An Introduction to Navaho Chant Practice : With An Account of the Behaviors Observed in Four Chants (Navajo)

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Supplement to AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Volume 42, No. 2. Part 2 NUMBER 53

1940

MEMOIRS OF THE

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

AN INTRODUCTION TO NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE With An'Account of the Behaviors Observed in Four Chants

BY CLYDE KLUCKHOHN AND LELAND C. WYMAN

PUBLISHED BY THE

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION MENASHA, WIS., U.S.A.

To EDWARD SAPIR and LESLIE SPIER

TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Acknowledgements. Foreword. Part IA Generalized Account of Navaho Chant Practice ... Preamble. Section Section Section Section

1 2 3 4

.

.

7 8

.13 ... 13

Definition of Terms for Personnel and Locus .... ... 13 Ceremonial Restrictions on the Behavior of Person m3.18 Expenses. ... 20 Social Aspects of Chants.22

Section 5 Equipment.22 Sub-section 5a Pouch.23 Sub-section 5b Bundle. 23 Sub-section 5c Bundle Prayersticks.25 Sub-section Sub-section Sub-section Sub-section

5d 5e 5f 5g

Talking Prayersticks.27 Equipment for Offerings.28 Medicine Stopper.31 Digging Sticks. 31

Sub-section 5h Sub-section 5i

Arrows and Bows.32 Whistle. . . 32

Sub-section 5j Sub-section 5k Sub-section 51

Bullroarer. Flints and Serrated Flints. Club.

Sub-section 5m

Brush.35

Sub-section 5n Sub-section 5o Sub-section 5p

Chant Tokens.37 Tokens.38 Firedrill.40

Sub-section 5q Sub-section 5r Sub-section 5s

Rattles.40 Basket Drum, Yucca Drumstick, Baskets.44 Sandpainting Equipment.45

.33 34 .... 35

Sub-section 5t Other Equipment.45 Section 6 Medicines, and Their Preparation and Administration.48 Sub-section Sub-section Sub-section Sub-section

6a 6b 6c 6d

Introduction.48 Fumigant.49 Emetic.30 Added Emetic Ingredients.50

Sub-section 6e . Chant Lotion.51 Sub-section 6f Infusion Specific.51 Sub-section 6g Sub-section 6h Sub-section 6i

Infusion.52 Pollen Ball.53 Decoction.54

Sub-section 6j Sub-section 6k

Mixed Water.55 Mixed Charcoal.55

Sub-section 61 Sub-section 6m Sub-section 6n

Frost Medicine.55 Life Medicine.56 Bison Fumigant ... 56

Sub-section 6o

Fire Medicine.57 3

28877

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

4

[memoirs, 53

Section 7 Acts and Procedures.57 Sub-section 7a The Ceremonial Order.57 Sub-section 7b Sub-section 7c

Lay-Out.59 Fire-Making.60

Sub-section Sub-section Sub-section Sub-section Sub-section Sub-section Sub-section Sub-section

7d 7e 7f 7g 7h 7i 7j 7k

Whirling the Bullroarer.60 Sandpainting Procedures.61 Application of Objects.62 Basket Drumming.63 Songs.64 Prayers.67 Pollen Prayer.67 Litany.67

Sub-section Sub-section Sub-section Sub-section Sub-section Sub-section Sub-section

71 7m 7n 7o 7p 7q 7r

Disposal.68 Symbolism of Sound and Color.70 Preparing and Refreshing Bundle Prayersticks.71 Brushing Procedure in Evil Way Chants.72 Ash Blowing Procedure in Evil Way Chants.73 Frightening Procedure.73 Variations in Procedure for Infants.73

Section 8 Genesis of a Chant.74 Section 9 Component Ceremonies.76 Sub-section 9a Consecration of the Hogan.76 Sub-section 9b Unraveling Ceremony.77 Sub-section 9c Short-Singing. 80 Sub-section 9d Setting-Out Ceremony.81 Sub-section 9e Sweat and Emetic Ceremony.82 Sub-section 9f Offerings.88 Sub-section 9g The Bath.89 Sub-section 9h Big Hoop Ceremony.93 Sub-section 9i Sandpainting Ceremony (including body painting, token tying, chant token tying).93 Sub-section 9j Eating Mush.100 Sub-section 9k Prayer Ceremony.101 Sub-section 91 Over-Shooting Ceremony.102 Sub-section 9m Cincture Ceremonies and Procedures (fir and plant garments; Yucca cinctures; shoulder-bands and wristlets) .... 102 Sub-section 9n The Final Night.103 Section 10 Combination of Ceremonies into Ceremonials.105 Addenda to Part I.108 Part II Navaho Wind Way.Ill Section 1 General Remarks.Ill Section 2 Section 3

Etiology and Genesis of Chants Described.113 Personnel.114

Section 4

Notes on Equipment Used.

Section 5

The Observed Behaviors.117

115

Sub-section 5a Sub-section 5b Sub-section 5c

Consecration of the Hogan ... 117 Unraveling. 117 Short Singing.119

Sub-section 5d

Setting-Out.119

KLUCKHOHN AND WYMAN]

NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

5

Sub-section 5e Sub-section 5f

Sweat and Emetic.120 Offerings.122

Sub-section 5g Sub-section 5h Sub-section 5i

Sandpainting Ceremony.123 Eating Mush.128 The Bath.128

Sub-section 5j

The Final Night.129

Section 6 Analysis of Sandpaintings.130 Part Ilf Chiricahua Wind Way.140 Section 1

General Remarks.140

Section 2 Section 3 Section 4

Informants Utilized; Performances Witnessed.141 Etiology of the Particular Performance Chosen for Type Description . 141 Sociological Context.142

Section 5 Notes on Equipment Used.143 Section 6 The Observed Behaviors.144 Sub-section 6a Sandpainting Ceremony.144 Sub-section Sub-section Sub-section Sub-section Sub-section

6b 6c 6d 6e 6f

Short Singing.147 Offerings.147 The Bath.149 Figure Painting and Token Tying.150 The Final Night.152

Section 7 Notes on Sandpaintings.153 Part IV Female Shooting Holy Way.155 Section 1 General Remarks.155 Section 2 How the Navaho Got the Jicarilla Female Shooting Way.156 Section 3 Informants Utilized; Performances Witnessed.157 Section 4 Etiology of Type Performance.157 Section 5 Section 6 Section 7

Sociological Context.158 Notes on Equipment Used.159 The Observed Behaviors. 160

Sub-section 7a Sub-section 7b

Consecration of the Hogan.160 Unraveling.160

Sub-section 7c Sub-section 7d

Short Singing.161 Sweat and Emetic.161

Sub-section 7e Sub-section 7f

Offerings.163 Sandpainting Ceremony.164

Sub-section 7g Sub-section 7h

The Bath.165 The Final Night. 166

Section 8 Notes on Sandpaintings.167 Part V Hand Trembling Evil Way.169 Section 1 General Remarks .. 169 Section 2 Etiology and Genesis of Chants Described.170 Section 3

Personnel.170

Section 4 Notes on Equipment Used.171 Section 5 The Observed Behaviors.171 Sub-section 5a Sweat and Emetic.172 Sub-section 5b Sub-section 5c Sub-section 5d

The Bath.173 Sandpainting Ceremony.174 Sandpainting Ceremony of the Final Night.176

Sub-section 5e

All Night Singing.179

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

6 Section 6

[memoirs,

Appendix A:

Analysis of Sandpaintings. Corrigenda and Addigenda to “Navaho Classification of Their Song

Appendix

B:

Ceremonials”. Glossary of Ceremonial Terms.

Appendix

C:

Concordance of Plant Names.

List of References.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Plate Plate Plate Plate

Plate

I, Fig. FigII, Fig. Fig. III, Fig. Fig. IV, Fig. Fig. Fig.

1.

Contents of Female Shooting Way Bundle

...

Contents of Chiricahua Wind Way Bundle 2. Navaho Wind Way Spread Lay-Out (model) 3. Navaho Wind Way Basket Lay-Out (model) 4. Navaho Wind Way Set-Out (model) 5. Detail of Navaho Wind Way Set-Out (model) 6. Navaho Wind Way Unraveler (model) 7. Navaho Wind Way Little Hoop Unraveler Lay-Out (model) 8. Female Shooting Way, Child of the Water Sandpainting 9. (drawing) Fig. 10. Female Shooting Way, Monster Slayer Sandpainting (draw¬

ing) V, Fig. 11. Navaho Wind Way, Crooked Snake Small Sandpainting (model) Fig. 12. Navaho Wind Way FIoop and Sand Basin (model) Fig. 13. Female Shooting Way, Cloud Small Sandpainting (drawing) Fig. 14. Brush and Firedrill—As Arranged over Lightning Herbs

(model) VI, Fig. 15. Navaho Wind Way, Dressed with Snakes Sandpainting (re¬ production) Fig. 16. Navaho Wind Way, Cactus Sandpainting (reproduction) Plate VII, Fig. 17. Navaho Wind Way, Spiny Cactus Sandpainting (reproduc¬ tion) Fig. 18. Navaho Wind Way, Cloud Sandpainting (reproduction) Plate VIII, Fig. 19. Chiricahua Wind Way, Sun Sandpainting (actual photo graph)

Plate

Fig. 20. Chiricahua Wind Way, Moon Sandpainting (actual photo¬ graph) Fig. 21. Chiricahua Wind Way, Cactus Prayerstick (actual photo¬ graph) Fig. 22. Plate

Chiricahua Wind Way, Yellow Wind Figure Painting (draw¬

ing) IX, Fig. 23. Hand Trembling Evil Way, Dark Big Star Sandpainting (re¬ production) Fig. 24. Hand Trembling Evil Way, Branching Big Star Sandpainting (reproduction)

Plate

X, Fig. 25. Hand Trembling Evil Way, Thunder Sandpainting (repro¬ duction) Fig. 26. Hand Trembling Evil Way, Gila Monster Sandpainting (re¬ production)

53 179 184 191

197 203

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

W

YMAN wishes to express his gratitude to the Boston University Graduate School and Kluckhohn to the Division of Anthropology in

Harvard University for financial support of the field research upon which this paper is based. Wyman is also deeply indebted to the late Berton I. Staples, former president of the United Indian Traders Association, for a warm welcome and the privileges of his home at Coolidge, New Mexico, and for introductions to valued informants; and to Mr. Harry Boyd of Smith Lake, New Mexico, for similar favors. Kluckhohn is obliged to Mr. Elmer Rising of the Peabody Museum, Harvard University, for making black and white drawings from his field sketches of the Female Shooting Way sandpaintings and the design painted on the body in the Chiricahua Wind Way. Kluckhohn is likewise indebted to Mr. Donald Scott, Director of the Peabody Museum, for many favors in the preparation of this manu¬ script. We are deeply conscious of the extent to which this monograph is enriched by the photographs (Plates II—III; Plate IV, figs. 7 and 8; Plate V, figs. 11, 12, and 14; Plates VI-VII; Plates IX-X) generously provided by Mr. Robert D. Harvey of Brookline, Massachusetts. It is also pleasant to acknowledge our indebtednesses to our colleagues in the field of Navaho studies. Mr. Adolph Bitanny has illuminated a num¬ ber of terminological questions for us. We have benefited deeply from several prolonged discussions with Dr. Reichard. Miss Mary Wheelwright has been very kind in giving us the benefit of her rich experience in wit¬ nessing chants. That we are able to record Navaho with any semblance of accuracy is due to Professor Sg,pir’s generosity in instructing Kluckhohn. It will also be evident that we have drawn heavily upon Father Berard Haile’s profound knowledge of Navaho linguistics and ceremonialism. We are grateful to Miss Katherine Spencer for her scrupulous work in typing and cross-checking the manuscript. Miss Wheelwright, Dr. Reichard, and Father Berard all were kind enough to read the manuscript and we appreciate their valuable correc¬ tions and suggestions.

7

FOREWORD

T

HE most inclusive Navaho terms for ceremonial behaviors are nahayd and naha\d. The first of these is loosely used to refer to any directed

and concerted activity. Colloquially it means almost “something is going on,” and it is used idiomatically to refer to the separable ceremonies which are combined into ceremonials. The second term (which we have heard much less often) is a passive form, but we are unable to describe the semantic difference with precision. Primarily both terms describe any ritualized attempt to influence the course of events: song ceremonials,1 2 rites of divination, prayer ceremonials, minor ceremonies such as those for trading and salt-gathering, witchcraft. On the three latter topics no de¬ tailed material has as yet been published. The Navaho associate the prayer ceremonials closely with Blessing Way song ceremonials. Indeed many in¬ formants tend to oppose the Blessing Way rites and the prayer ceremonials to the hat&'l the chants} The latter are bahd^id, tabooed or dangerous (literally: “for it there is fear or reverence”). Their legends may not be told in summer, and their lore is hedged about by other restrictions not generally held to apply to Blessing Way rites and prayer ceremonials. Blessing Way, however, as Father Berard remarks, “ . . . governs the entire chantway system.”3 This study deals entirely with the chants, although we shall occasionally refer to the practice in other song ceremonials, and part of our analysis applies (in varying degrees) to Blessing Way rites, war and hunting ceremonials, and other aspects of Navaho ceremonialism The number of severely technical accountsof Navaho chants which have been published is small when compared with the number still performed. Detailed information on all chants is needed as a basis for comparative studies, and yet if each were to be described in all minutiae the literature 1 See Wyman and Kluckhohn. We should like to emphasize that this has been written as a kind of sequel to our earlier study and we have almost entirely avoided repetition of topics treated there. Full comprehension of this paper presupposes, therefore, familiarity with our earlier monograph. We include herewith, as an appendix, corrigenda and addigenda thereto. 2 Following Father Berard Haile, we define as a chant any ceremonial which the Navaho designate as hat&'l. The basis for their categorization is not perfectly clear. The greater num¬ ber of informants, if pressed, will state that a hat&'l is a ceremonial in which a rattle is used to accompany the singing. There are, however, several exceptions to this rule. Some informants also link the hat&'l to the practice of body painting. This theory conforms even less satis¬ factorily with the practice. It is, however, probably fair to say that the Navaho feel that a

hat&'l ought to have a rattle and perhaps also body painting. Certainly they offer various ra¬ tionalizations for the lack of a rattle in those few chants which do not use one. 3 Haile, 1938b, p. 652. We have abundant independent evidence corroborating the sense of this statement.

8

KLUCKHOHN AND WYMAN]

NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

9

would become burdened with an enormous amount of needless repetition. For different chants, although varying much in details, are remarkably similar with respect to the general nature and order of performance of their com¬ ponent ceremonies.4 The ceremonies likewise are made up of similar pro¬ cedures, and much of the equipment used in them is common to numerous ceremonials. Although the uniformities cut across the Holy Way, Life Way, and Evil Way Groups to a considerable extent, they apply particularly to chants within the same Group. We will therefore describe the generalized pattern of chant practice with especial reference to Holy Way chants. Even here our account is avowedly incomplete, however, for we shall say nothing of the masks and other special equipment which characterize the chants of the God-Impersonators Sub-Group nor of the sweat-houses and special hogans used in these and other nine-night ceremonials.5 6 Nor can we attempt to generalize the procedures found in Dark Circle of Branches or other Phases of chants. In general, our plan is less ambitious than that of Matthews, Father Berard, Reichard, and Wheelwright. We shall not deal with the texts of songs or legends, nor, in any intensive way, with supernatural beings or mythological associations. We shall be con¬ cerned primarily with recording what we have observed people doing and describing the paraphernalia we have seen them use. To some slight extent we shall present what they have said about the reasons for their acts. These self-imposed limitations necessitate our calling this only an “In¬ troduction” to Navaho chant practice. Nevertheless it seems to us that this comparative simplicity of program offers certain advantages. If our observations and those of other students are organized and synthesized in one place it would seem possible to describe acts and paraphernalia in the future with great economy. It will be necessary only to note variations (established perhaps in different regions or due to the training or tempera¬ ment of the particular singer) and to describe details peculiar to the chant under consideration. In Parts II-V of this study we describe four chants on the basis of the schema presented in Part I. We hope that this paper will also represent a step toward a standard terminology in the description of Navaho ceremonials. Navaho ceremonial¬ ism presents a wealth of objects and acts which up to the present have been designated by widely varying terms—to the confusion of the non4 For elaboration of the distinctions between “procedure,” “ceremony,” and “ceremonial” see Section 10 and the introduction to Section 9. 6 As a matter of fact, Matthews, 1887 and 1902, and the Franciscan Fathers, 1910, have gone into considerable detail on these subjects, and our general practice will be to avoid duplicating material which already exists in well organized form in the literature.

10

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

[memoirs,

53

specialist. Many of the terms in general use have also been cumbersome or have required supplementary phrases of explanation. After several con¬ ferences with Dr. Reichard, we have agreed upon terms which seem to us concise. Wherever expressions used by previous writers seemed adequate and unambiguous we have retained them. We have even retained some terms, such as “bullroarer,” to which we had definite objections but which seemed intrenched by usage. Where we have introduced new designations we have adhered as closely as possible to a compact rendering of the Navaho when it would be generally comprehensible. In every case we have given the Navaho the first time the technical term appears. For conveni¬ ence, all of these are brought together systematically in Appendix B. There¬ after in this paper and in future studies we shall always refer to the same Navaho word by the same English term. This will permit exactness with¬ out unnecessary expense for setting phonetic characters in type. The Eng¬ lish version of any term which we consider a technical term has been printed in italics the first time we have used it. The totality of these italicized terms constitutes a kind of glossary for the technical description of Navaho chants. Statements in Part I are to be taken as based primarily upon our ob¬ servation in the Pinedale-Coolidge-Smith Lake and Ramah-Atarque areas. But we have checked portions of the text in the Chaco Canyon area, and Kluckhohn has checked portions with informants in the Two WellsDanoff, Fort Defiance, Chin Lee, and Tuba City regions. And we have carefully examined the literature for variations.6 This comparison with published material and our general experience, especially that of witnessing ceremonials performed by singers from many areas, justifies our belief that the schema is fairly characteristic. Nevertheless it is inevitably some¬ what weighted on the side of the chants which we have ourselves seen most frequently. These are, however, probably those most often carried out at present: the Shooting Ways, Wind Ways, Life Ways, Night and Mountain Top Ways, Moving Up Way. Even here there is no exceptionless uni¬ formity7 for each singer tries to follow the legend as he has learned it, and 6 In Wyman and Kluckhohn reference has been made, we believe, to all published accounts of Navaho ceremonials which are based upon field observation. We shall refer to these under only two circumstances: 1) if they contain particularly valuable material supple¬ mentary to that which we are presenting, 2) if statements made therein are at variance with what we have observed or heard. 7 We realize that in Parts I-IV we have given masses of detail on variation which may seem needless and burdensome to some. But, in our opinion, only by so providing a corpus of material can both variation and interaction be studied scientifically. What may seem to the

KLUCKHOHN AND WYMAN]

NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

11

in oral transmission, greater or lesser variations arise in the texts. As hy phrased it “All the singers have stories which are a little bit different. I can’t keep up with them all.” It must also be remembered that there are always some minor variations. By design, no singer ever gives two per¬ formances of the same chant which are identical down to the last detail. Finally, as Dr. Reichard has observed, “anything can be changed and rationalized for cause.” Part I is organized on the following basis. We first define terms for persons participating in chants and present such simple generalizations as it seems possible to make about the economic and social relationships of such persons. We next define terms for objects used in chants, describe these objects, and state certain of the beliefs held as to this equipment. Finally we give a generalized account of events: i.e., what is done with the persons and objects which have been defined and described. Descriptions of actual procedures, unless followed by letters or numerals8 are based upon actual observation by one or both of us. All other statements (rationalizations of motive, generality of behavior etc.) are followed by designations of informants if based upon information from four or fewer Navahos.9 In this case, until confirmed, they must be regarded as local or individual generalizations only. If a generalization is a matter of general knowledge or has received independent confirmation from more than four reliable informants10 it is unmarked. The attempt has been made to check anthropologists of our generation only an odd or a meaningless variation may become deeply significant when more refined methods of analysis have been developed. But then, very probably, the original observations could no longer be made. We have, therefore, been scrupu¬ lous about even those details which today seem most trivial in the hope that our descriptions can thus always be reduced to their behavioral references and placed fairly adequately in their immediate context of situation by those who may, in the future, care to use them. 8 Following our practice in previous publications, informants from the Pinedale-CoolidgeSmith Lake region are designated by single capital letters, those from the Ramah-Atarque region by Arabic numerals. Informants from other areas are designated by two small letters (initials of their names). Thus (tn) represents tabq-hd nfrz, a singer from the vicinity of Tohatchi, New Mexico. We do not publish a complete list of the names of these informants be¬ cause of promises made to some of them. The requisite information will, however, be supplied to any interested anthropologist. 9 In cases of disagreement, preference in the text is given to statements of singers of the chant in question even when outnumbered by statements of singers not conducting the relevant chant. 10 The number four is somewhat arbitrary, of course, but many tests justify reliance that if four informants independently make a statement it represents a belief which is very widely, if not universally, held. Almost never have we found other informants unfamiliar with such generalizations, although occasionally they will reject them. When two (or even three)

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

12

[memoirs,

53

every point (except rationalizations volunteered) with at least four in¬ formants. Since the Table of Contents is so detailed and the Ceremonial glossary also gives page references, an index hardly seemed necessary. informants have separately made a given assertion, a third or fourth quite often states a quite different view. But it is an induction from our experience that four independent confirmations warrant postulation of some sort of standard practice or theory (except perhaps in the case of extinct or obsolescent chants or procedures). Such generalizations may, to be sure, be local or regional if all informants came from a single area or from but one of the several general geo¬ graphical regions into which the Navaho country appears to be divided. None of the unmarked sentences in our text rest on the word of four informants from a single locality unless this is indicated.

PART I A GENERALIZED ACCOUNT OF NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

Preamble Many have been puzzled by the seeming conflict between various ac¬ counts of Navaho chants and by the apparently stupendous complexity of the whole system. It is our cardinal purpose in Part I to show how a Navaho chant is a framework into which are fitted more or less discrete units (“ceremonies” and “acts and procedures”) either as dictated by fixed associations or in accord with the practice of individual singers, the wishes of the patient or patient’s family, the precise nature of the “illness,” or various other circumstances. The same units are used over and over again in different chants, sometimes with slight modifications. Single units (ceremonies) may be given independently or, more often, two or three may be combined in a rite lasting only a portion of a day or night. It seems simplest to start with a description of objects used cere¬ monially, for most of these appear in a great variety of chants. We shall next show how this equipment is manipulated in a patterned fashion in the various Acts and Procedures. The Acts and Procedures, in turn, form more or less separable units in more than one ceremony. Finally, the ceremonies are combined in different ways to form chants. A kind of stand¬ ardized skeleton arrangement for two-night, five-night, and nine-night chants is given on p. 105. But it must be borne constantly in mind that the possible combinations and permutations of the stylization of use of equipment into acts and procedures, of the order and juxtaposition of acts and procedures in ceremonies, and of the combination of ceremonies into chants has few limitations other than the ingenuity of practitioners. It is primarily this rather free handling of the various units which accounts for the apparent discrepancies in published descriptions of the same chants. It is also evi¬ dent that the intricacy of Navaho ceremonialism is not quite so over¬ powering once one has a clear view of the general workings of the system. This is, of course, nothing new in American Indian culture. It is precisely the sort of thing which Kroeber has shown for the Kuksu cult, Fenton for the Seneca Coldstream Longhouse ceremonies. 1. Definition of Terms for Personnel and Locus Patient (bifti naha\a): the person for whom the ceremonial is given and who receives the full treatment.11 It is convenient to follow the usual 11 Certain ceremonies may be held over sick animals and Blessing Way is sung over the ceremonial equipment at intervals “to renew it.” Chants, however, always require a person

13

14

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

[memoirs,

53

practice and speak of “patient” and “illness,” even though in many cases there is no evidence of actual disease.12 The patient has a pillowed seat of rugs, blankets, pelts at the west end of the hogan, slightly to the north of the center. The “patient's place” is sometimes referred to as yw6nv\i. If the patient is not present, other participants (except the singer) do not hesitate to sit in his place, but vacate it immediately on the patient’s en¬ trance. Most Holy Way and Evil Way chants (but not Life Way) make provision for two full patients in five- or nine-night chants and occasionally for three in nine-night. But special songs and special procedures are re¬ quired, and a relatively small number of singers are familiar with these. An unmarried man may not be a patient in Enemy Way (1, cc). Co-patient (id- bizaiahr l) :n those who attend all or most of the cere¬ monies but receive only an abbreviated form of the treatment. Their num¬ ber is not limited and may be from one to six or more. They are usually relatives of the patient, though this is not a requirement. Children of the patient (or of other co-patients) are often included. Sponsor (^o'Ma’hr): the person who institutes the ceremonial and as¬ sumes the principal responsibility in paying for it. Occasionally sponsor and patient are identical, but more commonly the sponsor is the father, mother, maternal uncle or other close relative of the patient. It is the sponsor who says hoseCq “I have a ceremonial going on,” or golayai selPq “I have a Chiricahua Wind Way going on.” Intermediary (gis ha'yai): the person sent by the sponsor to make arrangements with the singer and to bring the singer’s pouch (see 5a) to the residence of the patient. Often the sponsor himself acts as inter¬ mediary,14 and we have more than once seen the patient himself fetch the pouch, although there is general disapproval of this practice (because he as patient. When, for example, an Evil Way chant (followed normally by Blessing Way) is sung over property of a person recently deceased, the principal heir usually acts as patient. (The particular Evil Way chant is selected, as generally, by divination.) 12 Cf. Newcomb and Reichard, p. 10. 13 This means “they only take the medicine” and is simply a descriptive circumlocution. The Navaho seem seldom to feel the need for a term for “co-patient,” but this appears to be the way in which they most often designate these persons. It also describes the patient in the shortened forms of ceremonials {excerpts). We should like to point out in this connection that there is necessarily wide variety in the Navaho terms we list. Some are esoteric terms not widely used outside the professional fraternity; others are descriptive terms in general use; still others are, like this one, descriptive terms which are used comparatively seldom. Our aim has been to give the word or phrase which would most probably be used by a Navaho if he were referring to the person, object, or act in a ceremonial context. 14 The intermediary is also frequently referred to as ?o-kcrhi\

KLUCKHOHN AND WYMAN]

NAVAIIO CHANT PRACTICE

15

must not touch the pouch—R). In our observation the intermediary is invariably a relative (usually a rather close relative) of the patient. Practitioner (nahaldi): the term is applied alike to singers, curers, prayer-makers, diagnosticians, witches. It refers, in short, to anyone who attempts to influence the course of events by ceremonial means. The plural, ndahalai, is commonly used to describe the conductor of a ceremonial and all those who are assisting him. Women practitioners are found among the Navaho, although female singers are rare. None are found at present in the two areas we know intensively. There are female curers in the Pinedale-Coolidge-Smith Lake region but not in the Ramah. Female diag¬ nosticians are common in both areas. Singer {kata’li’), Curer (?azd"?o'niligi): the significance of these terms has been discussed by Morgan,15 by us,16 and by Kluckhohn.17 There is some difference of opinion among the Navaho as to the degree of knowledge which entitles a practitioner to be called a singer. It is agreed that he must know at least one complete chant (a five-night one according to R). The largest number a singer is likely to know is six or seven, although we have met several who claimed to know eight. If the singer specializes in one or more ceremonials, this is often alluded to. Thus, \e‘\i ye^eni'hv, for example, means roughly “specialist in Night Way.” A curer’s repertoire may be confined to a part of a single ceremonial or may include portions of as many as twelve ceremonials.18 The singer is (especially during the course of a chant) like one of the Holy People. Many things are not dangerous for him which would be dangerous to non-singers. The singer sits at the west of the hogan, slightly to the south of the center. While singing, he normally holds one of three stylized positions (whichever he has learned from his teacher). Most often, in our observa¬ tion, he braces his right hand against his right cheek and sways slightly. Or, he may hold each knee with the corresponding hand or may grasp the sheepskin between his legs with both hands. Apprentice {‘fdho’l^q): some one who is trying—somewhat persistently and systematically—to learn a ceremonial. An apprentice, if not a complete beginner, is often also designated as a curer. This implies that he has either enough knowledge of the particular ceremonial that is being carried 16 Morgan, 1936, pp. 34-35. 16 Wyman and Kluckhohn, p. 35. 17 Kluckhohn, 1938a, p. 361. 18 We shall use the term singer to refer to both singers and curers except in those few instances where there is reason to differentiate between the two.

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

16

[memoirs,

53

on to conduct some part of it independently or that, even though he knows next to nothing of this ceremonial, he can conduct portions of one or more others. Diagnostician (ye'ide't\hi'—“one who investigates to reveal ): this term covers all who practice any form of divination. There are also words which specify the particular type. One who does Hand Trembling divina¬ tion is called naHdilkidi, while a star-gazer is de-zU\ Herbalist (taze't til bthozini,

bilbehozin): one who knows many

herbal medicines and makes a business of collecting them for singers or for others. An herbalist usually knows more plants than the average singer. A singer knows the plants (perhaps a hundred or more) for the ceremonials he conducts. Wyman knows herbalists who know between three and four hundred distinct plants. The herbalist has no status as such during the actual performance of the chant. Today there are fewer of these professional botanists than in former years, and they get high prices for their services, perhaps five or ten dollars where they used to get a little pollen and their food. Singers today often act as their own herbalists and we have also observed members of the pa¬ tient’s family or even the patient himself gathering plant medicines under the direction of the singer.19 Professional herbalists are, however, quite frequently encountered. Kluckhohn observed two at the Laguna fiesta in 1937. Thousands of Navaho were gathered at Laguna and the two herbal¬ ists had brought large collections of freshly gathered plants and did a thriving business with both singers and laity. Wyman has also been taken to Laguna by herbalists on two occasions because certain plants may be found there and was told that they were usually gathered on the occasion of the fiesta. In no other case have we had such difficulty in finding a standard Navaho term. Those we have listed above are descriptive terms current in the Coolidge-Pinedale-Smith Lake region, for there are no professional herbalists in the Ramah area at present. Various informants on the Navaho 19 White friends are occasionally asked to bring plants from a distance. Ceremonial needs are often communicated to white friends, and the gift of something useful in ceremonial prac¬ tice which is difficult for Navahos to obtain (e.g., bison parts) is often more effective in pro¬ moting goodwill than is a fairly large sum of money, and this seems to be true in dealing with laymen as well as with practitioners, for such things may be traded or given as payment or gifts to a singer. Ordinarily their requests are not accompanied by specific instructions as to the manner of gathering such materials, but in the case of certain things they give detailed instructions as to sprinkling pollen, certain prayers, methods of cutting plants and the like, apparently trusting the white friend to behave in the proper ceremonial manner.

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NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

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Reservation and in the Two Wells area gave us the following designations: H'le'hi' “one who creates medicines;” ?aze•’ H'lini• (the common designation of white physicians); ?azaze-’>—Aster ericaefolius Rothr.);40 firedrill; calico pouch containing the infusion specific (see 6f) for Enemy Monster Way. On the death of a practitioner an Evil Way chant followed by Blessing Way must be conducted over his equipment (with the inheritor as patient). At intervals (perhaps every two years on the average but more fre¬ quently if many patients have died or if the singer has other sorts of ill fortune) Blessing Way is sung over a singer’s equipment and all of the prin¬ cipal articles are rubbed in meal at the time when the bath ceremony usually occurs. This practice is necessary “because maybe some of your patients have died” (cc). 5c Bundle Prayersticks (hdi'^d) (Figs. 1, 3, 4, 5, 6): The Navaho use in their ceremonials a number of articles of varied materials, shape, and con39 The Arabic numerals following the names of minerals indicate the number of specimens upon which the mineralogical identification was based. In this case substances designated by the Navaho under the same term proved to be mineralogically different. Although far the the greater number of specimens were specular hematite it seemed to us improper to refer (as has been done in the literature) to le-sc'vh as if it were invariably specular hematite. Hence we use “sparkling rock,” which is a translation frequently given for le-scvh by Englishspeaking Navahos. All mineral identifications were made by Mr. G. Switzer of the Depart¬ ment of Mineralogy in Harvard University. 40 The first time a plant is mentioned we shall give 1) the common name (where this is well-known and little confusion is likely to result) or a rough translation of the Navaho name, 2) the Navaho term, 3) the botanical name. Thereafter we shall give only 1), but Ap¬ pendix B gives a concordance of plant names.

26

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struction which it would be convenient to call “fetishes” in English, were it not that this word has implications which do not apply in the case of the Navaho objects. We therefore, in accord with established usage, speak of “prayersticks,” but we differentiate those prayersticks which are a permanent part of the singer’s bundle from those temporary prayersticks made as offerings for a single chant. Bundle prayersticks are specific for a given ceremonial and their num¬ ber greatly varies.41 Their details must therefore be described in connection with each different chant. A few general remarks may, however, be made. They are made of special woods, often lightning-struck, sometimes from special directions. They are painted with colors appropriate to the color symbolism of the chant and when used are arranged accordingly. Most types have “live”42 eagle plumes attached at their top ends by loops of buckskin or cotton string. These feathers may be removed and packed separately. Some bundle prayersticks are decorated with feathers (dead) bound near their middle with cotton string (sometimes a buckskin thong or deer sinew is tied over the string). When these feathers are attached in manufacturing or refreshing the bundle prayersticks (see 7n) a pinch of corn pollen is placed in the knot (by the patient) to prevent the tying on of any evil influence (D). These feathers may be wood-pecker (twelve kinds—R), parrot, flicker, sapsucker, bluebird, yellow bird, road runner (which runs away from evil things—R) eagle, mockingbird, and others. Hummingbirds’ feathers were formerly used but are not used today (D). Bundle prayersticks are stuck in the ground around a sandpainting and used otherwise to make the set-out and set-up (see 9d and 9h; Figs. 5, 6). Plumed Wands.43 (be^ecos) Wide Boards (cin hte'l) (Fig. 4, center): are paddle-shaped, about two and one-half by four inches, with a handle three inches long, of lightningstruck cottonwood (irs) Populus Wislizenii (Wats.) Sarg. (B), with a live eagle plume at each upper corner, with symbolic designs painted on both sides, and sometimes perforated by cut-out designs (Perforated Wide Boards -cinte l bayaho' gqmgi'). Wide Boards are used, at least in Male Shooting Way, Navaho Wind Way, Hail Way and Water Way. Crooks (cin nazahi—stick with crook on end) (Fig. 4, ends): are slender 41 There are, for example, twenty-two in Male Shooting Way (Newcomb and Reichard, p. 11) and only two in Chiricahua Wind Way. 42 “Live” (hind) feathers are those which have been secured from living birds and the word will hereafter be used without quotation marks. 43 See Matthews, 1902, p. 57, for a description of the plumed wands of the Night Chant; Matthews, 1887, p. 422, for illustration of those of Mountain Top Way. See also Matthews, 1898, pp. 233-237.

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NAVA HO CIIANT PRACTICE

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crooks of white oak (cecil) Quercus utahensis (A.DC.) Rydb., with a live eagle plume at the crooked end. They are like canes, symbolize traveling (B), represent the staff carried by a supernatural in a sand-painting (R). Straight Snake Stick (cin kesdon), Notched Snake Stick (Vo^o'giztgt), Crooked Snake Stick (cin no'iki'M) (Figs. 4, 6): shaped like snakes, nine to ten inches long, one-half inch or more in diameter (some are broad and flat), of lightning-struck cottonwood or pine (R), from the four directions (B), with eyes painted on or of inlaid turquoise, live eagle plumes attached to their necks (their “spirit;” “what they live on;” “if they lose them they are dead”—R), often various feathers bound to their middle (“like their legs; they travel on them”—R). They represent snake or lightning super¬ naturals. (Big Snake—Si's coh, or Bull Snake—di'yoS.) Slender Sticks (cin cost) (Fig. 6, ends): seven to eight inches long, onefourth inch in diameter, of oak or fendlera (ciXiz), Fendlera rupicola Gray, from near where lightning struck (R), of hard oak (cecil nkizi) Quercus undulata Torr., (B), sometimes with eyes and mouth painted on a facet at the tip, sometimes marked with longitudinal scratches (3) representing lightning, with various feathers bound to the middle. These, sometimes together with certain snake sticks, may be called nadte (slave) because in certain set-ups they are placed on both sides of the snake sticks which represent supernaturals (diyin dine^e) to act as their “guards” (R). 5d Talking Prayersticks (kc iq'ydltv?) (Fig. 6, horizontal on top): These have been described by Matthews44 and Hill.45 We have the following varia¬ tions to note and details to add. The wood should be lightning-struck oak (R) or willow (cc). The feathers whose tips extend above the tops of the sticks should be of bluebird, yellow bird, as well as of turkey and eagle. We have never seen more than a pair of them but several old singers (ny, hn, cc) stated that there should be four—two black male ones (with round heads), two blue female ones (with square heads). The talking prayersticks are held by the patients during supplementary prayer ceremonies (see 9j). The faces are turned toward the east during part of the ceremony, then turned toward the patient. Most informants agreed that only singers who knew the “strong prays” (see 9j) have a right to own talking prayersticks. The lore relating to these articles of equipment mentions various Pueblo Indians very frequently46 and we have heard of a number of instances where completed or partly completed talking prayersticks were 44 Matthews, 1887, p. 452. 46 Hill, 1936a. 46 Cf. Franciscan Fathers, 1912, Vol. I, p. 148. But our informants denied that the pieces of big reed inside must necessarily come from Taos and Oraibi, saying that “any pueblo would do.”

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obtained from Laguna, Zuni, or Hopi Indians. There has also apparently been trouble in the past because Navaho have stolen prayersticks for this purpose from Pueblo shrines. A pair of prayersticks is said to be worth “thirty dollars and a big buckskin” (cc). In bundle X the two (male and female) are separate. They are made of sticks of fendlera one-fourth inch in diameter. The male is eleven inches long, the butt wound with four inches of orange wool yarn, with eagle plumes extending beyond the tip. Near the plumes seventeen small sea shells (any number may be used) and a perforated turquoise are attached with buckskin strings. The shells are to intimidate evil spirits and the turquoise was placed there by the singer during the ceremonial in which it was first made and used. In each succeeding ceremonial in which it is used another turquoise is attached by the singer, and when it becomes covered the turquoises are attached to the female stick and eventually to the chant token (R) (see 5n) or the bundle (12). The female is ten inches long, the butt wound with an inch of orange yarn, two inches of blue, and another inch of orange (any colors may be used, the arrangement only dis¬ tinguishing the sexes—R), and the tip furnished with eagles plumes, black wild turkey plumes with the tail of a gray squirrel (\ozilgai) in the center. When lightning is an etiological factor the two sticks are used tied together (R). According to 12 the two sticks must always be made together: “if they are made separate they won’t work together.” Several informants insisted that separate talking prayersticks were the same as medicine stoppers. Talking prayersticks are used in Mountain Top, Beauty, Night, Navaho Wind Ways and in certain prayer ceremonials. 5e Equipment for Offerings: If a singer makes some special sort of offering prayerstick (fte'id'n nd'hanPh—the term seems to mean “that which has been feathered or dressed in return for something”), his bundle will of course contain the requisites (except such as are gathered at the time of making). But (if he sings any Holy Way chants) his bundle is almost certain to contain the materials specified in the ensuing two paragraphs and also a small sack of powder, a scent (falc\h) “which the spirits like” (R, D) (the ashes of fumigant or a substance from living birds—D) and a small brush of bluebird and yellow bird feathers set in a reed handle (yddilkd'n)47 47 This is a fairly general term for a ceremonial applicator which is used to apply pollen, powder, paint to another ceremonial object or to the body of a person. It is used, for example, in connection with the consecration of hogans and masks. It may also be used to designate an object (the bullroarer, for instance) which is used without powder to bless something simply by gesture or by touch.

kluckhohn and wyman]

NAVA HO CHANT PRACTICE

29

for applying the scent to the offerings (Hxide'lnd'h). When the supernaturals find the offerings they say “these may not be mine,” so they examine them and smell them, and if they look and smell right they accept them. If mistakes have been made they will not take them and the patient does not recover (D). Jewel Offerings (rikiz): These seem to be basic and usually accompany the other kinds, or may be made alone. The materials needed are: 1. four small pieces of white cotton cloth (the offerings are placed upon and carried out in these and then they are returned to the singer who uses them again); 2. the four jewels: a) jet, b) turquoise, c) abalone shell, d) white shell; 3. powdered sparkling rock (which sparkles so you can see a “spirit” with it upon his body afar off—R, and also functions as does pollen, being called “beautiful pollen”—tddidvn hzoni—D); 4. blue pollen (powdered petals of larkspur, Delphinium Nelsonii Greene, or certain other blue flowers); 5. cat-tail (te'l) Typha latifolia L., pollen; 6. a bluebird skin; 7. eagle plumes (not necessarily live feathers—D); 8. turkey breast feathers (commemora¬ tive, “turkey used to participate”—D); 9. turkey beard hairs; 10. cotton string (today store string may be used—D). In bundle X the sack of jewels contains bits of aragonite (white mirage stone—see 5t) in addition to the others, and that of sparkling rock con¬ tains galena and a little serpentine var. chrysotile. The package of feathers contains two bluebird skins (a pair, male and female, killed in one place, R), a Rocky Mountain sapsucker (ne^ezvn), nineteen red shafted flicker (laiya'lcrh) tail feathers and nine eagle plumes. Reed Offerings (Fig. 21, tied to little hoop): Commonly called “cigar¬ ettes.” The materials are: 1. reed (loka-?)—Phragmites communis Trin. or big reed (lokacoh), possibly Arundo donax L.; 2. minerals to make paints: a) blue—ffadeJMs) azurite (6) or malachite (3), b) white (\ems) rhyolite tuff (6),48 c) yellow (le'co) yellow ocher (limonite) (5), d) black (le'zin) lignite (8), e) brown (dinlev); 3. mountain tobacco (gil ndtoh) Nicotiana attenuata Torr.; 4. down and wing and tail feathers from male and female bluebirds (dolv) and yellow birds; 5. eagle plumes; 6 various special pollens. Prayer stick Offerings: Made of various kinds of wood decorated in vari¬ ous ways. For many illustrations and much descriptive material see Mat¬ thews.49 For example he describes prayerstick offerings made of cherry wood. We have heard of the following kinds appropriate to various cere-

48 Reichard, 1936, p. 214, refers to Aes as montmorillonite. 49 Matthews, 1887, p. 419; 1902, p. 37 ff; p. 67 ff; 1898, pp. 237-248.

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monials: Lightning, Wind, Earth, Big Snake, Snake, Rabbit, Bear, Pollywog, Coyote, Dog, Porcupine, Rattlesnake, Lizard, Flies. Special prayerstick offerings requiring special materials are made in certain ceremonials. One such, used in Chiricahua Wind Way, will be described in Part III.50 Through the kindness of Mr. McKinney, custodian of the Chaco Canyon National Monument, we were allowed to examine the largest snake stick (?) we have ever seen. It had been deposited in the museum at Pueblo Bonito by the finder, who said that it, and another like it but painted white, had been buried after a Navaho “sing” in the vicinity of the Carrizo Moun¬ tains. If true this circumstance may place it in the class of offering rather than of bundle prayersticks. It is straight, thirty-nine inches long, one inch wide and three quarters of an inch deep at the middle, and rather carefully carved. The “back” is painted black and the “belly” white, but the “neck” is encircled by four double red lines on a two inch stretch of unpainted wood. The eyes may have been white or blue. On the black back, about equally spaced longitudinally, are four white designs similar to those figured by Newcomb and Reichard,51 i.e., a rectangle “the snakes home,” a “deer track” behind it, and double curved marks on each side, “the changes of the moon,” the “ . . . position of the curves . . . used if the chant is the ‘driving-out-eviP branch.” The general appearance of the stick, therefore, is like that of the Snake Guardians of Newcomb and Reichard’s plates VII, X or XII. Red, yellow and white spots are scattered over the back between the designs. There are no “rattles.” The similarity to the Shooting Way sandpainting figures may indicate its connection with that chant-way. Mush Figurine, Offerings: Kluckhohn has seen mush figurine offerings modeled from a special sort of corn meal mixed into a dough with wild cherry bark in an excerpt from Mountain Top Way, Female Branch. These are made representing porcupines, snakes, bears, coyotes, or other dead animals which a pregnant woman or her husband has looked on in order 60 Of more than twenty-five singers questioned only one (2—a man past eighty) had heard of Ke'ioSc'rn in the sense of “a sample roll of prayersticks” (Franciscan Fathers, 1910, p. 398; 1912, Vol. II, p. 107). (Reichard seems to have encountered this usage. See Reichard, 1928, p. 147.) Our informants were, however, familiar with the term in one or more other senses. To 2 the word referred to the four original prayersticks of Female Shooting Way (see Part IV, p. 164). Most informants thus designated unfinished talking prayersticks or the tiny paired prayersticks made in Mountain Peak Blessing Way or tied inside the masks used in chants having God Impersonators. Informant hn said that the pair (one black, one blue) made in Mountain Peak Blessing Way are held in the left hand of the patient during the litany in Bead Way. 61 Newcomb and Reichard, p. 53, fig. 7, c.

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NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

31

to prevent injury to the baby. Apparently they are not made in full fiveor nine-night chants. 5f Medicine Stopper (?aze,tf bidadityh): This is used to protect, stir, taste and sprinkle medicines. We have the following to add to the description by Wyman.52 The turquoise beads which are sometimes found tied to it represent wealth and financial success (R). R also called it a “dark little talking prayerstick” and said that there is a white oak stick inside it. The single medicine stopper in l’s bundle is about fifteen inches long. It is bound with two and a half inches of red yarn at the bottom, then three inches of blue yarn, then three inches of red yarn, then come the eagle feathers. At the middle is tied a small perforated piece of abalone shell (di'cili) and there is a small flint inside. According to ny an olivella shell should always be attached to the medicine stopper in Shooting Way Chants. The one in bundle X is eleven inches long, five-eighths inch in diameter at the butt, made of the tail of a male deer, bound around the butt with white wool yarn covered with a quarter inch wide strip of buckskin, and around the middle with white and orange wool yarn. Extending towards the tip from the butt wrappings are four bluebird feathers and three black feathers of the Rocky Mountain sapsucker. At the middle is tied a white mirage stone (.hadahoni'jeHgai) (see 5t). At the tip five or six eagle plumes cover and extend beyond the deer hair. For the most part, medicine stoppers do not appear to be rigidly specific for different chants. But medicine stoppers for Bead WTay are notably larger, made of eagle feathers

(with Life Medicine—see 6m—inside)

tightly

wrapped with beads. Medicine stoppers are not used in Big Star and Eagle chants. The medicine stopper is normally the last article of equipment made for the learner of a chant. “The name means ‘put it over the medicine, protect it’.” (dl). 5g Digging Sticks (gis) (Fig. 1, articles 6 and 9 from upper left corner): Medicine is thought of as being dug out with these sticks. Wyman has described those used in a Life Way chant.63 Kluckhohn noted the following variations in some used in Shooting Way chants: they were made of mountain mahogany (ce^esda'zr)—Cercocarpus montanus Raf.; both the male and female were quite plain save for a single white bead attached to each. In a Flint Way bundle (used by B) the female was of mountain mahogany and marked with a white shell bead, the male of hard oak

62 Wyman, 1936a, pp. 637-638. 63 Wyman, 1938, p. 637.

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

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[memoirs,

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marked with a small flint. This is in accord with a part of the legend. Both were wrapped with four colors of wool yarn and had one or two blue macaw feathers among the eagle plumes. 5h Arrows

(Figs. 1, 7 and 10 from left) and bows

There

are two general types of arrows found in Navaho chant equipment. The first is specific to the various Shooting Ways conducted according to Holy Way and Life Way Rituals. Wyman has described those used in a Life Way, Female Shooting Branch.64 Those observed by Kluckhohn in Male and Female Shooting Way bundles were generally similar, but the follow¬ ing additions and variations may be noted: to the male arrow is tied a tiny white birdpoint. To the male are tied blue feathers, to the female yellow feathers. Under the eagle feathers at the end of each is painted an arrow (blue and yellow respectively) and feathers from small birds. To the male arrow, beside the bit of turquoise identifying it as male, are tied larger bits of turquoise. These, together with the six strings of beads above the birdpoint and the five below, are said to have been “gifts to the arrow for healing.” Within an inch of the bottom a wolf sinew is tied around the male. The female also has pieces of turquoise given it and likewise large white beads. In a Flint Way bundle (used by B) instead of arrows there were two plain lengths (about eighteen inches) of big reed from the east and the west. The bundles for Evil Way chants often contain two small (sometimes miniature) bows and two arrows. The bows should be made of “yellow mahogany” (celkanv) or fendlera and strung with wolf or mountain lion sinew (also used to wrap the arrows). Most bows seen were about nine inches long. Different chants prescribe different materials for the arrows. According to hn, the male arrow in Red Ant Way should be of chamiso (.doyw6zr)

Atriplex canescens (Pursh)

Nutt., the female of buckthorn

(cr?i74‘9) Ceanothus Fendleri Gray. 5i Whistle (cicg's): Wyman and the Franciscan Fathers have given some information on whistles.55 Two types are in general use in the Shoot¬ ing Ways, Life Ways, Mountain Top and Beauty Ways. The first (men¬ tioned by Wyman) is made from the largest bone in the wing of an eagle. The eagle should have been trapped, not shot. The second type is made of big reed (Fig. 1, 3 from left). These are usually about five inches long and almost completely bound in yarn. On a representative specimen the bottom inch was covered with red yarn, the next with three-quarters of an 64 Ibid. 66 Wyman, 1936a, p. 638; Franciscan Fathers, 1910, pp. 403, 511.

