Ancient Macedonian studies in honor of Charles F. Edson.

Citation preview

ANCIENT MACEDONIAN STUDIES IN HONOR OF CHARLES F. EDSON

-.

,I

'l\NCIENT MACEDONIAN STUDIES. IN HONOR OF CHARLES F. EDSON

IS8 - INSl1TUTI! FOR BALKAN STUDIES - IS8 THI!SSALONIKJ 1911

CONTENTS H.J.D., Editor's preface EUOENE N. BORZA, t Harry J. Dell GWRGE DAux, t J.M.R. Cormack. In memoriarn FRANK M. CLOVER, The contribution of Charles Edson 10 the study of the ancient Mediterranean Abbreviations

9 11-12 13-14 11-22 23-24

ARTICLES E.

BADIAN, Th~d~i/icQlion 0/ Aluond~r th~ G'~QI

27-71

N. BoRZA. AMXarclrus OM CQlfjsllr~n~s: ACQd~m;c inlr;gur ot AluoMrr's court A. B. BosWOIlTH, rhr loco(ion 0/ MPtllion" J. R. ELLlS t The lUsau;nat;on 01 Philip JJ R. M. EllRINGTON. Alexander lire Philhellene Dnd Persia E. A. FREDRICKSMEYER, 0" Ihe background 0/ the Rufu Cull B. GERO\,. Eint mili/iiriselr, Grobinschri/I QUI du nordoslgrtnu Mok,donitns G. T. GltIFFlTH. Pt/losl, ond the origins of tire Macedonian Phalanx ElueH S. GRUEN. P/rilip V ond Ihe Greek Demos L. L. GUNDEllSON, Alexander ond ,Ire Auic Orators CHRISTIAN HABICHT. Ein~ n:'u~ Urkund~ zur G~schichte Th~110Ii~ns unter der mak~· donischen Herrscha/t N. G. L. HAMMOND. The wutern /rontier 0/ Macedonia in the reign 0/ Philip /I JEAN M. HELUESEN. Demetn'us I Sater: A S~/eudd King with on Antigonid Name CHAToo KOUKOUU·CHRYs ... r....rHAKI. Politarchs in a New Inscription/rom Amphipo/is t A. H. McDoNALD. Studies on Ancient Macedonia EUTH. I. MASTROKOSTAS, The edict o/Gazoros concerning th~ hiring 0/ public placn SEG XXIV 1969, 20·S no. 6].1 rBCH 86, 1962,57.(;.1) GEORGI MIHAILOV. Deux inscriptions de la province romain~ de Mac~doine t SnwART IRVIN 00sT. Th~ Alexander historians and" Asia" OI.\oIIITRIOS PANDERMAUS. Inscriptions from Dion. AddMda et Corrigenda

EUGENE

PHOTlOS M. PETSAS•• Ayl?6;. KATERIN ... RHOMIOPOULOU,

01,,10, xljno;,

1'"011'0;

New Inscriptions in the Archaeological Mu:.eum.

Macedonia

193-198 199-217 219-228 229-241 243-2l4 2SS·257 219-263 261-282 283-294 291-298

Th~s·

299-301

saloniki THEOOOROS CHR. S"'RIKAK'~.

73-86 87-97 99-137 139-143 141-116 117-160 161-167 169-182 183-191

L. Calpurn;u1 Pi10 ponti/n: A di.tputed gm-ernor 0/ 307-314

6 JOHN Toua"nooLOU. T1r~ Koujaliaf1966 /toQ,d 0/ J,d c. Gruk Imprriols in rht nu-

misntQl;c col/let/oil

oll"~

ThtJmJo"iki

MIU~um

3'S-32S

17Iermt and T1eenaloniki 327-333 F. W. WALIANK. LillY, Macedo"iD tmd Aluander 33S-3S6 A. GmFn.EY WOODHEAD. AlheM and IHnwlr;os Polio,kr/~s at tilt ,lid o/I"t /ou"h celllllry S.C. 3S7-367 MICHAEL VICKEIU,

PLATES

369-407

Charles Edson, speaking at the second Symposium on Ancient Macedonia. Thessa/oniki. /9-U August 1973.

EDITOR'S PREFACE

It is a great honar to present a volume commemorating the scholarly

contributions of Charles F. Edson to the study of ancient Macedonia. Professor Edson could not have foreseen. at the outset of his career. that archaeological discoveries and a general quickening of interest in Macedonia's remote past would bring the region to the front rank of Classical studies. That this proved to be the case is, of course, due in great measure to the work of Professor Edson himself. No scholar has done more to bring our knowledge of ancient Macedonia to the place where a new generation of rcsearche15 can conlinue to build upon a greatly expanded foundation. In this regard it should be remembered that, while much of Charles Edson's work has been archaeological and epigraphical, he has always considered himself primarily an historian. Thus it is fitting that we honar him as a wonhy successor at the University of Wisconsin to M. J. Rostovtzeff and A. A. Vasiliev. It is pleasant to reflect that the impelus for this volume arose among a group of scholars galhered in Thessaloniki in 1973 for the Second International Symposium on Ancient Macedonia sponsored by the Institute for Balkan Studies. The Director of the Institute, Professor K. Milsakis, provided staff assistance and support for the collection of essays. The President of the Institute, Professor C. Vavouskos, generously aided the publication of the volume. Louisa Laourdas of the Institute staff must be singled out for her splendid assistance at all stages of the project. Her editorial talent and unfailing good nature and charm did much 10 transform the ideas of those scholars galhered in Thessaloniki into the volume we here present 10 the public. In the United States, I must thank the Department of History and the Small Grants Committee of the Universily of Virginia for clerical and financial assistance. Professor Eugene N. Borza of The Pennsylvania State University, and Dr. John P. Adams and Dr. Patricia Langer of the University of Virginia provided valuable editorial assistance. Finally, J must pay tribute to my wife, Susan. whose good humor and sound advice kepi the inevitable frostralions of an editor to a minimum. January, 1981

H.J.D.

t HARRY J. DELL

Eugeae N. Borza

Among the triumphs of scholarship celebrated at the Second International Symposium OD Ancient Macedonia was the recent publication of Charles Edson's corpus of Macedonian inscriptions. Edson himself was present at

those meetings in Salonica, and was enjoying what he himself proposed was the culmination of his career in Macedonian studies. I do not remember who initiated the idea of an Edson volume, but the site of genesis was a tree-shaded cafe along the Odos Nicholaou Gcrmanou

across the street from a quiet park. Harry Dell, Jack Ellis, Emst Badian and I were among those present, and the proposal met with quick agreement. After a brief discussion it was suggested that Dell should serve as editor, both because of his own stature in the profession, and because he had been Edson's graduate student and assistant at the University of Wisconsin. Somewhat reluctantly Dell agreed, knowing what an onerous task lay ahead, yet wishing to play an active role in honoring his teacher.

Dell was born in 1933 in Waterbury, Connecticut. His B. A. in history was awarded by Wesleyan College in 1955. An interest in antiquity led Dell to the University of Wisconsin, where he served as a teaching assistant to

Charles Edson and drew great draughts of Makedonika from his mentor. A Ph. D. was awarded in 1964. It was in that year, after brief teaching appointments at Colby College and the University of Kentucky, that Dell joined the history faculty at the University of Virginia, where he served until 1981. During his years at Virginia he trained many graduate students to high

standards, was a popular undergraduate lecturer, and established himself as the leading authority on the western frontier of ancient Macedonia. Dell's charm and camaraderie were well-known on both sides of the Atlantic, his circle of friends was wide and steadfast, and his devotion to his students was exceptional.

ElIgt>nr N. Borza

Dell was responsible for collecting and editing the papers in this volume. He engaged in the glory-less but necessary task of acting as editonal liaison with the publisher. As publication neared, Dell was struck by cancer. After a courageous struggle of nearly a year. he succumbed on J I May. 1981. It was characteristic of Harry Dell that, encouraged by his valiant wife, Susan. and his friends, he attempted under very difficult circumstances to maintain his professional activities and his obligations to his students virtually to the end. May. 1981

t

J. M. R. CORMACK

IN MEMORIA M

Georges

OIUX

Ne le 20 juiJIel 1909, James Maxwell Ross Cormack, Regius Professor

of Greek a J'Universite d'Aberdeen, est mort le 2 juin 197~. dans ceHe viUe, peu apees un voyage d'etudes dans les Balkans. 11 etait I'image de la sante; sa disparition soudaine a frappe de stUpeUf tous ccux qui le connaissaient. nest bien que, par le jell des circonstances, cc SOil un "ctranger", un "continental". qui evoque sa memo ire et rcode hommage tout ensemble it ses merites et a sa gentillesse. Car eet Ecossais etait aussi, par sa culture, un Europeen; jJ parlait plusieurs langues vi\.·antes, et d'shard le francais, qu'il avail appris comme enfant et dont il connaissait les finesses. 11 se sentait chez lui a Berlin. a Paris, it Rome, en Greee, dans les Balkans. Reserve, serviable et profondement humain, il s'ctait fait partout des amis. 11 avait connu, dans sa vie familiale, le bonheur et ,'cpreuve. Sa premiere epouse etait morte en 1968, apr~s une longue maladie; un fils, Andrew, lui etait ne, d'un second mariage, et pendant les quelques annees qui allaient etre les dernieres de sa vie, il s'est consacre avec passion it clever, a former eet enfant. Sur le plan academique. iI a suivi une ligne toute droite. A Aberdeen it fn!quente le Robert Gordon's College (qui etait deja celui de son ~I"e), puis il est ctudiant de 1928 a 1932 a rUniversite avant de gagner Cambridge (Trinity College) pour y terminer ses ctudes, selon la tradition des jeunes hellenistes, des meilleurs du mains, de sa vi lie. La. il franchit brillamment la barre des diplomes (taking a first in part I of tbe Classical Tripos in 1933 and a first, with distinction in literature, in part 11 of the Oassical Tripos in 1935). et sejoume de 1935 a 1937 al'etranger, grace a la bourse de voyage Wilson qu'il r~oit de sa vieille Universite ecossaise. A I'Universite de Vienne il a suivi les I~ons d'Adolf Wilbelm, el, pendaol son sejour a I'~col. britannique d'ar-

