated to the very beginning of Claudius’s reign because it does not include the abbreviation PP, for pater patriae, a title Claudius initially refused but then accepted about January 12, 42 C.E.7 As Hans-Markus von Kaenel has persuasively argued, coins without PP in their legends belong to the period between January 25, 41 and January 12, 42, while those using the abbreviation can be dated after January 12, 42.8 The die axis and weight of this coin suggest that it was minted in Spain, at Tarraco, rather than at Rome. According to the recent reassessment of Claudius’s coinage by Paul-André Besombes,9 the Rome mint used only a six o’clock die orientation, whereas at Tarraco, a twelve o’clock axis, as on this specimen, was also utilized. In addition, the weight of the present coin is higher than the average for Rome, another characteristic of Tarraco.10 SEC 1. Levick 1978, p. 96. 2. Tac. Ann. 1.3; Suet. Tiberius 15. 3. For a discussion of when Roman emperors assumed the office, see Schumacher 2006. 4. Levick 1990, pp. 90–91. 5. RIC 2, vol. 1, p. 119. 6. Evidence that Caligula’s failed attempt to conquer Britain was not just a folly is presented by Kemmers 2004, pp. 43–45. 7. Scheid 1988, pp. 363–64. 8. Von Kaenel 1986, pp. 5, 220–33. Previously, as in RIC 2, vol. 1, coins without PP had been dated 41–50 and those with PP, to 50–54. 9. Besombes and Barrandon 2000; Besombes 2003–4. Based on his detailed stylistic and technical analyses of the large hoards found at Saint-Léonard and in Vilaine, Besombes has proposed two more official mints in addition to Lyon and Rome, both in Spain, one in the northwest of the Iberian peninsula and the other at Tarraco. Coins from both Spanish mints also circulated at Rome and in Italy. 10. Besombes and Barrandon 2000, pp. 172, 177–80. Compare the coin discussed here with RIC 2, vol. 1, p. 128, no. 100.

298

As of Nero

Adopted by Claudius on February 25, 50 C.E., Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus became Nero Claudius Caesar Drusus Germanicus, and when he succeeded his father as emperor on October 13, 54, Nero replaced his name Drusus with Augustus and was hailed as imperator.1 His portrait, that of the so-called Munich-Worcester type that was introduced in 64 for his decennalia,2 depicts Nero with a thick neck and a massive head of wavy hair arranged with a continuous line of stiff curls over his forehead, reminiscent of a crown or tiara. This must be the coma in gradus formata coiffure mentioned by Suetonius (Nero 51). The fleshy facial features and elaborate upswept hair resemble stylistically the portraits of late Hellenistic rulers rather than those of his Julio-Claudian predecessors and could have been meant to appeal to the plebs by alluding to royal benefactions.3

96.

Rome, ca. 65 C.E. Bronze (copper), diam. 25 mm, weight 10.8 g, axis 5 Obverse: NERO CAESAR AVG GERM IMP Laureate head of Nero right Reverse: SC Victory flying left, holding in both hands a shield [inscribed SPQR] Fordham University Collection, 49.005

The reverse type of Victory holding a shield inscribed SPQR copies a Tiberian prototype struck in 22–23 C.E., for Divus Augustus Pater.4 The shield is the bronze clipeus virtutis granted to Augustus in 27 B.C.E. by the Senate and people of Rome in recognition of his restoration of the Republic.5 It was inscribed with the virtues of virtus, clementia, iustitia, and pietas, and was displayed in the Curia Iulia near the statue of Victory.6 Although this motif was widely disseminated, the virtues were associated with Augustus strongly enough to make it an appropriate coin type to be struck in conjunction with the fiftieth anniversary of his death.7 SEC 1. Adoption: ILS 224; Tac. Ann. 12.25. Accession: Tac. Ann. 12.69; Suet. Claud. 45. 2. Hiesinger 1975, pp. 120–24; Boschung 1993, p. 77. 3. Varner 2000, p. 128; Welch 2002, p. 137. 4. RIC 2, vol. 1, p. 99, nos. 77, 78. 5. Augustus Res Gestae 34.2. 6. For the close association of this shield with Victory and its many copies in a variety of media, see Hölscher 1967, pp. 102–12. 7. Compare the coin discussed here with RIC 2, vol. 1, p. 169, no. 312.

299

97.

Sestertius of Hadrian

Rome, 121–122 C.E. Bronze (orichalcum), diam. 32 mm, weight 27.0 g, axis 6 Obverse: IMP CAESAR H – ADRIANVS AVG Laureate bust of Hadrian right, drapery on his left shoulder Reverse: PM [TRP] COS III SC Helmeted figure of Minerva standing left, right arm extended [to drop incense on a candelabrum] Fordham University Collection, 49.008

Publius Aelius Hadrianus was acclaimed princeps in Syria on August 11, 117 C.E., just a couple of days after he was notified that he had been adopted by Trajan.1 He thereby became Imperator Caesar Traianus Hadrianus Augustus. With the extinction of the Julio-Claudian dynasty, the names Imperator Caesar had been transformed into the customary titles by which a ruler was known. Similarly, Augustus was placed after the emperor’s name, for example, on the Claudian as above (No. 95), to signify supreme authority. The strong portrait bust on this sestertius depicts Hadrian with a neatly trimmed beard and mustache. Usually explained as an expression of his philosophical interests or his philhellenism, the beard has been seen more recently as the mark of military men, such as those depicted on Trajan’s column at Rome and on his arch at Beneventum.2 It is noteworthy, too, that this type of longer, bust-length portrait appears on coins from the earlier part of Hadrian’s reign together with the name Traianus, as if emphasizing his adoption; portrait heads, on the other hand, do not appear in conjunction with the name.3 Upon his accession, Hadrian became pontifex maximus and was granted tribunician power, and in 119, he became consul for the third and last time. The reverse type, though quite worn on this specimen, is that of Minerva. As she had been for Claudius, the goddess was an apt choice for Hadrian, who was a proven military commander with wide-ranging intellectual interests.4 SEC 1. SHA Hadr. 4.6–7. 2. Schmidt-Colinet 2005, pp. 104–16, who also discusses bearded figures in the profectio panel of the Cancelleria reliefs; Vout 2006, pp. 117–21, who also notes the use of the bearded Diomedes body type for Hadrian’s statues (pp. 112–15); Opper 2008, p. 72. 3. S. W. Stevenson 1889, p. 444. 4. Compare the coin discussed here with RIC, vol. 2, p. 420, no. 611a.

300

Sestertius of Marcus Aurelius

This sestertius was struck during the reign of Antoninus Pius, adoptive father of Marcus Aurelius. On February 25, 138 C.E., Hadrian adopted Antoninus Pius, on the condition that Antoninus simultaneously adopt Marcus and also the young son of Aelius Caesar, who had died at the beginning of the year.1 This act, reminiscent of Augustus’s conditional adoption of Tiberius,2 secured the succession for two generations. Born Marcus Annius Verus, upon his adoption, Marcus dropped his nomen Annius and assumed instead the names Aelius Aurelius, becoming Marcus Aelius Aurelius Verus. The title Caesar was granted in 139, and in 140, he became consul for the first time.3 The words AVG PII F in the obverse legend indicate that Marcus was the son of the Augustus, Pius.

98.

Rome, 140–144 C.E. Bronze, diam. 30 mm, weight 26.4 g, axis 12 Obverse: AVRELIVS CAE – SAR AVG PII F COS Bare head of Marcus Aurelius right, drapery over left shoulder Reverse: HONOS SC Togate figure of Honos standing facing, head left, holding branch and cornucopia Fordham University Collection, 49.079

Aged twenty-three when this sestertius was struck, Marcus is depicted with thick, fluffy curls of hair and the light growth of a beard over his jaw. The togate personification Honos on the reverse reflects the young man’s early, and lifelong, interest in philosophy, especially the ethical teachings of Stoicism, and his devotion to duty and honor.4 SEC 1. Dio Cass. 69.21.1–2; SHA Hadr. 24.1, Ant. Pius 4.5, and Marc. 5.1. 2. Tac. Ann. 1.3; Suet. Tiberius 15. 3. SHA Marc. 6.3. 4. Compare the coin discussed here with RIC, vol. 3, p. 173, no. 1231.

301

99.