KLUCKHOHN AND WYMAN]

NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

33

inch of green, then two and a half inches of orange, then a strand of white string, then one-quarter inch of black yarn, finally an inch of white yarn. (This was used in the Female Shooting Way described in Part IV.) The whistle mentioned by most informants in connection with Water Way and by five in connection with Hail Way was made of the femur of a jackrabbit and generally referred to as so-yq-"?. According to cc and fn, no whistle was used in Hail Way. Informants dl and ny stated that either the whistle made of jackrabbit femur or those of reed or eagle bone as described above could be used in these chants. Since Hail and Water Way belong to the same chant Sub-Group as the Shooting Ways this seems plausible, although perhaps only as the most appropriate substitution in the lack of the jackrabbit femur whistle. Bead Way and Eagle Way require a special whistle (9acdzo'l—“calls eagles”) for summoning eagles.66 This should be made from the femur of a jackrabbit killed by an eagle. According to almost all informants, whistles are not used in Evil Way chants, and we have never observed them being so used. The Franciscan Fathers, however, refer to the use of them in “the witch chant”67 and ny and dl mentioned that a whistle (be• tecQ's) fashioned from the metacarpal of a mountain lion (ny only) was used by some singers in Moving Up Way. In all whistles the one end is stopped up with gum from a pinyon (cd^o'l) Pinus edulis Engelm., or Ponderosa pine (ndtscr 9) Pinus ponderosa Laws., tree which has been struck by lightning. This should be gathered by men or women who have been captured in youth by enemies and who have returned to the Navaho after many years. (2) “Blow sickness off, blow sickness off on all four sides of the sick man, that’s what it’s for.” (1) In Coyote Way (and according to fn and ts also in some form of Mountain Top Way) a flute with four holes took the place of the whistle. The flute was made either from big reed or from the sunflower, {hdvyilv) Helianthus annuus L. Many informants also mentioned the former use of the flute to time corn grinding.58 A Navaho flute was found on a rock ledge in Chaco Canyon in the summer of 1937 by some students of the Univer¬ sity of New Mexico Field School. ’ 5j Bullroarer (pin dinit) (Fig. 6, center): The Navaho bullroarer (“groan66 Franciscan Fathers, 1910, p. 511. ” Ibid. 68 Cf. Franciscan Fathers, ibid.

34

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

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ing stick,” “whizzer”) has been referred to, described, and pictured more than once.69 We add only the following notes. The requirement on which all informants were agreed was that wood from a tree struck by lightning (?rni? cin yidi'lta'H') must be used to make the bullroarer. Two (R, D) said that it could be either hard oak or (Ponderosa) pine. Informant R stated that it could also be juniper (gad) Juniperus monosperma (Engelm.) Sarg., but D denied this. Both agreed that a piece of pine split from the tree by lightning and stuck into the ground was especially desirable. If oak is used it must be cut from the tree (D). We were unable to determine whether there was any generally recognized correlation between kind of wood and particular ceremonials. Informant R said that oak is appropriate for all Evil Way chants, except for Moving Up Way where pine is used. Informant D and 1, however, said that it made no difference. The bullroarer is not used in Beauty, Mountain Top, Night, and Hand Trembling Holy Way, but it is present in the lay¬ out (see 7b) in the case of the two first-named chants. Besides the eyes and mouth of turquoise mentioned in the literature, a piece of abalone shell is sometimes inlaid on the back of the bullroarer. It is coated with pinyon pitch, charcoal from a tree burned by lightning or ashes from a blackening, and sprinkled with sparkling rock. (These practices are not all always carried out, but we have found singers generally familiar with them.) The one in bundle X is of lightning-struck white oak, six and fiveeighths by one and one-half by three-sixteenths inches, with turquoise “eyes” inlaid one inch from the butt and “mouth” three inches from the tip, with a red dyed buckskin thong thirty-three inches long wdth a one and one-half inch loop at the end, and blackened with pitch and charcoal from a lightning burned pinyon. The bullroarer was given by the lightning spirit (D). Its sound repre¬ sents thunder. The article itself variously represents flash lightning (haco?olyal) and zigzag lightning (?acinfihi$). 5k Flints (he's) and Serrated Flints (.besisiogi•): In the singer’s bundle there are a varying number of stone arrowheads or spearpoints of various colors and materials. We can add the following data to those recently published by Father Berard.60 The flints have been obtained in the first instance from prehistoric sites. When an arrowpoint is found or obtained from another person, air must be breathed in (yizil) from it four times. 69 See Wyman, 1936a, p. 637; Franciscan Fathers, 1910, p. 414; Matthews, 1887, p. 436. 80 Haile, 1938a, pp. 31-32.

KLUCKHOHN AND WYMAN]

NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

35

“It’s going to be yours for always. Then the lightning and snakes will know that you have something in your body to protect you. The wind will tell them” (7). (This is done, as a matter of fact, on acquiring most articles of ceremonial use. We have observed it especially on the occasion of giving a singer a turtle or abalone shell.) Arrowheads constitute a class of minor property and medium of exchange among the Navaho. “When people live together they often just give each other an arrowhead or some pollen for doing diagnosis.” (30) Flints have intimidatory properties because they were the weapons of the Holy People and come from the lightning. (If you dig down about three feet in a place where you have seen lightning strike you will find an arrowhead—R.)61 Five arrowpoints may be buried, about one and a half feet deep, points downward, on each side of the door and at the south, west, and north of the hogan in a Blessing Way given because of dreams of death or injury (R, 1). According to 1, they are taken out four days and four nights after the rite. Father Berard states that some rituals prescribe that flints be inserted in the crevices at the cardinal points of the hogan.62 A stone arrowhead is sometimes buried point upward inside the hogan, south of the door or one on each side to protect the house from lightning or bad luck (W, D)—if the point were down the lightning would come down (W). 51 Club (xal) (Fig. 2, lower right): The bundle also contains at least one stone club. This was the weapon of Monster Slayer, used by him to kill fear. Hence evil spirits fear it. The club is therefore used for various pro¬ cedures such as erasing the sandpainting, much as is the bullroarer. The club and flints are almost the only articles of equipment handled freely by the patient and spectators, and these often apply them to their whole bodies or simply to painful parts. They are held in the left hand by all present during certain prayer ceremonies.63 In certain Evil Way chants a whole string of flints is hung over the patient’s shoulders. The one in bundle X, of greenish yellow shale, is four and five-eighths by one by five-sixteenths inches. It has one deep, longitudinal scra.tch and and two or three lighter ones on each side. The tip is bluntly pointed. This kind is also called “lightning arrow” (?rwf? beha'^) because it is “the arrow, found where lightning strikes” (R). 5m Brush (ndvt\) (Fig. 14): This is composed of the primary wing

61 See Wyman, 1936a, p. 638. 62 Haile, 1935, p. 5. 63 For the rationalization see Haile, 1938a, p. 97.

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feathers and the tail feathers of an eagle64 and one owl feather (tail or wing) which came off while the bird was flying. These feathers are bound together with a buckskin thong wrapped around the base of the quills. An olivella shell or a turquoise bead or both are attached to this thong on one side (upper side of feathers) and a stone arrowpoint on the other side. (According to D and R, it should be a bead or an arrowpoint—not both.) Bundle X: thirteen eagle feathers (two, three, or four “live”), black arrowpoint on under side. The eagle feathers are a mixture of “dead” and “live” feathers. Today the feathers are often mostly “dead,” but one live feather at least should be included (D, R, 1), “for you cannot turn the eagle loose without its feathers” (D). Formerly the live feathers were obtained from eagles trapped according to the methods described by Matthews,65 and these live feathers were treasured until they wore out, but new ones were added to the brush (six or so every four years) (D). The brush is used in Holy Way ceremonials to protect medicines, to brush the participants during emesis, to brush off the patient after unravel¬ ing or sandpainting ceremonies, for asperging, to assist the patient in rising. Feathers from the brush are used as protection, to induce emesis, to blow away ashes, as parts of unravelers, and in other procedures where large eagle feathers are needed. These uses for the brush are found in Evil Way ceremonials, but here the brush forms the center of a separate procedure which will be described in Sub-section 7n. The brush is generally held to intimidate evil spirits. It is effective in brushing away evil from the patient, from other participants, from the hogan, from anything. The whole brush, or feathers from it, are also pro¬ tective when laid across medicine containers. D rationalized these beliefs as follows: in the early days, when buzzards and eagles were people, they used their first primary wing feathers as a bow and their tail feathers as arrows to kill evil spirits. The following account was obtained from 1 : “Monster Slayer killed the male and female Rock Monster Eagles.66 But he didn’t kill their young ones. He let them live, but he said to them: ‘Don’t kill Navahos any more. Now you must just eat the rabbit and prairie dog. But you’ve got to be of some use. The Navahos will get feathers from you and use them in chasing away evil spirits. You are going to be just like my children from now on, so the evil spirits will be afraid of you and your feathers.’ That’s why eagles today fly away from Navahos and don’t

64 Cf. Hill, 1938, p. 165. 66 Matthews, 1897, p. 232. 66 For linguistic recording and further information see Haile, 1938a, p. 116, ff.

KLUCKHOHN AND WYMAN]

NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

37

talk to them. That’s why ever since then the evil spirits have been afraid of eagle feathers. Whenever an evil spirit sees an eagle feather moving, he runs about ten feet away. If he sees it move some more, he gets scared and runs away.” The brush is part of the equipment in almost all chants, save Chiricahua Wind Way. In chants conducted according to Fighting or Angry Way SubRitual it is present in the lay-out but not used, (fn, cc, hn). 5n Chant Tokens {‘telkd'h) (Fig. 3, to right of brush): These “tie-ons” which mark out the patient in many Navaho chants have also been re¬ ferred to as “recognition marks.”67 A live eagle plume is the basic element in the type employed in the Life, Hail, Wind, and Shooting Ways. The chant token for a male patient has a bit of turquoise and bluebird feather attached to it, that for a female patient a white shell bead and yellow bird feather. When these are made, a singer places the plumes in a basket which which is set upon a large buckskin. (The singer gets basket and buckskin in his fee for making the chant tokens.) He wraps the proximal end of the feathers in unwounded buckskin. Within the wrapping he places four sub¬ stances: 1) a pinch of soil from each of the four Holy Mountains;68 2) corn pollen which has been shaken over live male and female blue and yellow birds; 3) corn pollen shaken over live male and female corn beetles69 {yanliani); 4) a fragment from an earth medicine plant (le- ?aze-f) Eriogonum alatum Torr. which has been broken and allowed to grow back to¬ gether and gathered in early spring.70 Informants did not agree as to whether the eagle plume chant tokens used in Life and Shooting Way chants were made identically, although we have noted a few cases of loan¬ ing back and forth. At all events, where singers sing both kinds of chants, they usually have separate sets for each. In bundle X the one chant token is 9 inches long, the butt being a stick of lightning-struck cottonwood, one-fourth inch in diameter, wound 67 For additional material see Haile, 1938a, pp. 62, 121; Wyman, 1936a, p. 638. 68 For recent discussions of the sacred mountains of the Navaho see Haile, 1938a, pp. 19, 38, 42, 51, 54, 66, and Van Valkenburg, 1938. 69 Haile, 1938a, pp. 34, 40. 70 It will be understood, of course, that formulas such as these (and likewise recipes for medicines) vary in detail from singer to singer and from area to area. The generalities have been checked with more than four informants (unless the contrary is indicated), but the pre¬ cise formula is that of a single singer (here: 2). Other singers with whom we have worked add or leave out an ingredient or two or omit or add minor requirements, though preserving the general character of the formula. It must be also borne in mind that there is some inten¬ tional variation in medicine and in procedure in accord with the nature of the disease. (Cf. Matthews, 1902, p. 79.)

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

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with an inch of buckskin and an inch of orange wool yarn, with two tie strings of buckskin seven inches long at the junction of skin and yarn. This one is said to be for either a male or female patient, and may hang on either side of the head (R). Two Flint Way singers (2, 3) stated that the chant tokens for this chant should contain dirt from the tracks of male and female bison (for the chant tokens for male and female patients respectively). The chant tokens used in the Mountain Top Ways are generally similar, but usually include in addition to the eagle plume a feather from a turkey and one from a road runner (na~ce\dzi•). In a fragment of Flint Way legend (B), Holy Man lost one hair of his head, therefore could not speak, Talking God restored it, and with it his speech, so the chant token represents this hair. Chant tokens for Evil Way, Shooting Branches are distinguished only by having a flint point (which should have been unearthed by a gopher) tied to each. Chant tokens for Evil Way chants are generally differentiated in this way, and a flint point alone is used as a chant token in the brief excerpts from Evil Way chants usually referred to as “blackenings.” The chant token for Moving Up Way is commonly an eagle wing feather with flint point attached. Chant tokens are not required in the following: Water Way, Night Way, Hand Trembling Way, and probably the Holy Way forms of Red Ant and Big Star Way. It may be noted that these (with the possible excep¬ tion of Red Ant Holy Way) are chants which also lack figure-painting of the patient’s body, and dl said that chant tokens go only with body painting. Informants agreed that the chant token had a recognitive significance. Together with the token (see 5o) and body paint the chant token con¬ stitutes one of the principal signs by which the Holy People are to distin¬ guish the patient. Further, its materials (live feathers, live pollen, etc.) symbolize the continuation of life for the patient (B). 5o Tokens (sr\6'l): The chant tokens remain the property of the singer, constituting part of the permanent contents of his bundle. A token is, however, given to the patient the last day of many chants. The singer must, therefore, have a supply of the raw materials in his bundle, though the shap¬ ing and perforation is done during the chant. The tokens consist of per¬ forated bits of turquoise for male patients, of abalone shell or white shell (olivella, for example) for female patients. Some singers give both turquoise and white shell to both men and women in the Shooting Ways; other singers give both either to men only or to women only. The tokens are

KLUCKHOHN AND WYMAN]

NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

39

strung on strings of unwounded buckskin. According to hn, white shell tokens were given to men, abalone shell to women in Awl Way and Earth Way. The skin strings worn around the neck in Hail Way and Water Way (?) were not called by the same term, for they were not tied in the hair, and their usage was generally different. During the sandpainting ceremony of the last day a strip of mountain sheep hide was placed around the patient’s neck. After four days this was taken off and put carefully away in a sack. It was never loaned. During the summer when it thundered it might be taken out and worn one whole day but returned to the sack at night. This could be done once each summer but the practice was not obligatory. In¬ formants hn and cc referred to the use of ordinary tokens in these chants. This, very probably, represents the usage of singers who lacked the songs and prayers necessary to the making of the neckbands. Tokens are restricted to Holy Way chants, but none are given in Beauty Way, Mountain Top Way, Bead Way, Eagle Way, Night Way, Hand Trembling Way and probably not in the Holy Way forms of Red Ant Way and Big Star Way. Once again a general correlation may be observed: tokens are regularly given only in chants where figure painting of the patient’s body is practised. As has been mentioned, the tokens likewise serve as marks of designa¬ tion for the patient—but not merely during the course of the ceremonial. Men with long hair and women continue to wear the token tied to the hair in the center of their heads or to the queue. Men with short hair wear them on the hat, tied to either side of the hatband, (always on the left at first—R). Tokens for Water Way and Hail Way are said to have been worn on a string around the neck. The token acts as a kind of talisman against supernatural dangers considered etiological factors for the chant in question. “It’s really blown inside your heart” (12). Informants also commonly make statements of this sort: “You wear it so lightning will know you. The snakes and bears will know you also so there is no danger.” (15). ‘ The token is made (by the singer or the assistant) during the first performance of a given chant. In any repetition of the same chant for that patient the same token is used. With some the practice is to wear simul¬ taneously all tokens received from different chants. Others wear normally only the token of the chant most recently performed, reserving the dis¬ play of all to attendance at a Night Way or an Enemy Way (R). If a per¬ son owning several tokens is the patient he must put away all but the one proper to that ceremonial for its duration.

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

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5p Firedrill (yo'lkq) (Fig. 14): This has four main parts: the shaft (biki'deiq), the tip (ccyadmde'l), the fireboard (be'^o'lhq), the buckskin thong with which the shaft and tip (which may be flanged) are tied to¬ gether. The shaft may be of any wood (e.g., an old spindle stick). The tip is separate, so that it may be renewed, and it is of lightning-struck white oak (J, W, 1), juniper (R), cottonwood (3, D) or willow (kai) Salix sp. (B). The fireboard, in which depressions are cut near the edge in which to twirl the drill, is of lightning-struck cottonwood (W, B, D), of the roots of a big cottonwood (1), or white oak(R). 5q Rattles :n To a very considerable degree the Navaho consider a rattle as a kind of trademark of the chant, as opposed to the rites which are not chant ways. A number of Blessing Way practitioners stated that the numer¬ ous sacks of pollen used in Blessing Way occupy the place that rattles do in the chants. At least at the present time rattles are definitely not employed in Hand Trembling Way or in Life Way, Shaft Branch. Nor did we hear any men¬ tion of former use of rattles in the latter chant, although in the case of Hand Trembling Way at least five informants spoke of wild gourd rattles (hdilkal fayd'l) Cucurbita foetidissima H.B.K., in times past. According to R, wild gourds were too brittle to use or the requisite songs and prayers for making them have been forgotten. Five other informants (including two singers of the chant) denied that any sort of rattle was ever used in Hand Trembling Way and suggested that we had been misled by the occasional use of rattles made from wild gourds in Chiricahua Wind Way. (ab’s father still uses such a rattle in this chant.) In any event the only conclusive evidence for the carrying out of chants without rattles is in the case of the above two chants. Seven in¬ formants did say that no rattle is used in Bead Way and, according to cc, fn, and hn, none were required in Water Way, Awl Way, and Earth Way. It seems possible, however, that these statement rest on ignorance, for there is good evidence to the contrary in the case of Bead Way72 and Water Way, although chants which are becoming obsolescent are not infrequently per¬ formed without full sets of equipment. Inside gourd and hide rattles may be found bits of turquoise and other 71 For considerable information and illustrations see the Franciscan Fathers, 1910, pp. 401-402. 72 Dr. Reichard kindly informs us that she has seen a Bead Way in which hide rattles were used, and Miss Wheelwright is certain that gourd rattles were used in Water Way. Dr. Reich¬ ard adds that while she knows two singers who employ hide rattles in singing Bead Way, most of her informants also state that Bead Way does not require a rattle.

kluckhohn and wyman]

NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

41

“jewels,” corn pollen, blue pollen, sparkling rock, and grains of corn “of all colors.” (Informants R and D said that in some rattles used in Night Way and Beauty Way there are hackberry (gilxaH) Celtis reticulata Torr., seeds as well as jewels, but three Beauty Way singers had never heard of this.) In making a new rattle jewels from a worn-out one are used when possible, and in any case a few jewels from an old rattle are required. Any fresh materials put within a rattle must be sung and prayed over during a chant. Gourd rattle (^ade'f "tajd'l) (Fig. 2, center): Domesticated gourds for making rattles are obtained by trade from Pueblo Indians, usually from those of Laguna or Zuni. Those for most chants are three or four inches in diameter, but those used in Night Way are about an inch larger. The handle (about four inches long) is of Rocky Mountain red cedar (gad ni^e'lv, gad cagi', or dilkiscv?) Juniperus scopulorum Sarg. Where the handle enters the gourd there are two buckskin washers and where it projects at the top it is secured by a buckskin thong. The surface of gourd rattles is decorated with a perforated design representing constellations. Tozzer has described the making of a rattle for a Night Way chant and the star lore represented thereon.73 The follow¬ ing description is based upon six rattles which we have examined carefully and which will be designated by capital letters, as follows: A—one used for Chiricahua Wind Way in the Ramah area; B, C—two used for Navaho Wind Way (B by informant dl, C the one in bundle X); D, E, F—three used for Night Way (E and F by informant B). Arabic numerals following the letter designations will give the position around the circumference of the rattle of the constellation under consideration, reading from right to left as the rattle is held vertically, with the position of the Pleiades taken as position 1. The identification of the constellations is that of the Fran¬ ciscan Fathers.74 The Pleiades (dilyehe) appear on all six rattles as groups of seven stars (Tozzer figured eight), the grouping of two only being alike (E, F), and of one (D) like the figure given by Father Berard.75 Ursa Major (:n&ho'kQ's bakq^i) likewise appears on all (A-3, B-2, C-2, D-3, E-2, F-3), composed of seven stars, four in the “dipper” and three in the “handle.” On A the “handle” is omitted and on E it is directed towards the tip of the rattle. Ursa Major’s “plume” appears as four stars (three on E) above the “dipper” on A, B, C and E. The belt and sword of Orion (?ace cost) appears on five rattles (A-2, B-5, C-4, D-below the Pleiades, F-2), contain73 Tozzer, 1908. 74 Franciscan Fathers, 1910, pp. 42-45. 76 Haile, 1938a, p. 67.

42

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

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ing six stars (three each in belt and sword) on B, C and D, and seven on A and F. The arrangement of the stars is the most constant for this constel¬ lation, being alike on all except A, but quite different from the more complete representation of Orion containing twelve stars figured by Tozzer. Cassiopoea (naho'kq's ba^adi)

(we are doubtful of this identification)

appears on two rattles (B-4, C-3), both for Navaho Wind Way, as a group¬ ing of seven stars very like that of Ursa Major. The center double stars in the lower branch of the Hyades (sQ^hoci^t) are on only one rattle (D) near the top above Ursa Major. Big Star (sq coh) is on two (B-3, D-2 and 4 near the top). This may be any star of first magnitude, usually the evening star (Venus). The two on D were identified by 12 as the evening (4) and morn¬ ing (2) star (haiyo'lkd'l sq coh). The Milky Way (yikdisddhi) is on only one rattle (A), consisting of many stars arranged around the circum¬ ference beneath the other constellations. On Night Way rattles a bighorn outlined by perforations sometimes appears on one side (on E) or below the constellations (the one described by Tozzer). This feature is peculiar to Night Way rattles (or perhaps to those of this chant sub-group). Other gourd rattles may be used indifferently in the chants which require them. Gourd rattles are used in Chiricahua and Navaho Wind Way, Moving Up Way, Hail Way, Water Way, Big Star Way, Coyote Way,76 Night Way, Plume Way, and Big God Way. Moving Up Way uses two hide rattles as well, and Big Star Way also uses both gourd and hide rattles. Only one is required for most chants, but Night Way is characterized by the large number of rattles used (perhaps also Plume Way and Big God Way). Of a set of six belonging to B, two had the constellations as described above, one had three single holes spaced around the circumference, three were unperforated, and all were painted with white clay. Hide rattle (?aka'l ?ayd‘l) (Fig. 1, left): These should be of bison rawhide, but today they are most often made of the hide of a cow or horse which has been given to the singer. A bison tail should be attached to the handle (which should be of lightning-struck wood) and two live eagle plumes at the upper corners. On one face are two zigzag lightnings, on the other two flash lightnings. Four porcupine quills are braided around the handle, and it may be decorated with beaver or otter fur. Inside are jewels, etc., as in the gourd rattles.77 One possessed by R was made in a five-night Shooting Way, Female Branch, later taken to a Mountain Top Way, Shooting Branch, where it was covered with the grease paint used on the 76 Information from Miss Wheelwright, ny stated that gourd rattles were also used in Earth and Awl Ways. 77 For further details see Wyman, 1936a, p. 641.

KLUCKHOHN AND WYMAN]

NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

43

patient (mixed salve, mixed charcoal, red ochre, sparkling rock); its handle is lightning-struck white oak. There should be four of them although fewer are used if the singer has no more. Hide rattles are used in Shooting Way, Red Ant Way, Moving Up Way, Big Star Way, and Beauty Way.78 All are the same except those used for Beauty Way (^ayd'l dahazkane). Here the three rattles used are shaped differently (something like a baking powder tin), covered with either male or female badger hide, with a male rainbow or some form of the sun’s rays painted in black with mixed charcoal on one side, a female on the other. The handle should be an ear of corn, chewed off the stalk by a squirrel or prairie dog, and blackened with mixed charcoal during a chant. According to two singers of excerpts of Mountain Top Way (fn, ny) Beauty Way rattles may be freely used in any Mountain Top Way chants. This practice does not appear to be countenanced by most Moun¬ tain Top Way Singers, but is doubtless rationalized on the basis of the close connection in legend of the two chant Ways. Hoof rattle (?akesgq' ?ayd'l): These are used only in Flint Way and have the hooves of game animals attached to them, usually deer and bison. The hooves are boiled, the points are cut off, and the hooves are strung on little sticks like beads and allowed to dry. Then these are strung in line on strips of unwounded buckskin and tied to a stick. Several (45, fn, hn) stated that “it was better” if the hooves were from unwounded animals. Most singers, however, regarded this as unimportant. A Flint Way singer (B) said that antelope and mountain sheep hooves would also be used if they could be obtained, although two others (2, 7) said that antelope hooves are never used. There should be hooves from male and female animals of each kind on each rattle, although availability now controls the assortment. There are also pieces of young bison horn and one or two pieces of turtle and box turtle plastron. The handle is wrapped with hide and a bison tail is attached at the end. The hide part may be cow or horse hide from any place where a cow or horse is killed where the singer has sung any kind of Life Way. Inside the handle is a root of black stalk medicine (faze't hazfni') Lithospermum incisum Lehm., one of the most important ingredients of life medicine (see 6m). Indeed a Flint Way singer (B) said that inside each article composing his lay-out (see 7b) is some of this root; that the whole represents a man, the rattles the feet, the digging sticks the legs, the medicine stoppers the arms, the cranes’ heads the body, the

78 Miss Wheelwright has seen hide rattles employed in Navaho Wind Way (male) and has seen hide rattles and gourd rattles both used in Navaho Wind Way, Striped Side.

44

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

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chant tokens the head; and that in cases of serious injury the wrappings are removed from the article corresponding to the injured body part, some of the black stalk medicine removed and administered to the patient, and the pair of articles tied crosswise to the injured member. As in Shooting Way, there should be four hoof rattles in a Flint Way singer’s equipment, but he usually gets them one at a time (B now has three). Some informants may say that the hoof rattle is also used in Life Way, Shaft Branch, but if so it is a new practice and not in accord with tradition. A Flint Way singer (2) said that there is a story that once Shoot¬ ing Ways had the hoof rattle and Flint Ways the hide rattle, and that they had a sing together one night and traded. 5r Basket Drum (ca-?), Yucca Drumstick (6a’? be' kad),19 Baskets (c&%) Oxytenia acerosa Nutt.; 2) native sulphur (Pq? dedikis), sulphur (2) or mendozite (1); 3) meal from “all kinds of corn ground together”; 4) down92 from various birds, among which the following are most commonly mentioned: the chickadee {cisi' besr), the titmouse (cisi• sasv), the woodpecker (cylkalr), the bluebird (dolv), the yellow warbler. The Western robin, the red-winged blackbird, the sapsucker were also mentioned by B, T, and D. R also mentioned a pitch-like substance (yage^), found in the ground, used in Navaho Wind Way fumi¬ gant and infusion specific, and said that it might be combined with bird feathers alone. The fumigant ingredients (and those of any other important medicine) should be ground by a virgin (before she has had the puberty ceremony), while the singer sings special songs from his specialty ceremonial (or cere-

92 According to Matthews, 1902, p. 44 q. v., the complete teguments of five different birds.

50

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

[memoirs,

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monials) and mixes the ingredients. “He has special songs to make medi¬ cine” (R). He tests the fumigant on hot coals, adding ingredients until it has the right odor. About equal amounts of each are used. Fumigation is usually the concluding act of a ceremony (other than disposal) and has been likened to a benediction by some authors. 1 wo glow¬ ing coals (“each represents two, hence there are four”

R) are placed be¬

fore the patient (by anyone) and often two before the women and two before the men spectators. The singer sprinkles some fumigant on these and the participants inhale the fumes and rub them over their faces and limbs. The patient sometimes covers his head with a blanket while doing this so as to enclose the fumes (“this is the right way”—D). This treatment is anodyne and frees the patient from the disease. Sometimes the singer and assistant blow upward to the smokehole, from the rattle or brush, at the conclusion of fumigation, to blow the disease away. Someone extinguishes the coals with water. (If they are not entirely extinguished very bad luck follows, and this applies also to the ashes from the sweat). The coals are thrown northward through the smokehole or carried from the ceremonial hogan and deposited to the north. Wyman has observed obvious haste in diposing the coals in an Evil Way chant, contrasting with the more leisurely manner in Holy Way chants, where the coals may be left at the north of the door for a time before disposal. It was explained that in the first case the coals may be permeated with evil (IE) or that they are intimidatory to the evil spirits of the north while still hot (R). Dr Reichard tells us that three coals are used in some chants. 6c Emetic (?vlko'h): The recipes for the emetics used in the chants described in this monograph will be given later. The plants for the emetic are coarsely ground and mixed by pounding them on a large flat rock with a smaller one. They are stored in a rather large cloth sack. The emetic does not appear to be very effective. Usually the action of a feather throat tickler or of the finger is needed to produce emesis. 6d Added Emetic Ingredients (Hlko-hbv’tola): This is carried in one of the small medicine pouches in the bundle and is added to the emetic. It is specific for various ceremonials, but the following recipe may be used in chants where snakes are etiological factors (e.g., Shooting, Mountain, Wind and Beauty Ways): blue medicine {'faze't do‘~kif) Ditaxis cyanophylla Woot. & Standi.; spruce odor (co nlcrn) Pseudocymopterus montanus (Benth. & Hook) C. & R.; nabin (ndbyh) Conioselinum scopulorum (Gray) C. & R.; white and yellow meal. Other recipes feature ground up swallow (taYcizi) nests93 and pollen from various trees. 93 Cf. Hill, 1938, p. 175.

KLUCKHOHN AND WYMAN]

NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

51

6e Chant Lotion93* (ke\o): A cold infusion containing various Labiatae and other fragrant herbs. It is said to be especially effective in allaying headache and fever. As a chant lotion it is used whenever equipment must be moistened or washed, to sprinkle about the ceremonial hogan, as a ceremonial lotion after the sweat, and in the bath taken after the post¬ ceremonial period of restriction. The plants most commonly found in the chant lotions of Holy Way chants are: mint (tolcin) Mentha arvensis L., var. glabrata (Benth.) Fernald; wind odor (bilha'zci'n) Brickellia grandiflora (Hook.) Nutt., var. petiolaris Gray or B. Californica (T. & G.) Gray or Eupatorium herbaceum (Gray) Greene; pennyroyal (?atq’? co's) Hedeoma nana (Torr.) Greene; horsemint (?aze-? hdo'te'zi) Monada pectinata Nutt. To these are sometimes added others specific for particular chants. The chant lotion to be given to patients is mixed in glass cups or in modern or prehistoric Pueblo bowls. On a sandpainting these are placed near the Rainbow Guardian’s feet, that for the patient on the skirt or pouch with those for the co-patients lined up along the pouch strings, be¬ cause this lotion goes on the body from the feet up. The singer first applies the lotion with his fingers to the patient C. O. (see 7a), then gives the cup to the patient who drinks some and bathes himself, feet up, if any is left. Then he may do the same for the co-patients in turn, or simply hand them the cups which they use themselves. Sometimes another cupful is passed around the hogan, sunwise, each spectator taking a sip and bathing his face with moistened fingers. 6f Infusion Specific (za'hil): The same fumigant appears to be em¬ ployed in virtually all ceremonials. The emetic and chant lotion are only loosely specific. The infusion specific, however, is definitely restricted to a single ceremonial. It seems indeed to be considered the most important actual therapeutic agent of most ceremonials. Singers are especially loath to reveal its ingredients “because people might get it and use it without employing them” (R). The singer prepares the infusion specific as a cold infusion in either an abalone or turtle shell, or, if he has neither of these, in a glass cup. An enamel cupful is commonly prepared for each co-patient, and sometimes one for a communal drink. On a sandpainting these cups are placed on the Rainbow Guardian’s hands, those for the co-patients

93a

The Navaho is literally “foot lotion,” but this term would not be in accord with the

use of the lotion. Similarly, the Navaho word for our Infusion Specific really means “mouth put” and that for Infusion means “plant.” In these cases it seemed better to us to depart from our usual practice of close adherence to the Navaho in favor of terms which are more in keeping with the nature and preparation of the medicine to be designated.

52

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

[memoirs,

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along its arms, by the singer or assistant. This is so the Rainbow will know it is to be used, for he is going to give the medicine (R, E>). Since it goes into the patient’s mouth it is placed near the Rainbow’s head. Before each cup is placed it may be passed over the painting sunwise ("feet up along the Rainbow to its hands,” i.e., in ceremonial order). If a medicine stopper is in use it is laid over the medicine cup, butt north or east when on a sandpainting, to protect the medicine from evil spirits who might drink or pollute it (R, D). After the consecrated meal (see 9h) has been added, this stick is replaced with the ends reversed, “like turning a key, it means opening the container which was closed by the stopper—like a bucket with a tight top” (R). The bullroarer may also be used for this purpose. The singer uses the medicine stick, the bullroarer or his fingers to stir and taste the medicine just before giving it, “so the patient will not be afraid of it” (B), and so the spirits will know it is the medicine to be used for the patient (W, D).94 The singer administers the medicine to the patient four times, thrusting the cup toward the four principal figures of a sandpainting and passing it sunwise over the entire painting before each of the four drinks (alternating thrust at sandpainting and administration 4 X). Sometimes he thrusts toward only one of the figures before each drink, in sunwise sequence for the four times. He may hold the cup to the patient’s lips or give the liquid with his fingers, pressing them to the patient’s head and shoulders while he swallows. All this refers to the belief that the medicine is given to the patient by the four principal supernaturals pertaining to the ceremonial. Each drink is given by a supernatural of one cardinal point and color, in sunwise sequence for the four. Thrusting the cup toward their representation in the sand¬ painting amounts to telling these supernaturals that they are the ones who are treating the patient (R, D, W). In the accompanying songs these supernaturals are mentioned in turn, one for each drink. After the patient has been served the other cups are given to the co¬ patients and sometimes one is passed all around (communal drink—dine da^aXq), each being thrust toward the sandpainting as before, but the con¬ vention of four drinks is not observed. 6g Infusion (til): This is a less definite term than the others and is used to designate any additional treatments with herbs, in cold or warm infusions, which appear in certain ceremonials. One type, a prominent feature of Evil Way chants, may be described. Lightning Herbs (cin bd^os^hi^binatiV): An offering of turquoise, spar94 Cf. Haile, 1938a, p. 52.

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kling rock, blue pollen and corn pollen, is taken in a piece of cloth to a tree which has been struck by lightning. The tree may be any kind but is usually some kind of Pinaceae. A crevice in the bark about four fingers from the ground, where the lightning came down, is located. Here the turquoise is placed and the powdered substances are shaken over it. Then small branches are picked from the four cardinal points of the tree sunwise and all the plants growing round the tree are gathered in four concentric rounds of increasing diameter. These are taken to a place where there are two solid rocks and pounded into bits, then taken home in a sack. The cold infusion is mixed in a basket. A firedrill is twirled until the dust accumulated on a flint begins to glow. This is then put into the liquid at the four cardinal points, sunwise, and into the center. Five flints, four for the cardinal points corresponding in color to the color symbolism for the chant and an indifferent one for the center (sometimes a flat, round pebble representing the sun or moon) are dropped in, butts downward (“because the butts are the feet and the points the heads”—D). These strengthen the medicine and protect it because evil spirits are afraid of the spark from the firedrill and the flints (R, D). The brush and the firedrill are laid across the basket, the brush east, tips of both pointing north, to protect the medicine and direct evil spirits northward (Fig. 14). Consecrated meal (see 9h) is added and the medicine is tasted as in the case of infusion specific. The singer gives the patient a drink. The basket is then passed around sunwise, each one drinking and taking some of the wet herbs to bathe his face. The co-patients bathe their bodies as well. More water is added if necessary. The basket is then set before the patient, who bathes all over, working from his feet upward. The singer or assistant sprinkles the re¬ mainder around the hogan sunwise, first inside and then outside, to keep evil spirits away from the house. Finally the basket is returned to the singer who gathers and puts away the flints. 6h Pollen Ball (^aye'l): The singer rolls the pollen ball, about threequarters of an inch in diameter, of pollen and water only (B); of pollen, corn meal, consecrated sand (see 9h), and a bit of everything used in the chant (R); of pollen, a bit of white paint, some ground herbs and other materials (dl). Miss Wheelwright writes us: “It often consists of ground up fir, cedar, spruce, yucca, etc. and dried animal material of fly, bat, feathers, hair. Wax of bees or wasps is often included for protection against evil.” Until used the pollen ball is placed on the mouth of the male sandpainting figure of the east for a male patient or the female figure of the south for a female patient. The pollen ball is given only in Holy Way chants with

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sandpaintings, in the first chant of a set of four and never in a two-night chant. Just before giving it to the patient the singer thrusts the ball towards the sandpainting and then towards the sun “for them to put their power in it” (R). He then places it in the patient’s mouth and gives four drinks of water with his hands to aid swallowing. This ball stays in the patient’s body in one place, like a spirit within, and never comes out (R, B, D). It represents everything used in the cere¬ monial that comes from the deities (R). “The patient is thus dedicated” (D). Miss Wheelwright tells us that the patient is often given a new name when the pollen ball is administered. 6i Decoction (yilbtz or H'lbi'Z): This should be prepared in a Navaho pot (which becomes a perquisite of the singer—3) from the roots of all the plants used in the emetic and served with a gourd ladle. In most Evil Way ceremonials it is served each morning just after the sweat and emetic. (See 9e.) A helper, sitting at the northwest, pours it into a pottery bowl, adds some native salt, and dispenses it to the patient, the co-patients, the participants in the sweat, and, if there is any left, to any others who want some. The herbs are then disposed. (See 71: Disposal.) Mixed. Decoction (taltan&'be'z): A special type which may be provided (at extra cost according to all informants save D) during any one or all of the four times that a Holy Way ceremonial is given (once only, second or fourth time—R). Most chants have animals mentioned in songs or other¬ wise associated. The meat of the animal or animals involved may not be eaten until the meat decoction has been consumed or reinfection would result. Having the meat decoction is, then, a means of escaping later food restrictions.95 It is also a remedy if the restrictions have been violated. The ingredients are: the roots of corn, beans, squash, pumpkin; one grain each of black, blue, yellow, white and striped corn; small bits of meat from between the hoofs, tongue, ear, heart, liver, lungs, stomach and in¬ testines (also jaw, throat, tail, and eye—R) of male and female deer, sheep (most commonly used today), goat, or cow; snake weed (til dilyesv) Gutierrezia sarothrae (Pursh) B. & R.; grama grass (koh ndstasf) Bouteloua gracilis (H. B. K.) Lag.; rock sage (ce teZPh) Artemisia Wrightii Gray; earth medicine; black stalk medicine; slender sage (,cah cost) Artemisia? The mixed decoction is prepared during the last night of a ceremonial.

96 Male Shooting Way has a Fish Song. An especially severe prohibition of the eating of fish is imposed on those who have been patients in Male Shooting Way. We have never heard of this being removed by a mixed decoction.

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NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

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The pot is put on after the “First Songs” (cf. 7i: Songs) have been con¬ cluded. The singer sings the First Man and First Woman songs as he puts the pot on. The pot is oriented on the fire, and the water, ingredients, and juniper stirring stick are put in or thrust towards the four sides, sunwise, and the center. The mixture is boiled all night and served just before dawn when one or two dawn songs remain to be sung. Before serving it the singer salts it, tastes it, sprinkles pollen upon it, and feeds the patient four times from the four sides, and then the patient finishes it slowly. The stirring stick is disposed as are the pokers. 6j Mixed Water {to ?alah nascvn): We can add the following to the in¬ formation given by Matthews and the Franciscan Fathers on the water used in ceremonials.96 Today, in general, ordinary water is used in the infusions and for other purposes, although some of the more conservative are still careful to mix water “from ancient springs” and water which has flowed into a lake or pond. Spring water (to biyd'z) is especially desirable to sprinkle upon a patient with fever. Water from the springs of Gobernador Knob, Blanca Peak, Mount Taylor, and the San Francisco Mountains is still used in manufacturing the bundle prayersticks and otherwise in making and repairing the ceremonial paraphernalia. 6k Mixed Charcoal (‘faltade'\rd): Black pigment obtained from burn¬ ing various sorts of plants and used for special purposes (e.g., for blackening in Evil Way ceremonials) has been described by Matthews.97 We can add only a few notes and botanical identifications. The plants used vary some¬ what with the ceremonial98 and recipes will be given in Part V and in a later publication on ethnobotany. The following four, however, or at least the first three seem essential in all combinations, as they are in numerous other contexts (in unravelers, mixed decoction, etc.): snakeweed, grama grass, rock sage, white sage (gahcohdq'f) Eurotia lanata (Pursh) Moq." The following are also common ingredients: red grass (koh Her?) Sorghastrum nutans (L.) Nash; devil weed (cvndi til) Tetradymia canescens DC., var. inermis (Nutt.) Gray. 61 Frost Medicine (dah cos—literally “frost on top”): A supplementary medicine used when the patient has fever. See Matthews100 and Wyman.101 96 Matthews, 1902, p. 45; 1897, p. 401; Franciscan Fathers, 1910, pp. 400-401. 97 Ibid,., p. 46. 98 For the Enemy Way recipe see Haile, 1938a, pp. 32, 191, 197, 233. 99 All of these plants except the white sage are used in the Enemy Monster Way blacken¬ ing medicine in the Ramah area and are gathered as are lightning herbs. 100 Matthews, 1902, p. 46. 101 Wyman, 1936a, p. 643.

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6m Life Medicine (H-nd-gl ?aze-9): This is roughly the equivalent for Life Way chants of the infusion specific of other chant groups. Life Medi¬ cine is also used in other chants “when the patient has been sick a long time.” The Franciscan Fathers102 and Wyman103 have already published considerable information, and in their publication on ethnobotany Wyman and Harris will list as Life Medicine a remarkably large number of plants (more than one hundred and thirty). When one or more singers of chants of the Life Way Group find their stock of life medicine is running low, they will get a virgin to grind new medicine and will gather at a chant from this group. During intervals in the regular ceremonies and procedures the new store of life medicine will be ground to the accompaniment of special songs. Such a chant is some¬ times referred to as ?azr9 be- hatd'l, usually rendered “medicine sing” by English-speaking informants. 6n Bison Fumigant (r*aya'*adi-lkcf)\ This treatment is given when an illness which has been ceremonially treated recurs and the recurrence is traced to improper sexual intercourse, sexual infection (yiste'z). (This may mean either that the patient has had sexual intercourse during the time when ceremonial continence is enjoined or that the patient’s wife or hus¬ band has committed adultery.) The term is also used for a special condition (“ache all over”) said to be incurred in the same way. A pit (perhaps eight inches in diameter and a foot deep) is dug in the firepit of the ceremonial hogan and burning charcoal put in it. The patient sits over this, covered with a blanket and sweats for perhaps thirty minutes. The bison fumigant is then put on the coals and while the patient inhales the fumes the singer sings. The songs are chosen from one of the song groups used in the chant. In Shooting Ways some of the Bison Songs are chosen. The bison fumigant treatment is repeated twice with a night between. The ingredients are as follows: old man’s queuefhastoi ci‘ye'1—a prob¬ able legume, but Wyman’s collection shows a number of plants so-called); a bean-like plant (na-foli H'liq'H) one of several legumes, probably Lathyrus sp.; shavings from pinyon and juniper branches which have grown touching each other; pieces of hard oak and mountain mahogany which have grown touching each other; pieces of skin from

the night bat

(la- ?abani) and the day traveler (|rgo naydHgi)—one of these must be male, the other female; bits of a bison penis104 and a bison vulva (D’s recipe included bits of skin from a male and female pack rat). 102 Franciscan Fathers, 1910, pp. 114-115. 103 Wyman, 1936a, pp. 643, 647. 104 For a note on the psychological side of this see Morgan, 1936, p. 26.

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A somewhat similar fumigant (^dyafanrlydS) was used for headache in connection with chants of the God-Impersonators Sub-Group and with hunting ceremonials. 60 Fire Medicine (kQ? laze'i): This medicine is used in a special, sepa¬ rate ceremony for those who have been burned. The patient sits or lies in his place within the hogan. Outside the singer takes squash, muskmelon, and watermelon seeds and puts them in his mouth together with earth medicine which has been collected near an old fireplace. Chewing this mixture, and carrying a shred of juniper bark from a lightning-struck tree and which has been used in the “Fire Dance” of a Mountain Top Way, the singer enters the hogan, moving with the hopping step characteristic of personators of Monster Slayer. (Some singers masticate the medicine thoroughly outside and enter singing—usually the Thunder Songs). He hops to the east side of the hogan fire, sticks the shred of bark into the fire and then into his mouth. He repeats this at the west, south, and north sides of the fire. He then hops all around the fire C. O. and spits the mixture upon the patient, first on the burned spot, then all over the body. (Some singers also spit into the patient’s mouth.) Comparatively few singers appear to know this ceremony today. Five singers (including three who know the ceremony) agreed that there were two variants, one connected with Male Shooting Way, the other with Awl Way. Others (who did not themselves know the ceremony) asserted that it was connected with Hand Trembling Way (ts), Life Way, Shaft Branch (fn), and Mountain Top Way (tn, cc). 7. Acts and Procedures 7a The Ceremonial Order (brdelco'd): the succession of parts of the body of the patient to which materials (bath suds or meal, pollen, chant lotion, consecrated sand) or objects (bullroarer, set-up, offerings, unravelers) are applied. The Navaho distinguish between the application of materials (pol¬ len, meal, suds) which they call bqh lalne'h and the application of objects in order (ftalzy degohodzH). The ideal ceremonial order as given by Wyman’s informants is: right sole, left sole, right knee, left knee, breast, back, right palm, left palm, right shoulder, left shoulder, and top of head. Kluckhohn’s informants listed the palms before the breast and back.105 The right cheek and left cheek are occasionally added before top of head, and the mouth when pollen is given. According to D deviations from this order are mistakes, but since in detailed notes on more than sixty such applications 106 This is the order given by Matthews, 1902, p. 33. For additional material see also Wyman, 1936a, p. 644.

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variations are more frequent than conformity, such “mistakes” are hardly taken very seriously. It is almost certain indeed that departures from the ideal ceremonial order are governed by circumstances which are fairly pat¬ ent. The right-left order and the butt-top order are, however, always observed. The suds application during the bath is quite regular. Meal for drying after the bath is applied more extensively, along the lower legs to the knees, from the shoulders down the arms to the hands, and all over the face, but usually not on top of the head. Pollen is always placed in the mouth before being sprinkled on top of the head. Pollen application to the shoulders is often omitted. Chant lotion is often not applied to the knees separately since it is rubbed along the limbs. Consecrated sand is applied in regular order, but since it is taken from fewer places on the bodies of the figures than would be needed for the full ideal ceremonial order, each application is more general: such as along the legs from knees to feet, on both aspects of the trunk up to the shoulders, and from the shoulders down the arms to the finger tips. The application of objects differs from that of materials in that after applying each object a motion is often made as if throwing something in¬ visible out of the smokehole. The offering application is otherwise regular with the cheeks added. The application of the bullroarer, the set-up, or the unraveler items presents two variations which are so consistent that they should perhaps be considered as standard ceremonial order for this class of objects. The knees, as such, are usually omitted, although this may be because the hands rest on the knees and the application to the palms may be thought of as taking in both parts. One or both cheeks or sides of the head are often included. Sometimes separate applications are not made to each hand and sole but both are pressed together. The order of application of the unravelers is governed by their number (often seven or eight), so the knees and shoulders as such may be omitted. Here, too, the knees may be associated with the hands, and the application is somewhat generalized, taking in the shoulders and arms with the hands and the lower legs with the feet. The right side of the head alone is sometimes added before the top of the head. In short, the principle of the ideal order holds but its details are modi¬ fied by the purpose and nature of that which is being applied. If the body is to be dried, meal must be applied extensively. If the curative properties of consecrated sand and objects are to be distributed to all parts, the appli¬ cation must be general and vigorous. The order is upward because evil spirits or influences within the body must be “chased” upward and out

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through the mouth (D). The upward order also symbolizes “rising” of the patient (B). In all procedures involving the motion of participants (entering and leaving the hogan, changing position in the hogan, or of turning objects), the direction is from left to right (i.e., sunwise—sabikehgo). Complete pro¬ cedures start at the east or at the south when the background acted upon is linearly arranged (as in certain sandpaintings where the southern figure represents the one of the east, the next one the south etc., or the northern if the reverse is the case). Thus when objects representing elements of the four directions are acted upon or caused to act the order is normally east, south, west, north. Similarly, in procedures involving the placing of materials or objects in containers or removing them therefrom, the order is the east, south, west, north and center of the container. Small amounts of material are usually put in or taken out at these points before the bulk is unceremonially handled, often at the center as a continuation of the process. Where a single solid object is involved, it is thrust or moved toward these points in order before it is placed or used in the center. Reasons given by informants for these orders are rather vague, usually commemorative. Sometimes it is stated that the procedure must be con¬ sonant with the movement of heavenly bodies or the terrestrial portion of the Navaho cosmos. The abbreviation C. O. appended to the description of any procedure indicates that the order of application or of movement follows the general¬ ized order or one of the specific patterns described above. 7b Lay-Out106 (nnd'lka'd): If the equipment contained in the pouch is to be used in an indoor ceremony (except a sandpainting ceremony), it is laid out in a fixed order upon a calico spread (folds of calico cloth, usually perhaps four feet long by two feet wide) at the west of the hogan, together with non-specific equipment and other articles not carried in the bundle such as a basket. (Spread Lay-Out—nidOnrl) (Fig. 3). The orientation varies, but linear sequence with points directed south has been most fre¬ quently observed by us. In Holy Way ceremonials this is occasionally done only for the unraveling ceremony of the first night, sometimes omitted al¬ together. In Life Way ceremonials such a Lay-Out may be the only place where the contents of the pouch are formally exposed.107 When a sandpainting is to be made, the singer places the contents of the pouch in a basket (either after the ceremony of the previous night or 106 This is often referred to as “the altar” in the older literature. 1(17 Cf. Wyman, 1936a, p. 637 ff.