G~orgu

14

Daux

chcologie a Athenes, iI travaille avee J. Kirchner et B. D. Meritt. Leeteur des 1937 a l'Unive"itc de Reading, il y devint professeur en 1946 et y resla jusqu'en 1965.11 eut alors une activite considerable comme doyen, puis comme vice-chancelicr. A cote de I'cnseignement, Ics tiches administrativC5, Ics commissions, Its visitcs daDs les ecolcs ou il s'est efforce de promouvoir Ics etudes classiques ont pris beaucoup de son temps en Angleterre, puis dans son Ecosse natale. 11 etait un excellent professeur et un conferencicr attachaot, en Grande·Bretagne comme iI "ctranger. En 1965 il ctait nommc Regius Professor de Grec it Aberdeen; c'etait le couronnement de sa carri~re. Mais iI n'avait jamais neglige la recherche. sous forme soil de voyages d'exploration en Asie Mineure et en Macedoine. soit d'articles savants. dont la sent commence en 1940 et se prolonge. posthume. jusqu'cn 1977. JI avait conduit a son terme et public en 1962 le lome VIII et dernier des Monumenta Asia< Minoris Antiquo (Ies MAMA), "in collaboration with the late Sir William Calder". Surtout il avait prepare depuis 1937, avee queJques interruptions, les Inscr;ption~s Macedon;ae poUf le corpus de Berlin. 11 «rivait en 1965: "I am engaged, in collaboration with Professor C. F. Edson of Wi5Con~n and Harvard Universities, in the preparation for publication of the Greek inscri· ptions of Macedonia for the Macedonian fascicules of Inscript;une.'i Graecae X:' En rait les deux savants-instruits par la dUTe cx~ricncc de I'epigraphic militantc, couplet BVec un enseignement magistral plein temps dans unc Universitc de type traditionnel-avaient dO. assez vile horner Icurs ambitions ct pendant que Ch. Edson se consacrait it. Thcssaloniquc, J. M. R. Cormack mettait en ordre divers dossie" (Edessa, Picrie) et d'abord celui de Beroia (le second centre par le nambre des inscriptions), qui avail ele rctarde par Ics scrupules et la maladie du regrettc Ch. Makaronas (mort en 1977). En fail, on le sait mainttoant, Deroia formera un fascicule independant, qui portera le numero 2 dans Ics IG X, 11. Le travail etait en cours; c'est un des coll~gues anglais de Jim, et un ami de longue date, qui a repris le f1ambeau, conformement au souhait du defunt. J. M. R. Cormack a tte enleve par surprise a I'affection des siens el de ses amis. Son nom reste associe a celui du compagnon de $CS premi~res eoquetcs macedoniennes, qui est honore par le present volume. Comme on aurait aime y trouver une contribution de Jim! Le temps ne lui a pas tte laisse de l'knee. En nous qui survivons, ti....tv autot~ tu tlL»alV, le souvenir demeure d'un humaniste ct d'un sage, et la chaleur d'une amitie.

a

Ptul$

THE CONTRIBUTION OF CHARLES EDSON TO THE STUDV OF THE ANCIENT MEDITERRANEAN

F r aD" M. C I 0 v e r

Since [ am not a specialist on ancient Macedonia. 1 cannot pretend to describe Charles Edson's work in the context of a scholarly article on that subject. I can, however, add some observations based on tcn years' association with him as his junior colleague. I want especially to suggest that his contribu· tion goes beyond his chosen field. The ways of studying ancient Mediterranean civilization are numerous and varied. While archaeologists dig carefully through successive layers of

a particular site. and ethnographers are busy examining the customs of modern country folk in search of survivals from the ancient past. philologists and historians are still looking closely at standard texts for new insights. The last approach is the oldest. It has particular value for the study of classical Greek and Roman civilization, from which there has come an abundance of good literary works. Yet this very abundance has produced a singular pattern of investigation. Most surviving masterpieces were compo~d in Greece during the fifth and fourth centuries B. c.; in Rome of the late Republic and early Empire; and in the Empire during the fourth century A. D. The classical philologist has naturally gravitated towards the literature of these three periods. But curiously enough. the historian and sometimes the archaeologist have followed suit. A glance at any bibliography will show a heavy concentration of works devoted to the ages of Pericles and Demosthenes, Caesar and Augustus t and Constantine and Theodosius. Against this standard approach Charles Edson has dedicated his entire career of research and teaching. Since the present volume is devoted to discussion of the former activity, it is appropriate that I begin with the latter. This Festscbrift carries a list of all of Charles Edson's scholarly publications. Vet it omits two works which numerous students of ancient Mediterranean civiliza-

16

Frank M. Clol't!r

tion have read: the Syllabus Prepared/or Ihe use of History 111: The Ancient Orient and the Greeks; and the Syllabus Prepared for the Use of History 112: The Romans. Both compendia contain a detailed topical outline and bibliography of ancient history from the beginnings of agriculture in the Near East to the fall of the Western Roman government in the fifth century A. D. Charles Edson began developing them for his basic survey course soon after he came to the UnivelSity of Wisconsin at Madison in 1938. In their final form they have enjoyed several editions. They were in full use on the Madison Campus until the early 1970's, when the History Department changed the structure of all of its course offerings. With the help of these syllabi Charles Edson has made a major contribution. All of his courses. but most notably the basic survey. have been among the best attended and most consistently taught in the United States during the past generation. By making ancient Mediterranean history available to non-specialists, Charles Edson has both responded to student interest and created a cushion of sympathy for the subject. The value of these efforts and their results is considerable, especially in the present age of tight budgets. In all of his courses Charles Edson has ignored the common treatment sketched above. He has stressed the development of institutions in the context of events, while giving equal emphasis to all societies flourishing in the Mediterranean during ancient times. Much of this broad, even-handed attitude is evident also in his research. I believe that Charles Edson has founded his scholarly work on the simple premise that in order to study any temporal and geographical part of the ancient Mediterranean. one must develop a breadth of evidence in and beyond the region and period in question. Ancient Macedonia was a wonder. Its people led a spectacular eastward thrust of Greek civilization in the fourth and third centuries B. C. The causes of this amazing accomplishment have long fascinated scholars, and yet many of them have become hopelessly attracted to Alexander to th. exclusion of all else. Charles Edson has rejected this approach, and has chosen instead to study Macedonia as it was and still is-a part of the Balkan Peninsula. Throughout his career he has developed a broad spectrum of literary and archaeological evidence for ancient Macedonia. The results of his labors arc most magnificantIy evident in IG X 2, I. The inscriptions of Thessalonica are the key to the epigraphical testimony on Macedonia in antiquity. It is no matter that the bulk of them date from the time of the Roman Empire. This mass of documentation forms one basis for understanding the earlier history of Macedonia. Charles Edson has moved his field one giant step forward. It is now

Th~

nntribution 0/

Charl~s

£dson to the study 0/ the anC'irnt

M~diterrantan

17

possible to write a better history of ancient Macedonia. Yet it must be remembered that his interest in the ancient Mediterranean is not restricted to his speci:-.'ty. The breadth of his teaching and research suggests a concern for ancient civilization as a whole. I think that his approach has meaning for the entire field. Many peoples helped to shape life in the Mediterranean during antiquity. Not all of them had a Thucydides, a Cicero or an Ammianus Marcellinus to record their deeds. Two populations come to mind: the Celts and the native North Africans (Libyans, Numidians and Mauri). Like the Macedonians, these peoples left no apologist of their own, and consequently receive little attention in standard ancient histories. Nevertheless they constructed major variants of the dominant Mediterranean culture during the first millennium B. C., and produced such figures as Masinissa of the Massyli, the Galli who descended on Rome around 387 B. c., and the Galatian invaders of Greece and Anatolia a century later. The methods of studying them are analogous to those employed by Charles Edson for the Macedonians: ooe must weigh the assertions of hostile and uncomprehending men of letters with the archaeological testimony. If more of this procedure were followed, we would have a more balanced history of the ancient Mediterranean. Therefore Charles Edson '5 work does have wider implications. A more extensive application of his approach would put classical Greece, the lat~ Re· public and early Principate, the early Dominate and even Ale.ander the Great in their proper place. Unille'lily

0/ WIICOnJ;ft-MQd;son

l

V/TA.

Charles Farwel/ Edson. Jr.

Born in Los Angeles, California, on December 26, 1905. Educated in the public schools of Los Angeles and San Francisco. Graduated in June, 1929, from Leland Stanford University with the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Classical Philology. September, 1929, through June, 1935, graduate student in History at Harvard University working under the direction of William Scat! Ferguson, McClean Professor of Ancient and Modem History. Also took advanced instruction from Arthur Darby Nock, Frothingham Professor of History of Religion. DEGREES:

B. A. Stanford 1929; M. A. Harvard 1931; Ph. D. Harvard

1939 (Feb.). served as Reader for Professor Fcrguson in his lecture course 193G-31 in Greek History. served as Teaching Assistant in lbe History Department at 1931-35 Harvard. August 1935 through August 1938 resident member of the American School of Classical Studies, Athens, Greece. Assistant Professor of History, University of Wisconsin. 1938-42 1942-45 Service in the Army of the United States. 1945-present Associate Professor, Professor, then Professor Emeritus, of History, University of Wisconsin. 1929-30 193(}'31 1931-35 1935-36 1936-38 1952-53

William Thomas Fellow of the Harvard Club of San Francisco. Shared Francis Parkman Fellowship granted by the Harvard History Department. Successive yearly appointments as Teaching Assistant at Hac· vard. Sheldon Fellow of Harvard History Department. John Simon Guggenheim Fellow. Visiting Member of the Institute for Advanced Study, Prince· ton, N. J.

TIt~

confribution of

1956-57 1962-63 1966-67

Chorl~,

Edson to the ,tudy of the oncie'"

Medit~rrQn~an

19

John Simon Guggenheim Fellow. Visiting Member of the Institute for Advanced Study. Senior visiting member, Institute for Research in the Humanities, University of Wisconsin.

PROFESSIONAL ASSOCIATIONS:

American Historical Association; Alumni Association of the American School of Classical Studies; American Philological Association; American Society of Papyrologisls; Archaeological Institute of America; State Histotical Society of Wisconsin; the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters; Association of American University Professors.

PUBLICATIONS

Charles £dsol1 J.

Ar,icl~s

and Monographs

"Legitimus Honor. A Note on Hellenistic Ruler-Worship", Th~ HQr~rd Thrologirol R,)·j,w, XXVI (1933). pp. 324-5. -The Personal Appearance of Antigonus Gonatas", Classical Phi/olog...,_ XXIX 0934}. pp. 254-5. "The Anliaonids. Htrades and Beroea." HOrl'Qrd Sludies in Classical Philology, XLV (1934). pp. 213-46. "Pe~us and Dc:metrius", HarllQrd Sfudies in Clmsical Philology, XLVI (1935), pp. 191-202. (Wilh Sterlinl Dow) "Chryseis. A Study of the Evidence in Reprd to the Mother of Philip V", Har'lard Studies in Clcusical Philology. XLVIII (1937), pp. 127·80. ·'Macedonia. I. A Dedication of Philip V. 11, State Cults of Thessalonica", HarrlOrd Sfudirs in Classicol Philology, La (1940), pp. 12.5-36. "A Note on the Macedonian Meridel", Classical Philol3gy. XLI (1946), p. 107. "Notes on the Thracian Phoros", Classical Philology. XLII (1947), pp. 88-10.5. "Philip V and Alcaeus of Messene", Classical Philology, XLIII (l948l, pp. 116-21. "Macedonia. Ill. Cults of Thessalonica", Th~ Honord Th~ologicol R~vi~w. XLI (1948). pp. 153-204.

Article "Macedonian Cults" in the Oxford Classical Diclionory (Ollford 1949), p. S26. Article "Ruler-Cult I. Greek" in the Oxford Clossical Dicl;onory (Ollford 1949), pp. 782-3. "Macedonica. IV. The Tomb of Olympias", H~sp~r;a. XVIII (1949), pp. 84-9S. "The Location of Cellae and the Route of the Via Egnatia in Western Macedonia". Clossical Philology, XLVI (1951), pp. 1-16. "The Greek Inscriplions of Macedonia", Acl~S du d~ux;im~ congris ;nt~rnol;onol d'epigraphie grecque ~t lalint! (Paris 1953), pp. 38-44. "Strepsa (Thucydides 1. 61. 4)", Classical Philology. L (1955), pp. 169-190. "Impnium Maudonicum: The Seleucid Empire and the Literary Evidence", Classical Philology. LlII (1958), pp. 153-170. JI. Books

I/J.

R~vi~.",' Artic/~s Th~

Grub in &clria and India, second edilion, 1952. in Clossical Philology, XLIX (1954), pp. 112-118. Christian Habichl, Go"m~lUchentum und gri~chische SI"dtdZetemala 14), 1956, in Classical Philology. LlI (1958), pp. 61-65. Wemer Peek, Griuhisch~ Yns-llUchrift~n, Band I: Grub-EpiKramm~. 1955, in Classical PMlology, L111 (1958), pp. 113-120.