As of Diva Faustina the Elder

Rome, after 140 C.E. Bronze, diam. 24 mm, weight 13.2 g, axis 12 Obverse: DIVA FAVSTINA Draped bust of Faustina the Elder right Reverse: IVNO SC Draped and veiled figure of Juno standing facing, head left, holding patera and scepter Fordham University Collection, 49.077

Annia Galeria Faustina, wife of Antoninus Pius, died in late October or early November 140 C.E., a few years after her husband became emperor.1 Antoninus had her deified, arranged a state funeral, established a temple and an alimentary charity, the puellae Faustinianae, in her honor, and struck commemorative coins such as this one throughout his reign, issued in greater quantity than for any other empress.2 On them, Faustina is associated with a variety of goddesses, including Juno.3 The title DIVA had first appeared on the reverse of dupondii struck by Claudius for the deification of Livia.4 It first appeared on the obverse for a deified empress under Hadrian.5 Antoninus Pius seems to have been inspired by these coins of his predecessor to combine a portrait bust of his deified wife on the obverse with a standing Juno on the reverse.6 Although these coins neither identified Faustina with Juno nor portrayed the Olympian goddess with the new diva’s features, they did equate the two divinities. On the apotheosis relief on one side of the base of the column of Antoninus Pius, made after the emperor’s death in 161, Faustina was assimilated to Juno. The relief panel depicts Antoninus and Faustina holding the scepters of Jupiter and Juno and flanked by eagles, ascending heavenward on the back of a nude winged male personification.7 On the present coin, Faustina the Elder’s centrally parted wavy hair is brushed neatly around her face, plaited in numerous tiny braids looped around the sides of her head and gathered on top in a nest-shaped coil.8 This distinctive coiffure became widely recognizable by means of the vast numbers of coins that flooded the empire after Faustina’s death. SEC 1. Vidman 1982, pp. 49–50. 2. Burns 2007, p. 145. 3. For the assimilation of imperial women to Juno, see Mikocki 1995, pp. 101–3. For Faustina as Juno, see Mikocki 1995, pp. 62, 201–2. 4. RIC 2, vol. 1, p. 128, no. 101. 5. RIC, vol. 2, p. 479, nos. 1051, 1052. The title was applied to the obverses for other deified female relatives in the intervening years. Domitian used it for his sister Domitilla and his niece Julia (RIC 2, vol. 2, p. 276, no.157, and p. 317, no. 718), and Trajan, for his sister Marciana (RIC, vol. 2, p. 300, nos. 748–50). 6. For Juno on the reverse of Sabina’s lifetime bronzes, see RIC 2, pp. 476–78, nos. 1022, 1028, 1038. 7. For the temporal conflation in this relief, see D. E. E. Kleiner and F. S. Kleiner 1978–80, esp. pp. 392–94. For the dynastic concerns behind its conception, see Davies 2000, pp. 102–19. 8. See the 1999 video by Elizabeth Bartman and Bettina Bergmann, “Does She or Doesn’t She?” for a modern recreation of Faustina the Elder’s coiffure. Cf. the coin discussed here with RIC, vol. 3, p. 168, no. 1190.

302

As of Caracalla

The emperor commonly known as Caracalla was actually named Septimius Bassianus when he was born to Septimius Severus and Julia Domna in 188 C.E.1 When Septimius adopted himself into the Antonine family in 195, he not only made his elder son Caesar but renamed him Marcus Aurelius Antoninus.2 Three years later, Septimius further honored him with the title Augustus and the grant of tribunician power, and three years after that, in 201, decided that he would share the ordinary consulship with his son the following year.3 At that time, the title Pius also began to appear on Caracalla’s coins. With Septimius’s death in 211, Caracalla became co-emperor with his brother Geta. That arrangement turned out to be only temporary, however, as Caracalla had his brother murdered the next year.4 Now sole ruler, Caracalla recorded his new status as pontifex maximus and pater patriae on his coins. In 213, he embarked on a war against the Germans, and his alleged victories earned him the appellation GERM.5 Caracalla was impressed by these people and took to wearing their clothes, particularly a hooded cloak, the caracallus.6 Like Caligula, “The Little Boot,” for Gaius, this distinctive item of clothing led to the emperor’s nickname.

100.

Rome, 215 C.E. Bronze, diam. 24 mm, weight 10.8 g, axis 8 Obverse: ANTONINVS PIVS – AVG GERM Laureate, draped, and cuirassed bust of Caracalla right Reverse: PM TRP XVIII COS IIII PP SC Half-draped figure of Aesculapius standing facing, head left, holding snake-entwined staff with right; globe at left foot Fordham University Collection, 49.109

In 214–215, Caracalla marched east, in the footsteps of Alexander the Great. By 215, he was in Pergamon, to take the cure at the sanctuary of Aesculapius, as he had begun to suffer from a mysterious illness. Its mental symptoms included frightening visions of his murdered brother Geta brandishing a sword.7 This as, dated to 215 by the eighteenth grant of tribunician power noted on the reverse, refers to this imperial visit to the god of medicine. The globe by Aesculapius’s left foot indicates that he is responsible not only for the health of the Augustus but for that of the whole empire.8 SEC 1. The boy’s second name came from his maternal grandfather, Julius Bassianus. 2. The date was established by Soproni 1980, pp. 39–43. 3. SHA Sev. 16.8. 4. Dio Cass. 78.2.2–4. 5. Dio Cass. 78.13.4, 78.14.1. 6. Dio Cass. 79.3.3; Herodian 4.7.3. 7. Dio Cass. 78.15.3; Herodian 4.8.3. 8. Compare the coin discussed here with RIC, vol. 4, pt. 1, p. 304, no. 553b var; and Hill 1977, p. 34, no. 1453h.

303

101.

As of Julia Domna

Rome, ca. 198–211 C.E. Bronze, diam. 25 mm, weight 9.6 g, axis 6 Obverse: IVLIA AVGVSTA Draped bust of Julia Domna right Reverse: HILARITAS SC Draped figure of Hilaritas standing left, holding long palm branch on ground and cradling a cornucopia Fordham University Collection, 49.105

Born in Syria, Julia Domna was the daughter of Julius Bassianus, the hereditary chief priest of the sun god, Elagabal, at Emesa.1 Well-educated as well as beautiful, she became the second wife of Septimius Severus, probably in the summer of 187 C.E.,2 and quickly bore him two sons, Caracalla in 188 and Geta in 189.3 In 193, when Septimius emerged victorious from the power struggles after the murder of Commodus, she was promptly acclaimed Augusta.4 This new title appeared on the obverses of her coins struck at Rome, probably commencing in the middle of that year, and continued in use until 211, when Septimius died.5 Julia Domna’s centrally parted hair is shown on this as in her distinctive coiffure: crimped in deep, symmetrical waves that cover her ears and descend almost to her shoulders before being gathered into a large plaited bun at the back of her head. The depiction almost certainly is that of a wig, given its rather heavy, helmet-like character.6 Of the many reverse types employed on Julia Domna’s coins, most were adapted from preceding reigns, including this one of Hilaritas.7 The personification of cheerfulness or gaiety, Hilaritas was the numismatic innovation of Hadrian, but she quickly appeared on the coins of imperial women, starting with those of Faustina the Younger. Hilaritas was first used on Julia Domna’s coins at some point after 195, the year Septimius adopted himself into the Antonine family as the son of Marcus Aurelius, but quite possibly in 198, the year Caracalla was proclaimed Augustus and Geta Caesar.8 The personification continued to be struck until 211.9 Probably first issued for the joyous occasion of her sons’ elevation in status, the type served Julia Domna well. Its long use generated familiarity, which helped to downplay her Eastern origins and emphasize instead dynastic continuity.10 SEC 1. Epitome de Caesaribus 21.3 and 23.2 is our only source for Bassianus’s name. 2. SHA Sev. 3.9. 3. For a discussion of the sources, see Birley 1988, pp. 215, 218. 4. Ibid., p. 245, n. 35. 5. See Lusnia 1995, p. 120. 6. D. E. E. Kleiner 1992, p. 326; Bartman 2001, pp. 14–15. 7. Williams 1902, p. 278; Lusnia 1995, pp. 122–24, 139; Gorrie 2004, p. 65, n. 19. 8. Lusnia 1995, p. 123. 9. Ibid., pp. 130–31. 10. Compare the coin discussed here with RIC, vol. 4, pt. 1, p. 210, no. 877.

304

Denarius of Elagabalus

The emperor we call Elagabalus was born at Emesa in Syria, probably about 204 C.E. At that time, he was named Varius Avitus Bassianus. Like his maternal ancestor Julius Bassianus, he was the chief priest of the god Elagabal, whence his nickname. Shortly after the emperor Caracalla was assassinated by the Praetorian Prefect Macrinus, in 217, Elagabalus’s grandmother Julia Maesa (Julia Domna’s sister) claimed that her grandson was actually the illegitimate son of her daughter Julia Soaemias and the recently deceased emperor.1 As Elagabalus resembled his murdered relative, the story was believed, and he was given Caracalla’s name, Marcus Aurelius Antoninus.2 The troops stationed near Emesa hailed him as imperator in midMay 218, and in their decisive battle near Antioch on June 8, defeated and killed Macrinus.3 Elagabalus then assumed the titles Pius and Augustus, and he set out for Rome, arriving in the autumn of 219. He brought with him his god Elagabal, in the form of a conical black stone betyl, and built the divinity a temple on the Palatine.4

102.