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before dawn in the morning). (Basket Lay-Out—Ar? bi'h yihrl) (Fig. 4). The articles are arranged around the east side in the order in which they are to be set out (i.e., with non-specific equipment crosswise etc.) with butts toward the center and tips extending over the rim, together with a supply of meal in a cup or loose in the bottom of the basket. The basket rests at the west of the hogan, tips pointing west until setting out. 7c Fire-Making108

dtdil\ah): The singer assembles the firedrill, a

helper holds the fireboard, and two or more helpers take turns twirling the drill (anyone, except those who have participated in a “fire dance,” for in this case the fire would not start—R). Dry, shredded juniper bark is placed under the fireboard for tinder, or if the glowing dust is to be used in medicine (in Evil Way chants, see 6g) two or three flints, points east, are placed under the fireboard upon a spread (commemorative; “the first man who made a fire did it”—R). The singer puts some rock powder (ceke'l) in the hole in the fireboard C. O. (powdered lightning-struck rock —D; charcoal or ground wood from a lightning-struck tree—W; pine resin, rock crystal and ashes—R), thrusts the firedrill at the fireboard C. O., and places it in the hole. Lightning songs are sung while twirling. When the tinder is flaming it is thrust C. O. at the fireplace and then put under the kindling wood. The singer unassembles the firedrill as he finishes the last song. The use of things associated with lightning (flints, powder, lightningstruck wood in the firedrill, songs) invoke its fire starting properties and “the fire would not start without it.” The fire is thus kindled on the first morning of a ceremonial (commemorative—R; to make it sacred—D), and is kept burning outside southeast of the hogan, whence coals are trans¬ ported to the hogan for starting fires for various ceremonies (permanent fire—ywo'ska-i- bokQf). When the Firepit Phase (see Appendix A, p. 186) is carried out, the fire is kindled outside in the firepit the first day instead of within the hogan. Sometimes in the Firepit Phase fire is kindled within the hogan on alternate days. 7d Whirling the Bullroarer (cin dinit yvlmaz): Before the bullroarer is whirled its thong is often soaked for a while in a glass cup or basket of chant lotion. This is “to make the string stronger so it will make more noise” (B, R). At certain times the bullroarer is whirled at the four cardinal points outside the ceremonial hogan C. O. Sometimes it is whirled continuously around the hogan C. 0., instead, and in either case it is often whirled con¬ tinuously as the operator retraces his steps around the hogan counter108 For brief notes on Navaho ceremonial fire making, see Hough, 1901.

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NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

61

sunwise. Its noise is chiefly to frighten away evil spirits, but it is sometimes said to be recognitive as well, notifying the supernaturals of the four direc¬ tions concerned with the ceremonial that it is to begin (R, D). It is also laid across medicine cups to protect them, and is applied to the patient (“it goes like lightning into the patient’s body and kills evil spirits”—R). Its intimidatory and protective powers also make its use as a general handy implement preferable to the hands or an ordinary stick. Thus it is used to stir and taste medicines, to throw up the door covers after the sweat, to erase sandpaintings, to raise the patient, in brushing, etc. It is sometimes present in the lay-out in ceremonials where no other use is made of it.109 7e Sandpainting Procedures: The materials, personnel, and technique of sandpainting have been described many times, especially fully by New¬ comb and Reichard. Only a few points need be repeated or added here. For emphasis it may be repeated that the singer directs the painting and may or may not paint himself.110 Anyone who knows how or wishes to learn (even visiting white men) may take a hand, although informants in the Ramah area agreed that it was dangerous for a Navaho who had not been the patient in at least one ceremonial to take part. The danger, how¬ ever, is entirely to him—not to the success of the ceremonial. Several pairs of hands are needed to finish a complicated painting in the time available (a painting may even be omitted simply because there are not enough present to help), and visitors are sometimes urged to take part. The criti¬ cisms of white visitors are received in great good nature, and if a white man detects a careless Navaho making a mistake there is a good laugh at the latter’s expense. Without belittling, it may be said that popular descriptions of the skill and accuracy of sandpainters have often been romanticized. Experience as an observer or helper in run-of-the-mill ceremonials gives quite a different impression from that received from watching sandpainting done by picked experts for whites. Although women are not absolutely barred from helping to make a painting or from watching one being made (since they “have to bring food to the men working”—D), they are usually not welcome until the painting is completed. Some singers who will admit male whites at any time will not permit female white visitors to enter the hogan until the painting is

109 Wyman, 1936a, p. 637. 110 On one hot day a singer verbally directed the making of a sandpainting from a comfort¬ able seat under a shade just outside the door of the hogan, and only entered near the end to make a final criticism. It must be admitted that this was unusual and was made possible by the presence of an expert assistant who really did most of the directing.

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completed. Women seldom help unless they are curers or are learning to be curers. If a woman, as is often the case, grinds the pigment, she usually sees the work, but she would not do so if she were not protected by a token (possession of a token is demanded also of men who grind pigment). Fear of infection from the ceremonial,111 especially prenatal infection, is probably the chief deterrent. Women may not witness the erasure of the sandpaint¬ ing and are sent out until this is over (commemorative—D). A man whose wife is pregnant should not see the erasure. The patient is not present while the painting is being made unless he is learning the ceremonial, and then he may even help. Before the sandpainting is made the fire is moved from the center of the hogan towards the door and kept burning east of the painting throughout the ceremony. Mistakes made in painting which are detected may be corrected and no harm comes from them, but unknown mistakes might be harmful so a per¬ son who has taken part sometimes has a prayer ceremonial or a Blessing Way to escape this contingency. Sandpaintings are sometimes made on buckskin in connection with supplementary prayer ceremonies (see 9k). The whirlwind sandpainting is also made on buckskin in a supplementary ceremony of Navaho Wind Way which is given for sickness resulting from sexual intercourse too soon after parturition (hn). Straightness of the fundamental lines in a sandpainting is often as¬ sured by two helpers taking a piece of string, lining it with the eye, holding it taut, drawing it back under tension, and letting it go so that it makes a line in the background sand. The string is also sometimes used to measure a sandpainting figure which is being made against one already completed. Cigarettes or other objects must not be tossed over the sandpainting. 7f Application of Objects {fida^vlco'dj'. Various objects are applied by the singer to the body of the patient C. O., at least twice in succession to each part, reversing tip and butt112 between the applications. Special mean¬ ings are attached to this reversal in certain contexts (see 9b), but a general meaning applicable to all is that the sunwise south to north movement of the tip symbolizes (or causes) the dispersal of evil to the north. It also sym¬ bolizes bringing the patient back (to health) as “from a journey” (B). The application itself drives disease or bad spirits from the patient, “loosening stiffness” (R), putting diseased parts in their proper position 111 See Wyman and Kluckhohn, p. 14. 112 See Matthews,*1892.

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(D). The application is often vigorous, and the patient’s body is twisted from side to side or even lifted by the singer.113 The unraveler items, the offerings, the bullroarer, and the set-up are applied. With the three latter the singer voices the sound symbolism (see Vm) of the ceremonial (if it has one) with each application, thus twice at each part as the object is reversed. In some chants the singer kicks first the right, then the left foot of the patient after voicing the sound symbolism. The singer sometimes blows from the tip of the bullroarer towards the smokehole after each reversal. In some chants the singer makes a gesture as if drawing the sunlight down from the smokehole after each application (gohona'^&i bigi'hdlne). Set-up Application: This exhibits some unique features. The entire set-up may be applied or only a few selected articles. The complete C. O. may be repeated four times. The number of applications to the head may be increased each time, from one to four. Before and after the series of applica¬ tions (and continuously between them) the singer beats time to his song with the set-up, waving it before the patient’s face. This "wakens the pa¬ tient and makes his blood work back and forth” (R). During each series or during the first and third only the singer vigor¬ ously applies to the part of the patient’s body being pressed the corre¬ sponding part of his own body, matching part to part throughout the cere¬ monial order (identification—?a/zp). Thus the singer, personifying a super¬ natural imparts strength from his body to that of the patient “giving half his strength away”—R. It signifies that with respect to the chant being given the patient thenceforth “belongs to the singer” and no other singer may give the same chant for that patient without the first one’s permission (D). 7g Basket Drumming: The basket is first wet so it will not break, for if it did the patient would not recover (B). A small platform of earth (to protect the drum—R) is laid at the west, with a blanket over it. A cross and sunwise circle of meal are made upon the earth or the blanket. These designs represent- a basket or the foundation for it (D), the footprints of a supernatural appertaining to the chant who is supposed to come beneath the basket (R). 113 A white physician’s wife while visiting Wyman in New Mexico was suffering from a attack of migraine. A singer (Y) volunteered to bring relief if he could borrow a ceremonial article which he had made some time previously in a Blessing Way. He applied this to her head, neck, and shoulders, showing no little skill in massage, according to a former physio¬ therapist who was also present. The “patient” stated afterwards that the procedure had brought considerable relief.

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The basket is inverted upon this design by the singer, flipped over from north to south (from west to east— R) so that the opening in the design remains to the east. “To turn the basket down’’ (ctr? yasitq) is used idio¬ matically to mean starting a ceremonial, and “to turn the basket up” before the end of a ceremony means that the singer has for some reason suspended the chant. The blanket is then folded over the basket. Sometimes a package of consecrated meal or of other medicine is placed under the basket to increase its curative properties. Those who wish to sing sit around the basket in a close circle (sometimes twenty or more on the last night) so they can hear the leader better (R); so others cannot see what is done (D); because in the beginning each animal had a place around it (R). The patient sits southeast of this group because a supernatural of the chant is sitting in the patient’s usual place (R); com¬ memorative and recognitive, for in the beginning the supernaturals had the patient there and if they see no one there today they think there is no pa¬ tient and that the people are singing for amusement so they go away, but if there is someone sitting there they stay to help. The chanter strikes the basket C. O. with the drumstick and the singing begins. During a long ceremony he and others take turns beating the basket. At the end of the last song the basket is turned over in reverse di¬ rection. 7h Songs (sin): A fully satisfactory discussion of this topic would re¬ quire an inductive analysis of complete texts of the songs from many cere¬ monials. While some information on individual songs and their sequence can be obtained from ordinary questioning and discussion, to list their names and numbers completely is totally foreign to the habits of the Navaho. We have found all informants unusually vague on this subject, largely because, as they themselves say, one song root (sin bikekd'l) sug¬ gests another only as they actually sing them. There are, however, some patterns which can be described with con¬ fidence. Each ceremonial has its own set of song groups (sin niga'H'h) in a particular sequence. To each song group a part of the legend (hani?) for the ceremonial appertains, and this is used as a mnemonic aid.114 There is also said to be a prayer (sodizin) for each song group. The names and order of these groups can be obtained readily enough. A number of groups of the same name appear in different ceremonials. Thunder Songs (H'ni biyrn), for example, occur (in varying numbers and position) in Night Way, Mountain Top Way, Navaho and Chiricahua 114 See Matthews, 1894b.

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NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

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Wind Ways, as well as in the Shooting Ways and Shooting Life Ways. Closely connected ceremonials tend, of course, to have many groups in common. The only differences in the sequence of song groups on the final night of a Female Shooting Life Way near Pinedale and a Female Shooting Way in the Ramah area was that the former had Flint Ffouse Songs where the latter had the song of Him Who Has Slain Monsters Time and Again (na'yt neidigqhi biyi'n), and the latter had an extra set of songs (Sandhill Crane songs—de'l biyi'n) inserted between the Spider (na^as\e^i) and Bear (SaS) song groups. The Night Way and Mountain Top Way described by Washington Matthews show, however, only three correspondences in the song groups of the final night. Whether the groups of the same name are sung substantially identically in different ceremonials will not be definitely known until full recordings are available. Informants generally state that variations are introduced. On the other hand, portions of the singing in different ceremonials certainly sound identical to the layman. All Holy Way chants, at least, begin and end the all-night singing of the final night with song groups of the same name. These, the First Songs (tactile) and the Dawn Songs (yiktii biyi'n) are known to be composed of somewhat different songs in different ceremonials. But in all ceremonials special care must be taken with these groups (especially the first), for they are “the main ones of all the songs” and “guard the intervening songs” (D). The all-night singing recapitulates all of the song groups which have been sung during the preceding portion of the ceremonial. Sometimes lack of time necessitates the omission of some of these, but all singers agreed that at least one song from each group must be sung during the final night. This is the theory as stated by many singers. To some extent the prac¬ tice is the reverse. That is, the singer knows that certain song groups must be sung in order the final night. During the short-singings (see 9c) of the earlier evenings he simply picks out certain of these groups for each night in such a way as to cover (ideally) all of them once before the all-night singing. If sandpaintings are to be made the following day, he will com¬ monly choose a s'ong group pertinent to the sandpainting. The Navaho distinguish two main categories of individual songs. These are the stem songs (sin bakazi) and the branch songs (sin bina'n%a'Ti'),U4a also known as sin Taca da'ztDi' or sin bq'h dahsiga'Ti). The former must be sung in carrying out a particular chant, and greater care must taken to sing them precisely. They include the theme songs (sin Tah niiDv) of the various song groups. They include also the songs appropriate to discrete cere114a A better rendering is probably sin ni\a,'Tvh.

66

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monies or procedures. Thus essentially every ceremonial has its Unraveling Songs, Infusion Specific Song, Ceremonial Lotion Song, Fumigation Song, Poker Song, Soapweed Song, and the like. The place and order of all stem songs is rather definitely fixed. Thus, every chant begins with the Chant Lotion song and ends with the Old Age and Beauty Trail Songs. Blessing Way songs must be sung in connection with every chant, either during its Blessing Way part or at once after the conclusion of the chant or at some later time.115 And the sequence of the groups (sin ?alkemga'^i'h) must be carefully observed. But there is considerable latitude in the choice, place, and order of the branch songs. Particularly where there is more than one song group of the same name the number of stem songs is limited and the group is capable of great expansion or contraction. For example, in Female Shooting Way there are three groups of Arrow Songs. Each group begins with the Arrow Song Proper and ends with the Tobacco Song, and there are one or two stem songs in between which distinguish the three groups, but as many as twenty branch songs may be inserted and here there is a wealth of choice. The Big Fly Songs, for instance, which probably occur at some point in every chant, may be fitted in here. This freedom with respect to the branch songs accounts in large part for the frequently observed variation in the number of songs in a particular sequence or following or preceding a particular procedure. Depending upon the time available, upon the exhaustion or freshness of the participants, upon the number and knowledge of the participants, or simply upon the whim of the singer or song leader a greater or lesser number of branch songs will be introduced. Singers state indeed that they deliberately vary the number of songs from one ceremonial to another, in conformity with the familiar Navaho belief that absolutely precise repetition of any ceremonial behavior is dangerous to the performer. We have, therefore, the carriedover songs (sin ?akaha'zttfr), the songs known to a singer but which he purposely omits in one rendition of a ceremonial, to be held over for the next or some subsequent one. Another type of variation, the song alterna¬ tion (?alndho'nil) has been covered by Father Berard.116 Because of these considerations no definitive statement can be made as to the number of songs in particular ceremonials. Nevertheless it seems worthwhile to record the following as samples of the number sung during the final night: 119 in Navaho Wind Way, perhaps 120 in Female Shooting Life Way, 156 in Hand Trembling Evil Way, 161 in Mountain Top Way 115 See Haile, 1938b, p. 651. llc Haile, 1938a, p. 30.

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NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

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(Matthews), 218 in Chiricahua Wind Way, 225 in Female Shooting Way, 252 in Night Way (Matthews). When, in the midst of one ceremonial, it is decided to change to an¬ other,117 the regular sequence of songs is broken the minute the inter¬ mediary leaves the ceremonial hogan, and when he is about to return with the pouch belonging to the new ceremonial, some of the songs from the Blessing Way part of the old ceremonial are sung. 7i Prayers (sodizin biyazl): There are ritual discourses, not sung, in connection with all chants. Some are said by the singer in connection with various procedures (over the finished sandpainting, for instance), others by other participants. For example, the helper who gathers the soapweed for the bath must say a prayer as he collects it, and the helper who disposes of the offering “prays for himself or for his whole family.” 7j Pollen Prayer (tddidy be• ?aydhidrtehigi•) consists of taking a pinch of pollen from a pollen bag, applying some to the tongue (this pollen is eaten) and to the top of the head, sprinkling the remainder (or a fresh pinch) upwards towards the smokehole, or the sun if out of doors, and muttering a brief prayer. We have observed that practitioners and older folk are usually the only ones who pray audibly and that younger people are likely to go through the process in silence. Pollen prayer may be in¬ dulged in by anyone at any time and place for personal reasons. In cere¬ monials it often comes at or near the close of ceremonies. Here the singer usually administers pollen to the patient first, either as above or C. O. (see 7a), says a pollen prayer himself, and then passes the pollen bag to the man sitting at the south of the door. It is then passed all around the hogan, C. O., each one present partaking as above (Communal Pollen Prayer). Elders put the pollen in the mouths of very young children and carry out the remainder of the pollen prayer for them. If the children are asleep, sometimes they are simply sprinkled. 7k Litany (?akeke sodizin): So far as known at present, every chant has at least one litany which the patient repeats sentence by sentence after the singer. The supernaturals pertinent to the chant are invoked, often par¬ ticularly those represented by the figures in the sandpaintings or connected with the offerings. Much attention is given to exactness of wording, even more than in other spoken parts of ceremonials. In a Hand Trembling Evil Way (observed by Wyman) an extra night ceremony was held for the repetition of a litany which had been incorrectly repeated by the patient during the preceding sandpainting ceremony: “she did not talk right.” 117 See Wyman and Kluckhohn, p. 30, footnote 107.

68

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In Evil Way chants the litany is accompanied by the ash blowing procedure (see 7p). The litanies usually come in connection with the sandpainting or offer¬ ing ceremonies or toward the beginning of the ceremonies of the final night. Just before or, more commonly, after the litany the singer applies pollen to the patient C. O., takes some himself, then all present partake C. O. In some chants (notably Life Way chants and Chiricahua Wind Way) the litany is very frequently omitted. 71 Disposal (cenLl, past—ce^nil) :118 It will be convenient to begin with certain general remarks and to follow with the details relating to the dis¬ posal of special objects or materials. Disposal is performed in two general directions: northward (sandpaint¬ ing, emetic, ashes from fire of sweat, unravelers, hoops);119 eastward (earth of setting-out mound, herbs from decoction and bath, bath water and sand, pokers, drumstick, stirring sticks for decoction and mush). For some of these the direction need not be directly north or east from the hogan so long as it is beyond the east-west or north-south line through it. The dis¬ tance from the hogan varies. Things taken to the east are taken at least 150 to 200 yards away, the disposer sometimes being gone fifteen minutes or more. Whatever is disposed to the east is deposited under (earth, herbs, water) or upon the branches of (pokers, sticks) a tree, bushes, or weeds. This is so they will be hidden, safe from people or evil spirits and in some cases so they will keep cool in the shade. R said that if the pokers remained in the tree for five years it would presage good luck and that the earth of the setting-out mound should be placed under a healthy bush, for if the shrub should die the patient would become ill again. Long objects (herbs, pokers, sticks) are deposited with their tips toward the direction in which they are disposed. In the case of the eastward group the disposer sprinkles meal or pollen upon them from butt to tip (“so the spirits will know they have been used”—W) and prays for every¬ one, but especially for himself and his family. Any prayer may be said and 118 Here, as frequently and particularly in this section, we render a Navaho verb by an English noun. Scrupulous accuracy in translation would burden the text with a mass of lin¬ guistic detail which seems unnecessary in this context. Our aim is simply to give the Navaho normally used in referring to objects or acts and to render the Navaho term briefly and idio¬ matically in English. Actually, Navaho tends to prefer the verb in many places where English prefers the noun. 119 Such materials are disposed northward (especially in Evil Way chants) because they act as barriers to the return of evil spirits which have been driven to their home in the north (W). We have never witnessed the disposal of the sandpainting in the four directions as de¬ scribed by Newcomb and Reichard, p. 23.

KLUCKHOHN AND WYMAN]

NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

69

this is an exceptional opportunity for personal prayer, for the supernat¬ urals appreciate the offering of meal or pollen. Informants say that anyone may perform disposal, with only a few restrictions. As D put it, “it is the one who gets up first when the singer says ‘these things have to go out.’ ” Sometimes, however, the singer does not allow a stranger to dispose certain important articles, for he might do harm through ignorance of the proper method. Someone is selected who may be trusted, such as a blood relative or member of the patient’s clan. We have observed that most things are disposed by the helpers or by members of the.patient’s immediate family, except for the sandpainting which is carried out by any young men present. Sandpainting: The sand is carried out (H'kd'h dayigad) in blankets (several loads are usually necessary) and dumped north of the hogan, about 150 feet away (actual measurement in one case), under a tree if one is there, otherwise in the open. Sometimes the sand from the paintings of the four days is dumped in one pile, but more often that from each succeeding day is placed just north of that from the previous day. The blanket must not be shaken up in the air while dumping the sand or a violent windstorm will result (D). The bark receptacles are disposed about a hundred yards to the north after the sandpainting ceremony of the final day. Emetic and ashes: Except for a few coals which are left to start a new fire, the ashes of the fire for the sweat are extinguished with water and gathered up in a blanket by a helper. Another helper takes the patient’s sand basin with its contents in a piece of sacking. The female and male (or vice versa) participants follow, each with his sand basin. All leave the hogan in single file, walk 200-300 feet due north, deposit the materials in a south-north line in the same order, and return. Each day the line of piles moves farther north. This symbolizes evil moving northward away from the patient. If later chants are held in the same hogan the disposal lines move slightly to the west each time. Hoop: If a hoop has been used with the emetic the helper carrying the patient’s sand basin also carries the hoop, held upright in his right hand. Upon disposing the sand he rolls it northward as far as he can. R’s amusing analogy is that the hoop picks up and carries away evil as a wagon wheel picks up mud. Later, after the fumigation, someone who has a token unties the hoop, straightens it, straightens the ties, and lays them by the hoop, carries it farther north and puts it under a bush, tip pointing north. Hoops from succeeding days are disposed beyond each other, as above. A man whose wife is pregnant must not tie nor untie a hoop, for the result would be interference with the delivery of the baby “as if it were tied in.”

70

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Unravelers: Hoop unravelers are treated in the same way, and all unravelers are disposed under bushes or in the open, northward. Drumstick: The drumstick is taken apart by the singer or assistant during the concluding songs. The yucca parts are straightened and ar¬ ranged in a basket in parallel order with tips pointing to the east together with the pieces left over from making it. Disposal is to the east, sometimes in the same tree as the pokers. Bath: The yucca root, any herbs that have been used, and the sand plat¬ form are disposed to the east, northeast, or north in the shade. Sometimes the sand and the plant materials are disposed separately and in different places, the latter further away. The palette (ce bika-\e's tadokal v or ce^eiq-^i—a stone slab with depres¬ sions for the various colors) used to mix colors for offering prayersticks and for body painting is deposited about 200 feet to the north under a bush. 7m Symbolism of Sound and of Color: An intricate symbolism of various kinds pervades all chants. Reichard has recently published an intensive analysis of the symbolic elements in Shooting Way sandpaintings.120 For chants in general it seems possible at present to make only a few general remarks about two types of symbolism: of color and of sound. We are not convinced that Reichard’s generalizations as to color symbolism hold in detail for all chants. Certain simple uniformities seem to hold, however. In Holy Way chants east is usually represented by white, south by blue, west by yellow, north by black or by a mixture of the four colors, while in Evil Way chants east is usually black and north white.121 In many songs and prayers the round of the directions is made, naming directions and colors122 in sequence. This is called dygo^orf. (This refers to any se¬ quence of four.) All Holy Way chants (except Hand Trembling Way) appear to have a distinct sound symbolism (^agisrh), usually the cry of some supernatural prominently associated with the chant.123 Thus, the cry of Talking God con¬ stitutes the sound symbolism of Night Way. There are Thunder Sounds in Shooting Ways, Wind Sounds in Wind Ways (cc). The sound symbolism is voiced by the singer when he performs certain acts (e.g., application of set-up). It must be done correctly for it is recognitive, notifying the super¬ naturals that you have had the chant performed over you and that you 120 See Newcomb and Reichard, p. 42 ff. 121 Cf. Matthews, 1902, p. 5. 122 For some excellent comparative material on the color symbolism of the cardinal points, see Dixon, 1899. 123 Matthews, 1902, pp. 9-10, p. 25.

KLUCKHOHN AND WYMAN]

NAVAIIO CHANT PRACTICE

71

know the songs (B). It is often called the voice of the supernatural or super¬ naturals pertaining to the chant, for they are “all around you and inside of you, making you move.” (B). Sound symbolism is not found in chants conducted according to Life Way and possibly Evil Way Rituals. 7n Preparing and Refreshing Btmdle Prayersticks: B said that the bundle prayersticks may be manufactured only in the spring and the fall, and D that they are usually made in the spring just before a full moon. Strings and the like should be wrapped around them (and around other ceremonial objects) away from one’s body while holding the butt of the ob¬ ject towards the. left (R); (“Vertically and sunwise”—12). This applies also to tying up medicine sacks etc. Otherwise “you wrap yourself, get contracted and cannot stretch” (R). “If you wrap toward you it would have no power in it. It makes the medicine weak.” (12). According to 12, these restrictions on tying apply only the first time or two. Before use a newly manufactured bundle or single articles (e.g., a rattle), if they are made separately at different times, should hang in a lightning-struck tree for about a month, “to make it stronger, holy; to give it more spirit; to bless it” (R). Only one who has a token may so hang it, and when he takes it down he gives pollen to the person who is to own the bundle or the article. This may be done at any time of year but the summer “is better” (R). Seven informants in the Ramah and Two Wells regions, however, professed complete unfamiliarity with these ideas and practices. Refreshing Bundle Prayersticks (hdi'^d hd'dUne'h): When the paint wears off the bundle prayersticks or when they otherwise need repair, they must be renewed during a chant, in a five-night chant only (B) or in one of any length (D). Refreshing is carried out not only because of actual physical need but also, on occasion, when the singer feels that “they need straighten¬ ing out” because cures have been infrequent or there are other signs that “his medicine has lost its power” (7). In a Navaho Wind Way the bundle prayersticks were refreshed during an afternoon ceremony (“When there were not enough men present to make a sandpainting”) by an assistant while the singer sang and shook a rattle. The eagle plume feathers were buried in a small heap of freshly dug earth for a while before they were attached to the prayersticks, to clean them and straighten curled parts. (This is a rather common practice in connection with the equipment of many chants. The bow used in Moving Up Way is also similarly buried “to straighten it out.”) The materials were laid out on a spread on a blanket, at the west of the hogan, and after the prayer¬ sticks were refreshed the patient’s husband took the spread and blanket

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

72

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53

outside to shake off the debris (bits of string, feathers, etc.) before the lay¬ out was prepared for the ceremony which followed. Unusual care is exercised in the choice of the materials used to make or refresh bundle prayersticks. As has been mentioned, this is the one place where ordinary water is not frequently used in Navaho chants today. And ordinary AeT will not do; na'sald\e~sm (argillaceous sandstone) (5)1-5 must be available. 7o Brushing

Procedure

in

Evil

takvdinPyo-d)-. Holding the firedrill

Way

Chants

(iakvnaPalha'1

or

(unassembled) or bullroarer in his

left hand and the brush in his right, the singer dips the tip of the brush into the ashes at the edge of the firepit at the four sides (C. O.), raps it twice across the firedrill over the basket of lightning herbs, waves it around the basket a number of times (10, 16, 22 etc.) and finally raps it twice across the firedrill towards the smokehole. This is repeated five or six times, but the ashes may not be replenished each time. The patient is then brushed in the same way, the singer being careful to wave the brush about all parts of the patient’s body, sometimes actually touching him with it. Finally the lay-out, the hogan, and all those present are similarly purified as the singer makes a circuit about the hogan waving the brush about over the people’s heads. In this he varies the usual C. O. by first passing along the men’s (south) side from west to east, and then along the women’s (north) side also from west to east, rapping the brush towards the door at the end of each trip, so as to brush evil out through the door. The circuit of the hogan is usually made twice, sometimes with further brushing of the pa¬ tient in between. During all this the dipping of the brush into the ashes appears to be repeated at irregular intervals. At certain times in a chant the brushing of the patient may be brief (during one song, for instance), the series of acts being repeated only four times or so, and at others it may be long, lasting through seven to nine songs (perhaps twelve to fifteen minutes), the ashes being replenished as many as twelve times, and the circuit of the hogan being repeated four or five times. These will be referred to as the short brushing and long brushing respectively. The number of repetitions of the series of acts is not fixed, simply being sufficient to last until the songs are finished. During the last song the singer may give the patient a feather from the brush from which he blows a pinch of ashes towards the smokehole. The use of ashes is 124 This is apparently never used in the Chaco Canyon region (dl). 126 It is interesting to note that every specimen of \e s collected by us was identified as rhyolite tuff, every specimen of na.-sald'Ke-s as argillaceous sandstone.

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NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

73

also intimidatory. Some singers develop much grace and skill in handling the brush, performing with dramatic zeal, and cleverly twirling the brush before rapping it on the firedrill. 7p Ash Blowing Procedure in Evil Way Chants (ivdilyo'l): accompanies the litany in Evil Way chants. The patient holds a club, or a small feather from the brush, or both, and each other participant similarly holds a flint in his left hand. Small piles of ashes from the fireplace are deposited before the patient, the men and the women. The singer places a pinch of ashes upon the tip of the patient’s club or feather, and others take pinches upon the tips of their flints. At the end of each stanza of the litany the ashes are blown from the flints towards the smokehole, and a new supply is taken for the next stanza. Sometimes the ashes are omitted and the participants simply blow from the tip of the flints toward the smokehole. The singer may blow upward similarly, or rap the brush over the firedrill. This is intimida¬ tory and symbolic (frightens and blows away evil and sickness). In Evil Way chants ash blowing may also follow the fire jumping in the sweat and emetic ceremony (see 9e). Each participant takes a pinch of ashes from the fireplace upon the tip of a flint (flints distributed by the singer at the beginning of the ceremony). After the door covers have been thrown back all file out, the patient followed by the women and then the men, and form a line facing north, north of the hogan, with the patient at the west end. Then simultaneously they vigorously blow the ashes north¬ ward from the flints. The flints are collected later by the singer. 7q Frightening Procedure: This we have never seen and hence are unable to describe it in full detail, but it must be mentioned and its general character stated, for it occurs as a night procedure in a number of chants. A person dressed as a bear or covered with evergreen boughs suddenly appears within the hogan and purports to terrify the patient. A brief description of one form observed in Mountain Top Way has been published by Mat¬ thews,126 and Miss Wheelwright informs us that she has seen this ceremony in Shooting Way, House Phase; Mountain Top Way, Male and Female Branches; Beauty Way, Female Branch; Night Way; Plume Way. 7r Variations in Procedure for Infants: A full chant is not held for a child until it can talk plainly. Various ceremonies and procedures (but never body-painting, litanies, nor all-night singing) may be held over infants. If a women who is nursing a child is the patient, the child must be given a taste of each medicine given the mother. “Otherwise they couldn’t let it nurse.” When the woman’s body is painted, a tiny daub of paint 126 1887, p. 423; Newcomb and Reichard (p. 15) refer briefly to it.

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74

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must also be put on the baby’s face. Wyman has observed that chants for babies are sometimes carried out in the shade in summer, rather than in the hogan. 8. Genesis of a Chant We have now given an account of the persons, objects, and medicines used in Navaho chants and have indicated how the persons use the objects and medicines in characteristic acts and procedures. It remains to indicate how a single chant is started and to describe the discrete ceremonies which are combined into chants. The patient makes known to members of his family group that he is troubled: by illness, bad dreams, recollection of violation of some ceremonial restriction, fear of witchcraft, or some other manifestation that his situa¬ tion with relation to the supernatural is unsatisfactory. There is usually an informal discussion as to what etiological factors127 could be responsible for the condition. Sometimes the patient feels that he has direct knowledge of these, sometimes the family conference decides upon the etiological factors and chooses a singer and ceremonial. More often a diagnostician is called in128 before these questions are settled. The diagnostician is not in¬ frequently a member of the extended family group and is often a neighbor. He may be summoned by anyone save the patient. In cases which are re¬ garded as difficult (usually because ceremonials previously tried have not proved efficacious), diagnosticians may be summoned from considerable distances, often because they can do some form of divination not practised by any member of the local group. The singer selected may likewise be a relative, a neighbor, a member of the local group, or imported from some distance.129 The intermediary goes to the home of the singer and makes an offer on behalf of the person who has agreed to act as sponsor. Some informants say that the patient never makes such arrangements himself (R, 1) while one (D) said that the patient might “if he could travel and thought he could make a better bargain with the singer.” Kluckhohn has in two in¬ stances personally observed the patient making his own arrangements with the singer. One informant (R) said that in the case of an Enemy Way the intermediary must have himself had the ceremonial previously. This was denied by D. 127 See Wyman and Kluckhohn, p. 13 ff, 128 For an analysis of sample cases see Kluckhohn, 1938a, p. 363, footnote 11. 129 F°r an analysis of concrete material bearing on the relationship of diagnostician and singer to patient see Kluckhohn, 1939, pp. 71-77.

KLUCKHOHN AND WYMAN]

NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

75

The singer may accept the offer and promise to come to the home of the patient or sponsor and give instructions as to what will be needed. Unless other engagements interfere, he usually sets a date four days in advance. If a relative of his should die meanwhile, he cannot come, but promises to come a month or so later or suggests employing another singer. If a person is really very sick, the singer goes at once if he is free and there is an emer¬ gency performance of the ceremonial (usually less than five days in dura¬ tion). Later, when the family have had time to prepare properly, a full performance is carried out.130 If there is no emergency and the singer has other prior engagements, a time as much as several weeks off may be set. We are also familiar with instances when a ceremonial already arranged for was postponed (without apparent annoyance to patient or patron) to make way for an emergency performance. It is naturally difficult to secure satisfactory data on cases where singers refuse proffered engagements because they feel the fee offered is too small. Our information indicates that there is seldom haggling about the fee. The singer either accepts or rejects the offer. If he rejects it, he pleads a heavy schedule of ceremonials already contracted for, inadequacy to the case in question,

ill-health, pressure of non-ceremonial

work,

or some other

excuse.131 We know of no case where a singer has flatly refused to conduct a ceremonial on the ground that he would not be sufficiently well paid. There is abundant evidence that public opinion expects him to accept rela¬ tively smaller fees from those who are less well off. The intermediary normally brings the singer’s pouch (sometimes the whole bundle) to the home of the patient two or three days before the singer is to come. If it has been arranged that the ceremonial is to start within a few days, the intermediary usually brings the pouch back with him. Otherwise he makes an additional trip to the singer’s home to call for the pouch a few days before the ceremonial is scheduled to begin. At least this is the preferred pattern. We have, however, seen this time shortened to a few minutes in the case of serious illness. When it has been decided to stagger ceremonials,132 someone is sent to fetch the other pouch or pouches immediately and “pastime songs” are sung until the intermediary has returned with the additional pouch or pouches. 130 Cf. Newcomb and Reichard, p. 10. 131 There are, for example, restrictions on the number of times a practitioner may conduct a ceremonial within the period of a month or a year. These vary as between ceremonials, and even here vary among different practitioners. For beliefs in regard to repetition of Blessing Way and of nine -night chants see Reichard, 1928, p. 148. 132 Cf. Wyman and Kluckhohn, p. 30, footnote 107.

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[memoirs,

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Neither the patient nor the singer should bring the pouch. But Kluckhohn has seen a patient who was acting as his own intermediary transport a singer’s pouch on two occasions. And Wyman once brought a Navaho Wind Way singer with his pouch to the patient’s home in an automobile. The singer placed the pouch in the back of the autombile and asked the members of the party not to touch or refer to it. On arrival, he turned his back until a member of the patient’s family had taken the pouch from the car and placed it in the hogan. In general, the intermediary places the pouch in a safe place (often the limbs of a tree) outside the hogan. On the day when the singer is expected the pouch is placed inside the hogan at the west near the wall. The pouch must not be placed in any hogan except the one to be used, for the cere¬ monial must perforce be carried out in the hogan where the pouch has been placed (R, D). As Dr. Reichard has often observed, however, any Navaho ceremonial practice may be altered for cause and an appropriate rationalization given. This has just been illustrated above and another example may be given in this connection. Before a Navaho Wind Way a pouch was placed for a night in a shade a mile from the ceremonial hogan, but it was observed that the shade was not really a house. One informant (R) mentioned an additional belief with reference to the moving of the pouch. He said that if a coyote should pass before the person with the pouch it is a sign of such bad luck that there would be no use going on with the ceremonial. Between the arrival of the pouch and the arrival of the singer the family and friends of patient and sponsor make various preparations for the cere¬ monial. The ceremonial hogan is cleaned out (everything is removed); materials (herbal medicines, sand, sandstone, firewood, grinding stones, baskets, buckskin, calico, etc.) are gathered; food is prepared. 9. Component Ceremonies Most of the acts and procedures which we have outlined in Section 7 form part of one or more quasi-independent units within the ceremonial. These complexes of acts which are clearly set off by pauses in activity following and preceding them we call ceremonies (ndahaydi) ,m We shall describe these in the order in which they normally occur in chants. 9a Consecration of the Hoganlu (ho'yan yilzyh—or referring to the meal 133 We make no pretence at describing (or even mentioning) all ceremonies found in Navaho chants. Ceremonies peculiar to a single chant or chant Sub-Group fall outside the scope of this paper. We attempt to cover the ceremonies common to many chants. 134 For another description with some variations in details see Matthews, 1902, p. 68 ff.

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rubbing—ho-yan da^asXiS): The first night meal is rubbed upon four roof beams C. O. (usually by the father, or by his wife if he is the patient) and sprigs of hard oak are placed above them. Meal is also usually scattered in the four directions. Prayers are often said by the singer, and sometimes songs are also sung.135 (The Navaho seem to feel that this ceremony is some¬ how prior to the chant proper, perhaps because it is normally Blessing Way songs which are sung. At least they always speak of the Chant Lotion song and not these songs as the songs which begin the chant.) The twigs of hard oak (which grows at higher elevations than the com¬ moner white oak) must be taken “where the oak grows straight” (1) from the four sides of a tree C. O., and placed in corresponding positions in the hogan. The singer or a helper obtains them shortly before the ceremony. If old twigs from previous ceremonials are in position on the beams, they may be taken down and disposed as are the pokers, or they may be left and care taken to place the new twigs beside but not in front of them. To facilitate placing them in the proper directions (this is done by the assist¬ ant) the singer may lay them out on the floor in a cross formation, each with its tip toward its direction. This ceremony is recognitive, so the supernaturals will know that the hogan is being used for a chant; it protects the hogan from lightning and big winds thereafter; it is also commemorative for First Scolder put up leaves in his hogan, and the Holy People used to put up a ceremonial hogan of this kind of oak (D). 9b Unraveling (7woltd'd) Ceremony :m If performed, this immediately follows the consecration of the hogan, after sundown (not until all light has disappeared in the west) on the first night. It lasts a little less than an hour. Synopsis of Events;137 1. Unravelers and medicines prepared. 2. Unravelers laid out. 3. Spit medicine on unravelers. 4. Patient undresses; unraveling. 5. Application of unraveler items.

6. Medicine administration. 136 In describing the ceremonies we shall not attempt to mention all songs. In general, it may be assumed that most acts are accompanied by singing. 136 Cf. Haile, 1938a, pp. 70-71. 137 In the case of the longer ceremonies we shall present a schematic outline of acts at the outset in order that the ensuing detailed discussion (with an account of variations) will not obscure the actual sequence of events. Acts which are freely omitted or are performed in only a single Ritual are marked with an asterisk.

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7. Bullroarer whirled.*

8. Bundle prayersticks applied.* 9. Brushing.* 10. Fumigation. 11. Disposal. Preparation: The unravelers (Fig. 7) are prepared by one or more helpers directed by the singer, upon a spread or blanket at the west of the hogan. The materials are laid out in piles in a row from north to south, one for each unraveler, with tips east: a small bunch of herbs (three to five kinds, varying with the chant); a single eagle feather from the brush; a wool string with a plume feather attached at the tip (Fig. 3, between brush and basket) (or, in certain Evil Way ceremonials, yucca leaf strings which are cut with mountain lion or wolf claws). These materials are laid upon each other in the order named. Any excess herbs are laid east of the spread to be disposed later. The strings are about the length of the arm. If wool, they are spun from fleece caught on chamiso (B). The feathers attached to the wool strings (none are used with yucca) are from eagle, turkey, goshawk (gin coli), red-tailed hawk (?acelcoi), or any kind of owl. The singer has twelve or more strings which he keeps wound around a stick in his bundle.138 Sometimes the unravelers may be four little hoops, about four inches in diameter, each of a different kind of wood and each painted with one of the four colors of the chant. They are tied with strips of narrow-leaved yucca (cd’>aszi‘? cd'z) Yucca glauca Nutt., with a plume feather attached at the joint. After the strings have been tied to them they are laid in a row C. 0. according to color and wood, with the two feathers (of the string and of the hoop) extending east, “like a hogan opening to the east” (dl). “In the beginning these hoops made knowledge” (dl), and instructions as to their manufacture and use were given by Big Fly when the first patient was sung over (R). The assistant or a helper ties the string twice (yucca) or four times (wool) around each bundle (or hoop) and secures each wrap by a single crochet knot, so that when the feathered end is pulled the string will un¬ ravel and come free. Meanwhile the singer is usually preparing infusion specific and chant lotion for later use. The unravelers are used as pairs for paired parts of the body, except 138 Bundle X has seven strings, each twenty-five and a half inches long, of two twisted strands of white wool yarn, with a knot at one end and a small live eagle plume tied to the other.

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that a single one is sometimes prepared for the head. The number made varies. B said that in a Navaho Wind Way four, five, seven, nine, or fifteen may be made, never eight or six, but in Wind Way, Many Sandpaintings Phase, eight were prepared on three occasions. Unraveler Lay-out (y woltd'd nr nil) (Fig. 8): The members of each pair are separated into two groups for the right and left parts so that the patient may sit facing east between the groups. If there is one for the head, it is laid in front of the patient’s seat. Spitting Medicine on Unravelers: The singer places some unraveling medicine (‘faze-f .naioUd'dr) Townsendia exscapa (Richards) Porter, T. arizonica Gray, or T. Fendleri Gray (mixed with water in the abalone cup or dry) in his mouth with the medicine stopper and spits it upon the un¬ ravelers, from north to south. This may be done before or after the patient has taken his seat between or behind the unraveler lay-out. Unraveling: The patient undresses (men to G-string, women to a skirt), walks around the fireplace C. O., and sits between or behind the unraveler lay-out, facing east in the usual position for treatment, i.e., with legs ex¬ tended and hands resting palm upwards upon the knees. The singer applies each unraveler to a body part, passing it along a member, e.g., along the lower leg to the foot, and holding it against its final resting place he pulls the string free. String and materials are replaced on the spread. The series are thus used, each for a different body part, C. O. The extent of the application with each is governed by the number, a larger number neces¬ sitating less extensive use of each, since in any case the whole body is treated C. O. Unravelers for right and left parts are taken in a definite order from the right and left groups on the spread. Little hoops after use are rolled eastward, north of the fireplace, to the door and left there until disposed. The theory of the practice is that pain and evil influences are tied within or upon the patient’s body and this ceremony unties and releases them, transferring them to the herbs which are later disposed. The little hoops also carry the evil away with them as they are rolled away. In difficult labor the baby may be tied in by evil influences and unraveling releases it

(D). Application of Unraveler Items: The singer gathers the strings, the herbs and the feathers, each into a separate bundle. Each bundle is then applied to the body parts C. 0., reversing butts and tips at each place. The strings are wrapped about the patient’s member (e.g., leg) and pulled away through the singer’s fingers at each place. Evil is thus pulled out of the body (D, W). The feathers may likewise be drawn through the fingers, as if cutting tied-in

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evil as one cuts string with a knife (R). The reversal also symbolizes cut¬ ting and stirring up evil so that it may be brushed away (R). Application of the herbs or the feathers may be omitted, and the order may be other than given. Application of the strings, however, is never omitted. (With hoops only the strings are available, of course.) The application C. 0. is occasionally repeated four times with the strings. Medicine Administration: Infusion specific and chant lotion are ad¬ ministered to the patient in the usual manner at some time during the cere¬ mony. The lotion is often given just before or just after the unraveling, and the specific later—near the end of the ceremony. This order may be re¬ versed, however, or one medicine may be given immediately after the other. Bullroarer: Sometimes on the first night the bullroarer is prepared for use before the unraveling or near the end, whirled outside the hogan by the singer, the assistant or a helper, and then applied to the patient by the singer C. O. Application of Bundle Prayersticks: This is occasionally done immedi¬ ately following the application of unraveler items. Brushing: The patient arises or the singer raises the patient with the brush and brushes him as he slowly turns C. O. (Sometimes a preliminary brushing is given while the patient is still sitting.) This brushes away any residual evil on the patient’s body, released by the unraveling. It is usually done before the fumigation, but may be delayed until after it. Fumigation: The patient dresses either just before or just after the fumi¬ gation and leaves the hogan following it, returning at the beginning of the short-singing ceremony which usually follows unraveling. Disposal of Unravelers: The herbs or little hoops are usually disposed just before the fumigation, but this may be done just after the ceremony. The singer replaces the other items (eagle feathers, strings) in his bundle. In Evil Way chants he commonly then washes his hands. Many singers assert that unraveling is properly an Evil Way ceremony, being particularly closely connected with Moving Up Way, but today at least it is carried out also in virtually all Holy Way chants.139 It is never practised when the chant is performed according to the Fighting or Angry Way Sub-Rituals (ny, dl, cc). 9c Short-Singing: This lasts an hour or less. Ten to twenty songs are sung, with or without the accompaniment of a basket drum. It is held every 139 Eagle Way is the only chant we know of where unraveling is apparently never practised.

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night except the last of two- or five-night chants and from the fifth to the eighth nights (inclusive) of a nine-night chant. The short-singing immedi¬ ately follows the unraveling ceremony if that is performed. Otherwise the short-singing begins not long after it is fully dark and the infusion specific and chant lotion are administered during it (usually when the songs are about half-finished). The ceremony is closed by fumigation. The short¬ singing of the first night is referred to as hode'yd “the starting-place.” 9d Setting-Out Ceremony: A mound of earth is prepared, about seven by twelve inches and four inches high, its long axis extending north and south, about six feet east of the hogan door. (Set-out Mound—hdr^d vfil) (Figs. 5, 6). It must be of clean dirt that has never been used, from any place that has not been walked upon, and may be all from one place. This mound remains throughout the chant and is disposed after the sandpainting ceremony of the final day. Often a wooden box, with or without a top, is placed over the mound, both while the set-out is upon it and between times, to protect it from dogs. A dog who touches it is killed (R, D). It represents one (or more “put together”) of the sacred mountains (R, 12). This ceremony is not essential to any chant, but it is commonly per¬ formed just before dawn on the second to fifth (inclusive) mornings of Holy Way chants (or on mornings when sandpaintings are to be made). The singer takes the basket lay-out and (after preliminary songs in the hogan) comes out with the patient, singing the while. He sits facing the mound (between it and the hogan) and the patient sits at his right. The singer wears a blanket and the patient wears a white buckskin over his shoulders because the supernaturals wear only the ancient buckskin clothes (B). The patient here represents Talking God, thus wearing the buckskin is recognitive. The bundle prayersticks are stuck upright in the mound in order from south to north, the other articles laid just west of them with tips pointing south. Meal is sprinkled plentifully over the mound. The meal represents dawn, and when the supernaturals come to the chant they sprinkle the set-out with meal before they enter the hogan, so the singer and patient do likewise. The set-out involves several motives, recognitive (a chant is in progress), protective (protecting the hogan from intrusion), ingratiatory (attracting the supernaturals), and symbolic (bundle prayersticks sym¬ bolize supernaturals). A litany follows, the same one as used during the offering ceremony. This concludes the ceremony. The setting-out ceremony is not performed in Evil Way chants nor in Holy Way chants carried out according to Fighting or Angry Way Sub-

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rituals. Nor is it found in Chiricahua Wind Way, Eagle Way, Hand Trem¬ bling Way. In Bead Way the set-out is placed on the roof of the hogan, over the door. 9e Sweat (?acindidil%e'?) and Emetic (ti'lkd'h) Ceremony: This occurs just after dawn (immediately following the setting-out, if this has occurred) on the first four mornings of a five- or nine-night chant, and lasts from one to two hours. It is usually preceded by coffee drinking and followed by a hearty breakfast, and sometimes another breakfast is inserted between the preparation and the ceremony. Participants: The singer, the patient, and the special helper for this ceremony seem to be the only ones who consistently attend all four cere¬ monies. The co-patients and some members of the patient’s family usually attend, although they may attend only two. Anyone else “who wants to” or “who is kind of sick” may attend an even number of times. Only even numbers will “satisfy the spirits” (D).140 Women appear to be more regular and more enthusiastic participants than men. The usual total attendance is between ten and twenty. Synopsis of Events: 1. Fire made with drill (first morning only); firewood brought into hogan. 2. Small sandpaintings made;* hoops made.* 3. Elogan cleared of bedding and everything else, floor swept (with pinyon boughs or chamiso). 4. Patient and all participants except singer undress outside hogan. Singer undresses inside but carries clothes out. 5. Doors covered with a tarpaulin or several blankets—enough so that no air can get in.

6. Emetic placed on fire to be heated; pokers oriented. 7. Participants enter; in Evil Way chants flints often passed around.*

8. Bullroarer whirled; chant lotion given to patient. 9. Emetic prepared for each participant. 10. Pokers applied. 11. Wash in and drink emetic; vomit. 12. Fire procession; fire jumping. 140 In a Navaho Wind Way it was observed that one participant attended three times. R claimed that he was justified in doing this because he had attended only once in another chant, but D insisted that such arithmetic” is a serious transgression and not allowed by most singers. In our experience the Navaho scrupulously insist upon the even number of our appearances.