W. W. Tarn,

The-

~on"ihulion

PQm~1

01 Char/('s

Eis:Jn

10

Ihe stuiyol,l,e ancienl M,dit('rranran

21

Tragi /ragm~nta. Collegit OUo Seel ("Bibl. Script. Grace. el Rom. Teubn."). 1956. in Classical Phi/ology, LVI (1961). pp. 198·203. IY. Book

Rt''I'i~ws

O. M. Robinson and P. A. aement, ExcaYQtiofU at Olynthus. Part IX. Th~ Chalcidic Mint, 1938, in Classical Wt'~kly, XXXII (1939), pp. 174-75. F. W. Walbank, Phifip Vo/ Maudon. 1940, in AfPf('rican Historical Rt''I'iew, XLVII (l94l-42), pp. 826-27.

M. T. Piraino, Antigono DolOn" re di Maudonia, "Aui dell' Ac:c:ademia di Seienze, Leuere ed Arte di Palermo", Serie IV, Vo!. XIII (fase. Ill), 1952-53. Parte 11, 1954, in Classical Philology, LII (1957). pp. 279-80. D. Raymond, Mact'donian Rt'gal Coinage to 41.1 B. C. ("Numismatic Notes and Monographs", No. 126), 1953, in Clauical Philology, LU (1957), pp. 280-81. D. H. Cox, A Third C('ntury Hoord 0/ Tetradraehms/rom Gordion ("Museum Monopphs") Philadelphia: The University Museum, UniversilY of Pennsylvania, 19B, in Classi('01 Philology, LII (1957), p. 281. P. Uvtque, Py"hos (BibliolMque des 6coles francaises d'AtMnes el de Rome, Fascicule 185), 1957, in Amt'ri~Qn Historical R(,'I'i('w, LXIII (1957-58), p. 941. J. M. R. Cormack, Notes on th~ History 0/ th~ [lUui/Hd Monum~nu 0/ Aphrodisias, 1955. in Classical Phi/ology. UII (1958), p. 65. F. E. Adcock, Th~ Gr~~k and Maudonian Art 0/ War ("Salher Classical Lectures", Vol, XXX), 1957, in Classical Philology, LVI (1961), pp. 203-4. L. lalabert. S. J. (t) et R. Mouterde, S. J., avec la collaboration de C, Mondessert, S. J., InscripfioIU gr~cqu~s t'f lafinu de la Syri~. Tome V: Em~ne, 1959, in American Journal 0/ Phi/ology. LXXXIV (1963), pp. JOI~3. BIBLIOGRAPHY-ADDENDA

Charles Edson Oxford Classical Dictionary (Second edition; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), s. vv. "Ruler Cult -I: Greek", "Macedonian Cults", and "Chalcidice". "Greece during the Second World War", Paper read at the Symposium: "Greece since the Second World War: On the Occasion of the Twentieth Anniversary of the Truman Doctrine". Institute for Research in the Humanities, University of Wisconsin, Madison. Wisconsin, U.S.A., 10-12 April 1967. Papers of Ihe Symposium published by the Institute for Balkan Studies, Thessaloniki (Balkan Studit's 8, 2). 1967. "Early Macedonia", Anci~nt MQudonia: FirSf Inr~rnafional Symposium, 26-29 August 1968 (Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkan Studies, 1970), pp. 17-44. Inscripfion~s Grauat'. Consilio ~t AUCforifafe Acadt'mia(' Scienf;arum Guman;cat' Edifa(', Volumen X, Pars 11: Inscriptiont's Mac,.donia~. Fasciculus I: Inscripfion~s 11r~s­ Jalonic4t't'f Vicin;a" edidil Carolus Edson. Berlin: Waiter de Gruyter, 1972. ..uplae; n:6).1e;10. The manuscripts give a diversity of readings, which Freinsheim rationalised as corruptions of Hil>"IOV 11 • This. he assumed was the original reading, for he accepted as axiomatic the identification with Livy's Pelion. Most subsequent editors followed his suggestion. But in 1907 A. G. Roos

6. Cf. (a random sample) J. G. C. Fuller, The GeMralship 0/ Alexander the Great (London 19'8) 224; G: Wirtb, Alexandu der Grone (Hamburs 1973) 8; J. R. Hamilton, Alexaur the Great (London 1973) 47; Peter Green, Alexander of Macedon (London 1974) 132. 7. "Alexander's Campaisn in lIIyria", JHS xciv (1974) 66-87 (hereafter Hammond, JHS). The article contains important modifications of his earlier position in Macedonia j

100 f.

8. Hammond, JHS 81 f.; cf. 71-7. 9. Livy xxxi 40.4 (the oodices recenliores have the corruption pre/ium. but the eleventh century Bambersensis reads Pelion). 10. Steph. Byz. .1.1'. nfJA.IOV (FGrH 97 F 24). The city moy be identical to the fortress Peleon in Epirus Nova which was later restored by Justinian (Procop. de Md. iv 4, 117.28 [Haury]; cf. Hammond, JHS 76). But the rest of the fortifications mentioned by Procopius are very obscure, and there is no positive reason for lhe equal ion. 11. See the excellenl critical note in J. Gronovius' edition of 1704. Gronovius established that what he called the codex optimus (the ISth century Laurentianus ix. 32) had the readinB nfJA.IOV; the reading. therefore, bcc:ame canonical, and it appears in Robson's Loeb text and in Hammond's transcriplion (JHS 78).

Th~

location

0/ "PeJljon"

89

produced a text based for the first time upon the archetype, the Code. Vindobonensis 12, and it was immediately apparent that the original reading was n£AAIOV. nilAIOV is merely one of many later errors of transcription. It is still possible that Arrian's ntAAlovand Livy's Pelion are one and the same fortress, but the argument from nomenclature is by no means as decisive as was once thought. There is a further complication. The occurrence of ntAAIOV in Arrian's text comes only three lines below a reference to the Macedonian capital (~ ntU.av). The similarity of form is suspicious. It is at lcast possible that an error of perseveration has taken place. Arrian, or a scribe, had the familiar name Pella in his mind and superimposed it on the much less familiar name of the city occupied by the IIIyrian insurgents. There are several such instances in Arrian where names have intruded themselves from the immediate context IS, and the corruption here posited would be far from unique. It is possible that the namentAAloV in Arrian'stext has no relation to the original name in his source, in which case the argument from nomenclature collapses completely. But the theory of corruption remains a theory and needs support from geographical and strategic arguments, which are fundamental to the issue. ArTian states that the Macedonian army encamped by the river Eordaicus, before proceeding to the siege of "Pellion" (i 5.3). The river's name is significant. It suggests a connection with the Macedonian canton of Eordaea, which comprised the plain land surrounding what are now Lakes Petres and Ostrovolt. Now, once Leake had located Arrian's "Pellion" near the Tsangon Pass. he was logically committed to identifying the river Eordaicus as the modern Devoll. This involved two difficulties. In the first place the ancient name for the Devoll was Apsus not Eordaicus. Leake, therefore, suggested that Eordaicus was the name of the upper reaches of the river (the scanty ancient testimonia refer to its mouthp6; Hammond suggested more plausibly that

12. Fluvii Art'iam' quae ufanf omnia: / AI~xandri Anabasis (Teubner 1907: 2nd ed. by G. Wirth, 1967). For a description of the archetype sec the critical introduction (pp. v-xi). Gronovius' optirnus is merely a transcript of the corrected archetype and has no independent value (cf. Roos pp. xxxi fr.). 13. Cf. iii S.S (BaAOICPOU is repeated from tne conlext two lines above and replaces tne orisinal reading 'ApilJHJa); ii 20.5 ('A~aviipovfor K>..taviipov); iv 7.2 (8~aaoc; has intruded from the immediate context and replaced the name of the satrap of Syria: see further 80sworth, CQ xxiv (19741 ~3).ln alllhe5e cases it is impossible to ascertain whether the corruption is caused by faulty textual transmission or is a slip by Arrian himself. 14. For the historical geography sce Hammond, Mac~do"ja i 1()6..10. IS. The one ex~ption is Plut. FJarn. 3.4 and 6. which refers to the upper reaches of the Apsus; but it is abundantly clear from the other sources for the campligR of 198 R.e. that

90

A. B. BosM.'o,.,h

the Eordaicus was in fact a tributary of the Devoll, now disappeared, which once rose rrom Lake Ventrok and flowed through the Gryke e Ujkut". More seriously, the canton of Eordaea is nowhere near the headwaters of the Devoll; it lies on the opposite side of the watershed some 60 km. due cast. There is, it is alleged. a second Eordaea, located in JIIyria near the sources of the Devotl. which could have given its name to the river l7 • But this second Eordaea is a flimsy construction. Its sole support comes from Ptolemy, who lists three cities of the Eordaei, or Eordetae. and the coordinates he gives for them suggest that they were located west of the Pindus watershed between the Apsus and Achelous l8 • But Ptolemy says nothing about a second Eordaea, the main Macedonian canton. What is more, he places the districts of Orestis and Elimiotis at the same longitude. far to the west of their actuallocation 1'. Eordaea too is probably misplaced. Hammond also associated Eordi with Dassaretis on the strength or Stephanus or Byzantium (S.I'. •A~up~). The entry in question deals primarily with the city or Amyrus in Thessaly. Stephanus in a digression refers to Eupolis who claimed that there were people named Amyri in the areas contiguous with Molossia. He then turns to a Suidas who mentioned that the Amyri were also called Eordi. But the Suidas here mentioned is a specifically Thessalian author and the context in which he was writing was the Thessalian city. which he named Amyrice 20• The Eordi of Suidas are the Thessalian Amyri under another name; they have nothing to do with the Amyri or Dossaretis mentioned by Eupolis. It is finally worth noting that Stephanus lists two districts named Eordaea but places them in Mygdonia and Macedonia 21. There is no reference to an Eordaea in Dassaretis. If. then. the identification with the Devoll is retained. the origins of the name Eordaicus are an unresolved mystery. The canton of Eordaea does occur in Arrian's narrative. but at a sensibly later stage. When Alexander broke orr his campaign at the news or the derection or Thebes, he marched through Eordaea and Elimiotis and along the lhis is an error. The river was the Aous (cr. H. Gundel. RE ""iv 1054 r.; Hammond, JRS Ivi (1966) 47 f.). 16. Leake Hi 281; Hammond, JHS 73 f.; 81 f. 17. Cf. E. Oberhummer, RE v 2656 f.; Hammond. MQ~~doniQ i 95 f.; JHS 76. 18. Plol. iii 13.26 (Nobbc). The three towns are Scampeis. Deboma/Diboma and Daulia. 19. Set the superb reproduction in C. J. Fischer, Cl. P'o/~ma~i G~ogrQphi~a; Cod. Urhinus gr. 82 (Leiden. l.cipzig. Turin 1932) Pars altera. tab. xi. 20. The fragments are listed by Jaooby. FGrH 602. 21. Steph. Byz. s.v. 'Eopl)aIOl 600 lll)ptIl. Muyoovia~ "oi MaKcoovio;. The passage is perhaps derived from Thucydides' description of the expulsion of Ihe original Eordi (Thuc. ii Q9.5).