Rome, 221–222 C.E. Silver, diam. 18 mm, weight 3.2 g, axis 6 Obverse: IMP ANTONINVS – PIVS AVG Laureate, horned, and draped bust of Elagabalus right Reverse: SVMMVS SA – CERDOS AVG Emperor standing left in priestly attire, pouring from patera onto flaming altar and holding palm branch down in left Fordham University Collection, 49.115

The obverse of this denarius shows the young emperor with short hair and sideburns, a wide eye under an arching brow, full lips, and a small chin. On the reverse, Elagabalus is attired in his exotic gold and purple priestly costume, with its long sleeves, trousers, sash, and jeweled crown. The emperor’s increasingly erratic and deviant behavior in the service of his god—including serial marriages and divorces with Julia Cornelia Paula; Julia Aquilia Severa, a Vestal Virgin; Marcus Aurelius’s granddaughter, Annia Aurelia Faustina; and Aquilia Severa again— alienated the Praetorians, who, in their now time-honored way, killed Elagabalus and his mother in early March 222.5 SEC 1. Herodian 5.3.10; SHA Macrinus 9.4. 2. Dio Cass. 79.32.2. 3. Herodian 5.3.12, 4.5–10; Dio Cass. 79.39.1; SHA Macrinus 9.6–10.3. 4. SHA Heliogab. 3.4. Date from Jer. Ab Abr. 2236, in Helm 1984, p. 214g. 5. SHA Heliogab. 17.1. Compare the coin discussed here with RIC, vol. 4, pt. 2, p. 38, no. 146 var.

305

103.

Nummus of Diocletian

Carthage, 299–303 C.E. Bronze, diam. 28 mm, weight 11.5 g, axis 12 Obverse: IMP DIOCLETIANVS P F AVG Laureate head of Diocletian right Reverse: SALVIS AVGG ET CAESS FEL KART; in exergue, A Draped figure of Carthage standing facing, head left, holding fruits and grain Fordham University Collection, 49.189

Diocletian, who rose through the ranks of the army to become an experienced and respected military commander, was proclaimed emperor by the soldiers at Nicomedia on November 20, 284 C.E. By late in 285, he was in undisputed control of the whole empire. In November of that year, Diocletian bestowed the title Caesar on his trusted colleague Maximian and in April of 286 elevated him to Augustus, thereby beginning a period of joint rulership called the Diarchy. Following the custom established by Commodus, the co-emperors now assumed the titles Pius and Felix. Soon after 290, it was clear that monetary and currency reforms were needed, alongside further reorganization of the administrative system. The coinage reforms were not instituted all at once, however, but were adjusted over time.1 Among the earliest changes were to the coins themselves. The long-lived aureus was now struck at 60 to the pound of gold, and two new denominations were introduced, in silver and bronze. The argenteus, nearly 100% fine, was struck at 96 to the pound of silver, and the new bronze coin, the nummus, was at 32 to the pound of billon.2 Nummi, including the present specimen, intentionally contained a small amount of silver and were the most commonly produced denomination. Their obverses portray the emperors laureate and bearded, with large blocky heads, short hair, strong jaws, and level gaze. These are no-nonsense rulers who take their responsibilities seriously, without personal feelings. Nummi were first introduced at Heraclea in the Balkans in the names of Diocletian and Maximian and therefore predate slightly the creation of the Tetrarchy. Since it had become increasingly difficult for the two Augusti to maintain control of the empire, Diocletian subdivided its administration between two junior colleagues, the Caesares Galerius and Constantius Chlorus, with each of the four men having his own sphere of influence. The new Tetrarchy, established on March 1, 293, emphasized unity and uniformity, concepts mirrored in the coinage. The mints in operation around the empire now all struck the aforementioned standardized denominations in the names of all four rulers, with, for the most part, standardized types. One of the few exceptions was the mint of Carthage.

306

Opened in 296 to finance Maximian’s campaigns against the Moorish tribes overrunning North Africa, Carthage minted coins with a personification of the city on the reverse instead of the more usual Genius Populi Romani. FEL[IX] KART[HAGO], happy, prosperous Carthage, holds fruits and grain ears to reflect Africa’s status as one of Rome’s principal grain suppliers, and Carthage’s own role as the port of departure for the majority of the grain ships.3 As the full reverse legend states, Carthage was fortunate because the Augusti and Caesares were alive and well. The nummi issued at Carthage with this reverse type and legend were struck in two periods: from 298, when Maximian had taken up residence in the city, to 299, and 299–303. The earlier are characterized by small obverse heads, and the later by large ones, as on this specimen. Four officinae, or workshops, were operational, one for each ruler: A for Diocletian (as here), B for Maximian, Ɗ for Constantius Chlorus, and Ƌ for Galerius.4 SEC 1. See especially Bruun 1979 and Aubert 2003. 2. Nummus is actually the correct term, though follis is still sometimes used. The other new denominations were the neo-antoninianus, struck at 110 to the pound of copper and with radiate heads, and fractions of the nummus, at 220 to the pound of copper and with laureate heads. 3. Clover 1986, p. 2. 4. Compare this coin with RIC, vol. 6, p. 427, no. 31a.

307

308

Ancient Near Eastern Art

Detail of cuneiform tablet. No. 104 309

104.

Cuneiform tablet

Umma (So. Iraq), Ur III period, ca. 2100–2000 B.C.E. Clay, h. 1 1/2 in. (3.8 cm), w. 1 1/2 in. Fordham University Collection, 6.007

This cuneiform inscription is a receipt for a shipment of reed bundles carried by boat from a city called Nagsu, placing this piece in the southern Mesopotamian city Umma in the Ur III period (ca. 2100–2000 B.C.E.) in the sixth year of king AmarSin’s reign. When it was first translated, at the Yale Babylonian Collection in 1977, it was determined that the cylinder seal rolled across the tablet had belonged to a scribe. By impressing the tablet with his seal, the scribe vouched for the accuracy of the information recorded.

Condition: Impression slightly worn

The tablet is roughly square with writing on both convex faces, as is common among tablets of the Ur III period. The slightly warped shape is perhaps a result of the tablet having been baked during the modern period, in order to preserve it; ancient tablets were rarely baked and as a result were often vulnerable to damage and erasure. Both faces of the tablet are impressed with the same cylinder seal, partially obscuring the written signs. On the more complete impression, three columns of inscribed signs are visible, and those would have identified the owner of the seal and his profession. To the left of the inscription is a seated person facing left. His enthroned posture indicates he is a god, although the signs above have obscured what might have been the horned headdress of Mesopotamian deities, now visible only in traces of one horn-like projection. A large eye is seen in profile, and the god’s bare upper body is shown frontally, with arms bent at the elbows and extended to the left. Traces of a throne are visible below the lap. Three parallel lines form a crosspiece at the top, with three legs visible below, divided by suspended semicircular elements. Threelegged thrones are also found in other Ur III cylinder seal impressions, such as a clay envelope from Puzrish-Dagan (ancient Drehem) in southern Mesopotamia and a receipt from Umma, both dated to years within the reign of Amar-Sin.1 The impressions preserve the edge of a presentation scene, in which a worshiper approaches a seated god, led by a goddess who intercedes for him with the presiding deity. This type of scene was widely used to decorate cylinder seals in the Ur III period and the Old Babylonian period that followed (ca. 2000–1600 B.C.E.). The worshiper’s humility and piety and the preeminence of the divine figures are underscored in a composition that repeats this ritual procession as the seal is rolled. SBG 1. Both are in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Spar 1988, pl. 141, seal no. 5, pl. 142, seal no. 10. 310

311

Bibliography

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Wood, Susan 1986 Roman Portrait Sculpture, 217–260 A.D.: The Transformation of an Artistic Tradition. Columbia Studies in the Classical Tradition 12. Leiden: Brill. Wright, James C. 2004 Ed. The Mycenaean Feast. Princeton: American School of Classical Studies at Athens. Yalouris, Athanasia 1971 “A Hero’s Departure.” American Journal of Archaeology 75, no. 3 (July), pp. 269–75. Zaccagnino, Cristiana 1998 Il thymiaterion nel mondo greco: Analisi delle fonti, tipologia, impieghi. Studia archaeologica 97. Rome: “L’Erma” di Bretschneider. Zanker, Paul 1974 Klassizistische Statuen: Studien zur Veränderung des Kunstgeschmacks in der römischen Kaiserzeit. Mainz: Philipp von Zabern. 1988 The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus. Translated by Alan Shapiro. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Zanker, Paul, and Björn Christian Ewald 2004 Mit Mythen leben: Die Bilderwelt der römischen Sarkophage. Munich: Hirmer. Zimmerman Munn, Mary Lou 2003 “Corinthian Trade with the Punic West in the Classical Period.” In Corinth: Results of Excavations Conducted by the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, vol. 20, Corinth: The Centenary, 1896–1996, edited by Charles K. Williams II and Nancy Bookidis, pp. 195–217. Princeton: American School of Classical Studies at Athens.

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Appendix

Inventory of Ancient Mediterranean Art at Fordham University

1.001. See No. 75 2.001. See No. 78 2.002, 2.003. See Nos. 45, 46 2.004. See No. 54

Note: Unless otherwise indicated, the object was previously unpublished.