KLUCKEOHN AND WYMAN]

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13. Opening door; bullroarer whirled; all go out. 14. Fire extinguished and ashes and sandpainting disposed. 15. All re-enter; asperging. 16. Fumigation. 17. Singer dresses inside; all others outside; pokers disposed. 18. Re-enter hogan. Decoction prepared and drunk.* Disposal of de¬ coction remains. Firewood: Juniper branches only or pinyon branches as well (D) are used. The firewood must be gathered from upper limbs of trees where coyotes cannot reach, for in the first sweat coyote urinated upon the fire¬ wood and the supernaturals would not accept it because they were offended by the odor. The woodpile is usually assembled, eastward of the hogan, before the chant begins. At about dawn each morning two piles are placed within the hogan, against the walls just north and south of the door (some¬ times first thus assembled outside), with the tips of all branches pointing south (wood piling—ciz be' de'dilgahigv). The two piles are so placed that the women as well as the men may feed the fire according to need (woodpile tending—de~dil\ahi'). Although a woman usually tends the north pile, a man may tend both. The firetenders are the only persons besides the singer who may leave their seats (except as the ceremony requires) until the fire has burned down. Wood samples (cin coH): In some chants a helper selects each day a small stick, perhaps a foot long, from the south pile on the first and third days, from the north on the second and fourth. These wood samples are saved on a house beam south of the door. On the fourth day they are placed one beside and parallel to each poker and disposed with the pokers (beside them, under or on a bush, pointing east, with pollen placed twice on the butts and twice on the tips) or with the offerings (B). Thus the supernaturals may see that the fire occurred four times, and may examine and smell the samples to see what kind of wood was used (D). In the Ramah area these wood samples are sometimes burned the final morning (see Part III). Small sand paintings (?i'kd'h biyazi): Before thesweating four small sandpaintings (usually of snakes, a little over a foot long) (Fig. 11) are made around the fire, one at each cardinal point corresponding in color to that of the direction, and headed either toward or away from the fire. Or other small paintings may be made: west of the fire on which the basket of emetic for the patient is placed (Fig. 13), or northwest of the fire around the pa¬ tient’s sand basin and behind it where the patient kneels while vomiting (Fig. 12). These vary in design.

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Hoops: In some chants a hoop (about one foot in diameter) is made of a sapling. The ends are tied together with strips of yucca, two sprigs of Douglas fir (co) Pseudotsuga mucronata (Raf.) Sudw., being secured under these strips on each side of the joint with their tips away from it. An eagle plume feather is tied to the joint, and the hoop painted with the color ap¬ propriate to the day on which it is used. The fir sprig and the feather protect the joint (D). This hoop is set in a groove west of the patient’s sand basin and inclined over it, with the joint uppermost (Fig. 12). The patient vomits into the basin through the hoop. It acts as a one-way valve preventing any ejected evil from returning to the patient (R, D). The materials of the hoop vary with the chant. The Fire: On the first morning the fire is kindled with a firedrill, there¬ after with coals from the permanent fire. The fire is placed in the center of the hogan and at its height it creates such heat that some participants sitting close to the wall cannot face it. On the succeeding days less wood is used and the fire is milder, so that on the fourth day the heat is often just sufficient to induce sweating. Various reasons are given for this: the very hot fire on the first day does away with most of the evil; it is “up to the patient if he cannot stand it” (D); to shorten the last day’s ceremony be¬ cause so much remains to be done on that day (D). Pokers (honelgis): In Holy Way chants they must be from lightningstruck trees. The materials vary somewhat from chant to chant and ritual to ritual. In the Ramah area the east and west pokers are most often of juniper, the north and south of pinyon, but D states that the reverse is correct and that the pinyon are male, the juniper female. At any rate they are from carefully selected trees and are cut C. O. from the four sides. The initial cut must be with a stone knife, then the limb may be broken or cut off with a metal tool. Juniper bark to kindle the first fire may be gathered at the same time. The pokers represent men who chase evil away (R). Poker Orientation (didadicih): The special helper takes some odorous grass (\oh hlcrn) Hierochloe odorata (L.) Wahl., in his mouth, and, as he chews it, he takes the pokers from their resting place between ceremonies (a beam south of the door). He stands east of the fire, at the left of the snake painting if it is present. The singer gives a signal as he sings, and the helper holds with his right hand the poker for each direction in sequence (he points to the fire across the others, held in his left hand), spits some odorous grass upon it, sticks its end briefly into the fire, then lays it upon the ground, tip towards the fire (at the left of the snake painting) (Fig. 11). This is re¬ peated for each poker and side of the fire C. O. Then the helper retraces his

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85

steps and spits into the fire from the four sides C. O. The odorous grass signifies that the pokers are henceforth for the ceremony only. During other parts of the ceremony (e.g., asperging) the pokers may be laid together west of the fire, tips pointing north. Entrance of Patient and Participants: All save the singer undress outside and leave their clothes on the ground south of the hogan, the men retaining a G-string and the women a skirt. The singer undresses within the cere¬ monial hogan but carries his clothes out and places them near the clothes of the others. Then all re-enter the hogan. Each, except the patient, carries in a pan of some sort for the emetic and sand in a piece of sacking for his basin. The patient enters first and the others follow. Each walks around the fire, stepping over the pokers (and snake paintings), right foot first, C. O. and takes his seat. Bullroarer: If a bullroarer is in use, the singer or the special helper wets its cord in chant lotion, administers the remainder of the lotion to the patient, sometimes sprinkles some around the hogan C. O., goes out and standing face to the hogan twirls the bullroarer (at the proper cardinal point for each day) and returns and applies it to the patient. If the helper has used the bullroarer, he then returns it to the singer. Emetic: A large pail of water with the crushed herbs of the emetic is put on to boil early in the ceremony. While the fire is at its height (usually) the special helper places in the basket before the patient and in the pans before the others a handful of dry emetic herbs, some of the hot emetic mixture, and enough cold water to suit each participant who tests the temperature with a finger. Each ingredient is served to the patient first and to the others sunwise, the helper retracing his steps each time. The basket and pans are thus almost filled. Either before or after the cold water is added the singer puts in some powder specific in the same order. The mixture is then stirred with a small stick of firewood which is passed around. “The firewood is hot and burns evil” (R); no significance (D). The singer selects one of the small feathers from his brush and leans it against the south side of the patient’s basket or sticks it upright in the sand beside it, sometimes first wetting it in the emetic. Everyone washes, feet upwards (commemorative—D), rubbing the floating herbs on their bodies. Sometimes the singer first washes the patient C. O., and later washes himself with the emetic of his neighbor. Then the remaining weeds are skimmed out with a grass hair brush which is passed around sunwise (this is not done in the Ramah area). The emetic is then drunk without touching the container with the hands. “If you pick up the pan the evil may jump back in your throat, but

86

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if you do not touch it, this shows that you wish to get rid of the evil in your body” (R); commemorative—D. Those who do not wish to vomit drink only a little and use up the rest by further bathing. The patient wets the feather in the liquid and uses it to induce emesis; others use a finger. While the participants are vomiting the singer brushes them, slapping them vigorously on the back with the brush, first the patient, then the women and finally the men, each group from west to east (to the door), making the rounds twice. Later the singer washes the feather and replaces it in the brush, and the vomit is disposed. Application of Pokers: The singer applies each poker to the patient C. O. In some chants the patient encircles the fire C. O. and applies each poker to himself. Any participant may thus use the pokers, and this is done at no set time, usually while waiting for the emetic to be prepared. All four may be used but more often only two, the east and south or the east and west. Before use the end of the poker is stuck into the fire and at the end the participant blows upward from its end. We have observed that such pressing is usually done by elderly people afflicted with rheumatism, especially women. It is said to relieve pain.141 Fire Procession

na’fo'ldah): The patient and then every participant,

individually, walks around the fire four times C. O., (the patient sometimes eight times) stepping over the pokers (and snake paintings) right foot first. In the beginning a participant who stepped over left foot first stumbled, and as a result he sickened and died, so now the right foot comes first (R); moreover evil spirits step left foot first (D). Evil spirits cannot cross the pokers and so the participant gets away from them. One should cross the pokers nearer the fire each succeeding time around. After the fire procession the special helper for the ceremony carefully scrapes all remains of the fire together, picking up all bits of broken twigs which have not burned and putting them on the fire. Sometimes he also puts on top of the fire four twigs (crossed at right angles to each other) about a foot long which have been set aside for this purpose. Fire Jumping (kQ? bilis da$di'lyao9): Live coals are raked out from .the dying fire to form two lines three or four feet long, extending south and north from the fireplace. Two of the pokers are placed on each side of the line, parallel to it, C. O. The patient, the women and the men, individually, step over each line of coals twice, from east to west and back over the south

141 The thorough and vigorous pressing indulged in by some elderly and decrepit indi¬ viduals leaves no doubt as to their belief in its efficacy. Doubtless such massage combined with the application of heat and the sweating does temporarily relieve rheumatic and muscular pains.

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87

line, and then from west to east and back over the north line, all walking and turning C. O. Then the coals are pushed back into the fireplace and the pokers are placed together west of the fire, tips toward it. This procedure is protective as in the fire procession, the live coals representing lightning. In the Ramah area the fire jumping usually takes a somewhat different form. After the four twigs which have been placed on top of the fire have burned down, the fire procession is repeated but each participant jumps diagonally across the fire at four different places (which do not appear to be definitely fixed). Small children and elderly persons do not take this rather vigorous leap. In Evil Way chants ash blowing follows the fire jumping. Opening Door: The singer or the special helper lifts the door covers with an implement. If a poker, its tip is first dipped in the ashes, and each suc¬ ceeding day a different one is used, C. 0. If a bullroarer it is whirled outside and the singer then applies it to the patient and uses it to erase the sandpaintings, if they are present. The noise is recognitive, signaling the exit of the participants (D). Erasing the snake sandpaintings tells the relevant supernaturals that the ceremony is over and that they may return home to the four directions. The patient leaves the hogan first, followed by the co-patients and other participants. The singer leaves last. Ash and Vomit Disposal: While the ashes and vomit, and the sandpaintings are being disposed and the hogan is being swept again, the patient and other participants rest outside and cool off. The pokers are replaced on the beam south of the door, tips east. Then all return to the hogan for the final procedures, the singer leading the way. Visitors who have not par¬ ticipated in the sweating may enter at this point. Asperging (to ?aheltah): Either before or after (but more commonly after) the ash and vomit disposal a basketful of chant lotion is prepared, and the singer, using the brush, liberally sprinkles the patient, feet up or in full C. O. He asperges the other participants twice each; the pokers, butt to tip; the sandpaintings and hoops (if asperging is done before disposal); the four points of the hogan, sunwise; the fire, from the four sides first; his bundle; himself, feet up; and up to the smokehole. (This order is varied, even indeed by the same singer.) This cleans and cools everything: the pokers, the fire, and the people. Fumigation: Following this, all go outside, but the singer gets his clothes and dresses within the hogan. If a decoction is used, this is administered immediately thereafter. On the fourth morning the pokers are placed together west of the fire¬ place, tips east or north, then disposed.

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9f Offerings:1*2 The offering ceremony occurs immediately following the breakfast eaten after the sweat and emetic ceremony, on the first four days of a five- or nine-night Holy Way chant. Its duration depends on the time required for preparation, which may be extensive, but if jewel offerings alone are made the whole may be completed in less than an hour. Various combinations of jewel, reed, and prayerstick offerings may be made. Offer¬ ings of mush figurines may also be made in excerpts from some chants. Preparation: Under the direction of the singer one or two helpers, sitting at the west of the hogan, prepare the offerings upon a calico spread. The materials and construction vary in different ceremonials. Matthews has described the preparation of reed offerings in great detail,143 and we shall add only some notes on jewel offerings. Four pieces of cloth are laid in a row upon the spread. Minute bits of the jewels (usually the four specified in 5e; sometimes a red jewel is added) are placed, each upon a separate cloth C. O., according to the color sym¬ bolism of the chant. The extraordinary care taken to make these bits as small as possible (more than is offered often being lost in the process of breaking them up) suggests that motives other than economy are involved, e.g., commemorative. In the early days jewels were scarce (D). Symbolic— the bits enlarge after disposal and if too large the supernaturals could not carry them away (R). Three bits of jewels are then placed unceremoniously upon each cloth. Upon these are placed items three to ten inclusive in that order (see 5e). The bluebird feathers are one from the right wing, one from the left wing, and one from the tail, laid with the tail-feather between the other two, thus symbolizing a bluebird. Single small feathers of other varieties are used, and finally an inch or so of cotton string. The singer places a little water in an abalone cup, wets in it a small brush, dips this in a sack of scent, and hands it to the patient who strokes each offering with it from west to east C. O. The singer then folds the cloth over the contents lengthwise, the north side over first, and piles them one upon the other C. O., so the north one is at the bottom, instructs the offer¬ ing depositor as to their future disposal, and then gives them to the patient to hold in his left hand. A litany follows. Offering Application: The singer or the offering depositor (OD), who has donned a headband and blanket (he should wear a buckskin but today a blanket or white cloth is usually substituted), says a pollen prayer, takes the offerings and applies them to the patient’s body C. O. (therapeutic— R, D), then goes out to deposit them. 142 See Franciscan Fathers, 1910, pp. 394-399. 143 Matthews, 1902, pp. 37-41.

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Deposit144 (ncrH-ni-):1*5 Though superficially similar the process of de¬ positing offerings is sharply distingushed linguistically and otherwise from the disposal of other objects and materials. In the latter case the objects have done their work; they have absorbed evil and must be gotten rid of. In the case of offerings their real efficacy only begins with deposit. The place and manner of deposit varies with the chant, and with the type of offering.

Lightning offering prayersticks are deposited under

lightning-struck trees, snake prayersticks in a snake hole or under a rock “where a snake would be,” frog or pollywog in a dry lake bed, porcupine where porcupine have chewed a tree. Deposit is usually to the east or south —never to the north. “Leave them out there—perhaps the Holy People will pick them up” (2). Greater attention is given to the choice of an offering depositor than to the selection of those who dispose most objects. We have observed that the singer

sometimes chooses

to

deposit particularly “powerful”

offering

prayersticks himself. Nevertheless anyone who has been sung over and may be trusted, such as a blood or clan relative of the patient, may do it. The singer and patient wait in the hogan until the offering depositor returns. This ends the ceremony, the patient leaves, and the hogan is made ready for the sandpainting. The offerings are gifts to attract and purchase the services of amicable supernaturals, that they may help to cure the patient. Offering prayersticks and mush figurine offerings are connected for the most part with animals. It is said that offering prayersticks exist for almost every animal (and some insects) known to the Navaho. Only one informant (R) spoke of offerings as bribes to evil spirits. After the herbs are burned in preparation for an Evil Way blackening an odd number (one, three, five, or seven) of blue glass trade beads “such as the Sioux use” may be washed and (with a handful of ashes from the four points of the fire) thrown towards the north, beyond the fire disposal piles. 9g The Bath (,td'fagis): This has been described more than once in some detail146 so only additional information will be given here. Synopsis of Events: 1. Collection of materials. 144 See Matthews, 1902, p. 40. 145 The word means “to return to its place of origin any item of trade or value.” A more precise form (but one which we heard less frequently) is nd'dana^rnr. 146 Matthews, 1902, p. 99 fi.; Wyman, 1936a, p. 642 ff.

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2. Sand platform made and basket placed; soapweed slivers, cactus,* and pollen pouches spread on cloth to south of basket; singing starts. 3. Soapweed and cactus* placed in basket; more water poured in basket. 4. Suds made. 5. Patient enters and undresses; suds design made.

6. Suds application. 7. Bathing.

8. Meal application; patient dresses. 9. Pollen administration and making pollen trail. 10. Disposal. Collection of Materials: Since the practice in the Ramah area presents some important divergences from that described by Wyman147 it will be presented here in full. At about dawn on the final morning the singer gives a helper148 instruc¬ tions and sends him out to gather cactus (hwos—the Navaho word is used much like the English, for any one of a variety of species is meant) and soapweed root (tdlaywos) from narrow-leaved yucca. The instructions given are as follows: “Find a perfect cactus plant and sprinkle pollen over it from east to west, then from north to south, standing on the east side. Then step over to the west and do it from west to east. Then step over to the north and take it back from north to south. Then look for a good stick about two feet long (any kind of wood). Use this to hold the stalk down. Start to make the cut with the flint knife, then it is all right to finish it with a metal knife. Then take the piece you have cut away from the plant and clean off the thorns.Thenbring it right back tome—don’t bother horses, sheep, or herders on the way. Don’t leave it outside the hogan or let anyone else touch it. Bring it straight back to me only. “Then you will go right out again for the soapweed root. Find a good narrow-leaved yucca plant and sprinkle it with pollen from east to west and then from south to north—just those two times. But don’t cut this one. Find another good one, sprinkle it the same way, and cut out about a finger length of the root. Then put pollen on the severed ends and put it tight back in place. Next find another plant nearby and dig around the 147 Wyman, 1936a, p. 642 ff. 148 According to Matthews (toe. cit.) (and confirmed by our informants) the collecting must be done by “a near relation, a brother or father of the patient.”

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root about six inches deep so that you expose it completely. Cut a sliver from east, west, south, and north. Then put the dirt back around the root the way it was. Then bring the four pieces straight back to me.” If the helper does not know the prayers to be said when collecting the cactus and soapweed root, the singer says them in the hogan at some in¬ terval in the ceremonies of the morning. Sand Platform: In some Holy Way chants the sand platform may be covered with herbs (usually Douglas fir boughs or snakeweed), tips east, leaving a V-shaped opening at the east in which a cross or a circular spot of pollen is placed. The basket is set upon this mark either before or after making the suds. In other chants this platform is left bare. After placing the design on the suds (see below), the sunwise circle and crosses in the four quadrants (S. W., N. W., S. E., N. E.) of meal or pollen are made west of the basket, upon the herbs if they are present. The star instructed First Man in this use of herbs, saying they would be like a big mountain and thus prevent evil spirits coming from the ground beneath and touching the basket (R). The sand platform has the same function. Yucca Root Placing: A single piece of root or four pieces, cut with a stone knife from one root, may be used. Soapweed of the four directions and colors (black, blue, yellow, white) join in the cure and one is mentioned in the song as each piece is placed. After water has been poured in, C. O., the root may be put in without ceremony or may be passed around the basket, sunwise, and put in at the east. If four pieces are used each is passed around the basket, sunwise, starting at the east, to its position at a cardinal point, as each stanza of the song is sung. In the Ramah area the piece of cactus stalk is added before the soapweed song is finished. Making Suds: Sometimes this is done by the singer, sometimes by the bath helper. The practice is often that if the singer makes the suds he gets the basket, whereas otherwise it goes to the bath helper. We have, however, observed cases where the bath helper received the basket (his normal per¬ quisite) even though the singer made the suds. ‘‘Talking God is really the one who gets thfe basket anyway. He does all the work in it” (tn). The piece of yucca root is rinsed before it is taken out of the basket. After the suds are ready the patient enters. Suds-Design: The design may be made of frost medicine, blue pollen, cat-tail pollen, sparkling rock, and corn pollen. One or two of these may be omitted and the order of application of two may be reversed, but blue pollen and some kind of yellow pollen are almost always used. Only corn pollen may be used in Blessing Way. The crosses are made of all these but the circumferential circle, made last, may be only of corn pollen. This

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design protects the bath water (R), represents stars (W), represents the travels of the Holy People on the rainbow and sunbeams (B) or symbolizes the movements of the singer during the ceremony (R, D). It begins and ends at the “doorway” of the basket. The east-west, west-east arm of the cross represents the singer’s journey to the ceremonial hogan and his return home; the south-north, north-south arm his trips across the ceremonial hogan to give medicine to the patient and his return to his customary seat, and the sunwise circumferential circle the ceremonial hogan itself. This circle and the platform design also symbolize the Navaho universe (D). Suds Application: The singer, while singing, applies suds to the patient C. O., for recognition (W) or so that the patient may be treated by the supernaturals before he washes himself (D). If the patient is a woman, the singer often applies suds in but one place, usually the knees. Bathing: After kneeling on the crosses the patient first washes his hair and then, standing, his whole body, feet upwards, assisted by the bath helper (who first washes his hands) and sometimes by others, usually close relatives. A female patient is assisted by women and they hold a blanket in front of her as she bathes.149 The patient’s jewelry and hair cord are also washed by helpers. The bathing is by no means always thorough from the point of view of cleanliness. The genitalia region seems to be avoided—the G-string is not removed in the case of males. The reason for the order of bathing the body, given by D in discussing Holy Way chants was the same as for Holy Way chants in general, while in a Life Way the order and his interpretation was different.150 Meal Application: The singer, singing, applies meal to the patient C. O., and then the patient dries himself with the meal, dries his jewelry and hair cord, and scatters some on his clean clothes, blanket and moccasins. The bath helpers usually assist with this, often taking care of the clothes and accessories entirely. Sometimes the singer sprinkles meal on the accessories, and occasionally all around the hogan in conclusion. He, or the bath helper, rinse both surfaces of the basket with clean water. As the patient dresses songs referring to the various articles of clothing are sung. Pollen Administration {tadidrn yidtl) and Making Pollen Trail (tadidvn he- kekehaVci-n): The singer, usually singing (in Holy Way chants) the corn beetle song, applies pollen to the patient C. O., sprinkles some around his head and upward toward the smokehole, around the hogan generally (be¬ fore, behind, below, above, and all around) and makes a trail of it to the 140 This was done first after the sexes were reunited and symbolizes the modesty which prevailed thereafter in contrast to the debauchery of the period of separation and before (cc). iso Wyman, 1936a, p. 644.

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door, north of the fire, along which the patient leaves. Communal pollen prayer usually follows this. The bath ceremony ought to be finished by noon. The corn beetle used to wear a costume of pollen, so the patient is like¬ wise dressed in pollen, for the corn beetle was healthy and carried happiness and good. The patient has therefore received like qualities after the bath (D). After the bath the singer may wash his own hair in yucca suds, but “only if he wants to cool off” (D). 9h Big Hoop Ceremony: In certain Evil Way chants, where the patient proceeds each of the first four mornings through five hoops toward the ceremonial hogan from east, west, south, north, on successive mornings, there is an out of door bath following this procession through the hoops.151 9i Sandpainting Ceremony (See also 7e): This usually occurs during the day, although sand and meal paintings are also made at night in connection with prayer ceremonies, especially in some Evil Way chants. Most often the sandpainting is begun early in the forenoon, immediately following the offerings or the bath. The time required to finish it varies enormously, depending on its size and nature and on the number of helpers, but from three to five hours is a rough average for the usual less elaborate paintings with an average number of painters. Lunch is served around noon and this may or may not be after the painting is completed. Other preparations are started shortly after noon and may take up to an hour, and if body painting occurs this requires about an hour and a half. The ceremony proper, or use of the sandpainting, lasts only about half an hour in Holy Way, some¬ what longer in some Evil Way chants. The whole, therefore, is usually over by the middle of the afternoon, although it may last until nearly sundown. There may be two or four, sandpainting ceremonies in a chant. Synopsis of Events:162 1. Minerals (ce'ika'n) ground (during early morning usually). 2. Background sand {sai bik&'t ?i'kd'hr) brought in and smoothed out into platform (fvkd'h hodvlzQ'd). 3. Sandpainting made. 4. Sandpainting set-up. 5. Pollen applied to sandpainting.

6. Meal placed for consecration. 151 Cf. Franciscan Fathers, 1910, pp. 416-417 (illustrations). 162 In the more elaborate chants (Night Way and Mountain Top Way, for example) many special acts and procedures may be added to the basic ones which we list.

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7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22.

[memoirs, 53

Medicine placed. Patient and co-patients enter; meal sprinkled. Body painted (last day only). Consecrated meal gathered and added. Chant lotion administered. Patient sits on sandpainting. Token tied (last day only). Chant token tied (last day only). Pollen ball administered (last day only). Infusion specific administered. Set-up applied (last day only). Sand applied; whistle blown. Fumigation. Patient leaves sandpainting. Sandpainting erased. Sandpainting disposed.

Sandpainting Set-Up (^ananez^di): After the sandpainting is completed the singer brings in the set-out from the mound and places it in order around the painting. The bundle prayersticks are set upright, in small mounds of the background sand or in holes made in the floor. The bundle prayerstick which stands at the north end of the mound is placed at the southeast corner, the southern one at the northeast corner, with the central ones at the west of the painting. Their front sides which face the hogan when out¬ side thus now face the sandpainting. They represent the supernaturals connected with the chant standing around the sandpainting and taking part in the ceremony (B). On the last day of a five-night Navaho Wind Way the bundle prayersticks were facing away from the painting (though set in the same order) because the chant was almost over and the super¬ naturals were going home (R). The other articles are placed in their proper positions: chant tokens on the sandpainting figure’s head plumes, medicine stopper etc. on the Rainbow Guardian’s hands. Pollen Application to Sandpainting: The singer or occasionally the as¬ sistant under his direction, praying, places pollen on the principal figures of the sandpainting C. O., and finally on the Rainbow Guardian. On each, pollen is first sprinkled on the face, a line up the middle, one down the left side and another up the right, i.e., up in the center (“everything must rise”) and sunwise around the face (the proper order according to D, but down the middle and up on both sides are frequently observed variations);

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on the mouth and on the head plume sometimes precedes this; then along the body or on certain parts only. On the Rainbow Guardian pollen is sometimes deposited on the right foot, left foot, bottom center of skirt, and waist, either before or after application to the head. The frequent varia¬ tions observed, made by the same or by different singers, lead to the con¬ clusion that the place and order of deposit is not vitally important so long as each principal figure receives its share of pollen. The faces, however, are never omitted. The reasons for giving pollen to the sandpainting figures are doubtless the same as for its use by humans. Rationalizations given by R are “blessing the figures, keeps evil spirits away” and “the pollen arrows on the face represent knowledge, what he thinks with.” Occasionally when meal is not placed for consecration, the pollen may be gathered later and used for certain purposes. Here a reverse action, the painting adding power to the pollen, is postulated, similar to the rationalization for the process of pre¬ paring live pollen or consecrated meal. Placing Meal for Consecration (bize‘? hda^agah): The singer or the as¬ sistant deposits small heaps of meal on the principal sandpainting figures, on each of several sets of figures in a circular painting individually or on the various parts of two figures at a time if they are within convenient reach. In any case the operator enters the painting at the southeast corner, pur¬ sues a sunwise course about it, and always turns sunwise and retraces his steps upon leaving, or upon beginning to treat a new set of figures. Finally, meal is placed likewise upon the Rainbow Guardian. Although the number and position of the meal heaps varies with the design, a common complete order is on the feet (right, left), hands or corresponding parts (right, left), breast (“heart”), mouth and head plume of the figures and on the feet, knees, bottom of skirt, waist, two or three places on the body, hands, breast, mouth and head plume of the Rainbow Guardian. Meal is also placed on mountain tops, star points, etc. when they are prominent features. On one fairly simple painting in a Navaho Wind Way forty-three meal heaps were thus deposited. The number, position, and order of deposit vary with the same or different singers. This procedure is usually the last thing done before the patient is called to the hogan. Gathering Consecrated Meal ('?rkd‘h ndgrd)-}52* Later, just before the patient goes to the sandpainting the meal heaps are gathered by the singer or assistant in the same order and manner in which they were deposited. If a medicine stopper is in use all the cups of infusion specific are first stirred 162a A better rendering is za~nil binvye nahidvzp'h.

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with the feathered end and the principal sandpainting figures are lightly sprinkled with the liquid (“giving some medicine to the spirits represented” —R, “asking the spirits represented to bring rain”—D). The moistened feathers are then touched to the meal heaps and that which adheres is stirred into all the cups. (Adding consecrated meal.) Then the remainder of the meal is gathered and placed in a piece of cloth or paper, the consecrated meal from each subsequent day being placed with it. At the conclusion of the ceremonial the singer gives small portions to those who want some (espe¬ cially to curers—R) and keeps the rest for himself. No fee is charged. The consecrated meal may be taken home and used (mixed with water for drink¬ ing or rubbed on the body) for almost any sickness. Or it may be used by curers in other ceremonials where sandpaintings are not made. This pro¬ cedure is a method for internal administration of the curative properties of the sandpainting, for by superposition the meal acquires these properties and becomes medicine. “It is the way one makes ‘infusion specific’.” Meal Sprinkling: When everything is ready the patient is called. He enters, carrying a basket containing meal. Facing the sandpainting at the east, he sprinkles it as directed by the singer. The principal sandpainting figures are sprinkled C. O., each from feet to head and from head to feet. Each of several sets of figures in a circular painting may be completed in¬ dividually. Finally the Rainbow Guardian is sprinkled twice C. O. The left hand should be used, but occasionally the right is employed without com¬ ment from the singer. A prayer should be said while sprinkling but it is mumbled inaudibly and often no evidence of praying is seen. The patient then leaves the basket at the east of the painting and takes his place. Then meal is sprinkled likewise by co-patients, helpers, members of the family, and spectators until the supply is exhausted. The singer seldom sprinkles meal, but when he does it may be after the others have finished or before the patient has entered. Meal sprinkling is recognitive (W); “a bribe to keep harmful spirits away” (R); and an opportunity for prayer (D). Body Painting: The details vary with the ceremonial, but the Rituals are characterized as follows: Holy Way by figure painting153 (?akina^a go) (Fig. 22) with white, black, blue and yellow paints; Life Way by reddening (‘?ani£i-h)ma with red ochre; Evil Way by blackening with mixed charcoal (sometimes this is alternated with reddening). Whitening (?a\eA) describes 163 Figure painting of the body is not practised in some Holy Way chants such as Night Way and Beauty Way. !53a More accurately, face reddening (?ani'? yic'rh).

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a part of figure painting, and graying (fvlbd'h) refers to putting ashes on the scalp shooter in Enemy Way. In Life Way and Evil Way the whole body may be covered with color, while in Holy Way the face is usually painted, and other parts of the body from head to foot may be. Sparkling rock is placed on the cheeks in Holy Way and Life Way, its shine facilitat¬ ing recognition of the patientby supernaturals from afar (R), and one or two scalp locks are stiffened with paint for attaching the tokens. Water colors are mixed by the singer and helpers on the palette. Tiny grinding stones are used for solid minerals. The singer paints large surfaces with his fingers but intricate designs are drawn with small brushes or sharpened sticks (be^ekina^agoi). Grease paints are kneaded into a ball, or sometimes the body is smeared with uncolored grease and dry pigment is applied over this. Grease paint is sometimes used on certain portions (e.g., the face) and water color elsewhere, or one kind only may be used all over. In Holy Way the body painting occurs during the sandpainting cere¬ mony of the last day. The patient sits at the north (or northwest) facing east. The singer unbinds the patient’s hair and sits before him. Dipping his right middle finger into the paint to be applied first the singer thrusts it toward the sandpainting figures and around them C. O., upward and to¬ ward the patient four times. He then applies the paint. Similar thrusting of the paint on a finger, a brush, or in a ball of grease is performed as each new color is applied or as each important part of a design is begun. Often the singer is assisted by the assistant or a helper, the latter painting one side of the body. After the body painting is completed the singer puts pinches of meal and sand from the feet of the sandpainting figures into the patient’s moccasins (,sanctification of moccasins—ke bi'HM'l). Thereafter none but the patient (or at least another person must have had the same chant) may ever wear these moccasins. The patient then puts on moccasins and jewelry and is ready to go to the sandpainting. In some chants cinctures and wristlets of corn husks, twigs of coniferous trees, or cat-tails are put on the patient after the body painting of the final day. The patient wears them until after the dawn songs, and they are then hung on the branches of a tree by a helper. The body paint, an important part of the conception of the patient be¬ coming a supernatural, involves several motives (commemorative, symbolic, therapeutic).154 Token Tying (si'Ko'l te^elko): Sometimes the token is tied to one of

164 Cf. W yman, 1936a, p. 647.

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the bundle prayersticks of the same sex as the patient, in the set-out of the last day. The supernatural represented by this prayerstick puts power into the token, this power being later transferred to the patient making him “strong” like the supernatural (R). When the sandpainting set-up is made the token is transferred to the head plume of the sandpainting figure on which the chant token is placed. The singer thrusts the token towards the sandpainting, his own head, the patient, all those present who have a token for that chant, and then with sound symbolism ties it to a scalp lock stiffened with paint. The bead song is sung. The singer having had the ceremonial previously, therefore represents one of the supernaturals pertaining to it, and in pointing the token to himself he puts his power into it and symbolizes the fact that it is a gift to the patient from the supernaturals (R, D). The patient thus assumes some of their characteristics (“becomes half spirit”—R), and there¬ after while wearing the token he is recognized as kindred and is not harmed by them (R, B, D). The token, therefore, is recognitive, protective, sym¬ bolic. To lose it is serious (“he goes crazy”—R). In this aspect of a cere¬ monial being an “assemblage of the gods”155 symbolized by the bundle prayersticks, the sandpainting figures, the singer, the patient, others previ¬ ously sung over, etc., the human participants seem to stand out in the Navaho mind, for as R remarked “the singer is a living god but the others are just sandpaintings.” He did not mean to minimize the importance of the painted figures but to emphasize the actuality of the presence of living representatives of the deities. Chant Token Tying (t?eIK6‘?): In Holy Way the chant tokens are a part of the set-out, and when the sandpainting set-up is made they are placed on the Rainbow Guardian’s arms, tips east, or elsewhere, except on the last day. Here the one for the patient is placed upon and parallel to the head plume of the sandpainting figure upon which the patient sits (of corresponding sex, e.g., female blue figure of south or male yellow figure of west) and the other is similarly placed upon a figure of its sex or elsewhere, e.g., at the west of the painting. Before tying the singer may place both tokens in his head-band, male at left, female at right, until they are used, for after having been picked up at this point laying them down would signify the end of the ceremony (R). The singer thrusts one chant token towards the sandpainting, his own head, the east, and the patient, and then with sound symbolism ties it to a scalp lock stiffened with paint, hanging to the left (right in Life Way). The other is applied to the patient with the bundle prayersticks. 166 Newcomb and Reichard, p. 24.

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In Evil Way chants, chant token tying takes place after the blackening the final night. Patient Goes To and Sits on Sandpainting: The patient goes to the sand¬ painting C. O., and sits facing east upon one of the figures, usually the one of the west or the center in a circular painting and the second from the south in a linear one (or on a figure of the same sex as the patient). After the pa¬ tient has been painted, the singer may present some article (one of the bundle prayersticks or the bullroarer) for the patient to grasp and thus leads him to the sandpainting (raising and leading patient—tvkd'h biki biznlda’Ji). Sand Application (?i’kd'h HdaH’lco’d): The singer applies his palms to the sandpainting figures and then to the body of the patient, singing and sometimes praying. Sometimes he moistens his hands, perhaps with the remnants of infusion specific, to make the sand stick. Occasionally he holds in his right hand a club or bullroarer, which “picks up the sand like a magnet” (R), and also helps to drive out evil (D). Sand (consecrated sand) may be taken from one part of all the principal figures C. O., and applied to the corresponding part of the patient, this then being repeated for another body part, and so on C. O., usually four times each. A variation is to take sand from a whole figure at a time C. O., and apply it to the patient C. O., repeating for each of the principal figures. Sometimes sand from the figures is applied in the first manner and that from the Rainbow Guardian in the second. Application of sand from each of several sets of figures in a circular painting may be completed individually. In any case the Rainbow Guardian comes last. Several motives are involved which are similar to those connected with body painting, for the sand or its power “enters the flesh of the patient and chases out evil” (R) and makes the patient like the supernaturals represented in the sandpainting who “never had pain or trouble in the early days when they were people” (D). Following or toward the end of the sand application the singer blows the whistle (in thants where this forms part of the equipment) in front of the patient, then behind him, then over his right shoulder, then on top of his head. Fumigation is carried out before the patient leaves the sandpainting. Patient Leaves Sandpainting: The patient may arise unceremoniously and leave the hogan C. O., sometimes taking the meal basket with him. More commonly the singer presents with his right hand some object which the patient grasps as he arises (bullroarer, brush, bundle prayersticks, or crook). The use of the crook symbolizes traveling (B), gives the patient

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more strength (D). When some other object is used it is merely a substitute for the crook (R, D). The singer lightly brushes the patient with the brush after he has arisen and sometimes before as well to “brush off the last bits of evil” (D). In some chants the singer leads the patient away from the sandpainting, while he still grasps the presented object, making four slow and careful steps corresponding to four parts of a song. The singer walks backwards so that the patient touches his toes at each step (recessional). In the song the four principal supernaturals of the chant are mentioned C. O. At each step one of these supernaturals passes by on his way home, for the ceremony is over and the patient must let the supernaturals leave first (R). As the patient leaves the hogan the singer instructs him to breathe in the sun four times, in order to invoke the help of the spirit of the sun and to take its beneficent influence into his body (R, D). The patient then re¬ tires to the cookshade to dress. Sandpainting Erasure (rkah bikeMe^o'hil): After the patient has left the hogan, co-patients or spectators may hastily apply some of the sand to their own bodies (fi'kd'h ndhe'Sga^), although this practice is not common today. The women leave and the singer, singing or silently, erases the sand¬ painting with some implement (rattle, bullroarer, bundle prayerstick). The figures are erased C. O., the Rainbow Guardian last, or in the order in which they were laid down. Sometimes a portion (e.g., a locality center) may be erased and disposed separately, usually first if it was made first. If a set-up is present it is knocked down C. O., with the object used for erasing as the singer erases the Rainbow Guardian. It is gathered up later or by his free hand as he goes around. Sometimes he may gather the set-up with his left hand as he erases the Rainbow Guardian without previously knocking it down. After erasure the sand is disposed immediately. 9j Eating Mush (?odce•?): This is an optional ceremony in Holy Way chants. Following the sandpainting ceremony, there is a ten or fifteen minute interval during which the sand is disposed, the fire is replaced in the center of the hogan, the equipment is gathered, and the singer rests. Then the patient, dressed, reenters the hogan and sits in his place. Some one (a helper or one of the women) brings a basket containing plain corn meal mush (“no cedar mush”)156 which is set before the patient. The mush should be made by some one who has been sung over. Two stirring sticks which have 166 See Franciscan Fathers, 1910, p. 205; Haile, 1938a.

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been used to stir the mush while making it rest across the basket, east to west. The singer removes the sticks and puts pollen upon the mush, in the center or in a cross, west to east and back and south to north and back and sunwise around the edge (pollen sanctification—tadidvn ?ihilzvddgr). Dur¬ ing a song he takes mush from the basket, C. O., with his fingers and places it in the patient’s mouth, following this with little water dipped from a cup with his fingers. This is repeated four times. As the patient swallows each mouthful the singer may press on the shoulders and top of the head of the patient with his hand, this aiding swallowing (D) and imparting strength (R). He then turns the east side (the side with the opening or “spirit out¬ let”) towards the patients, who eats the remainder of the mush with his fingers (first with one finger, then two, then three, then four). The singer may eat some, C. O., himself, and co-patients and others who have had the same chant may also partake, thus renewing their cure. The singer may say a short prayer as the mush is finished. The stirring sticks are then disposed. Eating the mush is commemorative for it was food used in the early days, and it also symbolizes the weakness of the patient who “eats mush like a baby” (B). The pollen design and the preliminary feeding C. 0. symbolizes the universe (B). 9k Prayer Ceremony (sodizin bifi'l): In addition to the litanies which are integral parts of all except Life Way157 chants, there are longer, supple¬ mentary prayer ceremonies (some with their own dry paintings) which can be added to most chants at the request of the sponsor. They can be given either by the singer conducting the chant or, if he does not know the prayer ceremony, a prayer-maker (sodizin H'lH'ni') may be called in. At least one form of sodizin may be given for four days and four nights as a prayer ceremonial, quite independent of any chant. The lore of the prayer cere¬ monies is complicated, and has apparently had little attention since Mat¬ thews first reported upon one.158 Full treatment must therefore be reserved to a separate publication. It may be remarked here simply that there are a number of types of these “strong prays” (as English-speaking Navaho most often call them). Some are considered the protection par excellence against witchcraft. Others are considered powerful in cases of severe injury. One variety incorporates prayers outside the hogan at night, singer and 157 Singers of various forms of Life Way have informed us that brief litanies exist for these chants, but neither of us has ever seen them carried out, whereas we have never seen any other chant (except Chiricahua Wind Way) carried out without a litany. Prayers are, of course, recited by singers in Life Way chants. 168 Matthews, 1888.

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patient facing the four directions C. O. There appears to be a sort of genus in which others beside patient and singer participate in the litany.109 Cer¬ tain special articles of equipment (especially a kind of rock or mineral known as sq coh) are needed in most types of prayer ceremony. 91 Over-Shooting Ceremony (^ahida^aio): This ceremony may be carried out the third and fifth nights of Evil Way chants. Details vary from chant to chant and from singer to singer, but the basic feature is the shoot¬ ing or tossing of arrows over the patient,169 first from east to west, then from north to south (sometimes over the hogan too in the same order). The arrows used are not those carried in the bundle (the patient sits and holds these) but are fashioned from the ends of Ponderosa pine branches and decorated with symbols of the two lightnings. These arrows are dis¬ posed just before daylight on the fifth morning. This ceremony has, of course, its special songs. When conducted in conjunction with a supple¬ mentary prayer ceremony, the patient sits on a buckskin. 9m Cincture Ceremonies and Procedures: The fir garment (to ?r?) is made entirely of Douglas fir or Colorado blue spruce boughs. The plant gar¬ ment (til ?e-?) is made of grama grass, conifer boughs and rock sage. Two special helpers (co

ne'ntdiyolgisv) make one or the other garment during

the afternoon, the manufacture requiring two to three hours. These helpers are always men. One at least must be from a different family and clan from the patient and the two may not themselves be related. They must stay for the whole duration of the chant, sleeping in the ceremonial hogan apart from all others. They eat by themselves. Each is paid about the equivalent of two dollars (12). When the garment is completed it is folded up under a blanket until the patient comes in for the short-singing that night. After two songs the helpers put the garment over the patient’s shoulders. The patient must sit very quietly for about five minutes without coughing or talking. The singer then begins the Slayer of Monsters song and the two helpers walk around the patient C. O. and cut him free of the garment with flints. The w'hole ceremony usually requires about an hour. Wyman has seen one in the morning in a Moving Up Way, but more usually it is held any night except the last or may be held two nights or four nights. In the latter cases either the fir garment or the weed garment may be repeated or they may be alternated. The Navaho, in our experience, usually speak of this as an Evil Way 169 The “prayer of word mention toward each other” mentioned by Father Berard (Haile, 1938a, p. 58) is probably one form of this type. 160 See Wyman, 1936c, p. 141.

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ceremony, but Matthews has described one in the Night Chant,161 and Miss Wheelwright tells us that the ceremony is found in Hail Way. Yucca cinctures: Of essentially the same character and probably also to be grouped as a garment ceremony is the practice of binding the patient in yucca strips (with flint tassels) and cutting these off in approximately the manner which has been described for the fir and weed garments. Shoulder-bands and wristlets are also made and used in some Evil Way chants.162 9n The Final Night (bike•): Immediately

after

the bath

the bigi

(literally—“its day”)163 of the chant begins and spectators gather in larger numbers. This term is also sometimes applied colloquially to the whole period between the conclusion of the bath ceremony and the end of the chant, but most informants insist that from sundown on bike• is the proper designation. The ceremony of the final night usually begins about nine P.M. or later with singing. If a meat decoction is used it is prepared not long after the ceremony begins. In Life Way the body painting is done during this cere¬ mony, and in some Holy Way chants (when figure painting has not been carried out during the day) red grease paint (nahosgqbicPh) is daubed on the face and the mandible is streaked with black (haya'dd•? na^iie's) during the singing of the First Songs. Occasionally the chant token is tied after this procedure rather than during the sandpainting ceremony. No one may leave the hogan until the First Songs are concluded. At this time the singer administers pollen to the patient and sometimes sprinkles a sunwise trail of it to the door. Then the patient, followed by the assistant, goes out, usually returning almost immediately in the same order, but occasionally resting briefly outside. Thereafter spectators may come and go as they wish. The more people who sing, the quicker the patient will get well. If two final nights occur simultaneously in the same region there is often considerable feeling and rivalry over the comparative size of of the crowds attending. Singing goes' on (with perhaps a few brief rest periods of five minutes or so at irregular intervals, and usually a longer period of about fifteen minutes around midnight or later during which coffee and food are served); the patient remains in his place but is not treated again until a little before dawn. No one present should sleep, and least of all the singer and the pa-

161 Matthews, 1902, pp. 82-85. 162 See Franciscan Fathers, 1910, pp. 413-414. 163 Cf. Haile, 1938b, p. 646.

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tient, but this provision is not taken so seriously as in Blessing Way rites. Actually today many of the spectators do sleep from time to time, but bad dreams while sleeping during the final night of a chant are taken very seriously. The first streak of dawn is watched for very closely. Just before the Dawn Songs begin the singer smears meal across the patient’s mandible (haya'ddnaHXe'S) and then across his own chin. Others who have sung all night may do likewise. This is recognitive so that the supernaturals can distinguish all who have participated properly. It symbolizes the white dawn. In Holy Way and Life Way the singer gathers the lay-out or a part of it as the Dawn Songs begin and hands it to the patient (hal&Ke'yvnil) who holds it in his right or both hands and beats time.164 At the first streak of dawn the patient walks four times around the fire preceded by the as¬ sistant who asperges with chant lotion (toho hba^dczkad) and sometimes followed by another helper (“a guard”—B, D). The asperging is to cool the fire (B), to pray for rain (R), “it means it is going to rain to cool off your body” (D). The patient then leaves the hogan, followed by the assistant. Outside he breathes in the dawn four times165 as the sunlight was breathed in at the conclusion of the sandpainting ceremony. This common Navaho practice has likewise been mentioned in connection with the acquir¬ ing of flints and other ceremonial articles. Navahos will also sometimes inhale four times the breath of a favorite child (bigih yigis) “to become one with it—just like making it yours in accepting a gift” (A). Within, the chant closes with a prayer by the singer and the communal pollen prayer. (Sometimes the singer administers pollen to the patient and makes the pollen trail before he leaves.) The singer prays for himself, petitioning the supernaturals to protect him from the bad effects of any mistakes he may have made, but he also prays “for the whole world, for everyone, even for white men” (2, 6). After the prayer the singer commonly gives the basket to the bath helper and divides the calico with the assistant, helpers, and others who have notably assisted with the singing. He then packs up his equipment. Just before or while doing this he sings one concluding song {pdka'nd'lytl biyvn—literally “rump end has been replaced there again song”). This is sometimes referred to in English as a “packing up song” and may be one of various Blessing Way songs. It serves as a kind of benediction to the whole chant. Most singers include

104 For meaning see Wyman, 1936a, p. 649 (confirmed by B). 165 See Wyman, 1936a, p. 650.

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NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

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some Blessing Way songs in the Dawn Songs also. Blessing Way songs at the end of a chant serve to mitigate the effect of any errors in songs, prayers, or procedure during the ceremonial. 10. Combination of Ceremonies into Ceremonials. The nature and order of the component ceremonies of a ceremonial vary somewhat with the ceremonial and much more with the Group. The following table presents the characteristic166 organization of most Holy Way chants in two, five, and nine-night forms. The Arabic numerals indi¬ cate the “days” on which the ceremonies occur counted according to the Navaho method, i.e., from sundown to sundown. The time of day stated in the last column is approximate only and varies somewhat with circum¬ stances. Table 1 Two night Consecration of hogan Unraveling Short singing Setting out Sweat and emetic Offerings Bath Sandpainting Figure painting and token tying Eating mush All night singing Mixed decoction Dawn procedures Restrictions

Five night

1

Nine night

Time of Day

1

At sundown Early evening Evening Before dawn Dawn Early forenoon Forenoon Afternoon During sand¬ painting Late afternoon Sundown on Before dawn Dawn All day

1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1

12 12 12 12 12 4 12 4

8

1 2 2 2 3 4 5 6

4 5 5 5 6 7 8 9

9 9 9 10 11 12 13

3 3 3 3 3

4 4 4 4 4

12 5 6 5 6 12 12

3 7 7 3 3

4 8 8 4 4

7

8

8 3 4

5

6

8

It may be seen from the table that the two-night form embodies all the component ceremonies except the sweat and emetic which must be repeated four times and therefore cannot be done in this form; that the five-night form involves a fourfold repetition of several ceremonies with the addition of only the two mentioned above; and that the nine-night form may not be arranged by the addition of new ceremonies nor further repeti166 It will be understood, of course, that there are numerous rather common variations. For example, offerings may be made the first and fourth and sandpaintings the second and third days, or either one of these ceremonies may be omitted in certain circumstances, or one of them only may be carried out twice only.

106

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tion but by spacing those done in the five-night form over a longer period. We do not know whether or not one of these is a basic form, i.e., are the fiveand two-night forms condensations of an original nine-night form, or are the two longer ones a lengthening by repetition and spacing of a basic twonight form. Until we have further data perhaps a middle ground is safest, and the two-night should be regarded as a condensation and the ninenight as an elaboration of a basic five-night ceremonial. We have not listed in the table numerous ceremonies which may be added to Holy Way chants, but have given only those which seem to be fundamental. Such additional ceremonies are especially those concerned with Phases of ceremonials167 (e.g., the Dark Circle of Branches and GodImpersonators which come on the last night of several nine-night chants).168 Life Way chants, when given in the characteristic two-night form, consist of consecration of the hogan and a short singing the first night; bath the first forenoon; short singing in the afternoon; reddening, all night singing, and dawn procedures the second night; restrictions as usual. When, in case of emergency, they are begun and continued until relief occurs,169 they consist mostly of singings of varying lengths, accompanied by the administration of medicine and the presence of the lay-out (as are all Life Way chants), and may begin and end at any time of day. The sequence and arrangement of ceremonies in Evil Way chants fol¬ lows that of Holy Way chants in general, but there are these differences: 1. The following ceremonies do not occur in Evil Way chants: setting out, offerings,170 eating mush, mixed decoction. 2. Sandpaintings occur much less frequently and large sandpaintings are very uncommon indeed. Sandpaintings may be used at night or even made and used at night. 3. The cincture (with two known exceptions) over-shcoting, and out-ofdoor bath and hoop ceremony are ceremonies peculiar to Evil Way chants. 4. Blackening (which may or may not be alternated with reddening) takes the place of the figure-painting of Holy Way chants and is a prominent feature of all Evil Way ceremonials. In contrast with figure painting which 167 See Wyman and Kluckhohn, 1938, p. 11. 108 For the organization of chants with such additional ceremonies see Matthews, 1887, and 1902; Stevenson, 1891; and expecially Tozzer, 1909, who has presented a comparative table of the organization of two performances of Night Way (pp. 314-317). 169 See Wyman and Kluckhohn, pp. 30-31. 170 We have heard of mush figurine offerings (of a coyote only) in excerpts from Evil Way chants.