TIll! lucation of "Pellion"

91

peaks of Tymphaea and Parauaea, to Pelinna in Thessaly, which he reached within a week l l. Now, if Alexander was retreating from the valley of the DevoU, it was a pointless diversion for him to move eastwards to Eordaea. His most direct route was to Celetrum in Orestis and then straight down the course of the Haliacmon into Elimiotis u . But Arrian says nothing about Orestis, which was the principal corridor of his march and inexplicably takes the march eastwards into Eordaea. Leake was well aware of the difficulty and suggested that Ale,ander in fact returned to Pella before news arrived of the Theban uprising lC• Arrian has no suggestion of a return to the capital, but his narrative is too lacunose for such an omission to be serious u . 11 is more important that Leake's reconstruction gives no motive for Alexander breaking off his campaign when he was in a dominant position; and the march through Eordaea again becomes a digression. From Pella Alexander needed only to follow the Haliacmon into Elimiotis and then diverge south to Pelinna. Eordaea lay well to the north-west of the direct route. It should by now be clear that the location of Alexander's campaign was in the vicinity of the canton of Eordaea and it is there that we should look for the river Eordaicus•. 22. i 7.~: dy(l)Y 61'1 JIlopO. T1'IV 'EopOOlav t& Kal t1'lv 'EAIUI(i)t1V Kat 1tapO. to tf'J~ I:~. lpolQI; "01 nop(a)uaiol; ti"pa t~lJorol; acpllcvtltOI tt; nUtYVOv Tf'J1; 9&tTaAtac;. The reference to "the peaks of Tymphaea and Parauaea" is problematic, for Parauaea lay to the west of the Pindus watershed, at the headwaters of Ihe Aous fHammond. EpiTUS (Oxford 1967]680), far to the west of any direct line of march belween Elimiolis and Thessaly. Ham· mond has, therefore, suuested that Arrian's text should be emended from nop(o)ua{OC; 10 ntpal6lac; and assumes that Alexander made a loop east through Ihe northern Thessalian canton of Perrhaebia (£pirus 680 n. 4; Macedonia i 109 n. 2; r 18). But in Ihal case the rrocess of corruption becomes inexplicable; a relatively familiar name has been Iransformed inlO one far more obscure. 11 is better to suppose that Tymphaea and Parauaea are regarded as a single aeoaraphical enlity. If Alexander drove SOUlh, as Hammond supposes. from the area of modern Grevena, his route to the headwaters of the Peneus would have skirted Ihe spine of the Pindus dividing Tymphaea from Parauaea. That is all that is implied by Arrian's vague. w",rding. He does not say that Alexander actually entered Parauaea. 23. In 199 Galba had approached Pelion by way of Celelrum (Livy xxxi 40.1-4); it was also the route taken by Leake in 1805 (Leake i 332 ff.; cf. Hammond. Macf!donia i 97). 24. Leake iii 325. 25. Diodorus, however, Slates that Ihe news of insurroction reached Alexander while he was still on campaisn (xvii 8.2). 26. Hammond. JHS 76 n. 20. argues that the subsidiary sources place the campaign not in Macedonia but in lIIyris. That is not the case. Diodorus (xvii 8.1) slates that after his Thracian campaisn Alexander passed over Paeonia. lIIyris and Ihe neighbouring territories. The reference to IlIyris is very vague and probably deals with Alexander's march throush Asrianian territory to the Eriaon, which passed close to, if nOI Ihroush. the land of the lIIyrian Autariatae (cf. Arr. i ~.1·3). The other expres..ions are even vaguer; tv 'IUuplot~(Plut.

A. B. BoJK'orth

We may now turn to the protagonists in the drama and examine the routes by which they reached the theatre of the war. Alexander was moving from the territory of the Agrianians around the headwaters of the Strymon!7. The next stage in his journey was the river Erigon (Cerna), the principal tributary of the Axios. Alexander had cut across from the upper Strymon, reaching the Axios near its confluence with the Erigon south of Stobi 18 • But Alexander cannot have followed the Erigon for its entire length, for shortly before the confluence with the Axios the river enters a series of rugged gorges which are totally impassable for a large armylt. The Macedonian forces then probably cut across from the Axios to the upper reaches of the Cema, passing through what is now Prilep and impinging on the Cema near Tsepicovo!o. Arrian's wording implies that the city of ··Pellion" was relatively close to the ErigonjCerna: ' A1..t~llvSpoc; St "llp« tOy 'EplyOVll "OtllIlOV "OP&OOllevoc; ~ nUAlov "oAlV tartH.£to. Now, if "Pellion" was situated near the Tsangon Pass, it was a considerable distance from the Erigon, separated by the cantons of Orestis and lyncus. It is true that Arrian has drastically abbreviated Alexander's march and said nothing about the journey through Paeonia. His narrative is studded with such omissions and there is nothing surprising in the abbreviation as such31 • But, if we accept the regular location of "Pellion", Arrian has not merely left a gap in the itinerary. He has arbitrarily selected a central point in the march and attached it misleadingly to the terminus. It is surely more probable that Arrian (or his source) has omitted the major part of the journey from the Agrianian heartland and resumed the narrative at the final stages of the march. If that is correct, "Pellion" must be located relatively close to the Erigon. If Alexander reached the river near Tsepicovo, de AI. f 327 A; AI. 11.6) and ~ 'IUUPl6)V(Arr. i 10.3) refer only to the fact that Aleunder fouaht against the lIIyrians. There is no implication Ihal he did the fiahtins in Illyris. 27. Arr. i 5. 1-4. For the location of thc Agrianians in Ihe north-east corncr of Paeonia see Thuc. ii 96. 3; Strabo vji F 36-37. 28. For Alexander's routc see Hammond. JHS 78. 29. L. Heuzcy and H. Daumet, MiJJion ArcMologiqu~ th MocldoiM (Paris 1876) 321-3; followed by Hammond, Maudonia j 65. 30. So in essence Hammond, JHS 78, thou,lh he interprets Arrian's wordins (rtupa. TOV 'Ep\Yf,lvo) as "near the Erigon". That is impossible. Used with a verb of motion the phrase can only mean "alon8 thc Erigon" (cf. vi 15.4). Arrian is surely referring to the latter stqes of the march when Alcxander followed the Cema downstream from Tsepicovo into the plain of Lyncus. 31. cr. i 29.3 (no incident recorded between Cclacnae and Gordium); ii 4.2 (no incident between Ancyra and the Cilician Gates); iii 6.1 (no incident between Memphis and Tyre: sce however Curt. iv 8.9).

TM locolion

ol"P~llion"

93

his line of march would have taken him to a southern tributary of the Erigon. the modern Helleska, which leads into the plain of Lyncus and towards the passes into Eordaea. The routes taken by tbe IIIyrians are equally interesting. Glaucias and his Taulantians came from the Adriatic coast, from the hinterland of Epidam· nusu . A meeting point in the Devoll valley was convenient for them; but it was equally convenient for them to foHow the later course of the Via Egnatia, and they would be taken round the northern edge of Lake Ochrid toward. Lyncus and EordaeaD . The other IIIyriaDs involved in the campaign were the tribe of Cleitus, son of Bardylis. Their ethnic is not stated, but it may be inferred. Cleitu. was in all probability king of the Dardanians. a people .ubjugated by Philip 11 in the years aner 346". The Dardanians were domiciled between the rivers Axios and Drin and controlled the territory immediately north of the Erigon/Cema". To reach Macedonian territory they had merely to drive south through the Monastir gap into Lyncus. There was little point continuing further south to the upper Dcvoll. Cleitus was moving out of Macedonia proper and separating himself from his own territories. On the other hand the IIIyrians had traditional tie. with the people of Lyneu•. They had cooperated with them against Perdiccas 11 and Archelaus of Macedon, and in 335, in the aftermath of the execution of the sons of Aeropus81 , relatiC!ns between the Lyncestians and the Argead house of Macedon may have been somewhat strained. Lyncus was the natural gateway to Macedonia, and the

32. Thuc. i 24.1; (Scylaxl 26; Eratosthenes up. Steph. Dyz. of.V. 4UPpaXIOV; Strabo vii 7.8 (326). 33. For this route see Hammond, MoadoniQ i 37 IT. 34. Oeitus was clearly a descendant of the famous Bardylis defeated by Philip I1 around 358 D.e. (Diad. xvi 4.4), and he was king of an important Illyrian tribe. Of Ihe four principal lIlyrian peoples the Taulantians and Autarialae are excluded (cf. Arr. i. 5.3), which leaves Ihe Ardiaei and Dardanians for consideration (cf. Strabo vii 5.6 (315 f.n. The Ardiaei were ruled by the house of Pleuratus (Hammond. ABSA (xi [1966J 243), who was defeated by Philip around 344/3 (Didymus in IHm. col. xii 64 f.). This would seem to leave the Darda· nians the only major lIlyrian tribe not accounted for. Their subjuption (fTQl/d~ coplOS) is VllUCly mentioned by Justin viii 6.3 in the aftermath of the Peace of Philocrates. For further detailed argument sce Hammond. OTI. cil. 245 f.; 252 f. 35. Strabo vii '.7 (316): the Drin is navipble 10 the territory of the Dardanians. which in turn borders on Paconia. Cf. Patsch, RE iv 2156; Hammond. ASSA Ixi (966) 250. 36. Arist. Pol. v 131 Ib 12-14; cf. Bosworth, CQ xxi (1971) 99. 37. Arr. i 25.1-2; Plut. d~ AI. f 327 C. For a possible reconstruction of this murky episode sce Bosworth. aT/. d/. 102 fT. (cf. also J. R. ElIis, JHS xci [1971] 20: R. Lane Fox, AlnatttkT lite GTNl/[London 1973) 36-38).

94

A. B. Bosworth

lIIyriaDs had reason to suspect local disaffection. It was an id"al base for operations. There is another relevant argument. When the Taulantian reinforcements appeared, Alexander gave up hope of storming "Pellion" and decided to extricate his forces. His line of retreat, wc are told, passed through a narrow and hazardous defile38. But, given Hammond's localisation of "Pellion", Alexander was perfectly free to retrace his steps back to Bilisht and Macedonian Orestis. Instead he deliberately forced the narrows of the Gryke e Ujkut in the face of the enemy. Admittedly a direct retreat would ultimately expose him to enemy attack", but at least its early stages were safe. The passage through the Gryke e Ujkut was not only intensely dangerous but gave no guarantee against enemy harassment once the plain of Lake Ventrok was reached. If, on the other hand, the operations arc located in Lyncus near the passes of Eordaea, Alexander's dilemma becomes obvious. If he retraced his steps to the Erigon, the inner cantons of Macedonia were exposed to the invaders. They could immediately force their way towards the plain of Eordaea and Edessa. Alexander could only go forward beyond the enemy position and interpose his army between the invaders and his kingdom. The precise location of the theatre of operations must rest ultimately upon autopsy, and the task is complicated by two factors. In the first place, we cannot be sure that the terrain, particularly the course of the rivers, has not changed significantly over the millennia. More importantly, we have to reckon with the encomiastic distortions of the Alexander historians. There is a tendency in both Ptolemy and Arrian to exaggerate the natural difficulties faced and overcom: by Alexander and his army'o, and we should hesitate before assuming that the mountain hemming in his line of march was a sheer cliff face of immense height. The terrain may have been much less awe-inspiring. It is more profitable to concentrate on the general details and to delimit the possibilities of choice. The crucial strand appears to be the references to Eordaea. Alexander withdrew south through the canton and the river 38. Arr. i 5.12. 39. Hammond. JHS 86, supposes that a diroct retreat would have eltposcd Aleunder 10 attack while he was surmounting the narrow valley between BiJishl and Vatachorion (described as a "Iow ridge" in Macedonia i 89). That is true. but the retreat by way of the plain of Lake Ventrok was equally suitable for lIIyrian harassment, even .fter the Gryke e Ujkut was forced. 40. The tendency can be traced in Alexanders first historian, Callisthenes of Olynthus, and it is prominent in Arrian's narrative (sce my observations in AtuQfldre le Grand: Image et R;a/it~ [Fondation Hardt Entretiens ltltii:1976) 22-29).