2.005. Stamnoid olla (storage jar) with ribs and upturned handles. Etruscan, ca. 7th century B.C.E. Terracotta, impasto, h. 19 in. (48.3 cm) Condition: Complete

2.006. Askos (flask) with Nike figurines and Medusa heads in relief. Greek, South Italian, Canosan, 300 B.C.E. Terracotta, white-ground, h. 25 3/8 in. (64.5 cm) Condition: Complete Canosan ware is normally painted with polychrome decoration. However, the uniformly white surface of the askos suggests that this piece was made specifically as a grave offering. Other hallmarks of Canosan pottery present on this object are the coroplastic (terracotta) additions, consisting of groups of figures in the round and appliques of relief heads. Canosan pottery derives its name from the tomb complex at Canosa, where most examples of this type of vase were excavated, but its exact center of production remains unknown. The prevailing view is that these vases were made along the Adriatic coast, in the artistic centers of either Daunia or Messapia, as both were cultural crossroads that may explain the Egyptian-Alexandrian style of clothing worn by the Nike figurines. Published Reference: Christie’s New York, sale cat., June 8, 2005, lot 112

3.002. Krater (deep bowl for mixing wine and water). Italic, Southern Italian, Messapian, 340 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 7 in. (17.8 cm) Condition: Small chip at base; slight fading of glaze

3.003. Kothon (cosmetic jar). Greek, Corinthian, 6th century B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 7 1/2 in. (19.1 cm) Condition: Complete

2.007. See No. 82 3.001. See No. 80 3.004. Jug with two elongated spouts. Cypriot, 1875-1700 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 10 1/4 in. (26 cm) Condition: Complete; upper spout and part of handle repaired

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3.005. Cup with loop handle and wavy brown painted lines. Italic, ca. 7th-6th century B.C.E. Terracotta, diam. 6 1/2 in. (16.5 cm) Condition: Complete; surface pitted with smoke discoloration 3.006. See No. 59

3.007. Stemmed bowl. Cypriot, ca. 900-700 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 8 in. (20.3 cm) Condition: Complete

3.011, 3.014. Pair of theatrical masks. Greek, 3rd-2nd century B.C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, h. each 4 7/8 in. (12.4 cm) Condition: Complete This pair of miniature New Comedy masks reflects those worn by actors. The mouths are open, pupils are pierced, and traces of pigment are preserved on both masks. Two small holes along the top of each head indicate that the masks were meant to be suspended. Similar examples from the ancient city of Priene in Asia Minor have been found decorating the walls of houses. Such masks have also been excavated from votive sanctuaries throughout Greece. Published Reference: Christie’s New York, sale cat., June 8, 2005, lot 113

3.015, 3.025. Stamnoid olla (storage jar, 3.015) and lid (3.025). Italic, Apulian, Daunian, 4th century B.C.E. Terracotta, olla: h. 10 1/2 in. (26.7 cm), lid: 6 1/2 in. (16.5 cm) Condition: Both pieces complete

3.012. See No. 64

3.017. Pyxis (box with lid). Greek, Attic or Boeotian, ca. 6th century B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 4 1/2 in. (11.4 cm) Condition: Complete; small hole on one side of body

3.020. Kylix (drinking cup). Greek, ca. 6th century B.C.E. Terracotta, diam. 4 1/4 in. (10.8 cm) Condition: Complete with glaze loss and chip on foot 3.021. See No. 61

3.016. See No. 3

3.022. Pitcher with incised zig-zag designs at neck. Persian, ca. 1000 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 9 1/2 in. (24.1 cm) Condition: Complete; handle broken and repaired; small crack at neck

3.008. See No. 47 3.009. See No. 65

3.010. Stemmed bowl. Cypriot, ca. 800-750 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 4 in. (10.2 cm) Condition: Complete; some surface abrasion

3.013. Eagle. Roman, 3rd-4th century C.E. Marble, h. 11 3/4 in. (29.8 cm) Condition: Complete; traces of reddish-brown pigment on head and neck plumage Roman culture revered the eagle. An object such as this could have come from an architectural context or may have functioned as a support for a freestanding imperial statue. Published References: Sotheby’s, New York, sale cat., June 18, 1991, lot 228; Christie’s New York, sale cat., December 12, 2002, lot. 260, Previous Collection: Daniel Friedenberg

3.018. Saucer oil lamp. Levantine, ca. 800-586 B.C.E. Terracotta, diam. 4 3/4 in. (12.1 cm) Condition: Complete

3.023. Askos (flask) with serpentine figure. Greek, South Italian, Canosan, 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 11 5/8 in. (29.5 cm) Condition: Complete; one wing repaired; red paint preserved throughout

3.019. See No. 49

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3.024. Spouted jar. Near Eastern, ca. 8th-7th century B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 4 in. Condition: Complete 3.026. See No. 66

3.031. Askos (flask) in the shape of a bird. Italic, Apulian, Daunian, 4th century B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 5 3/4 in. (14.6 cm) Condition: Complete

3.035. Trefoil oinochoe (jug) with linear designs in brown glaze Italic, ca. 7th century B.C.E. Terracotta with white/buff slip ground, h. 9 in. (22.9 cm) Condition: Complete; handle restored

3.041. See No. 36

3.032. See No. 1

3.027. Kylix (drinking cup). Greek, ca. 4th century B.C.E. Terracotta, diam. 8 in. (20.3 cm) Condition: Complete; worn, uneven glaze

3.033. Jar decorated with brown bands. Perhaps Egyptian, ca. 1300 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 4 in. (10.2 cm) Condition: Complete

3.036. Two handled bowl with brown bands on body and short lines on rim. South Italian, ca. 450 B.C.E. Terracotta, d. 8 3/4 in. (22.2 cm) Condition: Complete 3.037. See No. 67

3.028. Vessel in the form of a bird. Levantine, ca. 1st millennium B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 5 in. (12.7 cm) Condition: Complete 3.029. See No. 62

3.034. Jug with red geometric designs and loop handle. Ancient Near Eastern, 1st millennium B.C.E. Terracotta, white-slip ware, h. 3 1/2 in. (8.9 cm) Condition: Complete

3.040. Trefoil oinochoe (jug). Greek or Etruscan, ca. 4th century B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 7 in. (17.8 cm) Condition: Complete; no preserved glaze

3.038. Canopic jar lid representing Duat Mutef jackal. Modern forgery. Limestone, h. 4 3/4 in. (12.1 cm) Condition: Complete; ear reglued

3.030. See No. 48 3.039. See No. 2

3.042. Skyphos (cup with horizontal handles). Greek, South Italian, Campanian, ca. 340 B.C.E. Attributed to the White Face Painter. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 5 7/8 in. (14.9 cm) Condition: Complete; slight repair Obverse: Youth with a banner and wreath; reverse: draped youth with a wreath There are about fifty vases attributed to the Whiteface painter. A number of them feature a youth holding a beaded wreath, similar to that pictured on this cup, and with a stick over his shoulder. The banner seen here is an unusual variation on this theme. The youth wears a short belted tunic and diadem, a costume that suggests he is either a participant in a festival or a victor in a competition. The banner shows traces of indeterminate decoration, which if understood, might reveal the subject of this painting. Published Reference: Trendall 1970, pl. 16 3.043. See No. 60

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3.044. Askos (flask) with ivy and other floral motifs. Italic, Apulian, Daunian, ca. 4th century B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 4 3/8 in. (11.1 cm) Condition: Complete 3.045. See No. 63

4.002. Bell krater (bowl for mixing wine and water). Etruscan, Faliscan, ca. 4th century B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 17 1/2 in. (44.5 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: Youthful Dionysos and two satyrs; reverse: two satyrs

4.004. Volute krater (vase for mixing wine and water). Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 340-320 B.C.E. Attributed to the Ganymede Painter. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 24 5/8 in. (62.5 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: Warrior in a naiskos (shrine) between a woman and youth; reverse: nude male and draped woman making an offering Published References: RVAp Supp. II, no.25/9d; Christie’s, New York, sale cat., December 12, 2002, lot 148

4.011. Oinochoe (jug). Etruscan, Faliscan or Caeretan, ca. 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 11 7/8 in. (30.2 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: Seated woman between two standing satyrs; neck: seated woman with mirror

4.005. See No. 21 4.006. See No. 22 3.046. Pelike (jar). Greek, Sicilian, ca. 300 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 7 in. (17.8 cm) Condition: Complete

3.047. Olpe (jug) with dark bands and high handle. Italic, Apulian, Messapian, ca. 4th century B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 5 3/4 in. (14.6 cm) Condition: Complete 4.001. See No. 19

4.003. Patera (shallow bowl with handle). Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 350 B.C.E. Attributed to the Maplewood Painter. Terracotta, red-figure, diam. 17 1/4 in. (43.8 cm) Condition: Complete The female head that decorates the tondo (medallion) of this patera with a knobbed handle by the Maplewood painter is elegantly composed and finely drawn, with well-proportioned facial features typical of the Classical period. The subject is probably a maenad, a follower of Dionysos, identified by her earrings, which are shaped like grape clusters. Published Reference: RVAp Supp. II, no.59/201a, pl. IX, 3-4

4.007. See No. 31 4.008. See No. 24 4.009. See No. 30

4.012. Oinochoe (jug). Etruscan, Faliscan or Caeretan, ca. 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 11 7/8 in. (30.2 cm) Obverse: Seated woman and Eros; neck: seated woman with tambourine

4.010. Biconical cinerary urn. Villanovan, 8th century B.C.E. Terracotta, impasto, h. 14 1/2 in. (36.8 cm) Condition: Complete Biconical cinerary urns were either covered with lids shaped like helmets or shallow dishes with side loop handles. In addition to the remains of the deceased, objects such as pins or jewelry were often placed inside the urn. Often these vessels would be buried and surrounded by slabs of stone, forming a tomba a casetta, or box-shaped tomb.