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NAVAIIO CHANT PRACTICE

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occurs only in connection with the sandpainting ceremony of the final day, blackening occurs only at night (in five- or nine-night chants) and may be repeated as many as five nights in a five-night chant. 5. Certain articles of equipment and the accompanying procedures (basket drum, and perhaps sound symbolism and the whistle, for example) are not used in Evil Way chants. Similarly other acts and procedures (such as short and long brushings and ash-blowing) which figure prominently in Evil Way chants do not appear in Holy Way ceremonials. Ceremonies may not only be combined into chants. A few (or even some single ceremonies) may be given quite independently as an excerpt (id• ^aza^anil). When a diagnostician recommends a particular chant, the family is often unwilling to go to the expense of a five-night ceremonial (with commitment to three repetitions) without further evidence that the ceremonial in question will be efficacious. As an experimental procedure an excerpt is therefore selected. If it seems to help the patient, this is taken as indicating that the full chant would be worth while. The offering and sand¬ painting ceremonies from Holy Way and the blackening from Evil Way chants are selected particularly frequently, but the choice is not limited to these. One often hears, for example, of such excerpts as ywoid'hli ?i’lkd'h (the emetic from one of the Shooting Ways) and zilkify ta'hos%in (this is a painting of the arms and face in Mountain Top Ways). The number of nights, the fee paid, and the choice of component cere¬ monies is also influenced, of course, by the place of the particular chant in the series of four {nakcrnd'lye-l). This we have discussed elsewhere.171 There is another circumstance which may alter the order of com¬ ponent ceremonies. While seldom occurring, it is a matter of considerable interest. If a singer sings too frequently (particularly soon after he has learned the chant) he may get very ill from it. In this case a diagnostician may recommend a reverse chant (naiq,*§i? nahatd'l). Here the order of component ceremonies is exactly reversed. The chant begins with the Dawn Songs and closes with the Chant Lotion song of the first short singing. Within the ceremonies, however, the procedures are not reversed. One informant (A) told us of a reverse C. O. But all other informants were horrified at the idea and assured us this would never be employed in a chant under any circumstances, only in witchcraft.172 171 Wyman and Kluckhohn, p. 20. 172 See Hill, 1936b, p. 14, in connection with warfare, “ ‘ . . . he starts with the enemy’s head and mentions all the different parts of his body right down to the ground, and ends his prayer in the ground. This is just the same as burying the man’.”

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ADDENDA TO PART I

The following additional items of information (arranged according to section and sub-section number) were obtained during the 1939 field sea¬ son. Those marked (FB) were obtained by Miss Flora Bailey and we are grateful to her for her permission to include them here. 2. Restrictions: In Dr. Reichard’s experience women patients (as well as men) are required to sleep in the ceremonial hogan. Patient, singer, and assistant do not eat the heart, liver, brains, or head meat of any animal that happens to be used for food during the chant. Many Navaho fear a particular chant which, hence, they never attend as spectators. (FB) Menstruating women must not attend chants or see sandpaintings for if they do they will later have difficulty in childbirth (84). 3. Expenses: “In the old days when you asked a singer to come sing for someone in your family, you put a cigarette at his foot and that was the only pay he got” (3). Dr. Reichard comments that the fees we have recorded are substantially smaller than those which prevail in the Ganado area. 4. Social Aspects: Seven informants independently volunteered the in¬ formation that a Navaho man feels an obligation to attend a ceremonial given for someone in his own or his father’s clan. There are indications that this pressure is of particular importance at the present time with reference to Enemy Way. 5. Equipment: In winter when a heavy snow makes it impossible for a singer to get a specific pouch (which has perhaps been left at another hogan) missing items may be improvised. For example, earth medicine roots may be dressed in beads to take the place of the crane heads needed in Flint Way. Special songs are, however, needed in such a case and these are apparently not very widely known. 5d Talking Prayersticks: Those which we have described are the type ordinarily used in chants and pertain to Talking God. Another type, made of mirage stone and pertaining to Monster Slayer, are used primarily in Blessing Way and in prayer ceremonies but are also sometimes carried by the patient in the Big Hoop ceremony. 5r Baskets: In a nine-night chant the basket drum is used the last five nights only. Matthews observes that the singer must not give away the basket used for drumming and that he must never eat out of it.173 173 Matthews, 1898, p. 231.

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NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

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6b Fumigant: Miss Wheelwright tells us that her informants told her that the primary purpose of fumigation was to protect the patient from the force of the ceremonies which might otherwise be too powerful for him to survive. She has observed fumigation for a person who has just heard a long myth for the first time as a similar protection.

6g Lightning Herbs: If there is any possibility that a woman is pregnant she will avoid drinking this infusion, for it is peculiarly dangerous to preg¬ nant women.

60 Fire Medicine: The following account, which differs substantially from the one which we have published was obtained by FB from ds: The singer sits in the hogan at the south, the patient at the west. The singer has in his right hand some fire medicine and also a grass brush, the two held together so that the medicine lies along the longer end of the brush. He walks to the east of the fire. There he sings two songs while doing the following: he places the end of the brush and the fire medicine in the fire, and when it ignites he bites off the end and spits it into the fire. He then moves to the south, west, and north sides where he repeats this proceeding. At the east again he sings two more songs while he does the following: lights the ends again in the fire, then bites them off, chews them and spits them into the patient’s mouth once. He then does the same and spits it four times on the burn of the patient. 7e Sandpainting Procedures: Dr. Reichard has usually observed the pig¬ ment ground in the northeast side of the hogan. 7h Songs: Mention might have been made of the fact that many Navaho men (especially younger men) set great store by their skill in singing and will go to considerable pains to “get into good voice,” running three or four miles every morning, practising in the sweat house etc. (This whole pattern perhaps applies more to Enemy Way—at present at least— than to chants). Full evacuation of the bowels is also held to be essential to good singing. 9c Short-Singing: In the Navaho Mountain region Kluckhohn observed that the time for beginning this ceremony was set by observing the position of the moon. 9g The Bath: During a Blessing Way in the Navaho Mountain area Kluckhohn observed a bath given after midnight during the final night. 9h Body-Painting and Token-Tying: If the assistant is to do the figure¬ painting, he is usually given ceremonial objects of especial power (for ex¬ ample, the crane’s heads in Flint Way) to hold and stroke before beginning to paint.

110

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(FB) Watching body-painting is (like seeing a sandpainting) particu¬ larly dangerous to a pregnant woman. In Dr. Reichard’s observation the patients must themselves furnish the materials for the token. 9n The Final Night: During the period between the end of the bath and the ceremonies of the final night the women of the patient’s household may be observed washing their hair and dressing in their best finery.

PART II NAVAHO WIND WAY* By LELAND C. WYMAN

1. General Remarks The relegation of the various terms applied by informants to certain aspects of Navaho Wind Way to their proper places in a classificatory schema is a difficult problem. This is partly because of the definite way in which informants speak of Navaho Wind Way with Many Sandpaintings and of Wind Way, Striped Side, as distinct ceremonials, and partly be¬ cause of the difficulty in discussing with informants, either directly or through an interpreter, such concepts as we have termed Phases and Etio¬ logical Factors of Holy Way ceremonials. Furthermore, as cc admitted, because of the infrequency today of more elaborate forms of the chant and the desire to retain certain terms as symbols of prestige the Navaho themselves are “mixed up about the whole business.” It seems certain, however, that the data given by Wyman and Kluckhohn* 1 should be amended, but the following should in no way be con¬ sidered final, although it was compiled from information obtained from seven prominent singers of Navaho Wind Way (cc, hn, ny, tn, cb, fn, dl). Navaho Wind Way apparently does have Male and Female Branches. These are performed according to Holy Way ritual, and we have not been able to find an informant who ever heard of an Evil Way form. They may also be performed according to the Fighting Way or the Peaceful Way sub-rituals of Holy Way. Wind Way, Striped Side, is always Male Branch and Fighting Way and differs from Peaceful Way forms in that it has no unraveling ceremony, no bundle prayersticks nor setting out ceremony, the sandpainting set-up consists of flints, the brush is present in the lay-out but is not usedj the same sandpainting may be made on each of four days in a five-night ceremonial, and the origin legend and sandpaintings are different (dl). It may be that the term Striped Side refers only to the sub-ritual rather than to an etiological factor, dl remarked that there are five winds and the striped one is the fifth. What informants call the * On deposit at the Department of Anthropology, University of Chicago, is a text, translation, and notes on Navaho Wind Way by Father Berard Haile (339 typescript pages). This has not been seen by us. 1 Wyman and Kluckhohn, pp. 6, 11, 12, 27.

Ill

112

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“straight” or “plain” Navaho Wind Way and the With Many Sandpaintings Phase are both carried out according to Peaceful Way Sub-ritual and both are Female Branch. The With Many Sandpaintings Phase may be called Chant with Pollen (dl). One informant (ny) said that “plain” Navaho Wind Way has both Male and Female Branches, and that With Many Sandpaintings is always Male Branch. Although we are not entirely convinced that the Peaceful Way form may not have both Male and Female Branches we are inclined to discount ny’s latter statement. In summary, then, Navaho Wind Way is called Striped Side when performed according to Male Branch and Fighting Way sub-ritual; simply Navaho Wind Way when Female Branch and Peaceful Way sub-ritual. The latter may have (or have had) a Male Branch as well (this remains to be determined), and is (or was) subject to the elaboration, With Many Sandpaintings Phase. We suspect (confirmed by cc) that singers are prone to claim that the form of Navaho Wind Way which they perform is the With Many Sand¬ paintings Phase because of a desire for prestige (unless the term refers to the number of sandpaintings from which a choice maybe made rather than to the number actually made in one ceremonial, which seems unlikely).2 “It means all Wind Chants put together; it is the head of all” (R).3 For instance B says that his ceremonial is With Many Sandpaintings, but other singers say that it is “straight” Navaho Wind Way. Furthermore B uses a wide board but no talking prayerstick in the set-out, while dl who is generally admitted to perform and to be an authority on the With Many Sandpaint¬ ings Phase (in spite of the fact that he makes only four sandpaintings in a five-night ceremonial) uses a talking prayerstick in place of a wide board and says that the latter was used in this phase long ago but not today. Mrs. F. J. Newcomb has told us of another term, Big Wind, which char¬ acterizes a ceremonial with special sandpaintings (she has recorded two) and for which the medicines and other materials should be gathered in the path of a cyclone, dl said that this is a synonym for a five-night With Many Sandpaintings Phase, but it is likely that it is another phase or etiological side. It is probable that the nine-night forms of Navaho Wind Way are 2 Wyman and Kluckhohn, p. 27. 3 Opposed to the idea that this phase is characterized by more than the usual number of separate sandpaintings in a single chant, we now have the opinions that it refers to a chant “in which the figures of the sandpainting are multiplied, instead of presenting the customary number of these figures” (Haile, 1938b, p. 646), or with a large number of big, especially fine sandpaintings made to cure persons sick from wearing masks while hunting deer (cc).

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NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

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seldom performed today. In the notes with sandpaintings recorded by Mrs. Newcomb in the Bush Collection it is said that Wind Way was a nine-night ceremonial, but the medicine was too powerful so the patient often died, so the nine-night form was given up, only fragments remain, and the compli¬ cated sandpaintings went back to the Gods and will never be made again (Act). According to the same source, there are only two men left who know

and sing the nine-night variety of Wind Way, With Many Sandpaintings. The supernaturals most intimately associated with Navaho Wind Way are Winds and Snakes, particularly Big Snake, but Cactus and Cloud People are prominent in, the sandpaintings (see Section 6). “Black Wind sings the first day, Blue Wind the second, Yellow Wind the third, and White Wind the fourth” (R). “Infections” may be ascribed to these, especially heart and lung trouble.4 2. Etiology and Genesis of Chants Described Information concerning Navaho Wind Way was obtained from several sources but particularly from four informants, dl, B, R and D. Informant dl (clan 24, also clan 25 and te^atrn) is a well-known practitioner from near Pueblo Alto, New Mexico, speaks “classical” Navaho, and claims to know eight ceremonials (Navaho Wind Way, Female Branch, With Many Sand¬ paintings Phase; Flint Way, Male and Female Branches; Shooting Way, Male and Female Branches; Night Way; Mountain Peak Blessing Way; Beauty Way). Informant B (clan 22) is a successful practitioner, forty-four years old, from Pinedale, New Mexico, speaks English, and is sincere in his work in spite of being half “white” and somewhat acculturated. He has been singing nineteen years, has studied Navaho Wind Way ten years, and claims to know six ceremonials (Navaho Wind Way, which he claims is With Many Sandpaintings Phase, but see Section 1 above; Flint Way; Chiricahua Wind Way; Night Way; Life Way, Female Shooting Branch; Blessing Way). Informant R (clan 22) from Smith Lake, New Mexico, “educated,” has studied somewhat desultorily with dl, and is much in¬ terested in ceremonial affairs. Informant D (one of our best informants and interpreters) is a middle-aged practitioner (clan 22) from Pinedale, New Mexico, sings Life Way, Female Shooting Branch, does a blackening from Evil Way, Male Shooting Branch, and knows part of Navaho Wind Way, Chiricahua Wind Way, and Night Way. The chant described in section 5, a five-night Navaho Wind Way, Female Branch, With Many Sandpaintings Phase, was sponsored by R for his daughter, fourteen years old (clan 28), because she had been troubled 4 See Wyman and Kluckhohn, p. 27.

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with palpitation in previous years. This was the first chant she had ever had. Informant dl was selected as singer by R, and R’s father (II), a wellknown diagnostician (clan 24) acted as intermediary. On August 3, 1937, he went to dl’s home, made the arrangements and received instructions concerning herbs needed during a half hour conversation, and returned to R’s home with dl’s pouch. Informant dl had promised to come in two days but did not appear (he later said he had to sing elsewhere), so in the evening of August 6, R’s father and brother went after him with an automobile. They arrived back at R’s home about 8:00 P.M. on August 7, and prepara¬ tions for the chant started immediately (see Section 5a). For comparison, variations noted in a two-night Navaho Wind Way performed by B are appended to the description of each act or procedure. These follow in parentheses, preceded by the designation B—. Unless such notes appear it may be assumed that the procedure in B’s chant was the same as described for that performed by dl. This chant took place near Perea, New Mexico, on July 6 to 8, 1937, and was the second of a series of four. The first had been a five-night chant. It was sponsored by a man (HI) for his wife, because she had heart trouble, and was similar to other per¬ formances by B witnessed in previous years, one for a woman with stomach trouble. 3. Personnel The following letter and numeral designations will be used in the de¬ scription of behavior to indicate by whom the acts were performed. P—pa¬ tient, female, fourteen years, clan 28. S—singer, dl (see Section 2). A—as¬ sistant on day 1, P’s paternal uncle. A1—assistant on days, 2, 3 and 4, husband of P’s maternal aunt, clan 22, a curer (Chiricahua Wind Way). SH—sweat and emetic helper, clan 22, related to VII. CoPl—male paternal cousin of P’s mother, clan 43 (also offering depositor). CoP2—boy, about eight years, clan 39 (also troubled by palpitation). I—P’s father

(R),

clan 22. II—I’s father, clan 24. Ill—I’s mother, female curer. IV—P’s mother. V—aged, IV’s maternal uncle. VI—P’s paternal uncle, about fif¬ teen

years.

VII—IV’s

brother-in-law.

VIII—Al’s

mother.

IX—Al’s

daughter. X—Al’s father, a singer. XI—IV’s father, an herbalist. In the chant performed by B, P—patient, middle-aged woman. S— singer, B (see Section 2). A—young man, related to P’s husband (brother?). CoPl—infant, cared for by an old woman or by CoP2. CoP2—middleaged woman, related to P’s husband. HI—P’s husband. H2—young man. H3—A’s father. I—aged singer, blind, one of B’s teachers in Navaho Wind Way and owner of pouch used by B. II—Hi’s brother.

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NAVAIIO CHANT PRACTICE

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4. Notes on Equipment Used The bundle for Navaho Wind Way which has been examined most minutely is bundle X (see Part I, 5b, footnote). It contains gourd rattle (Part I, 5q, rattle C), brush, bullroarer, medicine stick, club, one chant token, two single talking prayersticks (male and female), seven wool unraveler strings, jewels and feathers for offerings, sparkling rock, pollen sack, pinyon pollen sack, three paints (red, blue and yellow), sacks of meal (1), consecrated sand (1), and infusion specific (5), and packages of chant lotion and decoction roots, which have been described under the appro¬ priate sub-sections in Part I, Section 5. Also there are fireboard (6XHXf inches) and tip for firedrill (2f inches long, \ inch diameter) of lightningstruck cottonwood; abalone cup with holes closed by red dyed buckskin thong; three flints, white, pink and brown; a 12 inch braid of odorous grass; two loose roots, one of whirling coyote (maH’ n&?o‘l%il) a Navaho “form genus” (used for rabies), and one of globular medicine (?aze-? nomazi) Peteria scoparia Gray (used for life medicine); and twelve bundle prayersticks. The bundle prayersticks are as follows. Black and white notched big snake sticks, 9|XlXl inches, two notches on each side; large live eagle plumes on necks; made from two separate lightning-struck cottonwoods. Blue and yellow straight snake sticks (Bull Snakes), 9|X|Xf inches; live eagle plumes on necks; Rocky Mountain sapsucker and bluebird feathers on middle of yellow stick, eagle plumes and red shafted flicker tail feathers on middle of blue stick; made from separate lightning-struck cottonwoods. Black, blue, yellow and white crooked snake sticks, 9f Xf inches; live eagle plumes on necks; no feathers on middles; four angles the first near the head to

the left; of lightning-struck cottonwood.

Black, blue, yellow and

white slender sticks, 7§Xi inches; scored with three lines longitudinally, straight (flash) lightning on black and white sticks, crooked (zigzag) lightning on blue and yellow; Rocky Mountain sapsucker feathers on middle of black stick, bluebird on blue, western mockingbird (zah haldnr) on yellow, live eagle plumes on white; of fendlera from four sides of tree near which lightning struck. Inlaid turquoise eyes on all snake sticks, all feathers attached to necks by buckskin thongs, to middles by deer sinew. Black sticks colored with charcoal from lightning burned pine, blue with azurite, yellow with yellow ochre, white with na'saldXe'S. All the above equipment is contained in a fringed buckskin case, 23X6X5 inches. The bundle equipment used by dl was gourd rattle (Part I, 5q, rattle f

B), brush, bullroarer, medicine stick, talking prayerstick, two chant tokens

116

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(male and female), eight bundle prayersticks (contained in separate buck¬ skin pouch), abalone cup (contained in gray squirrel’s skin), firedrill, powder, wool unraveler strings, materials for jewel offerings (as in Part I,

5e), small brush, scent, black, blue, yellow, white and red paints, palettes and grinding stones for paints, paint sticks, mixed salve, frost medicine, unraveling medicine, odorous grass, powder specific, infusion specific, chant lotion, fumigant, pollen, and abalone bead token. Informant dl’s medicine stopper, of eagle plumes, was bound with white, red, blue, green and white wool yarns (from butt towards tip), and had an abalone and a turquoise bead attached. His talking prayerstick was double, a yellow stick at the right and a blue one at the left (with unpainted butts); with eyes and mouths of inlaid turquoise; with eagle plumes, bluebird, yellow bird, and turkey feathers; and bound with white, red, green, orange and red wool yarns (from butt towards tip). His bundle prayersticks were black and blue crooked snake sticks, eleven inches long, with six angles, live eagle plumes on necks; yellow and white notched snake sticks, three notches on each side, live eagle plumes on necks; black, blue, yellow and white slender sticks, of white oak; all with various feathers bound to the middle by cotton string, neck feathers attached by string, painted eyes on snake sticks (Fig. 6). Materials for the chant supplied by the patient’s family were four baskets, a large white buckskin, spreads, enamel and glass cups, earth for set-out mound, sandpainting equipment, mush, stirring sticks, sheep tallow, yucca for drumstick, yucca root, meal, hard oak twigs, wood for hoops, pokers, firewood, and herbs for unravelers, emetic and bath platform. The bundle equipment used by B was similar to that used by dl with the following differences: no medicine stopper, no talking prayerstick, dif¬ ferent bundle prayersticks (see below), no red paint, a reed for applying paint, no frost medicine, mixed meat, and since there were no offering or sweat and emetic cermonies no equipment specific for them. Informant B’s eleven bundle prayersticks were, wide board, painted white, with figure of wind supernatural on one side and two vertical, zigzag lightnings with four angles each, on the other; black and white crooked snake sticks, of cottonwood; blue and yellow notched snake sticks, of cottonwood; black, blue, yellow and white slender sticks, of white oak; black and white crooks (Fig. 4). Materials supplied by the family were also similar with the following differences: only one basket, no buckskin, no wood for hoops, no pokers, no herbs for emetic, and in addition ingredients, pot, stirring stick, and pottery bowl for mixed decoction.

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5. The Observed Behaviors The kind, number, order and time of day of the ceremonies was the same as indicated for a five-night ceremonial in the table in Part I, Section 10, except that no mixed decoction was used. (B—likewise as for a two-night ceremonial in the table, but no offering ceremony.) In the following descrip¬ tion day 1, day 2, etc., indicate times according to the Navaho method, i.e. from sundown to sundown. Exact times when acts took place, the order of the accompanying song or songs in the sequence for the particular ceremony under discussion (indicated by song 1, song 2, etc.), and other similar details, are given whenever they appeared in the field notes. It must be understood that such a list is by no means complete, and when such details are missing it is because it was impossible to record them. Enough are given, however, to allow one to gain a fairly comprehensive idea of the time and duration of ceremonies, the number of songs used, etc. Finally it should be kept in mind that the acts and procedures (in italics and numbered in sequence) making up the ceremonies are not described in full, but that only variations from the general descriptions given in Part I or details peculiar to Navaho Wind Way are given. Reference must be made to Part I for complete descriptions. 5a Consecration of the Hogan: Day 1. S arrived rather late in the eve¬ ning, and two or three days later than expected. Since some of the plants needed for the first unraveling were missing he wanted to wait until the next day (see Part I, 6a) but the family, impatient at the delay already incurred, insisted on going after the missing plants that night. This neces¬ sitated a trip into the mountains after dark so the ceremony began at the unusually late hour of ten P.M. Hard oak and meal. By A. (B—at sundown, about eight P.M. Song 1. Spread lay-out made first; east to west, butts south—medicine cups, bullroarer, bundle prayersticks, chant tokens, brush, wool unraveler strings, basket, hard oak twigs, rattle). 5b Unraveling: immediately after 5a. I. Preparation, a. Medicines. Chant lotion in glass cup, unraveling medi¬ cines in abalone cup. Medicine stopper placed over abalone cup. (B—medicine stopper not in use). b. Unravelers and unraveler layout. Day 1—by S, four little hoops, chokecherry (dige) Prunus melanocarpa (A. Nels.) Rydb. (black), sumac (#p?) Rhus canadensis Marsh, var. trilobata (Nutt.) Gray (blue), white oak (yellow), hard oak (white), C. O., laid linearly south to north in two groups of two each with space between (Fig. 8). Day 2—by Al, eight (herbs not identified), laid south to north in two groups of four each with space

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between. Day 3—by Al, pinyon, juniper, snakeweed, grama grass, rock sage, eight as on day 2. Day 4—by A and VI, slender grass (foh cost) Sporobolus cryptandrus (Torr.) Gray, awl grass (koh caJr) Sporobolus airoides Torr., grama grass, snakeweed, rock sage, eight as on day 2, large bundles using all herbs gathered. (B—by A, snakeweed, rock sage, grama grass, seven, laid south to north, two groups of three each with a space between and one in front center) (Fig. 7). II. P. undresses and sits between groups of unravelers. Days 1, 2, 3—songs 1, 2, 3; day 4—songs 1, 2, 3, 4. (B—after III, song 2). III. Spitting medicine on unravelers. (B—before II). IV. Unraveling. Order of use (unravelers numbered from south to north); day 1—1, 4, 2, 3; days 2, 3, 4—4, 5 (legs and feet), 3 (breast), 6 (back), 2, 7 (arms and hands), 1, 8 (cheeks and head). (B—two groups of three on feet, chest, back, shoulders, arms and hands; one in front center on head. Songs 4, 5). V. Application of unraveler items. Wool strings, herbs (days 3, 4—omitted), feathers. (B—herbs—song 6; wool strings—songs 7, 8; feathers—omitted; ap¬ plication of bundle prayersticks—song 9). VI. Administration of infusion specific 4x. Tasted with medicine stopper Days 2, 3, 4—song 8. According to R it contained consecrated meal, roots of ironwood (Urgtnr)

Forestiera neomexicana Gray, a crucifer (cemya

hatd'l),sumac, Siberian juniper (nahvhinaka'dv) Juniperus sibirica Burgsd., chokecherry. (B—tasted with bullroarer. Song 10). VII. Administration of chant lotion. Day 1—before V. (B—before IV—song 3). VIII. Brushing. Day 3—song 9. (B—after X). IX. Disposal of unravelers. By helpers. (B—after X and VIII). X. Fumigation. Day 2—song 9. Day 4—omitted. (B—song 11). XI. Bullroarer twirled. Day 1 only. Songs 8 to 12 inclusive. Singer then drew with his finger dipped in chant lotion a zigzag lightning with four angles, the first near the butt to the left, and a barbed point at the tip, on the side of the bullroarer bearing the “face.” He then put pollen on the

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wet design, thus making a yellow lightning, to strengthen the lightning power of the implement (R). He twirled it outside the CH at the four points C. O., six times at each, and continuously counter-sunwise, returned and applied it to the patient. Then he dipped his finger into the chant lotion, drew with it upon the patient’s body designs similar to the figure painting of the chant, and administered the remainder of the lotion to the patient. This meant that he was going to paint those places (D) and the preliminary application of lotion was like making a road for the supernatural to be painted thereon (R). (B—bullroarer prepared by the singer, twirled outside continuously C. O. by a helper, applied to patient by singer, before II after spitting medicine on unravelers). 5c Short singing: immediately after 5b. I. Preparation of basket drum. By S, day 2—8:15 P.M. Yucca drumstick made by S just before the unraveling on day 1. P entered and sat at south of CH (day 2—8:20 P.M.). (B—basket drum not used. P sat in usual place). II. Singing. Accompanied by basket drum and gourd rattle. Day 1— 10 songs, pause for a short prayer after song 9 (1:00 A.M.); day 2—10 songs (11 singing in close circle); day 3—12 songs (about 20 singing in close circle); day 4—9 songs. (B—accompanied by gou,rd rattle only. 9 songs). III. Administration of infusion specific. Omitted. (B—prepared in abalone cup, tasted with bullroarer, and administered during song 8—9:25 P.M.). According to D two songs accompany this, the first mentioning that the four wind supernaturals are giving the medicine, and the second that the four (black, blue, yellow and white) Big Snake supernaturals are doing so. IV. Fumigation. During the last song. Day 1—1:05 A.M.; day 2 9:00 P.M.; day 3—8:40 P.M. Following this the yucca drumstick was put away, outside the CH, the singer packed up the unraveler strings, and the patient prepared for sleep. 5d Setting-out: I. Set-out mound. Prepared during first evening. Said to be of dirt from a cultivated field, from an arroyo, from the top of a hill, and from under a tree, because the winds travel over those places (R). Disposed in afternoon after sandpainting ceremony of day 4. II. Basket lay-out. Day 1—prepared just after the short singing cere¬ mony. Bundle prayersticks along east side of basket as in set-out; chant

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tokens across their butts, tips north; talking prayerstick on the latter, tip east. Handfull of meal loose in bottom of basket. (B—prepared just before setting-out, at 4:00 A.M. Bundle prayersticks as above; chant tokens and bullroarer at south end, between white crook and white slender stick, tips east. Cup of meal in bottom of basket) (Fig. 4). III. Setting-out. Just before dawn. P wore white buckskin. Song and litany. (B—4:20 to 4:50 A.M. P wore blanket). IV. Set-out. South to north: white and black slender sticks, white notched snake stick, black and blue crooked snake sticks, yellow notched snake stick, blue and yellow slender sticks; all inclined slightly towards the east and facing (eyes) the CH. At base, on west side; east to west, medicine stick, chant tokens; on these, talking prayer stick; all with tips south; bullroarer leaning against west side of mound at center, tip upward (Fig. 6). Day 4—abalone bead token tied to neck of blue crooked snake stick (turquoise bead token similarly attached to black crooked snake stick, if P is male). Wooden box over mound on days 3 and 4 only. Bundle prayersticks repainted on day 4. (B—south to north: white crook, white and yellow slender sticks, white crooked snake stick, yellow notched snake stick, wide board (wind figure to east), blue notched snake stick, black crooked snake stick, blue and black slender sticks, black crook, all facing CH. At base on west side, chant tokens with bullroarer on them, tips south) (Fig. 5). Instructions for setting-out of equipment in bundle X (R)—the notched big snake sticks should be crossed in the center of the mound, the white (female) one at the north and on the side towards the CH; the crooked snake sticks and slender sticks may be placed on each side of these; at the base of these, on the west side, should be laid the male talking prayerstick and the yellow (male) straight snake stick, tips south, and just west of these and overlapping them a little the female talking prayerstick and the blue (female) straight snake stick, tips north; the chant tokens may be laid on these. 5e Sweat and emetic: I. Fire made. Day 1 only. No flints used. No songs. Firedrill twirled by I, II and A. Fireboard held by V. Pokers resting west of fireplace, tips south (toward the firedrill), and placed on beam south of door after the fire was made. II. Hoops made. By S. Day 1, chokecherry—black; day 2 sumac—blue; day 3, white oak—yellow; day 4, hard oak—white (commemorative; the

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black wind used a hoop of chokecherry, the blue wind one of sumac, etc., when the chant was first given). Placed over P’s sand basin and a small feather from the brush stuck upright in the sand south of the hoop (Fig. 12). III. Small sandpaintings made. Assistant, helpers, spectators and singer helped to make these at one time or another. Around the fireplace, four snakes headed towards the fire, each on a small platform of background sand about one by two feet. East—black, south—blue, west—yellow, north—white. Outlines, body markings, four rattles and four neck stripes of contrast colors (blue and yellow, black and white); tongues yellow with black tips; eyes black (blue on black snake); body markings four single deer tracks pointing towards head (day 2—four double tracks interlocked and pointing in opposite directions on black and blue snakes, symbolizing “the deer’s return to his home”—R) (Fig. 11). Days 1 and 3—straight snakes (short, fat, curved sides); days 2 and 4— crooked snakes, four angles, first near head to left, etc. According to B and D only one snake painting may be made each day, at one of the cardinal points (black, blue, yellow, white, C. O. for the four days), headed away from the fire, in line with the poker but outside of it (B) or outside of the CH (D), all crooked (D) or black and yellow crooked (male) and blue and white straight (female) (B). In notes with a Wind Way sandpainting in the Bush collection by Mrs. F. J. Newcomb is the state¬ ment, “four sand serpents outside the hogan, coming from the four direc¬ tions.” The supernaturals represented by these snakes join in the ceremony, just as do those represented by the snake bundle prayersticks in the sand¬ painting ceremony (R). Around the patient’s sand basin, a rainbow with plain ends, open to the west, red outside, blue inside. West of the basin, two pairs of sundogs placed so the patient’s knees and hands rest on them when kneeling to vomit (Fig. 12). In the early days the Holy People (Winds, etc.) traveled on rainbows or sundogs (R, D), hence a part of the conception of the patient’s becoming like a supernatural connected with the chant. IV. Woodpile tending. North pile by a woman on day 1; various men tended both piles on other days. The black and blue snake supernaturals (represented by the small SPs) sit on each side of the door and take turns throwing in wood on the first and third days, the yellow and white ones doing likewise on the second and fourth days (R). V. Wood samples. None selected in this chant, but D said it is done in Navaho Wind Way.

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VI. Pokers oriented. By SH during song 1. Pokers: east—pinyon, south —white oak, west—juniper, north—hard oak. VII. Participants enter. Participants (those who vomited are starred); all four days—P*, S, SH*, VII*, VIII, V, old woman, Wyman; days 1 and 2—IX*; days 2 and 3—old woman*; days 3 and 4—young man, CoP2, woman, small girl, white spectator. VIII. Bullroarer twirled. By S. Day 2—followed by songs 2 and 3. IX. Emetic prepared. By SH. S put in added emetic ingredients twice, first after the cold water was added and later after washing with and skim¬ ming the emetic, just before drinking it. The second dose was not stirred in. While the herbs were being ground during the first night’s ceremonies the following (among several others) were identified: snakeweed, Douglas fir, white oak, mountain mahogany, limber pine {gad ?iezi') Pinus flexilis James, wild currant {kingUla'hi) Ribes inebrians Lindl. or R. pinetorum Greene, sage (cah) Artemisia tridentata Nutt. Others which had been ob¬ tained for the emetic by an herbalist were Siberian Juniper, Colorado blue spruce, bear-berry {dinas co'z) Arctostaphylos Uva-ursi (L.) Spreng. X. Use of emetic. Day 2—S first applied emetic to P, C. O. Day 2—songs 4, 5, 6 and 7 during emesis and brushing. XI. Application of pokers. S applied pokers to P, C. O., on day 1 only. V used east and south pokers on all four days (for rheumatism), and VIII the east and west pokers on day 2. XII. Fire procession. Day 3—just after drinking emetic, before vomit¬ ing. Fire jumping omitted. XIII. Asperging. Note that this came before removing door covers. XIV. Removing door covers. By S with bullroarer. Then S twirled bullroarer outside facing CH at one cardinal point (C. O. for the four days), applied it to P (days 2 and 4), and erased small SPs with it (day 3—erased those around sand basin before removing door covers). Day 2—song 8 while erasing (the total number of songs during the ceremony on any day was 6 or 8). XV. Ash and vomit disposal. SPs by II, sand basin by VI or young male spectators. XVI. Fumigation. XVII. Poker disposal. Day 4—first laid west of fireplace, tips east. 5f Offerings: I. Preparation. By Al, SH and A. Jewel offerings only. Jet, turquoise, abalone shell, white shell, C. O., for the four Wind supernaturals of cor¬ responding colors. Otherwise as described in Part I, 5e and 9f. P applied

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scent. Day 1—8:15 A.M., song 1; day 2—songs 1 and 2; day 4—7:30 to 8:00 A.M., songs 1, 2 and 3. (B—no offerings. Offerings are made in a two-night Wind Way only if the patient desires them as “extras”). Reed offerings may be made, four each day painted the four colors, or only two each day, blue and white, black and blue (B); or four for the Winds, four for the Thunders, and one for the Sun (D). II. Singer instructs offering depositor. (CoPl). Day 1—go to east, sev¬ eral hundred yards, make four small circles of pollen in a line slanting from north-east to south-east, put features (eyes, etc.) upon them, lay offerings upon them C. O.; day 2—go to south, deposit in a straight line; day 3— go to west; day 4—go sunwise around the CH to the north (offering de¬ positor was seen placing the offerings just beyond a solitary tree on a flat, about 250 yards north of the CH). A method of deposit given by R is to lay the four offerings in a cross formation, butts at the center, tips towards the four directions, day 1—-on a flat to the east, day 2—on a hill-top to the south (make a hill of earth if no real hill is present), day 3—under tree roots to the west, day 4—-on a ruin to the north (take two or three rocks from a ruin to the north if no ruin is there), because the black, blue, yellow and white Winds live in or pass over these four types of location respectively. According to D the offerings are always deposited in a row, not a cross. III. Pollen application to P. By S, C. O. S then said a pollen prayer. Day 1—after IV. IV. Litany. The four Wind supernaturals were invoked in the following order, spotted (also represents black Wind—R), blue, yellow, white. Day 1—“wind, his little one” precedes each. Day 4—“who moves the earth,” “who moves the sky,” “who moves the water,” “who moves the summer,” before spotted blue, yellow and white wind respectively. Otherwise the litany was quite similar to those given by Matthews.5 V. Offering application. By offering depositor. VI. Deposit. Day 4—song 4 while waiting for the offering depositor to return. In contrast with the other ceremonies no spectators (other than the observer—Wyman) were present. 5g Sandpainting Ceremony: I. Sandpainting made. Day 3—9:30 A.M.; day 4

8:45 A.M. Day 1—

Cloud People (XVI in Section 6; Fig. 18); day 2—Wind People Carrying Matthews, 1887, pp. 420, 465; 1902, pp. 73, 296-304.

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Snakes (V; Fig. 15); day 3—Spiny Cactus People (XIV; Fig. 17); day 4— Mirage People (XVIII). (B—9:00 A.M. Cactus People—XI; Fig. 16). II. Sandpainting set-up. Day 3—12:00 noon; day 4—11:45 A.M. (after III). South side (C. O.)—yellow and blue slender sticks; west—yellow notched snake stick, blue and black crooked snake sticks, white notched snake stick; north—black and white slender sticks; on Rainbow Guardian’s arms (tips east)—chant tokens (inside), medicine stopper (outside), talking prayer-stick (on chant tokens), bullroarer (overlapping talking prayerstick). Day 4—chant tokens on head plumes of blue and yellow SP figures, female on blue, male on yellow. Day 2—after preparing chant lotion, brush placed at west in front of blue and black crooked snake sticks, tip north. Day 4—token attached to neck of blue crooked snake stick. Day 4—bundle prayersticks facing away from the SP (see Part I, 9h). (B—1:00 P.M. South side [C. O.]—black crook, black and blue slender sticks; west—black crooked snake stick, blue notched snake stick, wide board [center], yellow notched snake stick, white crooked snake stick; north—yellow and white slender sticks, white crook; male chant token and bullroarer at west [in front of wide board], tips north; female chant token and token on head plume of blue SP figure). Instructions for use of bundle prayersticks in bundle X (R)—the white (female) and black (male) notched big snake sticks and the blue (female) and yellow (male) straight snake sticks represent Holy People and should stand at the west of the SP, facing away from it, with the white and black notched big snakes in the center (white north, and sometimes crossed) and the blue and yellow straight snakes south and north of them. The crooked snake sticks and slender sticks are not Holy People but are their slaves or “guards,” and may be placed on the south and north side of the SP in any desired order, i.e. with the crooked snakes all on one side and the slender sticks on the other, or mixed on the two sides. The two talking prayersticks may be stood erect or laid down at the ends of the set-up (southeast and northeast). III. Pollen application to SP. By S. Day 4—done before II. IV. Meal placed for consecration. By S. Day 1—omitted. V. Medicine preparation and placing. By S, days 1, 2 and 3—sitting at southeast near Rainbow Guardian’s feet. Infusion specific in abalone cup (turtle shell cup may be used—B) and two (day 3—three) enamel cups; chant lotion in three (day 3—four) glass cups. Medicine stopper over aba¬ lone cup, tip west. Day 4

II brought sheep tallow for the grease paint, a spread and some

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pollen to S, who sat in his usual place, and CoPl brought several more spreads and placed them upon a blanket at the north where P was to sit. S prepared white, blue, black and yellow water colors, mixing them with four small sticks, mixed a little mixed salve with the sheep tallow, prepared the pollen ball adding materials from six small bags and a bit of white paint, and placed it upon the mouth of the blue SP figure. (B—By S sitting in usual place. Infusion specific in abalone cup and two enamel cups; chant lotion in one glass cup). VI. Patient and co-patients enter; meal sprinkling. Day 1—by P, A, II, III and two spectators; day 2—by P, II, III, VII, S; day 3—by P, CoPl, CoP2, Al, VII; day 4—by P, CoP2, III, II, V, CoPl. Days 1, 2, 3—song 1; P sat at southeast near S. Day 4—12; 15 P.M.; no song; P sat at north side of CH. (B—by P, CoPl, CoP2, II, A, H2. Song 1. Chant lotion administered to co-patients after song 1.) VII. Body painting. Day 4 only. 12:25 to 1:20 P.M. Songs 1 to 8. In order: blue spot on chest (sun) and white spot on back (moon) song 1; black wind person (with white trimmings) standing on two black “light¬ ning canes” above sun on chest (12:25 P.M., no song); white wind person (with black trimmings) standing on two black “lightning canes” above moon on back (12:38 P.M., songs 2 to 4); black lines from hands of wind people over shoulders, one from the figure on the back running down the outside of the right arm and from the one on the chest down the left arm, both continuing between the thumb and fingers to the palms and ending in black arrowpoints, tips towards the fingers (“representing strength, she is like a powerful spirit, hence she should not touch any living thing lest she harm them”—R); straight black lines along the outside of the lower legs, ending in black arrowpoints near the ankles (“lightnings”—R); black tri¬ angles on the soles pointing toward the toes and white ones pointing to¬ wards the heels (“earth, or arrowpoints to travel on”—R); top of right great toe—black, bottom—white, top of left great toe—blue, bottom—yellow (“wind spirits”-—R); S unbound P’s hair (1:20 P.M.); S applied double white spots with tips of two fingers, five on each of four sides of lower legs, eight on chest, three rows of four or five on back, on shoulders, six on each of two sides of arms (“clouds”—R); a white cross on each shoulder, covered with pollen; white tips on the two lines from wind people figures which end on shoulders; two locks of hair stiffened with white paint and sprinkled with pollen; whole face covered with grease and dry pigment applied over it, red over whole face, yellow on mandible, white on fore¬ head; a streak of sparkling rock across each cheek.

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Sanctification of moccasins. P put on jewelry. S put chant tokens in his headband, male on the left, female on the right, and transferred the token from the blue crooked snake stick to the head plume of the blue SP figure. (B—songs 2 to 13. In order: blue square with black spots above and below it on chest [sun]; black wind person above sun [without trimmings]; white moon [like the sun] on back; white wind person above moon [the black one’s son—B]; black lines from hands of wind people along arms, as above [lightings—B]; blue snake on right leg, black snake on left leg [the reverse for a male patient—B]; great toes and thumbs painted, with eyes and tongue added [snake’s heads sticking out—B]; whole faced painted, yellow on mandible [sunset], blue on upper lip and lower nose [blue after sundown], black across eyes [darkness], white on forehead [dawn]; double white spots applied with two fingers all over, feet up; white spots applied to face with the end of a reed in which cross cuts had been made; two locks of hair stiffened with paint, one black, one white. S then casually spotted the co-patients all over with white and hastily painted their faces [2:30 P.M.]. S applied pollen to P; song 14). VIII. Gathering and adding consecrated meal. By S, with medicine stopper. Day 1—pollen on SP gathered (no meal had been placed). Day 2—SP sprinkled with chant lotion. (B—by H3). IX. Chant lotion administered. One cup each to P, CoPs and spectators. Day 1—S first sprinkled some around with his fingers. Day 2—song 2. Day 4—1:50 P.M. (B—done before VII). X. Patient sits on SP. On blue figure. Day 2—songs 3 and 4. Day 4—S took blue and black crooked snake sticks, waved them at the SP and the P, raised and led P to the SP with them (presenting their butts), and continued to beat time with them towards the P and the SP alternately. Songs 9 and

10. (B—song 16. Infusion specific administered to CoPs and communal drink before this). XI. Token-tying. Day 4 only, 2:00 P.M. Abalone bead token made by S and A1 during making of sandpainting on day 3. Tied to right lock of hair with sound symbolism. S continued to beat time with crooked snake sticks. Songs 11 to 15 during this and subsequent procedures. (B

before the chant had begun on night 1 an abalone bead token which

P had received in a previous performance of the chant was given to S by Al. S then made a new buckskin string for it and attached it to the female

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chant token. Tied to black lock of hair which was first wet with black paint. Song 17). Sound symbolism: hi hi* yi, the three syllables represented by the three notes, approximating C below the staff treble clef, an octave above, the original C; the tempo, a sixteenth note, followed by a note of two beats, a final sixteenth sharply broken off. It is the voice of the wind supernatural, the sound of the wind (B, D, R). XII. Chant token-tying. Day 4 only. Tied to left lock of hair, with sound symbolism. (B—tied to white lock of hair, which was first wet with white paint). XIII. Pollen ball administration. Day 4 only. (B—none used; had been given in previous chant). XIV. Infusion specific administered. Alternating thrust at SP and ad¬ ministration 4 x. Communal drink. Day 2—song 5. (B—infusion specific in an abalone cup had been administered to CoPs and communal drink in enamel cup had been taken before X, with song 15. 2:45 P.M., administered to P 4 x, with song 18). XV. Set-up application. Day 4 only. The two crooked snake sticks and the other chant token only applied, with sound symbolism and identifica¬ tion, 4 x, increasing the number of applications to the head each time from one to four. S beat time between each application. (B—whole set-up except the slender sticks applied, 4 x, with sound symbolism each time and identification first and third times only. Song 19. In another performance the two crooks and the wide board only were ap¬ plied.) XVI. Sand application. Day 1—applied 4 x, with hands, from bottom of sandpainting figures to P’s feet, from second joint up to P’s knees, from second joint down to body, from head to head. Day 2—applied with bullroarer; songs 6 and 7. Day 3—applied with hands moistened in remnants of infusion specific, from bottom of figures to P’s knees down to feet, from second joints down to chest and shoulders, from chins of figures and head of rainbow to head, from whole rainbow to head. Day 4—omitted. (B—applied with hands, from figures C. O. to P C. O., from rainbow C. O. to P C. O. 2 x. Song 20). XVII. Fumigation. Coals placed for P, CoPs, men and women specta¬ tors. (B—coals placed for P and CoPs. S applied fumes briefly to P with his hands. Song 21). XVIII. Patient leaves SP. Day 1 and 2—S raised P with brush, brush¬ ing before and after raising. Day 3—S raised P with bullroarer, brushing

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before and after. Day 4—S raised P with crooked snake sticks and other chant token; brushed P; recessional. (B—S raises P with white crook; recessional. Song 22. Instructs P to walk around CH C. 0. 3:00 P.M.). XIX. Sandpainting erasure. With bullroarer. Day 4—2:15 P.M. (B—with bullroarer. Song 23). XX. Sandpainting disposal. On day 2 of a Navaho Wind Way performed by B in 1933, for a female patient, there were “not enough men present to make a sandpainting,” so the SP ceremony was replaced in the afternoon by the following. I. Bundle prayersticks refreshed by A while S sang three songs (see Part I, 7m). II. Spread lay-out prepared. III. Song 4, without rattle. IV. S applied pollen to lay-out. V. P applied pollen to lay-out and said pollen prayer. VI. Com¬ munal pollen prayer. VII. Litany. VIII. S administered pollen to P. IX. S applied lay-out to P, with sound symbolism and identification. X. S packed up lay-out. 5h Eating Mush: Day 4 only. 2:30 P.M. (15 minutes after end of SP ceremony). Mush brought in by II. S put pollen on it, in center and around sunwise, and put stirring sticks in his basket. P returned and sat behind basket. Song 1. S ate some mush C. O. Ill ate with P. Stirring sticks dis¬ posed by H. (B—3:10 to 3:30 P.M. [10 minutes after end of SP ceremony]. Old woman brought mush. Pollen sanctification, cross and circle. No water given and no pressing of P. S did not eat. P ate, then CoP2, an old woman and A ate the remainder. Songs 1 and 2). 5i The Bath: I. Collection of materials. (B—yucca root by S, 6:30 to 7:20 A.M.). II. Platform made. Covered with Douglas fir, with pollen spot one inch in diameter in opening. Later (after making suds) four meal crosses and sunwise circle on fir boughs. (B—7:25 A.M.; covered with snakeweed and rock sage behind the basket; pollen cross where basket was to stand. Later, after suds design, four pollen crosses and sunwise circle added). III. Yucca root placing. Single piece placed unceremoniously. (B—passed around sunwise and put in at east). IV. Making suds. By Al. Song 1. (B—by S. Songs 1, 2, 3). V. Suds design. Cat-tail pollen, blue pollen, frost medicine, pollen. P entered and undressed just before this.