Thr loca/ion o/"PeJJian"

95

which flowed near "Pellion" was named Eordaicus. Now Eordaea was separated from Lyncus by a mountain ridge extending south from the Barnous massif. This ridge forms a natural watershed. On the side of Eordaea the plain is enclosed by mountains and dominated by the two lakes· 1. But on the Lyncestian side a number of streams run into the plain of Florina and combine in the Helleska, which then flows into the Erigon/Cerna. Such a river, originating in the dividing range of Eordaea would naturally be called the Eordaicus. "Pellion" probably lay at the foothills of the range, maybe in the vicinity of modern Sitaria, where the various streams from the mountains form a confluence. The identification of the narrows negotiated by Alexander is an intractable problem. There is a naturaltemplation to identify them as the pass of Kirli Dcrven, the major line of communication between Lyncus and Eordaea, through which the Via Egnatia ranu . This was the pass forced by Brasidas in an operation which bears a striking resemblance to Alexander's tacticsu . Rut the KirH Derven is now waterless, and it was apparently so in antiquity, for neither Thucydides nor livy (in his vivid description of the battle there in 199 R.C.") gives any hint that the terrain was complicated by a river bed. We must look elsewhere for the location of Alexander's engagement. Now Arrian's wording does not entail that there were mountains on both sides and that the action took place in a pass. Indeed he suggests the contrary. Alexander's line of march, he says, was hemmed in on one side by the river and on the other by a mountain which terminated in cliffs·. In other words the narrows were created by river and mountain. The whole action may have taken place in the plains of Lyncus. As Alexander moved away from "Pellion", the Eordaicus pressed gradually closer to the mountain side. As a result Alexander had to solve the problem of a river crossing in the face of the en· emy. His strategy was to force the enemy away from the immediate foothills and to occupy a bastion which would protect his troops while crossing (i 6.5.7). The witbdrawal of the rearguard in fact closely resembles Xenophon's 41. Cf. Hammond, Macrdonia i 106. 42. C. F. Edson. ClosJ. PhiJ. xlvi (1951) 1.16; Hammond. MQc~doniQ i 51 f. 43. Thuc. jy 127.2-128.1. Hammond. Moudonio i 104, notes the similarity to Aleundcr's tactics. 44. Livy xxxi 39.7 ff. (cf. Polybius xviii 23.3). The passage specifically deals with the strength of the Macedonian position; it is most unlikely that the additional complication of a river has been omitted. 45. Arr. j 5.12: tQ Ilty np6(; tou n:OtDj.lOU an:CtpyOj.lcYa. tt} at 6J)O(; Ul"[£P~.'lAOV fly Koi K"P'lJ.lvot n:p6c; TOO 6poOl;.

96

A. B. Bosworrh

crossing of the river Centrites in Armenia in the face of hostile Kurds". Alexander's problem was the simpler, for Arrian gives no suggestion that enemy forces were entrenched on the opposite side of the river. Once the river was successfully negotiated there were no further obstacles to the retreat. Alexander could withdraw to a place of comparative safety inside the Lyncestian plain and launch the counter·attack at his leisure. If this approximate location of the campaign is accepted, Alexander's direction of withdrawal becomes easy to understand. From the Lyncestian plain he crossed the KirH Derven pass into Eordaea and moved southwards to the modem town of Kozani. From there he probably passed through the Siatista gap into the Haliacmon valley and the ancient canton of Elimiotis. Alexander then penetrated Tymphaea somewhere near the modem crossroads at Grevena. His route then passed directly south into Thessaly. The passage of Eordaea was no irrelevant digression but a necessary part of the itinerary. Alexander moved south in the most direct line possible. This discussion cannot claim to have established the site of "Pellion" with any degree of precision. Given the defective nature of Arrian 's narrative such an ambition would be utopian. AIJ that can be hoped for is an approxi. mate location, and the location which coheres best with the available evidence is the plain of Lyncus. On the other hand the conventional site near the Tsangon Pass depends wholly on the superficial similarity between Livy's Pelion and Arrian's "Pellion". Once that postulate is challenged the entire theory collapses. The methodological conclusions are clear. Even when the names preserved are textually unambiguous it is dangerous to assume identity of locality on the sole ground of identity of name. A good example is the case of the island of Peuee, which is mentioned by ArTian (i 2.2) in the early stages of Alexander's Danube campaign. There has been a persistent tendency to identify the island with the more familiar Peuce, a natural delta formed by two arms of the Danube mouth 407 • Two unpalatable consequences result. Alexander is represented campaigning close to the Blaek Sea, far to the east of his passage of the Haemus; and, more seriously the territory of the Triballians is extended impossibly far to the east. It is, however, patent that the Peuee of Anabasis i 2.2 was a genuine island in the Danube, located far up46. Xen. Anab. iv 3.24-34. 47. The delta was described by Eratosthenc:s in Book III or his Grographica (Schol. Ap. Rhod. iv 310). For the other sourttS sec Polaschck. RE ltilt 1384 fT. The identirication with the island or Anab. i 2.2 has been long accepted; er. (inter alia) G. M. Columba. Nur· C'h~ sto,;d~ i (palenno 1935) 91 rr.; Tarn. AluaMu tM G'~a' i 5; Hammond. JHS 78 with n. 29.

TM foralion 0/

"I'~l/ion"

97

stream in the area immediately north of the pass over the Haemus used by Alexande,". Its name was identical to that of the delta and it was p,obably acquired for the same reason-the island's abundance of pine trees". But there are clearly two sites, both named Peuce. Our conclusion must be that similarity of nomenclature cannot be used as a primary criterion for identification. The nomenclature is significant if, and only if, the other data aJready point to the same general area for both sites.

48. So already Otoysen il 1.122 n. 3. The presenl site of the island is impossible to cslablish. A lisl ofsugestions is liven by Polaschek, RE xix 1389; bul. liven lhe drastic chanaes or the course of the Danube over the centuries. there is no hope of identifyina Aleunder's Peuce with any pramt island in the Danube. The subject is treated further in my forthcominl historical commentary on Arrian's A1Iabasif. 49. a. Er'atosthenes toe. ell. (above n. 47). 7

4 THE ASSASSINATION OF PHILIP 11

J.

R. E I lis

Few if any contentions regarding the distant past are open to proof or disproof-and none of significance. The best that may be done, in history no more nor less than in theoretical physics, is to argue that one interpretation more comfortably embodies and rationalizes the available evidence than another. But whereas the physicist will then go on 10 predict on the basis of his hypothesis, and hence to test it, the historian cannot. For him general acceptance is in the end the only relevant-the only possible-eriterion; and even that is temporal and not absolute. for different generations conceive differently of what is humanly credible. This paper is no more than an attempt to suggest that one reconstruction of the circumstances of Philip's assassination better assimilates the evidence than another. In 1963 Professor E. Badian's 'The Death of Philip 11' was published', arguing that Philip's murder at the hands of the young Orestian nobleman

Pausanias was in fact instigated by a coalition of interested persons: primarily Alexander (perhaps along with Olympias), who was being ousted from his herilage by pressure from a group of nobles headed by Parmenion and Attalos; Antipatros, whose own position may have been under threat from the saine group and who resented the divine pretensions alleged of Philip in Diodoros' account (16.92.5, 95.1); and Alexandros of Lynkos, who was Antipatros'

son·in-Iaw. My aim here is to re-examine the evidence for an~ the assumptions underlying this view, which has been almost invariably accepted by subsequent authors, at least in its substance I, . ;"

I. PIooM' oder 00PUCOUM gelesen werden. Den nachfolgenden durch Kai verbundenen Namen (Z. 3) Kul.1t~ (?)' fasse ich als ein signum zu dem Namen der Frau auf, weil Z. 6 [0)1 uEloi aut6l[v] steht und die Büsten zwei sind. Die Namen der Söhne (Z. 3. und Z. 5.) sind sicher, weil Sie sich durch den Namen des Vaters ergänzen lassen. Sie lauten Aup(~l.,,,,) [r]u,,,, npoKl.O[~] und [r]lilo~ l:EOU~[p",]. Die Lesung der Z. 4. und Z. S. ist sicher, weil die Namen der heiden Legionen, in denen der erste Sohn als oP/;o diente, gänzlich ausgeschrieben sind und an der beschädigten Stelle kein Platz für eine dritte Legion da ist. Ebenso sicher ist die Lesung der Z. 6. Der Fundort der Inschrift liegt an der makedonisch-thrakischen Grenze. die in der Nähe dieser Fundsstelle den Strymon überquerte·. Etwas südlicher lag die antike Stadt bei Grade!nica, deren Zugehörigkeit zu Makedonien inschriftlich bezeugt ist'. In dieser Stadt und ihrer Umgebung, wie die neue Inschrift zeigt, waren Veteranen angesiedelt, deren Aufgabe die militäriscbe Sicherung der auf dem linken Strymonufer hinauf verlaufenden Strasse war. Nach dem Typus gehön das Denkmal zu den makedonischen Grabdenkmälern. Nach der Ausführung und der Schrift steht es den Denkmälern aus dem Obermestatal näher, das zu Thrakien gehöne'. Das Neue. das die Inschrift bringt, ist die Karriere eines opllo. der in zwei Legionen nacheinander gedient hat', während sonst die Beförderung der optiones zu einem höheren Grad des optionatus und schliesslich zu centur;ones

2. Verula kommt in italischen Inschriftent W. Schulze, G~schich/~ laldnischer Eigennam~n. 1901, 5'4, 578). auch in einer christlichen Inschrift aus Salona (Dalmatien, eiL 111, 9587) vor. 3. KuA.n:'l kommt auch in einer Inschrift aus der Nähe von Nicopolis ad Nestum (lGBult IV 2346) vor. 4. S, Gerov, Untersuchiung~n ii~r di~ W~stthrakisch~n Llind~r In rlJmlscher Z~;rt. Ann. UniY. Solia,[ac. philolog.• 54, 1959/60 (1961), 183 (31) und Anm. 3. und 4. ,. B. Gerov. $tudia &ikanica. J, Soria, 1970,21 f.; Inschriften: IGSulg IV 2240-2260, und Arm. Mus. P/owiiy. 2. 1950,54 n. 6 (lateinische Inschrift); s. auch V. Velkov,BIANBuIg 26. 1963. 141 ff.; Q. MiMUQV. IGBulg IV, p. 233. 6. Val. IGBulg IV 2346. 7. Es ktlnnte eingewendet werden, dass Gaius Proc;Jus als optio nur in Jca. I Italica diente, in leg. JJf Augusta aber einen niedrigercen Militlrrana innehatte. der in der Inschrift nicht angeaeben ist. Der Fundort der Grabschrift seines Vaters aber zei&ht, dass die Familie in Minelstrymontal aelebt hat und Proclus von dort in leg. I Itala ausgehoben worden sein muss. Andere Veleranen, die in Miuelstrymontal angesiedelI waren: IG&/g IV 2210 CSandanski, leg. I Italica), 2247 CGraddnica) s. aum 2242, 2243. wo die Namen auf militlrisehe Karriere hinweisen, und 2250, wo zwei evocati genannt werden.