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4.013. Kylix (drinking cup). Etruscan, Faliscan, ca. 350 B.C.E. Attributed to the Sokra Group. Terracotta, red-figure, diam. 12 1/4 in. (31.1 cm) Condition: Complete On this tondo are a winged hippocamp (seahorse) and fish. Hippocamps probably entered the repertoire of Faliscan vase painters via contact with the Greek east. The popularity of seahorses, especially on vases associated with funerary contexts, can perhaps be linked to the Etruscan belief that crossing bodies of water was a necessary step for the deceased to attain life after death. Reference: see cf. Oxford, Ashmolean Museum of Art & Archaeology, 1920.340 for similar work

4.015. Skyphos (deep drinking cup). Etruscan, Caeretan, ca. 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 8 3/4 in. (22.2 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: Crouching nude satyr and an owl; reverse: bird

4.020. Column krater (bowl for mixing wine and water). Etruscan, Faliscan, ca. 4th century B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 17 in. (43.2 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: Nike seated to left with tympanum and thyrsos; reverse: nude woman facing left with mantle 4.021. See No. 37 4.022. See No. 8

4.016. Stamnos (jar). Etruscan, Faliscan, ca. 350 B.C.E. Attributed to the Fluid Group. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 12 1/4 in. (3.1 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: Nike with alabastron and torch, and satyr; reverse: maenad with thyrsos and satyr Publishes Reference: Christie’s New York, sale cat., December 7, 1995, lot 98

4.014. Oinochoe (jug). Etruscan, Caeretan, ca. 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 6 3/4 in. (17.1 cm) Condition: Complete

4.017. Trefoil oinochoe (jug). Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 9 7/8 in. (25.1 cm) Condition: Complete Depicted are four female profile heads, a band of alternating inverted palmettes, and grapes.

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4.018. Neck-Amphora (jar with two handles). Etruscan, ca. 530 B.C.E. Attributed to the La Tolfa Group. Terracotta, black-figure, h. 11 3/8 in. (28.9 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse and reverse: Sphinx; on neck: confronting birds Publishes Reference: Christie’s New York, sale cat., December 12, 2002, lot 81

4.019. Amphora (jar with two handles). Etruscan, ca. 540-530 B.C.E. Terracotta, black-figure, h. 17 in. (43.2 cm) Inscribed "Kalos" (fair, beautiful) on each side Condition: Complete Obverse: Combat scene with two warriors; reverse: armed winged figure and woman This amphora exemplifies how closely Etruscan black-figure approximated the appearance of Attic pottery even while retaining distinctive characteristics. For instance, although the figure with the helmet, spear, and shield is influenced by the iconography of Athena, it is likely an Etruscan conception, as the wings are a feature with no parallel in Greek imagery of the goddess. The dancing woman at the right also vividly expresses the Etruscan character of this vase painting. Her pose and the theme of dancers were popular on the walls of Etruscan tombs.

4.023. Oinochoe (jug). Etruscan, Caeretan, ca. 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 12 5/8 in. (32.1 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: Seated nude youth, standing draped woman, Eros, and another standing woman; on neck: standing nude youth facing seated woman

4.024. Patera (shallow bowl) with twisted handles. Etruscan, Caeretan, ca. 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, diam. 15 1/4 in. (38.7 cm) Condition: Complete

4.025. Oinochoe (jug). Etruscan, Caeretan, ca, 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 12 3/8 in. (31.4 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: Nude satyr with thyrsos facing a seated draped woman holding a box; on neck: draped maenad with thyrsos

4.026. Oinochoe (jug). Etruscan, Caeretan, ca. 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 15 1/4 in. (38.7 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: Seated nude youth to left with alabastron between two nude women; on neck: seated nude woman to left with alabastron

4.027. Skyphos (cup with horizontal handles). Etruscan, Caeretan, ca. 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 3 1/2 in. (8.9 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse and reverse: Profile of female head facing left

4.028. Oinochoe (jug) with knotted handle. Etruscan, Caeretan, ca. 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 5 1/8 in. (13 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse and reverse: Two facing female profile heads

4.029. Oinochoe (jug). Etruscan, Caeretan, ca. 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 12 5/8 in. (32.1 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: Two facing female profile heads; on neck: profile of female head facing left

4.030. Skyphos (deep drinking cup). Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 330 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 11 1/4 in. (28.6 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: Nude youth to left with a phiale and branch before an altar; reverse: draped woman to left holding a wreath and a patera with a cake

4.031. Stamnos (jar). Etruscan, Faliscan, ca. 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 10 3/8 in. (26.4 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse and reverse: Standing draped woman to right

4.033. Epichysis (oil flask). Greek, South Italian, probably Campanian, ca. 350-330 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 6 1/4 in. (15.9 cm) Condition: Complete

4.034. Kylix (drinking cup). Etruscan, Caeretan, ca. 320-300 B.C.E. Attributed to the Castellani Caeretan Painter. Terracotta, red-figure, diam. 12 1/2 in. (31.8 cm) Condition: Complete This cup depicts a maenad with a thyrsos and basket (?) in front of an altar. A near duplicate of this scene appears on the medallion of a kylix by the same painter formerly in the collection of Adolf Preyss, Munich. Reference: See Del Chiaro 1974, pl. 51, for a similar work

4.032. Askos (flask) in the form of a duck. Etruscan, Faliscan, ca. 350-330 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 6 1/8 in. (15.6 cm) Condition: Complete

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4.035. Kylix (drinking cup). Etruscan, Caeretan, ca. 320-300 B.C.E. Attributed to the Castellani Caeretan Painter. Terracotta, red-figure, diam. 12 1/4 in. (31.1 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: Satyr with thyrsos and basket (?) Reference: See Del Chiaro 1974, pl. 51, for a similar work

4.036. Stamnos (jar). Etruscan, Faliscan, ca. 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 9 7/8 in. (25.1 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: Seated woman with a tympanum (drum); reverse: seated woman with small vessel

4.037. Stamnos (jar). Etruscan, Faliscan, ca. 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 12 1/4 in. (31.1 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: Satyr, maenad, and bird; reverse: maenad and satyr

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4.038. Oinoche (jug). Etruscan, Caeretan, ca. 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 12 7/8 in. (32.7 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: Two confronting female heads; on neck: profile of female head facing left

4.039, 4.040. Pair of stamnoi (jars) with handles in the form of ketoi (sea-monsters). Etruscan, Volsinii (Orvieto), ca. 350.B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. of each 15 3/4 in. (40 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse of 4.039: Seated partially draped man (Adonis?) attended by two erotes; reverse: Seated man (Adonis) with a winged female. Obverse of 4.040: Seated nude woman attended by Eros and a Satyr: reverse: seated nude youth with mirror, attended by two women. Sea creatures were a favorite motif of Faliscan painters (see for example 4.013 above) and potters. On this pair of stamnoi, the handles are in the shape of intertwined ketoi, sea monsters with dragon heads and fish tails.

4.041. Dish with black bands on rim and underside of foot. Etruscan, ca. 5th-4th century B.C.E. Terracotta, diam. 5 1/4 in. (13.3 cm) Condition: Complete

5.001. Hydria (water jar). Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 350 B.C.E. Probably by the Baltimore Painter. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 22 in. (55.9 cm) Condition: Complete Published reference: Christie’s New York, sale cat., June 6, 1999, lot 42

5.002. Amphora (jar with two handles). Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 26 1/4 in. (66.7 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: Seated nude youth to left facing a standing draped woman with wreath and mirror; reverse: nude Eros with patera (shallow bowl with handle) before a stele (grave marker)

5.003. Amphora (jar with two handles). Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 340-320 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 29 in. (73.7 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: Seated nude youth and standing figure in armor within a naiskos (shrine) flanked by a draped woman at the left and nude youth at the right; reverse: two youths in himations (mantles), one with a stick

5.004. Volute krater (bowl for mixing wine and water). Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 340-320 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 40 in. (101.6 cm) Condition: Complete with some loss of added white glaze Obverse: Standing warrior and dog within a naiskos (shrine) flanked by two male and two female mourners with offerings; reverse: stele (grave marker) surrounded by four figures with offerings

5.005. Amphora (jar with two handles). Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 340-320 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 28 in. (71.1 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: Semi-nude warrior with helmet, shield, and spear in naiskos (shrine) flanked by draped woman at left and nude youth at right; reverse: two athletes dressed in mantles

5.008. Volute krater (bowl for mixing wine and water). Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 340-320 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 25 1/2 in. (64.8 cm) Condition: Complete with streaky glaze Obverse, reverse, and neck: Female profile head facing left

6.005. Triad amulet with Isis, Horus, and Nephthys. Egyptian, ca. 664-525 B.C.E. Faience, h. 1 1/2 in. (3.8 cm) Condition: Complete 6.006. See No. 93 6.007. See No. 104

5.009. See No. 29 5.010. See No. 42 6.001. See No. 81 6.002. See No. 41

5.006. Volute krater (bowl for mixing wine and water). Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 340-320 B.C.E. Terracotta-red-figure, h. 29 in. (73.7 cm) Condition: Complete, with extensive modern retouching and overpainting on obverse Obverse: Eros and draped woman in a naiskos (shrine); reverse: female profile head to left 5.007. See No. 20