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blue pollen, cat-tail pollen, pollen. P entered and undressed just

after this, during song 4). VI. Suds application. Song 2. VII. Bathing. Helpers—III and IV. (B—helper, an old woman. Song 5). VIII. Meal application. Song 3. (B—song 5). IX. Pollen administration and making pollen trail. Song 3 continuing. Communal pollen prayer. P dressed and left hogan. (B—song 7. P left. Communal pollen prayer). X. Disposal. Douglas fir and yucca root by Al, platform by CoPl, before meal application 7. (B—8:30 A.M.). 5j The Final Night: I. Preparation of basket drum. By S, 8:55 P.M. P entered and sat in usual place. (B—yucca drumstick made by S, 7:00 P.M.; seven kernels of corn placed inside. Basket drum prepared by helper, 9:15 P.M. P entered and sat in usual place). II. Preparation of mixed decoction. None used. (B—By S, 9:20 P.M., during songs 1 and 2, accompanied by rattle only). III. All night singing. With basket drum. S drummed during first half of ceremony, III during last half. Fifteen to twenty people in close circle (about 35 present; 6 women). Twelve in the circle sang all night (S, III, X, II, I, an aged man and six young men), and three other women sat up all night. 9:30 P.M.—pause while S said short prayer between songs 8 and 9; 9:45 P.M.—P left for brief rest after song 11; 10:30 P.M.—S left for five minutes between songs 18 and 19; 11:05 P.M.—P left for two minutes; 11:20 P.M.—coffee served after song 34; brief pauses after songs 43, 54, and 64; 1:45 A.M.—ten minute rest, supper served after song 73; 3:30 A.M.—dawn songs began with song 99 (9 dawn songs; total number 108, to 4:10 A.M.). Songs according to R; bison, poker, 4 lightning, 4 whirlwind, 4 blue wind, 4 snake, earth, cloud, water, summer, dawn, yellow sunset, earth (repeated), sky, night, sun, Talking God, hasceNo'ya'n, dawn (repeated), sunset (repeated), white corn, yellow corn, cornbug, dawn (each repeated eight times). This list is doubtless inaccurate (see Part I, 7h) but it will give some idea

130

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of the nature of the songs used. For instance, songs 55 to 64 were recognized as feather songs (“twelve white feathers”), and B said that lightning songs are sung first. (B—9:30 P.M.—drumming and song 3 began; S and a helper took turns drumming, the helper doing the most; 10:45 P.M.—S administered pollen to P and made trail to door, P and Co-P2 left for brief rest, after song 17; eight dawn songs began with song 110, lasting to 4:00 A.M.; total number 119, to 4:15 A.M.). IV. Administration of mixed decoction. None used. (B—3:05 A.M.—S removed mixed decoction from fire; 3:16 to 3:20 A.M.—S prepared mixed decoction; 3:30 A.M.—S administered mixed de¬ coction to P during song 109; pause in singing while P finished eating it). V. Dawn procedures. Meal application to chin. P beat time during eight (or nine) dawn songs, with the two crooked snake sticks and the other chant token only. P walked around fireplace 4 x (4:10 A.M.), preceded by asperger (II) and followed by a helper, and left the hogan. Asperger and guard remained inside. (B—S sprinkled pollen to all points and gathered the whole lay-out. P beat time with it during seven (of eight) dawn songs. Asperger and guard were helpers. Asperger left hogan with P and guard remained inside). VI. Disposal of yucca drumstick and conclusion. S said a longer prayer which was followed by communal pollen prayer. Then S unassembled the drumstick during song 108 (the last one). II disposed the drumstick. S. packed his equipment. (B—helper unassembled the drumstick during song 118, and then dis¬ posed it at 4:15 A.M. Then S sang the concluding song, 119). 6. Analysis of Sandpaintings It has been my privilege to examine nineteen sandpaintings of Navaho Wind Way, reproduced in water colors by Mrs. Franc J. Newcomb, in the Bush Collection of Art and Religion, Columbia University (capital letters and numbers in parentheses below are Bush Collection catalogue numbers. F. J. N. designates information from the notes supplied with the paintings by Mrs. Newcomb). Dr. Gladys Reichard kindly sent me detailed notes on two sandpaintings which she witnessed in a performance of Navaho Wind Way given near Ganado, Arizona, in the winter of 1938 (IV andXXVII). These with the six sandpaintings which I have reproduced (designated L. C. W.), one published by Tozzer6 and three by Berry,7 and brief descrip6 Tozzer, 1909, plate 5. 7 Berry, 1929, pp. 3-17.

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tions of some twelve others by informants, afford a total of forty-three (31 recorded) for this analysis, and probably represents quite comprehensively the paintings of this ceremonial. Mrs. Newcomb has informed me that she has recorded some twenty-five additional ones. The terminology for sym¬ bolic elements is that of Newcomb and Reichard.8 Four symbolic elements predominate, Wind People, Cactus People, Cloud People, and Snakes. In fact, nearly all Navaho Wind Way sandpaintings may be said to consist of various arrangements and combinations of one or more of these four. In addition, Sun and Moon form the central theme in five paintings (two pairs) and Thunders in one. Following are all the symbolic elements which occur in the thirty-one recorded paintings, with their relative prominence and the number of paintings in which they occur. Wind People: main theme, 12. Pollen Boy, prominent feature, 2. Cactus People: main theme, 6; minor detail, 2. Cloud People: main theme, 5; prominent feature, 1. Snakes: main theme, 2; prominent, 16; paired guard¬ ians of the east, 2. Sun and Moon: main theme, 5 (2 pairs); paired guard¬ ians, 2. Thunders: main theme, 1. Big Fly: prominent, 1; paired guardians, 7. The four plants (corn, beans, squash, tobacco): prominent, 4. Corn: prominent, 1. Plumes: prominent, 1. Bat and Sun’s Tobacco Pouch: paired guardians, 1. Arrows: minor detail, 2. Birds: minor detail, 2. Rattles: minor detail, 2. Medicine herbs: minor detail, 3. Sun-dogs: minor detail, 15. Bars: foundations for People, 15. Localities: centers, 5. Rainbow God guardian, 15. Mirage God guardian, 3. The following descriptions are numbered with Roman numerals for later reference: I (L.C.W.). Wind sandpainting (nlci be• H'kd'h). Made by B. Linear. Four Wind People, bodies plain, standing on sundogs above black Bar. “Winds travel on rainbows” (R). Rainbow guardian. II (W 10). By hata'li' coh biyei. Linear. Four Wind People. Males; round heads, zigzag lightning (“crooked winds,” F.J.N.), 4 black crosses and zigzag line on skirt, yellow shouldered blackbird or flicker on head. Females; square heads, straight lightnings (“winds”) on body, etc., stand¬ ing on sundogs, 3 black deer tracks and 3 curved lines on skirt, bluebird or “wild canary” on head. Blue cactus in hands. Black Bar. Rainbow guard¬ ian. Berry illustrates and describes a variant of this painting.9 In it the heads are all round, the Bar is lacking, lightning on the bodies is single, the

8 Newcomb and Reichard, 1937. 9 Berry, 1929, p. 11.

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special markings on the skirts are different, and there are Big Fly paired guardians. III (W 11). By haterli' biers cilr. Circular. With Many Sandpaintings Phase. Round black center (mountain where the snakes live, or lake under which they live, F.J.N.), surrounded by yellow squash blossoms. The four plants at corners. Wind People, in pairs, male and female, at four sides. Males; round heads, zigzag lightnings (“winds”) on body, carrying zigzag lightning arrows (“wind arrows”)

and rattle.

Females; square heads,

straight lightnings (“wind”) on body, carrying straight lightning arrows (“wind arrows”) and three medicine herbs. All; flint and lightning arrow armor, standing on elongated sundogs. Rainbow guardian. Big Fly paired guardians. IV (G.R.). Day 6 (9 night chant). Circular. Center: a sunken cup of water, surrounded by yellow pollen. The four plants at corners, all blue except four stalks of white tobacco at northeast. Sixteen Wind People, in sets of four each at four sides. Males and females as in III. Two white zigzag lightnings crossed over body middles. Standing on elongated sundogs. Rainbow guardian. Paired guardians (beside each other at east cen¬ ter) : blue (inside, headed north) and black (outside, headed south) crooked Big Snakes, with head feathers. Paired guardians in this position are un¬ usual. V (L.C.W.) (Fig. 15). Dressed with snakes (irs ye'hadUei). By dl. Linear. Four Wind People, carrying (“or being carried by,” F.J.N.) crooked snakes (crossed above head). Zigzag lightnings on body. Flint, zigzag light¬ ning arrow, and crooked snake (at ankles, knees and waist) armor. Standing on crooked Snakes (“small messenger snakes,” F.J.N.); red spot in center of head of snakes under male Winds (“bull snake, Big Snake, males; no spot, females,” R). “Winds carry snakes along to help cure” (R). Black Bar. Rainbow guardian. VI (W 12). By hata'lr biers cilr. Similar to V, except for minor details, e.g. red spots on snakes, lightning arrows on feet, flints on heads, and other details omitted. VII (W 18). White and black Winds carrying snakes (as in V). Three flints on head, and other minor differences. Standing on Snakes (as in V). Black and white Big Snake guardians at south and north. “The north and east wind. Used in a case of ptomaine poisoning” (F.J.N.). VIII (W 7). By id-. Blue Wind (“Wind Boy,” F.J.N.) with blue and black crooked Snakes crossed over shoulders. Flint armor. No skirt. Feet realistic. Carrying three twigs of medicine herb in each hand (“rattle pod— medicine rattle of wind spirits—to charm snakes,” F.J.N.). Beyond the sky

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sandpaintings (ydh^qsdi'ti be• irkd’h—B). Snakes wind around Wind Boy and fly through the air with him to the sky (B, F.J.N.). Blue and black small Snakes above and below Wind. Blue and black Big Snake guardians at south and north. Sundogs. Used for rattlesnake bite, for female patient (F.J.N.). Snake’s tongues red if patient is bitten by poisonous snake, yellow if by non-poisonous (F.J.N.). IX (W 8). By Xa\ Black Wind with crossed snakes. Same as VIII except that positions of blue and black snakes on, above and below Wind are re¬ versed. Used as is VIII for male patient (F.J.N.). Morieto makes this paint¬ ing with arrows instead of the four small snakes at top and bottom (F.J.N.). A photograph of a variant of this painting, called “the Whirlwind God,” and said to be for curing a twisted body or bent leg, is in Tozzer.10 It differs in a number of details and has no side guardians. Tozzer says that one with four figures, black, blue, white and yellow, is also made. X (FW 17). By singer from near Crown Point. Linear. Black and blue Winds with crossed Snakes at north and south, with black and blue Corn between. Winds as in VIII and IX. Corn with one ear and three (four on left) leaves on each side. Black bar. Black and blue smooth Snakes, with tails crossed at west, as guardians. Big Fly paired guardians. Combination of VIII and IX used for two patients, male and female (F.J.N.). From “female” Wind Way (F.J.N.). XI (L.C.W.) (Fig. 16). Cactus sandpainting (hwos be■ ?rM7z).n By B. Two branches on each side, alternate. Red and yellow blossoms at ends of branches. Standing on sundogs. Black bar (mountain where cactus grows; spots, all vegetation growing on mountain, B). Rainbow guardian. XII (MW 16). Linear. Four Cactus People. Similar to XI. No blossoms. Two branches on right and three on left. Three colored spines (blue, yellow, red) between branches (three sets on right, two on left). Standing on self¬ color rectangle. Black Bar (underworld; white spots, cactus seeds, F.J.N.). Mirage guardian; three yellow triangles on skirt. Big Fly paired guardians (also made without, F.J.N.). “Male” Wind Way (F.J.N.). Berry12 illus¬ trates and describes a variant of this painting. It differs only slightly, i.e. in the arrangement of branches, lack of self-colored rectangles, etc., and has Big Fly paired guardians. XIII (no cat. No.). Circular. Sixteen Cactus People, in sets of four each at four sides. Round black center, crossed by white zigzag “wind paths” 10 Tozzer, 1909, plate 5. 11 See Wyman and Kluckhohn, p. 13, footnote 30, for legend related by B to account for the use of this sandpainting. 12 Berry, 1929, p. 6.

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(lake on a mountain top, F.J.N.), with sundogs, and surrounded by yellow cactus or squash blossoms. Cactus People as in XII, with blossoms, no colored spines, two cloud symbols on head, standing on cloud symbols and colored bar. Four Cloud People at corners. Mirage guardian; three blue arrows on skirt. Big Fly paired guardians. XIV (L.C.W.) (Fig. 17). Spiny Cactus sandpainting (hwo$ decahr be' ‘H'k&'h). By dl. Linear. Four Spiny Cactus People, (“cane cactus,” R). Five horizontal branches on each side, opposite, with heads at tips. Stand¬ ing on cloud symbols. Black Bar. Rainbow guardian. “Made in early days to prevent having quintuplets” (R). XV (FW 15). By bid's Uli'hata'U'. Linear. Four Spiny Cactus People. Similar to XIV, but with branches slanting upwards. Sun and Moon paired guardians. “Female” Wind Way (F.J.N.). XVI (L.C.W.) (Fig. 18). Cloud sandpainting (kos HSM'n be' H'k&'h). By dl. Linear. Four Cloud People. Five body segments. Three heads on top and two on other segments. Standing on cloud symbols. Black bar (“earth; spots, successive generations, should be twelve,” R). Rainbow guardian. “Wind People and their children riding on clouds. Short cloud at bottom” (R). “Masked Sky People (rain, fog, mist, hail) riding in clouds to attend the ceremonial” (F.J.N.). Hail Way has a painting (H 3) with Cloud People quite similar to these. XVII (FW 14). Linear. Similar to XVI, except for minor details. Sun and Moon paired guardians. “Female” Wind Way (F.J.N.). XVIII (L.C.W.). Mirage sandpainting (hadahonvye? be• fi'k&'h). By dl. Linear. Four Cloud (Mirage) People. Five body segments, single head on top, otherwise similar to XVI. Turquoise beads (blue) on male and abalone (yellow) on female figures, tied with head plume (D, R). XIX (FW 13). Linear. Four Cloud People. Males, round heads; females, square heads. Four body segments separated by four white cross bars. No guardians. Otherwise similar to XVIII. “Female” Wind Way (F.J.N.). XX (no cat. No.). Circular. Sixteen Cloud People, in sets of four each at four sides. Square blue center, with sixteen Big Flys in sets of four each at four sides (home of Big Fly, F.J.N.). Cloud People; four body segments, plumes on corners of each, one flint on head, standing on colored rectangle and elongated sundogs. The four plants at corners. Rainbow guardian. Big Fly paired guardians. Seldom made today (F.J.N.). XXI (W 6). Linear. Four crooked Big Snakes, with horns.13 Black

13 See Wyman and Kluckhohn, p. 13, footnote 30, for legend related by B, accounting for use of snake sandpaintings.

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crooked Big Snake guardian with red tongue (“mother snake of black water with reflections of moon and antelope hoof prints,” F.J.N.). Small black and blue crooked Snake paired guardians, with red tongues, on fields of yel¬ low pollen. XXII (W 9). Circular. Snake’s home. Round yellow center, black out¬ line (house or mountain, home of crooked Snakes, F.J.N.). Four crooked Snakes with red tongues at four sides heading outwards. Four straight ar¬ rows at corners (ancient people found flint for arrows at this place, F.J.N.). Four straight Big Snake guardians with red tongues at four sides, heading C. O. XXIII (W 4). By binaneh hatcrlv. Circular. Sun and crossed Snakes. Crooked blue and black Snakes crossed on face of blue horned Sun. Dark¬ ness, light, pollen and fire (black, white, yellow, red) around Sun (F.J.N.). The two wind snakes have control of male rains (F.J.N.). Four Big Snake guardians with horns and plumes at four sides, crooked at east and west, straight at north and south, heading C. O. Antelope tracks, snakes home, and changes of the moon body markings (F.J.N.). XXIV (W 5). By binaneh kata'li'. Circular. Moon and crossed Snakes. Crooked white and yellow Snakes crossed on face of white horned Moon. Otherwise same as XXIII. Snakes indicate female rain (F.J.N.). Used for female patient (F.J.N.). XXV (W 2). Circular. Pollen Boy on the Sun. Yellow Pollen Boy on face of blue horned Sun. Four crooked Big Snake guardians at four sides, head¬ ing towards Sun. Sundogs, red inside, blue outside. For male patient in twoday ceremonial (F.J.N.). There are two other versions, one with feathers instead of snakes as guardians, and one with na^aSQ^i', another kind of snake (F.J.N.). Berry14 illustrates and describes a Sun sandpainting similar to this one (without Pollen Boy) in which white plumes replace the Snake guardians at three sides and at the west two Snakes, black crooked (“male”) and straight blue (“female”), replace the single Snake guardian. XXVI (W 3). Circular. Pollen Boy on the Moon. Same as XXV except for white Moon and straight Big Snake guardians (“female,” F.J.N.). For female patient in two-day ceremonial (F.J.N.). Another version has blue Cornbug on the Moon (F.J.N.). XXVII (G.R.). Day 8 (nine-night chant). Circular. Center: a sunken cup of water, covered with black, with wide yellow outline. The four plants at corners. Thunders at four sides, heads towards center, like those of plate XXXI in Newcomb and Reichard except for head feathers, regulation feet,

14 Berry, 1929, p. 8.

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and some differences in the number and arrangement of certain accessories. Elongated sundogs between heads of Thunders and center. Rainbow guard¬ ian. Bat (south) and Sun’s Tobacco Pouch (?) paired guardians. In a list of sixteen sandpaintings which B claimed to know, Winds, Beyond the Sky, Cactus, Cloud, Mirage, Big Snake, and Sun and Moon may be identified with I, VIII, XI, XVI, XVIII, XXI, and XXIII to XXVI, and possibly Corn with X. His description of Earth and Sky was like that of Fig. 5 in Newcomb and Reichard, and of Winds Shot through the Chest like that of Fig. 4 (and possibly IV). A Painting similar to Fig. 4 is known to be used in Wind Way (Dr. Reichard, personal communication.) Snake Bite, which he said contains many Snakes, twelve or more, is appar¬ ently an elaboration of one of the Snake paintings. Whirlwind may or may not be like VIII or IX (see note on Tozzer, under IX). The others which he designated as Rainbow, Wind Burned, Thunders, and Snakes swallowing Gopher (for sore throat) are unidentified. The last may be the variant of XXV mentioned by Mrs. Newcomb (see under XXV). The striking similarity of many Navaho Wind Way sandpaintings, and especially of many elements in them, to those of Shooting Way published by Newcomb and Reichard and to those of Hail Way in the Bush Collection is noteworthy. One gets the impression that there are more correspondences here than between other ceremonials, although except for Night Way, Mountain Top Way, Hand Trembling Way, and Bead Way, my knowledge of the sandpaintings of other ceremonials is very limited. The few simple paintings of Chiricahua Wind Way may have been derived from the Sun and Moon, and Wind People paintings of Navaho Wind Way. It is not necessary to discuss the details (e.g. hands, feet, necks, heads, skirts, pouches, decorations, head gear, etc.) or the arrangement of colors (e.g. outlines) of the symbolic elements since they may be looked up under the appropriate headings in Newcomb and Reichard, where they are de¬ scribed and illustrated in color. They are similar, except for minor varia¬ tions, in Shooting Way and Navaho Wind Way (and probably in all cere¬ monials). Their meanings likewise correspond quite well. A few additional notes follow. Wind People: occur unarmored but usually armored (with flints, light¬ ning arrows, and sometimes crooked Snakes), and the latter carrying or be¬ ing carried by Snakes. Faces are blue in five, brown in four, and self-colored in three paintings. “ . . . his (the singer’s) is the more powerful medicine be¬ cause he uses sky masks (blue) that were given him with wind medicine by a Night Chant singer, while the others (on the other side of the mountain) use Shooting Chant masks (brown) which they obtained from the Shooting

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Chant singers” (F.J.N.). Square heads designating females occur in only three paintings. In the others all heads, male and female, are round (or half round). One must guard against the common fallacy of designating all round headed figures as males. Special markings on the skirt appear in only two paintings (II). In most (7) the People face to the north. Cactus People: ordinary (4) and spiny (tall, cane cactus, R) (2). Faces blue (4) or brown (2). Heads all round or half round. All have three white roots. Stand on cloud symbols (4) or sundogs (1). Facing north (3), south

(2). Cloud People: with single head (4) or with heads on all segments (2); former called Mirage by dl and B. Faces blue (4) or brown (2). Female heads square in one painting only, others all round or half round. Three white roots in 4. Standing on cloud symbols. Five (3) or four (3) body seg¬ ments. Snakes: of 159 Snakes pictured in 20 sandpaintings, 144 are crooked. Fourteen straight Snakes are Big Snakes, of which there are 33. Red tongues, a sign of danger or venom, occur in 33 Snakes of 5 paintings. Conventional necks (blue with red cross bars and white outlines) occur in only 8 paintings, the others having four cross bars of the outline color (and one with red and blue cross bars). Red and blue cross markings at the joints, as described by Newcomb and Reichard15 do not occur. The body markings are simple, single deer tracks in all but four paintings (the guardians of XXI, XXII, XXIII, and XXIV). Bars: the black Bars on which People stand occur in fourteen paintings. They are variously designated as earth (R), mountain (B), dark under¬ world (F.J.N.), horizon line (F.J.N.), and perpendicular cliff (Berry), and the colored spots on them as generations (R), all kinds of vegetation (B), seeds (F.J.N.), and entrances to cliff dwellings (Berry). The number of elongated spots in the vertical rows is 2 in two paintings, 3 in four, 4 in six, and 5 in two. The order of colors varies, but the most common, from north to south, are red, yellow, blue, white (seven paintings) and blue, yellow, red, white (three). The white spots often occur under the People. The black Bar is separate, above the body of the Rainbow guardian, in six paintings and incorporated as the western side of the Rainbow’s body in eight. This difference, as well as others, e.g. round vs. half round heads, conventional vs. plain necks on Snakes, four vs. five segments in Cloud People, and doubtless many minor differences in detail, probably is due to what might be called separate ‘‘schools of sandpainting.” It has been noticed that the

15 Newcomb and Reichard, p. 53.

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apprentices of one singer paint similarly in this respect, while differing from those in other regions. Sundogs: the colors seen beside the sun when it rises (R, D). Red out¬ side and blue inside in all but XXV and XXVI. The reversal of the colors here may have been in accordance with the sub-ritual which governed the ceremonial, i.e. Fighting Way instead of Peaceful Way.16 Guardians: all heads square. Rainbow God, face blue (11) or white (4). Mirage God, face white (3). The latter is the only one having special mark¬ ings on the skirt or other than the conventional head-dress. Whenever one or two elements were selected from a more complicated painting for a smaller one (as in VII, VIII and IX), or in a smaller type of painting (e.g. XXII to XXVI), Big Snakes seem to be the guardians of choice. Paired guardians of the east: of the twenty paintings in which they would be appropriate, twelve have them. Apparently it is a matter of choice, since Mrs. Newcomb speaks of having seen the same painting with and without them (see under XII). Big Fly occurs seven times (white and black; blue and black, 2), Sun and Moon twice, crooked Snakes (blue and black) twice, and Bat and Sun’s Tobacco Pouch once. Thin Clouds (kosid'n); the broad thin, wavy, black lines are finally placed in all background spaces, as they are in other ceremonials, to bring rain (R, D). Color symbolism of direction and sex: this is a problem which has puzzled many students, but in Navaho Wind Way both according to in¬ formants and to internal evidence it seems to be fairly definite. In five circu¬ lar paintings in which the directions cannot be mistaken the order is east, black; south, blue; west, yellow; north, white. Of sixteen linear arrange¬ ments, in twelve the order of colors from south to north is the same as above, and all my informants insisted that the southern element is of the east, the next south, etc. In the other four (from the Bush Collection) the order from south to north is white, yellow, blue, black, and since yellow is in the second position instead of the third, it is probable that here the direc¬ tions start with east at the northern end of the painting instead of the southern (as in Night Way). Of course it is possible that white may repre¬ sent the east here, and that the order is east, west, south, north, as is some¬ times the case (see Newcomb and Reichard, p. 82). There are only three other exceptions, all in circular paintings, one (XXII) with east, black; south, white; west, yellow; north, blue (south and north interchanged); and two (XXV, XXVI) with east, black; south, yellow; west, white; north, 16 See Wyman and Kluckhohn, p. 9; Newcomb and Reichard, p. 60.

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blue (possibly another east, west, south, north arrangement). One may con¬ clude that in Navaho Wind Way the dominant symbolism is with east at the southern end of a linear arrangement C. O., and represented by black (instead of white as in some other ceremonials), south and west by blue and yellow as is usual, and north by white. As for sex there is little doubt that in Navaho Wind Way black and yellow (i.e. east and west) are male and blue and white (i.e. south and north) are female colors. This differs from the statement made by Newcomb and Reichard (p. 82) that “Black and blue are male colors in all chants, white and yellow, female.” Besides the positive statements of all my informants there is the following evidence. The patient sits on a figure of corresponding sex and the chant token is placed on a figure corresponding to its sex sym¬ bolism and to the sex of the patient, and all cases observed by me fitted with the above conclusion. One might expect paired guardians to be one of each sex and Big Fly or Snake paired guardians are either black and blue, or black and white. In three paintings (II, IV, XIX) where the females are designated by square heads, they are blue and white. In three paintings where different elements are used for male and female patients (VII, VIII, IX), black is used for a male and blue for a female. In the Sun painting figured by Berry the “male” Snake is black and the “female” one blue (see under XXV). One might question, therefore, the statement (F.J.N.) under XXIII and XXIV as to the sex of the crossed snakes, and suspect that they are pairs. The selection of the four sandpaintings to be used in a five-day cere¬ monial usually includes one each of the four predominating symbolic ele¬ ments, Wind People, Snakes, Cactus People, Cloud People, in that order according to Mrs. Newcomb, the last one being “some picture of greater power, . . . likely to include Clouds.” In a ceremonial given by dl the order was Cloud People (XVI), Wind People carrying Snakes (V), Spiny Cactus People (XIV), Cloud (Mirage) People (XVIII). In a two-day ceremonial the one sandpainting may be selected according to an etiological factor active in the patient’s condition, although probably there are other reasons. According to the recorded paintings favorite elements selected for simpler sandpaintings in small ceremonials are Wind People with Snakes (VIII, IX), or Sun and Moon (XXIII-XXVI), and Snakes appear in the small sandpaintings of the Sweat and Emetic ceremony.

PART III CHIRICAHUA WIND WAY* By CLYDE KLUCKHOHN

1. General Remarks* 1 This is the briefest of all Navaho chants and is also remarkable for the general simplicity (not to say poverty!) of its equipment, ceremonies, and sandpaintings. The comparatively recent origin of this chant2 is almost uni¬ versally recognized by the Navaho themselves.3 This attitude contrasts sharply with that toward Hand Trembling Way (which many students also consider a late and probably composite development) but which most Navaho, in our experience, insist dates from the pre-emergence period. Records over a period of years indicate that this is the most popular chant among the Ramah-Atarque Navaho. One is tempted to relate this fact to the circumstances that until rather recently this community in¬ cluded five full-blooded Chiricahua Apache women; a considerable pro¬ portion today know that they are part Chiricahua, and, over the past two generations, there has been quite regular visiting back and forth between Navaho of this group and Chiricahua Apaches. It must, however, be noted also that this is the least expensive chant available and there are more singers and curers here who know all or part of this ceremonial than any other. It seems certain that a five-night form of Chiricahua Wind Way existed and that it was carried out both according to Holy Way and Evil Way Rituals. We have never been able to hear of anyone who does even the twonight Evil Way, but we have more details on the Evil Way five-night form than on the Holy Way. Apparently it included the hoop and outdoor bath ceremony and the administration of fire medicine. The names of three * On deposit at the Department of Anthropology, University of Chicago, are two sepa¬ rate texts, translations, and notes on Chiricahua Wind Way by Father Berard Haile (total of more than 600 typescript pages). These have not been seen by us. 1 Various general remarks as to plan of treatment and the like which have been made by Wyman in Part II will not be repeated here or in subsequent Parts. Unless the contrary is stated, the reader may assume that the same schema and the same qualifications hold. 2 See Wyman and Kluckhohn, p. 28. 3 Informant 1, however, when specifically queried on this point replied: “No, I don’t think it’s true that this came from the Chiricahua. The story says it came with the other chants. But the story says it started at Nodahasce and so some people have tried to put it on the Chiricahua.” 140

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men who knew the five-night Chiricahua Wind Way, Evil Way were ob¬ tained independently from five to seven informants. All of the singers are said to have been dead at least twenty years. It would seem that the elabo¬ ration into a five-night chant occurred comparatively soon after the bases had been taken over from the Chiricahua Apaches and at the hands of a few individuals. One practitioner (3) of this ceremonial stated that it was good “for any sickness from wind or sun or moon; if they did get sick from wind or sun they will get well.” Records of the assigned ailments in thirty-nine cases in which this chant was employed show the following distribution: “sick all over” (10), headache (8), “heart trouble” (6), “lung trouble” (5), skin eruptions (3), “neck hurt” (2), “spit up blood” (1), “pain in stomach” (1), “teeth hurt” (1), “sore face” (1). 2. Informants Utilized; Performances Witnessed Principal sources of information (other than my own observation) were 1, 4, 6.4 Numerous details were also checked with 8 and 34 and with the following informants from outside the Ramah-Atarque area: dl, fn, cc, hn. The performance (A) chosen for type description was conducted by 1 beginning September 14th, 1937, about fifteen miles north of Atarque, New Mexico. Variations noted in three other performances which were seen completely will be recorded. These three subsidiary performances (all took place in 1936 or 1937) will be referred to as B, C, D. B (also carried out by 1) was carried out for a male unrelated patient and was the first singing of this chant over this man. C was sung by 4 over an unrelated, middle-aged woman and was the fourth performance of this chant over her. D was held by 6 over his own daughter and was second in the series of four. 3. Etiology of the Particular Performance Chosen for Type Description In April, 1937, Golastico’s wife (29), a woman in her middle twenties, couldn’t sleep properly and complained of recurring bad dreams. Her hus¬ band (9), who. does Hand Trembling divination himself, requested his younger brother (27) to make a diagnosis by Hand Trembling. 27 “found out” that the woman had looked upon a SP of the sun while in early preg¬ nancy and therefore a chant featuring sun SPs was advisable. The fact that 29 when a child of about five had had Chiricahua Wind Way sung over her once but had not completed the cycle of four made it almost certain that 4 A sufficient account of the age, training, knowledge, etc., of these informants has already been published. See Kluckhohn, 1939, pp. 59-63.

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Chiricahua Wind Way was the chant required. He recommended getting 1 to sing it at once. 29 paid 27 three silver buttons for making the diagnosis and asked her husband to see 1 the same day. He rode horseback the eight odd miles to the singer’s home but found him absent, singing at a hogan about thirty miles away. 9 therefore returned home but came back three days later to see 1 and offered (on behalf of his wife) two young ewes for singing Chiricahua Wind Way with two SPs. The singer set a date four days in advance for beginning the chant. The ceremonial was carried out, and the patient professed herself greatly improved, although in June she made a trip to the Indian Hospital at Blackrock for treatment. At all events she was eager to have the chant repeated promptly and discussed the matter several times with her husband in August. He made two trips to see 1 about setting a date, and finally September 14th was agreed upon. 4. Sociological Context The patient (P) married into the Ramah group, coming from the Two Wells Region, and is a member of clan 36 which has no representatives in this area except this woman and her child. Her half-sister is married to the interpreter (ds) (also from the Two Wells region) whom the observer (O) used during this performance. Her husband (H2) is a member of clan 51a (Chiricahua Apache) which has fifty members in this area. The patient and her husband would fall into the lowest third in the region from the economic point of view. The husband’s maternal grandfather (2) is one of the leading singers in the region but does not know Chiricahua Wind Way. His mater¬ nal uncle (6) does, however, sing this chant. The singer (S) is a member of clan 37, the most numerous in the region (79 members). There is no clan or recognized blood relationship between the singer or the assistant and the patient or her husband. Patient and sponsor are, of course, identical in this ceremonial. The only co-patient (Co-P) was her infant daughter.5 No herbalist was employed. The assistant (A) (80) was the son of the Singer and is a member of clan 29, the second most numerous in the region. S himself acted as OD. The chant was carried on in the hogan of 46 (father’s sister to P’s husband) “because our hogan is too small.” The CH of 46 is roughly mid¬ way between that of P and that of S. 46 is a member of clan 18, the third

5 “The reason we give the baby medicine is because she is nursing. If she weren’t given medicine, her mother wouldn’t dare let her nurse.” (1) Sometimes there was a real struggle to get the Co-P to drink the requisite number of times.

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most numerous in the area. She acted as bath helper (BH).6 Her husband (45) is a member of P’s husband’s clan (clan 51a) and he acted as a helper throughout the chant (HI). P’s husband himself also acted as a helper (H2). Spectators (at any time during the course of the ceremonial): 131 (married daughter of 46; lives same place); 198 (unmarried daughter of 46—sixteen or seventeen years old); 199 (unmarried son of 46—about ten years old); 15 (sister of 46); 27 (see above); 40 (man of clan 1 distantly re¬ lated to P’s husband); 183 (daughter of 15); 112 (man of clan 37; husband of 183); infant (child of 183 and 184); 200 (unmarried boy of c. 15, from clan 51a, sister’s son of 45 and brother’s son of 46). (Relationships of all these spectators to P and P’s husband are specified in or inferable from the above data). All live within a seven mile radius of the CH but certain other closer neighbors were never present. P never appeared in CH with¬ out her infant daughter in her arms, but often surrendered Co-P to BH while procedures were being carried out. 5. Notes on Equipment Used 5 brought this equipment to the chant: firedrill, club, gourd rattle, crystal, piece of unwounded buckskin, medicine cup, pouch containing fumigant, pouch containing five flints, four little pouches tied together con¬ taining the four paints used in making offerings, pouches containing feathers used in making offerings, separate pouches containing the following: cat¬ tail, pinyon, pine and corn pollen; meal; chant lotion; mountain tobacco; life medicine; fossil; mixed meat; shell for tokens. Of many of these there were duplicate pouches. The pouch in which this equipment was carried had been obtained from his teacher (who lives north of Gallup) some thirty years previously. The firedrill and club had likewise been acquired from his teacher. The rattle he had made himself in a Chiricahua Wind Way conducted by himself some twenty years before. The crystal he had picked up in a volcanic cone near Quemado, New Mexico “twenty-six years ago.” The buckskin had been given him in a Shooting Way chant a few years previously. The flints he had himself picked up on prehistoric sites. The various pollens and medi¬ cines he had obtained partly himself, partly by purchase or trade from sing¬ ers in the Gallup, Puerticito, Danoff, and Two Wells regions. The paints he had obtained himself at one time and another—azurite from the Zuni Moun¬ tains near Bluewater; yellow ocher from the Mesa Colorado near Atarque; rhyolite tuff from a railway cut near Thoreau; lignite from near Gallup. 6 “She has had Chiricahua Wind Way. That’s why we picked her to take care of the baby”

(9).

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Materials supplied by P were: one basket, one buckskin, calico spreads, bucket for boiling emetic, wash basins, SP equipment, firewood. The equipment used by S in performance B was identical. That used in C (Fig. 2) and D differed only in trivial details such as the number of flints, shells, etc. present. 4 did not have a fossil nor any mixed meat in his pouch. 6. The Observed Behaviors The simplicity of this chant is indicated by the number of ceremonies which did not occur at all: consecration of CH, unraveling, setting-out, sweat and emetic, eating mush, mixed decoction. The four last-named cere¬ monies are never found in Chiricahua Wind Way in this area. Consecration of the CH was carried out in Chants B and D, not in Chant C. Unraveling is relatively seldom a part of this ceremonial in this region but is sometimes performed (once only during the chant) by two of the singers.7 It occurred on day 2 in Chant D (in daytime preceeding the bath), but with less elabo¬ ration of detail than has been described for Navaho Wind Way. 1 said that he performed the unraveling after the consecration of the CH, day 1. Chants A and C began with the SP ceremony. Chants B and D began with the CH consecration. Certain acts and procedures (such as ceremonial fire-making, chant-token tying, decoction,8 and basket drumming) which usually occur in Holy Way chants were not carried out in any performance. H2 acted as intermediary and brought the S’s bundle to the CH on September 12th. The morning of day 1 before dawn H2 rode some miles horseback to get the red sandstone to be ground and hard oak to be burned for the SP. After breakfast at 6:45 HI and H2 prepared the paints and equipment for the SP under S’s direction. 6a SP ceremony: I. SP made. Day 1 (The Sun—Fig. 19)—began at 8:24. Finished at 9:12. Present: S, A, HI, H2, 1 and (intermittently) BH, 131, 198. Day 2 (The Moon—Fig. 20)—began 6:30. Finished at 7:22. Present: those for day 1 minus HI but plus (intermittently) 112, 183, 200. The circles of the Sun and Moon were first outlined and then filled in 7 1 stated that unraveling should be done in this chant only when the singer was singing over his own wife. “Also you’ve got to have a buckskin for that.” 8 S reported geranium Geranium atropurpureum Heller, G. lentum Woot. & Standi., G. Fremontii Torr., or G. furcatum Hanks and “eyelash” (nddizi) Townsendia exscapa (Richards) Porter. This name is a unicate of doubtful validity. The regular name for Town¬ sendia is “unraveling medicine.”

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solidly with blue and white respectively. On day 1, the blue circle was then made a little larger from outside. Next, the mouth and eyes were made (in black in both cases). Then, the horns were outlined and filled with the same ground colors. The total bodies were then outlined with the following succession of colors (from inward out) white, black, yellow, red (for the Sun); black, blue, yellow, orange (for the Moon). Sun dogs, rainbow guard¬ ians, and feathers done last in this order. On day 2 S wore no handkerchief around his head as he made the painting. On both days he was assisted by HI and H2 (not by A) in the actual making of the SP. Small juniper branches were used as brushes to sweep away in front of the SP. (B, C, D: only C included both SPs in same order. No SP was made at all in D. 6 asserted that in this chant SPs should be made only the first time in the cycle of four or “maybe” the first and third times. In C the Sun SP only was made in the morning followed by the all-night singing. [The cere¬ monial began the preceding evening with consecration of CH and short¬ singing]. All of the SPs made were identical in form, color, and in every observable respect except neatness of execution and small differences in dimensions. Such variations as occurred in making the painting appeared to be “free variations.” That is, there were such changes in those assisting, in positions of those working on the SP, in tools utilized in grinding etc. as were suggested by convenience, availability of personnel and equipment and the like. For example, in B, C, and D, A invariably assisted in making the SP. In the type performance A had had little experience in making these SPs and was considered a bad draftsman in any case). II. Sandpainting set-up. None in any of the performances. In every case a spread lay-out was arranged to the left of S’s seat on calico provided by the P before the making of the SP began. III. Pollen application to sandpainting. By S and toward smoke hole after SP. Day 2—after P had entered and sprinkled SP. IV. Meal placed for consecration. Omitted in all chants save D. V. P enters; (Day 1 9:25; Day 2 7:45). Meal sprinkling. P told by S to go to her seat, leave baby there, return and stand by him and sprinkle SP. (On both days O was allowed to photograph the SP only after it had been sprinkled by P). Meal sprinkling by P only. VI. Chant lotion administered. By P only to herself—not by S to P. To Co-P by BH. No one except P and Co-P used the chant lotion (which consisted of mint, horsemint, pennyroyal, and wind odor). After chant lo¬ tion had been administered to P and Co-P, S refilled the glass cup from the bucket in which the chant lotion had been mixed and placed the cup on the usual place on the SP.

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As P began to take the chant lotion, song 1 (chant lotion song) was begun by S, A, HI, H2, and I. The Sun and Moon songs followed immedi¬ ately (and these were repeated in alternation through song 19). At end of fourth song, S began to mix the infusion specific which consisted simply of ponderosa pine, juniper, flag, and pinyon pollen in water. At start of sixth song (day 2—9th) S placed infusion specific in usual place on SP. At close of sixth song S directed P to get up at beginning of following song, leave Co-P with BH, walk around fire C.O., and sit down on center of Sun (or Moon). VII. Patient sits on SP. (Day 1—9:57; day 2—8:22). S gave rattle to HI (day 1), to 1 (day 2). VIII. Infusion specific administered. After sixteenth song (day 1), after fourteenth song (day 2). By S to P (with two offerings toward smoke hole), four times day 1, twice day 2. By BH to Co-P. (The usual golagai” with which most songs in this chant conclude was omitted after the sixteenth song on day 1 but not on day 2). IX. Fumigation. (Day 2—fumigation followed sixteenth song again but was after sand application). Both days coals were placed, extinguished, and disposed by H2. BH held Co-P over coals. X. Sand application. P moved slightly to left off SP proper. Soles of feet omitted in C. O. both days. S began with ankles. Both days (but at different places in the C. O.) S turned toward the sunlight coming from the smokehole and gestured as if to bring the light down and rub it on P’s body. XI. Patient leaves SP. (Day 1—10:17; day 2—8:39). P goes out still naked to the waist, S takes rattle back. P was instructed to extend arms toward the sun four times, simultaneously breathing in. XII. SP erasure. By S with rattle while eighteenth song is sung (day 1), seventeenth (day 2). XIII. SP disposal. By H2. XIV. Patient reappears (day 1—10:22; day 2—8:41) and dresses. Re¬ entrance coincides with beginning of nineteenth song (day 1), eighteenth song (day 2). (It is quite possible that this discrepancy is due to inaccurate counting on the part of the observer, although songs are comparatively easy to count in this chant because of the almost invariable golagai termination. S and others were questioned at the time as to whether there had been a difference in number of songs and, after some discussion, professed uncer¬ tainty. They seemed to feel it was a matter of no importance). H2 re¬ entered shortly after P and finished tidying up the place where the SP had been with a batten stick. At the conclusion of the eighteenth song (day 2)

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S blew his breath up toward the smokehole and told P to do so too. BH also made the Co-P go through the motions. Hot water was brought to the S by HI to wash in. XV. Instructions to A to get cactus and soapweed root and plants used for offerings. (Day 2 only). S took eight minutes to give these. Those per¬ taining to the bath materials were substantially identical with those quoted in sub-section 9g, Part I. Bread and coffee were brought in at 8:53 (day 2 only). (B, C, D. Most variations recorded for the SP ceremony seem quite trivial. That is, they are, for example, small differences in time easily ex¬ plainable on the basis of differences in time of beginning the day, charac¬ teristic behavior tempo of S, necessity of waiting for some H who also had household duties etc.9 The only divergences of any interest would seem to be the following: with the male P in B the S touched P’s body freely in be¬ ginning the administration of chant lotion. In C, S touched P’s body some¬ what formally and hesitantly. In D the administration was again left entirely to P. In B, C, and D fumigation was invariably carried out just before P left the SP. In B, C and D it was always some member of P’s immediate family act¬ ing as an H who went for bath materials.10 In these chants also the person was dispatched shortly after dawn the day of the bath. There would seem to have been some free variation in the number of songs sung during this and other ceremonies, but I am not altogether confi¬ dent on this point because it is only the data for A which I can regard as reasonably trustworthy in this respect.) 6b Short singing: (Day 1 only). Basket drum not used in any perform¬ ance. The first song was invariably the Chant Lotion Song. This was always followed by a number of Wind Songs which varied from 11 (A) to 23 (C). Administration of the infusion specific was omitted in B. 6c Offerings-: (Day 2 only). Present: P, S, A, H2, 112, 1, and others who entered later. At 9:50 A returned with the following materials: snakeweed, grama grass, sumac, soapweed, and cactus. He explained to S that they had been gathered from various directions according to instructions. I. Preparation. By S, A, H2, and 1. (During part of the period 112 was 9 Such very minor divergences and free variations occurred in all component ceremonies but they will not be referred to explicitly again. 10 In A there was some argument on the matter and H-2 and 45 insisted that it was up to S, not up to them, to provide these materials. So S dispatched A.

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into a small tri¬

angular piece of white shell. S gave him directions and suggestions. P had lost her token and this was being prepared as a substitute). Since the offering (hwoS Re'i&'n) (see Fig. 21) is apparently peculiar to Chiricahua Wind Way and has not been described previously, its prepara¬ tion must be recounted in some detail. First, four reeds were cut (by S) and painted (by S and H2) in the familiar manner. The black one (black wind prayerstick—east) was painted first, the blue one (blue wind prayerstick—south) second, the white one (white wind prayerstick—west) third, the yellow one (yellow wind prayerstick—north) last. Thereafter the reeds were invariably handled in this order. Three dots to represent eyes and mouth were then painted on them by 1. They were blue on the black prayer¬ stick, black on all the others. While this was being done H2 (directed by S) rekindled the fire and S arranged two bouquets, each of about equal quan¬ tities of grama grass and snakeweed (in flower). (S had asked A to do this but A had objected saying “they never turn out good for me.”) S laid the bouquets on the calico spread (on which the painted reeds had just been placed, “pointing up the way they grew”—1) and put a piece of cane cactus (hwos decahi’ coh) Opuntia arborescens Engelm. (about four inches long) on top of the bouquet to the left, perhaps two inches below the tops of the grama grass and snakeweed. He then placed the bouquet to the right on top of the cactus and tied the whole into a single bouquet with thongs of yucca. A then trimmed off the bottom with a metal knife, leaving a neat bouquet about seven inches long and put it on the spread some distance directly be¬ low the two central reeds. S arranged four piles of down feathers from male bluebirds immediately above each reed, meanwhile directing A and H2 in the making of four hoops (about two inches in diameter) of sumac.11 The hoops were bound together by loops of yucca and then painted in colors corresponding to the reeds. S placed nine feathers from a female bluebird (four from each wing and one from the tail) above each pile of bluebird down. A put some bluebird down in each reed, then some mountain tobacco. A pointed toward the sunlight in the smokehole and handed a crystal to P. P pointed the crystal toward the sunlight 4 x, stroking one reed after each gesture. A then punched in more down with the aid of a bluebird feather and placed pollen on top. S stuck one eagle down plume in each of the branchlets of the cactus in the bouquet.

11 S reported clematis, Clematis ligusticifolia Nutt, and hop, Humulus Lupulus L., var. neomexicanus Nels. & Cockerell also used to make these hoops.

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(At this point 183 and two-year old daughter entered). A bound each reed (with its pile of bluebird feathers on top) to the corre¬ sponding hoop with yucca. When this was completed (11:33) song 1 (Hoop Song) was started by S with ds using the rattle. HI and BH entered, ds left and gave rattle to HI. S, continuing to sing, took each hoop-and-reed, pointed it four times toward the smokehole, and then fastened them C. O. to the bouquet. (Meanwhile A was cutting a strip of buckskin with which to tie the token. He asked S where to cut it and S interrupted his singing long enough.to answer in a few words). Song 1 was continued until (11:42) the cactus prayerstick (Fig. 21) was completely prepared. (The total pro¬ cedure of preparation was called hwos hadilne which was translated “dress¬ ing up the cactus.”) S directed HI to dispose remnants of plants etc. (There was no pollen application to P and no litany.12 Offering applica¬ tion did not take place until later and deposit not until after the dawn pro¬ cedures the following morning). (B, C, D: There were no offerings of any sort in B and C. In D the cactus prayerstick was also prepared. My notes are not nearly so complete on this occasion but, so far as I can tell, procedures were substantially identical). 6d The hath: (Day 2 only). Present: (same as for offerings). 11:53—198 brings in basket. Delay of twenty minutes while waiting for HI to bring in wood to build up fire and to bring in sand platform. I. Sand platform made (by HI) and basket placed and water poured in (by S) (12:16). S cut soapweed (peeled by A) into four slivers and laid with lay-out. Song 1 (12:18). In middle of song 2, S places four soapweed slivers (one by one) in basket, then single piece of yucca root. II. Suds made (by S) during singing of song 3 (began at 12:21). P had been present all the while with her baby sitting on her lap. At 12:22 she put Co-P down beside her and began to remove shoes. III. P undresses; suds design made during song 4 (12:26-12:28). IV. Suds application by S—to knees only. (Song 5). V. Bathing (12:31-12:40). Songs 6, 7, 8. During song 8, P was drying her hair but she did not dress. At end of song 8 she went back to her regular seat. VI. Disposal of sand platform and bath materials by H2. Song 9. HI placed blanket where sand platform had been and P went there to sit. Interval of six minutes with no singing and no other activity within the CH. 12 We have never observed the carrying out of the litany in Chiricahua Wind Way. A few singers state that none exists, but most agreed that there is “a little one.” 1 stated that the litany was used in Chiricahua Wind Way only when the singer had made a mistake.

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VII. 12:49. H2 returned from disposal and gave pollen pouch back to S. S put calico in bath basket and placed cactus prayerstick on the calico. He placed the basket and contents on the blanket to the left of and in front of P. Removed calico and cactus prayerstick, poured water into basket, and put chant lotion in it. Song 10 (12:53). Administration of chant lotion by P to self (drank directly from basket), by BH to Co-P. S then rubbed some on P’s back. Song 10 over (12:56). Basket cleaned and dried with a cloth. Calico and cactus prayerstick replaced in basket which was put on spread lay-out. P started to nurse Co-P and S said they will all eat before going any further. BH and 198 left to get food (coffee, pit-roasted corn, melon). Women ate after men. HI and BH argued as to whether the fire needed replenishing. (B, C, D: in B and C bathing was followed by meal application and P dressing. P left and then disposal. In D (only) there was pollen administra¬ tion and making pollen trail. Otherwise the sequence of events in D was as in A except that P did not enter until after suds were made. Other variations noticed were in materials used in making suds design, number of pieces of soapweed utilized. In all chants the BH was not of the same immediate family as P nor of same clan). 6e Figure painting and token tying: (Day 2 only). H2 brought piece of plain white canvas into CH and S spread it out to right of P. H2 also placed the paint palette in front of the canvas and then cleaned the area around the fire of corn husks and other debris of lunch. H2 brought in more firewood while S ground paints and sharpened sticks to paint with. S sent H2 out for yellow ocher and made a long speech of instruction to A who did most of actual figure painting (see Fig. 22). A started by drawing a line in white paint between P’s breasts. (She had remained naked to the waist all this while). Head outlined and filled in next, then body, then feet, arms last. S left for ten or more minutes while body was being drawn. S returned and started song 1 (Yellow Wind Song) at 1:55. 2:05 H2 returned. Song 2 (White Wind Song) started at 2:07, as the figure proper was completed. The half-circles on either side of the body were put on with a piece of reed. Next, white lines were drawn from the arms of the figure down the extended arms of P and round between thumb and forefinger, ending in the center of the palms in serrated flints. Song 3: 2:13. P told to turn round. White lines on arms paralleled (at distance of about one-fourth inch) with lines in yellow which extended, however, only to the middle of the forearm. Song 4: 2:15. Song 5: 2:17. Figure duplicated in yellow on P’s back. Song 6: 2:25. P told to face forward again. A asked S for directions.