Ein~ mililärisd~

Grabinschrift aus dt!r nordosIgrt!nu

MQkt!doni~ns

159

niedrigsten Ranges innerhalb einer Legion stattfand8 . Wegen der vorubcrge· henden Stellung des oplionalus sind selten die in den Inschriften bezeugten Fälle, in denen die Militärkarriere eines Soldaten (ausgenommen bei Tod) mit oplio abschliesst'. Fälle aber, in denen ein oplio in mehr als einer Legion gedient hat, sind mir, soweit ich nachprufen konnte, nicht bekannt 1o • Wenn die Versetzung der Zenturionen von einer Legion in eine andere eine ubliche Praxis war, die in den Inschriften reich bezeugt ist ", so muss die Verzetzung eines oplio von legio I ltalica an der unteren Donau in regio IU Augusta im femen Lambaesis (Numidien, Africa) als ein besonderer Fall angenommen werden, bei dem vexillationes der heiden legionen an einer und derselben Expedition teilnahmen. Von der Versetzung von Soldaten der Legionen der Donauprovinzen in legio 111 Augusta besitzen wir epigraphisehe Zeugnisse aus der ersten Hälfte des 2. Jhdts". Die Angaben unser In· schrift aher-das kaiserliche gentiJicium der Mutter und des Sohnes-schliessen eine so frühe Datierung der Inschrift aus. Die Inschrift kann auch nicht nach dem J. 238 datiert werden, denn in diesem Jahr wurde legio 111 Augusta aufgelöst, da sie bei dem Thronwechsel an der Seite der Gegner der Gordianer stand. Die Datierung der Inschrift aber nach dem J. 253, in welchem Jahr die Legion wiederhergestellt wurde J', ist nach den epigraphischen Daten und der Schrift unmöglich. In der zweiten Hälfte des 2. Jhdts und in der Regierungszeit des Septimius Severus und später des Caracalla haben vexillationes der legio 111 Augusta zusammen mit solchen der Donaulegionen an folgenden Expeditionen teil· genommen: in den Markomanisehen Kriegen Marcus Aurelius' und Commodus' (172-175) und in den orientalischen Kriegen des Septimius Severus 8. Vel. 2. 21; A. v. Domaszewski. D/~ Rangordnung du rlimiseh~n Huft!s. 2. durch· ccsehene Aunaae von B. Dobson, 1967,43; Fr. Lammert, RE 18 (1939), 806 rr. 9. CIL VIII 2'34 "" Dessau, ILS 2443 (optio dimissus aus leg. 111 AUlusta: aus derselben Lea:ion sind mehrere optiones Bekannt): CIL 111 6190 (leg. V Macedonica). Dass der optionatus nach wenisen Dienstjaren bekleidet wurde, zeisen die seltenen Grabschriften von optiones: eIL IIJ J3483a (Slip. VII. vi",it an. XXVI): AE. 1968.466 (an. XL. stip. X); CIL V 6423 (optio spei, qui vi",i! a. XXIIII). In der Spltantike war die Dauer des optionatus linser, eiL v 942 (optio anno XV). 10. S. auch Fr. Lammert. op. eil. 11. Z. B. CIL XI 390 (391), XII 6952 (centuriones in 3 Lqionen), AE 1932, 30 (centurio in 4 Lqionen). CIL 111 14178 (oenlurio in 4 Legionen, optio aber nur in der ersten Legion). 12. CIL VIII 18084 (Soldat aus Marcianopolis), 1808' (Soldaten mit thrakischen Namen), S. auch 2794; Rinerlina. RE 12 (192'),1413 fr" 1499 f.: C. Patsch. SbAkad. Wi"n. 217, I, 1937, 1'8. 13. Ober legio 111 AUlUsta s. Riuerlin•• op. eil.. lSOI.

160

B. Gno'l

(197 und den nachfolgenden Jahren), vielleicht auch des Caracalla (214)". Ich nehme an, dass die Yersetung unseres op/io von legio 1 Italica in legio 111 Augusta während irgendeines dieser Kriege der Sevcrer stattgefunde hat.

14. Ritlerlinl. ap. ci,., 1413 f. t 1500 f. t R. Saxer. Unl~rsuchung,n zu d,n Vrxillation'f' d~s römisC'l"n Xa;suhur,s von AugUSfUS bis Diokl,tion. EpigraphisC'h, StMdirn. I, 1961. 42 f. n. 74. Eine zuletzt publizierte: Inschrirt. AE 1868. 511. berichtet von vc:xillalio leaionis I Italicae in Artauta (Armenien). t

8 PELTASTS, AND THE ORIGINS OF THE MACEDONIAN PHALANX

G. T. G r i rr it b

Charles Edson in a brilliant sketcb of Early Macedonia reminded us that 'Indeed, down into the fourth century, the Greeks continued to regard the area as part of Thrace'l. As a homeland of soldiers the similarities of Macedonia to the pellast·producing lands of Thrace or the less urbanised parts of Greece are obvious'. The soldiers themselves, it seems, had their similarities, of equipment especially; though the differences too are important, because they seem to represent developments in Macedonia away from the usual pellast style, and such as filled the Macedonians for the work of hoplites. The helmets were for mcn who were to stand their ground in phalanx, and the shields, round and not crescent-shaped like the pellai of peltasts, thougb they were not large were very stout'. Tbe literary texts [Polyaenus 4.2.10 (period of Philip II) and Plularch Aemilius 19.1 and 5 (period of Perseus)], which call the shields of Macedonian infantry pellai, should not be used to support a tbeory that the Macedonian phalangites were really pellasts. This is done by J. G. P. Best, but really the evidence literary, epigraphic, archaeological and numismatic shows beyond doubt that the Macedonian shield

I. C. F. Edaoo, 'Early Macedooia', in Allt/elu Mtx.

25. J. P. V. D. Balsdon, "'The Divinity or Alexander", Aluand~r th~ Grtat: Th~ Main (Cambridae, 1966), ed. by G. T. Griffith, p. 199·200.

Prob/~M1

190

L. L.

GuNJ~r50"

world. It has been the practice to regard such tales as the inventions of Late Antiquity, or originating in those more romantic versions of Alexander's career which appeared during the third century B. C. in response to the reading public's taste for the sensational. But in Aeschines' speech against Ctesiphon at the beginning of August, 330 B. C. to, he taunts Demosthenes about allowing opportunities to slip when trouble for Alexander might most easily have been fomented, implying that these were situations that caught Alexander at his weakest. The most recent of these opportunities, Aeschines alleges, Demos· thenes passed up when he failed to do anything in support of tbe Spartan . revolt; at this point Demosthenes had the advantage of uncertainty due to Alexander's withdrawal outside the uttcnnost points of the Donb, and almost beyond the borders of the inhabited world. (6 S' 'A)J;~avSpo~&V tee t61v 9&~&>..lwv c1>au lJ'l5t btl Tatl; tcrdal~ lCataAl7l:&lv t~V ttlppav, Jtatliat; 5t lCal yuvahc:a~ t61v fly'l~tw}v T"'~ 'EUtlooC; txl ta~ O'IC'lvO~ t61v Pap60:pwv 5ttVEllJ&». 32. Din. lhm. 81·82; Hyp. D~m. Col. 18; Diad. 1S.8. 33. Plur. [Hm. 9; (Plul.) X orol.• 845 C has Tereina. A. Schaerer, D~mos,hen~s und s,,'n~ Z~iI, (Leipzia. 1856J, vol. III. p. 289. note 3 considers it impossible that he could have spoken apinst Philip and Alexander at the 112 Olympiad (332), the only olher conceivable dale. 34. Aeschin In C'~s. 132.

192

L. L.

Gllnd~rson

he can, and now much more than earlier"·, In this context the theme is limited to his assiduousness for military maneuven. But this topic goes through mutations. There is talk about his restlessness and relentless toiling and endless campaigning. At a later date in the Ps. Demosthenic letten the notatinn recurs in a generalized form. Here the assertion is made that "If anyone has assumed that fonune was giving Alexander success in everything, let him consider that it was by actinn and hard work and daring that Alexander had good fonune, and not by sitting around..... Obviously Plutarch's philosophical discussion of A./~xander·s Fortune or Virtue gives this theme its most generalized form. Vet, probably the most interesting expression of this idea comes up in the speech at the Beas, attributed to Coenus, where the speaker is described as asking that "some limit be placed on the laboun and risks" of Alexander's campaigns". And it would not be inapropriate to link this characterization of Alexander with "Pothos", his inner prompting, for this may also be described as another dimension and source of his quest for new challenges". Finally, the witness in the orators to Alexander's character and personal. ity. even when touching on the same themes, does not appear to influence the form these topics received in the later literary-historical narratives. Exactly that must also be said about those notices in the oraton that dcal with matten about Alexander that appear in the legends in their developed form. For instance, Demosthcncs' suggestive comments about Alexander's behavior as a ten year old child do not generate tales describing incidents of homosexual activity in his youth. The surprising comment by Aeschines about Alexander campaigning to the uttermost boundaries of the world does not bave enough specificity to be tied to the later stories about reaching the Ganges, the Land of Eternal Darkness, the Land of the Blessed, or the Bottom of the Sea. The epithets about Alexander's pretensions or election to divinity are not productive of antedotes illustrative of supernatural feats. We cannot describe a community that told these stories again and again until they received a form preserved for us in a surviving Iitcrary~historical narrative. But, again, there is some evidence that fantasizing about Alexander was as eagerly done in his lifetime as in the subsequent generations.

35. (Oem)

xvn.

16. AccordinS to Schaefer, op. cit., Vol.

nr, p.

192, this oration can be

daled 333/ll2 B.C. 36. (Dem.) Ep. 1.13. 31. Arr. AMb. V. 21.4. Tam, op. cit., Vol. n, p. 290, reprds chis speech as third century B.C. 38. Victor Ehrenber., "Pathos". A/~xt»ttk, 1M G'~al: tire MQUr P,oblenu, p. n.