6.008. Shabti (funerary figurine). Egyptian, ca. 664-630 B.C.E. Faience, mold-made, h. 2 1/4 in. (5.7 cm) Condition: Complete but worn 6.009. See No. 92 6.003. Pyxis (box with lid) with horizontal painted bands. Greek, Corinthian, ca, 700-600 B.C.E. Terracotta, diam. 3 1/2 in. (8.9 cm) Condition: Complete; repaired from fragments

6.004. Shabti (funerary figurine). Egyptian, ca. 664-343 B.C.E. Faience, mold-made, h. 2 1/2 in. (6.4 cm) Condition: Complete but worn

6.012a-e. Five spear heads. Asiatic, Persian (?), ca. 1000-800 B.C.E. Bronze, l. 7 3/4-12 1/2 in. (19.7-31.8 cm) Condition: With tangs preserved; blue-green patina; some surface mottling

333

6.013. Spear head. Near Eastern, ca. 800 B.C.E. Iron, l. 9 1/2 in. (24.1 cm) Condition: With tang 6.016. See No. 5

6.017. Alabastron (perfume flask). Egyptian, ca. 2300 B.C.E. Alabaster, h. 4 1/2 in. (11.4 cm) Condition: Complete

6.020. Jug with long spout and loop handle. Near Eastern, ca. 800-700 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 8 in. (20.3 cm) Condition: Complete

6.025. Hemispherical bowl. Levantine, 3100-2900 B.C.E. Terracotta, diam. 5 in. (12.7 cm) Condition: Complete

6.021. Pottery jar. Levantine, ca. 1350 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 3 1/4 in. (8.3 cm) Condition: Complete

6.027. Kylix (drinking cup) with relief decoration of ivy buds. Roman, ca. 1st century C.E. Terracotta, Barbotine ware, diam. 5 in. (12.7 cm) Condition: Complete

6.031. Five miniature oil lamps. Roman, 1st-3rd century C.E. Terracotta, average l. 2 1/2 in. (6.4 cm) Condition: Complete with smoke discoloration at nozzles

6.033. Jar with geometric designs, Levantine, ca. 585 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 4 in. (10.2 cm) Condition: Complete

6.028. See No. 4 6.029. Egyptian-style scarab. Modern

6.018. Amphora (jar with two handles) with horizontal bands. Roman, ca. 100 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 7 in. (17.8 cm) Condition: Complete; small chip on mouth and foot

6.022. Pottery jar with overhanging rim. Levantine, ca. 3100-2900 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 3 in. (7.6 cm) Condition: Complete

6.030. Lekythos (oil flask) with crosshatching. Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 340 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 3 3/4 in. (9.5 cm) Condition: Complete

6.019. Jar with brown painted bands. Anatolian, ca. 1200-800 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 5 in. (12.7 cm) Condition: Complete; rim broken on one side

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6.034. Sword. Western Asiatic, (perhaps Pakistan, Mohenjo-Daro), ca. 800 B.C.E. Bronze, l. 21 1/2 in. (54.6 cm) Condition: With tang; some chips along the edge; blue-green patina 6.035. See No. 39 6.036. See No. 58 6.037. Figurine of a goddess. Phoenician, ca. 5th century B.C.E. Terracotta, moldmade, h. 7 in. (17.8 cm) Condition: Complete but worn; broken in half and repaired; traces of polychromy

6.038. Conical bowl with flat rim. Etruscan, ca. 3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 7 1/4 in. (18.4 cm) Condition: Complete This dark course-ware piece has flaring sides, a flat rim, a ring foot, and no decoration. 6.039. Spear head. Near Eastern, ca. 800 B.C.E. Bronze, l. 12 3/4 in. (32.4 cm) Condition: With tang; some chips along edge; dark blue patina 6.040. Bowl. Uncertain date and origin. Bronze, diam. 6 1/4 in. (15.9 cm) Condition: Mottled surface

6.041. Tapered black top jar. Egyptian, Naquada, Pre-Dynastic, ca. 3900-3650 B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 8 3/4 in. (22.2 cm) Condition: Complete with surface gloss preserved

6.042. Small saucer dish. Greek, South Italian, Campanian, ca. 3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, black-glaze ware, diam. 5 1/4 in. (13.3 cm) Condition: Complete

7.001. Pelike (jar). Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 340 B.C.E. Terracotta, redfigure, h. 14 1/2 in. (36.8 cm) Condition: Complete; mottled misfired glaze surface on reverse Obverse: Seated nude youth to left with branch and patera (shallow bowl) facing a standing draped woman with a mirror; reverse: two draped youths

7.002. Lebes gamikos (wedding vase) with lid. Greek, South Italian, Paestan, ca. 340 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 10 1/2 in. (26.7 cm) Condition: Complete; some loss or fading of added white Obverse: Seated youth with wreath and thyrsos and woman with mirror; reverse: seated woman

7.003. Bail amphora (jar) with twisted handle across the mouth. Greek, South Italian, Campanian, ca. 340 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 14 in. (35.6 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: Youth in himation with a ball; reverse: woman in peplos with tympanum and ball. The bail-amphora is an exclusively Campanian shape, and the single figure compositions decorating each side of this vase are characteristic of vase-paintings from the region. Painters working in this tradition tended to avoid complex mythological scenes often found on many larger vessels, such as volute kraters, from other areas of southern Italy.

7.004. Footed bowl with stamped decoration. Greek, South Italian, Campanian, ca. 4th century B.C.E. Terracotta, black-glaze ware, diam. 6 3/4 in. (17.1 cm) Condition: Complete The stamped decoration and metallic sheen of this Calenian bowl were inspired by the appearance of luxury items made of precious metals such as silver. The tondo (medallion) consists of a wreath of stylized leaves around a ring of five small palmettes, surrounding a tiny gorgon’s head.

7.006. Kylix (drinking cup) with lotus bud chain. Greek, Boeotian, ca. 450 B.C.E. Terracotta, black-figure, diam. 8 1/4 in. (21 cm) Condition: Complete; small fragment repaired at rim

7.007. Kernos (vase for multiple offerings) with mold made figural protomes. Greek, South Italian, Campanian, ca. 4th century B.C.E. Terracotta, black-glaze, h. 6 3/4 in. (17.1 cm) Condition: Complete

7.008. Biconical cinerary urn. Villanovan, 8th century B.C.E. Terracotta, impasto, h. 12 in. (30.5 cm) Condition: Complete

7.005. See No. 26

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7.009. Trefoil oinochoe (jug) with frieze of grape vines. Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 320 B.C.E. Terracotta, Gnathian ware, h. 8 in. (20.3 cm) Condition: Complete

7.012. Skyphoid pyxis (cosmetic jar) with lid. Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 340 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 4 1/4 in. (10.8 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse and reverse: Profile of female head facing left

7.017. Epichysis (oil flask) with mold-made heads on either side of spout. Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 340 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 6 3/4 in. (17.1 cm) Condition: Complete Shoulder: Reclining woman with phiale and alabastron; body: laurel leaves

7.013. See No. 27

7.010. Hydria (water jar) with fluted body and frieze of dot rosettes. Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 330 B.C.E. Terracotta, Gnathian ware, h. 10 in. (25.4 cm) Condition: Complete

7.014. Epichysis (oil flask) with mold made heads on either side of spout. Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 330-320 B.C.E. Terracotta, Gnathian ware, h. 7 in. (17.8 cm) Condition: Complete Shoulder: Profile of female head facing left; body: frieze of laurel 7.015. See No. 28 7.016. See No. 68

7.011. Vessel in the shape of a sphinx. Greek, South Italian, Canosan, ca. 3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 13 1/2 in. (34.3 cm) Condition: Complete with preserved polychromy

7.019. Set of lebes gamikos (jar associated with weddings), small dish with stamped decoration, and oinochoe (jug). Greek, South Italian, Campanian, ca. 325 B.C.E. Terracotta, black-glaze ware, h. lebes gamikos: 7 1/4 in. (18.4 cm); jug: 4 3/4 in. (12.1 cm); diam. dish: 3 1/4 in. (8.3 cm) Condition: All pieces complete with some surface abrasion on the lebes gamikos and dish These three pieces perhaps were made as a set. The small dish, which fits into the mouth of the lebes gamikos, functions as its lid as well as a saucer for the jug, which rests on top. The special glaze technique approximates the look of luxury metal objects.