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Told to draw half-circles on P’s forehead. Song 7: 2:27. A printed (again with the piece of reed) a vertical row of four half-circles facing to the right in approximately the middle of her forehead, then five more rows alter¬ nately of yellow and white until the right half of the forehead was well covered. (The last two rows had only two half-circles because the hair line at the extreme right did not permit a greater number). The left half of the forehead was then filled in with a symmetrical pattern, beginning again from the center. Song 8:13 2:36. A tied a lock of P’s hair at about the center of the right parietal. A sprinkled pollen on token and then on P’s moccasins, jewelry and clothing. He then daubed a streak of white paint on Co-P’s forehead. Song 9: 2:40. (Moccasin Song). A rattled. P put on moccasins and tied them with a new piece of white buckskin. Song 10: 2:42. P started to put on beads and necklace but when S noticed this he told her to take them off, “we’re not through yet.” Song 11: 2:45. P nurses Co-P. Song 12: 2:46. Song 13: 2:47. S took token after first thrusting it toward the smokehole and held it against the center of the figure painted on P’s chest. He breathed eight times on the token, then removed it from P’s chest and thrust it to¬ ward her head, then toward his own head, then toward the head of every person within the CH who had ever been a patient in Chiricahua Wind Way. He then tied the token to the lock prepared by A. Next, S moistened his finger with yellow paint from the palette and touched it to the token. Immediately thereafter he put on P her beads and necklaces. Song 13 stopped at 2:58. 2:59: Song 14. 3:01: Song 15—this was sung in an unusually fast rhythm by S and A only. 3:04: Song 16. S took cactus prayerstick and, holding it in both hands, stood before P. Application of prayerstick to P’s body C. O. 4x with sound symbolism (said to be the cry of Talking God).14 After application to each foot S kicked the foot lightly. Then S placed the cactus prayerstick on top of P’s head and, removing the prayerstick, placed his own head on top of hers. Application of prayerstick to her right, then left shoulder, then top of head again, next down arms, then back and chest simultaneously. (All of these last applications without sound symbolism). Then offering to smokehole. Thereafter S stood quietly in front of P (hold¬ ing cactus prayerstick in left hand) until song 16 finished at 3:10. Song 17 began immediately. Administration of infusion specific to P and Co-P 4x. Song 18: 3:13. S sat down and put cactus prayerstick back 13 All the songs up to and including song 8 were stated to have been V ellow and White Wind Songs in alternation. 14 Cf. Matthews, 1902, pp. 9-10, 25.

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in basket. 3:16—fumigation. 3:18—disposal of fumigation coals by H2. S told P that when next song began she was to go outside and raise her arms up toward the sun four times, breathing in the while. Song 19: 3:20. P went out followed by BH carrying Co-P. A moment later H2 carried paint palette out. Song 20: 3:22. Song 21: 3:24 and P, followed by BH with Co-P reappeared. P sat down in her seat and put on her blouse. Nursed Co-P. Song 21 was finished at 3:28 and S remarked that the Mff had begun. (B, C, D: Figure-painting by S and HI in B, by A and HI in C, by S only in D. Figures differed in style of execution but were the same as to color and general pattern, except that in B (where P was a man) the figure on the chest was black, that on the back blue, and the half-circles were of these colors. My interpreters [31 and ds] who were perfectly willing, on occasion, to make secretly pencil sketches of SPs refused absolutely to help me draw the figure-painting designs, explaining that this was far more dangerous. There was token-tying only in B. Here S omitted the daub of paint on the token. There was offering application only in D. Here S only applied the cactus prayerstick C. O. 4x with sound symbolism. There were no supplementary applications and no placing of his head upon P’s). 6f The final night: At 9:05 H2 brought calico into the CH and rekindled fire. Present within CH: 15, 27, 40, 112, 183, ds, O. 9:10: P entered followed by BH with Co-P, 131, 198. 9:13: S entered and mixed chant lotion. 9:16: Song 1; S administered chant lotion, holding cactus prayerstick (which had been in basket lay-out) in left hand. To Co-P also. Then cactus prayerstick returned to basket. At 9:21 (during song 3) 199 and 200 entered. After song 8 application of cactus prayerstick with sound symbolism as during the morning. A led the singing, ds rattled. After application P strapped Co-P in cradle and rocked her to sleep. S rested and smoked for a few min¬ utes. 10:08: another application of cactus prayerstick four times, with sound symbolism. 10:15:dsgave rattle to H2. 10:41: S took cactus prayer¬ stick again, passed it back and forth over P’s head four times, toward smokehole four times, toward crotch of her legs four times. (During all of these applications P sat with hands together in her lap, palms up). 10:50: H2 passed the rattle to A. 11:01: ash-blowing from flint, followed by fumiga¬ tion. Then he instructed her to offer this toward the smokehole. Four times. 11:05: P went out without Co-P. 11:06: re-entered. 11:16: 131 left before S started new song. By 11:45 P was frankly sleeping a great deal of the

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time and S was leaving the singing mainly to the other men present, led by A. The number and sequence of song groups was said to have been as fol¬ lows: 33 Wind Songs (these were the “First Songs” for this chant and were completed before P went out at 11:05); 13 Snake Songs; 27 Lightning Songs; 42 Sun Songs; 2 Pipe (nalosce) Songs; 2 Decoration (be' hadtte) Songs; 6 Restoration (?a'lte'lm?)15 Songs; 10 Bead Songs; 10 Lightning Songs; 6 Wayfaring (gd'l) Songs; 30 Dawn Songs. I heard no golagai at the conclusion of songs until about 1:50.16 Thereafter they seemed to be a constant feature. No basket drum was used. 5:10: P left CH, followed by BH carrying Co-P. At 5:15 there was a pause of a few moments in the singing within the CH. Then S placed rattle in the basket and Blessing Way Songs (sung without rattle accom¬ paniment) were begun. Communal pollen prayer at 5:25. 5:40: S gave two pieces of calico to A and one piece to 112 “for helping in the singing.” 5:42: food brought in by 131. (Food, including meat, had last been served at about 2:00 A.M.). 5:50: S went out to deposit the cactus prayerstick himself. (He flatly rejected very liberal offers of purchase on the part of O, saying he would not sell it for ten times the sum named nor would he even discuss the matter further). (B, C, D. Most observed differences fell within the free variation class or had to do with the presence or absence of the cactus prayerstick. In D the cactus prayerstick was applied to P but once during the final night. No Blessing Way songs were sung at the conclusion of B. All other per¬ formances had a larger attendance than the type performance and there were differences of some interest in the composition of the spectator group, but conclusions from the analysis of these data have been reported upon).17 7. Notes on SPs. Chiricahua Wind Way SPs appear to be the simplest of any known chant. Mrs. Newcomb tells me she has heard of and seen other forms, but all of the SPs of which I have direct knowledge are variants upon the simple paintings of sun and moon illustrated in Figs. 19 and 20.18 These latter (which I suspect to be very close to the original SPs of the chant) are the 15 “You use this song to straighten a person up when he loses his mind in a sing” (1). 16 When questioned, S said, “You don’t say golagai except after sun songs. That’s the way it’s made. Don’t stop very well unless you say this.” 17 Kluckhohn, 1939, pp. 77-79. 18 Those illustrated by Tozzer (1909, Plate VI) appear very similar indeed. It should be

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only ones known in the Ramah region, but two types of elaboration are well-known in areas of richer ceremonialism. The first of these is the Sun Eclipse (zdhona'tdi dasca)—Moon Eclipse pair. This I have not seen nor was I able to obtain drawings of it. Tozzer, however, states that this differs from the usual sun and moon forms only in having “four sets of minute lines of blue and yellow arranged at equal distances around each face.’’19 This is confirmed by Plate XI in Newcomb and Reichard20 “Pollen Boy on Sun” which, it is stated, is used only for a male patient after an eclipse of the sun. Replicas of the second type (made in the Huerfano region) exist in the Bush Collection. Actually, these closely resemble the “Whirling TailFeather” found at the center of the SP (“Holy People Overcome Whirling Tail-Feather”)21 from the Dark Circle of Branches Phase of Shooting Way, Male Branch, illustrated by Newcomb and Reichard. Informants, however, when shown photographs of the Bush Collection Chiricahua Wind Way paintings agreed in identifying the pair as named do' be' Hlyy. ds, 6, and hn asserted independently that the Chiricahua Apaches use this SP in connection with a ceremony performed at first menses. If this be correct, this may be the prototypical form, but it is certainly more elaborate than those here illustrated. The basic color scheme is identical, but the horns of sun and moon are not shown. Instead the disc is surrounded by an elaborate panoply of twelve medicine bundles extending in the four directions. Whirl¬ ing knives, firesticks, and firedrills, and arrows (not outlined) are also added features. Conceptually, however, the two sets of paintings are extraor¬ dinarily similar. The notes in the Bush Collection state that the Sun painting is used if the P is a man, the Moon if a woman. My informants agreed that this was usually the case if only one SP was made but that very frequently both were made regardless of the sex of P. A number of informants asserted that horned representation of the Sun and Moon were also made in Navaho Wind Way, but that the form of the horns was slightly different and the order of colors used in outlining was somewhat altered (see Part II, section 6, SPs XXIII-XXVII). 2 made the same statement with reference to Female Shooting Way. noted, however, that both sun and moon are represented in a single painting and that the painting was made out of doors. 19 Tozzer, 1909, p. 332. 20 Newcomb and Reichard, 1936. 21 Ibid., Plate XXXIV.

PART IV FEMALE SHOOTING HOLY WAY By CLYDE KLUCKHOHN

1. General Remarks The Shooting Way is one of the most ramified of Navaho Chant sys¬ tems, being conducted according to Holy Way, Life Way, and Evil Way Rituals, all of which have male and female branches, and most of which possess an unusual richness of possible Phases and supplementary cere¬ monies. Dr. Reichard has long been investigating intensively the multi¬ tudinous aspects of Male Shooting Way, and has a monumental monograph in preparation. Female Shooting Way is much less well known. There are two principal forms of Female Shooting Way. One (which is said to be derived from the Jicarilla Apache) is the common form in the eastern portion of the Navaho territory. The material here presented deals exclusively with this form except in a few remarks where the contrary is specified. The other (which is held to be Navaho in origin) prevails in the western Navaho country. “This kind started south of the White Moun¬ tains” (2). There are undoubtedly separate legends1 and some differences in sandpaintings, and there are said to be rather striking differences in pro¬ cedure. The basic ideology, however, is with little doubt very similar. The word na^aioe' is a continuative verbal form which Professor Sapir trans¬ lated “he goes around shooting things” and both types of Shooting Way are connected always with lightning, arrows, and the like. Informants fn, dl, hn, cc, sn agreed that the Navaho form was not carried out according to Evil Way Ritual, and dl, cc, and hn stated that Female Shooting Evil Way (Jicarilla Form) was performed “only off the Reservation” (i.e., in peripheral regions like the Ramah area). I have seen only parts of Female Shooting Evil. Way, and the description will therefore be confined to Female Shooting Holy Way. The only Phases which I know positively the Jicarilla form of Female Shooting Way possesses are the Dark Branch Circle2 and the Firepit.3 I 1 Newcomb and Reichard (p. 47) say “The Female Shooting Chant differs from the Male in emphasizing the birth and rearing of the Twins as against their dangerous exploits.” 2 l’s ‘’dlrl for Female Shooting Way requires two dancers. 3 As done by 1, the firepit is made to the east of the hogan door the first day, to the west the second (if a two-day performance), to the east, south, north, and west (if a five-day). 155

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have heard of Female Shooting Way being done on the Reservation withHouse and Sun’s House features, but it is possible that these are connected with the Navaho form only. The Sides most commonly referred to are the Upper Regions and the Thunderstruck. Singers do not agree as to how much procedure is dif¬ ferentiated in accord with these etiological factors against which the chant is directed, ny, dl, and cc agreed that these Sides were, by definition, con¬ ducted according to Fighting Way Sub-Ritual. All of the performances I have witnessed were designated ‘‘Upper Regions,” and so the issue cannot be decided by observation. The evidence of opinion and anecdote seems, on the whole, to indicate that differences are negligible except that special medicines and prayers may be inserted to accord with the Side being car¬ ried out. Female Shooting Way is very nearly as popular in the Ramah region as Chiricahua Wind Way.4 Indications are that it is performed very much less frequently in many sections of the Reservation. The chant is primarily associated with injuries and dangers from thunder and lightning,5 secondarily with snakes. Records of the assigned ailments in fifty-five cases show the following distribution: “lung trouble,” “coughing,” “pain in chest,” (44); “sick all over” (4); “felt dry in throat” (1); “sore throat” (1); “stomach trouble” (1); “sore on breast” (1); “face sore all over” (1); “earache” (1); “tired all the time” (1). For Female Shooting Evil Way: “lung trouble” etc. (5); “pain in chest and ankles” (1); “body felt like going to sleep all the time” (1); “skin itches” (1); “bad dreams” (1); “pains in back” (1); “vomit all the time” (1). These figures seem to indicate quite clearly that (in the Ramah region, at least) Female Shooting Way is the preferred remedy for tuberculosis. The scattering distribution of quite different complaints shows that the chant is also employed occasionally for almost any ailment when a Female Shooting Way singer happens to be most conveniently available. 2. How the Navaho Got the Jicarilla Female Shooting Way A woman lost her baby and it fell into a hole. An owl came along in the evening and found the baby. The owl picked up the baby and took it to its house in a rock and raised it. When the baby began to walk, the owl made an arrow for it. When the child was eight or nine years old it tried to kill the owl with the arrow so the owl 4 See Kluckhohn, 1938a, p. 363. 6 2 (who had been a willing and open informant) refused absolutely to discuss anything concerned with the Shooting Ways after lightning struck near his son until after the son had had (from him) the emetic excerpt from Female Shooting Way.

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told him to go back where he had been found and look for his father and mother. The child found a rotten brush hogan. There was a stick there and the child followed the way this pointed, for the owl had told him that would show him which way to go. He ran into a bunch of people and got into a fight with them. They ran him off so he started to go another way. One night he was camping by himself, but there were some people just behind him. Soon a man came up. It was a Jicarilla Apache man. They became friends and the Jicarilla man taught him the first part of their way of doing Female Shooting Way. Every night, as they moved across the country, another Jicarilla man came up and camped with him and taught him some more. Pretty soon he had all Female Shooting Way and when he got back with his Navaho folks he taught it to them6 (ny). 3. Informants Utilized; Performances Witnessed Principal sources of information (other than my own observation) were 1, 2, 5, 7.6a Numerous details were also checked with ny, dl, cc, fn. The performance (A) chosen for type description was conducted by 1 beginning August 22, 1936, about twenty miles southeast of Ramah, New Mexico. Only one other performance (B) was seen completely. This was carried out by 2 beginning August 11th, 1936, about fourteen miles east of Ramah, New Mexico. 4. Etiology of Type Performance The very day that 1 had returned from conducting a five-night Female 6 For a reference to the ultimate origin of Female Shooting Way see the bit of turtle legend in Sub-section 5t under “Medicine Cup.” The following scrap of legend relating to the origin of Female Shooting Evil Way was obtained from 1: “First Man had already made Female Shooting Holy Way which you ought to have if the lightning hits you. Then he made the Evil Way kind where the songs are a little bit different. That happened this way: “Coyote slept with First Man’s wife. Big Fly told First Man. First Man went to look for Coyote, but Coyote knew he was after him so he hid where he couldn’t be seen. When First Man came along Coyote waited until he got about eight feet away. The Coyote hit First Man with his tail. Then he threw his whole hide at First Man and turned him into a coyote. Coyote took First Man’s clothes and the two went off in opposite directions. They were gone four days and four nights. “Several of the Holy People went out looking for First Man. They trailed him but didn’t find him. Then First Man in Coyote’s skin came along. At first the Holy People didn’t believe he really was First Man. They said he was lying. But he said four times that he was. So they said they’d better get that hide off him and he said ‘all right.’ So the Holy People made a hoop and put it around First Man. The hide over his forehead began to crack. They put another hoop around him and the hide peeled down to his middle. With the third hoop it went down to his hips, and with the fourth it was all off and he was a human being again. Then they made him eat Female Shooting Evil Way infusion specific and at that same time the real coyote changed back into coyote again. That’s how Female Shooting Evil Way got started.” 6a For the age, training, knowledge, etc., of these informants see Kluckhohn, 1939, esp. pp. 59-63.

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Shooting Way 106 (clan 35, married to 78, clan 29, daughter of 1) came to tell him that White Boy, his eighteen-year old son (grandson of 1) had a bad cough and was spitting up blood. 1 and 106 discussed the boy’s recent experiences to discover the probable genesis of his illness. The father men¬ tioned that within the preceding week White Boy had seen a tree recently struck by lightning which was still smoking. It was agreed that Female Shooting Way was indicated. 106 made an offer of ten dollars and 1 promised to begin the following night. (Note that no diagnostician was ever consulted.) 5. Sociological Context P7 was a member of clan 29, second most numerous in this area. Co-Ps8 were his mother (Co-Pi) and three small sisters (ages c. 3-c. 8). His mother is the oldest daughter of 1. His father is the younger brother of 13, “chief” of the Ramah Navaho. P was the eldest of five children. P’s family would fall into the middle third in the region from the economic point of view. 106 (P’s father) was intermediary and sponsor and acted as SH and OD. He also functioned as an incidental Helper and will be referred to in this capacity as H3. A during the first two days (Ha thenceforth) was 122 (clan 35), a boy of 16, step-grandson of 1. The assistant thereafter (Al) was 4, younger brother and apprentice of 1. My interpreter (31) acted as HI; he is maternal nephew of S and therefore cousin to P. BH was 45, paternal parallel cousin of S, (clan 51a—see Part III, Section 4). It is noteworthy that of all those assisting in any way only Al, BH, and SH had their tokens for this chant. A (who helped make the sandpainting) had not even “seen the masks,” i.e., been “initiated.” In theory, also, preference is given in Shooting Way chants to persons who have had narrow escapes from light¬ ning.9 Here none of the officiating personnel had had such experiences. Spectators (at any time during the course of the chant): 46 (with infant granddaughter) and 198 (see Part III, Section 4); 212 (clan 18—unm. boy of c. 20—lives about 7 miles away); 76 (clan 29—mother of Co-Pi and hence grandmother of P); 153 (clan 35—stepson of S); 121 (brother of A); 213 7 The following October P went to the Indian School in Albuquerque and was sick all winter with tuberculosis (diagnosis of I. S. physician). In March he came home very ill indeed. 1 sang Female Shooting Life Way over him, and, shortly thereafter, ny from the Two Wells region sang Male Shooting Holy Way over him. He died late in April, and was buried by a trader from Ramah. 8 “They saw some animals which had been killed by lightning. It made their heads ach§ and made them sick all over” (106). 9 Cf. Kluckhohn, 1939, pp. 65, 78.

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(clan 35, unm. son—c. 18—of Al); 112 and 184 (see Part III, Section 4); 14710 (clan 18—man of c. 60); 214 (unm. son—c. 17—of 147—clan 1); 201 and 202 (unm. sisters of 214—c. 19 and 21); 180 (clan 18, bro. of 147, man of c. 65, deserted by wife); 195 (unm. son of 180—clan 51a); 210 (10-yearold son of 78 and 106—bro. of P); 216 (clan 18—unm. son of 8). Of these only 46, 76 and 210 were present at any time before the final day and night. All, save 213, live within an 8-mile radius of the CH. Of these “spectators” 121, 153, and 198 were not present within the CH more than a total of fifteen minutes. They (and to a lesser extent) others of the young men were primarily interested (as S, Al, and SH observed with disapproval) in “catching girls”—notably 201 and 202. B: S (2—clan 22); P (92—clan 37—married to 91, clan 29; P is maternal nephew of 1 and his wife is elder bro.’s dau. of 1; 2 is unrelated to P or to 91). No Co-Ps. No herbalist. 141 (bro. of P) was intermediary; 91 was sponsor. A was 35 (clan 29, son-in-law of S). 141 and 179 (another bro. of P) acted as HI and H2, and 141 as SH and OD. 33 (women of clan 27, first cousin of mother of P and father of 91—widow or relation of P and 91) made the diagnosis. 8 (clan 51a, maternal nephew of 2) was BH. Spectators (all except 3 during last day and/or night only): 45, 147, 195 (see above under type performance; 147 is younger bro. of fa. of P; 195 is grandson of S); 155 (wife of A); 5 (clan 51a, curer, son of 2, married to mods sis. of 91); 20 (bro. of P, curer); 63 (clan 29, mods bro. to 91); 64 (clan 37, sis. of P, wife of 63); 42 (clan 37, sis. of P); 21 (clan 1, husband of 42, curer); 74 (clan 29, bro. of 91, married to dau. of 147); 113 and infant daughter (113—clan 1, wife of 74); 128 (clan 37, unm. boy of c. 19, first cousin, once removed of P and 91); 189 (young married man, clan 37, first cousin once removed of P and 91); 203 and 204 (younger unm. bros. of 189); 57 (clan 1, unm. boy of c. 17, close friend of 128); 18 (clan 51a, halfbro. of BH); 71 (young married son of 63 and 64); 170 (clan 37, first cousin of P and 91); 31 (interpreter, clan 37, first cousin of P and 91); O. A con¬ siderable number of these came from distances of twenty miles and over. No “girl catching” was observed or heard of. 6. Notes on Equipment Used S’s bundle contained the following articles:* 11 pair of chant tokens (for male and female P’s), made as described in the first paragraph in 5n, Part I; pairs of arrows and digging sticks (these particular specimens are de10 147’s presence is worthy of remark, for he and 106 had been quarreling over their sheep ranges. 11 Wide boards are never used in Female Shooting Way—at least not in the Jicarilla Form.

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scribed in 5g and 5h, Part I); a single medicine stopper (as described in 5f, Part I); whistle (this is the reed specimen described in 5i, Part I); pair of regulation Shooting Way hide rattles; brush; medicine cup; pouch of moun¬ tain sheep hide containing equipment for offerings; bullroarer; firedrill; several baskets; a number of shells; several buckskins; many small bags containing flints, crystal, fossil, powdered swallows’ nests, bison fumigant, meats for mixed decoction, “owl spit” and “caterpillar spit” (foam picked up from water which has run over the tracks of these creatures); and the plant medicines used in emetic, infusion specific, and chant lotion. All of the major articles of equipment were obtained from S’s teacher about twenty-five years ago with the following exceptions: S made his own whistle about five years ago, his brush from an eagle killed by his son (80) twenty-years ago, his own rattles twenty-two years ago, and his own bullroarer ten years ago from a tree struck by lightning one mile from his hogan. Crystal, fossil, paints were obtained as specified in Part III, Section 5. 106 provided basket, calico, pollen, paint palette etc. 7. The Observed, Behaviors The following ceremonies did not occur: setting-out, eating mush, mixed decoction.12 Acts and procedures omitted were basket-druming, figure-painting, and pollen ball administration. 1 and 2 agreed that in Female Shooting Way figure-painting was performed only in a nine-night chant. In five-night chants (as in these two) reddening of the body on the last night is substituted. Chant token tying comes at the same time—an unusual place. P’s father came for the bundle and carried it to the CH horseback. S walked the several miles from his hogan to his daughter’s. On Day 3 P was observed to be quite alone in CH for about 30 min. 7a Consecration of the hogan (day 1 only): Hard oak and meal, by SH. No songs. B: By HI. 7 or 8 hogan songs (Blessing Way) by S alone. 7b Unraveling (day 1 only): Immediately after 5a. I. Preparation: a) Medicines. Chant lotion in medicine cup (glass), infusion specific in abalone shell, unraveling medicine in small Zuni pot. Medicine stopper not used. Chant lotion13 formula: mint, wind odor, penny¬ royal, horsemint. Herbs in unraveling medicine not identified. 12 According to 1 and 2, the mixed decoction for Female Shooting Way is distinguished by the requirement of a bit of wild turkey heart. 13 6 s formula for chant lotion in Female Shooting Way, Thunderstruck Side is as follows:

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b. Unravelers and unraveler lay-out. By S. 4 little hoops. (Herbs not identified.) II. P undresses and sits between groups of unravelers. Chant lotion song and three others. III. Spitting Medicine on Unravelers. IV. Unraveling. Songs 5-9. V. Application of unraveler items. Strings and herbs only. Songs 10, 11. VI. Administration of infusion specific. 4X. Song 12. Formula: pow¬ dered lightning-struck rock; owl spit; caterpillar spit; ground swallow nest; root of cat-tail; root of reed.14 VII. Administration of chant lotion. Song 13. VIII. Brushing. Song 14. IX. Disposal of unravelers. By A. X. Fumigation. Coals placed by HI. Song 15. (B: unraveling ceremony omitted). 7c Short singing: Immediately after 7b day 1; days 2, 3, 4, between 8:30 and 9:15 P.M. Present: Days 1 and 2—P, S, A, HI, H3, O. Day 3: same plus A1 and 210. Day 4: same as day 3 minus 210. I. Singing. 20 songs each night, accompanied by rattle only. II. Administration of infusion specific. Day 1, after 18 songs; day 2, after 10 songs; day 3, after 12 songs; day 4, after 10 songs. S always drained dregs from shell after P had drunk. III. Fumigation. During the last song. Day 4 only: S finished with rattle in air and told P to look at it. Total time required for this ceremony varied between 41 and

50

minutes. (B: Day 1, chant lotion administered during first song. Other variations merely in time of starting, number of songs before administration of in¬ fusion specific. Formula for infusion specific: corn root, squash root, water¬ melon root, muskmelon root. The corn plants should preferably have been struck by lightning and allowed to remain 4 days thereafter). 7d Sweat and emetic: Began each day except the last between 6:30 and 7, last day immediately after sunrise. snakeweed; rock sage; 4 kinds of cat-tail; “carrying water” (tdikd'l) Artemisia frigida Willd.; “big standing erect” UayoPdi coh) Artemisia dracunculoides Pursh. or A. campestris L. var.; water spruce (unidentified); “spreads over water” (tdlkd•? dahi'kal) various water plants; water arrowhead (tdlkd-be's) Pericome caudata Gray or Brickellia grandiflora (Hook.) Nutt.;

co-zol (unidentified). 14 The infusion specific was sometimes referred to by S as “thunder plant” referring to its use against lightning as an etiological factor.

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[memoirs,

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I. Fire made. Day 1 only. No flints used. No songs. Firedrill twirled by S and SH. Fireboard held by A. II. Small sand-paintings made. Day 1, by S and A. Day 2, by A and H3, directed by S. Day 3, by S, H3, and A. Day 4, by A1 and A. kos ?iscrn (“cloud effect”—“looks like a cloud”) (Fig. 13). At the top: rainbow and four sun dogs. The four rows of triangles represent clouds and the bar (all white) from which they are suspended represents water. The left row of clouds is white, the second row yellow, the third row blue, the right row black, all outlined in contrast colors. The right row of triangles was in¬ variably made first, outlined—then filled in. The completion of the SP re¬ quired between twenty and thirty minutes on various days. S remarked that the SP of day 2 in which he had no direct part was the best made of the four. Dimensions: about 32" by 20". III. Woodpile tending. By SH, A, Al. IV. Wood samples. Selected by SH. V. Pokers oriented. By SH days 1-3. By Al, day 4. VI. Participants enter. All four days: S, P, SH, O. Days 2 and 4: Co-P’s.15 Day 1 only: A. Day 4 only: Al. All participants vomited except O. VII. Bullroarer twirled. By SH each day. VIII. Wild rose hoop buried around firepit. (Day 1 only.) While bullroarer was being twirled, S directed A and HI to dig a trench (which was about 4 inches wide and 4 inches deep) following as closely as possible the tracks of P as he had walked sunwise around the firepit on entering the CH. In this A and HI buried a hoop (made by S) made of wild rose {cqIi) Rosa Fendleri Crep. or Rosa neomexicana Cockerell joined together with yucca thongs. “We put this thing down to make sure the boy will get well” (!)• IX. Emetic prepared. By S. No powder specific added. Formula: buck¬ thorn, limber pine, bearberry, wild currant (dahywo'%]) Ribes pinetorum Greene; Siberian Juniper (co de'mni) Juniperus sibirica Burgsd.; Colorado blue spruce (co nte'U) Picea pungens Engelm. X. Application of pokers. By S, day 1. By SH, days 2 and 3. By Al, day 4. Patient did most of the kneading himself. (My notes on songs during this ceremony are careless and confused. They would indicate that singing did not begin until application of pokers, but this may be wrong. I am certain that they did not start until after the beginning of the SP at least.) XI. Vomiting. Feather tickler by P only. No vigorous vomiting by 16 Co-Pi did not participate on day 4 “because she was too busy getting food ready” (1).

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anyone and performance by younger Co-Ps entirely formal and perfunc¬ tory. XII. Fire procession. By P eight times. By SH and Co-Ps four times. XIII. Rubbing body with emetic. By all participants except O and S. XIV. Fire procession repeated, 4X by P, SH, Co-Ps. XV. Fire built up again by SH. Wood samples burned (day 4 only). XVI. Fire jumping. All participants (save O and younger Co-Ps) walked around fire 4X and then jumped across at 4 different places. (Day 4 only.) XVII. Removing door covers. By SH with bullroarer. Bullroarer not twirled. XVIII. Participants go outside. In this order: P, SH, A1 (day 4 only), Co-Ps (days 2 and 4 only), O, S. XIX. Ash and vomit disposal. By HI. XX. Participants re-enter: S first, P last. XXI. Asperging. XXII. Fumigation. Coals in front of all, save S and O. Coals thrown out smokehole. XXIII. Poker disposal. Day 4—by SH. XXIV. Painting P’s forehead. (Day 2 only.) After poker disposal S painted the forehead of P—a white streak above, a red streak below and sang 12 additional songs thereafter. (B : Recipe for emetic not obtained. Songs began just before entrance of P. Poker application by S each day. No fire jumping. Bullroarer twirled after removing door covers. Day 4—P did not attempt to vomit. Was explained that HI had forgotten to bring in sand for that purpose). 7e Offerings (Days 1 and 4 only): (Began within 30 minutes after 7d.) I. Preparation ffago'skq-). By S, HI, and OD—day 1. Day 4—by Al, HI, and OD. Reed and jewel. Day 1—called Upper Regions Side prayersticks. Day 4—called Water Bottom Side prayersticks. These, respectively, “begin from the sky and from underneath the water. It was made that way” (1). Both sets of reeds painted yellow, blue, black, and brown. S started to sing (day 4—9 A.M.) just as the painting was finished. The spots and eyes painted on the two sets varied somewhat. The eyes on the first set were of yellow (black on yellow prayerstick), in blue on the second (black on blue prayerstick). II. Pollen application to offerings and to P. By S. (Day 4—just before this S sent Al off for bath materials.) III. Litany. (Lightning prayer both days.) Lasted 14-15 minutes. IV. Offering application. By OD.

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V. Deposit. (Sun’s House Song sung as offerings were carried out.) VI. Administration of infusion specific 2 times. By S. VII. Fumigation. Ashes taken out door by H2. VIII. Wild rose hoop removed. (Day 4 only.) After P left (immediately after fumigation) clean earth was brought in and dumped where the offer¬ ings had been prepared. HI and H2 were directed by S to dig a circular trench and remove wild rose hoop. Fresh dirt packed down in firepit. Wild rose hoop disposed by OD. HI brought coals from permanent fire and re¬ kindled fire. (B: Days 1-4 inclusive. Thunder prayersticks day 1, day 2—wind; day 3—Woman Below (nahasgq-); day 4—frog.16 The litanies of the four days were correspondingly named. “Lightning comes from these peoples, and so we pray to them” (2). Administration of infusion specific omitted days 2 and 3.) Offerings are prepared in Female Shooting Way “only when the sick¬ ness comes from the lightning” (1 and 2). 7f Sandpainting ceremony: (Day 3 only). Followed immediately after breakfast which came immediately on conclusion of sweat and emetic ceremony. (The young Co-Ps usually brought in food and were, in general, sent after dishes and on other small errands.) I. Sandpainting made. By S, Al, H2. See Figs 9 and 10. The name of the SP is hata'ba-znd^dzgl “that of the two coming to the place of their father.” The Hero Twins, Monster Slayer (Fig. 10) and Child of the Water17 (Fig. 9) are represented. The former figure was made first. S worked on the western portion, Al in the center, H2 at east. The head was of lavender shade, outlined in black, orange, red, and yellow. The mouth was red and the eyes white. The body was black outlined in orange and with a line of red down the center. The whole figure was about 6 feet long, 30 inches wide at the top, 24 at the bottom. The second figure was almost identical except that wherever Monster Slayer had black, Child of the Water had blue. The other distinguishing feature was the characteristic serrated flints of Monster Slayer. The lines across the two paintings (made at the very end) were blue and black respectively. SP finished at 11:35. Sprinkled with 16 “These are made just like the four first le-t^Wn. When Monster Slayer and Child of the Water were born, the Holy People put two of these beside each of the twins. These were the start of all ke'td'ti in Female Shooting Way. A song goes with them and turquoise. Not many singers know these things. They bring rain, grass, sheep, horses—everything that grows on the earth and turquoise” (2). 17 See Matthews, 1902, pp. 19-22; 22-24.

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165

pollen by S. Prayer by S. Then sprinkled by A1 and H2 but no prayer by them. II. P entered; meal sprinkling. CH curtain put down by 210. III. Meal placed for consecration. 46 and infant grandchild entered. IV. Sandpainting set-up. Arrows, digging sticks, medicine stoppers—lined in that order from the east above the head of Monster Slayer. Bullroarer above head of Child of the Water. V. Song 1; P told by S to disrobe. Songs 2, 3, 4; S using rattle. VI. Administration of chant lotion to P; gathering and adding consecrated Meal. Songs 5-9 inclusive. At beginning of song 10 P told to sit on center of Monster Slayer Figure. VII. P sits on SP. VIII. Infusion specific administered. S to P. IX. Set-up application. With sound symbolism of Talking God.18 X. Sand application. From both figures C. O., Monster Slayer first. Monster Slayer and Child of the Water songs. XI. Whistling. 4 times—at each side of P, starting in front. XII. Fumigation. Coals placed for P only by H2. Disposed by H2. XIII. P leaves SP and CII. Not raised. But given instructions by S on leaving. XIV. Sandpainting erasure. With rattle by S. XV. SP disposal. By H2. XVI. P re-enters. Last (very brief) song sung. 12:40. (B: no sandpaintings.) 7g The bath: (Day 4 only; immediately after offerings.) I. Collection of materials. Yucca root by Al, herbs by H2, pollen pro¬ vided by H3. II. Platform made. Covered with snakeweed and other herbs (unidenti¬ fied) gathered by H2. III. Yucca root placing. Single piece. No slivers etc. (as in Chiricahua Wind Way). Song 1. P entered. IV. Making suds. By BH. Song 2. P disrobed. V. Suds design. Corn pollen and blue pollen. VI. Making pollen trail—from bath basket to gunny-sack on which P would sit. Song 3. VII. P walks from usual seat to gunny-sack. Song 4. VIII. Suds application. Song 5. (Al has used the rattle throughout.) 18 The sound symbolism in Female Shooting Evil Way is that of Monster Slayer.

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IX. Meal application. Songs 6-7. X. Pollen administration. No communal pollen prayer. P dressed to the accompaniment of songs 8-9-10-11 and left CH. XI. Disposal. By H2. 11:34. (B: All materials collected by A. No herb covering for platform. Suds design of frost medicine, sparkling rock, and corn pollen. No pollen trail. Disposal by HI.) 7h The final night: I. Chant-token tying. P entered CH at 9:55, followed by Co-Ps. Di¬ rected by S to disrobe to G-string, removing moccasins first, then jewelry (to be put in moccasins). P stood up in his place and BH painted a red streak (called “the red of the Woman Below”) on his mandible with red ochre (beginning at about the top of the ascending ramus on the right side). Songs 1 and 2. BH then painted a black streak across the clavicular line on the chest. Song 3. During songs 4 and 5 chant token was tied by BH. Then a litany was said. Next followed the rest of the First Songs and exit of P accompanied by BH. II. All-night singing. S left CH once (1:05 A.M.) for a few minutes. He rested several times from singing, particularly when he had gotten out of breath (as singers frequently do) from particularly vigorous efforts. There were general pauses of up to 7 minutes after songs 89, 135, 163. Food and coffee after song 135. P was never observed to sleep. The names and sequence of song groups was (according to S after dis¬ cussion with Al): 26 First Songs; 3 groups of Arrow Songs, 21 in each group, song content and arrangement said to be different; 21 Monster Slayer Songs, Song of Him who has Slain Monsters Time and Again;19 12 Quick Delivery (be• hd^hco'd) songs;20 23 Thunder Songs; 10 Spider Songs; 5 Sandhill Crane Songs; 13 Bear Songs; 21 Buffalo Songs; 12 Buffalo Songs; Dawn Songs.21 A full listing of individual songs was not obtained, but it is known that somewhere occurred the following: Turtle Song, Tobacco Song—1 at end of each Arrow Group, 3 Coyote Songs,22 Old Age and Beauty Songs (at very end or practically so). III. Dawn procedures.

At 4:05 A.M.

S painted

a

white

streak23

19 This song is said to occur in Male Shooting Way, Flint Way, and Plume Way also. 20 “Changing Woman had this song when Monster Slayer was born” (2). 21 “There are supposed to be 37 Dawn Songs but we didn’t sing that many this morning”

(1). 22 One Coyote Song occurred in the First Songs, others in the Arrow song groups. 23 Said to be a symbol of approaching dawn.

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167

(■haiyaddinaPiXe-s) (with rhyolite tuff) over the black and red streaks on P, A, and himself. P followed by BH walked around fire 4 times both asperging, then left hogan. S gave basket to BH, no present to other participants. On way between CH and own hogan, S stopped at a sheep-camp and gave most of the calico he had received to his ex-wife. (B: Differences at a minimum. S rested more (he was past 80) and P was seen asleep once. Excess of men present—10 or 11 singing rather con¬ tinuously—and many sat on north side of CH—this is often observed when there is room on that side and not on the south. S gave basket to BH, calico to HI, H2, HH, and to two other men, but none to A. Concluding song said by 2 to have been ?ayaT biyrn, “song to all bright-colored small birds," as translated by 31.) 8. Notes on Sandpaintings 1 makes only one other SP for Female Shooting Way, other than that illustrated. This is called “the Lightning sandpainting" but I have not seen it. 2 makes the figures of the Hero Twins made by 1 in the type perform¬ ance but usually makes them separately, either on successive days or on days 2 and 4. 2 sometimes makes four SPs, usually in this sequence: Bison, Child of the Water, Monster Slayer, Lightning. 1 have seen the bison SP but my notes are inadequate. It seems, however, to resemble closely that illustrated by Newcomb and Reichard24 except that some details are omitted. 2 also gave the names of two other SPs appropriate to the Jicarilla form of Female Shooting Way: “Turns to Grandson” (coi nake'he) and “Reared Underground" (le• yane'yd'ni).25 No details as to these could be obtained. He also mentioned a representation of the sun and moon with horns, similar to but different from that illustrated for Chiricahua Wind Way. We have not seen SPs in Female Shooting Evil Way but they exist and are smaller and less elaborate than those of Male Shooting Evil Way (ny, cc, hn). Newcomb and Reichard illustrate three SPs from Female Shooting Way: “Sacred Twins in the sky with the armor supplied them by their

24 Plate XXIV. According to 2, both Navaho and Jicarilla forms of Female Shooting Way have bison SPs. 25 This is another name for Monster Slayer and refers to his having been reared in a pit. See Franciscan Fathers, 1912, Vol. II, p. 115.

168

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father, the Sun”; “Flint armored gods with brown bandoliers”; “Buffalo and trails to water on mountain.”26 In the first two of these certain general, but no specific resemblances, may be noticed to Figs. 9 and 10. The Thunders in Plate XV are almost identical with those recorded from an excerpt of Eagle Way by Kluckhohn. 26 Plate XV, Fig. 4; Plate XXIV. See also pp. 35, 47, 49, 63. In the House of Navajo Re¬ ligion at Santa Fe are reproductions of the following Female Shooting Way sandpaintings: Sun, Moon, Monster Slayer (all collected by Armer); and a complete set from one chant (col¬ lected by Newcomb): small sandpainting (for emetic), day 1—Blue Sun or White Moon, Day 2—Hero Twins, Day 3—Buffalo, Day 4—Hero Twins and Children of the Sun.

PART V HAND TREMBLING EVIL WAY By

LELAND C. WYMAN

1.

General Remarks

The possible origin of Hand Trembling Way by an amalgamation of elements from Chiricahua-Mescalero ceremonials, from Hand Trembling divination, and from Big Star Way has been discussed elsewhere.1 Kluckhohn’s informant 6 had heard that it is Chiricahua Apache in origin: “witches used to shoot rocks or fire ashes into people. They started singing some Hand Trembling songs (about Gila Monster) they learned from the Chiricahua Apaches while they cut the place where the pain was and sucked the thing out. By adding to it gradually they made a five-night song.” Informant cc, whose father was a Chiricahua Apache, also said that part of it came from the Chiricahuas. Hand Trembling Way does not have Male and Female Branches (tn). It apparently has been conducted according to Holy Way, Evil Way, and Life Way rituals. The last is now extinct; in the Pinedale-Coolidge-Smith Lake, New Mexico, region the Evil Way form seems to be the only one performed frequently; while in the Ramah-Atarque, New Mexico, area both Holy Way and Evil Way are performed (Kluckhohn knows of three singers who know both). Kluckhohn found that in the Navaho Mountain and Kayenta, Arizona, areas the ceremonial had only been heard of, workers in the Newcomb-Shiprock region were not very familiar with it, but ab, from near Wheatfields, Arizona, said that his father was learning Hand Trembling Evil Way from a singer at Tsehili. Kluckhohn, after systematic enquiry, found only one singer (near Pine Springs, New Mexico) who sings Hand Trembling Way and another full chant.2 It may be used for any disease derived (according to Navaho etiology) from practising or over-practising Hand Trembling divination (also Star Gazing—ab), or otherwise becoming infected by it. Actual diseases most frequently traced to this source are chest disease (tuberculosis), nervous¬ ness and mental disease, paralysis of the arms from over-doing Hand Trembling (ab), impaired vision from over-doing Star Gazing (ab). The following case history (recorded by Kluckhohn in the Ramah area) is 1 Wyman and Kluckhohn, p. 28. 2 See Kluckhohn, 1939, p. 70, footnote 29. 169

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typical. A woman of about forty-five to fifty who had been an unmarried widow for some fifteen years “went crazy” (various hysterical and violent behaviors) about 1931. She practised Hand Trembling divination fre¬ quently so it was decided, by family consultation, to have Hand Trembling Evil Way sung over her, and it cured her (according to her brother, 13). In the spring of 1936 she “went crazy” again, and between April and September four Hand Trembling Evil Way ceremonials and two Holy Way were sung over her by three different singers (two from the Danoff region, one local). Three other informants (6, 1, 15) also said that she had gone crazy because she did divination too frequently without being sung over, and that Hand Trembling Way was the logical cure. The supernaturals most prominent in Hand Trembling Way are Gila Monsters, Big Star, and other heavenly bodies. 2. Etiology and Genesis of Chants Described Information was obtained from two singers of Hand Trembling Evil Way, K and J, both men of middle age, who had learned the ceremonial from the same source and hence performed it similarly, and from R and D (see Part II, Section 2) and W, clan 22, from near Mariana Lake, New Mexico, D’s nephew, the son of a singer. The chant described in Section 4 was sponsored by a man (HI) for his older sister, because for three or four months she had been coughing and had little appetite. She “had some medicine before and was much better.” “She might have a Beauty Way later.” It was held in the sponsor’s hogan, near Bloomfield’s trading post (better known as “Ben Harvey’s”) east of Smith Lake, New Mexico, July 21 to 26, 1937. The singer was K. For comparison, variations noted in another chant performed by J are appended to the descriptions of acts or procedures, in parenthesis pre¬ ceded by the designation J—. This chant was sponsored by a curer (Chiricahua Wind Way), (HI), for his son, because he had had headaches for a long time and a “bad chest.” It had been recommended by a diagnostician following Hand Trembling divination done the previous week, and was intended as the first of a series of four, two more two-night ceremonials without sandpaintings, and the final one a five-night ceremonial like this one. It occurred in the sponsor’s hogan, near Mariana Lake, New Mexico, June 29 to July 4, 1937. 3. Personnel P—patient, clan 22, elderly female. S—singer, K, clan 20, from near Mariana Lake, New Mexico. A—assistant on days 1 and 2, P’s younger

KLUCKHOHN AND WYMAN]

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brother. A1—assistant on days 3, 4 and 5, “cousin” to S and also to A. CoPl—P’s younger sister with female infant. CoP2—girl, ten or twelve years old. CoP3—girl, seven or eight years old. BH—bath helper, Hi’s niece, about ten years old. HI—P’s younger brother, the sponsor. H2— Hi’s older brother. I—Hi’s wife. II—an old woman. Ill—CoPl’s husband. In the chant performed by J, P—patient, a young man. S—singer, J, from near Coolidge, New Mexico. A—assistant on first four days, P’s father-in-law, a diagnostician (Hand Trembling). A1—assistant on day 5, a young singer, Hi’s sister’s son. CoPl—Hi’s dead sister’s daughter. CoP2—a small boy. HI—P’s father. H2—a young man. I—P’s mother. II—P’s older brother. Ill—W (see Section 1), A’s brother-in-law. 4. Notes on Equipment Used The bundle equipment necessary for Hand Trembling Evil Way seems meagre when compared with that used in most Holy Way ceremonials (see Part II, Section 4). Of course this is due in part to the absence of cer¬ tain ceremonies, e.g., offerings, setting-out, which require considerable equipment. That used in the two chants described was similar. It con¬ sisted of firedrill, powder, brush, club, flints, glass cup, powder specific, infusion specific, chant lotion, fumigant, blue pollen, cat-tail pollen, and pollen. Materials for the chant supplied by the patient’s family were two baskets, glass and enamel cups, spreads, a white buckskin (J—white cloth substitute) for the sandpainting of the final night, sandpainting equipment, meal, firewood, pokers, yucca root, lightning herbs, herbs for emetic, hard oak twigs, and pot, pottery bowl, gourd ladle, salt and roots for the decoc¬ tion. tn uses a bullroarer in Hand Trembling Evil Way, but not in Holy Way. 5. The Observed Behaviors For an explanation of the conventions used in the following description see Part II, section 5. It so happens that the first evening of either chant was not observed, but informants (W, R, D) said that it is occupied by consecration of the hogan followed by a short singing with administration of infusion specific, and preparations for the following ceremonies, e.g., grinding emetic herbs. Some of the songs used (Big Star songs—W) are repeated in the sweat and emetic ceremony of the following morning (W, R). The organization of Hand Trembling Evil Way is, therefore, as follows. Consecration of hogan—day 1, at sundown; short singing—day 1, early

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53

days

1, 2, 3, 4, at dawn; bath—day 4, forenoon; sandpainting—days 1, 2, 3, afternoon; sandpainting of final night—day 5, just after sundown; all night singing—day 5, from end of previous ceremony to dawn; dawn procedures day 5, at dawn; restrictions—days 6, 7, 8, 9, all day. Features which makes this chant unusual among most Evil Way cere¬ monials are the absence of blackening (or body painting of any kind), the absence of unraveling, the use of large sandpaintings, and the making and use of the last sandpainting during the evening of the final day. Hand Trembling Holy Way differs from most Holy Way chants in the absence of unraveling, setting out, offerings, eating mush, sound symbolism, body painting, token tying and the fact that sandpaintings are made only on buckskin. 5a Sweat and emetic I. Fire made. Day 1 only. II. Woodpile tending. Day 2—north pile by a woman (I), south by a man; day 3—a man tended both. Day 2—5:00 A.M., days 3 and 4—6:00 A.M. III. Wood samples. Selected by A. IV. Pokers oriented. By A, without song or application of odorous grass. East and west—pinyon (male), north and south—juniper (female). V. Hogan cleared, participants undress. Pail of emetic and pot of decoc¬ tion placed on fire (had been on permanent fire outside). VI. Participants enter. Did not walk around fire. Thirteen present; S, P, CoPl, CoP2, CoP3, I, A’s mother, A’s uncle, old man, white spectator (day 2—A, Hi’s sister, II; day 3—A’s brother’s son, two girls—A’s daughters). Flints distributed, one to each participant. (J—day 4, six present; S, P, A, CoPl, CoPl’s little sister, young man). VII. Application of pokers. P applied pokers to herself C. O., on day 3 only. A woman (A’s mother) and an old man (A’s uncle) applied all four and another old man the east and west (day 2) or the east and south (day 3) only. Flints also applied by most participants at this time. Day 2—songs 1, 2, 3; day 3—songs 1, 2, 3, 4. VIII. Emetic prepared. By A or his uncle. S put in added emetic in¬ gredients before the cold water. S placed the two first primary wing feathers from the brush across the patient’s basket, with tips northeast and south¬ east (protective), and leaned a smaller feather against the south side. IX. Use of emetic. P first drank from the four quadrants made by the crossed feathers and the center C. O., then pushed the feathers forward

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and drank the remainder. Day 2—song 4, day 3—song 5 during emesis and brushing. Ashes used in brushing (see Part I, 70). X. Fire Procession. Right foot over east poker, left over south, etc. Day 3—song 6. XI. Fire jumping. Over two lines of coals raked out to south and north. Day 3—song 7. XII. Removing door covers. By A or a helper, with a poker (C. O. for the four days). XIII. Ash blowing outside. Day 2—6:40 A.M. XIV. Ash and vomit disposal. P’s sand basin by A, fire ashes by HI or Al. XV. Asperging. Day 4—pokers laid together west of fireplace, tips north, with wood samples upon them. Day 3—song 9, day 4—song 10. (J—day 4, 8:00 A.M.) XVI Fumigation. Day 4—song 11, 7:00 A.M. XVII. Poker disposal. By HI. (J-by II.) XVIII. Decoction administration. By HI. (J-by HI.) XIX. Decoction herb disposal. By HI on day 4. (J-by HI.) (J—immediately after this ceremony, the singer mixed chant lotion in a basket, washed in it all his flints, the club, a glass cup, a piece of turquoise and one of jet, and sprinkled the remainder of it upon the fire with the brush.) 5b The bath: I. Platform made. 8:40 A.M. Bare sand. Design made after making suds. (J—pollen crosses only.) II. Yucca root placing. Four pieces. Song 1. (J—8:10 A.M.) III. Making suds. By BH. Songs 2 and 3. (J—by S. Song 2.) IV. Suds design. Blue pollen, cat-tail pollen. (J—cat-tail pollen, blue pollen, pollen.) V. Suds application. Song 4. (J—song 3.) VI. Bathing. Helpers, BH and a woman. Song 5. (J—helper, HI.) VII. Meal application. Song 6. (J—song 4.) VIII. Disposal. By HI. (J—before meal application, by HI.)