11 EINE NEUE URKUNDE ZUR GESCHICHTE THESSALIENS UNTER DER MAKEDONISCHEN HERRSCHAFT

Christla. Habicht

In der Literatur schon mehrfach erwähnt, aber noch nicht veröffentlicht, ist ein größeres Fragment von einer Marmorstele aus Krannon in Thessalien. Es enthält in den Zeilen 1-9 den Schluß eines Dekrets, danach in den Zeilen

10-16 ein fast vollständiges Dekret dieser Stadt. Die Schrift beider Urkunden ist durchaus identisch, und es ist daher wahrscheinlich, daß heide unmittelbar nacheinander aufgezeichnet wurden, vielleicht als zwei in ein· und derselben

Ekklesie verabschiedete Beschlüsse. Es wird sich ergeben, daß beide auch inhaltlich zueinander in Beziehung stehen und Dokumente aus der letzten

Zeit der makedonischen Herrschaft über Thessalien sind. Indem ich sie in einem Bande zu Ehren von Charles Edson vorlege, knüpfe ich an den Beitrag ao, den ich im August 1968 zu dem wesentlich seiner Initiative zu verdankenden Symposion "Ancient Macedonia" beigesteuert habe l . Fragment einer Stele aus hellem, etwas bläulichem Marmor. An den Seiten Rand, oben und unten gebrochen. Rückseite roh gepickt. Höhe 40 cm. Breite 33,S cm. Dicke 9,5 cm. Buchstabenhöhe 0,9 cm. Zeilenabstand 0,2 cm. Zwiscben den Zeilen 9 und 10 sind 4 cm, unter der Zeile 16 sind 15 cm leer. Ganz schmucklose Scbrift der Zeit um 200 v. Chr. (Tafel). Der Stein befindet sich im Museum von Larisa mit der Invtntamummer

761. leb habe ibn dort im September 1966 und im April 1967 mit freundlicher Genehmigung von Herrn D. Theocharis studiert. Die vor dem Stein angefertigten Abschriften sind an Abklatschen und an einer Photographie von D. TIupas, LariS&, die der hier beigegebenen Abbildung zugrundeliegt, kontrolliert worden. 1. Epip-aphiscbe Zeuptisse zur Gcsctüchte TbessaJiens unter der makedonisc:hen Herrschaft. Anc/~,,/ MaudotriG I, 1970, 26S-279. IJ

194

Chrisl;aß Habirhl

Erwähnt worden ist das Stück von D. Theocharis, Archaiologikon Dellion 16, 1960, Chronika 181-182, von ]. und L. Robert, Bulletin epigraphique 1964, 222 und von mir, Chiron 2, 1972, 126 (mit falscher Beziehung und Datierung, s. unten), Gefunden wurde es nach den Angaben von Theocharis dalVOIJO'I tliv ·App:>l>l"l:o· lux; flOt'toxnv ta: tfl~ IS(Q~ SUVQCJ{f;{al; cix; lCataSpapbvt~ autoO fa KEpt to narYotov. 1dt11U.a JL&1'U tOV toi) cl>tlhtJtOU Oa:VUtOV n(;po'tUl; 6t n:apaPo1I0f)aQ.(; lCal tptt¥Caj1tVOt;; 6A.oaxtP&; ~tPaAt tOY l"I:POttP'l~tVOY tIC tfl~ {Siae; apxl1e;. Liv. XLII, 41. 10: Cum Abru· polim fines mei reani usque Arnphipolim pervastasset multa libera capita. magnam vim mancipiorum, multa milia pecorum abegisset. 29. Meloni 67, n. 2.

236

Chalda Koukouli·ChrysanfhaJc;

Line 4.' •A(]TtJlt~t Tav(!Ollo).Wt The worship of Artemis TauTopolos is known from the ancient sources,

the coins of Amphipolis. and from fragmen tary inscriptions which were found in Amphipolis30• To the fragmentary inscri ptional texts which 8rc connected with Artemis TauropoJos. there is now to be added a further section of an inscription on a fragment of marble block found in Amphipolis. The fragment comes from the lower section of a marble block with a band (pI. 7). Two surfaces of the block, Inv. Museum Kavala no 1\ 1229, are preserved. Dimensions: Preserved Height: 0.39 m; Breadth: 0.33 m; Width: 0.62 m. On the upper section of the preserved fronl surface of the block a section of inscription is preserved: Vocal POn?;S6': 11:. I think that one must complete the fragment: [-- pou. The three names preserved are all common Greek ones, known from other inscriptions in Arnphipolis". whil. the damaged name in all probability has a Thracian root MErr". I do not believe that any other politarchs' names existed in the dedicatory inscription, although the surface, of the stone has advancing damage extending to the base, of the inscribed rront part orthe marble block, so that the possibility that other names rollowed cannot be entirely excluded. For the present, we have discovered that in the period or Perseus there wtre two politarchs in Amphipolis; in the Roman period there were five. This variability in the number of politarchs within the same city is a phenomenon met with in other Macedonian cities, e.g. Veroia and Thessaloniki". We must point out however that the number of 40. See the remarks of Oeschnitzer, 494, where the (inal years of the Macedonian monarchy are mentioned as a possible time for reformation. Also, F. Papazoa]ou. "Sur I'orpnisat ion de I. Macedoine des Antilonides", Ancient Macedonia III. Thessaloniki 1971 (unpublished). 41. W.lbank 26S. 42. G. Klaffenbach in Abhand/ungen der Akad~mie /kr/ins. 1952, 15 cr.; SEG XII (l9SS). no. 373; Schuler 93. 43. J. Cormack, "The Gymnasiarchal Law of Beroea", Anci~nt Morf'donio II (Thc:ssaloniki 1971) 139 ff. For the date of the inscriplion. Geschnilzer 493. 44. TlJ.lClJvloo.~: BCH 8.5 (1961) 426; Kavala Museum no. A 127. 'AaICAIlRlliooC;: Unpublished funerary inscription; Kavala Museum no. A 677. 45. The readina MEI11IKEN90YJ or MEITIPIANOYl presenls many difficulties. 46. KanatsouJis 164; Geschnitzer 487.

PolitorchJ in a Nrw Inscription Irom AmphipoliJ

241

two politarchs occurs in the earlier inscriptions, such as the two inscriptions of Thessaloniki published by S. Pelekidis". the gymnasiarchical law of Veroia" and the Perseas inscription from Amphipolis·. Archruologica/ Muuum. Xava/a

47. Allhough the date proposed by S. Pelekidis has been rejec:ted by Ch. Edson. JIT1IR XLI (1948), J6J no. 7: and L. Robert, Bull. Epigr. no. 134, on p. SO KEG LXIII (1950) the two inscriptions no. 1 and no. 2 on 2S of Pelekidis are the earliest preserved inscriptions ot Thessaloniki referred to politarchs. 48. The editor J. M. R. Cormack, Alfci~ltt MQc~doItiQ II (Thessa.Joniki 1977) pp. J~ 141 dates the in.sc:riplion between 167 and 148 B. C. • Thanks are expressed to Ph. Homirou. who made the dcsiJllS of the Inscription's block and to Mrs D. K.azazis who helped me in the enaJish translation of the oriainaJ lexl.

'6

15 STUDIES ON ANCIENT MACEDONIA IN HONOR OF CHARLES F. EDSON With Per.seus at Pydna

t

A. H. M c

DOD

aId

'Why did Perseus throw in the phalanx at Pydna l' I asked, caught up in the tangled detail; and Charles Edson said, 'Stand by Perseus and look westwards'. That is how [ recall his answer. at the outset of his distinguished Macedonian career, and [ am only one of the many scholars to whom he has shown the perspective of their subject. The proposition is still valid: first, that we must rescue Perseus from Polybius' Achaean enmity; secondly. that we should re·assess the strategic conditions affecting the battle of Pydna. For Rome had finally to put two armies and her best general into the field to destroy Macedon. I.

The historical evidence for the Third Macedonian War is varied, biassed and broken; we are chiefly concerned with the Polybian tradition, as pre· served either in Polybius' text or in Livy's rendering of it l , For his account

of events in Greece Livy regularly used Polybius within his Roman annalistic narrative. He equates Polybius' Olympiad year (autumn to autumn) with his official Roman year (March to March); but this is easily adjusted by analysis. We have to allow for two features of his writing. First, in arranging material, he may make it more orderly than it should be, for instance with reference to the baule of Cynoscephalae'; this point has to be recalled when we reach Pydna. Secondly, for the sake of his Roman reader, he may provide details 1. H. Nissen. lVlt. UnuwlcJr'41f6~n "~, (Be,I;o, 1863) 33-76. 243-269. 2. Polyb. 18. 18·3l. cf Livy ". 3-11.

d/~ Qu~lI~n d~, IY and Y D~lcod~ d~$ LiliiU$

A. H. MeDonold

of motivation which were perhaps implicit in Polybius' description but not necessarily so; they are not to be pressed into argument. The speeches arc closely knit in relation to the context, and appear to represent original m.teri.1 in Polybius' text'. In general we may assume th.t Livy has given us the gist of the Polybian tradition. With Polybius we become involved in a complex problem of historical judgment'. He has established the course of events that mark the resurgence of Macedon under the rule of Philip V and Perseus, and he guides us through the Third Macedonian War to Pydna. Yet we have to treat his interpretation of these events with reserve. Philip consolidated the position of Macedon within her frontiers, as he had the right and the duty to do; he .Iso stood by Rome .gainst Antiochus. Why, then, does Polybius claim that he aimed from the outset at renewing war with Rom"? After 184, when the Sen.te threatened to dictate his policy, Philip admitted to anxiety lest Rome should attack Macedon before he was ready to fight. Polybius reports this fact, but he does not note the case for a defensive w.... Finally, when Perseus continued Philip's policy of consolidation, Polybius regards him as the agent of his father's aggressive plans. Yet Perseus would fight Rome specifically in defence of his treaty rights against discretionary control by the Senate'. Polybius' interpretation reflects his Achaean distrust of Macedonian policy under Philip and Perseus. AChaea, like Rome Jater, was a sounding-board for Greek politics, and Polybius received private reports'. Hi, firm convictions might lead him to accept evidence of dubious authority and even incorporate it definitively into his narrative. One instance will serve to illustrate the problem. In the context of his view that Philip and Perseus were preparing to attack Rome Polybius presented the 'tragic drama' of Demetrius' death in 180 as .n authoritative account'. Here he reflects an Achaean attitude which the pro-Roman Calli3. R. Ullmann, [.Q Teeltnfqw de! di~col8J dtuu S41lusre, nr~LiYe er Tacite (Oslo, 1927) 174-196. 4. F. W. WalbanIc. PotybtlU (BerIceley, 1972) 71-91, 163-170; td. 'Polybius and Rome', Eastern Policy', JRS LIn (1963) 1-13. 5. Polyb. 22. 18. 10, cf Livy 39. 23. 5. 6. Polyb. 22.14.7-8; F. W. WalbanIc, pfoj/lp V 0/ Mac

[--

becomes: II

12 13 14

- - -l' lCal aov(o~ fiA.Oov tltl lCPOT6.xo~vou at lCA.D01. T(~ ~ MoooW; o(\aT~ aaxnA.I~; (cr. lX, 93) 2)

Livius, Periochae, eXL: Thraces domiti a L. Pisane...

3)

Velleius Paterculus II, 98: Dum ca, quae diximus, in Pannonia Gennaniaque geruntur, atrox in Thracia bellum arturo, omnibus eius gentis nationibus in arma &CCensis. LucH Pisanis, quem hodieque diligcntissimum, atque eundem lcnissimum securitatis urbanae custodem babemus, virtus comprcssit (quippc legatus Cacsaris triennio cum iis bellavit

308

4)

5)

6)

7)

Theodoros Chr. $arikaki$

gentesque:ferocissimas plurimo cum carum excidio nunc acie, nunc expugnationibus in pristioum pa.cis redegit modurn) eiusque patratione Asiae securitatem, Macedoniae pacem reddidil. Seneca, Epist. 83. 14: Huic (~ L. Pisoni) et divus AU8u, stus dedit secreta mandata, cum ilium praeponeret Thraciae, quam perdornuit... Tacitus, Annales VI, 10: Per idem tempus L. Piso pontifex, rarum in taota claritudioe, fato obiit, nullius servilis seotentiae sponte auctor. et quotieDs necessitas ingrueret, sapienter moderans. Patrern ei censorium fuisse memoravi; aetas ad octogesimum annum processit; decus triumphale in Thracia meruerat. Florus, II. 27 (IV, 12. 17): Thraces antea saepo, tum maxi· me Rhoemetalce rege desciverant. lIIe barbaros et signis militaribus et disciplina, armis etiam Romanis adsueverat; sed a Pisone perdomiti in ipsa captivitate rabiem ostendere. Dio Cassius LIV, 34, 5-7: tv 8t 8Tt tol~ a"tol~ to"tO'~ XpO' VOI~ Oi>okoyal"'l~ ep~~ B'1O'O''''. Itpt~ tOO "ap' a"tol~ a'OMou. 1tpoot1tonioa't6 't'LV~ 1tOA.ACr. OtUloat;, Kat J.1£'t~ autG)V Q1tOOtW; T6v TE 'Pamcintoptv 'tov tOn K6roo II 1348

238-244

([ SNG. Cop. 11.428

branch inside it. The whole within a dotted circle. eeCCA-A-O-NIKEnN Q

Nike walking I. holding a palm Bust of Gordian III T., wearing a laurel wreath and a himation. branch in her I. and Kabeiros in The whole within a dotted circle. her r.