7.018. Mug with lid and knotted handle. Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 340 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 8 in. (20.3 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: Seated woman (maenad?) on rocks with phiale and cluster of grapes; on neck: profile of female head to left 7.020. Epichysis (oil flask) with moldmade heads on either side of spout. Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 340-320 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 15 1/2 in. (39.4 cm) Condition: Complete Shoulder: Eros with a box; body: vine scrolls Published Reference: “Connoisseur raccolta archeologica Arno,” sale cat., Rome, 1966, lot 81 7.021. See No. 57 7.022. See No. 34

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7.023. Plate. Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 340 B.C.E. Attributed to the Menzies Group. Terracotta, red-figure, diam. 10 in. (25.4 cm) Condition: Complete Tondo: Nude winged figure facing left with wreath and phiale, framed by bands of laurel and wave patterns Published References: View into Antiquity 2001, no. 41; Christie’s New York, sale cat., December 9, 2005, lot 259; Archeologia, Montreal, 1992 Exhibition History: Tampa Museum of Art, Tampa, Florida, 2001–2 Previous Collections: Archeologia, Montreal, 1992; William Suddaby

7.025. Plate. Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 340 B.C.E. Attributed to the Stoke-onTrent Painter. Terracotta, red-figure, diam. 9 1/4 in. (23.5 cm) Condition: Complete Tondo: Profile of a female head facing left

7.029. Lion-head water spout. Greek, South Italian, Tarentine, ca. 4th century B.C.E. Limestone, l. 5 1/4 in. (13.3 cm) Condition: Complete Published Reference: Christie’s New York, sale cat., December 12, 2002, lot 134

7.026. See No. 35

7.030. See No. 91 7.031. See No. 11

7.027. Mug with band of laurel on body. Italic, Apulian, ca. 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, Xenon ware, h. 3 1/4 in. (8.3 cm) Condition: Intact; chip on rim; decoration poorly preserved

7.024. Chalice with lotus buds and pomegranates. Etruscan, ca. 530-510 B.C.E. Terracotta, black-figure, Pontic ware, h. 5 1/2 in. (14 cm) Condition: Complete Pontic ware is a complicated misnomer for a class of vases probably made in southern Etruria grouped according to style. The name derives from the subject of an amphora in the Vatican depicting Scythian (Pontic-Black Sea) archers on horseback. Published reference: Christies New York, June 4, 1999, lot 74

7.033. Mug with lid and knotted handle. Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 340 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 5 1/4 in. (13.3 cm) Condition: Complete Mug: Seated Eros with wreath and paterae (shallow bowls); lid: two female profile heads facing left

7.032a, b. Lekanis (dish with two handles) and lid. Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 340 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, diam. 7 in. (17.8 cm) Condition: Complete Tondo: Seated maenad on a rock looking left with wreath and patera; lid: seated maenad to left with a bunch of grapes and a box, flying Eros with wreath

7.034. Skyphos (cup with horizontal handles) with frontal owl. Greek, Attic, ca. 425-400 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 2 5/8 in. (6.7 cm) Condition: Complete

7.028. Mug with lid and knotted handle. Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 340 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 7 1/2 in. (19.1 cm) Condition: Complete Lid: Female profile head to left; body: female profile head to left

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7.035. Lebes gamikos (jar associated with weddings). Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 340 B.C.E. Perhaps by the Darius Painter. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 14 1/4 in. (36.2 cm) Condition: Complete; one handle repaired; foot reattached Obverse: Draped woman carrying a stool, Eros with wreath, nude youth leaning on a staff, woman seated on an Ionic column capital with a jewelry box; reverse: nude youth and two draped women Lebetes gamikoi are often depicted in vase paintings of wedding processions and are commonly decorated with nuptial imagery. On this vase, a woman sitting on an Ionic column capital offers a nude youth a piece of jewelry from an open box. Above him, Eros holds a wreath. At the left behind the youth is a female attendant with a stool. This image has all the requisite components of a prenuptial adornment scene: Eros; a servant; and a richly draped woman. This painting is unusual in that the youth is the recipient of the attention, when normally it is the bride who garners the interest. This role reversal suggests that the subject is the marriage of Adonis and Aphrodite, a favorite theme of South Italian vase painters and of the Darius Painter in particular.

7.041. Mug with loop handle and vertical ribbing. Greek, Attic, or South Italian, ca. 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, black-glaze, h. 4 1/8 in. (10.5 cm) Condition: Complete

7.043. Fish plate. Greek, South Italian, Campanian, ca. 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, diam. 6 3/4 in. (17.1 cm) Condition: Complete Fish plates are a common shape in the repertoire of South Italian potters. The Campanian provenance of this example is suggested by the upturned wave pattern on the overhanging rim and also by the more restrained decoration in comparison to fish plates made in Apulia.

7.042. Neck fragment of a volute krater (bowl for mixing wine with water). Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 340 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 6 1/8 in. (15.6 cm) Condition: Large fragment composed of two joining fragments; small chips This neck fragment showcases the considerable skill of the vase painter. The floral, egg and dart, and rosette motifs are all carefully rendered yet convey a sense of spontaneity and freshness. The elegantly attenuated female head displays a striking modernity that anticipates the women painted by Botticelli during the Renaissance.

7.045. Skyphos (cup with horizontal handles) with laurel and egg and dart motifs. Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 330-310 B.C.E. Terracotta, Gnathian ware, diam. 3 3/4 in. (9.5 cm) Condition: Complete

7.037. See No. 18 7.038. See No. 43 7.039. See No. 40

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7.048. See No. 13

7.044. See Appendix 7.032 above

7.036. See No. 33

7.040. See No. 44

7.047. Lekythos (oil flask) with four warriors in combat. Greek, Attic, ca. 500 B.C.E. Terracotta, black-figure, h. 9 1/8 in. (23.2 cm) Condition: Complete

7.046. Oinochoe (jug) with dotted interlocking semicircles. Etrusco-Corinthian, ca. 550 B.C.E. Terracotta, black-figure, h. 8 1/2 in. (21.6 cm) Condition: Complete

7.049. Lekythos (oil flask). Greek, Attic, ca. 520 B.C.E. Terracotta, black-figure, h. 8 in. (20.3 cm) Condition: Complete; repaired at mouth and foot; surface abrasions Two figures on horseback flank a seated figure and a harp player.

7.050. Kylix (drinking cup with a stem). Etruscan, ca. 530 B.C.E. Terracotta, blackfigure, h. 4 3/8 in. (11.1 cm) Condition: Complete Tondo: Charioteer driving a quadriga and an eagle; ext. obverse and reverse: sirens, lotuses and palmettes The tall stem, delineation of the exterior of the cup into lip and handle zones, and the symmetry of the tondo image on a pronounced exergue recall Laconian (Spartan) vase painting. Etruscan artists would have been exposed to pottery from Sparta by trade with merchants from the East. The cemetery at Populonia on the Tyrrhenian coast has yielded many Laconian cups, suggesting an active Etruscan market for this variety of pottery. Published Reference: Christie’s New York, sale cat., June 4, 1999, lot 72

7.053. Oil lamp with a stylized tree or “hidden menorah.” Roman, ca. 3rd-4th century C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, l. 4 in. (10.2 cm) Condition: Complete; slight smoke discoloration at nozzle

7.057. See No. 6

7.059. Skyphos (cup with horizontal handles). Greek, Attic, ca. 490 B.C.E. Possibly by the “Haimon Group” or the “Lancut Group.” Terracotta, black-figure, h. 5 3/8 in. (13.7 cm) Condition: Complete; repaired from several fragments Obverse: Satyr with vines chasing a maenad between palmettes; reverse: satyr with drinking horn chasing a maenad between palmettes Reference: See cf. Haspels 1936, pp.130-41 for skyphoi by painters from the Haimon and Lancut workshops 7.060. See No. 9

7.054. Oil lamp with a dog. Modern, perhaps made from an ancient mold. The uniformly darkened surface is meant to replicate smoke discoloration but more likely implies that the lamp is a modern forgery.

7.051. See No. 14

7.052. Oil lamp with a stylized christogram. Roman, ca. 4th-5th century C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, red-ware, l. 5 1/2 in. Condition: Complete

7.056. Oil lamp with a stylized tree. Islamic, 7th-8th century C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, l. 3 3/4 in. (9.5 cm) Condition: Complete with smoke discoloration at nozzle and on top

7.055. Oil lamp with a bust of Minerva (Athena). Roman, 3rd century C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, l. 4 in. (10.2 cm) Condition: Complete, with trace of smoke discoloration and nozzle

7.058. Lekythos (oil flask). Greek, Attic, ca. 520 B.C.E. Terracotta, black-figure, h. 8 5/8 in. (21.9 cm) Condition: Complete A harp player and aulete (flute player) on a banquet couch are flanked by seated figures.

7.061. Oinochoe (jug) with grape vine around the neck. Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 300 B.C.E. Terracotta, Gnathian ware, h. 4 1/2 in. (11.4 cm) Condition: Complete, with many surface abrasions

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7.065. See No. 55

7.070. Volute krater (bowl for mixing wine and water). Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 330 B.C.E. Attributed to the Baltimore Painter. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 32 in. (81.3 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: Seated youthful warrior between a nude youth and draped female within a naiskos (shrine) surrounded by four figures with offerings; reverse: stele (grave marker) surmounted by a large kylix (drinking cup) surrounded by four figures with offerings; neck: flying Eros Published Reference: RVAp Supp. II, no. 27/13a, p. 271

7.066. See No. 53

8.001. See No. 32

7.067. See No. 52

9.001. See No. 77

7.062. Bell krater (bowl for mixing wine and water). Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 340 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 10 1/2 in. (26.7 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: draped woman with situla (bucket) and thyrsos (wand) and nude youth with torch, bow, (?) and thyrsos; reverse: two draped youths with staffs 7.063. See No. 50 7.064. See No. 51

9.004. Skyphos (drinking cup with horizontal handles). Greek, South Italian, ca. 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, black-glaze, diam. 5 1/2 in. (14 cm) Condition: Complete

10.003. Votive female head. Etruscan, ca. 3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, moldmade, h. 12 in. (30.5 cm) Condition: Complete; traces of red paint preserved

10.001. Votive female head wearing a floral diadem and veil. Etruscan, ca. 4th-3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, h. 11 3/4 in. (29.8 cm) Condition: Complete; traces of color preserved

10.004. Votive capite velato (veiled head) of a youth. Etruscan, possibly Latium, ca. 3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, moldmade, h. 12 in. (30.5 cm) Condition: Complete

10.002. Votive capite velato (veiled head) of a youth. Etruscan, possibly Latium, ca. 3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, moldmade, h. 12 1/2 in. (31.8 cm) Condition: Complete

10.005. Votive female head wearing a floral diadem (crown) and veil. Greek or Etruscan, possibly Magna Grecia, ca. 4th-3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, h. 9 1/2 in. (24.1 cm) Condition: Complete; red preserved on hair

7.068. See No. 79

7.069. Marble statue of Aphrodite. 19th or early 20th century copy of a 4th-century original by Praxiteles

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9.002, 9.003. Pair of transport amphorae (jars). Greek, ca. 5th century B.C.E. Terracotta, h.27 in. (68.6 cm) and 29 in. (73.7 cm) Condition: Complete; holes at the feet; thick surface encrustation

10.006. Votive head of a youth. Etruscan, possibly Falerii, ca. 4th-3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, h. 9 7/8 in. (25.1 cm) Condition: Complete The full lips, large pupils, and sharply rimmed eyes of this head strongly recall 10.016 (No. 69). However, while that head seems to have been sculpted freehand, this example was clearly mold-made. That two terracotta heads formed by different modeling techniques should display such similar facial features suggests the existence of an active workshop proficient in both mass produced votive objects and individually crafted temple or sanctuary sculpture.

10.007. Votive female head with earrings. Etruscan, ca. 4th-3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, h. 10 1/8 in. (25.7 cm) Condition: Head intact; break at the neck suggests a freestanding statue

10.009. Votive head of a youth. Etruscan, possibly Vulci, ca. 3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, h. 8 in. (20.3 cm) Condition: Complete

10.012. Votive female head wearing a floral diadem (crown) and veil. Etruscan, ca. 3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 12 in. (30.5 cm) Condition: Complete 10.013. See No. 72 10.014. See No. 73 10.015. See No. 71 10.016. See No. 69

10.010. Votive head of a youth. Etruscan, ca. 3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, moldmade, h. 8 in. (20.3 cm) Condition: Complete

10.019. Votive right foot on sole with squared toes. Etruscan, 3rd-2nd century B.C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, l. 11 1/4 in. (28.6 cm) Condition: Complete with preserved red paint Individual body parts are a common motif of votive sculpture. The practice of dedicating such objects in Etruscan sanctuaries is said to have coincided with the spread of the cult of Asclepius, the Greek god of healing. Representations of feet are particularly common, since in an agrarian culture they would have been especially vulnerable to injury. Many examples of votive feet for instance depict misshapen toes or bunions. This example appears free of defect and may have been left as a token of thanks for the recovery of a specific ailment.

10.017. Votive half head of a veiled woman. Etruscan, ca. 4th-3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, h. 12 1/4 in. (31.1 cm) Condition: Complete; hole at back (suggests it was attached to a wall in a votive sanctuary) 10.011. Votive head of a youth with a deformed right eye. Etruscan, ca. 3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, h. 9 1/2 in. (24.1 cm) Condition: Complete

10.018. See No. 70

10.020. Votive half head of a woman. Etruscan, 4th-3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, h. 12 in. (30.5 cm) Condition: Complete

10.008. Votive female head with earrings. Etruscan, ca. 4th-3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, h. 11 in. (27.9 cm) Condition: Complete

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10.021. Votive right foot on sole with squared toes. Etruscan, 3rd-2nd century B.C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, l. 11 3/4 in. (29.8 cm) Condition: Complete; broken off above the ankle; red paint preserved

10.024. Votive head of a youth. Etruscan, 3rd-2nd century B.C.E. Terracotta, moldmade, h. 5 3/4 in. (14.6 cm) Condition: Front of head intact; back of head missing, broken off below chin

10.029. Votive half capite velato (veiled head) of a youth. Etruscan, possibly Latium, ca. 3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, moldmade, h. 13 in. (33 cm) Condition: Complete

10.033. Votive left foot on a sole with squared toes. Etruscan, ca. 3rd-2nd century B.C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, l. 11 3/4 in. (29.8 cm) Condition: Foot complete with preserved red pigment; broken at ankle

10.025, 10.031, 10.035. See No. 56

10.022. Chalice with winged caryatid (female figure) supports. Etruscan, early 6th century B.C.E. Terracotta, bucchero, h. 8 1/2 in. (21.6 cm) Condition: Complete

10.026. Chalice with winged caryatid (female figure) supports. Etruscan, early 6th century B.C.E. Terracotta, bucchero, h. 8 in. (20.3 cm) Condition: Complete

10.030. Chalice with winged caryatid (female figure) supports. Etruscan, early 6th century B.C.E. Terracotta, bucchero, l. 7 3/4 in. (19.7 cm) Condition: Complete 10.031. See No. 56

10.027. See No. 74

10.023. Chalice with winged caryatid (female figure) supports. Etruscan, early 6th century B.C.E. Terracotta, bucchero, h. 7 3/4 in. (19.7 cm) Condition: Complete

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10.028. Votive left foot on sole with squared toes. Etruscan, 3rd-2nd century B.C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, l. 12 in. (30.5 cm) Condition: Complete; broken off above the ankle This foot shows a splayed gap between the big toe and the one next to it. The slight deformity may reflect the physical ailment of the worshipper who offered the votive in the sanctuary.

10.034. Antefix (roof tile) with a Gorgon head in relief. Etruscan or Greek, South Italian, ca. 3rd-2nd century B.C.E. Terracotta, h. 7 in. (17.8 cm) Condition: Comprising two joining fragments; some red pigment preserved 10.035. See No. 56

10.032. Votive half head of a youth. Etruscan, ca. 3rd century B.C.E. Terracotta, mold-made, l. 7 in. (17.8 cm) Condition: Complete with some red pigment preserved

11.001. Portrait of a man. Greek or Roman, perhaps Ptolemaic, ca. 2nd-1st century B.C.E. Marble, h. 11 in. (27.9 cm) Condition: Tool marks on hair and cheeks; nose and part of chin missing; perhaps unfinished Although the condition of this portrait precludes attempts to place it within a secure cultural context, it retains certain stylistic qualities that suggest a tentative dating. The eyes, for instance, are large and deeply set under slightly furrowed brows, which express a pathos consistent with sculpture from the 2nd century. Moreover, realistic details such as the wavy yet receding hair and full lower lip reflect an interest in capturing the individuality of the subject in Hellenistic and Roman republican era portraiture.

11.002. Miniature portrait of a man. Roman, perhaps from Egypt, JulioClaudian, 1st century B.C.E.-1st century C.E. Stone, h. 1 3/4 in. (4.5 cm) Condition: Nose and part of chin broken The diminutive size of this portrait proved no detriment to the sculptor who created a vibrant likeness of his subject. The broad forehead, furrowed brow, resolute expression, and comma-shaped locks of hair strongly resemble portraits of Agrippa, the childhood friend of and one time successor to the emperor Augustus. Published Reference: Christie’s New York, sale cat., December 7, 2000, lot 576

11.007. Bell krater (bowl for mixing wine with water). Greek, South Italian Campanian, ca. 350 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 17 in. (43.2 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: two maenads, one with a wreath and thrysos, the other with a patera (shallow bowl) flank a seated, draped Dionysos with a thrysos (wand), who gestures to a small cow at his right, and at the far right, a satyr with a torch and situla (bucket); reverse: three draped youths, two with staffs

2008.12. Twenty-four necklace pendants and ornaments. Greek, probably Macedonian, Late Classical-Hellenistic, ca. 4th-3rd century B.C.E. Gold, diam. 1/8-5/8 in. (.32-1.59 cm) The motifs employed by ancient goldsmiths were numerous. The small group of gold trinkets represents disks with Macedonian shields, rosettes, leaves, and beechnuts, the last from a tree common in Northern Greece. 2008.13a-g. See Nos. 83-89 2008.14. See No. 10 2008.15. See No. 16 2008.16. See No. 38

11.008. See No. 17

11.003. See No. 23 11.004. See No. 76

11.005. Bell krater (bowl for mixing wine and water). Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 340 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 12 in. (30.5 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: Nude satyr holding a patera (libation bowl) and thrysos and a draped female with a situla (bucket); reverse: two draped youths

11.009. Bell krater (bowl for mixing wine with water). Greek, South Italian, Apulian, ca. 340-320 B.C.E. Terracotta, red-figure, h. 15 in. (38.1 cm) Condition: Complete Obverse: seated winged Eros with a patera (shallow bowl) facing a woman holding a wreath and a branch, who stands beside an altar; reverse: two draped youths 11.010. See No. 25 2008.2. See No. 7 2008.8. See No. 90

11.006. See No. 12

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