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IX. Pollen application and making pollen trail. Song 7. P left—9:30 A. M. (J—songs 5 and 6. Communal pollen prayer. P left—8:50 A.M.) 5c Sandpainting ceremony: Since the SP ceremony of the final night differs somewhat from the others, those of the first three days will be de¬ scribed here and the final one will be treated separately. I. Sandpainting made. Day 1—10:00 A.M. to 1:00 P.M. (lunch served at 11:45 A.M.); day 3—9:00 A.M. to 2:00 P.M. (lunch served when nearly finished); five helpers each day. Day 1—Dark Big Star (I in section 6; Fig. 23); day 2—Branching Big Star (II; Fig. 24); day 3—Thunder SP (III; Fig. 25). (J—day 3—9:00 A.M. to 12:45 P.M. Lunch served immediately after. Four to eight helpers. P helped a little.) II. Medicine preparation. By S. Day 1 (1:10 P.M.)—infusion specific in fancy glass cup and five enamel cups; lightning herbs in basket. Firedrill twirled by A, HI and III on day 1; by Al, two helpers and S on day 3 (2:30 P.M.). Day 1—no powder used. (J—day 3—1:20 P.M., infusion specific in four glass cups. Firedrill twirled by HI and H2; song 1, finished as S unassembled firedrill.) III. Meal placed for consecration. Day 1—by S while firedrill was being twirled; day 3—by Al.

(J—by S, after IV.) IV. Medicine placing. Day 1—by A; day 3—by Al. Lightning herbs just south of Rainbow Guardian’s head, glass cup on hands, enamel cups along arms. (J—day 3—by A. One cup placed at right corner of Rainbow Guardian’s skirt. Done before III.) V. Patient and co-patients enter; meal sprinkling. Day 1—by P, CoPs 1, 2, 3, HI, A, III; day 3—(S sprinkled meal and said a prayer before the patients entered) by P, CoP2, CoPl, CoP3, I. Following this P and CoPs undressed and songs 1, 2, and 3 were sung. (J—day 3—by P, CoPl, CoP2, A, H2.) VI. Gathering and adding consecrated meal. Day 1—by A (meal gathered in piece of cloth, some added to medicines, the rest given to S); day 3—by Al; song 4. (J—day 3—by S; gathered in hand; song 2.) VII. Patient sits on SP. Day 1—sits in center, song 4; day 3—sits on west figure, song 5. (J—day 3—P undresses, song 3; P sits on SP, song 4.)

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VIII. Short brushing. Day 1—preceded by songs 5, 6, 7; during song 8. Day 3—preceded by songs 6 and 7; during song 8. Near the end of song 5, shortly after the P had sat on the SP, she was seized with an attack of hand trembling, which began with trembling of the kness and hands and culminated in wide motions of the right arm, the making of many parallel marks in the sand, pointing towards the south, and patting her body from feet to head. The trembling continued through the short brushing, sub¬ sided as the lightning herbs were administered, and began again more gently during song 10, after the infusion specific had been administered. P said later that she found out (by this hand trembling) that her illness was caused by the fact that eleven years previously she had been in a hogan (towards the south) when a young man who was standing in front of the hogan was struck by lightning and hurled back into it. Involuntary attacks of hand trembling by the patients (and others) while attending Hand Trembling Way chants are not uncommon, and diagnosticians often have their first experience in this way (“find out they can do it”). Out of sixteen diagnosticians in the Ramah area four began to “shake” while they were patients, and six while simply attending.3 This is especially likely to occur when the third or fourth SP, in which Gila Monster the “deity” of hand trembling diagnosis is represented, is present, and on the part of the patient when he sits on such a SP. IX. Lightning herb administration. P, CoPs, communal drink. Day 1—■ remainder sprinkled by A, song 9; day 3—by HI, song 9. (J—day 3—remainder sprinkled by A.) X. Infusion specific administration. Alternating thrust at SP and ad¬ ministration 4 X. Communal drink. Song 10. (J—day 3—cup from Rainbow Guardian’s skirt used for communal drink.) XI. Litany and ashing blowing. Day 1—2:50 to 3:00 P.M.; day 3— 3:10 P.M. Day 1—litany incorrectly repeated by P, so an extra ceremony was held in the evening of day 2 to repeat it. This consisted of: I. song 1 (9:15 P.M.); II. distribution of flints; III. litany, nine stanzas, ash blowing at end of first five, P took drink of water before and after each stanza; IV. application of flints by participants; V. song 2, pollen application to P 4 X and trail out; VI. communal pollen prayer; VII. song 3; VIII. P leaves CH (10:00 P.M.). (J—day 3—preceded by a second short brushing. P held small feather from brush in left hand and club in right. Twelve stanzas in litany, ash 3 See Kluckhohn, 1939, p. 69.

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

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blowing after each. S put pollen on base of feather before fifth and tenth stanza.) The supernaturals invoked in the litany of Hand Trembling Way are especially the Gila Monsters and Big Star, and Big Fly, the sacred moun¬ tains, and others represented in the sandpaintings. XII. Long brushing. Day 1—3:00 to 3:12 P.M.; songs 11 and 12. Day 3—songs 11, 12, 13. (J—day 3—ashes replenished 12 X ; circuit of hogan made twice. Appli¬ cation of flints by participants meanwhile.) XIII. Sand application. Day 1—song 13. Day 3—songs 14 and 15. (J—day 3—applied with club; from Gila Monster’s feet to P’s lower legs and feet, knees to knees, bodies upward to body upward, shoulders and head to shoulders, head and arms down to fingers; from Big Fly’s feet to P’s lower legs and feet, body to body, arms and head to shoulders and head; from Rainbow Guardian’s feet to P’s legs and feet, body to body, shoulders and arms to arms down to fingers, head to head.) XIV. Fumigation. Day 1—3:15 P.M.; coals placed by H2; thrown north through smokehole. Day 3—coals brought outside and thrown north¬ ward. (J—day 3—coals placed by A and H2. P’s coals thrown through smokehole and others through door, with evident haste.) XV. Patient leaves SP. P carried meal basket to cookshade. (J—day 3—S raised and led P with brush. CoPl, A and H2 hastily applied sand to themselves, in the same order as above. “The ones who do hand trembling usually do this”—D). XVI. Sandpainting erasure. Day 3—song 16. (J—day 3—with club. Locality center (cup of liquid) first loosened at four points C. O., during the last song, picked up from the east, emptied on the sand and carefully wiped out. HI then gathered the whole center in a blanket and disposed it before the rest was erased.) XVII. Sandpainting disposal. Day 1—3:20 P.M. 5d Sandpainting ceremony of the final night: This ceremony is unusual in that it is one of a very few in which the SP is made after sundown and on material other than background sand (buckskin or white cloth substitute). I. Sandpainting made (Fig. 26). On account of rain it became dark early in the evening so the SP was completed by 8:00 P.M. Twenty-eight people present. (J—begun at sundown, 8:05 P.M. Five helpers.)

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II. Medicine preparation. Three cups of infusion specific. No lightning herbs.

(J

done after IV. Two glasses and one enamel cup of infusion specific, basket of lightning herbs.) III. Meal placing. By Al. Footprints, trail and milky way.

(J—by

III [footprints and milky way] and S [trail].)

IV. Pollen application to SP. By Al on trail, and by S on Sun, Moon, and Gila Monsters. Sun and Moon; right side of face east to west, left side of face west to east, middle east to west. Gila Monsters; along body, tail to head.

(J—by

S, along trail and on Gila Monsters, feet, chest, hands, snout.)

V. Medicine placing. Done immediately after preparing it (2). Cups lined up east to west, north of the northeast (white) Gila Monster. (J—done immediately after preparing it, which was done after IV. Preceded by songs 1 and 2. Cups placed as above. Lightning herb basket south of the southwest [blue] Gila Monster.) VI. Gathering and adding consecrated pollen and sand. By S. (J—song 3. Sand and pollen gathered from three places each on the Sun, Moon and Gila Monsters.) VII. Patient and co-patients enter and walk along trail. Songs 1, 2, and 3 were sung. At the beginning of song 4, P entered, walked along the trail stepping over the Mountains in the meal footprints right foot first, con¬ tinued to the west of the SP stepping over the Moon, and sat facing east upon the Sun. Song 5 was then sung and CoPs, male spectators, and female spectators, C. O. (more or less), likewise walked along the trail only, and continued C. O. around the fireplace to their places again. This is for recog¬ nition by the supernaturals represented in the SP (W), and to get away from evil spirits who cannot cross the Mountains nor the flints upon them (R, D). Sometimes people carry with them some of their possessions, e.g., blankets or bridles, to bring good luck (R, D). When the patient, resting in the cookshade, hears the first song he arises; at the second song he walks a little way toward the CH; at the third song he comes closer to the CH; at the fourth song he enters. These are four Mountain Songs, and following are about four Footprint Songs, fol¬ lowed by Gila Monster Songs. No one may leave the CH until the latter are finished (D). (J—song 4.) In a performance of Hand Trembling Holy Way, witnessed by Kluckhohn in the Ramah area, the same procedure occurred, i.e., the P (female) entered and sat on the SP at the fourth of four songs. The S then painted

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lines with white clay upon P’s sternum and vertebral column, sang four more songs, and instructed her to leave the SP and sit to the left of it while it was disposed (see below). VIII. Erasure of trail. Songs 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11. Then S gathered the flints from the Mountains, erased the trail, and pushed its sand into a pile where it joined the buckskin. (J—songs 6 to 11. S then erased trail and II pushed the sand into pile.) IX. Short brushing. Omitted. (J—song 12. A placed ashes. Circuit of CH 2 X.) X. Lightning herb administration. None used. (J—after song 13.) XI. Infusion specific administration. To P 4 X,and to two CoPs. No communal drink. Song 12. (J—To P 4 X, and to two CoPs. No communal drink. Song 14.) XII. Long brushing. During songs 13 to 19. Five circuits of hogan. (J—during songs 15 to 24. During last song S gave feather from brush to P for ash blowing.) XIII. Fumigation. Song 20. XIV. Patient leaves SP. 8:45 P.M. Women leave CH. XV. Sandpainting disposal. By A and A2. Calico package of consecrated meal and sand from previous days SPs first emptied on SP, and mixed with its sand. Buckskin folded lengthwise, north half over south half. Pile of trail sand pushed under buckskin to the center. P’s “bed” placed over the whole. (J—previously consecrated sand added. Trail sand and platform pushed into a pile. Background cloth folded three times each way. Blanket and two sheepskins placed over it [song 25].) In a performance of Hand Trembling Holy Way (Ramah area; Kluckhohn) the buckskin was rolled up upon a stick and a sheepskin was placed for the P to sit upon where the SP had been. It was said (3) that the P must use the sand of the platform as a pillow for four nights following the chant. (J—the next morning, after the final ceremony was over and breakfast was being prepared, II unfolded the buckskin and gave some of the sand wrapped in paper to an old woman and two or three men who asked for it. The remainder was wrapped in a cloth package. This consecrated sand may be taken home and used as is infusion specific, without having a ceremonial (W, R, D). It is good for most any sickness (D). It may also be used by practitioners of hand trembling divination.4 The pollen applied to the SP

4 See Wyman, 1936b, p. 239.

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NAVAEO CHANT PRACTICE

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is likewise used, that from the Sun and Moon being best for infusion specific and that from the Gila Monsters for divination (D). The sand of the trail and the platform is disposed as is sand from any painting—W, R.) As soon as disposal was finished the P entered, lay upon the bed over the erased SP, and the all night singing ceremony commenced (J—9:30 P.M.). 5e All night singing: J only. 9:30 P.M. One song was sung, then supper was served and everyone rested until 9:50 P.M. Twenty-six songs (First Songs). 10:50 P.M.—P left CH and returned at once. Fifty-nine songs. 2:20 A.M.—short rest. Twenty-two songs. 3:00 A.M.—P applied club to his body, then returned it to S. Twelve songs. 3:20 A.M.—meal application to chin. Ten Dawn Songs. During the last Dawn Song S applied pollen to P C. O. (4 X on head), and made a pollen trail north of the fireplace to the door, and the P left the CH by this trail, to breathe in the dawn 4 X. Communal pollen prayer. 3:40 A.M.—one concluding song, as S packed his equipment. Total number of songs—131. Breakfast served. Consecrated sand dispensed (see above). 6. Analysis of Sandpaintings Unlike most other chants Hand Trembling Evil Way has a limited number of sandpaintings. It is even possible that there are only the four used in a five-day ceremonial (or variants thereof), and D stated that there are no more. These four seem to be the only ones, used in the PinedaleCoolidge-Smith Lake region, and Kluckhohn has observed only variants of the last one in the Ramah area. But R described another, with a “black hill” in the center, surrounded by a solid area like a St. Andrew’s cross, used for sore eyes and chronic sores on the face or body. D, however, had never heard of it. As far as I can discover, the four paintings which I have recorded in water color (by K) and a sketch of a variant recorded by Kluckhohn are the only ones now available for study. The predominating symbolic elements are Big Star in the first two and Gila Monster in the last two. Big Fly, Mountains, and Arrows are prom¬ inent features in the first two, Thunders are as conspicuous as Gila Monster and Big Fly is prominent in the third, and Sun and Moon, Constellations and Mountains are prominent in the fourth. Sundogs are profuse in the first three, the third has a Locality center, and the fourth two Bars. The Rainbow guardian encircles the first three. Except for minor details at¬ tached to the above elements this completes the list. The color symbolism of direction and sex is the same as described above

180

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

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for Navaho Wind Way, i.e., east, black; south, blue; west, yellow; north, white; male, black and yellow; female, blue and white. Male colored arrowpoints have a notched base and female a straight base. All are serrated. Male arrowpoints and star points bear zigzag lightning and female straight lightning. All have a red line across the base. All Mountains are crossed by lines of contrast colors (except in IV) and are made over heaped up mounds of sand. Rainbow and Sundogs have red outside, blue in. The Thin Clouds (for rain) finally placed in the background spaces (in I, II and III) were unusual in that they followed the color symbolism of direction in each quadrant. In one ceremonial no Thin Clouds were placed on II, and R said it was because there had been enough rain. D said it was entirely a matter of choice. None are placed on IV. I. (Fig. 23). Dark Big Star (sq coh dolye). Black center (male Big Star— D). Colors of star points, inner Big Flys, and inner Mountains according to symbolism of direction. Outer Big Flys and Mountains the color of the opposite direction. Outlines of center and Mountains (arrow shafts) contain all colors other than that of the element outlined. Big Fly: single pair of wings, no arms, fourteen Sundogs. Arrows: male and female points on each set, of contrast colors. Rainbow guardian: round head, brown'face, pointed cap of all colors, five flints of all colors on each side of head. Other details as described in Newcomb and Reichard. II. (Fig. 24). Branching Big Star (sq coh de'sza^i). Blue center (female Big Star—D). Like I except for the following. Rectangles of all colors (ac¬ cording to fancy of painter) around center and Mountains, outside of the all-color outlines. Arrow shafts and outermost outline of center are rain¬ bows (D). Outer Big Flys and Mountains according to color symbolism of direction. Inner Big Flys of contrast colors, and inner Mountains of oppo¬ site direction colors. Rainbow guardian wears black flint armor, with seven flint points on each side (“front and back”). Thirteen sets of three elongated white spots on body (small clouds—R; joints—D). D knows variants of I and II with only single Big Flys and Mountains at each side. III. (Fig. 25). Thunder sandpainting (H'rii? be■ ?rkdh). Often rendered as “lightning sandpainting” by informants, or sometimes called “Gila Monster sandpainting.” Gila Monsters occupy the principal positions at the cardinal points and may therefore be considered the main theme, but the Thunders which support them are elaborate and conspicuous. Center: a cup of water, sunk flush with the ground, and sprinkled with pollen, blue pollen, and ground medicine herbs (chant lotion—D), so that the surface is covered; placed by singer while singing; represents a water

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hole about the size of a barrel (td?oxe'\y ha\vnai), far west of Shiprock (R), a lake (D), the place of emergence, below Durango, Colorado (dl); sur¬ rounded by a blue field, with Sundogs and outlines of all colors. Gila Monsters: color of direction (showing only in head and feet); body and limbs covered with lozenges and triangles of all colors (according to fancy providing two of the same color do not touch); five flints of all colors on each side of head; yellow tongues; carrying zigzag lightning arrows in right feet and straight lightning arrows in left feet; connected to lake by two white lines. Thunders: color of direction; sitting (on curved Sundog); brown face; wing and tail feathers all colors; carrying lightning arrows and connected to lake as are Gila Monsters; many Sundogs (ninety each). Big Fly: color of direction; otherwise as in II. Rainbow guardian as in I. The profusion of Sundogs (440) is remarkable. IV. (Fig. 26). Gila Monster sandpainting (tinlei be• H'kd'h). Made just after sundown, on a white buckskin (or three foot square of white cloth if buckskin is not available), pegged down over a platform of brown sand with peeled juniper sticks (22, 3 to 4 inches long—Kluckhohn) or nails, with the head of the skin pointing west. Blue horned Sun with eight Sundogs and all-color outlines at west center. White Moon (not horned) at east center. Four Gila Monsters, color of directions, no outlines, lozenges and triangles on body and legs simply outlined with contrast colors, two Sundogs. Blue (outside) and yellow Bar at west (yellow light before and blue light after sundown—D). Black (inside) and white Bar at east (darkness and dawn—W, D). Black big dipper (male) at southwest corner, blue (female) one at northeast. Black cross in center (Big Star, in summer the evening star—W). Orion at east center. Pleiades between Moon and north¬ east Gila Monster. Smaller stars of black, blue, yellow and white placed all over background (should be placed from east to west because the stars move westward—W). A trail of brown sand, about six inches wide, is next made from the south side of the fireplace curving to the east center of the sandpainting, near the tail of the deer skin. On this are made four Mountains, in relief, black, blue, yellow and white (east to west). These are the four sacred mountains of the cardinal directions, on which the Gila Monsters (of cor¬ responding color) live. On top of each Mountain is placed a flint of cor¬ responding color, point north (for protection—R; representing the Gila Monster’s house on the mountain, which is built of flints—D). Finally a footprint of cornmeal is placed west of each Mountain (right foot first), a line (trail) of meal from the end of the trail across the painting (over

182

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[memoirs,

53

Moon and Sun) to the west center, and the milky way (three complete and two half lozenges in outline) in meal along the east side of the painting. The footprints are those of the mountain bear (R); of Changing Woman (D). IV. a (Notes from Kluckhohn, from the Ramah area). A variant of IV. Holy Way Ceremonial. Only two Gila Monsters, white north and blue south. North star in north and Ursa Major in south in meal. Small stars also of meal. Outlines, white, blue, yellow, red, around whole painting. IV. b (Sketch by Kluckhohn, from the Ramah area). A variant of IV Evil Way ceremonial. Painting circular. Black background (burned snake¬ weed). Blue Sun and white Moon at north and south center. Black Moun¬ tain with all-colored outlines and two flints pointing east just east of Sun and Moon. Two Gila Monsters, white north and blue south. Two zigzag lightnings (four cornered) at east and west. Six Mountains, two black at east, blue, white and yellow at south, west and north edges, with flints. Small stars of meal. Whole outlined with five colors. Trail, Mountains and footprints as in IV. Lack of data on Holy Way ceremonials of Hand Trembling Way pre¬ vents definite statements, but the similarity of IV a and IV b (as far as can be told from the brief notes on IV a) indicates that very similar paintings may be used for both Holy Way and Evil Way rituals. Big Star being the main theme of I and II supports the theory that Hand Trembling Way is partially derived from Big Star Way. The paintings are chiefly concerned with Gila Monster (the deity of Hand Trembling divination), the sacred mountains (the home of Gila Monster), and celestial bodies. Additional notes follow. I and II. Although Hand Trembling Evil Way may be used for any dis¬ ease of appropriate etiology (see above), Big Star sandpaintings are espe¬ cially good for stomach trouble (R). III. Gila Monster sandpaintings, either “singly or all four together,” are especially suitable for headache, cough, or chronic illness (R). Thunder (the eagle) is Gila Monster’s “partner,” like a slave, and pro¬ tects him (R). Thunder People and Gila Monster People had a battle near the lake (center); the contest was even so they agreed to join forces (D). Gila Monster travels on Big Fly. Big Fly goes everywhere and hears everything, which he tells to Gila Monster. He is “like Gila Monster’s ears.” That is why Gila Monster knows everything. Big Fly can go into a person’s lungs with the inspired air and travel all over the body. He emerges and tells Gila Monster what he has found. That is why Gila Monster can diagnose disease (R). IV. All the Gila Monsters once assembled and made this painting in the

kluckhohn AND wyman]

NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

183

daytime, but a man was struck blind so now it is made at night for fear of blindness (R). Evil spirits come around after sundown so the painting is made at night to chase them away, but it may be made in the daytime (D). Gila Monsters and Mountain Bear (tracks) are especially intimidatory (R). It is made on buckskin because of Gila Monster’s promise to himself (R); because it is so sacred that one wishes to save all the sand for healing (D). It represents the “chief” of Gila Monsters (R). The stars afford protection (R). The milky way is meal which Coyote spilled all over the sky when he packed his burro and went across the sky singing two songs (R).

APPENDIX A CORRIGENDA AND ADDIGENDA TO “NAVAHO CLASSIFICATION OF THEIR SONG CEREMONIALS”1

In the summer of 1938 we checked this paper intensively in areas of the Navaho country not previously sampled by us. The whole table and a num¬ ber of critical points in the text were tested with more than twenty-five singers (from the regions listed on page 10). On the whole, our table and supplementary material stood up very well, but certain corrections and additions emerged from the new data. We will also take this opportunity to correct a few minor textual errors in the printed monograph. We will ar¬ range all this material with reference to the pages to which the changes apply.2 Questions of classification relating to the four chants covered in Parts II-V have been dealt with in greater detail in the introductory section of these parts. p. 3. The second word in the last line of footnote 4 should read “leads.” p. 5. Summary Classification: Informant ab suggested to us that the idea of our “Groups” was conveyed in Navaho by adding -ftehgo rather than by the simple enclitic -\i which calls attention to the contrast between the legends of the various individual ceremonials. This point of view seemed to be verified by a large number of other informants. The first four Groups in the table should therefore be revised to read as follows: Group I Group II Group III Group IV

hozfy gilieligo diyinUehgo H'nd’ gikehgo hocfygiPehgo

Informant ab also proposed that Group V (War Ceremonials) should be headed ^ana'tgikehgo, but this proposal found little favor with other in¬ formants. p. 5. Group I (Blessing Way): The table represents IA1-4 as derivatives of IA, “plain” Blessing Way. This view was not substantiated by this sum¬ mer’s investigations. Indeed a number of informants vigorously maintained the primacy of Chief Blessing Way as opposed to “plain” Blessing Way which is Talking God’s Blessing Way, but our experience showed that it is Talking God’s Blessing Way which is meant when an informant replies 1 Wyman and Kluckhohn, 1938. 2 Haile, 1938b, presents a great deal of material relevant to the subjects treated in Wyman and Kluckhohn. For additional information see also Kluckhohn, 1938b.

184

kluckhohn and wyman]

NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

185

simply “Blessing Way.” In more exact speech, however, this is referred to as “Talking God’s Blessing Way” or sometimes as “Night Way Blessing Way’ or as “Two Go for Water” (toba'zna^dz) Blessing Way. These should therefore be listed as synonyms, and Eagle Way (f

?aze’? cil be’hozini or ?aze-? bilbehozin holy people di-yin dine?e hoop b%-s hoop, little btrs yazf horse image iyscrn identification ?alzj’ infusion cil infusion specific zarnil intermediary |is ha’yai jewel offerings • nAiz last of the series of four ceremonials naXa’nadyel nnodka’d lay-out hani? legend ?rna’|f ?aze’? life medicine haco^olyal lightning, flash ’acinlAis lightning, zigzag cin bo?os?ni? binaxil lightning herbs ca7adinde’l lightning-struck rock ?i’fii? cin yidi’lta’?i’ lightning-shattered wood

p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p.

107 96 103 103 102 60 86 57 86 40 40 40 34 55 49 95 47 19 17 49 16

p. 27 p. 84 p. 78 p. 46 p. 63 p. 52 p. 51 p. 14 p. 29 p. 107 p. 59 p. 64 p. 56 p. 34 p. 34 p. 52 p. 47 p. 34

194

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION Common Name

litany live feathers live pollen meal (corn) medicine cup medicine “sing” medicine stopper minerals (sandpainting) mirage stone mixed charcoal mixed decoction mixed meat mixed salve mixed water offering prayerstick over-shooting ceremony palette patient patient’s place perforated wide board permanent fire pipe placing meal for consecration plant garment plumed wand poker poker orientation pollen (corn) pollen administration and making pollen trail pollen ball pollen prayer pollen sanctification pouch practitioner prayer prayer (which is not a litany) prayer ceremony prayermaker

[memoirs, 53

Navaho Name ?akeke sodizin hina tadfdrn ?ahnano'ga'd ?aka/n ?aze-? be'A4ni?aze'? be- hatad ?aze'? bidaditph ce'ika'n hadahoni'ye? ?altade-Ard ?altana'be'z ?aq nascrn Xah nascrn to ?alah nascrn ket’a/n na'hani'h ?akida?at’o ce bika'Ae's tadokali' or ce?et’4'?f bikinahaAa 7woni'|f cinted ba7aho'^4nigi' 7wo'sk4'i' bokg? nat’osce bize? nda^alah cil ?e'? be?ecos honesgis didadicih tadfdf'n tadfdf'n yided tadfdf'n be- kekehascf'n ?a7ed tadfdp be' ?ayahidi'tehfgf' tadfdf'n ?ihilzrdfgr gis bizis or |is nahafai sodizin sodizin biyazf sodizin biqd sodizin ?fd?i'ni'

p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p.

67 26 46 46 45 56 31 93 47 55 54 47 47 55 28 102 70

p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p.

13 14 26 60 47 95 102 26 84 84 46 92 92 53 67 101 23 15 64 67 101 101

kluckhohn AND WYMAN]

NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

Common Name prayersticks, sample roll of raising and leading patient rattle gourd rattle hide rattle hoof rattle reddening refreshing bundle prayersticks repetition 4 x . restrictions reverse chant sanctification of moccasins sandpainting, small sandpainting erasure sandpainting platform sandpainting set-up scent serrated flint set-out mound sexual infection shade sheep Image short-singing (1st night) singer slender stick small brush (general term for cere¬ monial applicator) smoother (for sandpainting) snake stick, crooked snake stick, notched snake stick, straight song branch songs

carried-over songs concluding song dawn songs first songs song alternation

195

Navaho Name ke-t4scrn ?rka'h biki biznlda'h 'fa.yiA ?ade'? ?ayad ?akad ?ayad ?akesgg,- ?ayad ?anicrh ndr ?a ha'dflne’h d£'go?o|f ?acade‘t’ah nat’4'|i? nahatad ke br?infd ’i'ka'h biyazf ?i-ka-h bikeke-?omil ?rka/h hododzg'd ?ananez?ai ?alcjh besist’ogk ndi-?a ^il yiste’z caha?oh dibescrn hode'ya hatadr cin cosf yadflkam

p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p.

be- nki?mlXrs cin nodXrzf ?o?o-gizfgf cin kesdon sin sin binam|a‘?i- or sin nrja'dh or sin ?aca da-zti?r or sin bg/h dahsi|a‘?f sin ?aka-? ha-zt’i?r ?aXa‘nadyed yikai biyrn ?acale bi7im ?afnaho*nil

p. p. p. p. p. p.

30 99 40 41 42 43 96 71

p. 18 p. 107 p. 97 p. 83 p. 100 p. 93 p. 94 p. 28 p. 34 p. 81 p. 56 p. 18 p. 46 p. 81 p. 15 p. 27 p. 28 45 27 27 27 64 65

p. 66 p. 104 p. 65 p. 65 p. 66

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

196

[memoirs, 53

Navaho Name

Common Name song group

sin nf|a'?i‘

p.

64

song groups, sequence of

sin ?alke-? nf|a-?i‘

p.

66

stem songs

sin bakazf

p.

65

theme songs

sin ?ah mfi?r

p.

65

sound symbolism

?a?is }•?

p.

70

sparkling rock

t’e'scrh

p.

25

spectators

dabinadr

p.

18

sponsor

?o‘ka'hr

p.

14

spread lay-out

|is nfdf’nfd

p.

59

spring water

to biya/z

p.

55

stargazer

de-z?j-

p.

16

stick dice

cidil

p.

22

stick used in figure painting

be-?ekina?az;6i

p.

97

p. 100

stirring stick sunwise

sabikehgo

p.

59

sweat

?acindidil|e-?

p.

82

tabooed

baha^id

p.

8

talking prayersticks

ke't4 yalti?

p.

27

tallow

?akah

p.

47

thin clouds

kos

p. 138

token

si’Xod or se'i’elAo'h

p.

38

token tying

si'Xod ‘i’e'i’elAo

p.

97

p.

77

p.

79

unraveler

7wolta-d

unraveler lay-out

7wolta-d

unwounded buckskin

do'ka'ke'hi

p.

23

whistle

cicQ’S

p.

32

wide board

cin nted

p.

26

wood piling

ciz be- de-dil|ahfgf-

p.

83

wood sample

cin cosf

p.

83

woodpile tending

de‘dil|ahi’

p.

83

ni'hil

APPENDIX C CONCORDANCE OF PLANT NAMES

Navaho Name

Common Name

Botanical Name

?aty? co's

pennyroyal

Hedeoma nana (Torr.) Greene

?aya?ai coh

big standing erect

Artemisia dracunculoides (Pursh.) or A. campestris L., var.

?aze-? do'Ais

blue medicine

Ditaxis

cyanophylla

Woot.

&

Standi. ?aze' ? ha|inr

black stalk medicine

?aze-? na?olta'dr unraveling medicine

Lithospermum incisum Lehm. Townsendia

exscapa

(Richards)

Porter, T. arizonica Gray, or T. Fendleri Gray ?aze-? ndote'zi

horsemint

Monada pectinata Nutt.

?aze'? nomazf

globular medicine

Peteria scoparia Gray

bilha'zcrn

wind odor

Brickellia grandiflora (Hook.) Nutt., var.

petiolaris

Gray,

B.

Cali-

fornica (T. & G.) Gray or Eupatorium herbaceum (Gray) Greene ca?aszi?

Yucca baccata Torr.

yucca

ca?aszi? co'z

narrow-leaved yucca Yucca glauca Nutt.

ce ?ezrh

rock sage

Artemisia Wrightii Gray

ce?esda-zi

mountain mahogany Cercocarpus montanus Raf.

celkani'

yellow mahogany

unidentified

ce'ya hatad

a crucifer

unidentified

ciAiz

fendlera

Fendlera rupicola Gray unidentified

co'zol cah

sage

Artemisia tridentata Nutt.

cah cosi

slender sage

Artemisia (?)

cecil

white oak

Quercus utahensis (A.DC.) Rydb.

cecil nAizi

hard oak

Quercus undulata Torr.

ci lcin 9i'lt’^'9i

geranium

Geranium

atropurpureum

Heller,

G. lentum Woot. & Standi., G. Fremontii Torr., or G. furcatum Hanks. ca9od

pinyon

Pinus edulis Engelm.

cr ?d4'? cil na?aXo'?i'

buckthorn

Ceanothus Fendleri Gray

hop

Humulus Lupulus L., var. neomexicanus Nels. & Cockerell 197

198

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIA TION

Navaho Name

53

Botanical Name

Common Name

cil na?aXo,,;>i'c6‘s clematis

[memoirs,

Clematis ligusticifolia Nutt.

cil dikyesi’

snake weed

Gutierrezia sarothrae (Pursh.) B. &

crndi cil

devil weed

Tetradymia

Douglas fir

Pseudotsuga

R. canescens

DC.,

var.

inermis (Nutt.) Gray

t,

CO

mucronata

(Raf.)

Sudw. co de’nini

Siberian juniper

Juniperus sibirica Burgsd.

co nlcrn

spruce odor

Pseudocymopterus montanus (Benth

co ntedi

Colorado blue spruce Picea pungens Engelm.

cqh

wild rose

Rosa Fendleri Crep. or Rosa neo-

dahywo'z

wild currant

Ribes pinetorum Greene

diz;e

chokecherry

Prunus

& Hook.) C. & R.

mexicana Cockerell melanocarpa

(A.

Nels.)

Rydb. dixidk’ai

fumigant plant

Oxytenia acerosa Nutt.

dilkiscr?

Rocky Mountain red Juniperus scopulorum Sarg. cedar

dinas co‘z

bearberry

Arctostaphylos Uva-ursi (L.) Spreng.

doywozr

chamiso

Atriplex canescens (Pursh.) Nutt.

|il nat’oh

mountain tobacco

Nicotiana attenuata Torr.

gad

juniper

Juniperus monosperma

(Engelm.)

Sarg. gad cagi-

Rocky Mountain red Juniperus scopulorum Sarg. cedar

gad nezi-

limber pine

gad ni?edr

Rocky Mountain red Juniperus scopulorum Sarg.

Pinus flexilis James

cedar gahcohd4'? hastoi ci’ye l

white sage

Eurotia lanata (Pursh.) Moq.

a legume (probably)

unidentified

hwos

cactus

used for any one of a variety of spe¬ cies

hwos decahi 'coh cane cactus

Opuntia arborescens Engelm.

’i- ni? cil

refers to any one of a number of spe¬

thunder plant

cies used for lightning infection zilxasi

hackberry

Celtis reticulata Torr.

kai?

willow

Salix sp.

NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

kluckhohn and wyman]

Navaho Name kp?

Common Name sumac

199

Botanical Name Rhus canadensis Marsh, var. trilobata (Nutt.) Gray

kin|il9a’hi

wild currant

Ribes inebrians Lindl. or R. pine-

kizfni-

ironwood

Forestiera neomexicana Gray

loka-9

reed

Phragmites communis Trin.

loka-9 coh

big reed

Arundo donax L. (possibly)

le- 9aze-9

earth medicine

Eriogonum alatum Torr.

mafi' na9od|il

whirling coyote

a Navaho “form genus”

nabph

nabin

Conioselinum scopulorum (Gray) C.

nakrhinaka’dr

Siberian juniper

Juniperus sibirica Burgsd.

na-?oli ?idtV9r

bean-like plant, one

Lathyrus sp. (probably)

torum Greene

& R.

of several legumes ndryilr

sunflower

ndilkal

wild gourd

Cucurbita foetidissima H.B.K.

ndiscr 9

Ponderosa pine

Pinus ponderosa Laws.

tadidrn do’Xis

larkspur

Delphinium Nelsonii Greene

talaywos

soapweed root (from

Helianthus annus L.

narrow-leaved yuc¬ ca) talka-9 dahrkal water plants (vari¬

unidentified

ous) talka'be’s

water arrowhead

Pericome caudata Gray or Brickellia grandiflora (Hook.) Nutt,

talAah co

water spruce

unidentified

ted

cat-tail

Typha latifolia L.

toikad

carrying water

Artemisia frigida Willd.

tolcin

mint

Mentha arvensis L., var. glabrata (Benth.) Fernald

t’i's

cottonwood

Populus Wislizenii (Wats.) Sarg.

Ai s 9aze-9

snake medicine

Aster ericaefolius Rothr.

Xoh cahr

awl grass

Sporobolus airoides Torr.

Aoh cosi

slender grass

Sporobolus

cryptandrus

(Torr.)

Gray Aoh lici'9

red grass

Sorghastrum nutans (L.) Nash

Aoh nastasi

grama grass

Bouteloua gracilis (H.B.K.) Lag.

Aoh nlcirn

odorous grass

Hierochloe odorata (L.) Wahl.

200

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

Common Name

[memoirs,

53

Botanical Name

Navaho Name

awl grass

Aoh cahi-

Sporobolus airoides Torr.

bean-like plant, one

na-’oK ?idtV?f

Lathryus sp. (probably)

bearberry

dinas co'z

Arctostaphylos Uva-ursi (L.) Spreng.

big reed

loka'? coh

Arundo donax L. (possibly)

big standing erect

?aya?ai coh

Artemisia dracunculoides Pursh. or

black stalk medicine

’aze-’ ha|inr

Lithospermum incisum Lehm.

blue medicine

’aze-? doAis

Ditaxis cyanophylla Woot. & Standi.

buckthorn cactus

crd4'? hwos

used for any one of a variety of spe¬

cane cactus

hwos decahixoh

Opuntia arborescens Engelm.

carrying water

toikad

Artemisia frigida Willd.

of several legumes

A. campestris L., var.

Ceanothus Fendleri Gray cies

cat-tail

ted

Typha latifolia L.

chamiso

d6yw6zi-

Atriplex canescens (Pursh.) Nutt.

chokecherry

di|e

Prunus

melanocarpa

(A.

Nels.)

Rydb. clematis

cil na?aXo-?i c6’s

Clematis ligusticifolia Nutt.

Colorado blue spruce

co ntedi

Picea pungens Engelm.

cottonwood

t’rs

Populus Wislizenii (Wats.) Sarg.

a crucifer

ce’ya hatad

unidentified

devil weed

cirndi cil

Tetradymia

Douglas fir

CO

canescens

DC.,

var.

inermis (Nutt.) Gray Pseudotsuga

mucronata

(Raf.)

Sudw. earth medicine

le- ?aze-?

Eriogonum alatum Torr.

fendlera

ciAiz

Fendlera rupicola Gray

fumigant plant

dixidr ?ai

Oxytenia acerosa Nutt.

geranium

cidcin ?i lt’^'T

Geranium

atropurpureum

Heller,

G. lentum Woot. & Standi., G. Fremontii Torr., or G. furcatum Hanks globular medicine

?aze-? nomazi

Peteria scoparia Gray

grama grass

Aoh nastasi

Bouteloua gracilis (H.B.K.) Lag.

hackberry

|ilxasi

Celtis reticulata Torr.

hard oak

cecil nAizi

Quercus undulata Torr.

hop

cil na?aAo-?i‘

Humulus Lupulus L., var. neomexi-

v/ Di

^v*

*

canus Nels. & Cockerell

KLUCKHOHN AND WYMAN]

Common Name

NAVAHO CHANT PRACTICE

Navaho Name

201

Botanical Name

horsemint

?aze’? ndo'te'zi

Monada pectinata Nutt.

ironwood

kkzinr

Forestiera neomexicana Gray

juniper

gad

Juniperus monosperma

(Engelm.)

Sarg. larkspur

tadidrn do'Ais

Delphinium Nelsonii Greene

a legume (probably)

hastoi cryed

unidentified

limber pine

gad nezi-

Pinus flexilis James

mint

tolcin

Mentha arvensis L., var. glabrata (Benth.) Fernald

mountain mahogany ce?esda-zi

Cercocarpus montanus Raf.

mountain tobacco

|il nat’oh

Nicotiana attenuata Torr.

nabin

nabj'h

Conioselinum scopulorum (Gray) C. & R.

narrow-leaved yucca caMszi? co'z

Yucca glauca Nutt.

odorous grass

Xoh nlcrn

Hierochloe odorata (L.) Wahl.

pennyroyal

?at’%-? co's

Hedeoma nana (Torr.) Greene

pinyon

ca?od

Pinus edulis Engelm.

Ponderosa pine

ndiscr ?

Pinus ponderosa Laws.

red grass

Xoh lick9

Sorghastrum nutans (L.) Nash

reed

loka'?

Phragmites communis Trin.

rock sage

ce ?ezrh

Artemisia Wrightii Gray

Rocky Mountain red

dilkiscr ?

Juniperus scopulorum Sarg.

cedar gad cagi' gad ni?edi' sage

cah

Artemisia tridentata Nutt.

Siberian juniper

naki'hinaka'di'

Juniperus sibirica Burgsd.

co de'nim slender grass

Aoh cosf

Sporobolus cryptandrus (Torr.) Gray

slender sage

cah cosi

Artemisia (?)

snake medicine

Xi's ?aze'?

Aster ericaefolius Rothr.

snake weed

cil dilyesi'

Gutierrezia sarothrae (Pursh.) B. & R.

soapweed root (from talaywos narrow-leaved yuc¬ ca) spruce odor

'Jr

V 1 V/

co mci*n

Pseudocymopterus montanus (Benth. & Hook.) C. & R.

202

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

Common Name sumac

53

Batanical Name

Navaho Name 1U'?

[memoirs,

Rhus canadensis Marsh, var. trilobata (Nutt.) Gray

sunflower

ndryilb

Helianthus annuus L.

thunder plant

’i- ni? cil

refers to any one of a number of spe¬ cies used for lightning infection

unraveling medicine

?aze-? na’olta'dr Townsendia

exscapa

(Richards)

Porter, T. arizonica Gray, or T. Fendleri Gray water arrowhead

talka'be’s

Pericome caudata Gray or Brickellia grandiflora (Hook.) Nutt.

water plants (vari¬

talka-? dahi'kal

unidentified

water spruce

talAa/h co

unidentified

whirling coyote

ma?k na?od|il

a Navaho “form genus”

white oak

cecil

Quercus utahensis (A.DC.) Rydb.

white sage

gahcohd4‘? kinlil’a’hi

Eurotia lanata (Pursh.) Moq.

ous)

wild currant

Ribes inebrians Lindl. or R. pinetorum Greene

dahywo-z

Ribes pinetorum Greene

wild gourd

hdilkal

Cucurbita foetidissima H.B.K.

wild rose

cph

Rosa Fendleri Crep. or Rosa neomexicana Cockerell

willow

kai?

Salix sp.

wind odor

bilha'zcrn

Brickellia grandiflora (Hook.) Nutt., var.

petiolaris

Gray,

B.

Cali-

fornica (T. & G.) Gray or Eupatorium herbaceum (Gray) Greene yellow mahogany

celkani-

unidentified

yucca

ca?aszi?

Yucca baccata Torr.

co’zol

unidentified

LIST OF REFERENCES Berry, R. V. S.

1929

The Navajo Shaman and His Sacred Sand-Paintings (Art and Archaeology, Vol. 27, pp. 3-17).

Curtis, N.

1907

The Iitdians’ Book (New York and London).

Dixon, R. B.

1899

Color-Symbolism of the Cardinal Points (Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. 12, pp. 10-16).

Franciscan Fathers

1910 An Ethnologic Dictionary of the Navaho Language (Saint Michaels, Arizona). 1912 A Vocabulary of the Navaho Language (Saint Michaels, Arizona). Haile, B. 1935 Some Cultural Aspects of the Navajo Hogan (Fort Wingate, Arizona). 1938a Origin Legend of the Navaho Enemy Way (Yale University Publications in Anthro¬ pology, No. 17). 1938b Navaho Chantways and Ceremonials (American Anthropologist, Vol. 40, pp. 639652). Hill, W. W. 1936a Navaho Rites for Dispelling Insanity and Delirium (ElPalacio, Vol. 41, pp. 71-74). 1936b Navaho Warfare (Yale University Publications in Anthropology, No. 5). 1938 The Agricultural and Hunting Methods of the Navaho Indians (Yale University Publications in Anthropology, No. 18). Hough, W. 1901

Apache and Navaho Fire-Making (American Anthropologist, Vol. 3, pp. 585-586).

ILrdlicka, A.

1908

Physiological and Medical Observations among the Indians of Southwestern United States and Northern Mexico (Bulletin, Bureau of American Ethnology, No. 34).

Kluckhohn, C.

1938a Participation in Ceremonials in a Navaho Community (American Anthropologist, Vol. 40, pp. 359-369). 1938b Navaho Women’s Knowledge of Their Song Ceremonials (El Palacio, Vol. 45, pp. 87-92). 1939 Some Personal and Social Aspects of Navaho Ceremonial Practice (Harvard Theo¬ logical Review, Vol. 32, pp. 57-82). Lincoln, J. S.

1935

The Dream in Primitive Cultures (London).

Matthews, W.

1887

The Mountain Chant: a Navajo Ceremony (Fifth Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology). 1892 A Study in Butts and Tips (American Anthropologist, Vol. 5, pp. 345-350). 1894a The Basket Drum (American Anthropologist, o.s., Vol. 7, pp. 202-208). 1894b Songs of Sequence of the Navajos (Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. 7, pp. 185— 1897 1898 1902

194). Navaho Legends (Memoirs, American Folk-Lore Society, Vol. 5). Some Sacred Objects of the Navajo Rites (Archives of the International Folklore Congress of the World’s Columbian Exposition, pp. 227-247, Chicago). The Night Chant: a Navajo Ceremony (Memoirs, American Museum of Natural History, Vol. 6). 203

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

204

[memoirs,

53

Morgan, W.

1936

Human-Wolves among the Navaho (Yale University Publications in Anthropology, No. 11).

Newcomb, F. J., and G. A. Reichard

1937

Sandpaintings of the Navaho Shooting Chant (New York).

Parsons, E. C.

1916

A Zuni Detective (Man, Vol. 16, pp. 168-170).

Reichard, G. A.

1928

Social Life of the Navajo Indians (Columbia University Contributions to Anthro¬

pology, Vol. 7). Spider Woman (New York). Navajo Shepherd and Weaver (New York). Stevenson, J. 1891 Ceremonial of Ilasjelti Dailjis and Mythical Sand Painting of the Navajo Indians (Eighth Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology). 1934 1936

Tozzer, A. M.

1908

A Note on Star-Lore among the Navajos (Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. 21, pp. 28-32).

1909

Notes on Religious Ceremonials of the Navaho (Putnam Anniversary Volume, New York and Cedar Rapids, Iowa, pp. 299-343.) Tschopik, H., Jr. 1938

Taboo as a Possible Factor Involved in the Obsolescence of Navaho Pottery and Bas¬ ketry (American Anthropologist, Vol. 40, pp. 257-262). Van Valkenburg, R. F. and S. Begay 1938 Sacred Places and Shrines of the Navajo; Part 7, The Sacred Mountains (Museum Notes, Museum of Northern Arizona, Vcl. 11, pp. 29-34). Wyman, L. C. 1936a The Female Shooting Life Chant (American Anthropologist, Vol. 38, pp. 634-653). 1936b Navaho Diagnosticians (American Anthropologist, Vol. 38, pp. 236-246). 1936c Origin Legends of Navaho Divinatory Rites (Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. 49, pp. 134-142). Wyman, L. C. and C. Kluckhohn 1938

Navaho Classification of Their Song Ceremonials (Memoirs, American Anthro¬ pological Association, No. 50).

MEMOIRS, AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION, NO.

53

[i-CLUCKHOHN-WYMAN] PLATE I

Fig. 1. Contents of Female Shooting Way Bundle.

Fig. 2. Contents of Chiricahua Wind Way Bundle.

MEMOIRS, AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION, NO.

53

[kLUCKHOHN-WYMAN] PLATE II

Fig. 3. Navaho Wind Way Spread Lay-Out (model of that used by B).

Fig. 4. Navaho Wind Way Basket Lay-Out (model of that used by B).

MEMOIRS, AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION, NO.

53

[kLUCKHOHN-WYMAN] PLATE III

Fig. 5. Navaho Wind Way Set-Out (model of that used by B).

Fig.

6. Detail of Navaho Wind Way Set-Out (model of that used by

dl)

MEMOIRS, AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION, NO.

Fig. 7. Navaho Wind

Way Unraveler (model of one made by B).

S3

Fig. 9. Female

Shooting Way, Child of the Water Sand¬ painting (drawing).

[KLUCKHOHN-WYMAN] PLATE IV

Fig. 10. Female Shooting Way, Mon¬ ster Slayer Sand¬ painting (drawing).

Fig. 8. Navaho Wind Way Little Hoop Unraveler Lay-Out

(model of that made by dl).

MEMOIRS, AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION, NO.

Fig. 11. Navaho Wind Way, Crooked Snake Small Sandpaintmg—Black Crooked Snake (east, day 2). Poker to left, (model).

53

[kLUCKHOHN-WYMAN] PLATE

V

Fig. 12. Navaho Wind Way Hoop

and Sand Basin (model).

1

Fig. 13.

Female Shooting Way, Cloud

Small Sandpainting (drawing).

14. Brush and Firedrill—As Ar¬ ranged over Lightning Flerbs (model).

Fig.

MEMOIRS, AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION, NO.

53

[KLUCKHOHN-WYMAN] PLATE VI

Fig. 15. Navaho Wind Way, Dressed with Snakes Sandpainting

(reproduction). See Part II, Section 6, V.

Fig. 16. Navaho Wind Way, Cactus Sandpainting (reproduction).

See Part II, Section 6, XI.

MEMOIRS, AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION, NO.

Fig.

53

[kLUCKHOHN-WYMAN] PLATE VII

17. Navaho Wind Way, Spiny Cactus Sandpainting (reproduction). See Part II, Section 6, XIV.

Fig.

18. Navaho Wind Way, Cloud Sandpainting (reproduction) See Part II, Section 6, XVI.

MEMOIRS, AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION, NO.

19. Chiricahua Wind Way, Sun Sandpainting (actual photograph).

Fig.

Fig. 21. Chiricahua Wind Way, Cactus

Prayerstick (actual photograph).

53

[kLUCKHOHN-WYMAN] PLATE VIII

20. Chiricahua Wind Way, Moon Sandpainting (actual photograph).

Fig.

22. Chiricahua Wind Way, Yellow Wind Figure Painting (drawing).

Fig.

MEMOIRS, AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION, NO.

53

[kLUCKHOIIN-WYMAN] PLATE IX

Fig. 23. Hand Trembling Evil Way, Dark Big Star Sandpainting (reproduction).

Fig.

24. Hand Trembling Evil Way, Branching Big Star Sandpainting (reproduction).

MEMOIRS, AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION, NO.

Fig.

Fig.

53

[iCLUCKHOHN-WYMAN] PLATE X

25. Hand Trembling Evil Way, Thunder Sandpainting (reproduction).

26. Hand Trembling Evil Way, Gila Monster Sandpainting (reproduction).

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