12. 0,028 AVKMANT-rOP~[ANOCQ Bust or Gordian III r., wearing a laurel wreath, a himation and a thorax. The whole within a dotted circle.

BECCA[ I-ON[KEnNQ Kabeiros standing I., holding rhyton and hammer. At his reel I. a burning altar and r. an el· ephant tusk. The whole within a dotted circle.

~ ~

• ;;' •~ ~

~•

13. 0,025 AVKMAIOVAlOV [0 J I Distyle temple, with Apollo holdBust of Pbilip I r., wcarina:. radiate crown, a himation and a ina Kabeiros and a palm branch inside. Tripod with five apples thoru. The whole in a continuous circle. on it. 9ECCAAONIK-ffiNNEnO 14. 0,024 JAPIOVAIVhCTl',Symposium 'Anci~nl Maudonia', Th~ssaloniki. 1968 (Thessaloniki, 1910) 226; M. Vickers, 'The town planning of Roman Thessaloniki', ibid., 245; M. Zahmt, Olynth lind di~ Chalkidi~r (Munich, 1971) 188-9. Against: N. G. L. Hammond, A HiJ,tory 01 Mac~donia i (Oxford, 1972) 150-1. 2. C. F. Edson, 'Notes on the Thracian phoros', Classical Philology xlii (1947) 88-105.

Professor Edson reaards 'the old city of Salonica as the most probable site' of Therme. 3. For full references, sec G. L. F. Tafel, D~ Th~ssalonica ~/usqli~ 08ro diss~rtatio g~o­ graphka (Berlin 1839) 8-17, and E. Oberhummer, RE v, A, 2391-2, s.v. Therme. 4. Tafel, op. cit., 16. 5. M. Dimitsas, '.·Inala i'wJi'!!v, Bo)'~6MtCllV d~ aEpnlt[Einv' and Robert points out that it is a good ancient reference to 'ramenagement d'eaux curatives. donc thermales. qu'i1 est naturel de situer dans la ville', and although therapeutic springs are not of necessity hot springs, he is probably correct in his conclusion. He is careful to point out, however, that the inscription could just as easily refer to a place outside the city itself but within its territory, and so we cannot be wholly confident in using it as evidence for the identification of the site of Thessaloniki with that of Therme. It is, though, the best evidence that we have apart from the literary sources. But we are still left with the problem of Pliny's apparent assertion that Thessaloniki and Therme were different places; 'medioque litoris f1exu Thessalonice liberae condicionis-ad baac a Dyrrhachio CCXL V-, Therme in Thermaico sinu''''. Since. however. all the other authorities point to the two cities sharing the same site. it would seem that Pliny. who was not infallible, made a mistak.... He probably quoted from two separate sources without realising that they were contradictory. In conclusion, the strong likelihood is that HeIlenistic Thessaloniki was founded on the site of archaic and classical Therme. ltutitllte lor Advanced Study, Pr/lfCttOlf A311moltall MItJtlun, Oxford

48. L. Rob:rt,

'w

in\criptions dc Th:ssaloniquc', Rtllllt de Phil%git xlviii (1974)

220-221.

49. Pliny NH iv, 10 (ed. C. Mayhoff (Leipzig, 19(6) 312). Mayhoff's text needs to be emended (to CCLXVII) in the li&ht or both Strabo viii. 7. 4 ('267 miles') and the recent discovery at the River Gallikos ncar 1llc:ssaloniki or a milestone set up by the pro-consul Cn. Egnatius, which aives the distance to Dyrrhachium as 260 Roman miles (C. Romiopou· lou, 'Un nouveau mil/iaire de la Via Egnatia', BeH xcviii [1974] 813·6). so. Cf S. D. F. Detlefsen, Die ANJrdnMng der geogrDph;scht" &ichtr des Plin;us und /hre Quelle" (Berlin, 19(9) 7.

25 LIVY, MACEDONIA AND ALEXANDER

F. W. W.I b.

Dk

During the seventy or so years between 220 and 148 B. C. Macedonia played a major role in Roman history. Our main primary source is of course Polybius, in whose His/ories Macedonia occupies a central place 1 ; but for the period after 216 his account has survived only in fragments, and consequently we have to depend heavily on Livy, who for this part of his work, at any rate in certain areas, came to rely more and more on Polybius, 'non incertum auctorem cum omnium Romanarum recum tum praecipue in Graecia gestarum'l. It may add something to our understanding of both historians to consider to what extent Livy, writing more than a century later. has taken over the views of his Greek source about the importance of Macedo· nia for the destiny of Rome and how far he has modified these so as to fit them into his own concept of Roman history.

I. Macedonia is important to Polybius first of all on account of its place in his general historical scheme. Contemplating the downfall of Perseus of Macedonia at Pydna in 168, he tells usa, he was amazed by the relevance of what Demetrius of Phalerum had written 150 years earlier in his work on tUXll· about the rise of Macedonia from insignificance to mastery over the Persian empire (which 'ruled almost the whole of the world 'J in a period of I. On thi, 5CC F. W. Walbank, Ancient Macedonia (Thcssalonice, 1970), 291-307, 'Polybius and Macedonia'. 2. Livy, xxxiii.lO.JO; cf xu. 4S.S, 'haudquaquam spemendus auctor'. 3. Polyb. nix. 21. 4. Cr. F. Wehrli, Die Schu/~ d~s Arislol~/~S. 4: Dem~lrios von PIw/eron (Basel, 1949), fg. 81 and pp. S7-8.

336

F. W. Walbank

fifty years. It was dear, Demetrius had said, that in making the Macedonians

lords over the wealth of Asia Fortune had· merely lent them this until she chose to deal differently with them. This observation Polybius interpreted as a striking prophecy which he had seen fulfilled in his own time by the disappearance of the kingdom of Macedonia and the rise of Rome to world dominion in a comparable period of years; and there can be no doubt that this coincidence (though to Polybius it was something morc than that) was among the main incentives that led him to formulate the subject of his own Histories, namely to tell how the Romans rose to be masters of the inhabited world (the o.cumene) in not quite fifty-three years'. In this process the handiwork of Fortune could he traced in detail. For in plotting together to attack

the boy-king Ptolemy V Epiphanes' the two rulers of Macedonia and Syria, Philip V and Antiochus Ill. had hrought down on themselves the vengeance of Tyche. The defeat and downfall of Macedonia. first at Cynoscephalae under Pbilip V and then finally and decisively at Pydna under Perseus. and the crushing of the power of Syria at ThermopyJae and Magnesia UDder

Antiochus III and subsequently with the humhling of Antiochus IV near Alexandria at the hands of Popillius Laenas immediately after Pydna. were to be seen as retribution for the callous attack on the young king-whose realm in contrast to theirs was still nourishing at the time Polybius wrote.

This linking of Philip V and Antiochus III might suggest that Polybius regarded both as in some sense representatives of the power of Macedon, the more so because, as Charles Edson pointed out in a striking article pub. fished in 1958', later writers from Tragus, Diodorus, and Strabo onwards were in the habit of referring to the Seleucid realm as Macedonian. However,

despite the fact that the humbling of Antiochus IV' is so closely linked to Perseus' defeat at Pydna. Polyhius does not appear to have regarded his kingdom as Macedonian. This is shown by a passage of livy, which comes at the end of his account of the Third Macedonian War and certainly derives S. Polyb. LJ.S·6, 2.7, 4.1; iii.1.4, 1.9, 2.6. 3.9. 4.2,118.9; vi. 2.3; viii.2.3; x.uix.8.7. 6. Polyb. ",v.20.1-8; cf also ",,,,i,,,. 27.11-13 for the preservation of PtolemaiX~. When therefore in book ix Livy suddenly breaks ofT his account of the Samnite Wars in the third consulship of L. Papirius Cursor (319) to insert a digression on the theme 'quinam euentus Romanis rebus, si cum Alexandro foret bellatum, futurus fueritt', it is tempting to set it in the context of such rhetorical exercises. In this excursus, which occupies seven pages in the Oxford text, Livy considers the resources of the two sides under these headings: 'militum copia et uirtus, iogenia imperatorum, fortuna per omnia humana maxi me in res bellicas potens'·'. His conclusions are, briefly, that Alexander was a great general, but one who perhaps had left behind an exaggerated reputation, inasmuch as he had not Jived to encounter a reversal of fortune (like Darius or Pompey). Whether his supposed invasion of Italy had taken place at once or in his old age, he would there have met many Roman generals with a skill and experience comparable to his own, who would have been well able to cope with him; moreover, the Alexander who might have invaded Italy would have been a man already corrupted by Persian customs, and the victim of an uncontrolled temper and excessive drinking. Nor, Livy adds, can one in reality compare a single man with a whole range of Roman generals. all his equals in regard to fortune, even though their achievements were gained in spite of the hampering restrictions of the Roman constitution-annual commands, collegiality, tribunician vetos, the interruption caused by the electionscompared with the absolute powers of a king. Finally, the Romans would have had the unlimited resources of Italy on which to draw-and even perhaps the support of a Punic alliance; they would have had Roman armaments and the more flexible legion to oppose to the phalanx; in short, a single defeat would have seen the end of the war for Alexander.

5. This excursus in Livy ix has been the subject of much controversy48. 4S. See on these works A. Momigliano, AtheNl~lIm. 1934, 4S-S6 (- Tum contribllto (0.17), i. 499-SII); A. E. Wardman, J95S, 96-107; J. Hamilton, ed. Pilitard: Aluandu (Oxford, 1969), bi cr. For other rhetorical exercises concerned with Aleunder sc:c: Seneca, SII4J. 1.4; Contr. vii.7.J9. 46. Livy, ix.17.2. 47. Livy, ix.17.3. 48. See most recently H. R. Breitenbach, Mus. H~/v. 1969, 146-S7, 'Ocr Alexanderro-

Ca.

)46

F. W. Walbank

Scholars have debated first whether it represents a serious argument in which Livy expresses strong and genuine views or whether it is nothing more than a juvenile exercise inserted to entertain his readers"; and among those who treat it as a serious discussion there is disagreement about what led Livy to include it-and indeed to include it where he does. in book ix. To take the more fundamental question first-whether Livy is here asking to be taken seriously-it is indeed true that much of his argument derives from rhetorical sources or from the teachings of the philosophical schools, insofar as the two are distinguishable under the early principateH. Livy's Alexander, corrupted by successSl , 'secundis rebus'quarum nemo intolerantior fuil', recalls Theophra~tus' characterization of him as 'hominem summa potentia summaque fortuna, sed ignarum quem ad modurn rebus secundis uti conueniret&2'. The ·theory that there existed a hostile Peripatetic view of Alexander as a man well trained and educated by Aristotle, but ruined by Fortune, which went back to Theophrastus"', has been largely refuted by Badian" and by Mensching". As Mensching has shown, the Peripatetics rarely mention Alexander in the surviving fragments, and of those who do Aristoxenus and Ariston of Ceos are favourably disposed towards him. But the Stoics thought he was spoilt by pride (tll](oo 0-

.c

e

~

.c

0 0

-;.

:< ~

'"

,; c

~

-'" M

e0

;;

< !! u

~

~

0

"

."" 0

E

-1:

-... 0

~

~

'"c 0

u

.c

: